"The barbarian rules by force; the cultivated conqueror teaches." This maxim form the age of empire hints at t
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English Pages 304 [328] Year 1998
LEARNING to DIVIDE THE WORLD
“The
barbarian rules by -force; the culti-
vated conqueror teaches .’’This
maxim
from the age of empire makes
explicit
the usually hidden connections between
education and conquest. In Learning
to
John Willinsky brings
'Divide the
these correlations to light, offering a
balanced, humane, and beautifully
written account of the ways that imperialism’s educational legacy
separate us into black
west, primitive
and
continues to
and white,
east
and
civilized.
Considering a dazzling range of subjects, Willinsky discusses
discovery of the
of the world
order, identify,
and
Willinsky reveals
know” became r
desire to
... to
enumerate,
differentiate.’’
how
this
“wiU to
a
Square
foundation of the
shown
phenomena ranging from zoos British
'
PUBUCUBRARY
apparatus of imperialism, as
9
the
New World inspired
European culture with “the take- hold
how
Museum
in
to the
to National Geographic. Copley
Through
analyses of colonial schooling, BOSTON
anthropology, and the formation of aca-
demic
subjects instrumental in the
expansion of empire science, language
and
(history,
geography,
literature),
Willinsky argues that education was and is
the research and development
imperialism.
arm of
Drawing on contemporary
classrooms and materials, he considers
how
schools continue to educate the V
young within the “colonial imaginary.” Through primary texts, cutting-edge scholarship,
and students’ voices,
Willinsky examines schooling
itself,
arguing for the incorporation of the imperial legacy into a multicultural
education that does not dismiss the
achievement of the West but gives an account of the divided world that '
achievement has created.
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LEARNING TO DIVIDE THE
WORLD
Engraving in G.
E. Rtimphius,
D’Amboinische Rariteitkamer
(Amsterdam, 1/41). Courtesy University of British Columbia Library.
LEARNING TO DIVIDE THE WORLD Education at Empires
John Willinsky
M IN NE SO
University of Minnesota Press
Minneapolis
TA London
End
— Excerpt from “Little Gidding,” in Four Quartets, copyright 1943 byT.
renewed 1971 by Esme Valerie
Company
(U.S. rights)
Eliot, reprinted
S. Eliot
and
by permission of Harcourt Brace
and Faber and Faber Ltd. (world English language
&
rights ex-
cluding U.S.).
from
Excerpt from “Crusoe’s Journal”
Collected
Poems 1948—1984 by Derek
Walcott. Copyright 1986 by Derek Walcott. Reprinted by permission of Farrar,
& Giroux, Inc.
Strauss
An
earlier version
Supplement
and Faber and Faber Ltd. (U.K.
(U.S. rights)
of chapter 6 was published
as
“Beyond 1492-1992:
rights).
A
Postcolonial
Canadian Curriculum,” Journal of Curriculum Studies 26 (6): 613-29, and an earlier version of chapter 9 was published as “Frye among (Postto the
colonial) Schoolchildren,”
Canadian Childrens Literature 79: 6—24; reprinted here
with permission.
Copyright 1998 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota
All rights reserved. trieval
No
part of this publication
may
be reproduced, stored in a
re-
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Published by the University of Minnesota Press 1 1 1
Third Avenue South, Suite 290
Minneapolis,
MN 55401-2520
http://www.upress.umn.edu
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Willinsky, John,
1950—
Learning to divide the world p.
:
education
ISBN 0-8166-3076-3 3.
:
(p.
— ISBN 0-8166-3077-1 Education — Great — Colonies —Study and Education —
alk paper). 2.
(pb)
Britain
approach
teaching.
in education.
Social aspects.
5.
Title.
LC1090.W53 1998 306.43— DC21
97-43232
Printed in the United States of America
The
/
265) and index.
Pluralism (Social sciences)
4. Interdisciplinary 1.
(he
International education.
History.
end
cm.
Includes bibliographical references
1.
at empire’s
University of Minnesota
is
on
acid-free paper
an equal-opportunity educator and employer.
10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01
00 99 98
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2
1
PauL David, and Aaron, once more
The
publication of this
Josiah
H. Chase
Josiah
to
Hook
book was
honor
assisted
his parents, Ellen
Chase, Minnesota
by
a bequest
from
Rankin Chase and
territorial pioneers.
3
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ONE. Where
PART
An Adventure
.
THREE.
23
Imperial Show-and-Tell
55
in
Educational Mission
89
Monstrous Lessons
II:
FIVE. SIX.
i
Learning
FOUR. The
PART
Here?
Educational Imperative
I:
TWO
Is
ix
History and the Rise of the West
Geographies of Difference
115
137
SEVEN.
Science and the Origin of Race
161
EIGHT.
Language, Nation, World
189
NINE.
Literature
TEN. Out
and the Educated Imagination
of the Past
2
1
243
WORKS CITED
265
INDEX
293
1
1
.
:i
't
I
i
i
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
or the exceptional research assistance
F
project,
I
my thanks
extend
received over the years of this
I
Denise Buchner, Chris Denholm, Mark
to
Jumin Hu, Pam Johnston, Tan Phan, Margot Rosenberg, Avner and Lynn Thomas. The staffs of the New York Public Library, the
Frein,
Segall,
Museum, Yoka’s, and be commended for their
Columbia Library
British
the University of British
to
helpfulness
and dedication. For the voices of
am
indebted to Lorri Neilsen and the
teachers
and students
in this
book,
I
are
students involved in the Learning Connections Project; the biology teachers
who
agreed to participate in this book; Jim Greenlaw and his class of high
Roman, Tim
school students; Leslie
pated in her
Leslie’s
drama
class;
and the students who
Stanley,
antiracism course project reported here; Susan
and Lynn Thomas and the students of the
partici-
Inman and
Pacific Cultural
Literacy Project. Various chapters received decidedly helpful readings (to
which
I
fear
I
have not
fully
done
justice)
from Clayton Burns, Kieran Egan,
Roy Graham, Helen Harper, Jumin Hu, Peter McLaren, Sonia Macpherson, Wilma Maki, Ranjini Mendis, Edward Robeck, Leslie Roman, Avner Segall, Peter Seixas,
Suzanne Sherkin, Roger Simon, and Handel Wright.
At the outset of
Chin and Sharilyn out the way
it
this project,
Calliou,
has, if
it
and I’m sure
of Vivian Forssman,
I
also
who
convey
me
this
the fault lines
discussions with Peter
book would not have turned
I
and those who know her well
my
appreciation for the contribu-
attended to the whole and the parts on behalf
of a broader community of readers; to teach
much from
were not for what
have learned from Airini. tions
took
I
and
Anne Hawson, who once
lines of resistance to this
IX
again did
much
work; and Roger
X
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Simon, with once
—
whom
this
certainly with a
book might be
begun more than
said to have
walk through San Francisco during the Columbus
countercommemoration.
Micah
Kleit at the University of
Moore and Tammy Zambo, have thank
Pam
Minnesota
served this
Press,
along with Jennifer
book very
well indeed,
and
I
Willinsky for her support of this work. This project was gener-
ously underwritten by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council
of Canada and supported by the William Allen Endowed Chair of Education at Seattle University, with special thanks for the assistance of Jennifer
Hoffman. Earlier versions of chapters
6 and 9 were published
in the
Journal of
Curriculum Studies and Canadian Childrens Literature, respectively, and appear by permission of the publisher.
York Public Library, the Galle print
Miriam and
Ira
Among
is
the illustrations from the
courtesy of the Print Collection in the
D. Wallach Division of Art,
Prints,
and Photographs; and the
others are courtesy of the Rare Books Division of the Astor, Lenox,
Tilden Foundations.
New
and
J
•
course, that,
on
m all
wants to
historians alone.
likelihood,
label this
his position
It is
distributed across the educational experiences
we and our
work
children have gone through.
—and Litwick would not
However one
use postcolonial to describe
need to examine education’s continuing contributions to what were and continue to be colonizing divisions of the world. Every-
where
m
this
there
is
work
there
a
is
a
worrying about the consec^uences of knowing
reactionary politics, or a love of Zora Neale Hurston’s novels despite her Republican party affiliations is inseparable Irom, though not identical or reducible to, social structural analyses, moral and political judgments and the workings of a curious critical consciousness” (1990, p. 31).
WHERE that
might have been inspired by the
ethical
compass
set
out
HERE?
IS
in the eighteenth
century by Montesquieu: II
knew something
I
would ily
reject
from
my
mind.
(Cited by Kristeva, 1991,
ful
knew something
I
I
Europe and detrimental
This book
If
and detrimental
to
my
useful to
family,
my
I
fam-
my homeland, would try to forget If knew someto my homeland and detrimental to Europe, or else useful
but not to
thing useful to
it
useful to myself
to
it.
Mankind,
I
would consider
I
it
a crime.
p. 130)
about the accumulation of learning that proved eminently useto Europe and often detrimental to the larger body of humanity. It is conis
cerned with what remains of that crime, the lessons
we continue
to teach the
Montesquieu would have
as
young and
in the
in
it,
way many of us
still
see the world.
To
let
students in on
how
may
their education
still
pean imperialism resembles the project proposed by the ald Graff (1992)
when he
on
calls
be marked by Euroliterary scholar
Ger-
scholars to “teach the conflicts.” Rather than
following the typical pedagogical tack of “conflict evasion,” Graff recom-
mends lic
that university classes explore the contest of ideas that
forums and scholarly enclaves.
dominate pub-
Perhaps the recent controversy surround-
ing Stanford University’s Western civilization courses would be a good place to start in trying to
termath.
understand the
However, when
it
comes
politics
to excluding dissenting voices,
tutions can best the public high school,
wider range of the public than flicts”
is
of imperialism’s educational
which
is
the university.
of imperialism’s educational legacy until
the educational
To hold
itive
and the
civilized
race, culture,
become
part of a
and nation. The
can be attributed to the success of graduate school, from
book turns
to the less
most people form
television’s
glamorous
their ideas
this legacy,
to a far
it
simply
as
the ideas of the prim-
division of the world by I
will argue,
from primary grades
to National Geographic.
of the public school because
about
insti-
off “teaching the con-
sense of these divisions,
Wild Kingdom
site
how
commonsense
common
home
college, or to treat
an intellectual contest, diverts our attention from
few
af-
this
history, science, literature,
is
to
This
where
and other
disciplines.
and sense of shared culture upheld by those he identifies as “educational fundamentalists” emerged by virtue of little more than the “clubiness” of educators and educated, is well taken. As he points out, “It is not too hard to get a consensus if you start by excluding most Jews, blacks, immigrants, women, and others ‘^Graff’s point, that the majority consensus
who figure to make trouble” (1992, p. 58). '’Among the accounts ol the struggle at Stanford sponded
(1996).
is
D’Souza
(1991), to
which
I
have
re-
17
l8
WHERE
HERE?
IS
The aim of this account book)
a critical distance
be in need of revision
from
itself
under way
that are already
giving
own
and the
may well,
education, which
of this
in turn,
and focus changes
to hasten
is
in creating a multicultural
do not intend the
I
to afford students (and readers
one day; the aim
readers a review of the history to this point.
their
is
curriculum by offering
of education that have brought us
sort
intellectual legacy
of imperialism to be the
whole of anyone’s education, but neither should it go completely missing in a dozen years of schooling. Such teaching as I propose is not about realizing, or teaching
the true identity of the student.
to,
students understand their
own
of education
criticisms
this
inquiry
as a
raises,
reflects a faith in learning.
In writing this book, ism, drawing
I
have sifted through the rich history of imperial-
on primary documents and
temporary polemics and advances dents, teachers,
book
intended, rather, to help
education and the education of others
worthy object of inquiry. Whatever it still
It is
to
is
and textbooks
move from
firsthand accounts as well as con-
in critical theory;
The
in today’s schools.
juncture
when
I
pause
the current generation of baby
ranks of todays teaching force was schooled and
from Algeria
pattern
I
follow in this
the larger historical record of imperialism to specific
components of todays classrooms. Along the way, critical
have worked with stu-
I
to Zaire, successfully struggled
at the
boomers
when
1960s as the
that swell the
twenty-eight nations,
through war and diplomacy to
wrest their independence from the imperial powers.
It
was
a
time
when
Frantz Fanon published his scathing indictment of colonialism. The Wretched
of the Earth
(1963);
and Great Britain attacked the
and dangerous path” of decolonization pendence
as
it
UN
for
pursuing
“a
new
pressured Portugal to grant inde-
Mozambique, and Portuguese Guinea. Meanwhile, the was amassing some fourteen thousand military ^^advisers” in
to Angola,
United States
Vietnam while
at
home
lution bursting out
all
it
faced, as Time'^wi
over.” Federal troops
it,
had
“the pressures of Negro revoto
accompany African Amer-
ican students to school in Little Rock, Oxford,
and Tuscaloosa, while two hundred thousand people gathered during the triumphant March on Washington to hear Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. that
tell
the world, “I have a
my four little children will one day live in a nation where
dream
they will not be
judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their characten’’^^ Citations are from Time, respectively, as follows: “United Nations;
Words of Dissent,” United Nations: Against the Last VTite Strongholds,” August 9, 1963, p. 30; “South Viet Nam: Search for Answers,” August 9, 1963, “Civil Rights: 30; p. More Anticlimax than Crisis,” September 20, 1963, p. 20; “Civil Rights: The March’s Meaning, September 6, 1963, pp. I5~i7- This was also the year that 77w^’ switched from
January
5>
19^2., p. 25;
the topical heading “Races” to “Civil Rights.”
I
,
WHERE To
HERE?
IS
give a sense of the intellectual climate of those formative years in the
many of us,
education of
draw on three powerful scholarly statements in the chapters ahead: William McNeill’s The Rise of the West (1963), Carlton I
Coon’s The Origin ofRaces {i^Gz) and Northrop
The Educated Imagi-
Frye’s
nation (1963). Even as the European empires were dissolving, these major
and educators bolstered the case
scholars
whatever
civil rights
and
the world. Taken with
political
was
as
important
boom
postwar baby
West. At the very the
West
in the
moment
in the legacy
as the Beatles, dare
finally
be achieved in
one
of a collapsing imperialism the education of the
say, in
now assuming the reigns of power in the we need to reconsider how a person coming of age in
generation
least,
in those years,
whether
aftermath of colonialism
to be identified, as they
To
independence might
race,
Fanons The Wretched of the Earth, these works make
for a fascinating intellectual
that
unequaled culture and
for a
might
establish the degree to
in grade school or
among still
graduate school, was raised
imperial habits of mind that
now need
contribute to the educated imagination.
which our current
ideas of education
been influenced by the global forces of imperialism,
I
may have
lay out, in the follow-
ing three historical chapters, the different ways in which imperialism was bent
on taking lic
a
knowing possession of the world, on
display for the edification of the West, and
setting that
on developing the principal
forms of schooling that might serve both colonial
Having secured education’s
world on pub-
state
and colonized
historical place in imperialism,
I
native.
then begin a de-
treatment of five of the academic disciplines that have become staples of the school curriculum: history, geography, science, language, and literatailed
ture.
Each of these subject
which
is
part of
areas
is
accorded
own
its
chapter (chaps. 5-9),
devoted to identifying traces of the colonial imagination that form
how we
have learned to divide the world. Each chapter begins with
the subject’s historical formation within the age of empire, pauses over the
form
this legacy
took during the early 1960s, and then takes a close look
at the
lingering elements of this legacy in today’s classrooms, whether in America, Britain,
Canada, or elsewhere.
Education remains world. So
it is
a
voyage of discovery, a journey
in search
of a larger
that the philosopher Ernst Cassirer insists, in his discussion of
Rousseau, that the student “understands the world only inasmuch quires and conquers
furnished the for
it
step by step” (1989, p. 119).
as
he ac-
That the age of exploration
commonplace metaphors of educational
rhetoric
is
obviously,
me, more than an imaginative borrowing. Imperialism was an educational
venture that captured and captivated the imagination of the West. interests in
tourism to interior design, the West
the imperium, and
what follows
in this
book
still is
lives
From
its
within the spell of
a disquisition
on what
it
19
20
WHERE
IS
might take
HERE?
to distance ourselves
from that
When Toni Morrison opened
spell.
her Massey lectures on American civilization at Harvard in the year of the
Columbus quincentenary,
she described her hope to “draw a map, so to
speak, of a critical geography
and use
covery as the original charting of the
conquest” (1992, have
p, 3). In this
way,
that
map
New World
we need
made of the world, beginning with
to
world.
much space
—without
the
for dis-
mandate
for
a critical
geography of our own map-
much
to define
our place in
We owe students today an account of the historical divisions out of
which we have fashioned ourselves gether to
as
grow curious about what we
coloring and -labeling days in school that did so the world.
open
to
move beyond our
as
educated people, even
as
we work
to-
current understanding of an inexorably divided
PART
I
EDUCATIONAL IMPERATIVE
rl-
/„
)
l{
1
', the West understood ^
its
global display of scientific
preeminence among
and technological accomplishment as proof positive of civilizations and therefore of its right of global dominance.
its
AN ADVENTURE
IN
the other by a voyage around the world” (p. 61). Bougainville
We
ideal student.
qualities ness;
needed
is
LEARNING imperialisms
are told that he has “the right intellectual outlook
which include “philosophy, courage,
for success,
and the
truthful-
an eye skilled in and swift in the art of observation; caution, patience;
the desire to see, to understand, to learn; a grasp of calculation, mechanics,
geometry, and astronomy, and a sufficient smattering of natural history” (p. 61).
fields
Thus
it is
made
to
seem
and watery expanses can
that only
on imperialism’s immense playing
a well-rounded
be truly exercised. In return, Bougainville
is
and well-educated Frenchman
said to offer his nation three as-
knowledge of our ancient domicile and its inii:>bitants; improved security on the seas, which he traversed plummet in hand; and more sets: “a
better
accuracy in our maps” chic as military,
For
all
He makes
Tahitians, [who]
nation,
security
was surely
as
much
psy-
coming from possession of a superior knowledge."^
that he credited the
above directing state.
The improved
(p. 61).
this
adventuresome Bougainville, Diderot was not
acquired knowledge of the colonies against the imperial
one point
reference at
seem
to
to “the
most primitive of people, the
have come nearer good legislation than any civilized
insofar as they have avoided,
among other nasty civilized aspects,
“the
who has turned possession of a woman into a property right” 107). The educational imperative of this scurrying about the
tyranny of Man, (1991, pp. 104,
oceans, for Diderot,
is still
to
make something at home of the differences.^ The
learned of the day took the lives and artifacts of others as their principal texts for reconfiguring the
New
(and expanded) World in their
Europeans wrote about the importance of freedom, nial slavery, just as
they
came
to write
it
was
own
image.
in the light
When
of colo-
about love inspired by the “primitive,”
“uninhibited” coupling they imagined taking place on South Seas islands.
Condamine, eighteenth-century geographer and leader of scientific expeditions sponsored by both France and Spain, put it this way: “Whilst his Majesty’s [Louis XV’s] armies flew from one end of Europe to the other, his mathematicians dispersed over the surface of the earth, were at work under the Torrid and Frigid Zones, for the improvement of the sciences, and the common benefit of all nations” (cited by Pratt, 1992, p. 18). By the next century, it was imperial France’s military forces that possessed scholarly ^Charles de
la
presence abroad, serving, in Pyenson’s estimation, as “the largest reservoir of astronomical talent in France” (1993, p. 18). 5
The
anticolonial side of Diderot
is
seen in his preparing a surreptitious edition of the no-
toriously popular L’histoire des deux Indes en Europe et en
Amerique au XVIII siecle, by the in 1780. This encyclopedic work, cobbled together out of colonial detail and scathing polemic, inveighed against the overlords of imperialism: “Tremble! you who feed men with lies, or make them groan beneath oppression. You are going to be judged” (Diderot, 1992, p. 185). The Parlement of Paris hastily consigned the book to shredding and burning, “as impious, blasphemous, seditious, and as inciting the masses to rebel” (cited by Aravamudan, 1993, p. 49). abbe Raynal,
31
— 32
AN ADVENTURE Whether
know
for increasing or threatening the security
by imperialism proved
fostered
the world.
LEARNING
IN
The
to be the force
in the closing years
Forster,
who had
with
Cook on
Pacific.
On looking out onto
the busy
sailed
the will to
of ideas and learning
in
of the eighteenth century by George
second
his
scientific expedition to the
Amsterdam
on which the West prided economy:
the sciences
The
state,
increasing traffic in ideas, crucial to the success of imperialism,
was acutely observed
ial
of the
itself had
harbor, Forster noted
fashioned their
own
how
imper-
eagerness of greed was the origin of mathematics, mechanics,
physics,
astronomy and geography. Reason paid back with
effort invested in
its
formation.
linked faraway continents, brought
It
nations together, accumulated the products of
and
all
and
faster
the while
its
interest the
wealth of concepts increased.
and became more and more
refined.
different regions
all
They
circulated faster
New ideas which
could not be processed locally went as raw materials to neighboring countries. There they were woven into a mass of already existent and applied
knowledge and sooner or
later the
new product of reason
returns to the
shores of the Amstel. (Cited by Fabian, 1983, p. 96)
This imperial
was
form of intellectual mercantilism that drove the learned version of empire.^ News of the untapped riches of fact and artifact abroad encouraged intellectual mavericks and inquisitive adventurers to seek their fortune
lowed
traffic
among
so
much
the
the little-mapped regions of the world.
in their journeys
forms of cultural and to be
a
by
daring sorts
less
scientific
They were folwho undertook more systematic
strip-mining of the colonial terrain. There was
named and known,
much that stood to be brought within compass of European learning. The practice of science and scholarship in
the colonies
meant sweeping up
work of synthesis and visible colleges
so
barrelfuls
of specimens to feed the serious
theory, as well as public education, reserved for the “in-
of the metropolis (Macleod, 1987)-
What
produced was universal theories of knowledge, which were the colonies at a
premium
that
would
largely teach
them
this
mercantilism
later sold
back to
their place at the
periphery of learning. To be educated within this circulation of ideas, as Frantz Fanon noted in the closing days of Algerian colonialism, was only to In describing
European scientific institutions overseas, typically set up in the later phases of imperialism, Pyenson develops a three-dimensional model lor the strategies of cultural
imperialism, including mercantilist, research, and functionary aspects. The mercantilist strategy “would have scientists serving business interests” and is described more literally and narrowly than I intend here (1989, p. 276). Along similar lines, Bruno Latour speaks ol the Europeitn “centers of calculation” that made sense of all that was acquired in the great cycle ol accumulation provoked by imperial ventures abroad (1987, pp. 222, 232).
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING be further dispossessed: “The educated native quired the habits of a master’” (1965,
The World in a
Name
The
minded and
scientifically
was
it
New World
like in the
is
referred to as ‘having ac-
p. 132).
peripatetic Peter
Martyr
of what
offers a sense
overwhelming excess and profusion
facing the
of these newly discovered regions. His early-sixteenth-century account of
Peru
reflects a certain
of quadrupeds, birds, insects, trees, grasses, essences
turn our attention to the doings of
sort. Let us
(cited
by Gerbi,
One early hope
1985, p. 68).
things was to treat the
we come
New World as an
way
of knowing.
and other things of this
men and
extension of the
The burning
their
way of life”
for restoring the natural order
to the onset of the Foucauldian divide
ference as a
now enough
exasperation over the proliferation: “And
known
of
Thus
world.
between semblance and
dif-
botanical question of the century,
Martyr and others, was whether the seemingly exotic plants and animals were truly different. Did they warrant original names, or variations of for Peter
Where were
existing ones?
monkey from
another, an old-world a
new
naming
one plant from
new-world one? Such questions invited
was published
it
in 1735.
species.
on beast and
The
plant,
guage of Latin.
true
names of things, which
was about
same
One
dress as
was
fall,
a scientific structure for
among
had
first
bestowed
and learned
Adam wore
Adam
refers to
lan-
in his state
himself as “a-botanizing ... in
of Nature” (cited by
adventuresome students might
Pratt, 1992, p.
arrive at a
time before
hid his nakedness, although they seemed as destined as
he had been to taste the apple that held the knowledge of good and pecially as they
things,
of Linnaeus’s students, Anders Sparrman, writing of his
as if these
before
Adam
to be restored, in the priestly
South Africa during the 1770s,
visit to
Here was
the natural realm, bringing order to the relationship
genus by
the
that divided
wonder, then, that Linnaeus’s Systema Naturae v/diS greeted with
enthusiasm when
52). It
a
drawn
system, a rationalizing of nature’s realm.
It is little
the
the lines to be
would bring
to the
evil, es-
world an ordering that included the
racial
identification of humankind.
“The method, nature in such a
proper to all
the
it,”
the soul of science, designates at
way
that the
Linnaeus wrote
body
in the
first
sight
any body
question expresses the
name
Systema Naturae, “and this
name
in
in
that
is
recalls
the knowledge that may, in the course of time, have been acquired about
body thus named:
so that in the midst of extreme confusion there
vealed the sovereign order of nature” (cited by Foucault, 1970, ignate at
first
sight
becomes “the soul of science,”
in
an
p. 159).
is
To
re-
des-
ABC of epistemology
33
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING
34
Adam, Bacon, and Columbus
that linked
Foucault
calls
presumes that to
name
it
nomination”
“this essential
it falls
to the
in a biblical
West
to
name
(p. 159).
would thus
It
This
scientific order."
mission
scientific
the world properly. In setting out
the world anew, science acts as a principal
order of nature.
and
structure identity
on behalf of the sovereign and difference into
a grid
that could span the
whole of the earth and keep a good number of Europeans,
with their colonial
assistants,
Linnaeus
insisted,
with some pride, that his system could be acquired
and applied by anyone (with
a Latin education).
It
was
a ready
way of depu-
with a passing interest in natural history, whether they were
tizing those
home
employed.
at
or traveling abroad, to join in this global project. Linnaeus’s system
offered an amateur naturalist an identification kit for reading difference, be-
ginning with parts related to “fructification” (cited by Foucault, 1970, p. 140). Linnaeus set in motion his own curriculum experiment in public education,
which was eagerly pursued by amateur students of natural history with chant for adventures in learning and
rename, ranks it is
among
not over
the
sage aboard
local
This
nomenclature
—
effort to
—and
name
often to
the whole of the living realm
more ambitious and presumptuous
projects in science (and
yet).^
The Swedish stay at
of
in the face
travel.
a pen-
East India
Company
offered Linnaeus’s students free pas-
Those students of natural history who were inclined to home were amply served by such enthusiastic and widely traveled nat-
uralists as
its
ships.
Nathaniel
in 1809 to earn his
^X^allich, a
keep
Dutch surgeon who had given up
as a botanist for the British
his practice
government. After years
of scouring the Indian countryside in the mid-i830s, he arrived back in England with some thirty barrels of dried plants, which he generously distributed
among scientists and
When
throughout the nation (Kumar, 1990, p. 53). one of the great biologists of the Victorian age, Richard Owen, took institutions
charge of the natural history collection at the British
Museum
in 1856,
sured that the country s colonial naturalists at
work
the globe sent their specimens to him, creating
what Janet Browne
the cataloging
^
Sprat states in his history ol the Royal Society, “So true
That by
a little
back again to a 8
hub of the English dominions” and
The naming
Agenda 2000
ald,
in nearly every corner
of
refers to as
further asserting “Britain’s
that saying of my
knowledge of Nature men become Atheists; but sound and Religious mind” (1959, p. 351).
Lord Bacon,
a great deal returns
them
on to this day with the recent formation of the Systematics which intends to devote twenty-five years and billion to col-
project goes project,
$75
and cataloging the still unnamed species. Unnamed insects alone are estimated at 100 million in number, with some 950,000 already described by this point (McDon1994’ P- A8). The aim this time is to track the extent ol extinction among species.
lecting 8 to
is
he en-
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING right of sovereignty” over
(i994> p.
what must have seemed
some Nature
to
herself
3).
This relabeling of the world added greatly to the educational value and responsibility of travel for Europeans. In her late-nineteenth-century travels
through West Africa, Mary Kingsley captures the consternation of not being in possession of the proper names for the local flora and fauna, as well as the danger of such knowledge;
cannot read,
under
like
being shut
takes
and other
And
the color out of other kinds of
all
scientists
whose books you
in a library
the while tormented, terrified and bored.
all
its spell, it
Naturalists
It is
life”
were not above chastising
if
you do
fall
(1965, p. 165).
travelers for not
keeping better records of the world they visited (Each, 1977, p. 444). Kingsley was not above mocking this earnestness, giving just that school-like sense
of having received a
The
last
said to
words
me
Kingsley,
assignment:
field trip
a
before
most distinguished and valued I
home
left
and always take them from the adult male.”
I
do not
I
feel like
have mislaid
I
know have I
ne-
commission on both banks,
going back. Besides the
my yard
had
were, “Always take measurements. Miss
glected opportunities of carrying out this
but
scientific friend
men would
not
like
it,
and
measure. (1965, pp. 244-45)
Kingsley had traveled abroad with the special “Collectors Outfit” issued
by the
British
Museum, and
she
made good
and eighteen
use of
returning
it,
home
sixty-five species
of
pickling
of which were gratefully received by the British
jars, all
(Robinson, 1990, species of fish
fish
p. 138).
were named
As
a result
species of reptiles,
of her successes
many of them
as a naturalist, three
after her.
On the one hand,
Donald Each
the places their sailors had visited
—
went on
Naming a
to
place
returns us to the
named
is
rename them is
after
in their writing the
(India), Cilan (Ceylon),
as a tribute to Portugal’s navigational
Columbus, on the other hand, lands,
—Goa
achievement (1977,
p. 526).
noting what the natives called their
is-
(1969).
theme “Where is
names of
and japao
about staking and extending a verbal claim to
nowhere, do name
flora
reports how, during the early years
of imperialism, the Portuguese proudly paraded
(Japan)
in
Museum
This interest in naming the world, however, was hardly restricted to
and fauna.
with
is
here?” Here
is
what
the sovereign act. Even
Canada, had originated with indigenous peoples,
it
is
it,
which
named. The un-
when
a
name, such
as
was not adopted out of
recognition of their claim to the land. Local names were often misheard, mis-
understood, or deliberately transformed by the interlopers from abroad:
China
for Ch'in;
mongoose for mangus. These escapades of naming not only
35
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING
36
brought thousands of new words into the European languages but also must have seemed to deliver the places themselves, as they were named and
mapped, within the reach of imperialism’s educated imagination. Naming was to think about the world, one might say, on one’s own terms. If a place
was unmarked on the map,
and written down
in
it
awaited only a word pronounced
an unceremonious christening. This point has fascinated
Paul Carter, and in his The
Road to Botany Bay (1987), he pauses over Captain James Cook’s manner of assigning names to places. During a voyage to the
Cook recorded in his journal how he was so impressed by “the great quantity of new plants etc. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander collected in this Pacific,
place” (along the coast of Australia) that
of Botany Bay (1993, practice, “space
is
p. 411).
it
“occasioned
With “place-naming,”
as
me giving it the name Carter refers to Cook’s
transformed symbolically into a place, that
is,
a space
with
a history” (1987, p. xxiv).
That history
who who
about the power to place-name against those and have lived on it for centuries. Carter notes how
have long lived there.
named
previously
it
is
not about the land
itself
nor of those
It is
Cook’s sighting of an eagle was enough to create Eagle Island, whereas Green
might
Island
What
is
refer to the ship’s
certain, in looking
names was an
astronomer or perhaps the
back over the process,
is
Cape
to
look
(p. 7).
that Cook’s assignment of
assertion of sovereignty over the land.
coast of Australia, from York
island’s
The names along
Botany Bay, “preserved the
the east trace of
[Cook’s] passage,” in Carter’s final analysis (p. 32). That these traces preserve the imperial passage, even as they form the much-studied order of the world for schoolchildren,
could stand
as
my
theme.
odyssey of renaming the world was also about honoring the heroes of empire, so that a loyal soldier of empire such as the Victorian sciFinally, this
entist Sir
Roderick Murchison,
after initiating the Geological
Survey and
heading up the Royal Geographical Society, could expect to look over maps in his final years marked with Mount Murchison and Murchison Bay. It was
more than merely
a fitting tribute for
one who
filled in
many of the blank
on the map. The world was assumed to be a tabula rasa that awaited inscription by the West and its soldiers, administrators, scientists, and educaplaces
new
tors, a
by
earth,
they I
in
will
limits
who found
way
that Joseph
their
look
like
go there
boyhood
Conrad
Heart ofDarkness: “At the time there were
and when
all
of professionals
vocation in just the
this
hood
class
fantasies fulfilled
relates
many
Marlow’s child-
blank spaces on the
saw one that looked particularly inviting on a map (but that) I would put my finger on it and say. When I grow up I
(i973’ P- n)- Wittgenstein’s aphoristic observation that the
of ones language are the limits of ones world becomes transformed
here into the political
maxim
that the limits of one’s
world are one’s limits
in
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING naming
(1961, 5.6).
That the world was then labeled
order, colonial occupation, childhood curiosity,
tific
no
it
less a
turn
in the
name of scien-
and imperial honors was
part of the adventure in learning that students everywhere
must
although without, perhaps, the same original sense of delight
to,
re-
at the
mastery of an otherwise unlimited world/^
The Floating Fortress-Lab I
want
mately
James Cook
to return to
fateful expeditions to the
at this point,
South
because his famous and
Pacific,
ulti-
commissioned by the Royal
Society between 1768 and 1780, launched a British age of scientific travel.
Bernard Smith,
combined the all
in his history
of the South Seas, points to
values of a fortress
and
how Cooks
ships
a traveling laboratory” (i960, p. 2). For
of their scientific interests, such interdisciplinary expeditions were also
conducted under
secret orders
from the
British
Crown and were
directed at
claiming the lands of the South Pacific for the British Empire (D. Livingstone, 1992, p. 129). Just
what
sort of laboratory these ships presented
cap-
is
tured in a contemporary letter sent to Linnaeus, which provides a brief in-
ventory of the ships’ scientific inventory, beginning with the ships’ library;
No
people ever went to sea better
They have got
History. sorts
fitted
out for the purpose of Natural
a fine library of Natural History; they have
of machines for catching and preserving
and hooks
trawls, drags
insects; all
From
at great
the
first
kinds of nets,
for coral fishing; they have a curious con-
trivance of a telescope, by which, put into the water,
bottom
all
depth. (Cited by Gregory, 1994,
voyage onward, the
pedition were diverse and substantial:
scientific
“The
you can
see the
p. 18)
accomplishments of the ex-
transit
of Venus was accurately
observed,” David Livingstone begins his catalog of Cook’s achievements,
“kangaroos were discovered, ethnographic studies of indigenous peoples carried out, the rial
collected
five
hundred
New Zealand
coastline
and shipped back fish
to the Royal Society
a vast
amount of mate-
— thousands of
plants,
preserved in alcohol, five hundred bird skins, and hundreds
of mineral specimens” (1992,
foremost
was charted and
among them on
‘^Some communities
in
Canada
p. 127).
The
ships’ naturalists,
with Joseph Banks
the initial voyage, proudly returned
are refusing this
naming and returning
home
with
to their original,
native names. This process began in 1950 with the renaming of Port Brabant in the west-
ern Arctic to
original
its
native names, largely in
which date back
and long-standing Tuktoyaktuk. Places being returned to their the far north, include Fort Chimo and Port Simpson, both of
(Rayburn, 1994, pp. 136-39). For a deconstruction of the “the original myth of transparent legibility present under the oblitera-
— proper name — Derrida
tion”
see
to the 1830s
(1974, p. 109).
37
38
AN ADVENTURE
LEARNING
IN
specimen-filled barrels and crates, as well as stacks of notebooks,
which amply
served the Royal Society’s interests in natural history. For his part during the
own form of scientific
voyage. Banks practiced his
ashore he took “in order to shoot anything
The
journal (1993, p. 409). a
Noahs
I
ecology on the
could meet,”
as
many
trips
he records in
his
expedition naturalists turned Cook’s ships into
ark of the preserved and dead, bringing
home
to
England the Pa-
contribution to nature’s order. In addition, anthropological records were made of the indigenous peoples encountered, including Captain Cook’s cifies
appreciation for the navigational finesse of the Pacific islanders, which he accurately speculated was based on a skilled reading of the stars.
An ety’s
and remarkable aspect of these voyages was the Royal Sociuse of trained artists and draftsmen to supplement the acquisition of sci-
entific
original
specimens and data
of turning the arts,
with
scientific
artists
(B.
Smith, i960, pp. 130— 3^)d* This had the effect
arm of imperialism
put to work capturing,
as
into a
Smith
prominent patron of the
refers to
them, “the sciences
of visible nature, geology, botany, zoology, anthropology, meteorology” 2 55 )'
The
their
work, successfully investing
-
ity that
commissioned added
artists so
appealed to both
it
with a
the scientist
a detached scientific
new
level
to
Europe
new
a
landscape that, in
evoked another dimension of
John Ruskin’s
— formula
could be reasserted painted the world”
and unmhibitmg, on found
The
artists’
and appeal,
know. This meant that
you can paint the world”
The
painters of leaves had
watercolors of the tropical Pacific es-
and voluptuous beauty of the
this
More
They brought
accessibility
this imperial will to
Smiths estimation.
(p. 257).
tablished the luxuriant
its artistic
“If you can paint a leaf,
as, in
(p. 255).
artists lent their vision to cele-
brating the extent and wonders of the empire-building project.
home
to
of documentary author-
and the man of taste”
than just natures bookkeepers, expeditionary
demeanor
(p.
islands, so uninhibited
otherworldly other side of the earth. These new-
of masculine desire spoke to a longing for Eden. In a theme that dates back to Columbus s voyages. Banks noted in a 1770 journal entry off sites
the Australian coast:
Of all
these people
we had
seen so distinctly through
our glasses we had not been able to observe the least signs of clothing; myself the best of my judgment plainly discerned that the women did not copy our mother Eve even in the fig leaf” (1993, 408). P-
•°On coming
across a flock of quail
reflect that really his
on the day of that journal entry, Banks did pause to business was to kill variety and not too many individuals of any one
species” (1993, p. 409).
Smith notes that
of artistic talent was absorbed between 1750 and 1850 in thus serving the biological sciences as they sought to perfect the descriptive and systematic phases of their respective disciplines” (i960, p. 3). a great deal
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING The
sexual allegory had long formed
Two
the imperial adventure.
its
own
conceit in the depiction of
Theodore de
centuries earlier,
Bry’s
famous
copperplate engravings of rapacious conquest had been used in a Protestant attack
on the
licentiousness of the Spanish conquistadors
(who were
tacked by the English for failing to educate the natives).
When
also at-
Walter
Sir
Raleigh returned from his rather dismal explorations of South America at the
end of the sixteenth century promise of Guyana vised, given his
as
in his search for El
Dorado, he held out the
an invitation to rape (which
devoted service to the virginal
may have seemed ill adQueen Elizabeth): “Guiana is
countrey that hath yet her maydenhead, never sackt, turned, nor wrought, the face of the earth hath not bene tome” (cited by Montrose, 1993, p. 188).
a
It
and
tific
bred ern
was
clear that the far
artistic enterprises
woman. These
women away
and wild reaches of the
earth,
where such scien-
were taking place, were surely no place
for a well-
expeditions formed another reason for directing West-
from one of the leading
Fortunately, however, this did not prevent
intellectual activities
of the day.
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu from
taking a great interest in the use of inoculations to prevent smallpox while she accompanied her husband on a diplomatic mission to Turkey in the early
On
eighteenth century.
returning to civilized England, she had to campaign
anonymously, because of her gender,
in trying to
convince the medical pro-
fession to introduce this preventive procedure (1909). Moreover, this pro-
women joining the great quest did not prevent British naval ship commanders from having live-aboard women count among a ship’s amenities in the nineteenth century (de Kay, 1995). Yet women were not perscription against
mitted to become their record
members of the Royal Geographical
full
of contributions to the geographical sciences and the advocacy
of longtime society president
The gender
1989, p. 215).
to the age, of course,
power and
privilege
Sir
Roderick Murchison, until 1913 (Stafford
hypocrisy and sexual double-dealing was
and imperialism merely threw
onto
European
among
this play
common
of European
a global stage.
In Bernard Smith’s final analysis. Cook’s voyages for
Society, despite
intellectual history:
formed
“The opening of the
a leading
Pacific
is
edge
numbered
those factors contributing to the triumph of romanticism and science
in the 19th-century
world of values” (i960,
On Theodore de Bry, see
Bucher
p. i).
The
artist
and
scientist
Thomas Sprat notes that “the Spaniards perthan becomes their slaves” (1959, p. 383; Sprat’s
(1981).
.
.
.
mit not the Natives to
know more
emphasis). '^See G. Rose on
how
“only the ‘objective’ gaze oF white
other places in appropriate scientific detail” (1993, women’s involvement in colonialism” (1991, p. 58).
P- 9);
men could and
explore and describe
S. Mills
on the “excising of
39
40
AN ADVENTURE
LEARNING
IN
closed the circle of the globe, bringing the
European ken, and they prospered by
it.
immense
Ocean within
Pacific
Smith would have
it
that
the
Cooks voy-
ages in opening of the Pacific to the British imagination benefited the planet as a
whole, a claim that demonstrates for
with the
political
me how we are still coming to
economies of our ways of knowing the world. The planetary
consciousness fostered by imperialism contained what
think can be
I
characterized as a distinctly educational fascination with the world.
mean
that Europeans
terests, a
had an exclusive claim
view that would
have already stated, do
is
it
as helpful to
From
I
fairly
do not
to educational or scientific in-
into imperialisms
fall
see
I
as inherently imperialist.
colors, there
terms
own presumption.
Nor, as
I
think of all educational interests
Banks’s shooting sprees to the island water-
both innocence and complicity to
this learning.
These images
of exploration and discovery represented the paradigmatic educational act both on the grand scale of the floating, fortified laboratory, like the space shuttles of today,
and on the more modest
scale
of the devoted amateur col-
lector.
The Learned Colonial Administration Having given natural history expeditions, less
it’s
its
imperial due through the example of Cook’s
important to recognize that the humanities were to play no
a role in imperialism’s adventure in learning. In the shaping of the British
raj in
India, for example, the Persia scholar
Warren Hastings stood
for a
most
notable collaboration of governance, commerce, and learning. After becoming the first governor-general of British India in 1772, he sponsored the for-
mation of the Royal Asiatic Society and commissioned the translation of A Code of Gentoo [Hindu] Law, in his largely successful effort to secure the place ol
Hindu law
in the legal
system of the colony (Rocher, 1993, p. 226). Moreover, Hastings initiated the Calcutta Madrassa, an Islamic education center, at the request ol the
of
Moslem community
Mohamadan gentlemen” who
them
for “responsible
and
for, as it
was put
at the time, “the
sons
sought an education that would prepare
lucrative”
government jobs
(cited
by Ghosh, 1993,
Thomas Macaulay was to pay the rare compliment to Hastings that although he may have failed to introduce “the learning of the West” to India p. 176).
(a task that
was
succeeded
in
to
fall
to
Macaulay), Hastings “was the
first
foreign ruler
who
gaining the confidence of the hereditary priests of India and
who induced them
to lay
open
to English scholars the secrets
minical theology and jurisprudence” (1907,
of the old Brah-
p. 616).
Hastings’s scholarly respect for Indian culture convinced
English translation of the Code would
show those
inhabitants ol this land are not in a savage state
.
.
him
that the
living in Britain that “the .
[and]
do not require our
AN ADVENTURE them with
aid to furnish (cited
by Rocher,
LEARNING
IN
of conduct, or a standard for their property”
a rule
Of course, by producing a compilation of laws
1993, p. 221).
based on ancient manuscripts, Hastings was providing just the sort of “aid”
and
of conduct” that he thought was necessary for these people to restore their decaying civilization. Hastings’s also had the effect of dis“rule
placing tions of
more
thereby devaluing native pundits and legal scholars
it,
the court.
recent developments in Indian law and banishing local adapta-
It
ended up enshrining the power of the Brahman
the translators of the legal status
working from the
of the Church of England. From
British
from the
learned
less
among
its
own
bitrary
decline, as well
as
in
Burke described
what had become in setting
command
governor-general, his
in acts
“the great theater [of] abuse,” as
to instigate
against
stances of outright torture
and sexual abuse of Indian
women
ment proceedings minions
in the
of “ar-
Edmund
out the charges against Hastings (cited by Suleri,
Commons Warren Hastings. Among
1992, p. 45). In 1787,
more
interest.
account before the British Parliament for engaging
power”
of authority,
the British. This proved in practice to be
Well into Hastings’s second decade to
which
model, accorded the
than a noble scholarly application of a healthy educational
was called
attended
caste, to
his scholarly seat
Hastings saw himself as protecting the country from as
who
Burke convinced the
impeach-
the charges were in-
by Hastings’s
Courts of Justice. Burke rendered the violation to great
prefacing his statement to Parliament with
effect,
“The treatment of females could
not be described,” before offering the graphic details of the horrors: “In the
of the Ministers of Justice, in the face of the spectators,
face
in the face
sun, those tender and modest virgins were brutally violated”
of the
(p. 60).’^
The
scholarly construction of difference turned out to have a role In Hastings’s successful defense of his regime.
by
England were bound
in
say had to be
—
to
What
measures one might expect and
be different from those that were
instituted in this far-off land.
“geographical morality”
(p. 46).
nous
to the political landscape
—some would
Burke characterized
During the eight long years of the
ings claimed that the despotic tenor of his regime
live
this as a
trial,
Hast-
was no more than indige-
of the Orient, and he had done the homework
Burkes dwelling on the harrowing violation of the female body turns the audiences eye away from imperialism itself as a penetrating incursion: “When the colonial dynamic is metaphorically represented as a violated female body that can he '"‘Sara Suleri finds that
mourned over with from tates
sentimentality’s greatest excess,
its
rape
is
less
an event than a defiection
contemplation of male emhattlement, the figure of which more authentically dicthe boundaries of colonial power” (1992, p. 61). Suleri also sees the colonial “as the a
landscape upon which the intimacy of homoerotic invitation and rejection can he enacted” (p. 17)-
41
42
AN ADVENTURE to prove
it.
Burke
acting badly.
LEARNING
IN
tried to
expose this reading of India as a poor excuse for
He argued from
tice to the East;
I
must
a basic equality
among peoples:
assert that their morality
is
“I
must do
jus-
(p. 46).
But
equal to ours”
such claims, which might ultimately have undermined the entire ethical
economy of colonialism, were not ings’s scholarly
to hold.
The key
point here
is
how
Hast-
construction of the difference between Indian traditions of
authority and English liberty
managed
to license the abusive
and autocratic
treatment of the East India Company’s Indian employees and families by the otherwise just English.
A further chapter of greater scholarly accomplishment and consequence came with
to this learned occupation of India tal)
the arrival of William (Orien-
Jones. Jones was a distinguished linguistic scholar
as a reputable lawyer. In 1783,
he received
the supreme court in Fort William.
his Indian
Once he
and minor poet,
commission
settled in,
it
as a
as well
judge of
did not take Jones
long to combine his interests in jurisprudence and learning.
He was
the
founding president of the Asiatic Society and editor of Asiatic Researches, both devoted to promoting a broad European understanding of that part of the world. ^5
Through
his legal
study of Sanskrit, Jones arrived
Indo-European family of languages that proved a founding
at a
model of the
moment for mod-
ern linguistics. His further translations of the law, along with editions of other Sanskrit manuscripts, continued to emphasize the earlier “purity of this an”
cient language after the
model of
classical
Greek. Here was the European
scholar playing the true benefactor and executor of the historical legacy of the
colonized, drawing validating connections to other ancient civilizations. Jones’s philological investigation of to the study of Aryanism,
by Friedrick
Max
tive philology
Muller,
which was formally introduced into Great
who
served as Oxford’s
philological term.
to treat
“Aryan” as a
But by that point,
values, especially as they
by such prominent
were
figures as
it
was
closely associated with Hellenic
Matthew Arnold.
Semitic traditions
Muller was the product of
reports that Indians weren’t accepted into such societies until 1829,
in the
London branch,
re-
designation rather than a
set in counterdistinction to
there were cases of their scientific papers
membership
professor of compara-
first
racial
rise
Britain
and translated the Vedas into English. Muller eventually
nounced the tendency
Deepak Kumar
Indo-European languages gave
and
being received and accepted as a basis for well before their being allowed to join the colonial first
Indian society (1990, p. 60). Matthew Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy ^oWovjs the German leads of Hegel and Heine by setting Hellenism, with its aerial ease, clearness, and radiance ol what we call sweetness and light, apart from Hebraism, marked by its “prodigious space for sin” 116—17). (1896, .
.
.
pp.
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING Germany s
leading role in the development of Indology as a field of study
through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, demonstrating that colonial control was not absolutely necessary for the excellence of national scholarly undertakings. This seemingly distant and removed
field
of inquiry proved
in
the 1930S to be extremely valuable to the political fiber of fascist Europe. In addition to studying the country’s ancient texts
colonial administration of India also
worked hard
to create a statistical ren-
dering of the country during the nineteenth century. this elaborate process
of enumeration was to serve,
mation, a pedagogical and disciplinary function, rial
sense of land
ically,
there
is
to rule” with “land
was once again
a
is
apparatus of colonial
in
The
establishment of
Ajun Appadurai’s
field-testing
esti-
which replaced the impe-
to teach” (1993, p. 325).
More specif-
now
of a scholarly pursuit,
combining demographics and human geography, litical
and languages, the
that
was
to inform the po-
rule:
The measurement and classification of land was the training ground for the culture of number in which statistics became the authorizing discourse of the appendix (giving direct weight to the verbal portion of the text) at the
same time
that
it
gave higher
level officials a
pedagogical and
disciplinary sense of controlling not just the territory over
which they
sought to rule but also the native functionaries through which such rule needed to be effected, (p. 325)
The like
British
were working out the
of an empire of information
basis
any system of governance, shaped the
ruler
and the
ruled.
As
that,
a result of
the census, distinctions of caste received greater attention than they might
have otherwise (with some 2,378 castes and tribes identified by the British), while also emphasizing the distribution of religious differences between Hin-
In discussing Arnold’s debt to Heine, Lionel
Gossman
brings to light a fascinating meet-
ing point between the Hellenic and the Hebraic suggested by Heine, that Arnold decided not to bring forward to the British public: “Shakespeare is at once Jew and Greek” (cited
by Gossman 1994,
p. 17).
Nonetheless,
modern Jews, pointing to School, and his vehement
Gossman
describes Arnold as a solid supporter of
his instrumental role in
obtaining state aid for the Jews’ Free attack of what was termed “the sacred theory of the Aryans,” which denied the Semitic roots of Christianity (pp. 34-35). '^National Socialism’s interests in Indology, in Sheldon Pollock’s estimation, led to “some of the most politically deformed scholarship in history” (1993, p. 81). In public forums, a
number of scholars used
the study of Aryanism to separate
“Indo-German” and “Semite” Germany, which required an explanation of the “degeneracy of South Asia Aryans” in the plea for greater racial purity among the redeeming Germanic peoples (p. 81). Pollock offers the image of a Sanskrit professor addressing an SS officer corps on the topic of the “hereditary, long term tradition” linking the Fiihrer and the Buddha. citizenry in
43
44
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING dus and Muslims. This earnest counting of people and their place in Indian society created statistical divisions
among
people that became a function of
colonial governance (Rocher, 1993).^^
The
British established a tradition
ing the Indian jewel in
its
of scholarly enterprise
colonial crown.
Even with
logical advantage, the colonial administration
ing
new
areas of philology
found
and demographics
its
military
administrators’ interests in Indian culture provided their
in Hastings pire. It call a
was
s
case, for the
all
develop-
that ultimately assisted as a force,
of the subject xht operative educational metaphor and
of respectability and an ennobling recreational
and techno-
itself drawn to
governing the Indian subcontinent. Knowledge operated tery
in administer-
faith.
with mas-
The
work with
colonial a
mantle
interest, as well as a warrant,
development of what we would
global information system, with extended data feeds, lines of credit, Its
in
otherwise unseemly activities of governing an em-
part of the British Empire’s
international postings.
it
and
ongoing association of power and knowledge was
dedicated to the viability of such categories as colony and empire.
Out of this
governing knowledge of Indian culture, with
Aryan
and
guistics,
caste demographics, India
its
Sanskrit texts,
was indelibly
cast as a
lin-
decayed and
despotic society, and the empire as the remedy to these failings. Colonial administrators stationed in India, no less than naturalists aboard Cook’s scientific
expeditions to the Pacific, were part of an imperial adventure in learning
that
was
also
conducted by military campaigns and learned missionaries.
The Egyptomania Military Campaign Napoleon’s ultimately unsuccessful Egyptian campaign easily stands
as the
leading instance of an imperial army’s contribution to a single field of popular
and serious launched
study, namely,
his
Egyptomania and Egyptology.
campaign against Egypt with
In 1789,
a massive fleet
Napoleon
of four hundred
French ships that arrived on the coast ol Alexandria, carrying with them a
team ol
151 scientists,
engineers, medical
men, and scholars from the
Com-
mission of Science and Arts (Gillispie, 1994). This invading and inquiring
'®See Inden (1988, pp. 49-84) lor the British analysis of caste in “imagining India.” Appadurai (1986) has found it necessary to expose the continued exaggeration of caste distinctions in Indian society in such distinguished scholarly
works as Louis Dumont’s Homo Although Appadurai does not record the Indian response to the importance added to these categories, they did not go unchallenged in Britain. From 1887 to 1895, Catherine Impey edited the magazine Anti-Caste, with a masthead declaring its contributors to be advocates ol the brotherhood ol mankind irrespective of color or descent” (cited by Ware, 1992, p. 186). The magazine exemplified the daring work of feminists and other social activists, dating back to the abolitionist movement earlier in the century, who were committed to educating the British public about the terrible cost of imperialism. Hierarchictis (1966).
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING army, after successfully occupying Egypt, soon found itself cut off from return to France by Admiral Nelsons fleet, which had destroyed and chased
away the attending French
ships.
dozen years until the British
finally expelled
were not wasted on the French dition.
The French were trapped them
for a
but those years
in i8oi,
and scholars among the trapped expeDuring that time, they worked with the army, gathering material on artists
every aspect of Egyptian history and countryside. Naturalists ical
Egypt
in
drawings of
stone. Engineers
fish
made anatom-
while scholars unearthed and packed up the Rosetta
who were
sent to study the Niles influence
on
fertility sur-
veyed ancient monuments, reconstructed on paper their former glory, and, when their pencils were used up, the story goes, turned the lead of their bullets
into drawing instruments (Ziegler, 1994, p. 257).
strated the vast educational benefits that could be
characterized as
The
expedition
demon-
produced by what Said has
an entire corps of savants backed by a modern army of con-
Egypt was now
quest” (1995, p.
theirs to collect, to appreciate,
and
ulti-
—specimen by
arti-
mately to render for European consumption.
The f^ct
first
step of incorporation
was
for intellectual export to Paris.
to France with
to
W^hen the expedition
sweeping collection
its
pack up Egypt
intact,
it
inspired
finally returned
new domains of
knowledge, new realms of science, and new fashions for the architecture of
monuments and
the furniture of bourgeois drawing
rooms (Humbert,
1994).
For the naturalist standing before the uncrated drawings of dissected lungfish
and
ibis,
the close renderings of butterfly and hexapod jaw,
seemed enough
to
perform the typical taxonomic
it
no longer
classifications.
For those
examining such careful renderings, the organisms appeared to be “the subject matter of a science in the absence of the science,” in the words of Charles Gillispie, a
modern
editor of the campaign’s major publishing project. De-
scription de VEgypte (1994, p. 81).
The
naturalist
responded by undertaking
new forms of morphological study that related form and structure within and across species. Working with beautifully detailed drawings, as well as thousands of well-preserved specimens, naturalists were able to
mount
a
convinc-
’’The expeditions secretary, Jean- Baptiste Fourier, claimed that the team had been sent to Egypt for purposes of “extending irrigation and agriculture [and] improving the stan.
.
.
dard of living of the inhabitants and procuring them civilization
by
.
.
.
all the advantages of an improved [through] the continual application of science and the technical arts” (cited
This would take place, however, only after the arrival of the British in 1803. The model was thought to be enough of a success that when Napoleon III invaded Mexico in 1861, he also included an army of savants, who carried out large-scale excavations of ancient Aztec sites. Yet this invasion was another military fiasco. The exGillispie, 1994, p. 85).
ported artifacts did not lead to an Aztecomania, hut the expedition did further enrich the Louvre as well as many private collections (E. A. Williams, 1985, p. 150).
45
46
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING ing case for
what
Gillispie calls “a
fundamental unity of plan”
among
the or-
ganization of all classes of vertebrates (pp. 82-83). This form of morphological investigation
was
to
dominate nineteenth-century biology.
Description de IDgypteht^din to appear in 1809 as a result of a formation
of a joint stock company devoted to that purpose. ties,
presented the
of Arab tions,
life. It
some
full
It
laid
out Egypt’s antiqui-
range of its natural history, and described ten centuries
took up twelve volumes and included three thousand
folding out to one meter in length.
It
illustra-
was one of the great pub-
lishing projects of the nineteenth century, if not, as Christine Ziegler has
recently
commented,
“the
most monumental work ever published”
p. 257). It
was not long before engravings of pyramids and temples
palm
were featured
trees
in
both the cheap press and hnely honed
pharaohs became the subject of museum exhibitions, marketing schoolbooks. There was no tion of the dead
less
(1994,
set
amid
folios.
The
efforts,
and
fascination with Egypt’s mysterious preserva-
and cryptic forms of worship.
It
must have seemed
plain to
everyone that expanding the empire paid excellent educational dividends.
This occupation of the land afforded a scholarly industry devoted to interpreting every natural and historical feature of this mysterious land. Ancient
Egypt became the special possession of the French, and although the
Napoleons expedition did
little
for the
French Empire,
it
fruits
of
demonstrated the
national and cultural benefits of the imperial campaign as an educational event.
Meanwhile, the Egyptians of the day were judge incapable of appreci-
ating their country’s importance.^® In setting the achievement of France’s scientific
campaign
in
Egypt
within the context of the British in India, the Dutch in Indonesia, and the
Spanish and Portuguese in America, Gillispie concludes that “the spread of
European science and
its
appurtenances to African and Asian societies under
the aegis of military conquest and political
quest of Egypt” (1994,
Egypt into Arts,
a fantastic field
and such
European
p. 85).
exercises
sciences. Yet
Napoleon’s military campaign certainly turned
of play for France’s Commission of Sciences and
meant the conceptual and
one wants
gagement with African and Asian 20
This sense of Egypt
tave Flaubert
acquiring
who
power began with the French con-
to ask Gillispie just societies this
territorial
what
sort
expansion of of human en-
expansion entailed. These so-
decay was also exploited by tourists such as Gustraveled there with the photographer Maxime Du Camp in 1849, after as a civilization in
commissions “to enjoy every possible advantage while traveling”; Flaubert’s commission was from the Ministry of Agriculture, and Du Camp’s was from the Ministry of Public Instruction, to photograph “views ol the monuments and copies official
ol the inscriptions” (Flaubert, 1972, pp. 22, 23). Flaubert’s letters
imagination about his sexual fascination with difference.
home
leave
little
to the
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING cieties
could expect to benefit from what was,
Here again
is
we now
that delicate ambiguity that
trickle-down theory.
at best, a
take for granted: *'The
spread of European science ... to African and Asian societies” was about the forces of science taking advantage of
We
domination.
past, or, in the
sider
it
can
now assume
name of a
and contributing
that this
safely
is
greater vigilance
to a global project of
an aspect of the imperial
and accountability, we can con-
part of a necessary education in the sciences
and
in related
forms of
learning.
The
Traffic in Ideas
Having acknowledged the
tionary naturalists and colonial administrators,
it
credit the learned contributions of the missionaries
among
those
who
would be unfair not
to
and the church. Foremost
included the world of learning within their imperial mis-
sion was the Society of Jesus. cist
of imperialisms expedi-
intellectual enterprise
The Jesuits’
integration of Christian
and
classi-
training with a rigorous grounding in the mathematical sciences served
their missionaries well in their efforts to establish a concurrent spiritual do-
minion over the globe while
Columbus
assisting the colonial regimes.
sailed, the Jesuit historian
Gian
Not long
after
Pietro Maffei asserted that the
spread of Christianity through imperialism fulfilled God’s wishes for the world, and he concluded that all that was left to the Lord was to bring this
now completed world
to
an end (cited by Spence, 1983,
tended to remain busy up to that In China, Madagascar,
final
p. 123).
The Jesuits
moment.
and Lebanon,
Jesuits “disseminated the research
ethos,” as Lewis Pyenson describes their scholarly contribution, stitutions in every kind
in-
among
of imperial administrative regime” (1993,
“in-
p. 14).
To
take one important instance, the careful anthropological observations cap-
tured in the long-running annual Jesuit Relations ^vom
New
the construction of “culture” as a scholarly and accepting
heathen differences: “Christianity serves
McGrane
offers in his critique
as the plane
France initiated
way of dealing with
of emergence,” Bernard
of anthropology, “upon which the Other can
appear and be described and deployed
The assembling of knowledge about
in a
system of knowledge” (1989,
the “savages,” no
sion, attested to the simultaneously subordinating
less
and
p. 52).
than their conver-
civilizing mission
of
the Western accumulation of knowledge.
The Jesuit
accord between proselytizing and scholarship found
est expression in
engagingly
Matteo
Ricci, a Jesuit priest
its
clear-
whose story Jonathan Spence
The Memory Palace ofMatteo Ricci (1983). Ricci first carried the mathematical sciences, including astronomy, geography,
tells in
his training in
and engineering,
to
China
in 1573,
becoming
a
widely respected Western
47
48
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING scholar at the commercial center of Nanchang. This priest’s exemplary
devotion and scholarship, scholars of the
Ming
who would
Dynasty,
The key was
and the approach had worked
ing,
Roman emperor was to be ton,
convince the
in turn
of the
rest
the admirable degree of Jesuit learn-
of the church. The
in the earliest days
Constantine had been converted through such counsel.
by
a conquest, for Ricci,
among
of
was hoped, would win converts among the court
it
court and then the country.
life
On his arrival
(intellectual) virtue.
in
It
Can-
the gifts he gave out were sundials, striking clocks, maps, and a
Yan and
celestial sphere. In Li
the time under the
Ming
Du
Shiran’s analysis, given China’s strength at
Dynasty, “science and technology therefore were
means of penetration”
used
as a
The
learning was generously and respectfully shared with the Chinese as a
rather than a source of force (1987, p. 190).
demonstration of what the West had to given,
was
a loss leader,
offer.
Learning, however genuinely
an instrument of trade and conversion.
The Chinese scholars were clearly impressed by Ricci and his learning, so much so that one might wonder at the faith of the scholars who chose to con-
One who
Xu Guangpi, a high official in the Ming court and grand secretary of the Wen Institute, who had studied Western methods of calendar calculation and weaponry. “He was a scientist who vert to Catholicism.
did was
loved his country,” write Li Yan and
mathematics (1987, elaborate a
new
series
Euclid’s Elements
was eager
p. 193).
emperor.
whole of the work
it
in his preface (cited
finish the project,
in
nor did
Xu
by
in 1607.“
Li
use his
however, have his Jesuit colleagues
'
and Du,
Although
examining the Jesuit materials sent
had read Riccis work with some
Xu
joy,
to
1987, p. 194).
faith to convert the
assist
the Imperial Board
at the
time was
fail-
p. 80).
Guo Zhengyu
him by
Guo
if “it
new
reforming the Chinese calendar, which
At one point, the celebrated Confucian scholar that he
to
in Chinese, Ricci limited the project
ing to predict solar and lunar eclipses (Jami, 1992,
Ricci after
him
of the thirteen books, suggesting that they wait to see
He did,
of Astronomy
befriended Ricci and worked with
of Chinese mathematical terms necessarv to translate
proves uselul,” as Ricci put
They did not
Shiran in their history of Chinese
of Geometry, which was completed
to have the
to the first six
Xu
Du
wrote to
the priest. Reporting
asked him, in comparison
with “the works of our sages and of the Confucian scholars who came after them, which have all been recorded completely and in the greatest detail; can
you agree with
It is
me
that there
worth noting that
tenth century a.d.,
this classic
when
have been “preserved”
is
(Li
no difference [between Catholicism and ConGreek
treatise
had lound
its
way
was translated from the Arabic, where and Du, 1987, p. 193).
it
into Latin only in the
it is
commonly
said to
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING fucianism]? ference,
me
and
(cited
by
and Du,
Li
his challenge to Ricci
that there
is
p. 151).
is
Guo was
taking a position on dif-
blunt and forthright:
Gan you
no difference?” Well, no, Ricci would have
agree with
He
to say.
could
not agree. His religious mission was based on the significance of the difference, but then, difference was the intellectual engine of empire. The mastery
of difference enabled students of imperialism, whether they traveled abroad or followed published accounts at home, to possess the world-as-knowledge. 1 he Chinese scholars were not oblivious to differences between Ricci’s spiritual
and
Those who converted must have under-
intellectual missions.
stood that the translations of Euclid’s Elements of Geometry and Christoph
Epitome of Practical Arithmetic, the world map, and the improvements of the calendar were going to have a far more lasting influence on Chi-
Clavius’s
nese society than Catholicism. This
guard.
One can
imagine a
level at
may be why Guo’s question
which differences disappear between
and Confucian philosophies, where the world no-difference seems to
call
catches one off
is
Jesuit
seen as one. But this sense of
into question the point of Ricci’s arduous journey
to China. Imperialism’s great adventure in learning
was
also
of forms of civilization, adding to the riches of the West.
about the trading
Ricci’s use
of learn-
ing as an instrument of conversion adds another dimension to the will to
know, to the desire for domination. Yet there fic
is still
another side to
this traf-
in ideas.
While
Ricci
best-trained
was
minds
toiling over translations
in
China, Francis Bacon was defining the
of the European Renaissance and 1620 for creating a
of Euclid and Aquinas with the
new
its
imperial exploits.
When
scientific spirit
Bacon argued
science based on observation and experiment, he
pointed to the discovery of printing, gunpowder, and magnetism
as perfect
demonstrations of “the force, virtue and consequences of discoveries.” claimed that the “origin, [of these three discoveries], though recent,
and inglorious”
(1855, p.
Through
well-traveled trade routes, a
important Chinese breakthroughs, from gunpowder their
way
is
He
obscure
no). Each of these obscurities was, of course, a glo-
rious Chinese discovery. 22
found
in
into eager
wide range of
to the horse stirrup,
European hands. By the sixteenth century, many
of these discoveries had been absorbed and their sources obscured. The Europeans
who
more than 22
set
out during the age of exploration thought of the East as
a source
The Chinese
of porcelains, lacquers, and
origins were not totally
unknown
little
textiles (Each, 1977, p. 405). 2^
in Europe, as Each is able to trace recognition of the Chinese origin of fireworks hack to 1589 (1977, p. 404 n. 28). 2^ Each allows that “whether movable type printing came at this time from China or Korea to Europe is a question still being debated” (1977, p. 400).
49
50
AN ADVENTURE
IN
LEARNING
Meanwhile, the West had marshaled these once-Chinese inventions and other developments for the organizational asserting
present
its
interests
among
skills
and naval
forces necessary to begin
around the globe. Donald Lach
the European nations
force for this growth. Yet his
more
aim of European invention began
credits the
and missing with China
telling point for
to be directed
my
competition
as a
project
motivating is
that “the
more and more toward com-
prehension of the ordered cohesion of the universe” (pp. 404, 400). Such order and cohesion are no more than is attempted by any system of thought, with
this particular ordo universalis
has
its
integration of
and Western dominance.
scientific objectivity
The West
being distinguished by
come
to
understand the achievements and contributions of
Chinese science largely through the still-incomplete work of the biologist Joseph Needham,
who found
himself drawn in the 1950s into the history of
Chinese science by accusations that Asia had appropriated Western science in
ways that could, according to one historian, “destroy
profound and
essential in
by Needham, 1964,
[European
p. 235 n. i). It
civilization’s] spirit
a
its
West .24 To
that
all
and morality”
is
(cited
Needham devoted him-
with Wang-ling and other Chinese colleagues,
multivolume history of that country’s
includes
end
was assumed that science was foreign and
dangerous for a people with a tradition of despotism. self to writing, in collaboration
in the
scientific
achievements (1954), which
often obscured but significant scientific contributions to the
give a crucial instance
from the navigational
arts,
Needham
cred-
and magnificent experimenters of medieval China” with laying the groundwork for the scientific study of magnetism: “All the preparaits
“the faithful
tion for Peter de Maricourt,
earth as a
magnet and of Kepler on
been Chinese” (1986,
With Bacon, have
and hence of the
now been
a role
later ideas
of Gilbert about the
of magnetism
in
astronomy, had
p. 59).
there was an ignorance of China’s contributions,
largely put to rest.
other sort of obscuring sets
tween West and East.
It is
in,
But now,
after
Needham, we might
which say,
an-
one that equally sustains the great divide be-
not just that science
is
uncomfortable with
history.
Science textbooks include boxed biographies of Bacon and Newton;
some
summary, Needham catalogs Chinas scientific triumphs: “In technological influences before and during the Renaissance, China occupies a quite dominating position!:] ... the efficient equine harness, the technology of iron and steel, the inventions of gunpowder and paper, the mechanical clock, and basic engineering devices such as the driving-belt, the chain-drive, and the standard method of converting rotary to rectilinear motion, together with segmental arch bridges and nautical techniques such as the sternIn a later
Needham discusses Chinese thinking on action of vaccination, and the setting of astronomical coordinates.
post rudder” (1964, p. 238). In addition, a distance, the principle
at
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING offer sidebars
on Chinese discoveries
stories stand apart ahistorical.
of human
astronomy and technology. Yet those
in
from the knowledge
To encourage students interests has recently
at
to reflect
hand, which, once discovered,
is
on sciences place within the order
been construed by a number of scientific or-
ganizations as an attack on the truth that
made of the world (see Harding, 1993? Haraway, 1989). Still, we need to see how these articles of faith took shape as part of a global project that we have vastly benefited from and thus have some responsibility for rethinking. This chapter has gone about that rethinking
know
that
it
has
by describing the imperial quest
was directed
at the
as
an expression of the will to
construction of identity and difference. Histo-
rian
George Levine explains
sian
mind-body dualism. This
this imperial obsession as the split
product of a Carte-
separated the decidedly European
mind
from natures body: “To know nature, one must make it alien, perceive it as fundamentally other (1993, p. 370). amateur naturalists, weathering the most trying of expeditions, suffered an alienation from the body, according to this scheme, that facilitated taking in these imperialism’s fellow traveler, even as aggressive political
new
worlds. Science was
agents tried to remain aloof from
its
and economic agendas. The
scientific separation
ing from value was to reach maturity in Victorian science.^^
how
its
of mean-
One can
imagine
the degree of detachment afforded by distance might lighten concerns
about imperialism’s subjugation of peoples and
territories.
They were
objects
of study, the knowledge of which benefited humankind. This is,
will to
in Said’s
know was thoroughly
implicated in the desire for power.
words, “power using knowledge to advance
an education in the world, the study of lettered
was
fully part
relics
itself” (1995, P* 4)-
As
and pickled specimens
of the exercise of power. The planetary consciousness that arose
through these global exploits always had designs on the world. As Ricci, the
It
West was prepared
to Christianity, a trade
which,
the Jesuits. This was to
to trade in if
become
cerning literacy learning.
it
was
knowledge
initiated by,
as a
we saw with
point of conversion
was not
to be restricted to
a basic educational principle, especially con-
The West
created an intellectual mercantilism that
2 '’
Focusing on the instance of Darwin, Levine argues that the displacement of God by the theory of natural selection was “still deeply inHected with the language of natural theology” (1993. P- 386). Levine finds his epistemological
model of alienation and possession in Darwins makown children. The debilitated and aging scientist simply worked with the resources at hand; it was as much an integration of his work and family as anything else. The more telling model of the detached but still highly acquisitive frame of mind comes with the exploratory voyages of the HMS Beagle, one of 107 survey ships ing detailed observations of his
that proved to be floating science schools for junior naturalists such as
and Joseph Dalton Hooker.
Thomas Huxley
51
52
AN ADVENTURE mined
LEARNING
IN
the worldly reservoir of facts and artifacts to fuel
powers to survey, name, and bring the world to reason. to forget the origin
of ideas outside
spiring flow of ideas through history
that drove those
evil.
The
its
West has tended
there has nonetheless been an incall
into ques-
humankind.
effectively divides
individual acts of courage and
who undertook
and
came of those long shipboard days was not
the learning that
wholly or endemically
If the
and around the globe that
which science
tion the boundaries by
Now clearly,
itself,
theories
its
commitment
such expeditions always entailed a complex
how
of motivations. To appreciate
human
nu-
ance of these adventures, one has only to stumble across the fact that the
first
set
American
it is
to overlook the
scientific expedition to Africa in 1859
the son of a slave
ham, Ontario however,
ries,
easy
and eventually
a teacher at the “colored school” in
(Gilroy, 1993, pp. 19-29). it still
seems
was led by Martin Delany,
fair to
Behind the
twists
Chat-
of individual
sto-
examine the patterns that repeatedly link
colonization and knowledge in ways that continue to influence
about the world. The response formulate
some
sort
is
to this earlier association that
obviously not a righteous will to ignorance, as
of flat
refusal to
have any
knowledge that can be attributed
traffic
if
how we learn I am trying to
there could be
with the vast storehouse of gathered
to imperialism. Nevertheless, there
is
some-
thing to be said for the ethical issues that have been raised in recent times, sues that focus
The
on the
is-
values entailed in securing various forms of knowledge.
lightning-rod case has been the medical information on hypothermia
and other
topics published
by Nazi doctors who conducted
periments on concentration tionally
worthwhile to ask
camp
victims.
At the very
The European
arts
seems educa-
enormous and earnest producmeans by which celebrated forms of
learning have been gathered and used, and to in the
least, it
after imperialism’s
tion of knowledge, to inquire into the
and written over
their grisly ex-
wonder what has been erased
making of the modern world. and sciences that blossomed from
the Renaissance on-
ward were inspired by decidedly more than the exploits of imperialism. Yet amid all of that flowering, the colonial imaginary formed a constant backdrop
to the intellectual
summarized
in
life
of Europe. Imperialism’s humanist ideal might be
something of a moral equation
rants this level of oppression.
was assumed fit
ial
to be to
of all humankind.
make
A
accomplishments
quired a similar
level of
degree of learning war-
responsibility of an “advanced civilization”
and sensible
for the bene-
can be drawn with a good deal of the imper-
which was intended
and colonial advantages
that the
this
the world fathomable
parallel
action in the Near East,
routes
The
—
in the rest
to protect precious trade
of Asia. Thus,
in natural history
it
must have seemed
and other forms of inquiry
re-
support and protection. Such an assumption, how-
AN ADVENTURE IN LEARNING ever,
only begs the question whether learning on
empire to sustain to study
its
scientific
it.
After
all,
one hardly need invade and occupy
language or identify
work
in
this scale requires a colonial
its
a country
and fauna. Europeans did carry out
flora
China and Siam with the cooperation,
rather than the col-
onization, of local populations.
To
ask after learning’s dependency
consider the pre-imperial successes of
though questions
are
still
on imperialism from another
Marco
Polo’s
being raised about the
suggest that one might accomplish
journey to Cathay. Al-
reliability
of the records, they
much by way of trade and
what might have become the model
angle,
learning in
for a cost-recovery global venture. Or,
consider how, during the heyday of imperialism, countless students from Asia and Africa found much to study and learn in Europe, studies which they hap-
pursued amid
pily
local prejudices
without feeling compelled to exploit the
economy, convert the native children, or take charge of the government. seems obvious enough that global forms of inquiry, scientific exchange, and
local It
scholarly investigation neither require nor redeem five centuries of imperial
and subordination of the world outside Europe. What had first threatened the European world of learning with the discovery of unac-
exploitation
counted-for peoples and places, grew into
and
for half a
knowledge
its
primary intellectual adventure,
millennium the learned worked
to reconfigure, define,
in a
meeting of power and
and center the known world on European
learning. If
imperialism has been transformed in recent years into a
globalized
economy no
new form of
longer dominated by a handful of European powers,
what then of the systematic educational apparatuses established by those powers over the centuries? Have they been equally transformed? A sensible
how
starting point for answering that question
is
ing hold of the whole of the world,
chose to portray and display
their
own
affirming edification.
first
to review
Europeans, in takit
for
53
Ad Prcxfedum Erreram feruntur munera
III.
ab vxorc Rcguli Prouincia: Cunianx.
and most hideous sight I have ever seen; she appeared more like a monster than a human being” (Benzoni, cited by Bucher, 1981, p. 66). It
was the
Indian
ugliest
Woman
from
America (Frankfurt,
New
Cumana
Province, Engraving in Theodor de Bry's
isgo,
8a, 4:^). Courtesy
ill.
York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,
and
Rare Books Division,
Tilden Foundations.
THREE IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL
A what
is
lthough most everyone knows that Christopher Columbus took possession of the New World by a simple act of proclamation in 1492,
few
realize that before the
end of that
first
day, he
went on
to outline
arguably the educational dynamics of empire in his logbook. His
entry for that historic October 12 includes a thumbnail ethnography of the
Arawak
natives
whom
he encountered in the newly named San Salvador, not-
ing that they are “well built with fine bodies and friendly,
then,
is
handsome
faces,” as well as
naked, and, in color, “neither black nor white” (1969, p. 55). Here, the first educational vector: the educational dynamic begins with a
witnessing and positioning of the other.
conquest educates the conqueror,
as
The expansion of experience and we saw in chapter 2. Columbus goes on
to record his intention to “bring half a
dozen of them back to
The
so that they can learn to speak” (pp. 55-56). is
repaid through a second vector: educating the
them through education speak.” This
is
done
to
good servants and very anything that
namic
is
said to
in his optimistic
to the level of the
initial act
of self-education
unknowing
human
their Majesties,
natives, raising
“so that they can learn to
make them worthy of servitude: “They should be
intelligent, for
them”
1
have observed that they soon repeat
(p. 56). Finally,
Columbus advances
approach to converting the Arawak: “And
a third dy1
believe,”
he notes, “that they would easily be made Christians, for they appeared to me to have no religion” (p. 56).' The weight of Columbus’s initial observations
'
Columbus may be making a
less
veiled reference to
trouble than converting Jews in Spain
for failing to
become
how converting
who had
Catholic.
55
the
been forced into
Arawak would be
far
exile earlier that year
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL
56
consigned the seemingly unspoken and godless Arawak to be studied, edu-
and converted. The educational dynamic
cated, governed,
laid
out by Colum-
bus that fateful day inscribes the better part of a standard that, achieved, given realization,
As
it
Only on
was
how
notoriously apt educational designs are at falling short of to capture imperialism’s- educational project.
still
turned out, however, Columbus did not yet have the whole of his return to
ism’s educational
ond and
if rarely
come upon
Spain did he
the final vector of imperial-
dynamic, the one that occupies
third vectors reserved for chapter 4).
it.
chapter (with the sec-
this
He found
the Spanish
drawn en
masse to the spectacle of this nev/found and alien side of their humanity. His son reports that as his heroic father made his way through Spain from Seville to Barcelona, “everyone
and
The people were
1969, p. 114).
exhibition of empire,
which was
experience of imperialism.
The
them
pass,
The Arawak must have been
at the sight
of the Spanish lining the
and the native who was kept
said to have expired of sadness after
What began
element of the
native-on-display was to be both spectacle and
with wonder and apprehension
streets to see
him,
gathering together for the
to be a constant educational
object lesson for the European imagination. filled
in the vicinity to gaze at
and other strange objects that he had brought back with
at the Indians
him (Columbus,
came from everywhere
Spanish court
is
two years had passed.^
along those Spanish
of public instruction over the next
at the
streets
was harnessed into various forms This chapter focuses on the
five centuries.
educational institutions in Europe that took shape around putting on display the world possessed through imperialism. Museums and international expositions filled their glass cases
with the spoils of empire. Public gardens and zoos were stocked with specimens from abroad and occasionally exhibited na-
The
tives as living displays.
wonders of empire ried articles
encyclopedias of Europe organized the lasting
and etchings on the
latest
to generating
an informed public
I
at the center
how
of a global empire. Al-
imaginative works
—educated
the public about
*
In Foucaults terms, the display of the native at court represents the of power: Traditionally, power was what was seen, what was shown fested [such as at court]. its invisibility, at
pulsory
.
.
.
newspapers car-
examine the contribution that each
though much attention has been paid to novels, plays, poetry, and, later, films
illustrated
adventures of exploration. These forms
organize the structure of this chapter as
made
and the
in alphabetical order,
Disciplinary power,
on the other hand,
— namely, its
empire,
meeting of two eras and what was maniis
exercised through
whom it subjects a principle of comthe subjects that have to be seen”(i979, P- 187). Alwriting about the birth of the prison here and refers specifically to the
the
same time
visibility. In discipline,
it
imposes on those
it is
though Foucault is power of the examination and the school, the extraordinary subjection of the aboriginal public examination would appear to offer a parallel process.
to
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL I
focus primarily in this chapter on the processes of exhibition and docu-
mentation, both popular and learned, profane and sublime, that were used to organize the display of empire. W^hat has been described in the previous chapter as an animated adventure into the multifaceted teaching
m learning for intrepid Europeans was fed
machine
at the centers
of empire. The
idle
spectators of Columbus s parade of Arawak were gradually transformed into the educated public of the bourgeois state. I he transformation
was supported
by educational institutions that were constructed largely around that imperial purpose, and which we are now having to rethink, given what they once
made
of the world.
These instruments of public instruction, including museum, garden, encyclopedia, exposition, and travel, took shape under the auspices of private enterprise, corporate concerns, nation-state, and church. Their imperial dis-
play educated the eye to divide the world according to the patterns of empire. As the eye was disciplined, so was the body. A public was lining up for these institutions,
committed
to,
and
was leaving them amused, amazed, informed, and among other things, the future of national empires and the init
stitutions of public education. in dividing the world,
The
best that the arts
and sciences could
whether between primitive and
offer
civilized or East
and
West, was used in the formation of a public that was learning to see the world in these imperial terms. In the previous chapter,
I
discussed the scientific im-
portance placed on vision; educating the eye became an equally important topic in the seventeenth century when Rene Descartes claimed that perception
is
was above
now know
all
habits of understanding that shape peoples vision: “I
that our perception of bodies
is
due neither
to the senses nor to the
imagination, but solely to the understanding, and they are
because
we
see
thought” (i960,
weaponry was
known
to us not
them or touch them, but because we conceive them in p. 116). To gaze into the captioned display case of bushman
to learn as
much about Western hegemony
over the world as
could be learned by reading about the nations military presence abroad. The Wests way of putting the world on display, whether for museum-goer, spectator,
or sightseer, was an education in
how
to hold the
world
in
mind, with
thought given to the power required to mount such exhibits. This education by museums and travel turned the world into an exhibit. so it has occurred to Thomas Mitchell, who writes of Egypt, “In the end,
little
Or
the European tried to grasp the Orient as though self” (1988, p. 29).
ticulated
some
The
it
were an exhibition of it-
philosophical sense of the world-as-exhibition was ar-
years ago, as Mitchell points out, by Martin Heidegger in his
lecture
“The Age of the World
degger,
it is
just this perspective
Picture,” given in Breisgau in 1938. For Hei-
on
“the world conceived
and grasped
as pic-
57
58
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL ture” that permits science to
assume
formed into the certainty of representation
.
.
the objectiveness of repre-
.
senting” (1977, pp. 127-28). Within the context of picture
becomes the educational
“Truth has been trans-
objectivity:
its
my
privilege of the West, closely tied to
colonizing efforts and civilizing mission. For Heidegger
The world
age:
picture does not change
modern one, but
from an
rather the fact that the world
distinguishes the essence of the
transformation needs
its
own
study, the world-as-
modern
defines the
it
earlier
modern
medieval one into a
becomes a picture
age”
its
(p. 130).
at all
what
is
This metaphysical
picture-framing, one that captures
how
Hei-
degger himself lectured a purged student body and faculty in the Nazi Ger-
many of 1938 amid
the triumph of those racial visions
arisen out of the imperial project
and
and that thus were no
divisions that
less
part of the
ern world picture. Here Nietschze’s will to knowledge makes
pearance in the perverse Nazi pursuit of
racial purity.
The
its
had
mod-
fearsome ap-
picture
is
framed
through the close association of power and knowledge that affords a seeming disengagement from the world in the name of science and education, with the result, as
my colleague
at a distance
— from
Derek Gregory
a platform, seen
notes, that
through
a
we now
see “the
world
window, displayed on
a
screen” (1994, p. 66).
The Educational Spectacle Within
a century
of Columbus’s triumphant return to Spain, the spectacles of empire had become a source of common mockery on the Elizabethan stage. In Shakespeare’s Tempest, one of the
Trinculo,
home,
for
first
on stumbling upon Caliban
is
ideas to cross the
mind of the
to put the aboriginal
jester,
on display back
not a holiday fool there but would give a piece of silver” to witness
this “strange fish.”
Trinculo appreciates the economies of fascination to be had of empire: “When they give not a doit to relieve a lame beggar, they will lay out ten to see a
dead Indian” (2.2.30—32).
By the turn of the eighteenth back
in
anger
at
marred by such
how
his visits to
century, William
London’s
St.
Wordsworth was looking
Bartholomew’s Fair had been
spectacles. In his long, autobiographical Prelude, this con-
templative poet describes such an exhibit as “hell for eyes and ears,” the “anarchy and din / Barbarian and infernal” (7.686-87). Among the imperial figures of this “spectacle,” he their poles”
names the “chattering monkeys dangling from and “the silver-collared Negro with his timbrel” (7.694, 703).
They stand among limits
of life, the
don, the city
the
movable wonders,” presenting a lesson
possibilities
at the center
of perversity, which are
of the empire,
crated artifacts of Cook’s journey:
as
as surely
in the outer
drawn
to
Lon-
were the dried specimens and
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL movable wonders, from
All
Are here
—
all
parts,
Albinos, painted Indians, Dwarfs,
The Horse of knowledge, and the learned Pig, The Stone-eater, the man that swallows fire. Giants, Ventriloquists, the Invisible Girl,
The Bust that speaks and moves
its
goggling eyes.
The Wax-work, Clock-work, all the marvellous craft Of modern Merlins, Wild Beasts, Puppet-shows,
AH
out-o’-the-way, far-fetched, perverted things.
All freaks
of nature,
Of man,
his dulness,
all
Promethean thoughts
madness, and their
jumbled up together
All
to
feats
make up
This Parliament of Monsters. (7.706-18)
Wordsworths parliament of monsters represented the popular expression of natural history, lacking the discipline and order that distinguished the more formally educational displays of nature. If the fair was driven by a desire for sensationalism, the
same monkey, Negro, and Indian were
in the instructive displays
later featured
of international exhibitions and national museums.
One might say that after Wordsworth,
given the wild, irrepressible anarchy of
the carnival, the leading lights of the bourgeois state and industry were to
back
horse of knowledge.
a different
that arose in the ninetenth century
Yet the state-sponsored expositions
and continued
we shall see, knowing how moth to a flame.^
the spectacular, as elty,
drawn
like a
What might
be readily taken
nineteenth-century spectacle
man,
a
Xhosa from South
is
bound
as the
into our
own
also
drew on
readily the eye lights
on nov-
most monstrous instance of the
the exhibition
and dissection of Saartjie Baart-
Africa. In 1810, at the age of sixteen, she
brought to London, where she was shown
as the
was
“Hottentot Venus.” Her
steatopygia, or protruding buttocks, were the principal focus of attention.
They were thought
to identify a primitive level
the subject of cartoons
and vaudeville plays (Gilman,
display of Baartmans person
1985, p. 215).
This crude
drew the attention of abolitionists, and
protest appeared in local papers.
The
^The
carnival’s challenge to authority,
reversals
verse,
have been championed most notably
and
of sexuality, and they became
its
in
letters
of
African Association, “a Society of
of the order and celebration of the perMikhail Bakhtin’s work on Rabelais (1968);
and Allan White (1986), who make much of it a category of transgression. This romantic treatment of the carnival as a licensed affair and “a permissible rupture of hegemony, a contained blow-off” has been countered by lerry Eagleton (1981, in Peter Stallybrass
p. 148).
59
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL
6o
Benevolent and highly respectable Gentlemen,” launched an unsuccessful legal suit “to release
her from confinement.” However, the court was per-
suaded by her promoter that Baartman was sharing
forming of her own accord
show moved
After the
Then,
(Altick, 1978, p. 270).
to Paris,
Baartman contributed
of Africa by being painted in the nude
logical record
and per-
in the profits
to Frances ethno-
du
at the Jardin
Roi.
age of twenty-five, after nine years of this exhibitionary
at the
Baartman succumbed
to smallpox.
The
fascination with her sexuality
the object of further scientific attention,
life,
became
and detailed autopsy reports were
published by Henri de Blainville and the famous zoologist Georges Guvier,
founder of comparative anatomy. They took
human
“lowest”
was regarded
this
opportunity to compare the
species to the highest primate (orangutan), dwelling
on what
her anomalous “organ of regeneration” (cited by Gilman,
as
1985, p. 213).
This focus on her genitalia led to their preservation and presen-
tation to the
Academie Royale de Medecine, “prepared
vier s words,
such a way,” in Gu-
in
allow one to see the nature of the labia” (pp. 215—16).
as to
Hottentot apron,
The
portrayed in the anatomical diagrams as extended labia
minora, served as an icon of African perversity, deformation, and pathology;
was a projection of primitive sexual appetite and lack of moral turpitude that bore anatomical comparison with the assumed deformities suffered by it
and
prostitutes
This
lesbians.
scientific fascination
autopsies performed
on
with the African female led to numerous other
women
identified as Hottentots. Their seemingly ab-
normal physiological and moral disposition was added to the ature
on the distance between the
can scientist put
Baartman Venus tally
it
suffered,
to
in 1868
scientific liter-
races, or their “non-unity,” as
(Gilman, 1985,
The
p. 216).
from the vaudeville stage
one Ameri-
cruel journey that
to the dissecting table,
from
apron,
demonstrates the spectacle’s iconic quality, which brureduces aspects of the world to disengaged objects of anxious desire and
knowledge den’ thus
for the powerful.
becomes
ferred into the
alized
female’
Gilman concludes
his sexuality
and
its
control,
that “the ‘white man’s bur-
and
it is
this
which
is
need to control the sexuality of the Other, the Other
trans-
as sexu-
both discouraging and Instructive that Baartman’s genitalia remain to this day on display at the Musee de I’homme (p. 237).^
It
Is
in Paris.
The
^
heartless spectacle that science
proved capable of creating had
For a critique of Sander Gilman’s reading ot Saartjie Baartman’s
“lack of distance between the object of his critique p. 32).
and
his
own
life
as largely a
view,” see
Mieke
its
masculine Bal (1991,
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL match
in the exotic exhibitions
sponsored by scholars in the humanities. At
the late-nineteenth-century International Congress of Orientalists, the educational display of the other attracted, at least on one occasion, somewhat
less
than sympathetic disdain,
The grotesque
Oxford produced
bly.
.
.
of papers; thus the Boden Professor of Sanskrit
who
priests,
men
a real live Indian Pandit,
Max
Muller of Oxford produced two
exhibited their
exhibiting their
What had begun
as
Japanese
rival
had the appearance of two showmonkeys. (Cited by T. Mitchell, 1988, p. 2) gifts;
it
tragedy with the
Arawak culminated
in the
these presentations at the International Congress of Orientalists. one’s point with the very
human
The Japanese
priests
now
and Indian pandit
readily
they are explained and
made
To
illustrate
seems an inhuman degree.
are reduced to pure spectacle, un-
able to be other than objects of the fascinated as
pathos of
beings under discussion takes the educa-
of the visual aid to what
tional device
at
and made him go through of Brahmanical prayer and worship before a hilarious assem-
Professor
.
an 1897 Issue of Hellas:
idea was started of producing natives of Oriental coun-
tries as illustrations
the ritual
as this reviewer reveals in
and knowing gaze of the West,
sensible, like puppets,
by
their learned
presenters.
In
have
and
more
made
recent times, a
it
whether
in
are faced with charges
not wanting to have their
educators, and curators
own
is
called for
is
made of racial
biology textbooks or Disney cartoons,
al-
of “political correctness” from those who,
educations disturbed, seek to
concern for these acts of misrepresentation. cal correction
artists,
their business to challenge the spectacle that
cultural difference,
though they
number of writers,
Yet, clearly,
trivialize their
some form of politi-
when such punishing imbalances of power can
ac-
count for the treatment of the Arawak, Baartman, the Indian pandit, and the Japanese
priests.
knowledge
The
correction begins by
explicit in matters
making the
of power and
relations
of display and characterization.
when Coco Fusco teamed up with Guillermo Gomez-Pena performance piece “Two Undiscovered Amerindians,” their display of
For example, In the
themselves in a cage challenged the educational spectacle that had long been
made of indigenous demic
to
peoples.
To make
what they termed the
explicit the voyeuristic relationship en-
“imperialist classification
and the
of the exotic body,” the two of them “exhibited” themselves tives El
Aztec High-Tech and Miss Discovery 1992,
in plazas,
mance,
museums, and
in Fusco’s
universities
as the
in a cage placed
(Sawchuk, 1992,
p. 24).
fetishizing
mock
na-
on display
Their perfor-
words, “was based on the once popular European and
North American practice of exhibiting indigenous people from
Africa, Asia,
6l
62
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL and the Americas (^995’ P- 40)*^
in zoos, parks, taverns,
One of the more
at the
Minnesota State
for the sadness
The
I
saw
is
also
hard to
moments during their tour of Euwas coming upon a diminutive African
Fair
my own
land Princess.” “Not even
(p. 58).
shows and circuses”
difficult
rope and America, Fusco notes,
me
freak
Their play on imperialisms educational theme
turn away from.
American
museums,
who was
billed as
“Tiny Teesha, the
Is-
performance,” Fusco records, “prepared
my own
in her eyes, or
ensuing sense of shame”
year was 1992.
The Museum To
realize
how
the
sixteenth century,
museum
when
relates to the spectacle,
it
helps to return to the
the Italian grand duke Francesco
I,
assembled his
se-
windowless studiolo with landscapes painted on the walls and treasures
cret,
from
afar
on
display. Francesco
had
a desk placed in the
middle of the room
to situate himself at the contemplative center of the
world. Florentine scholars and physicians were also
known and possessed known to have far more
modest cabinets of wonders, which further suggests that the origin of the mu-
seum
lay in private display (Hooper-Greenhill, 1992, p. 126).
wonders and
The collection of
from abroad, took on greater
scientific
impor-
tance with the encouragement of Francis Bacon and others
who saw
the im-
curiosities, often
portance of having the display of nature at hand for their experimental phi-
Bacon recommended that even the “most perfect and general of the modern scholar be supplemented by “spacious, wonderful gar-
losophy. library
dens
and
a stable for
all
rare beasts”
and
“all
rare birds;
with two lakes ad-
one of fresh water the other of salt. And so you may have in small compass a model of the universal world of nature made private.” Bacon joining, the
.
recommended
“a
ments and furnaces
as
also
.
.
goodly huge cabinet” and a “still-house” for instru-
may
Impey and MacGregor,
be a palace
1983, p.
i).
fit
for a philosophers stone” (cited
by
This all-encompassing, private model of
the universe, so necessary for driving the empirical engine of modern science,
proved equally effective
What started
as the
in attracting
dukes
and instructing
secret pleasure
museums were
regularly
paying public.
chamber and the
ied objects gradually evolved into the public display
nineteenth century,
a
open
scholars’ stud-
of the museum. By the
to the public, with free ad-
^Gomez-Pena and Fusco also performed at the Field Museum in Chicago, where, a century before, at the Columbia Exposition, “living dioramas” of “dying savages” in the Congress of Evolution were set up outside the “White City” celebrating Western science and industry. Maureen Sherlock reports that at some sites of this conceptual artwork, “tourists asked to have their pictures taken with the two natives,’ and many believed them to be aborigines on display for their entertainment and edification” (1994, P- 33 )-
real
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL mission days beginning in i8io at the British
who needed
also thrived in
England, along the
lines
and Ethnological Museum, which advertised of
ical
1854 that
to ensure that those
most would not be prohibited from attending.
to benefit the
museums
vate
Museum
of Reimers’s Anatom-
its
Aztec Lilliputians in
the great sensation which these extraordinary
tures have excited during their stay in
model them,
may have
that the Public
singular form
by Altick, 19785
(cited
Pri-
human
little
crea-
London, has induced Mr. Reimers
to
further opportunity of inspecting their
movement from
342^)*
P-
exciting
sensations to inspecting singular forms describes the educational arc of the
museum.
would ask the reader
how
museum placed its visitors at the center of a world to be known and possessed, how a museum might use its collection of African masks, Ming vases, and Egyptian mumI
to think
about
the
mies to teach visitors about past and present civilization and empire, and about their place within that order. This process can be contrasted with the
when
habits of medieval Europe, inlaid ivory
and enameled
the church incorporated Arabic pieces of
brought back from the Crusades, into
glass,
its re-
facts
iconography (Raby, 1983, p. 251). However acquired, these early artidid not come to stand for a domination of the world in the same way
that
museum
ligious
artifacts did.
Like
Marco
Polo’s legendary
they represented a different order of acquisition, far
about difference and
The museum’s
cutta was the largest
Rudyard
lic in
1878.
these
museums,
intent
on teaching
identity.
particular disciplining of the spectacle not only took place
West but was
in the
less
Chinese porcelain,
also staged in the colonies.
The
among colonial
opening
collections,
Kipling’s Anglo-Indian novel
young hero
as the book’s
Museum
Indian its
doors to the pub-
Kim begins with
astride a great
sits
another of
bronze cannon,
(having “kicked off” an Indian lad), which stood opposite “the
House
as the natives called the
Lahore
Museum”
dynamic of empire was doubly applied
at the
where
a certain superintendent’s interests in
at the
door with
his calipers
measurements of native
and other
(1939, p.
i).
The
Wonder
educational
Madras Central Museum,
anthropometry
tools with
visitors, occasionally
in Cal-
led
him
to stand
which he would take the
paying them for
this
notable
contribution to science (Prakash, 1992, pp. 155-56).
By the nineteenth
century,
issuing helpful guides to
mens
(Ritvo, 1990, p.
were caught up tions,
and
which
to
5).
museums
in
London,
Sailor, naturalist (“herborizer”),
in a scientific fervor that
a
new
and
Paris
were
seamen on the gathering and preserving of speci-
faith.
These amateur
pickled, caged, or housed artifacts to
and missionary
sought new specimens,
causes, as if this great cataloging of nature
found
Berlin,
might form
alike
classifica-
a rock
on
collectors sent dried, pressed,
museums and
universities, as well as the
63
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL
64
ZOOS and circuses, of an eagerly awaiting Europe. Although the
began
as largely private,
terprises, the
sometime-philanthropic, sometime-commercial en-
government was not long
in getting involved, introducing a
force into the global search for artifacts, as E.
“For the
his essay
Museums
down and
Forster sardonically notes in
was scratched
all
over the globe,
were damned, rocks chipped, natives tortured, hooks were let into the sea. What had happened? Partly an increase in science but also the
taste,
and quite
as
arrival
unscrupulous
Meanwhile, the
and greater
greater
M.
new
Sake”:
In the nineteenth century, the soil rivers
museums
—
museum
of a purchaser, wealthier than cardinals
the
modern European
state. (1967, p.
curator, confronted with the task
arrays of artifacts,
found
a
wonderful story
309)
of arranging
Darwins theory of evolution. Here was a way of placing the public not only at the center of the known world, but at its culminating evolutionary moment as well.
One
of pursuing
result
in his study
of the museum,
ums were soon
this is
evolutionary narrative,
that British, American,
line in
Tony Bennett
reports
and Australian muse-
looting Aboriginal sacred sites for materials to
fill
gaps in the
chronology of the story they told (1995, p. 79). For a contemporary social critic such as Bennett, the museums during the nineteenth century were designed for easy absorption and were intent on demonstrating the “improving force of culture to the working class” (p. 8).6 In this, they joined with the
church
in
competing against the alehouse. Bennett
wrote in 1884 that for the working man, “the to
wisdom and
perdition the
Gin
of the
museum
civilized
gentleness,
and
to
cites Sir
Museum will
Henry Cole, who certainly lead
him
Heaven,” compared to the “brutality and
Palace” (p. 21).
The
served, in Bennetts words,
glass cases as a
and labeled displays of
space of emulation in which
forms of behavior might be learnt and thus more widely diffused
through the
social
body
These lessons were not restricted to London. The number of museums open to the public in Britain increased from fifty in i860 to two hundred in 1900. This array of museums obviously carried
more than
artifacts
(p. 24).
of imperialism, but such exotica were always a strong
draw. In his
mock
travelogue ol yesteryear’s Pax Britannica (“Let us ourselves,
guide in hand, wander around”), James Morris puts
this fixation
objects into sobering perspective with his visit to the Victoria
seum ^
collection of Indian art,
Edward Gray, the
British
first
on imperial
and Albert Mu-
assembled by the East India Company.
Museums
keeper of zoology, pointed out in 1858 that the museums were organized From the beginning “to afford the greatest amount of information in a moderate space, and to be obtained, as it were, at a glance” (cited by Bennett, 1995, p. 41).
— IMPERIAL SHOW-AN D-TELL The most
and popular exhibit of the
fascinating
Morris s estimation, was
late
nineteenth century, in
Tipu Sultans famous Tiger-man-organ, an inge-
nious toy which represents an Indian tiger eating an Englishman, the tiger growling and the sahib feebly gurgling from an interior mechanism” (1968,
What
P’ 437)-
of
this toy,
is
Morris
mention,
to
fails
that not only
is it
as
I
life-size,
on coming across
realized
but
also has a strange sexual
it
bivalence, beginning with the soldier’s skintight uniform.
on the
soldier’s thighs
nan, 1969, desires
p. 65).
and shoulders,
his
Their deadly embrace
mouth
carries
a picture
its
The
tiger
poised
is
neck (Kier-
at the soldier’s
own
am-
lesson in the fears
and
of the colonial encounter.
Yet
if
I
had
to point to
one device that linked the museum
to the unfet-
would be the general use of the painted and dressed-up mannequin, which proved to be the museum’s way of giving in to tered spectacle of empire,
a certain visual fascination in
it
with the exotic body. Mannequins
commercial exhibitions, such
1842 in London. In the 1890s,
upon
as the
when
first
turned up
Chinese Collection, which opened
in
the anthropologist Franz Boas was called
to design “life groups” of northwestern Native
Americans
for the
Amer-
Museum of Natural History in New York, he worked with a “life group preparator” who made casts of native body parts using the Native Americans who performed in circuses visiting New York, and students of the Carlisle ican
Indian School.
On
collecting artifacts
occasion, anthropologists
among
would gather body
Native Americans in the
field.
casts
A photograph
while
from
the preparation of one exhibition shows Boas “demonstrating a pose of the
Kwakiutl hamatsa dancer for the model maker in 1895” as
U.S. National
Museum
he crouches on a tabletop, dressed in a suit and cravat, with his
arms spread out and
ward
at the
his
mouth
shape of an
in the
O while he looks heaven-
(Jacknis, 1985, p. 99). Ira Jacknis notes the great additional expense, as
well as the “problems they presented in scientific
came with using needed
natives,
artistic veracity,” that
plaster-cast simulacra, although plaster
for skin tones better than
The
and
it
wax
or papier-mache
took the paint
(p. 98).
appeared, could be effectively represented by a hollow,
painted casting, but their tools and clothing had to be authentic possessions
of the museum.
The
educational interests of the
and preserving of natives’
lives
that preserved their place in the past.
fective
with
The
boxing
displays certainly proved ef-
Boas noting that “when the Public leave the Lecture
Hall, they invariably look at the group” (cited real
called for a
within a spectacular three-dimensional family
album
visitors.
museum
by Jacknis,
1985, p. 100). I’he
measure, for Boas, however, was that people would “stop to read the
bels” at the exhibits (p. 100). tion,
Boas was distressed
at
With
how
his
la-
concern for the pedagogy of exhibi-
the architectural presence of the
museum
65
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL
66
he
columns and stairways
refers to its
—could
defeat the desired effect of en-
tering another world, of fully realizing the scope of difference these lives rep-
resented
This desire to teach from a nature that existed outside the institution had been Rousseau’s great dream in Emile (1979). Boas did his (p. loi).
share to bring a scientific quality to the museum’s realization of that dream. Not long afterward, the study of anthropology and other sciences
moved out
of the lic
museum and
instruction
and
into the university, leaving the
museums o
focus
on pub-
edification.^
The museums
educational influence
came
to be felt in the
department
began to encourage extended browsing, so that, in Michael Kimmelmans analysis, “shopping at a department store became a form of con-
store as
it
noisseurship for the average States, this exhibitionary
man and woman”
(1995, p.
H43). In the United
mix of the educational and the commercial reached
by the turn of the century. Stewart Cullin, ethnology curator of the Brooklyn Museum, was at that time setting up displays of the museum’s arti-
a fine art
facts in the
Bonwit
Teller
and Abraham
& Straus department stores,
while
the owners of such enterprises were funding expeditions to collect Amerindian artifacts. The public was raised to appreciate the finest fruits of empire, as
Bonwit
on the
its
Congo fabrics” was Brooklyn Museum” (p. H43). Both
1923 “sports attire of
exhibit ... in collaboration with the
museum and
sumer and
Teller advertised that
the department store were participating in a form of condemocracy that came of recognizing that women formed an
audience
a market.®
Another legacy of the ethnological exhibition and, in many dilemma yet to be resolved comes of what Elizabeth Williams
senses, a
(1985) describes
as “the
opposition between art and artifact.” Williams notes that the Louvre began in the nineteenth century to serve as a repository of pre-Columbian ar-
tifacts.
The
case
high culture to a
was soon made
to
remove these
artifacts
from the realm of
devoted to anthropological study. In the 1820s, E. F. Jomard, curator of the Bibliotheque Royale, complained that “there was no site
By 1907, Boas had concluded that “the psychological as well as the culture, which are the only objects of anthropological inquiry,
historical relations
of cannot be expressed by any arrangement based on so small a portion of the manifestation of ethnic life as presented by specimens (cited by Jacknis, 1985, p. 108). Perhaps, one might then suggest, it was the relation between cultures that was being expressed or manifested by these presentations of
specimens.
Turning the analogy around, Marianna Torgovnick proposes that the museums’ display oi primitive objects at the turn of the century “resembled department stores during clearance sales: items were displayed en masse in no special order; they were on view but not exhibited lavishly or enticingly” (1990, p. 75). Nancy Armstrong discusses this democratic consumerism through a postcolonial reading of Alice in Wonderland { 1990 p. 17) ®
,
IMPERIAL question of beauty in these arts
and
to practical
social utility
came
cal objects
which featured and staged
into their
.
.
.
by Williams,
1985, p. 147).
in the
quary figures from the Congo. Picassos reflections on invoking
magic and
hostility
At that ing
moment
isn’t
him
in
a
of the Americana
form of Kota
reli-
his visit to the Tro-
break with the traditional aesthetics of West-
profound engagement with what he saw
as the
of the world: I
was what painting
realized that this
an aesthetic operation;
a
it’s
by giving form
to
this realization,
I
our terrors
knew
that
I
is all
about. Paint-
form of magic designed
tion between the strange, hostile world
as
media-
way of seizing power our desire. When I came to
and
as well as
had found
us, a
my
way. (Cited by Rhodes,
p. 116)
1994,
A
in Paris,
wandered into the Trocadero, where
he had a profound encounter with the “primitive”
artifacts’
practi-
Musee d’Ethnographie du Trocadero. Some
thirty years later, the story goes, Picasso
art,
These
Americana, decorated mannequins,
vignettes. After the exposition closed, the site
exhibit was transformed into the
ern
in relation
with the Universal Exposition of 1878
a massive exhibition of
cadero emphasize these
OW- AN D-TELL
but only of objects considered
(cited
own
H
S
1908 photograph of Picasso shows the
artist in his Parisian
Bateau-
Lavoir studio, sitting by a coal stove and surrounded by what appear to be
West African
artifacts
(Rhodes, 1994,
His Nude with Raised Arms ^vom
p. 112).
1907 brings an infusion of this designated primitiveness to the cubist denial of
Western perspective, with the
askew
in the
extended
face.
figure’s mask-like,
This was the
him, both primal and duplicitous
remote culture itive
is
reassembled in
break from the tired
spirit
artist’s
in the female.
Paris,
football-shaped eyes sitting
unmasking of what was, It is
art after
for
ethnography.
A
feeding the viewer’s desire for a prim-
of the metropolis.
The ethnographic
artifact,
torn from the culture of the African village, enters the Western imagination
museum display, with little thought for possible. The Trocadero affords the West
through the
the colonialism that has
made
a cultural
it all
exchange me-
diated, as Picasso writes of painting’s purpose, “between this strange, hostile
world and
us.”
The ethnographic
terrors as well as p. 116).
What
museum
our desires” for an empire over the primal
has been wrenched from one
museum’s quietude of
mounting
display in the
order, grace,
community
is
domesticates “our (cited
placed within the
and instruction. The
neatly belies the imperial violence, symbolic
by Rhodes,
object’s careful
and otherwise,
that has
afforded this ethnographic display. Ehe museum’s lessons are always partial.
ITe
studied primitiveness achieved by
Matisse, Klee,
and Modigliani
to
artists
from Gauguin through
Hepworth and Moore transformed
artifiicts
67
68
IMPERIAL
S
H OW-AN D-TELL
into art. This elevated the public’s appreciation of ethnographic
totem, but, as Sally Price observes,
“much of the
mask and
recent valorization of Prim-
Art has simply been a matter of removing selected Masterpieces from one realm and depositing them in the other, without in any way narrowing itive
the great divide that separates them” (1989, p. 99). Even the
museum
houses both art and artifact manages to keep them apart through tional efforts. its
Think of how
completion, the
tifact
is
the
name of the
typically identified
by
museum artist,
work of art with
educa-
the year of
the place of birth; the ethnographic ar-
tribe, region,
The framed and hung artwork
tury.
labels a
its
that
or nation, and
is
dated by cen-
celebrates the artist’s transcending
ment of sublime achievement, whereas
mo-
the array of artifacts in the glass case
an aspect, whether spiritual or culinary, of a remote culture. Does the allure of these artifacts come from this educated sense of approaching a
signifies
great divide across time
and
space.^
The dialectical push and
pull
of Western
art
being what
it is,
the dadaists
turned back against the spiritualizing of a primitive sexuality earlier in this century, with Hannah Hoch producing the collage series From the Ethnographic Museum in 1926. lipsticked lips
included African sculptures intercut with women’s and fashion-model legs in high heels, mocking the treatment It
of both the primal and the well-made-up
woman
as
other (Rhodes, 1994,
Such work becomes part of the museum’s ability to encompass modernity s central tension between the ubiquitous institution and the crip.
147).
tique of its dominance. Art, in that sense,
is still
about
itself
Another countermove against the museum tradition includes the National Museum of the American Indian, which, since its opening in 1994 at the Smithsonian Institution in
New York,
has featured labels for
exhibits in three colors, with art historians, anthropologists,
icans each providing their
continuing
life
commentary.
It
also leaves
some
some of its
and Native Amer-
objects undated to
show
within an ongoing culture (“On Native Ground,” 1994).
To have Native Americans
curating, advising,
and repatriating
may
artifacts
disturb without completely unsettling the museum’s placement of the Western visitor at the center of a universe. Rather than seeing their own perspective and knowledge unrelentingly celebrated or seeing the museum as a ledger
of ownership, here Western
visitors are just that, visitors to a familiar institu-
now in the hands of those whom it once simply put on display. Although museums are becoming more self-conscious about their ren-
tion that
is
dering of the world, the public’s expectations have only very slowly been
lowing
suit.
The
Africa 95 celebration in Great Britain featured a
exhibitions, including as Africa.
its
principal showpiece
and the
largest
fol-
number of of
its
kind
The Art ofa Continent, sponsored by the Anglo American Company,
imperial
De
s
h
ow-an d-tell
and Minorco. One reviewer of the show at the Royal Academy of Arts in London, John Ryle, after critiquing the use of the term art2.s a Western imposition, expressed his disappointment that in “visiting the Royal Academy, you do not feel you have been to Africa. To tell the truth, the light IS
Beers,
so low
and the rooms
dead” (1995,
it is
more
like a visit to the
land of the
The idea of the museum somehow delivering Mv\c2i of how the museums imperial legacy lives on in those it
p. 19).
fords a clear vision fectively
are so gloomy,
educated over a lifetime. All
however, as he finally claims to
not
is
lost for
feel closer to “a
trading in an international market
ef-
Ryle in this exhibition,
contemporary Akan
than to his
af-
own
forebears,
carver,
who
as
colonists engaged in a “triumphant, ill-informed appropriation of Akan ritual furniture” (p. 19). The curator of the exhibition was the painter Tom Phillips (i995)>
who
primitive: again.
^
expressed the hope that the
Certainly after this
Hoping not
of what has been made of the past is not helpful. to be said about the primitive” if we are to under-
to hear
There remains much
we have been taught by
stand what
preserves, honors,
we need
show would put an end to talk of the exhibition I hope never to hear the word
and informs
to be able to
in
the
ways
I
museum. Although do not want
the
to disparage or lose,
imagine what the
museum presumes, how and how that presumption has
sumption informs our education, by the very specific material and historical
relations that
museum
fall
that pre-
been fed
under the name
“imperialism.”
The Botanical and Zoological Gardens
The
and the museum were both caught up in a fascination with the human, but it was actually the study of plants that formed the earliest of the spectacle
imperial sciences, a study that
gardens, and illustrations.
The
would lend naturalists
itself to
who
magnificent collections,
traveled the seas were espe-
keen about the pharmacological and agricultural uses of newfound plants. They preserved, dried, and kept living instances of the world s botancially
ical variety.
As
early as 1540, gardens stocked with plants
from around the
globe were being added to European estates for their beauty, oddity, and scientific value (Each, 1977, p. 441). 1 he Portuguese physician Garcia da Orta
‘’Among the responses William Packer
in the
to the exhibition that Alan Riding reports are
—
Financial Times
nocent, patronizing naivete
again”— and Simon
exciting, colorful but primitive
But
comments by
We shall
we
never look at African art in our old inJenkins in the Times: “They look exotic,
are not
supposed to say that” (cited by Riding, 1995. PP- 43. 46). Torgovnick notes that “we conceive of ourselves as at a crossroads between the civilized and the savage; we are formed by our conceptions of both these terms” (1990, p. 17).
69
70
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL was among the
earliest to plant systematic
tropical plants, including cannabis,
gardens for studying the
choosing
Goa and Bombay
life
of
Island for the
establishment of his gardens. This led to his treatise on the uses of some
fifty-
seven plants and “simples” in the preparation of spices, foods, and medicines (p- 433)-
Lach notes how,
with their
common names
what was then
By
in those
pre-Linnaean times, Orta labeled the plants
many
in as
languages as possible, as
a multicultural claim to a
capture
if to
naming of the world.
end of the eighteenth century, the Calcutta Botanic Garden
the
fered a profusion of
some 22,000
plant species and 800 tree types,
all
of-
care-
fully labeled for the visitor’s edification
(Kumar, 1990,
mentioned
famous Jardin du Roi was established
in the previous chapter, the
in Paris in 1635, as the
and the pleasure gardens
Royal Botanic Gardens in 1841,
at
p. 52).
Kew in London
when
tion,
and
it,
its
“Through
its
research,
practical activities,
its
as
I
were rechristened
they were officially recognized
As Lucile Brockway
for their contribution to the study ol natural history.
summarizes
Meanwhile,
dissemination of scientific informa-
which included plant smuggling,
Kew
Gar-
dens played a major part in the development of several highly profitable and
important plant-based industries in the tropical colonies” (1979, Joseph Banks and those who followed him in administering Kew Gar-
strategically p. 6).
dens dens.
set
up
satellite
gardens from
St.
Vincent to Calcutta to support the gar-
Brockway compares the Royal Botanic Gardens, with
horticulturalists, to the
modern
crops complemented Britain’s
its
research laboratory: “These
home
form
industries to
a
power”
(p. 6).
And
this
made
new
plantation
comprehensive
tem of energy extraction and commodity exchange which nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
“semiamateur”
sys-
for a time, in the
Britain the world’s super-
from a garden that continued
to
fill
the
Sunday
af-
ternoons of Londoners with earthly delights.
Although the state-sponsored gardens of Europe
typically sought a bal-
ance between scientific inquiry and public pleasure, those business to profit by empire’s spectacle were
less
who made
it
their
equivocal about the intent
of their exhibitions. The private zoos, which by midway into the nineteenth century were postering the streets of major European and American
cities
with notices of their great menageries, were strong on colonial lessons in identity
and
difference.
The Royal Menagerie of London
billed itself as “the
grandest National Depot of Animated Nature in the World” (Altick, 1978, p. 308). For a shilling, visitors to the Royal Menagerie were able to see “the African Lion
'0
— Nero” and
the “Noble Lioness
—
Charlotte,” along with “the
Alter introducing a standard nomenclature, Linneaus honored Orta’s early
naming
a
number of plants
after
him (Lach,
1977, p. 434).
work by
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL Striped or I
Untamable Hyena,”
orcupine,
and on the
list
“a Variety
of the
Monkey Tribe,”
“an Oriental
goes, with each animal suggesting the corre-
sponding human savagery of untamable oriental tribes. Londoners with little pocket change could see the caging of the strange and the savage in
a
an
animal version of the colonial drama. The Royal Menageries Ne(g)ro, accompanied by his noble Charlotte, suggested the fearsome emperor of the jungle lording over the natives before
of the land.
But
^
to the true colonial masters
1
was not
It
succumbing
just the
showman who was
in
it
for the
money. The
French government sought to exploit the economic potential of the research garden when it established the Jardin zoologique d’acclimatation
in 1854, ^
venture that continues to this day
matation sought to
The
in Paris.
Societe zoologique d’accli-
revitalize France’s agricultural situation
by domesticating
and animals, with the whole process put on display
exotic plants
formation of the public.
The
societe, largely
imported yaks, ostriches, and alpacas ing to French
soil
in the
made up of amateur
hope
and climate, could be used
guishing agriculture enterprise. *2
The
societe
for the innaturalists,
that such animals, in adapt-
to revitalize the country’s lan-
s
jardin also had an active edu-
component, with occasional and highly “successful” ethnological exhibits. These spectacles included, at different times, small numbers of Africans, Inuit, Argentine gauchos, and Laplanders set among displays of cational
relevant animals (Osborne, 1994, pp. 126-27).
By
the twentieth century, the Jardin zoologique d’acclimatation had declined as a public attraction, and the efforts to acclimatize kangaroos and lla-
mas proved,
in
almost
all
instances, disastrous. This desire to see animals
adapt to different climates was another take on reordering the world. It was a selective go at shuffling what-belonged-where to the advantage of the French. Augustine Hardy, director of the corresponding Jardin d’essai at Algiers, declared in 1898, (cited
“The whole of colonization
by Osborne, 1994,
p. 145).
is
a vast
deed
in acclimatization”
Acclimatization was about establishing a
new
order over the nature of the world. Certainly, the colonial powers devoted considerable scientific energies not only to preparing llamas for alpine pas-
tures,
but also to increasing the ability of white
the tropics.
The
initial colonial forays into
men
to govern
and
profit in
the region of the equator in the
Edgar Rice Biirroughss Tarzan novels, perhaps most notably Lord ofthe Jungle, were to sustain this theme. Donna Haraway argues in her Primate Visions {k)^) that symbolically
elevating the animals of Africa over the Africans nologists have
done
in their study
who
live
with them
is
part of what eth-
of primates.
Ten percent of the Societe zoologique d’acclimatations membership was made up of engineers, physicians, scientists, and teachers (Osborne, 1994, P- 20). '2
71
72
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL had been disastrous, claiming the
early nineteenth-century
one hundred
eight out of
lives
of seventy-
British physicians stationed in tropical Africa be-
two years of duty
fore they
had completed
their
The
acclimatization
theme was about thriving within the expanded
zons of this exotic and
vital nature. It
world, in the sense of being
zoo
its
lord
within the urbanity of civilization.
the
meant learning
to be at
home
hori-
in the
and master. The imperial garden and the
nature on display for the cosmopolitan, creating miniature Edens
set
street
(p. 93).
and into the
scientific
They encouraged
the public to step off the
and colonial mastery of nature
wonder and beauty of the
that attested to
West’s dominion.
The Encyclopedic Urge In eighteenth-century France, the encyclopedists were for the
movement of the
Versailles to a
royal collection
Louvre open
commitment of
of art and
among
artifacts
from
to the public (Bennett, 1995, p. 37).
true citizens of the
Enlightenment
those calling its
refuge at
Such was the
to the spread of reason
and knowledge among the people. The great expression of that
ideal,
of
course, was Diderot’s magnificent publishing project, the Encyclopedic, un-
dertaken by a “Society of Men of Letters.”
It
was originally contracted
to be
a translation
of Ephraim Chambers’s recently issued Cyclopedia, but Diderot
was not long
in
convincing his backers that they could
all
do much
better
by
The
going with an original and thoroughly French ordering of knowledge.
resulting Encyclopedic on dictionnaire raisonne des sciences, des arts, et des
volumes of which appeared
metiers, the first
in 1751,
was the bound and
portable showcase of Western civilization. Although the French Empire plays
only a minor part in the content of the Encyclopedic, Diderot did not hesitate to appeal to imperialism’s planetary consciousness in describing the intent this
work: “The purpose of the Encyclopedia
scattered over the lace ol the earth; to explain
whom we 1959, p.
live
ix).
and
to transmit
it
to the
is
its
to assemble the
knowledge
general plan to the
men who come
of
men
with
after us” (Gillispie,
Gathering what was otherwise dispersed and scattered, to edu-
among whom “we” live, with the ambiguous question just who is named here, carries its own sense of the imperial educational mission.
cate those
being
Here was
a
work
that advertised itself as a “detailed system of
knowledge” that could be standing” divided silk,”
out on a large page, with the whole of “Under-
among “Memory,” which
ran to “the working and uses of
through “Reason,” and on to “Imagination,” including “theoretical,
practical, instrumental, le
set
human
Rond d’Alembert,
course,”
which
set
and vocal music” (d’Alembert,
1995, pp. 144-45). Jean
Diderot’s collaborator, contributed a “Preliminary Dis-
out the EncyclopMies
commitment
to empiricism: “All
our
IMPERIAL SHOW-AN D-TELL knowledge can be reduced to what we received through the senses; whence it follows that we owe all our ideas to our sensations” (p. 6). French efforts to gather up the world s scattered knowledge, to expand the range of its direct
named
sensations,
D Alembert goes on
clopedic.
The mere
edge.
the intellectual debt to offer
owed
to imperialism in the Ency-
an ethics governing the
will to
knowl-
we have occasionally found concrete advantages in knowledge, when they were hitherto unsuspected, au-
fact that
certain fragments of thorizes us to regard
all
begun out of pure curiosity
investigations
as
being
potentially useful to us” (p. i6).
of the world by the potential usefulness
what was
The Encyclopedic siood for the authorized use guardians of human understanding, out of that world’s to the European mind and body. It spoke eloquently to
learned, inventive, innovative,
colonial vein,
it
and industrious
in the French. In a
provided an illustrated guide to the indigo, manioc (the
source of arrowroot), tobacco, cotton, and sugar plantations of the French colonies, which were “disposed according to the dictates of reason and a slave
economy,
as
Charles Gillispie puts
lustrations for the trades
it
in his edition
and industry
of the Encyelopedies,
(1959, pl- 37).
The
il-
plantation land-
scapes depicted are thoroughly idyllic. Slaves walk in from the fields in pairs, while another is catching a fish in the pond for dinner. The house sits
mam
off on a
hill.
For Roland Barthes, the Encyclopedies illustrations are forebears of the international expositions that began in the next century. Barthes speaks of how the “Encyclopedic man mines all nature with human signs
The ob-
ject
IS
the world’s
human
signature” (1980, p. 24).
The human
signature
a French hand, a signature that, in the encyclopedic appetite for order
is
in
and
knowledge, extends to the entire world. The EncyclopMie becomes, for Barthes, “a huge ledger of ownership” that distinguishes the Enlightenment,
m
mind, from the Renaissances animated spirit of an adventurous knowledge. Although Barthes makes no direct reference to imperialism in his
his analysis,
propriate
man. ing,
is
he does identify to
“a learning
of appropriation”
fragment the world, to divide
and
at that
name and
classify) the
coinciding
spirits
he questions that
I
keep returning to
it
in this
level,
I
classify-
to iden-
of imperialism and scholar-
within the (French) signature.
book
are,
how dependent was
learning on taking possession of the world in this way, and this possessive
“to ap-
into finite objects subject to
we cannot separate without finally naming and moment property is born” (p. 27). This seems at once
ship that seek to possess the world, bringing
of
which
For Barthes,
tify (to
I
it
in
what
is
the legacy
education, this right of ownership and property.^ At
suppose, any work that aspires to encompass the
some
known world could
be said to suffer from imperialist aspirations. With this encyclopedic urge of
73
74
IMPERIAL
S
H OW-AN D-TELL
the Enlightenment, however, the rhetoric
and ambition
are underwritten
by
a literal, rather than a literary, aspiration to take hold of the world.
This
is
perhaps no
the case with the great encyclopedias of imperial
less
China, which were equally far-reaching and equally given to fragmentation,
of the emperors ubiquitous ownership.
classification, and, ultimately, a sense
Pliny’s Naturalis historia,
turies possessed the
from the time of the
same confident claim on
Roman
learning. Diderot’s Encyclopedie
was not, then, the invention of European imperialism. tradition of compiling its
and
collating
all
that
Empire, had for cen-
is
was part of a
It
known of the world.
larger
Yet
and
it
English companions Cyclopedia and Britannica, did define a world that
readers could
We
cases.
assume they possessed
as their sets
stood in their special book-
have inherited an encyclopedic tradition, with
sense of having
its
gathered up “the knowledge scattered over the face of the earth explain
its
general plan to the
men
with
whom we live.” As
the great exposi-
tion of the Enlightenment, the encyclopedia constituted the lization in the
[in order] to
whole of a
Western mastery of nature, reason, and the world
civi-
at large, or-
ganized into an alphabetical arrangement of knowledge’s discrete divisions.
How much
The
of that has changed?
Encyclopedie, for Barthes,
is
be eternally complete” (1980,
reassuring
and ultimate message of the
that “a glance suffices p. 39).
The
— — ours
for the
legacy of imperialism
is
world to
about forms
of knowledge that preserve and complete the hegemony of the knower.
The Great Exhibitions By the middle of the nineteenth
century, the amassed wealth
and
treasures of
imperialism must have seemed to cry out for demonstration and display, at least for
those
ums, and sire to
who
libraries
felt
the pride of this accomplishment.
fairs,
muse-
proved insufficient to the welling up of pride and the de-
focus people’s attention
on the
nation’s
Great Britain, the industrial classes had just the Chartist
The
movement and were
accomplishments abroad. In
come through
the social unrest of
settling in for the long haul
toward
full
de-
mocratic participation, while living in the “two nations” that identified the
gap between the industrial and the propertied industrial classes
form
Bills
had yet to secure
their
classes at the time.
democratic due, the
advanced the powers of the emerging middle
first
class.
Where
of the Re-
Thus, the en-
franchised classes might think well of staging a glorious national lesson in pire
the
em-
and commerce.
Such was the Great Exhibition of the Industry of All Nations held 1851,
drawing 6 million
visitors to
tion’s architectural centerpiece,
nificent
ironwork and
its
Hyde Park
site in
London. The exhibi-
the Crystal Palace, set the world within a
glass display case presenting
in
Great
mag-
Britain’s imperial
IMPERIAL SHOW-AN D-TELL hold on the world with reassuring abundance (Breckenridge, 1989, p. 202). If the English peoples knowledge of India up to that point had been restricted to the
sweeping panoramas of battle scenes on display
London, the Great
in
Exhibition presented the subcontinent through the regalia of past splendors and current crafts, including the ivory throne of the raja of
Tfavancore
brought dles,
as a present to
and
Victoria and surrounded by fine carpets, sad-
Like everything else at the Great Exhibition,” Paul Green-
parasols.
halgh notes.
Queen
Empire was
a
commodity,
a thing
more important than but not
dissimilar to shawls, ironwork, flax, or indeed sculpture.
.
.
.
Countries within
the empire were exhibited, as quantifiable batches of produce rather than as cultures (1988, p. 54). 7 he exhibition cultivated an appetite for the world. It offered proof of the nation’s historical and geographical place as a center of
advanced
civilization.
for a nation
The
exhibition was intended to serve as a rallying point
deeply divided along
still
and among those attending
class lines,
the display of industrial progress were delegations of French workers, traveled to
London
for the exhibitions
of both
1851
and
1862.
who
These educa-
tional ventures
were arguably precursors to the formation of Marx’s International Workingmen’s Association and perhaps the beginning of labor’s troubled history around the support for and challenges to empire (Benjamin, 1978, p. 152).
arts
There were exhibitions aplenty during this era on science and technology, and crafts, and waxworks and clockworks and, when it came to making
—
a spectacle of the world, especially the
world outside Europe, the triumph of imperialism for colonizer and colonized was the constant theme (Altick,
1978). Following the Great Exhibition,
one
after
another of the great Euro-
pean metropolises created the most engaging educational experiences out of distant lands and peoples. Timothy Mitchell has pointed out how the exhibition positioned its public as an observer “separated from the physical world
and from
human
his
being
attentive
own .
.
.
physical body,” with the effect that “the true nature of the
was
(1988, p.
to learn to be industrious, self-disciplined
19).'"^
Yet the exhibition was something
more
and
closely
as well.
'•’Among the educational marketing spin-offs was the Crystal Palace Game, which oflered a voyage around the world, an entertaining excursion in search of knowledge whereby geography
is
made
easy” (Whitfield, 1994, p. 123). Carol Breckenridge refers to such objects
“sumptuary technologies of honor, prestige, and blood” (1989, p. 204). '‘Tony Bennett is another who is less than sanguine about the exhibitions: “After 1851, world fairs were to function less as vehicles for the technical education of the working as
classes
than as instruments for their stupefaction before the
reified products of their own have been poor sources of technical education, but they remain fascinating displays of industrial accomplishment that were meant to stand in stark contrast to the exhibitions of the less civilized world.
labor” (1995, p. 81).
The
fairs
may
75
76
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL The United
found
States
ternational exhibitions
a late-nineteenth-century
and world
that allowed
fairs
enthusiasm for in-
to celebrate
it
its
emerg-
ing involvement in global affairs and imperialist ventures, especially for those
who
Americans
envisioned themselves as the rightful heirs of the
new world
order that Europe had created. Although that order was shot through with
themes of science and progress,
it
also
proved to be deeply mired
ing the racial divisions so central to what imperialism
in replicat-
made of the world. The
Centennial Exhibition held in Philadelphia in 1876 featured pavilions divided
what were,
into
and the 1893 World’s Columbian Exthe world between the White City, as the pristine
in effect, racial zones,
position in Chicago split
pinnacle of civilization, and the
Midway
home of such
Plaisance, as the baser
ethnological exhibits as “Darkest Africa,” set
amid the
belly dancers
and
strip
shows. Prominent anthropologists were consulted in constructing the native village,
which became
bian Exposition. sity
summer
a
Some
common
feature of American fairs after the
professors took advantage of the site to teach univer-
school classes at the exposition (Rydell, 1993,
tional features of the exposition
which claimed
it
to the scientific
progress,
The educa-
were trumpeted by the Chicago Tribune,
mind
to
descend the
the paper advised (cited by Bederman, 1995, p.
The
p. 21).
offered an adventure in social Darwinism:
was here afforded
Colum-
“An opportunity
spiral
of evolution,”
35).
exposition’s cloaking of racial prejudices in the robes of science,
and
liberty,
which
all
Americans were not permitted
not pass without public comment. Outraged by hypocrisy, the social activists Ida B. Wells
with the pamphlet The Reason
Columbian
Exposition.
Some
Why
to enjoy, did
this elaborate display
of
and Frederick Douglass responded
the Colored American Is
Not in
the World's
ten thousand copies of the pamphlet were dis-
tributed during the fair through the Haitian Building, where the former slave
Douglass was
later able to
hnd
a place as a representative.
The pamphlet
at-
tacked the “barbarism and race hate” of an America that dared to boast of
and
“liberty
civilization” while excluding the “colored
American” from the
exposition (cited by Bederman, 1995, p. 39). Wells and Douglass were espe-
dismayed by the “Darkest Africa” midway show: “As
cially
Negro, the Dahomians are also here to exhibit the Negro age”
(p. 39).
What was
had passed since the
West
in
tween
arrival
shame
the
as a repulsive sav-
commemorated of the four hundred years that of Columbus was not only the triumph of the
conquering the better part of the world, but also the growing gap be-
this
The
achievement and the place of other peoples.
exhibitions of this century, no
respective nations fair’s
being
if to
around
less
than in the
their place within this
last
triumphant
spectacular architecture of knock-down buildings
one, rallied their civilization.
The
and mock-up displays
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL was
clearly designed to simulate the experience
world into
in
which one could
past
its
and
world, turning
The
future.
it
as readily gaze into
its
on the
into a lesson
ability
and consumer
at the center
of a
farthest reaches as well as
international exposition
tions to reap great educational I
of being
made
of advanced
of the
a spectacle
scientific civiliza-
from colonial empires.
benefits
hese massively attended public events represented the educational forma-
tion of what
Guy Debord
the spectacle
is
describes as “the society of the spectacle,” in
the existing orders uninterrupted discourse about
which
itself, its
laudatory monologue” (1977, p. 24). From the Arawak whom Columbus paraded down the streets of Seville to the living exhibitions of the international exposition, a public lined its
own
world.
The
up
to witness the spectacle of
empire and to expand
and expositions have continued past the empires, and if they now represent something more
world’s
demise of the West’s vast
fairs
of a united-nations assembly of showplaces, we need to wonder at how much of their original exhibition of a crudely divided world still works on the educated imagination.
Curious For
ail
and Competitive
of the exhibitions,
empire home, there were longed to play their
own
Travel
and museums that brought the bounty of the those Europeans who longed for the real thing,
fairs, still
version of Christopher
Columbus and be
empire’s recording and image-making apparatus.
ways, especially from the
last
As
part of the
a result, there
were
al-
century onward, peripatetic Europeans climbing
with guidebook and journal in hand to the heights of the Great Pyramid of Giza and working their way across the sweeping terraces of the Shalamar
Gardens
in
Lahore.
Mary Louise
“He whose
Pratt, in
eyes passively look out
and possess”
is
her book Imperial Eyes, renders the gaze of those
how who
traveled the empire (1992, p. 7). If the travel writer served as recording secretary of strate
empire tourism, many of those
what
took notes managed to demon-
Pratt identifies as an “anti-conquest” sensibility; they sought “to
secure their innocence at the
mony”
who
(p. 7).
same moment
as they assert[ed]
Many of the sightseers were deeply moved
European hege-
by the suffering they
witnessed at the hands of colonial regimes and plantation economies. Even
more disengaged narratives stood in contrast to the political and economic machinations that made the empire possible. Travel writing gave a certhe
tain face-to-face quality to this imperial possession
much
it
appeared to
tell
of native
life, it
what
to learn
lies
yet,
was ultimately directed,
in
however an edu-
The self-improvement of travel was its theme. We have about ourselves and others, if we only take the time to explore
cational sense, inward.
much
of the world,
beyond our
all
too familiar horizons.
77
78
IMPERIAL SHOW-AN D-TELL Travel’s educational value, however, tion. It
had an unforgiving
critic in
was not above being
called into ques-
who midway into
Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
the eighteenth century was challenging European thinking,
more
generally,
on the nature of learning:
we have learned men who travel to inform themselves. This is an error. The learned travel for profit like the others ... by order of the court. They are dispatched, subsidized, and paid to observe such said that
It is
and such an object which
some country their
own
happen
there
expense,
very surely not a moral object. ... If in
is
it is
men who are curious and travel at study men but rather to instruct them.
to be
never to
not science they need but ostentation.
It is
the yoke of opinion in their travels?
sake of opinion. (1979,
p.
How
They only undertake them
—comes toward
His answer
is
then to great little,
and
yet
Is it
— “The
if one
wants to study men,
no
to
both questions.
He
adds,
effect, that “the ancients traveled little,
that they observed
is it
necessary to
necessary to go to Japan to observe Europeans?”
a sharp
one
learned travel for
the conclusion of his sustained critique of European
educational practices: “But the entire earth?
for the
454)
Rousseau’s questioning of travel’s broadening effect profit”
would they shake off
sees in those
if
roam
(p. 451).
not quite accurately,
read
little,
and wrote
of their extant works which remain to us
one another better than we observe our contemporaries”
(p. 452).
Travel, as a
way of finding
oneself through a greater knowledge of the
other, brings us to perhaps the busiest
imperialism. This traveling theory ness the true depth of the divide
seek the
thrill
see this as a
calls for
visit
Japan to wit-
between the East and West. Not only do we
way of knowing
ourselves
know
and defining our place
as the
the other and ourselves, as
we
ones who,
if to
encom-
whole world. This presumption of knowing, supported by the range
of educational apparatuses discussed in colonizing aspect.
Mungo
Europeans to
of crossing the line and entering the space of the other, but
hovering above this divide, can pass the
of intersections between education and
It
is
this chapter,
is
what
gives travel
its
yet another aspect in the assertion of dominion.
Park opens his Travels in the Interior Districts ofAfrica at the end of
the eighteenth century not only by acknowledging the “passionate desire to
examine the production of a country so to “render the
they
may
(cited
little
known,” but
geography of Africa more familiar
realize
to
also
with a promise
my countrymen”
so that
through “their ambition and industry new sources of wealth”
by D. Lee, 1995,
p. 13).
Imperial travel was conducted as
land with job openings and stock options.
if to a
dream-
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL Of
of the educational forms considered
all
takes us closest to the literary realm,
meaning between
how John
has analyzed
Park, to gather the later
send
made
and there was
complex circulation of
For example, Debbie Lee (1995) Lamia draws on travel writers, such as
travel writing.
poem
Keats s
a
poems mythic proportions and monsters;
would
the poet
poetry along with the surgeon-explorer Joseph Ritchie,
his
way
his
and
literature
in this chapter, travel writing
across Africa.
We can
who
envision the romantic poet tapping into
the travel writers imperial experience of the world, only to return the favor by affording later travel writers a heady body of imagery, adding a new dynamic to their writing abroad.
There were
also those intrepid literary sorts
along for the
ride.
David Spurr argues
that resulted
from
this trekking
ratives to the novels
that the
who went
body of well-traveled
literature
from colonial American captivity nar-
about,
of Forster and Malraux, has built
itself around
the
trial
of
penetration into the interior spaces of non-European peoples” (1994, p. 19). In that interior penetration, literature affords what most travel writing overlooks on
its
way
The
to taking in the sights.
educational function of both, by
dwelling on interiors and exteriors, was to deliver up the land and hand of
what was
at
once foreign and about to be rendered
Although well forgotten today, and Dilke’s Greater Britain:
ing 1866
and 1867
A
(1869)
for
good
familiar.
reason, Charles
Wentworth
Record of Travel in English-Speaking Countries dur-
was widely recognized
for
its
influence
on
readers
day (Winks, 1969, p. 81). Dilke begins the work plainly and boldly: “In 1866 and 1867 I followed England round the world; everywhere I was in in its
English-speaking, or in English-governed lands.”
candor
to offer the racial core
the length of
my
travels has
He goes on with
disarming
of this worldly pursuit: “The idea which
been
at
my
once
fellow and
my
guide
—
—
in a
all
key
wherewith to unlock the hidden things of strange new lands is a conception, however imperfect, of the grandeur of our race, already girding the earth,
which
is
destined, perhaps, eventually to overspread” (1869, p.
tempting to suggest that what remains of that white grandeur
man,
cigarette dangling
from
his
mouth, riding
billboards of the non-Western world. .
.
.
The
his
aspires to the
knowing
the Marlboro
beloved horse across the
book’s narrative quality (“A
roused us from our musings”) treats the reader
who
is
2). It is
superiority that
as a traveling
bump
companion
comes of seeing the world within
the sensibilities of an adventurous and wise guide to a Greater Britain. Dilke takes seriously his pedagogical
Dilke tle
may
mandate
to instruct
and
delight.
be nothing more than an imperial flag-waver, but
further ahead
when we
tury’s great scientists,
we
are
lit-
consider the travel reflections of one of the cen-
Charles Darwin. His Voyage ofthe Beagle was published
to great acclaim in 1839,
and among
its
extensive observations are once again
79
8o
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL the great imperial themes of identity
difference.
He
example, “the most curious and interesting spectacle
for
not have believed
man: in
and
greater than
it is
man
how wide was
there
ever beheld:
the difference between savage
and
I
could
civilized
between a wild and domesticated animal, inasmuch
power of improvement”
a greater
is
I
finds the Feuguans,
(1962, p. 205).
as
That Dar-
win, having observed the “savage,” could not believe the degree of difference
compared
to “civilized
man”
suggests
how
empiricism was linked to the moral
economy of empire, which depended on such differences. The two concepts, like old friends, had grown up together in the European experience when the world seemed so new to them both.^^ Darwin
In the final pages of the book, for the
young
paring
it
He
naturalist.
gives a
to the “love of the chase”;
manly
he
sets
out the advantages of travel
air to living in
feels travel’s
primeval appeal:
savage returning to his wild and native habits” (1962, traveler
and
it
leads
him
to a
man
“when he
.
the
imperial
.
first
breathed in a foreign clime, where the
He has the pleasure of filling in what “The map of the world ceases to be a
has seldom or never trod.”
was the blank map of the .
is
“glowing sense of happiness,” which he assumes every
traveler has experienced
blank.
The
p. 502).
“It
able to live out a savage passion in pursuit of a civilized knowing,
is
civilized
open by com-
the
larger world:
Each part assumes
proportions are
set,
its
proper proportions”
(p. 502).
Those proper
of course, in relation to the observer and the center of his
world. This extension of the
known world
was to turn
this trip into the principles
ment of the
British nation:
takes
its
place for the scientist
of evolution within the accomplish-
“The march of improvement, consequent on
introduction of Christianity through the South Sea, probably stands by in the records
of history.
.
.
who
.
Changes have now been
thropic spirit of the British nation.”
He
effected
the
itself
by the philan-
foresees Australia standing as
“em-
press over the southern hemisphere” while observing that “to hoist the British flag,
seems to draw with
civilization it
(p. 502).
must have seemed
it
as a certain
Such were the in the
consequence, wealth, prosperity, and
lessons to be
nineteenth century.
had everywhere It
was no
less
for the West,
true
when one
attended international expositions, visited the zoo, browsed through the encyclopedia, shopped in a department store, or
embarked on
a journey across
’^William Paterson provides an excellent example of a voyager who used scientific inquiry to advance imperial politics in the contested cape region ol Africa during the late eighteenth century. After providing his government with valuable military information, he wrote without a trace of irony in the preface to the widely read record of his journeys, “Greatly excited by the perspective of a land whose products are unknown to us, I left England with resolution to satisfy a curiosity, which, if it is not seen as useful to society, is at least
innocent” (cited by Pratt, 1992,
p. 57).
— IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL the seas.
In conclusion,
appears to me” Darwin wrote, “that nothing can
it
be more improving to a young naturalist than a journey
in distant countries”
(p. 502).
By the ways that
1920s, travel to the colonies
E.
M.
had begun
Forster skillfully renders in
A
to trouble the
empire
in
The im-
Passage to India (1924).
minent threat driving the novel is directed not so much at the unfortunate Englishwoman frightened in the darkness of the Marabar cave, as at the im-
which
perial order,
finds
its
women, Mrs. Moore, who for the unpleasant business
m
keeping ones distance;
Moore
exhibition. Mrs. I
expression in another of the novel’s English-
has not yet acquired the necessary state of
of colonialism. The educational value of travel
it
depends on approaching one’s destination
leaves India in a great
have not seen the right places
Dr. Aziz,
comes
mind lies
as
an
wave of disappointment
—whereas her one Indian acquaintance.
by the books end that he has been seduced by “this pose of ‘seeing India’”; he understands that the desire on the part of the to feel
British to see India “was only a it
(1924, p. 204).
The
parks.
It
meets
lushly decorated
lay
behind
educational dynamic of seeing the right places, of tak-
ing in the great treasures,
ment
form of ruling India; no sympathy
its
still
plays
perfect
its
match
part in
modern
travel
and
in
amuse-
Disneyland boat tour through
in a
and mechanized versions of jungle and
village
life.
The
bus-
loads of Japanese students at the Louvre ever,
and of Indians touring Oxford, howsuggest that the collapse of empire has really been about repackaging
and marketing the metropolitan centers as global tourist attractions. Tourism on a grand scale was once the privileged expression of the Western empire; with Disneyland in Tokyo, the idea
is
not so
much gone
as far
more
globally
distributed as a reward of modernization.
reminds one
Forster’s novel also
stricted sphere
how
travel
of Western women’s privilege.
formed part of the more
The
re-
sense of overseas travel’s
imminent and unspeakable dangers did not prevent, however, a great deal of the most adventuresome sort of travel bravely conducted and artfully recorded by
women
(Robinson,
1990).'^’
I
presented earlier in this book both
the well-traveled accomplishments of Mary Wortley
Montagu, which
resulted
of the smallpox vaccination into Europe, and Mary Kingsley’s collection of rare fish species. Both women also made notable conin the introduction
'^Jane Robinson
comments
in her
introduction to
Wayward Womeft: A Guide
—
to
Women
who traveled abroad was a strange creature in any age although by the nineteenth century perhaps not quite as shocking as before. Then, if she were a Lady, she could go where she pleased, given suitable male protection, as long as it lay within the Travellers:
“A female
bounds of civilization
(i.e.,
the British empire), and even
need not be entirely useless” (1990,
p. viii).
if
she were a mere
woman
she
8l
82
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL tributions to the Western reader’s hunger for travel writing.
women who
Among
the
wrote from the colonies, Isabelle Eberhardt offers an early and
courageous instance of participant-observer
To
travel.
dress as she did in
Arab
men’s clothing while traveling through North Africa at the turn of the century
was
to offend
both Muslims and Europeans
at least as
much
as
did her sup-
port for local rebels and dissidents and her embrace of Islamic mysticism. Be-
ginning her desert adventures
a steady stream of evocative fiction
La depeche
sources.
and drown
at the
age of nineteen, she was soon producing
at the
and
political
journalism
only to be caught by a
coloniale),
age of twenty-nine.
(for,
among other
flash flood in the desert
Her work captured (and her
ism actively defended) a way of desert
life
on
intent
journal-
resisting the ravages
of
French colonialism. In her journeying, Eberhardt threw herself across the boundaries that divided the colonized from the colonist, while sending dissenting and colorful dispatches back to the French press.
When
Eberhardt
wrote of why “the blind beggar was so dignified and serene” in the valley of Figuig or
why the
“Arabs slumber
.
.
.
stretched out in the shade of the ancient
crumble to dust,” she found her explanations
walls that
in “the harsh splen-
dor of the landscape, the resignation of vague dreams, profound indifference of
to things
this life,
and of death”
(1994, p. 126).
It
was
a sort of travel
still
writing that turned the Arab people into object lessons of an exotic otherworldliness. itself a
It
probed the mystery of their
kind of cross-dressing,
borders
if
much
lives in
romantic and radical ways,
her outfit,
like
moving
across established
never quite escaping them. Yet she was the travel writer
who
stood
both apart from and within the empire, catching the eye of Western readers in her
enthusiasm and adventuring,
cause.
Those who reported on
The
rarely
press
shown up
when
full
and
travels
it
abroad brought a
museums, and encyclopedias.
travel writing late in the
of Africa.
My guide in
this
expose the myth of the explorer
By the
period
is
public’s
two poles and the
Beau Riffenburgh, who
sets
were being promoted through a
powerfiil iconographies.
They were widely
desired and
highly paid as public speakers. They, and the images of the
new
lands
they discovered, were the subjects of painters, sculptors, and early photographers, as well as of artists for popular newspapers or journals, such as
The
Illustrated
(1994, p. 2)
London News or Frank
Leslie's Illustrated
in-
out to
as imperialism’s last great hero:
late 19th century, explorers
number of
development of
saw the prospect of reawakening the
appetite for heroic exploration with the conquest of the terior
differ-
of ambivalences and nuances that
in the expositions,
began to champion
imperialism, at a time
not always turning their heads to her
their lives
ent order of display to the empire,
would have
if
Newspaper.
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL Riffenburgh describes the close relationship that developed between the press and explorers, which included sponsorship, the purchase of exclusive interviews,
and the staging of dramatic
of press coverage,
“The volume and
rescues.
Riffenburgh surmises,
sensational style
helped make the exploration of
the Arctic, Antarctic, and Africa (as well as the explorers of those areas), significant cultural factors in the developing
mass markets of journalism”
(p. 3),
Among
the big stories of this era were the tragic Franklin expedition of 1845 (with the explorers’ cannibalized bodies not found until Henry
Morton
1854);
Stanleys successful three-year search for the missing and inept explorer David Livingstone, which was sponsored by the New York Herald; and the race between Robert Peary and Frederick Cook to the North and South Poles in the early years of this century,
^Zf/and the
New
earth (cited
a
major
between the
fight
York Times. As the American polar explorer
explained the drive,
command
which turned into
The
Adam
given to
Spirit in the
of the Age beginning
will never
—
the
Anthony
Fiala
be satisfied until the
command
to
subdue the
has been obeyed, and the ends of the earth have revealed their secrets”
by Riffenburgh,
foster a readership
p. 34).
At
this point,
however, the
command was
keen for the secrets and struggles of subduing the
to
last
reaches of the earth.
Although William Goetzmann (1986) has claimed that the “Second Great Age of Discovery” that occupied nineteenth-century America was largely a scientific enterprise, Riffenburgh treats it as sport as much as science.
was an international competition, both commercial and national, led by the American and British press, with each reaching for new levels of sensaIt
tionalism in covering the lurid detail of failed explorations,
was sponsoring. The press managed able series of twisted
tales.
Not
to build a
the least of
new
them
is
some of which
readership
on
the story of
it
a remark-
Henry Mor-
ton Stanley, who, in the pay of the Manchester Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, and other papers, rescued Ermin Pasha, the governor-general of Equatoria,
who
in 1887
had been trapped by the Hahdist uprising, only
for Stanley
him-
self to disappear into the Ituri Forest
of the northern Gongo.
correspondents from the Herald
the World ^ound the irrepressible Stan-
Two
years
later,
drinking champagne in the jungle, and they vied for an exclusive interview with the man. The World vcpontr finally obtained the interview for four ley
thousand
word
dollars,
spending almost
story back to
New York
as
much
for cabling the
(Riffenburgh, 1994,
fourteen-hundred-
p. 112).
I'he press used the travel adventure to join the educational parade that celebrated the spread of imperialism and
its
scientific
achievement. Whether
for the thrill of savage encounters or to find the frozen remains
of failed polar
expeditions, travel writing was about expanding the horizons of experience
83
84
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL for
its
avid students.
The
self-improving nature of this education only added
to the West’s assertion of a well-traveled
Where does
that leave us today?
campaigns
pire, advertising
for
hegemony
Although
over the world.
travel
is
no longer about em-
popular destinations can
legacy of that earlier sensibility, just as
it
still
bring
home
can remind us of what the West
expects of the world, as this travel agency advertisement
the still
makes spectacularly
clear:
Where In The World Do You Want To Go? What In The World Do You Want To See? How In The World Can We Deliver Such Low Prices? The Wonders of The World.
Travel Spectacular.
Yet even in the always idyllic world of travel ads, signs of a postcolonial
awakening have begun
to emerge, with the resulting uneasiness for tourists
frankly addressed in this copy for the U.S. Virgin Islands (“They’re your islands”):
Come
an island where
to
the people actually
look forward to your
Imagine vactioning English
in a place
who want you
their beautiful beaches
windsurfing and
And
shopping.
Those
what ner
and
“tourist” isn’t a
warmest people
the
to love their island the crystal clear bays.
sailing.
.
.
in the Carib-
way they
do. For
Superb snorkeling, div-
Delicious Caribbean
exciting island histories
bad word. Where
fare.
World
class
.
come down through colonial times to reenact the Columbiad with a credit card.
exciting island histories have
such invitations
What
By
the spoken language.
is
bean. People
ing,
where
visit.
the
it
as this
one
to
welcomed gaze of the
pays,
is
tourist costs the rest of the world, against
captured by human-rights
Aung San Suu
and Nobel Peace
Prize
win-
Kyi. In an interview that she gave after being released
from
years of house arrest, she turns to
how
activist
preparations for tourism have affected
her native Burma:
A
large part
labor.
.
.
forced to
.
of the tourist infrastructure
Everyone knows
move because
proper for the tourists.
how
A
whole
at the
The
to
Shwedagon [Pagoda]
ways that are hundreds of years new.
lot
.
of
they wanted to
from the banks of the Irrawaddy know,
a lot
.
.
has been built with forced
villagers
make
of the
make
around Pagan were
the place look clean
settlers
have been removed
the docks look very neat.
they’ve started tearing
old.
They
roof above the staircase, bits of
are going to it
and
You
down the stairmake it all very
were donated by people.
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL From a Buddhist point of view, it is very wrong to tear these things down because they are the good works of others. You don’t tear down the
good works of people
just to
impress tourists. (Cited by Dreifus,
1996, p. 34)
Looking back over
this
and the previous chapters,
it
should be apparent
that the educational qualities of Western imperialism began with the
naturalist gathering
land,
The
and
specimens and
culminated
it
while recording the lay of the
artifacts
in the professional
amateur
showmanship of the
world’s
fair.
expressions of this will-to-display also took the form of learned societies
and publishing projects
and metropolises. The themes of discovery, conquest, possession, and dominion are about ways of knowing the world, of bringing
it
in the colonies
to order,
of surveying, mapping, and classifying
it
in
an
endless theorizing of identity and difference. Yet the curating of museums or the editing of encyclopedias
is
not, in
itself, at
ing about a collection of meaningful objects
The
issue here.
is
Assembling or writ-
hardly dependent on empire.
West’s passion for collecting and putting the world on display over the
few centuries has been part and parcel of a global design on the world. The presumption and appropriation with which it has collected the world relast
flects
an attitude with which
turies, the spectacles
achievement.
tory of the world.
An
It
educated.
Over the
last five
cen-
of empire were harnessed through what might be termed
an exhibitionary pedagogy.
own
many have been
The West came
world
as a lesson in its
educated public was formed around
this natural his-
was
a nation-building
to see the
and race-defining
exercise
through
public instruction, the pedagogical thrust of which an article in Blackwood's
summed up
No
in 1852:
better test can be applied to determine the degree of refinement,
and education of a people than the avidity displayed by places of instructive amusement, where not only are shows
intelligence,
them
for
to be seen, but ideas acquired,
more happy than they
and whence
entered, but
visitors retire,
not only
more knowing. (Cited by
Altick,
1978, p. 375)
symptom of this postmodern age, progressive museums have begun to address their own history of representing the world. The performance artwork, “Two Undiscovered Amerindians,” by Coco Fusco and Guillermo Gomez-Peha is an example of this critical return to what has been made of the museum. But the continuing consequences of imperialism’s will Today, as a
McMaster and Lce-Ann Martin (1992) for the critique of museum emerges out of the aboriginal mounting of an exhibition.
'^See Gerald that
practices
85
86
IMPERIAL SHOW-AND-TELL to
knowledge,
the West,
in
is still
its
desire to
make
a spectacle
of the world for the benefit of
not a matter of general education.
We
need to learn to read
again the exhibition of the world, to see the display of the civilized and the primitive as the history of an idea attuned to the benefit of a few.
think about
How
East.
how people have been
trained to view the gulf betw^een
has a public been educated in the value of Western
an expression of civilization? In returning to what
make of the world, cational effect,
there can be
steady unpacking
of,
from
West and
hegemony
museums and
as
exhibitions
no easy sorting out of this accumulated edu-
no ready measures of what
to be returned to those
We need to
whom
politically correct or
is
was taken. What
it
is
what needs
called for
is
a
slow
and thinking back through, the countless displays that
we grew up with and that continue to educate. To the question of where museum objects really belong, anthropologist James Clifford responds vehemently “that they ‘belong’ nowhere, having been torn from texts
their social con-
of production and reception, given value in systems of meaning whose
prim*ary function
is
to
confirm the knowledge and
of a possessive West-
taste
ern subjectivity” (1985, p. 244).
The
exhibitionary formation of imperialism presented throughout this
chapter sought to amaze, intrigue, see themselves,
titillate,
whatever their station in
virtue of their race. This
and inform
life,
huge educational
a public
as the benefactors
effort
was bound
who were
to
of empire by
to leave
more
than a few marks upon a variety of scholarly disciplines and school subjects in
ways that this
I
will deal
with directly in the second half of this book. Following
and the preceding chapters’
tional
partial
about Western imperialism,
I
now
ated with imperialism’s educational
Taken
sampling of what was most educaturn to the actual schooling associ-
dynamic within the
British Empire.
together, the three chapters of this section are intended to illustrate the
and complex association of learning and colonialism. In coming to understand how that association worked so effectively in the past, we should be close
able to identify the remaining traces of
it
in the ideas circulating
schools and universities today, and to find ways of finally
begins with giving
moving beyond the
The moving beyond, as suggested in the first chapan account of how the earnest intellectual work of im-
lessons of that earlier era. ter,
around
I
perialism has brought us to this point. In the final years of the empires,
when
Frantz Fanon was nailing his
scathing denouncements of colonialism to the gates of the Western metrop-
he identified the educational contradictions that needed to be rethought as a curriculum project for both former colony and colonial power:
olises,
“The
colonist bourgeoisie, in
members of its
universities,
had
its
narcissistic dialogue,
in fact deeply
implanted
expounded by the in the
minds of the
IMPERIAL SHOW-AN D-TELL colonized intellectual that the essential qualities remain eternal in spite of all the blunders men may make: the essential qualities of the West, of course” (1965, p. 3b).
The
universities
ing, or at least reducing, the
eternal,
making
it,
m
many of us have of the world
was achieved and the ends less leal
or true for
to
which
— by understanding it
this
knowledge
is all
the cost at which
was exhibited. The lion
that the forces of imperialism did to
in the
zoo
make such
is
it
no
a spec-
when we stare into the lion’s eyes, what is it we see not been touched in some way by the colonial adventure that we
tacle a part
that has
of our
all
Center of the Universe of Learning.
knowledge of the world— for
this
to solv-
polynomial equation that fixed the West to the
effect, the Eternal
We have to work with that
and schools have come only very slowly
lives,
but
have, through myriad forms, learned so well?
working on us
in this
way
is
to begin to
To catch
change
it,
sight of our education
disabling
some of the ready
assumptions that form our idea of the world. If we cannot go back, perhaps we can go forward.
87
Photograph ofAnnette Ackroyd with her pupib in i8y$.
By permission of the
British Library, Oriental
and India
Collection.
I
FOUR THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
B
y the close of the eighteenth century,
German
conquest, the It
after three centuries
of imperial
thinker Johann Gottfried von Herder thought
well to advise Europeans that “the barbarian rules by force; the cul-
conqueror teaches.”! Although the barbarism continued. Herder’s maxim might be taken as guiding a cultivated and instructive strain within tivated
the forces of imperialism through the nineteenth century
own. The investment
in colonial
schooling signaled a
and
well into our
move from
imperial ad-
venture to colonial consolidation, from the reign of European bandit kings, in Ashis Nandys formulation, to the dominion of philosopher kings (1983, pp. x-xi). The construction ofschoolhouses throughout the colonies brought the weight of imperialisms educational project
young around the empire, but for the colonial powers.
exhibiting,
it
It is all
also bore
of a piece,
home
on the
to generations
of the
idea of education at
home
this turn to learning, organizing,
and schooling that went on under imperialism’s patronage, but
the final step in this educational dynamic, the building of the colonial school, has symbolized the staying power of this legacy.
For educators, one encouraging theme of this aspect of imperialism’s legacy is that although colonial education was dedicated to extending the regulation and usefulness of the colonized, it is
—contributed
who were
to the empire’s
it
also
—
the
human
spirit
undoing. This danger was not
ruthlessly exploiting the colonized peoples.
being what
lost
on those
Fanon speaks of “that
bludgeon argument [against colonial schooling] of the plantation-owner
'
Herder (1909,
p.
289)
is
cited
and translated
89
in
Olender (1992,
p. 42).
in
90
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION Africa:
Our enemy
is
the teacher” (1967, p.
and European schooling colonialist writings, to
attests,
The
may
it
be
more than
fair to suggest,
colonial school, like
down
else in the
Around
of schooling. The reviews coming
recalls his
was best
and
British history
Edward
in the world.
Said,
I
The mas-
the globe, nations are earnestly at recovering
from the colo-
from those who suffered the
in
on the weight of its im-
education in one of Natal’s British schools
with a measure of irony and diplomacy: “Britain was the that
Colo-
the masters house.
years of an imperial education remain mixed, except
Nelson Mandela
efforts.
formal structure of Western
pursuing postcolonial forms of education aimed
pact.
effective anti-
the teacher seeks to teach.
can take
much
imperialism, has been dismantled.
nial era
and
his passionate
what could come of these educational
nized students tend to learn ters tools,
through
own mixture of colonial
His
35).
home of everything
have not discarded the influence which Britain
and culture exercised on
us” (cited
on the other hand, speaks of his
wound
by James, 1994,
British schooling in
p. 565).
Egypt
in
many of us because of the sustained presence in our midst of domineering foreigners who taught us to respect distant norms and values more than our own. Our culture was felt to terms of “the tremendous spiritual
felt
by
be of a lower grade, perhaps even congenitally inferior and something of which to be
ashamed”
education,
I
(1991, pp. 8—9).
want now
to ask,
What
was
left
sort
by
of residue on our thinking about
enormous
this
colonial schools across the Western empires?
exercise of building
What impact
did this colonial
on the emergence of public education during the same period
exercise have
the West? Mandela’s sense of learning
duced shame
are
still
very
much
from considerations of whether to debates pitting the
Western
what was
best
at play in schools
and
Said’s
of feeling
in in-
around the world today,
to school in the
former colonial languages,
classics against the
claims of multiculturalism.
This chapter cannot begin to do justice to the variety of schooling that occurred in the centuries-long global process of imperialism. Schooling took
on almost
as
many forms
as there
were colonies, and
by colonial subjects and by colonial powers. Thus, first
residential schools, established
tailing
of career opportunities
the adventure in learning
presumed
by the church
at a postcolonial
I
in
its
impact was
move from
felt
both
colonialism’s
New France,
to the cur-
Oxford University. As with
and the exhibition of empire, colonial schooling
a right exercised over those to be educated, a right that
is
present in
every educational act yet that represented a special level of presumption in the colonial context.
This presumption
is
more than adequately rendered
“Educational Problems of the Empire,” which
is
found
in E. B. Sargant’s
in the sixth
and con-
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION eluding volume of The Oxford Survey ofthe British Empire, published on the eve of the First World War. In identifying the educational
problems of the
British
Empire, Sargant does not dwell on inadequacies
read and write, nor
on weaknesses
in their
in students’ ability to
computational
skills.
Rather, in
surveying “every part of our Empire,” Sargant locates a far more profound educational disability. The children of the British Empire do not grow up thinking like Englishmen. The empire’s schools are unable to achieve “the adaptation to other circumstances and other peoples of that habit of mind
with regard to law that scarcely ever becomes a matter of formal instruction in our English schools, but is insensibly acquired by our youth at
every stage
of growth, no (i 9 ^
4
’
P* 2 33 )* .
less at
The
sensibly” acquired
problem was
home
or
upon
challenge was to
by
to teach
the playing fields than in the classroom”
instill in
civilized peoples at
the native the very character “in-
home and on
the playground.
one group what others hadn’t needed
taught. This was intended, at best, to raise
up
The
to be formally
a people in a studied,
and
thereby inadequate, approximation of their betters.
Sargant compares this challenge to the church’s original educational mission on behalf of British maturity and masculinity; “In the main, those school
which were sedulously cultivated by the Church of England at a time when the English nation itself was growing to manhood are still working diideals
rectly or indirectly to bring the British
Colonial schooling sought to
Empire
to maturity” (1914, p. 244).
manly maturity within the moral economy of empire, would repay the instill a
in
its
students that,
right of occupation:
We provide a
civilizing education in exchange for your lands
ucation alone
may
and selves;
this ed-
be able to afford you a level ofcivilization (or maturity) that will warrant you taking charge in your own house? The exchange or gift value
of education forms part of Bhikhu Parekh’s critique of nineteenth-century British liberalism: In order to justify colonial rule, liberals needed to
show
that the British
had something to give to the colonies which the latter badly needed, were unable to acquire unaided, and which was so precious 2iS to compensate for whatever economic and political price they were required to pay.
The
logic
of colonial
justification required a perfect
match between
^
In light of the educational problem, Sargant proposed, to his credit, such corrective measures as dismissing the significance typically placed on “the characteristics and capacities of particular races” while providing more instruction in the native students’ vernacular languages, especially when it came, oddly enough, to “dealing with English life,” which to
was remain an important focus of the colonial curriculum throughout the nineteenth cen-
tury (1914, pp. 234, 240).
91
92
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION British gifts
and colonial needs, between
ficiency. (1994, p. ii; Parekh’s
Whether
it
was seen
moments. Yet claiming
and native de-
emphasis)^
cultivated or barbaric, colonial schooling
imperial process, even as cious
British strength
was part of the
larger
more
avari-
as redressing imperialism’s
that education
would
raise the
colonized along
a historical scale toward a level of civilized maturity, as Sargant puts
it, is
sim-
ply to imply that the current society was in an infantile state. Western education stood as a universal standard
and
their children’s peril,
rather than a
from which people departed
whether by teaching
European one, or by fostering
in
at their
an indigenous language
traditional crafts that took time
away from the demands of science and mathematics. At the very need to go forward knowing something of the history that cational perspective in place,
of the
we
to see
all
edu-
as part
it
past.
it
was
also a
proach
it
is
bound
to appear harsh in a review
meeting place of caring adults and eager children,
ground between cultures and
its
least,
first set this
however strong the temptation
Although colonial education this,
own
a refuge
as
middle
from the ravages of colonialism. To ap-
once more from the European perspective, the
of these connections are made vivid in
the heart of colonial India, Forster sets
one man capable of
a
such
possibilities
and lim-
Forster’s Passage to India.
Within
up the schoolteacher Fielding
realizing the British
as the
hope of befriending and under-
standing the Indian, which forms part of an educational exchange in what
is
already a crumbling empire. Yet, in having achieved a basis for exchange. Fielding
is
treated
by the other English characters
oughly removed from the colonial to
you once
before, you’re a schoolmaster,
these people at their best. That’s as
boys” (1924,
alities
ing.
p. 166).
of empire, even
The
reality:
The as
in the
“But you
book
as
being thor-
see. Fielding, as I’ve said
and consequently you come across
what puts you wrong. They can be charming
schools, at
some
level,
they were implicated in
were removed from the
its
larger intent
re-
and schem-
flimsy schoolhouse was unable to redeem the empire. If educators
did prove, on occasion, protectors of their charges, they offered a teacher’s patronage that rarely
was
far
amounted
too often the
site
to
an exchange
of abuse.
And
among equals. The schoolhouse
whatever ideas the schools
of the European nation-state, the young often sought to repay
^This
instilled
this instruc-
of responsibility should be compared to the earlier theology of colonization practiced by Christian missionaries, as described by V. Y. Mudimbe and Kwame Anthony Appiah, “which drew largely on a conception of natural law according to which liberal sense
most advanced have the obligation to promote their inferior brethren; and, in the name of thus promoting them, allowed itself to dispossess non-Christian countries in order to exploit the wealth meant by God for the use of mankind” (1993, p. 134 n. 5). the
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION tion with articulate, defiant,
and sometimes violent expressions of a homegrown nationalism. Fanon, Mandela, and Said, without unduly crediting their schooling for their achievements, represent
something of the unforeseen
by colonial education. Education remains an unpredictable and although it is more a source of insight and hope in this book than
redress afforded force,
of wariness,
a source
it is
of wariness nonetheless.
The Missionary School Colonial education began as missionary work.
The
monks were
sailors to the
traveling with Spanish soldiers
and
instructive Franciscan
Caribbean be-
of the sixteenth century, bringing their lessons of God’s grace to the Amerindians in the bloodied wake of the Spanish conquistadors. Alfore the turn
though
easy
it is
sion, there
enough
to
draw comparisons between conquest and conver-
were those among the traveling
priests
who
proved defenders of
the conquered, especially after witnessing the rapacious excesses of the Spanish forces.
The outspoken among
Pope Paul
III to issue
these missionaries
the bull Sublimis
Deus
Amerindians were rational beings with
souls,
in 1537,
managed
to convince
which declared
worthy of conversion
that the
as well as
protection rather than the indiscriminate slaughter that was being brought
down upon them by
Christian soldiers.
The
empire was the Dominican Bartolome de Las to be
New World.
ordained in the
In 1552, after decades devoted to protesting
the abuses that the Amerindians were ish,
in the
of meek outcasts
(1992, p. 29). In
to suffer at the
Indies,
hands of the Span-
which cataloged the horrors
name of civilization: “Yet into this sheepfold, into this land there came some Spaniards who immediately behaved like
wild beasts, wolves,
tigers,
what was
or lions that had been starved for
to
become
verses the sense of who the savage to
made
he published his Devastation of the
committed
known of these critics of Casas, who was the first priest best
redeem both European and
and bodies, would
later
is,
a
common
many
days”
moral appeal. Las Casas
re-
placing the priest-educator in a position
native. Flis
arguments,
in a contest over souls
contribute to the end of Spanish slavery
among
the
Amerindians.'^
From
the time of the Spanish conquest to this day, missionaries have
worked with
adobe,
log, tin-roof,
and
mind that everywhere there was an earnestness of intent and contradiction of purpose. The treasurer of the London Missionary Society, during his
It
a
local populations to build thatched,
should be kept clearly
in
sixteen-year term, continued to profit by the slavery of his
West Indian plantation (C. G.
MacKenzie,
1993, p. 60). Yet he advocated a Christian education for the enslaved at a time
when most
plantation owners were actively plotting against missionary efforts at educat-
ing their workers (B. Holmes, 1967,
p. 11).
93
94
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION cinder-block schools that served in colonial times as both buffer and supporter for the larger project of imperialism. Christianity took advantage of imperial conquest to achieve in
its
own form of global
ways that could be generous and brutal
made by
Christians. Efforts were
as in India,
—
sought,
make
to
keep
to protect the local culture,
what education could do
for
yet the missionaries succeeded in gaining access to
and were often welcomed by the
the colonies
Company and others
—sometimes
and sometimes out of a concern
native populations
it
in turn, to use education to
the East India
missionaries out of specific colonies
expansion, and
local
for
all
of
people for their educa-
G. MacKenzie, 1993, p. 50). Arguably the most “effective” educational instrument used by the church
tional efforts (C.
on
colonial populations was the residential school. ^ In 1635, Jesuit missionar-
ies
working
in
Quebec founded
grant the best of
them
a college for native boys that
the full benefits of
girls.
In conscripting children to
attend the colonial residential school, the Jesuits led
opened before the pupils
a
them
to turn their backs
parents’ lives (Bitterli, 1989, p. 102).
one-way gate
to
European learning, and the idea
was soon extended to the education of native
on learning the ways of their
was intended
to another
The schools
form of life that
left
them
suspended between worlds. Students could learn to appreciate, but could never fully achieve, what the West held out to them. The Jesuits in Quebec, following a model established by the Portuguese in the Congo, also used the residential schools to train native missionaries
ple
and more
effectively
who might
return to their peo-
complete the Jesuit mission. There were,
as well,
fated attempts to have native students complete their education in
proved to be the consumptive climate of France. succeed,
it
made
writes of a native student raised in France,
The
astonishingly enough.”
priest
took
“He
this as
what
Where such an attempt
the student “quite different from
what he was.” As one
has
become
ill-
did
priest
quite obedient,
proof that “education alone
[was] lacking in Savages” (cited in Dickason, 1984, p. 219).
Here again
is
that
constant theme of the natives lacking in an education that, once obtained,
would complete them
as (pliant)
human
beings.
Residential mission schools were sponsored
and run by the
full
range of
The result was an educational system that my colleague who has studied such schools in Canada, has described as
Christian churches.
Jo-anne Archibald,
^The
report by the Advisory
Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical African Dependencies did not hesitate in declaring, “The most effective means of training character ... is the residential school in which the personal example and influence of the teachers and older pupils can create a social life and tradition in which standards of 192.5
.
judgment the spirit
.
.
formed and right attitudes acquired almost unconsciously through imbibing and atmosphere of the school” (1979, pp. 131-32). are
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION an unremitting and near-lethal attempt
and community: from
and shame or denial regarding
us
who
still
of emotional, physical and sexual abuse;
and
era,
it
struggle with this legacy.
powerful novel of growing up
1950S, a dislocating process that
Then
she got really
word
that
again.
was” (1992, It
She told
captured in Shirley Ster-
was.
I
day of school: “After that
first
my name
said
was Seepeetza.
did something terrible. She said never to say
I
me
was
down to the lifetimes of The basic sense of this ed-
life is
began with the
Maura asked me what my name like
it
an Indian residential school during the
in
Sister
mad
So
persisted
ucational form as a denial of a native child’s ling’s
Nation identity
their cultural heritage” (1993, p. 106).
beginning of the colonial
among
those
First
Children for over seven decades experienced alienation
their families; varying degrees
in the
decimating
at
if
had
I
go and ask what
a sister to
my name
p. 18).
was only
in 1973, well over a
century after Canada had found
colonial status unacceptable, that the federal
own
its
government recognized the pos-
of Indian control of Indian education, having been pushed by the National Indian Brotherhood (Archibald, i993> P- 106). As schooling was applied
sibility
to colonized peoples,
against a culture that
it
was made
seemed
to stand against family
of the ostensible rationality and
to fly in the face
enlightenment of the colonial power. Schooling,
wean as
the child from the learning
an expired
era,
sition
—
this
of what and
(to return to a
life
in this sense,
associated with
to
what was regarded
— and
enough
often
it
was not so well-
schooling turned the concept of learning into the acqui-
who one was
theme from an
Having
not.
to learn a
earlier chpater)
new name
reports that the baptism
made
for oneself
became something of a
universal for native populations. Describing education in
Okoth
was meant
an eclipsed form of life.^
However well-intentioned intentioned
and
and community,
colonial
Uganda,
G.
P.
necessary for admission to missionary
schools meant adoption of “Christian names such as Smith, Welensky[!], [and] Verwoerd” (1993, p. 140).
ther
was himself a teacher
named Nubi, which took
in a
The
church school,
place routinely for
joined his household: “After that,
Mary”
(1981, p. 65).
Nigerian writer
we had
The displacement
—of
all
of the non-Christians
to call her
that
among
family,
Canada,
girl
who
by her Christian name,
It
—some would was
all
call
community, school, and
see
Haig-Brown
it
the
part of a colonial
that forms part of education’s history.
^’For a history of the residential schools in
fa-
accompanied being renamed
identity by the residential school.
relationship originally forged
of the baptism of a
tells
under colonial education came with the recruitment kidnapping
Wole Soyinka, whose
(1988).
state
95
96
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION true that
It’s
more
recently, missionary schools in Brazil
and elsewhere
have become the protectors of indigenous cultures, teaching the young the
myths and ceremonies of earlier generations that might otherwise be lost 7 As the church s role has changed in the state, so has its sense of responsibility. However, the original desire to take hold of and shape the mind of the newfound souls defined both religious and secular education among the dependencies and beyond. This mission to
civilize, as a lifting
up, gave an unwaver-
ing direction to education, turning the residential school into colony, able to affect, not always with
whole of the indigene’s values in the today,
young
which
is
is
far
instill
standards and
removed from what many hope
for schooling
worthwhile to consider the original situation of colo-
At stake
legacy.
its
own model
beneficial results, the
This desire to unconsciously
not so
is
why it
schooling and
nial
life.
wholesome or
its
is
the very idea of education.
Macaulays Educational Vision
Thomas Babington Macaulay
represents the unusual situation of one of the
Victorian eras leading intellectuals taking a direct hand in shaping colonial
on education.
policy
In an 1833 speech to the British Parliament, this distin-
guished historian reminded the august body that “the most sacred duties
which with
as
.
.
to a race debased .
[are]
Macaulay was
mend was
we owe
the governed, and which, as a people blessed
more than ordinary measure of political
far
we owe craft
governors
literacy
and
intellectual light,
by three thousand years of despotism and
an equal measure of freedom and civilization” (1909b, to take a
most
liberal
view of the colony.
priestp. 125).
He would recom-
that Indians hold positions in the colonial government, as long as this
“effected
by slow degrees”
(p. 124).
More than
that,
he envisioned an end,
through the infusion of British values into Indian culture, to India’s colonial dependence on Britain, offering instead an association that unintentionally
echoed Napoleon’s
slur that the British
trade with civilized
men
is
infinitely
were a nation of shopkeepers. “To
more
profitable than to govern savages,”
Macaulay argued, disparaging an economy that “would keep a hundred millions of men from being our customers in order that they might continue to be our slaves
(p. 125).
potential of India’s
He
frankly and prophetically appealed to the market
hundred
millions, while holding out the
hope
that
“we
Levi-Strauss describes how, for the Bororo, the missionaries keep the traditional feather diadems under lock and key, for use only when required, as “they would be increasingly difficult to replace since the
pearing (1995,
p. 21).
macaws, parrots and other brightly colored birds are disap-
a
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION may educate our subjects
into a capacity for better
government”
(p. 126).^
He
was inspired by the belief in the longevity of a cultural imperialism destined to outlive any sort of political control: “An empire exempt from all natural causes of decay
.
.
.
that empire
is
the imperishable empire of our arts
morals, our literature and our laws
held to be best transported to
and our
Such imperishable goods were the people through the graces of education. (p. 126).
Shortly after boldly speaking out against current conceptions of colo-
Macaulay became
nialism,
president of the General
post that he
which
composed
a
member of the Supreme Council of India and
Committee of Public his oft-cited
Instruction.
minute of
whether
to
suspend the British support
bic languages
and
literatures that
The
for the teaching
had been
was during
this
Indian education,
1835
led to the “oriental-occidental controversy.”
It
issue at
hand was
of Sanskrit and Ara-
Com-
instituted in the East India
pany s Charter Act of 1813. The alternative proposal was to replace Sanskrit and Arabic with instruction in English. The challenged clause in the act was clearly the
work of British
orientalists,
such
as
William Jones
(as
discussed in
the previous chapter).^ In the course of his minute, Macaulay was to
what
is
now
make
perhaps the best-known statement of English prejudice and pre-
sumption from the colonial
Based on the valuation of the Orientalists themselves,” Macaulay unequivocally declared, “a single shelf of a good Euera.
ropean library was worth the whole of native literature of India and Arabia” (1971, p. 182). This is but one of a series of dismissals he offers in the minute as
he denounces the
false history, false
astronomy, [and]
otherwise constituted Indian education
Macaulay saw English
false
medicine” that
(p. 188).
literature as part
of an education that could only
We must at present do our best to form a class between us and the millions whom we govern
extend and secure the empire:
who may class
in
®
A
be interpreters
of persons Indian
in
—
blood and color, but English
morals and intellect” (1971,
century
later, in 1928,
the
p. 190). >0
Here again
Empire Marketing Board
is
in tastes, in opinions,
the chilling call to re-
issued posters proclaiming that
India was “the worlds biggest customer for British goods” (Constantine, 1986, pi. 23). ’The clause from the forty-third section of the Charter of 1813 of the East India Company states: “A sum of not less than one lakh of rupees in each year shall be set apart and applied
and improvement of literature and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of science among the inhabitants of the British territories in India” (cited by Vasantha, 1992, p. 50). Vasantha to the revival
discusses the scientific controversy between orientalists
on Indian science. ’’On the home front,
ment
for the
more than
and occidentalists and
its
impact
decade later, Macaulay was arguing before Parlianeed to support public education, on the grounds that “the education of little
a
97
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
98
form character and Here, too,
is
make
the empires promise to
the world over in
through education without diminishing the
Not
often considered in these remarks
case for English
lines
who were
all
its
how Macaulay
is
own image
of racial difference.
on the Indian students themselves.
Indian students classes,
under the guise of education.
to create imperial subjects
also bases his
he compares those
First,
too happy to pay tuition to attend English
with those taking Sanskrit and v^rabic only because,
they received a stipend from the
state.
he presents
as
it,
Second, he presents petitions from
graduates of the sponsored programs in Sanskrit and Arabic complaining of the difficulty in getting
work
after this training. Finally,
trous efforts of the British to publish in Arabic
mous English-language
he
sets
out the disas-
and Sanskrit against the enor-
successes of the School
Book
Society.
For Macaulay,
educational expenditures were intended to meet both native deficiencies and native desires and, as such, did nothing to
would
case, the Indians
undermine the
British
raj.
In either
Europeans becomes
see that “the superiority of the
absolutely immeasurable” in relation to the native culture (1971, p. 182),
needs to
recall
who hoped
orientalists It
was
a battle
ticipated in
the
call for
here that the real target of Macaulay’s
it
to preserve the ancient strands
between colonial visions of India. were Raja
Ram Mohan Roy and
ire
dian society for Indians (Vasantha, 1992,
p. 53;
was the European
of Indian
civilization.
Among the Indians who his followers,
instruction in English out of a desire to reform
One
who
par-
supported
and modernize
In-
Panikkar, 1969, p. 150). As
it
turned out. Lord Bentinck, governor-general of India, acceded to Macaulay’s minute, and state instruction in English language and literature was instituted in the education
of the Indian
elites,
whereas what schooling existed for the
lower classes was allowed to continue in their native language.^’
Decades before English
literature
was thought worthy of being treated
as a distinct discipline in the universities it
was
field-tested in the training
colonial administrators.
with
its
the
better schools of Great Britain,
of natives and
elites
intended to serve
In
as
feature of literature’s colonial role appears
prominent place on the employment examinations
Company in London, literary
A second
and
for the East India
Masks of Conquest, Gauri Viswanathan explores how
study was intended to convince the Indian people “that their destinies
common
people
is
a
for “the gross ignorance
most
effectual
of the
means of securing our persons and our property,”
common
people
is
a principal cause of
danger to our per-
sons and property” (1909a, pp. 351-52). '
‘
Deepak Kumar
bay
in 1845
come
but refused to
to rule
ucation put
and not
it
example of the Grant Medical College, which opened in Bomadmit students from the lower castes on grounds that “we have
offers the
to cause social upheaval,” as the report of the
(1995, p. 114).
Bombay Board of Ed-
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION men
were guided by
of principle
She describes
(1989, p. 72).
how
diis
edu-
process transformed English literature hnto an instrument for ensuring industriousness, efficiency, trustworthiness, and compliance in native catioiicil
subjects” (p. 93).
The
introduction of Indian students to this literature creates an intriguing sense of letting them in on the secrets, vulnerabilities, and heartfelt yearnings
of their otherwise distanced colonial administrators. In promoting the teaching of literature, there was not, it appears, a sense of giving the Indian students a competitive advantage, nor of revealing the weaknesses of their masters. Such was the pride of the English. >2
The
popularity of colonial schooling in India, Suresh Chandra
Ghosh
points out, fostered generations of disillusioned but well-educated Indians
and
far
more than could
tration of the British
population
sand
as
possibly find suitable
raj (i 993 j
P-
I
by
93 )-
work
in the colonial
1918, Bengal,
adminis-
with roughly the same
England, had the same number of students
—
twenty-six thou-
preparing for university degrees. Macaulay was right about the educa-
tional
ambition of the people,
step aside
when
if less
so about the willingness of the English to
the Indian people had proved themselves educationally wor-
thy of self-governance (Headrick, 1988, pp. 315-16). This aim of colonial education was to transform natives into colonial intermediaries, turning schools into civil-service training institutions intended to support the administration
of the empire.'^
The
schools formed an integral part of the governing appa-
ratus, creating a class
of half-proud, half-ashamed bureaucrats to serve in that shadowy space between the colonizer and the native, schooled in tattered textbooks devoted to scenes and lessons from the unapproachable motherland, lessons that were thought to
'^The
lasting hold
of this
tion, survives to this
day
literature, as
it
make obvious was thought
Britain’s right to rule
to constitute the
and
educated imagina-
in the Indian university
with a shift of emphasis to literary theSo fundamental and even genetic is the Indian university's relation with indeed, dependence upon its British and American counterparts that knowledges produced there become immediately effective here, in a relation of imperial dominance, shaping even the way we think of ourselves. Nowhere is the parasitic inory, as Aijaz
Ahmad
—
explains:
—
.
.
.
dependence of the Indian university upon its metropolitan counterparts so obvious as in the teaching of English” (1992, p. 44). Rahimaj Haji Ahmad pinpoints the structure and motives, as well as the consequences, that informed a similar colonial education system in Malaya: “The British colonial government set up schools mainly to ensure a steady supply of support stafi' for its administellectual
trative service.
This
later
developed to become
a system to provide elite education preparing lower administrative officers subservient to the colonial government, although ironically it became the training ground for the earliest statesmen who ultimately took
over the rule ol the country from the British” (1992, pp. 5-6). The vernacular schools in Malaya had the double function of preserving the culture and delimiting the aspirations of the students,
and
I
am
one official put it in 1915, “Teach them the dignity of manual labor you will not have the trouble which has arisen in India over education”
for, as
sure that
99
lOO
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
A century later,
the colonizer’s duty to serve.
Martinique, the poet and politician
nial
ism’s
from
Aime
his
Cesaire
vantage point in colo-
condemned
colonial-
“parody of education” that resulted in “the hasty manufacture of
.
.
.
sub-
ordinate functionaries, ‘boys,’ artisans, office clerks, and interpreters necessary for the
smooth operation of business”
(1972,' p. 21).
After Macaulay’s minute, yet another tack taken with colonial education in the nineteenth
bureaucrat
century was initiated by J.
among Victorian
arena, he gave practical
Suggestions on the
educators.
On
P.
Kay Shuttleworth,
a legendary
turning his hand to this imperial
and hard-nosed advice
form of “Brief Practical
in the
Mode of Organizing and Conducting
Day-Schools
... as
Part of a System of Education for the Colored Races of the British Colonies,”
delivered to the Privy Council of the British Parliament in 1847. His proposal
was
combine
“to
intellectual
and
industrial education
and
to render the labor
of the children available toward meeting some part of the expenses of their education” (1961, p. 192).'^ The declared aim was not only to instill Christianity in the students but also “to
habits of self-control “as the
discipline,”
most important agent of civilization
Colonies the
and moral
accustom the children of these
young
(p. 194).
all
races to
through the English language,
for the colored population
of the
This was also to be an education devoted to instructing
in colonial policy:
“The lesson-books of
the Colonial schools
should also teach the mutual interests of the mother-country and her dependencies; the rational basis of their connection ties
of the colored races
(p. 194)-
ment of education’s contribution a contribution that ers.
by
this
and the domestic and
There could hardly be a more to the stability
social
du-
direct state-
of imperialism’s world order,
point was widely recognized by the colonial pow-
The Act of Union of Great
Britain
and Ireland
in
1800 provided for
state-
aided primary schools largely intended to staunch the local “hedge schools” given to churning up Irish nationalism. These state-aided schools used the
National School Booksy from 1861, to extol the wonders of Britain and empire, advising students that if they were to immigrate to “any of these
Irish its
by Watson, 1993, p. 160). At the same time, the students who attended the English schools were asked to take to heart the likes of Stamford Raffles, the great British colonizer of the region. As one textbook described Raffles’s generous regard for the Malay peo(cited
ples,
He welcomed them
Irom
all parts to talk to him of their lives and their homes, and amongst them he made a good many friends” as part of his “dream” to become “the overlord of the whole Malay world” (p. 166). ''‘A second well-known advocate for technical education was John Stuart Mill, who in his
East India ful
all
Company
Dispatch on Education of 1854 called for an education directed at “useand practical knowledge suited to every station in life [for] the great mass of people
who
are utterly incapable of obtaining
unaided
efforts” (cited
any education worthy of the name by
by Headrick, 1988,
p. 325).
their
own
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION you
settlements,
the very
will find schools there quite as
same books
are used in
them
that
you
good
are
as
now
our own; and, reading
in fact,
sent for by the colonial authorities” (Coolahan, 1993, P- 60). These books also answered the question What makes the difference between any of us Europeans and these poor savages? Evidently it is education” special place was writ(p. 59). ten into the notorious Berlin Act of 1884, which divided Africa .
,
.
A
among Euro-
pean nations, for those
who
exercised the educational functions of imperial-
ism: “All the powers exercising sovereign rights or influence in the aforesaid territories
.
institutions
them the For
.
shall
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
protect and favor
which aim
all
religious, scientific, or charitable
at instructing the natives
and bringing home
to
blessings of civilization” (Winks, 1969, p. 109).
all
of the rhetoric surrounding
proved more than a
little
tawdry.
this civilizing blessing, the results
Toward the end of the Victorian
when
era,
Charles E)ilke produced another of his considered surveys of Greater Britain, he was happy to note the many educational accomplishments of the settler colonies, such as Canadas free, compulsory, and often secular education with features that Dilke noted were clearly advance of the mother country (1890,
m
PP- 563-77)- Yet
when
it
came
Crown
to the
colonies in Africa, the Carib-
bean, and India, Dilke offered a critical comparison with the United States, which in spite of [its] strong and general opinion against admitting the
negro
race, [has]
ern states than dies colonies
is
made
far better provision for
the case with us in even the most advanced of our
(p. 580).
Colonial education
an empire-serving process, trumpeted in spired in
its
negro education in their South-
among its
West
In-
the dispossessed was at best
intentions
and occasionally
in-
delivery by dedicated teachers and missionaries, but as often
sloughed off and halfheartedly bestowed on native populations. Education was a way of bundling together the hopes and fears of its sponsors and
recip-
ients,
with the question
Yet
it
who were
needs to be
An
whom? never far from the surface. among the colonized there were those
education for
made
clear that
prepared to hold the imperial forces to their educational promises.
Ahmad
In
Egypt under
m
the newspaper al-Jarida in 1907 for overseeing the “the
British rule,
Lufti al-Sayyid took
Lord Cromer
to task
abandonment of
decent education” whereas this representative of Great Britain should, if he were taking his colonial responsibilities seriously, be “establishing the foundations of public education” (al-Sayyid, 1979).
It
turns out that Cromer,
who
had drastically reduced scholarships and increased tuition in Egypt, was being driven by fears that any surplus education above the immediate demands of the job market for technical
skills
would
risk creating the sort of
well-educated agitators for nationalism found
in India.
unemployed,
Cromer had confided
to his officials that his educational plans for the Egyptian people
were to
lOI
102
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION be “the three
r’s
in the vernacular,
nothing more” (cited by Headrick, 1988,
p. 310).
The twin ties
educational themes of paternalism and restricted opportuni-
were sustained well into
Macaulays
this century.
viding native populations with the
lull
original concern for pro-
scope of an English education “in
opinions, in morals and intellect” was to be overshadowed by far
taste, in
more pragmatic demands Education
The Advisory Committee on Native
(1971, p. 190).
Dependencies
in the British Tropical African
“the Controlling
Power
reiterated in 1925 that
responsible as trustee for the moral advancement of
is
the native population” (1979, p. 130).
Not long
after,
Julian
Huxley advised
the paternal trustees of this and other colonial committees to relate their
schooling “to the ideal you have for [the ‘primitive’ people’s] future develop-
ment ...
what
to blend
is
good
in their tradition
tradition of Western Civilization” (cited
trusteeship
came
to
mean
by
with what
P.
on the assumption
that
Documents from
all
it
this
in Africa
was
was introducing the very idea of ed-
was European and
that
What
The Ugandan
ucation to the native population, and was largely designed “to
of deference towards
in the
of Africa was largely a minimization
to the people
G. Okoth has pointed out that colonial schooling
typically based
good
Russell, 1945, p. 199).
of the educational needs of the colonial economy and regime. historian
is
instill a
sense
capitalist” (1993, p. 139).'^
the colonial period of this century express caution over ex-
posing native populations to “the onrush of new ideas,” in the words of one colonial advisory
vidualism which
committee is
by Headrick, 1988,
in 1935,
which could lead
to “unregulated indi-
destructive of the best elements of communal
The
life” (cited
more
strictly
technical education, in opposition to the popular support expressed
among
p. 306).
the African colonies for a
The one
British at the time pressed for a
more academic approach.
consistency within the African colonial education system was
abounded. By 1945, for example, there was still no secondary Northern Rhodesia and more than half the children did not go
that inequities
education in to school at
Africa far ter
in
all
(Russell, 1945, p. 170).
more often than
paid than the
men who taught were betwomen. The young women who attended mission schools for girls,
South Africa were prepared
colonial that
is
homes
Schooling was provided for boys in
and the
for little
(Gaitskell, 1994).
The
local
more than domestic employment
official reports at
in
the time took a line
perhaps best expressed by the superintendent general of education for
Okoth
cites
Walter Rodneys
was “education
comment
in
How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa that
for subordination, exploitation, the creation
development of underdevelopment” (Rodney,
1981, p. 240).
this
of mental confusion, and the
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION the
we
Cape of Good Hope, who
stated in his report of 1941 that “the fear that
are over-educating the colored people has
Russell,
I
945
P* 172-)*
>
but
in all
demeaning educational did
race. It
for the
little
many of these
efforts at colonial
junction that
first
colonizer” (1972, p.
in fact” (cited
by
Colonial education developed into a pathetic realiza-
tion of Macaulays already
lishmen
no foundation
principle of creating Eng-
good name of education, with
schooling lending weight to Cesaire's in-
we must study how
colonization works to decivilize the
13).
Women and Colonial Education Having delved into the moral bankruptcy of colonial education, scious,
m the face of such easy judgments,
am
con-
that circumstances are always
more
may seem. The participation of women in Europe who were able to
complicated than they
in colonial
a certain class
find a
teaching in the colonies
is
a
good example of such
new
I
education by life
abroad by
a complication.
Here was
opportunity to be more than a mother of empire, more than an accompani-
ment one
to those
woman
who
administered the colonies.
wrote of Canada, or should
may, everyone here
more than teach
own
.
.
.
is
the
Mecca of teachers,”
Any girl
with a mother
bring her out, as schools are in such abun-
says, safely
dance (cited by Trollope, 1983,
be.
“It
p. 73).
Women with
after they arrived in the colonies,
schools, whereas others took a
more
educational interests did
however; some
political role,
such
as
set
up
their
Mary Car-
who
during her journey through India lobbied British officials for the establishment of normal schools to train secular female teachers for Indian girls, even as she envisioned the schools being run by Englishwomen serving penter,
as principals
(Ramusack, 1992,
terprising educator
who was running
p. 121).
The most famous
comes from Southeast Asia with Anna Leonowens
a school in India before she entered the
Mongkut of Siam, where
If
colonization.
employ of King
not exactly in the fashion portrayed
Rodgers and Hammersteins The King and I, she used
European
(1991),
she took on the instruction of not only the prince
but also the court concubines.
to introduce a
instance of the en-
sensibility to a
Whatever support she
Leonowens took advantage of her
this
in
educational process
country that had otherwise
resisted
lent to imperialisms educational mission,
position to oppose the slavery of the harem.
'^Although A. G. Russell has little trouble seeing the irony in the superintendents remark, he himself is comfortable citing an Oxford University Press publication to the effect that “in the African negro, thinking
concluding that
‘emotional’ and, as such, of shorter duration,” before few indeed are the Africans who, like Newton, have ‘voyaged on the is
strange seas of thought, alone" (1945,
p. 162; Russell’s
emphasis).
103
104
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION Within the moral space of the schoolhouse,
women
were able to confound
the roles of submission and dominations^
The
Indian organization
for British
women who
Brahmo Somaj proved
it
developed a program of social and po-
who
reform in India, supported by eloquent representatives
England
in search
of British teaching recruits to
society for Indians.
good
of inspiration
were drawn to teaching abroad. During the closing
decades of the nineteenth century, litical
a source
A
special appeal
to their Indian sisters,” as
was made
sailed to
assist in
rebuilding Indian
women
“capable of doing
to
Keshub Chunder Sen put
in his well-
it
received traveling lecture “England’s Duties to India” (cited by Ware, 1992, p. 121).
on
Annette Ackroyd, one of those moved by the
arriving in India set
up
a small school for a
call
of Brahmo Somaj,
dozen or so young
women
an effort to blend feminist concerns with an equally determined effort to dress colonialism’s racial injustices (Ware, 1992, pp. 149-64). royd’s school
remained open
precedent for
far
more
for only a
in re-
Although Ack-
few years during the 1870s,
extensive efforts, such as those of Margaret
it
set a
Noble who
worked with young Indian women while assuming the life of an orthodox Hindu, becoming Sister Nivedita in a reversal of the naming a few decades later
process discussed earlier (Ramusack, 1992, pp. 124-25). In trying to fathom the sort of dedication
Nandy suggests giosity,
and transgression exhibited by
that she
knowledge and
against their
own
and others
like
her “found in Indian versions of reli-
social intervention not
society,
Sister Nivedita, Aishis
merely a model of dissent
but also some protection for their search for
new
models of transcendence, a greater tolerance of androgyny, and a richer meaning as well as legitimacy for women’s participation in social and political (1983, p. 36). Yet Sister Nivedita
was not inclined
to
abandon, even
if
life”
that
were possible, the world that she had brought with her to India; her philoso-
phy past
ol education was, in her
own
words, to “root [students] in their
and then furnish them with such measures of modernity
own
as “scientific
standards, geographical conception, [and] historical prepossession” (cited by
Ramusack, 1992, p. 125). These colonial forms of schooling offered
women
the chance to inter-
vene with some compassion on behalf of the young in the otherwise manly business of bringing the colonies into line. Although teaching brought
the claim of the empire
on these
children’s land
teachers the wiser for the schooling they
came
and minds,
it
home
also left the
to India to provide. After
’^See also Paxton (1992) lor a description of Annie Besant, who in 1904 established the Central Hindu Girl s School and worked to reform the treatment of women in Indian society.
Hansen
(1992) describes
womens
educational missionary
work
in
Northern Rhodesia.
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION teaching tor only a short period, they were in a far better position to understand the vile prejudices that infused the governing of the colonies, prejudices
that
remained largely
invisible in
moved between
ered, as they
Great Britain. These
continents,
how
women
also discov-
even these modest attempts at
schooling challenged inequities of gender in both India and Great Britain.
On
home
the
front at this time, the feminist efforts at
pire of patriarchy
were under way
in the
undermining the em-
hands of writers such
Charlotte
as
Yonge. Her 1890 history textbook, Westminster Readers, made the psychology of colonialism available to a wide range of readers. It was not celebratory or
triumphant
ment by using
show
often of high rank in his
Among forts
it
did not deploy the collective sense of accomplish-
the collective and plural
pains, as a rule, to
up hatred
and
in tone,
first
“The
person:
friendly courtesy to the grave
British did not take
and dignified Hindoos,
and though the native might cringe and obey, he heart” (cited by Castle, 1993, P- 34).
.
.
Indian students, especially young
were regarded
locally as
women, such
laid
educational
ef-
both boon and burden, according to Jasodhara
Bagchis research on growing up
in colonial Bengal.
Bagchi points out that In-
dian reformers of the nineteenth century, such as Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, used the educational principles of “western bourgeois liberal ideology” to argue against the marriage of upper-caste Hindu girls at a very early age (1994,
Although these
p. 24).
efforts
were often met by Indian nationalist
nouncing the schooling of women ceeded
as giving in to the
West,
cries de-
many women
suc-
pursuing the Western-influenced education open to men. These went on, Bagchi notes, to contribute to Indian journals, including a
in
women
few they edited, debating their right to education within the struggle for nationhood (p. 27). Fortunately, colonial forms of education were not fully de-
termined in their application or outcomes.
To move
to another instance
tense period of the British
Egyptian
women
women went on lated fields.
and another continent, during the most inoccupation of Egypt, from 1882 to 1920, the first
were licensed
as schoolteachers
(Hatem, 1992). These
to assert their right to public participation in a
Malak
number of re-
Nasif, for example, qualified as an elementary school-
teacher before taking
up
a career in journalism, writing
on women's
issues for
the newspaper Al-Jarida, where she complained of colonial educational policies that led to the British teaching Arabic grammar to Egyptian students, as
if
they did not
their
know
their
own mother tongue
newly acquired public position
to be a protector of Muslim
ring to
women
women’s
(p. 38).
Other
women
as teachers to attack imperialism’s
rights (a charge that has a
used claim
contemporary
given the Western press’s continuing attack on the treatment of in the Islamic world). They pointed out how Islamic law was, and
it,
105
io6
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION could increasingly be, responsive to such concerns ticipated in education
Egyptian
and public
women, which was
The
life.
largely
as
women
increasingly par-
colonial education provided to
devoted to Bible reading and needle-
work, had not been intended to foster such public participation
among
its
students (Sislian, 1967).
Through
the limited educational channels afforded by colonial rule,
Margaret Noble s work
managed lives.
as Sister
These
women
took charge of what was intended to keep them,
on the margins of a governing process and on the
of an educational process.
saw education
as a
They were
part of a
as
of “viewing them alone” (1975,
had
its
own
When
and education, she
sex as rational creatures instead
they were in a perpetual childhood, unable to stand
much
called for an
only weakened will
In
p. 81).
end
movement among women
called for the reform of women
for addressing her
as if
kept
primary concern in redressing the flagrant imbalances
Mary Wollstonecraft had mockingly apologized
it
receiving
of power that were based on a cultivated misconception of women.
stonecraft
and
to disturb colonialism’s determination of people’s education
the colonized,
that
Nivedita and the journalism of Malak Nasif
students,
the
end
same
of education” that she
“to a false system
who
Woll-
spirit as these colonial educators,
then became “the objects of
soon become objects of contempt” (pp. 79,
82).
pity,
Education
and
among
felt .
.
.
the
dispossessed affords another lesson in the school’s contribution to the learn-
ing of difference and identity. Schooling for it
possible for
be.
some
women and
to challenge the self that they
The Western women who took up
the colonized
made
were intended to learn to
teaching in the colonies were partici-
pating in the making of the empire without necessarily accepting the pre-set lessons in
how
of the
and sciences they were asked
arts
certain classes of people could never fully belong to the order
other words,” Chantal Talpade colonialism, and
humanism,
“it is
to study.
Mohanty
is
among
gender,
‘Woman/Women’ and ‘the East’ are deMan/Humanism can represent him/itself
only insofar as
fined as Others, or as peripheral, that (Western) as the center. It
writes of the connections
not the center that determines the periphery, but the periphery that, in
boundedness, determines the center” (1991, p. 73). Mohanty warns that “third world women” continue to be colonized by feminism, as an “effect of Western scholarship” that takes a monolithic approach to questions of human rights (p. 53). In concluding her much its
“Under Western Eyes,” from 1984, Mohanty sets out the colonial relationship between scholarship and gender: “In the context of hegemony of the Western scholarly establishment in the production and dissemination of texts, and in the context of the legitimating imperative of humanistic and scientific discourse, the definition of ‘the third world woman’ as a monolith might well tie into the larger economic and ideological praxis of ‘disinterested’ scientific inquiry and pluralism which are the surface manifestations of a latent economic and cultural colonization of the ‘non- Western’ world. It is time to move beyond the Marx who found it possible to say: They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented” (p. 74). reprinted essay
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION The Lingering Colonial Force of Western Schooling
An is
obvious clanger
in
I
face in laying out the educational legacy
overrunning the
historical specifics
tion Itself as inevitably tainly,
and incurably
of imperialism
of imperialism and treating educaform of cultural imperialism. Cer-
a
education can always be cast as an act of power, however benevolent
in
between teacher and student. Yet something has to be said for the intent and circumstance that shaped the particular forms of education its
exercise,
that
arose during five centuries of imperialism.
demonstrate the influence that the
Whereas
I
historical project
has had on our ideas about education, Martin
have been attempting to
of Western imperialism
Carnoy
is
one who argues,
in
Education as Cultural Imperialism (1972), that Western education, even after the end of the empires, should still be thought of as a broadly imperial pro-
by design. Without paying much mind to historical causes, he identifies educations ongoing colonizing function as “transmitting the social and ecoject
nomic
structure from generation to generation through pupil selection, defining culture and rules, and teaching certain cognitive skills,”
and
this
function
applies wherever students are schooled in the Western tradition (p. 13). This colonizing aspect of schooling has not been restricted, Carnoy is careful to
point out in this Marxist critique, to the overseas market:
Western schools were used to develop indigenous elites which served as intermediaries between metropolis merchants and plantation labor; they were used to incorporate indigenous peoples into the production of goods necessary for the metropolis markets; they were used to help social structures to
with European concepts of work and interpersonal relations; and, within advanced capitalist economies such as the
United
fit
in
States, schools
were used to
fit
white workers and,
later, disenfranchised minorities into economic and social roles defined by the
dominant
capitalist class, (p. 15)
Carnoy goes on
to identify
how Western
schooling
now
forms part of a
postcolonial heritage, with locally inspired changes in the colonial curricu-
lum and language coming only very slowly and amid much found ple,
it
in the early 1970s, so
it
debate. As he
stands today; the legacy remains, for exam-
with the Lesotho high school students
who
send hard-earned
money
to
Great Britain to pay for the privilege of taking the examinations run by the
Cambridge Examination Syndicate, examinations nize the curriculum.
English the nations tion ties.
It
that, in turn, largely orga-
reemerges with the current American
official
language
as part
move
to
make
of an assault on bilingual educa-
programs intended to give recently arrived students greater opportuniT he center is made to hold. In Carnoy s terms, whether the power is
107
I08
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION vested in examinations or an official language, “knowledge itself is colonized’:
colonized knowledge perpetuates the hierarchical structure of society” (1972, p. 3).
For one
who
claims that social justice can be achieved only through the
educational challenge of decolonizing knowledge, Carnoy proves decidedly uninterested in the detailed
work of identifying
ious educational domains, thus leaving
it
to
the colonizing aspects of var-
me
to
work out
in the
second
half of this book. In a preview of the curriculum analysis that briefly introduce
how
might be thought
this
mathematics, the discipline seemingly Allan Bishop argues that mathematics in the
I
undertake in part
remove from
politics.
“one of the most powerful weapons
imposition of Western culture” and was carried to the colonies through
the three-pronged attack of trade, administration, and education,
ing considerable all
me
work with the teaching of
to
at the furthest is
2, let
number work
manner of calculation
(1990, pp. 51-53).
Not only was
individual student
this day,
and the nation can reckon the
development. The Chinese and Korean students
mathematical assessments Asian cultures referred to
level
who
involv-
a standard for
established as centered in the West, but
used to establish a global measure that stands to
all
it
was
also
by which both the
of their educational
excel in international
not find the mathematical contributions of
will
in these tests,
pects of the Western standard.’^
The
nor any mention of the historical
as-
international standards in mathematics
education form another chapter in an intellectual mercantilism through
which Europe reprocessed
ideas
from abroad, including
in this case algebraic
and other computational techniques using Indian numerals, the IndoChinese zero, and the Chinese decimal place value (Needham, 1964, p. 237). In analyzing mathematics’ often overlooked multicultural roots,
varghese Joseph concludes that all
“it is
George Ghe-
not generally recognized that practically
topics taught in school mathematics today are directly derived
work of mathematicians twelfth century sential
AD”
originating outside of western Europe before the
(1991, p. 50).^®
mode of Western
from the
rationality,
Mathematics now stands but
it,
as the quintes-
too, possesses a history
entwined
Frederick Leung, from the University of Hong Kong, explained to me how China’s success in recent international mathematics assessments among high school students not only redressed the
assumed balance
between East and West, but also demonstrated the continuing influence of Confucian principles, which could become, he thinks, the next phase of a Chinese contribution to the study of mathematics. Joseph provides a thorough review of “the indigenous scientific and technological base,” which may have been “innovative and self-sufficient” during precolonial times, as well as the European distortion of mathematical histor)^ (1990, p. 2). Ubiritan D’Ambrosio (1991) also presents a strong case for
in capabilities
ethnomathematics
centric mathematics curriculum.
as the
proper pedagogy for a
less
Euro-
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION in the
expansion of European
interests. In
the teaching of mathematics, Joseph ics
considering how, then, to approach
recommends
a multicultural
mathemat-
both practical employment and educational enrichment issues, provide opportunities for all pupils to recognize that all cultures
sensitive to
which
will
mathematical activity and no single culture has a monopoly on mathematical achievement” (1993, p. 19). In attempting to find a
way beyond colonized forms of knowledge, one
has to be careful not to imagine that they invariably colonize the learner. Students can and do turn to their own advantage what they are taught. We
need
to recognize that for
to represent,
The Indian studies raj
it
all
historian Sardar Panikkar offers an excellent
when he
fill
came
proved a useful resource for resisting that very domination.
example from
how Indian students were taught great moments in Western history,
describes
to appreciate the
might
the cultural domination that W^estern education
a void in the nonhistorical East (a
theme
I
social
during the British as if these events
will address presently).
However, students’ detailed study of the storming of the Bastille ensured that the rhetoric of colonial reform directed against European tyranny would be vividly illustrated
by such instances
149-50). Panikkar notes how, in just this
West often formed
French Revolution (1969, pp. way, native scholars schooled in the
as the
a colonial intelligentsia dedicated to
independence and
self-determination:
one of the countries of Asia, the leadership of the movement which ultimately displaced European supremacy belonged to those who had been trained under the West in the aegis of imperialism. Not only In every
Mahatma Gandhi and
Jawaharlal Nehru, but the founders of the In-
dian National Congress and the successive generations of Congress leaders
were trained
sent to the
in the
West. In Japan,
West by the Shogunate
it
was the group of explorers
that led the
movement
for the reor-
ganization of the State. In China, though the disposition of the
Manchus was not
work of the Western-educated people, the building up of the revolutionary movement that followed was led by men of the
Western training. In Indonesia, Indo-China, Burma and Ceylon, it is the men and women educated in the West that provided the lead.
.
.
ership. (p. 153)
Coda: Rousseau I
want
to
fluence
conclude
I
review of imperialism’s educational in-
on the world with Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Emile, because,
an educational text ideas
this three-chapter
as
it is,
it
speaks to a reverse
in the
as central
flow of educational
have represented here. Rousseau claims, more than once, that
his ideas
109
no
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION drawn from
are
theme of an Europe’s
intellectual mercantilism that
New
mation of the
book
native thinking, even as the
offers a variation
transformed the
on the
New World
Idea of the World. Rousseau finds in the native not an
into
affir-
of France but the greater truth of nature, a
civilized superiority
truth that, like the discovery of coffee, was. held to quicken the blood of a
waning
and who the sists
He
civilization.
does not simply invert the ideas of who the savage
do Las Casas and Montaigne. Rousseau
civilized being, as
on using the
life
in-
of the savage to generate both a critique and a system of
education. In this way, he suffering: “Everything
would
good
is
as
arrest the great decline that the
leaves the
it
Emile optns. “Everything degenerates ilization bears too
is
West was
hands of the Author of things,”
hands of man” (1979, p. 37). Civof the handiwork of “man.” What has it meant for
much
in the
Western thinking about education to learn from the very way of life that imperialism was destroying in earnest or indifference?
Emile
reveals the great
debt owed to
this
philosopher for what are
the standard tenets of progressive education. Here
the
is
argument
now
for treat-
ing the child as a child (or at least for treating the wealthy boy child as a
Here
child).
is
the case for centering education
on the
childlike child rather
than on the interests of the teacher, for attending to the child’s development,
and
for cultivating the child
of society. Learning actually ercise
do things
is
s
individuality apart
a matter of
in the
world
of reason and liberty
is
doing
from the conforming
for Rousseau,
necessary to prepare
in later
life.
spirit
and having the child
him
for the proper ex-
Rousseau credits these radical and
in-
what he has learned of the aboriginal peoples (largely from Buffon and Le Beau). He more generally calls on the constantly ironic exam-
fluential lessons to
ple of the “savage” to contrast with the barbaric
on children a
in the
man, an object
name of civilization.^' The
by society
nature in the shape of
is
lay
low the old order of learning:
“It
is
en-
evident that the learned companies of Europe are only public schools of
tirely .
savage
inflicted
lesson in the natural order.
Rousseau uses these ideas to
lies
damage
.
.
and there
are very certainly
more
errors in the
than in a whole nation ol Hurons” (1979,
For Rousseaus use of
New World
Academy of Sciences
P- 204). In rejecting
accounts of native
life in
the aspiring
his writing, especially the
Discourse on Inequality, see
Brandon (1986, pp. 108-11). The “intellectual great-grandfather of the concept of the Noble Savage,” according to Anthony Grafton, is the Roman historian Tacitus, whose Germani contains “a comparison of the virtues of the allegedly savage people with the corruption of writes of
how “non-European
Rome”
(1992, p. 43).
peoples were
.
.
.
ture, as a native soil recovered, ol a ‘zero degree’
the structure, the growth, and above (1974. PP- 114-15)-
all
On
this
theme
in
Rousseau, Derrida
studied as the index to a hidden good Na-
with reference to which one could outline the degradation of our society and our culture”
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION vanity of learning, Rousseaus modest educational objective
what the Hurons have achieved by
nature:
“My
difference that Emile, having reflected more,
from
errors
he knows
closer up,
more on guard
is
But
(pp. 243-44).
is
of unwritten
What manner
supplement
to
is
that savage, with the
compared
ideas more, seen our
against himself and judges only
what
the “savage” only a projection of Rousseaus
imagination? In the founding of a sort
pupil
is
social contract
new
school on a native sensibility, what
implied between old and
is
new worlds?
of debt did progressive forms of education accrue during the
age of empire?
Native scholar George Sioui (1992)
is
convinced that not only Rousseau
but also Diderot and others drew from the accounts of Native American especially as they dealt with the spirit of cooperation therein. Sioui credits Lorn d Arce de
on the
ity
Lahontan
life,
and consensus found
as “the discoverer
of Americ-
of his Dialogues avec un sauvage 2.nd Memoires de rAmerique. are born free and united brothers,” the Wendat chief of the Turtle Clan,
“We
basis
Adario, explains in the Dialogues, “each as great a master as the other, whereas
you
are
all
slaves
of one man” (cited by Sioui,
p. 71).
Although there
is
no easy
tracking of ideas and origins within this complex encounter and exchange,
seems
fair to
the very
say that at
least,
some
Emile stands
level
Europe was finding
a
as a
it
student of Adario.22 At
new language of liberty by
using the
sit-
uation of the Amerindians, even as Europeans initiated the slave trade across the Middle Passage. But then, too,
I
find the philosopher Ernst Cassirer cast-
ing Emile, and what he names “the pupil’s business,” within the metaphorical
reach of the imperium:
acquires and conquers
it
“He understands
the world only inasmuch as he
step by step” (1989, p. 119).
As modern thinking about education often metaphors, so imperialism was
literally a
gives itself
Rousseau
lived in a
literal
it
is
at
once the
extension and renewal of the Western sensibility.
Europe awash
in literary, artistic,
ages of
new worlds where
trast to
the civilized tyrannies and oppression at
22
to imperial
quest for global forms of knowledge.
This remains part of imperialism’s imaginative value; metaphorical and the
up
natural forms of liberty
and philosophical im-
seemed
home.
to prevail in con-
In thinking about the
Jack Weatherford writes, “The original
had
a
pUy Arlequin sauvage [based on Lihontans work] major impact on a young man named jean Jacques Rousseau, who set about in 1742 on the discovery of the New World featuring Christopher Columbus’s sword while singing to the Indians the refrain ‘Lose your liberty’” (1988,
to write an operetta arrival
with a
Rousseau holds up the Caribs as swaddling their children an even more preposterous manner than the French, noting sarcastically that “the
p. 124). In criticizing
in
native
Caribs are twice as lucky as laziness (p. 202).
life,
we
are” (1979, P- 43).
and he
refers, at
another point, to a savage
III
Ill
THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION educational legacy of imperialism,
came of this engagement, from
it is
worth considering the many paths that
the church’s residential schools for natives to
the Rousseau-inspired free schools, such as Summerhill, for native Britons,
It
would indeed be
tive,
surprising, after five centuries of this educational impera-
schooling did not carry forward traces of imperialism in former
if
colonies and colonial powers alike. after a single generation or
be
left
behind.
I
As
I
have noted,
would be amazing
it
two since imperialism ended, such
have tried to establish, up to
a legacy
how we
this point,
preciate the full extent of imperialism’s educational dimensions ics.
From
the
West engaged
we now ing the
could
have to ap-
and dynam-
the age of reconnaissance to the collapse of the colonial empires,
ing the world.
body and
if,
It
in
an enormous educational project of learning and teach-
was surely
order, discipline
live
within.
young
a formative
and rhetoric
We have still
to look at the
to
and formidable experience, giving to the institution
wonder, then, whether educators are ask-
world through Columbus’s
“marvelous possession” in that colonizing sense, acterizes the
European regard
see the native as
and difference
on
for the
display? Are they
as the natural divide
of education that
as
New World coming
eyes, to treat
it
as a
Stephen Greenblatt char-
(1991).
Are they learning to
to an understanding
of humankind, or
as resulting
of identity
from par-
ticular histories?
Having completed ject
this general history
of imperialism’s educational pro-
of classifying, displaying, and teaching the world and
turn to
how
this imperial past
its
divisions,
I
now
has worked through and continues to operate in
the teaching of history, geography, science, language, and literature. There are aspects of the current curriculum that history, is
which was
largely
so markedly not the
to carry forward that imperial
determined to learn about the other
one engaged
surveillance, conversion
seem
and
in the
training.
extended colonial legacy on a global
— through subordination and
study
We are still in
scale,
— the one who
the midst of resolving this
which means,
in part,
engaging with
the related growth (and belated recognition) of diversity in the classrooms of the West. This diversity manages to confound the traditional self/other distinctions that infused imperialism’s curriculum project, with
of race with nation and colony.
It calls
into question
how
its
easy equation
well students have
been served by the subjectivities celebrated by the assigned
literary classics,
the history and geography of Western civilization’s relentless advance, and the scientific pursuit
of the knowing division and conquest of nature. There
is,
in
turning to the legacy of these sometimes monstrous lessons, the potential for
and deliberately postcolonial supplement that may hasten the tenuation of, if it does not check, what imperialism made of the world.
a critical
at-
I
PART
II
MONSTROUS LESSONS
NOVA
KOKT pACtrr
^ittuaa pdtas
5 ’Rjtum
iitifis
.
t.
* Im
Aloysio ala-mavnio
mditji
^ovz Reperta (Antwerp, ca. 1600). Courtesy Print Collection, Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division ofArt, Prints, and Photographs, New York Public Library, Theodor
Guile's
Astor, Lenox,
and
Tilden Foundations.
flor’?’
FIVE
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST
first set
I
ercise
up
on
this
chapter to read like a response to an imaginary school ex-
great theories of history, only to stumble
imitate school
—
lists
sixteen
The student
men, from Thucydides
lived, his
as life tends to
major work or works
activity sheet “Theories
to Nietzsche, for
to asked to find out, “for each historian they
he
—
such an assignment in British Columbia’s History
just
[Grade] 12 Resources Manual. tory”
upon
of His-
whom students are
have been assigned ... the dates
in history,
and
his theory
of history”
Columbia Ministry of Education, 1990, p. 79). My choice from the the German philosopher Georg V^ilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose dates
(British list is
are 1770-1831
and whose major
which has the
rise
of the West
historical
as its
work
is
The Philosophy of History,
theme. In what follows,
I
track his theory
of history across the centuries and continents, from the daylight lecture theater in the Berlin of the 1820s, to the fluorescent spectrum of contemporary classrooms in the United States, Canada, and Britain.' Certainly,
one could build
a fine library of books
dating back to the histories of Herodotus. Hegel
is
on the
rise
of the West,
but a vivid instance from
the early nineteenth century that, like the radioactive isotopes used in medicine,
can be used to trace the descent and digestion
about
history.
made
the
'
He
not only
West the
The answer guide
thus: “History
is
sole
and
included
made modernity final
possessor of history.
in the Resources
p. 82).
115
an idea
the project of the West, he also 1
would point out
identifies Hegel’s theory
determined hy people’s ideas about things”
of Education, 1990,
of, in this case,
(British
that
oFhistorv
Columbia Ministry
Il6
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST whether the West rose
not in question here.
is
within an intellectual tradition, critiques such as this one.^
it
What
and
certainly did,
It
fascinates
commonsense
as a
on hearing today of China’s
me
is
the degree to which Hegel’s
become
efforts to
“modernize,”
if
not
its
we imagine
by Westernizing
political system.
Equally
part
example,
historical understanding. For
nally about to enter the flow of modern history
and education system,
did so
has been pointed out to me, that affords
suppositions about history and the West’s hold on history have
of what we regard
it
a people its
fi-
economy
so, the celebrated
“end of history” debate, sparked by Frances Fukuyama in 1989, began with the premise that
communism had
Union, again seeming
to place
collapsed with the demise of the Soviet
China beyond the web of history.^ Hegel had
no qualms about placing China outside history
it
history, as
we
shall see,
and outside
has largely remained for Western eyes, even at the very end,
it
would
appear, of history. Hegel’s Philosophy of History, although lacking the philosophical stature
of his Phenomenology ofSpirit znd Philosophy ofRight, proved to be his most popular work during the nineteenth century and into the twentieth. Hegel’s
of the world in Berlin during the 1820s.
What makes
this a philosophical ap-
proach to history, Hegel begins in an introduction he
added
to the book,
“Reason
is
is its
World”
is
how Hegel
capitalization of
J.
Sibree’s
phatic and
Germanic
(1956, p. 9).
This Reason,
not, according to Hegel,
is
thought to have
concern with the underlying Reason of the World.
the Sovereign of the
are progressing
on the history
transcribed from lectures he delivered
Philosophy ofHistory
puts
using the
it,
popular 1899 translation
We are moving through time without rhyme or reason. We as
Sovereign of the World, governs History.
through History guided by Reason
in the
form of a
self-contained essence that defines any given age. Historical progress
When
em-
Spirit or is
there-
and Paul Kennedy (1987) speak of the rise as the “European Miracle,” I have to wonder whether this is meant to emphasize the unlikeliness of the rise without something approaching divine intervention, or to evoke the sense of gratitude and grace that is to be associated with such intervention. In The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy places “the long-range and armed sailing ship” at the center of that miracle, giving the West the ability “to control the oceanic trade routes and to overawe all societies vulnerable to the workings of sea power” (p. 26). For a critique of the “miracle” as resulting, “essentially, Irom historical forces generated within Europe it^
historians such as Eric L. Jones (1981)
self,” see J.
Wolfe
^On
M.
Blaut (1993,
p. 59lf).
For a review of historical theories of imperialism, see
(1997).
the end-of-history debate, see the Melzer, Weinberger,
and Zinman collection History
and the Idea of Progress, which includes a chapter by Fukuyama that refers munism collapsed of its internal contradictions by the end of the 1980s .
sult that] there
home
to .
.
how “Com[with the re-
were no competitive ideologies that could threaten liberalism on
turf” (1995, p.
15).
its
own
5
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST and Hegel defines the measure of that progress
fore inevitable,
ing and self-conscious realization of
world
Human
as
an increas-
Freedom; H"he History of the
none other than the progress of the consciousness of Freedom; a progress whose development according to the necessity of its nature, it is our is
business to investigate”
on the road
(p. 19).
Freedom
to
Fhe deciding
For Hegel, however, participation
History
not open to everyone.
is
according to Hegel,
factor,
in
a
is
peoples knowledge of the
of Freedom. For example, “The Orientals have not attained the knowledge of that Spirit Man as such is free; and because they do not know this, Spirit
—
—
they are not free” (1956,
Hegel’s emphasis).
p. 18;
I
take his use of the present
tense with the Orient to suggest a lack of a past or a future, its
know
failure to
wanting
sessed as
dom” tism,
the World-Spirit
which
is
Freedom. China and India are
its
in the essential consciousness
Hegel’s emphasis).
(p. 71,
and
which comes of
They are mired
in a state
as-
of the Idea of Freeof perpetual despo-
played against the West’s historical achievement of liberty, and
thus deserve to be excluded from the progress of World History: “China and India
lie,
as
it
and Romans
were,
still
outside the World’s History”
are portrayed as passing the torch of an
realized the Spirit
of the World
of Freedom
travels,”
own
Building his
^
it
fell
tugged
at the
in the civilized
who
moral and
Given
and
his
historical
keen anthro-
view of oriental despotism by pointing out played in Indian history by “the renouncer,” as
returned to society in the
political authority
Thapar further
of the
spirit
state,
of a freedom that
and thus played
effec-
a strategic
attacks the ideas associated with India’s time-
despotism by pointing to both the urbanity and history found
known
ab-
common
overlooks the crucial historical role
role in society’s governance. less
between those
are said to exist outside History.
he names the ascetic figure tively
is
(p. 103).
Romila Thapar has attacked the
how
“The History
(p. 19).
great wall against the barbarians, Hegel created semi-
permeable time zones that
West and those who
and History
vision of Christianity
Hegel declares, “from East to West, for Europe
end of History”
solutely the
as progress
The Greeks
awakened Freedom on
Germanic world, which through the additional
to the
(p. 116)."^
in the territorial texts
janapada (1992, pp. 17-20). Immanuel Wallerstein argues that India is an invention of what he describes as the modern world system, specifically the British colonization through which India’s premodern history “is an invention of modern India” (1991, as
p. 132). 5
Hegel:
were
“The consciousness of Freedom
free;
such. Even Plato
whole
their
stitution first
among the Greeks, and therefore they Romans likewise, know only that some^x^ free not man as and Aristotle did not know this. The Greeks, therefore, had slaves; and first
arose
—
but they, and the
and the maintenance of their splendid liberty was implicated with the inThe German nations, under the influence of Christianity, were the the consciousness that man, as such, is free: that it is the freedom of Spirit
life
of slavery.
to attain
which constitutes
.
its
.
.
essence” (1956,
p. 18;
Hegel’s emphasis).
117
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST
Il8
pological interests, he allows that India
is
“rich in intellectual products,
those of the profoundest order of thought,” but this respect contrasts
most strongly with China
one going back
so remarkable,
ous
series
of Writers of History”
China advancing point
—an empire
as
—but
(1956, p. 61). His-
“no people has a so
fails
which
to
possessing one
continu-
strictly
go forward: “Early do we see
it is
found today”
and profound. With Hegel’s theory of relativity,
subtle
is
—
to the condition in
“has no History; and in
most ancient times”
to the
tory goes backward for the Chinese
it
and
(p. 116).^
The
a large part
of
the globe does not participate in the progress of time experienced by the
West, creating a differentiating time-space continuum that further ensures the lasting division of the world in the Western imagination.^
As one might expect, unfortunately, Africa presents Hegel:
“What we
veloped
properly understand by Africa,
Africa
is
on the threshold of the World’s History”
“shut up,” “the land of childhood”
part of the world;
the Unhistorical,
it
movement
has no
(p. 91): “It
by the West well into
is
no
this century.^ It
all
(1956,
historical
or development to exhibit”
This remarkably unsettling judgment was to become the allocated to Africa
Unde-
involved in the conditions of mere nature and which had
Spirit, still
to be represented here only as p. 99).
is
a simpler case for
(p. 99).
too familiar fate
should take no more
than a few lines of Conrad’s Heart of Darkness to bring this pervasive theme
of Africa’s timelessness back to mind:
^
Hegel condemns the Chinese for failing to take advantage of gunpowder (“The Jesuits had to make their first cannons for them”); for being unable to represent “the beautiful, as beautiful” despite a “remarkable
knowledge art of printing; and for missing out on an astronomy that has any claim as a form of knowledge (1956, p. 137). He notes a certain sense of meritocracy in China that he quickly dismisses as a wanting of maturity, as part of the scheme of matching historical and human development: “And though there is not distinction conferred by birth, and everyone can attain the highest dignity, this very equality testifies to no triumphant assertion of the worth ol the inner man, but a servile consciousness one which has not yet matured itsell so far as to recognize distinctions” (p. 138). Johann Fabian uses the phrase “the denial ol coevalness” in describing the impact of this idea on the development ol anthropology (1983, p. 31). For a critique of this continuing deskill in
imitation”; for refusing to apply their
of the magnet and the
—
'
nial is
to
of coevalness
make
in
anthropology, see Thomas,
who
claims that the effect of Geertzs
work
of other cultures, such as the Balinese, “a picturesque, transhistorical presence,
from Western society” (1994, pp. 90—95). ® In his examination of Africa and history, Steven Feierman has described how previously among academic historians the tendency was to “appropriate bits of African past and place them within a larger framework of historical knowledge which has European roots” (1993, radically different
History books in Swahili that were sent to the colonial schools of Africa described Africa practiced slavery until colonialism brought uhuru, or freedom (p. 195). Feier-
p. 169).
how man
still
finds
it
necessary to remind his colleagues that “history can no longer be written
as a single clear narrative cal heartland, to Africa
of the spread of civilization’s
and other
arts
from the ecumene, the
parts of the world” (p. 171).
histori-
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST
We
were wanderers on prehistoric earth, on an earth that wore the aspect of an unknown planet. We could have fancied ourselves the first
men
taking possession of an accursed inheritance, to be subdued at the
cost of
profound anguish and of excessive
could not remember, because
we were
toil.
.
.
973
>
far
and
traveling in the night of first ages,
of those ages that are gone, leaving hardly a sign (i
We were too
.
—and no memories.
P- 51)
1 he radical historical consequence of this Hegelian progression of consciousness is a world divided among people who live inside and outside history.
The West remains consumed with
Here nothing stands
still,
constant and the news
marketed
West
to the
is
as
as
sense of accelerated progress.
where the tomorrow people wake up
mode of being
What makes state. The nation
is
to
is
not a given of human experience;
is
the nation-
the necessary vehicle for realizing the World-Spirit and its
9 “a moral, political organization” (1956, p. 75 ).
unique
The
ability to
nation alone
work toward
is
capable, for
Hegel, of mediating between individual and Spirit. Universal History expression of “the Spirit of a People” that finds
of History” and the “National genius”
(no
than the teacher of history)
less
in-
in the world.
for participating in Universal History, given
its’
yes-
of
this principle
that historical privilege possible, for Hegel, is
the only
Meanwhile, other parts of the world are an escape from the overwhelming bustle. They are
Hegel constructed his philosophy of history on
a privileged
is
a staple.
equitable participation in History, which it is
own
people are quick to assert that change
said to exist in a timeless space terday.
its
its
form
(p. 53).
an
in “the ‘National Spir-
This makes the historian
among
first
is
nationalists. If history,
modernity, and freedom are defined in nationalist terms, then to be born be-
yond the Spirit
coterie of
European nations
of the World and
its
is
to live outside the pale, outside the
Universal History.
national identity, Hegel identifies the “moral
form of
reality in
Whole”
(p. 38).
to the
Whole, the
which the individual has and enjoys
the condition of recognizing, believing in, to the
Adding
and willing
weight of
State,
his
that
which
is
this
that
freedom; but on
which
is
common
This theme of Government completing Freedom was,
^This was Hegel’s contribution to the relatively late articulation of German nationalism. In Germany’s case, national consciousness was largely the work of what Liah Greenfeld describes as “a peculiar class of educated
commoners,
[and] professional intellectuals”
(1992, p. 277). Germany’s colonial holdings were also acquired considerably later than those of the other European powers, playing largely a symbolic rather than an economic role in the development of the German state (Hobsbawm, 1987, p. 67). Hegel’s nationalist
philosophy of history,
making ical
explicit
how
as
Hayden White
essential the /e^^r/status
narrative (1987, p. 30).
points out, demonstrates the rare virtue of
of the
state
was to the formation of a
histor-
II9
120
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST for Hegel, “the real theater
holden to the
“Each unit
was
is
of History”
The
individuals were to be be-
State: “It constitutes their existence, their
the
Son of his Nation”
to figure in future debates
An
(p. 99).
(p. 52).
being,” Hegel writes.
This form of extreme nationalism
about Hegel’s influence on the
fascist state.
empire, in Hegel’s estimation, could offer a gratifying sense of des-
tiny to a nation’s citizens, further evincing their historical place in the world:
“Every Englishmen will
who
Hegel imagines
say,”
navigate the ocean, and have the
at
one point,
“We
commerce of the world;
East Indies belong and their riches” (1956,
p. 74).
More than
are the
to
men
whom
the
that, the British
student of this history can turn to the success of the empire as proof of national
worth and destiny: “A Nation
engaged
is
in realizing
history played lization
its
its
is
moral
grand objects”
—
(p. 74).
virtuous
The
—
vigorous
—while
it
nation-as-instrument-of-
part in imperialism, serving as proof of an advanced civi-
worthy of a global expansion that would bring such
ernization as nationhood to the rest of the world.
Victorian imperialism in Great Britain,
tools
of mod-
During the
Thomas Macaulay wrote
his
rise
of
monu-
mental history of England, the National Portrait Gallery was founded, and the massive publishing projects behind the torical Principles
(which
New
English Dictionary on His-
became the Oxford English Dictionary) and the
later
Dictionary of National Biography were initiated. These mighty works retroactively assembled a historical foundation for a nation
The
pire.
of history
rise
worthy of a global em-
of the West was the story of its heroic nations, and
as a national project
was
to
become
this casting
the centerpiece of teaching his-
tory in school.^*
we must constantly ask, at what points have we begun to move beyond what he made of history and the world? How far are we from After Hegel,
When
nationalism became a tool ot colonial liberation during this century, it was then viewed, in Partha Chatterjees terms, “as a dark, elemental, unpredictable force of primordial nature threatening the orderly
calm of civilized
life” (1993, p. 4).
Chatterjee goes
on
to
complain that “history, it would seem, has decreed that we in the postcolonial world shall only be perpetual consumers of modernity. Europe and the Americas, the only true subjects ol history, have thought out on our behalf not only the script of colonial enlightenment and exploitation, but also that of our anticolonial resistance and postcolonial misery” (p-
5 )-
" Robert Young observes
that “Hegel articulates a philosophical structure of the appro-
priation of the other as a form of
knowledge which uncannily simulates the project of nineteenth century imperialism” (1990, p. 3). Wolfgang Mommsen, in reviewing theories
of imperialism, places Hegel’s specific contribution among those who treated imperialism as a necessary element of economic expansion, while quoting from Hegel’s Philosophy Right:
“The inner
dialectic
of civil society thus drives
—
of
it or at any rate drives a specific and seek markets, and so its necessary means of subsistence, in other lands which are either deficient in the goods it has over-produced, or else generally backward in industry” (cited by Mommsen, 1980, p. 30).
—
society
to
push beyond
its
own
limits
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST the assumption that the
How far are we from read about the
West stands
at the source
of the history that matters?
Hegel’s geographically determined historicism
dynamic Asian economies
that have catapulted Singapore
Malaysia into the twentieth century, or about the eternal besets the politics of Africa in
Rwanda
tribal
and
warfare that
or Somalia? Paul Gilroy ascribes a He-
cidedly Hegelian belief” to Frederick Douglass and a
Americans of the nineteenth century
when we
number of other African
in their faith ’’that the
combination of
Christianity and a nation state represents the overcoming of all antinomies”
(D93’
P- 35)-
Through whose suflFering
sense of freedom,
if
has the
not through those
whether through slavery or apartheid, that Hegel identified with the West?
who
West developed
name of that
The West
Historical right
history lessons have plotted the
progress of freedom and nationhood as a VC^estern has been set against the primitive
self-conscious
have been denied that freedom,
in the
Our
its
rite
of passage; modernity
and despotic ways of the
rest
of the world.
has defined a single path to modernity, civilization, and the idea of
developed nation. “Historically, modernization is the process of change,” S. N. Eisenstadt has written, “toward those types of social, economic, and political systems that developed in Western Europe and North a fully
America from the seventeenth century
to the nineteenth” (1966, p.
i).
The legacy is such that critiques of Hegel often find themselves swimming in their own Hegelianism. 12 For example, my own critical efforts with Hegel engage their
own
version of the “great
man” (“World-Historical
Indi-
vidual”) theory of intellectual history closely associated with the rise of the
European nation-state
(1956, p. 29).
work, through Hegel, seeks Hegel, ism;
I
its
This pursuit of History’s imperial frame-
own form of the
Spirit
of World History. Like
have stretched a large canvas to convey the global scope of imperialhave turned to the historicizing of ideas and peoples in search of the I
greater Rationality that
would make sense of the world
today.
That imperial
sense remains stretched between the poles of primitive and civilized in one direction,
and of East and W’est
in the other.
Although philosophers Jean-
Fran^ois Lyotard (1988) and Richard Rorty (1995) ask us to forsake such “master narratives,”
we cannot
readily
walk away from
this historical
education in
'2
Robert Young: “You cannot get out of Hegel by simply contradicting him, any more than you can get out of those other Hegelian systems, Marxism and psychoanalysis, by simply opposing them: for in both your opposition is likewise always recoupable, as the workings of ideology or psychic resistance” (1990, p. 6). Jacques Derrida speaks of “the very self-evidence of Hegel one often thinks oneself unburdened of” (1978a, p. 251). However, Charles Taylor speaks of an end of Hegelianism through modernity’s technological domination of nature, which precludes a Hegelian synthesis of nature and reason, one of the philosopher’s claims for the West (C. Taylor, 1979, p. 139).
I2I
122
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST favor of the
recommended
knowledge and small experiments intended
local
grand theorizing of the world. By
to replace this
modernist aspirations for
telling the
the I
histoty”
and movement of History”
commonplaces of our own
means,
whole truth of history,
recommends, “the romance of world the shape
all
rejecting, as
Rorty
and the idea that we can “grasp But
(1995, pp. 213, 211).
historical
us break with
let
it is,
above
all,
understanding that remain, of which
consider the Hegelian conception of the Wests self-conscious progress to-
ward Freedom
desperately
rather than faith,
And so ters,
example and
a
heady
leftover
from the
lessons orig-
designed to justify the West’s domination and division of the globe.
inally
The
a persistent
modern
culture of Europe, relying
was constantly generating accounts of itself and
the intellectual labors that
from the
on Sovereign Reason
classification
I
its
actions.
have reviewed in the previous three chap-
of species to the building of colonial schools, were
taken to justify Western expansion and colonialism.
The Subject ofImperial History Let
me move
Great Britain phasis
forward, then, from Hegel’s lectures in the Berlin of the 1820s to later in the
century
on the purity and quality of a
globe.
In 1895, a contributor to the
tween the
political
and scholarly
that “our Imperialism of today Seeley, a curious
Benjamin John
when
is
race destined to assert itself
forces underlying colonialism
the
it
upheld
Britain’s
of Modern History
on the home
Expansion ofEngland, which clearly
around the be-
by claiming
combined work of Beaconsfield and of
Disraeli (earl of Beaconsfield)
to 1895, strengthened
em-
Athenaeum pinpointed the collusion
couple of collaborators” (cited by Aldrich, 1988,
Seeley, as Regius Professor
Among
historians were placing increasing
at
p. 25).
While
honor abroad.
Sir
Cambridge from 1869
front through his
set the nation’s Spirit
immensely popular
on an imperial
tra-
those following this Hegelian/post-Hegelian path of examining the imperial
complex as the master narrative is Gilroy, who recently advocated treating “the Atlantic as one single complex unit of analysis and us[ing] it to produce an explicitly transnational and intercultural perspective” (1993, p. 15). He sees the Middle Passage, or black Atlantic, as defining the Western sense of modernity, as black people “engaged in various struggles toward emancipation, autonomy, and citizenship,” giving real meaning to the Hegelian sense of Freedom (p. 16). Hugh MacDougall does not hold back on naming the perpetuators of the racial myth in English history: “Of all the professions none served the cause of progress and Anglo-Saxonism more taithlully than historians. Gilted commentators such as Lord Macaulay, Thomas Carlyle, John Kemble, Goldwin Smith, John R. Green, William Stubbs, James Anthony Froude, Charles Kingsley, Edward Freeman, Lord Acton, dilated upon the greatness ol the English race and its proud heritage. All were confident that their accounts were somehow more objective than any that had come before, for history, it was believed, had .
finally
come
.
.
ol age as a critical science” (1982, pp. 91-92).
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST jectory.
The historian was indeed seen
as the curious collaborator
politician in bringing Britain to “the climax of an empire,” as
with the
James Morris
(1968) characterizes the period.
Seeley proudly spoke of a “Greater” Britain treating
innocent and natural.
The
its
expansion as both
of our destiny towards the occupation of the new World,” he wrote “grew up almost in our own despite,” and he spoke of drift
the colonies as Britain s
natural outlet for superfluous populations” (1884, PP* ^4> 70)- This was a history in which the British were carried along to empire as if by fate:
Nothing
great that has ever been
done by Englishmen was
done so unintentionally, so accidentally as the conquest of India” (p. 179). The accidental empire entailed, he insisted, none of the barbarity of one community being “treated as the property of another to
acknowledge that
our own”
(p. 66).
in
The
governing
it
we
.
.
.
[for]
any way
in
historical significance
of
we should be ashamed
sacrificed
This biblical sense of exodus, with
its
interest to
this destined, innocent,
natural empire was not to be questioned: “This English greatest English event of the eighteenth
its
and
Exodus has been the
and nineteenth centuries”
(p. 14).
vision of the promised land abroad,
suggested a holy covenant between Britain and that one greater Empire.
Those with an educational interest in empire, such as Seeley, came to promote imperial studies for the schools, which had something of an interdisciplinary or social studies feel to
Great Britain,
its
influence
it.
Although
this
on history teaching was
approach originated
to be felt
in
throughout the
The Rhodes Chair of Imperial History, established at the University of London in I9i9> initially held by A. P. Newton, who with Ewring empire.
J.
authored the popular British Empire since 178^ for use in secondary school and college history, geography, commerce, and economics classes M. MacKen(J.
zie,
1984, p. 170).
A number of public societies also sought to stir up
loyalties
empire through the schools using the themes of eugenics and motherhood, which, according to John MacKenzie, eventually created a space in the for the
schools for the teaching of
home economics
(pp. 158-59).
MacKenzie pays
promotion of empire through the teaching of hiscompulsory subject for British schools only in 1900.
particular attention to the tory,
which became
Rudyard Kipling the 1911 textbook
lent his support to this enterprise
A
Fletcher, a text that
sand copies.
a
by contributing poetry to
School History of England, by Oxford historian C. R. L.
is still
The book
in print,
having sold
of one hundred thou-
West Indians
advises students that
and incapable of any serious improvement,”
in excess
or, in a
are “lazy, vicious,
phrase, “quite
happy and
quite useless,” whereas in India “our rule has been infinitely to the good for the three hundred millions of the different races
who
all
inhabit that richly pop-
ulated land” (Fletcher and Kipling, 1983, pp. 294-95). Although such was the
123
124
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST of history teaching during the heyday of empire,
spirit
this scholastic
enthu-
siasm did not always impress the students, a point MacKenzie establishes by
drawing on the
member of the
And how indeed did Compulsory
.
.
.
What
hard to
is
ma-
the undermass got
see, unless
it
was the ba-
p. 184)
The working class may well have enjoyed it
attended
had been introduced with overt
State education
from empire, old and new,
nana. (1984,
who
the nation’s poor profit from the possession of em-
propagation of the imperialistic idea. terially
industrial classes
World War:
school before the First
pire?
of a
reflections
when
the fruits of imperialism
had the money, but the schools were intent on teaching the working
that empire
was so much more.
What
better
way of integrating
into the empire than presenting the world as part of the
the
class
young
mother country’s
achievement, within which students from Calcutta to Canberra were invited to find themselves
tory
is
best
and
their places. Seeley advised that the teaching
done by showing how history
“affects
our
interests”;
end, the expansion of European imperialism and the
pire’s
were portrayed without qualm p. 307).
Even
after the
as
and
of
his-
until
em-
of the West
rise
being in just about everyone’s interest (1884,
European empires
fell
to the
sweep of the indepen-
dence movements in the colonies, the writing of history in the West retained its
more general Hegelian sense of the unfolding of an indomitable
Spirit.
The Rise of the West in Our Time
A
key work in sustaining
this
Hegelian theme during our
own
postcolonial
age has been William McNeill’s widely lauded The Rise ofthe West: A History
of the
Human Community
(1963).
This formidable book was briefly a
York Times best-seller, and a second edition was issued in 1991.
an American tradition of teaching Western
“war issues” course taught
at
It falls
in
civilization, originating
Columbia University
New
to the Students
with
from
a
Army
Training Corps in 1918, which was intended to prepare troops to defend America’s stake in Europe (Allardyce, 1982). Richard Roberts has pointed to
how Western
civilization textbooks
tion until “it has elites
and
become
tend to narrow the very sense of civiliza-
essentially a narrative history
their ideas, propelled
of Western cultural
through time by the vagaries of
the decline of empires” (1994, p. 58).
I
have alluded, in the
first
politics
and
chapter, to
the recent battles at Stanford University over Western civilization courses,
and
although there are clearly changes afoot because of multicultural education initiatives, the general
concept that the achievement of the West forms the
core of the educated imagination prevails, as well as the idea that “a history of
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST the
human community”
is
about the
rise
of the West, as McNeill captures
It
in his title.
In his book,
McNeill leads
his readers
from the great darkness” of pre-
history to the “Western explosion” of political, industrial, and cultural achievement in the modern era: “Hence ‘The Rise of the West’ may serve,”
writes
on the concluding page,
the history of human
“as a
community
he
shorthand description of the upshot of
to date” (1963, p. 807). History in this
book
out amid the detail and sweep of civilizations, each neatly encapsulated within the full rhetorical drama of a world history that places the greatness of is
laid
others securely in the distant past, whereas the
West has
it all
to enjoy here
and now: Demosthenes’ Athens, in Confucius’ China, and in Mohammed’s Arabia was violent, risky, and uncertain; hopes struggled with fears; greatness teetered perilously on the brim of disaster. We belong in this high company and should count ourselves fortunate to live in one of the great ages of the world, (p. 807) Life in
A second
Hegelian feature of this familiar history
is
the universal quality
of the West’s cultural achievement. To bring this point home, McNeill offers an illustration of a Henry Moore sculpture depicting a reclining figure,
which
McNeill
identifies
m
the caption as
how it gives visual form human femininity” (1963,
Primordial ^Moman” before explaining
to primordially primitive, inchoate p. 763).
The
dimensions of
resonant subconscious qualities of this
female figure represent, for McNeill, “the highest intellectual sophistication,” demonstrating “our twentieth-century scientific emancipation from the cultural parochialisms
of the past”
phistication has been artfully fabricated, essentially primitive qualities.
The we are
(p. 763).
The
historical
sculpture’s self-conscious soled to believe, out
of women’s
ascendancy of the West, he ap-
pears to be saying, grows out of the achievements of a certain class of
who
are able to reflect
upon and transform
in others for the benefit
In 1991, to
as
West.
found
of all.
McNeill added an extraordinary retrospective essay
The Rise of the
the door
into art the primal qualities
men
The
on the Hegelian
piece, striking in
its
humility, attempts to shut
vision of the West, of which McNeill’s
something of a culminating moment
in
as a preface
our time.
He
book stands
begins this
new
pref-
ace by identifying the scope of the
came
to write the book: “It
American imperialism within which he seems obvious that The Rise of the UTjr should
be seen as an expression of the postwar imperial
mood
in the
United States”
He goes on to argue, against the main body of the book, that common historical sense of discrete civilizations rising and falling across (p. xv).
the the
125
126
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST Stormy
seas
of time
to represent
fails
world system marked by such
artificial
He
also questions the built-in bias
political units
show-trial quality to
own
of writing of history
of nation and erripired^
times,
it,
and he allows
that earlier he
unaware of “the hand-in-glove
new
my
role played
review of the
by the United
This self-serving historiography operated, according to McNeill,
operated p. xvi).
preface has a
was only writing out of
between
fit
whole of human history and the temporary world States.”
been blurring
“a trans-civilization process” that has
McNeill’s confession to these ideological sins in the
his
an emerging
as
boundaries since the “the very beginning of civilized history”
(pp. xxiv, xxix).
through the
what he now recognizes
at all, entirely at the
But
it
could
still
subconscious
level for all
be said to be operating,
concerned”
as the historian
“if
it
(1991,
concludes
the 1991 preface by pledging his allegiance to the best Western conceptions
of the
historian’s profession. “Historical scholarship has explored the globe as
never before,” McNeill writes, once more invoking imperial themes, only
now, combined with “the evolution of historical concepts,” we are afforded a “level
of sophistication that makes older
recent as mine,
placement”
(p. xxx).
history,
and what must be allowed
that
comes from outside the West
recommends
quality of Western
in
even one
as
need of
re-
The ultimate triumph of History, as both discipline and its own protective lesson against what is called into ques-
tion
edly ancient
world
seem fundamentally outmoded and obviously
profession, contains
essay
efforts at
McNeill does not
to stand. in the
for the original book.
emendations and additions that
The
rest
offers, against the decid-
of the world, seems to
the imperial legacy. So effectively
naming
his
self-correcting, truth-ensuring
knowledge that the 1991 preface
wisdom of the
cite scholarship
me no
the influence of his
less a
own
part of
location
within an imperial structure, only to then take refuge in the sanctity of the historian’s profession
glorious rise
women and histories
still
seems to ring hollow. At some
stands, even if flush with the
China.
We
level, his tale
new
preface’s inclusion
need, then, to appreciate not only
have cast the world, but also
how
of the West’s
how
of
such global
the academic disciplines might
have a stake in such constructions.'*^
'5
McNeill credits the considerable work of Immanuel Wallerstein (1974-1988) for opening his eyes to this world system. Although he bolsters the place of China in his “history ol the human community,” McNeill appears willing to continue the Hegelian dismiss^ of Africa from the historical stage: although “the scholarship of the past twenty-five years [on Africa] has revealed a far
more complex
interplay of peoples
tinent remained peripheral to the rest of the world,
down
to,
and cultures ... the conand including our own age”
(1991, p. xx).
Michael Geyer and Charles Bright, providing a survey article on the fate of world histories, write of the relation between emergent non-Western scholarship and world his-
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST World History Today To capture what students tory of the world,
being used in tively.
in the
West
when they approach
face today
the his-
have selected three world history textbooks currently the secondary schools of America, Canada, and Britain respecI
The textbook
is
a widely vetted curriculum resource that, although rep-
resenting only a small part of any given student’s educational experience, reflects the historical thinking of teachers, publishers, and education officials. In
the case of texts
on world
history, the
Hegelian influence on that thinking
can be fully in the reader’s hands before leaving the book’s table of contents. To begin with the American instance. The Pageant ofWorld History (1986)
seven-hundred-page textbook published by Allyn and Bacon. Its author, Gerald Leinwand, tells the story of the West as the history of the world, is
a
which does not concern
and
eties
me
as
much
as
their histories in the process.
what
it
makes of non-Western
The book
soci-
begins with a unit called
“Discovering the Cradles of Civilization,” which divides the world between us
and them
Debt
to
in the possessive
forms 6>wrand
Ancient Greece” and “Our
Roman
their,
beginning with “Our
Heritage,” followed by “Their
Ancient Splendors” (India and Southeast Asia) and “The Ancient Past of China, Japan, and Korea.” It is tempting to point out how the cradle metaphor succeeds in making infants of those nations whose civilizations are seen to be “ancient.”
The
historical contribution
of these nations was to be a
precursor for the civilization to come, while the people lands entered a twilight zone outside history. ilization as “a
term applied to a people
culture” (p. 713).
It
world.
It
The
offers
who
lived in these
book’s glossary defines civ-
have reached a certain
level
of
suggests a thoroughly nineteenth-century sense of unciv-
ilized or previously civilized
of culture.
The
who
peoples
somehow
living with inadequate levels
nothing of the history of the term’s use
chapters
on Africa and India have
in organizing the
sections called “Contributions
to Civilization,” suggesting that even while outside a mainstream, while not
forming part of “our debt” and “our heritage”
tones such as McNeills: “There sition these
new
histories,
is
(as in
the case of ancient Greece
no context within the world
because world history, especially
historical tradition to po-
in its
truncated form, has
re-
mained intimately linked to totalizing Western world images and stereotypes. The very act of mapping and thinking the world implicated historians from around the world in a nexus of histories of imperial power from which their ‘other’ worlds and histories were either excluded entirely
—
subaltern to the point of nonexistence
—
or rendered subordinate”
most blunt about the motives in looking back from the end of Leninism, as he puts it, in ways that apply to both McNeill and my own work here: “Was our thirst for world-historical romance, and for deep theories about deep causes for social change, caused by our concern for human suffering? Dr was it at least in part a thirst (1995, p. 1036). Richard
for an
Rorty
is
important role for ourselves to play?” (1995,
p. 214).
127
128
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST and Rome), they have added some value
to the civilization that
we enjoy
After the book’s global look at origins, the historical pageant
on world
today.
history
moves into
European focus with units
called
“A Journey
Modern Times” and “Democracy Triumphs over AbsoEurope.” The chapters in these units describe the increasing real-
from Medieval lutism in
a singularly
to
ization of freedom
leads to the unit
and reason
in
Europe, abetted by overseas expansion. This
“The Dominance of Europe,” with
alism, industrialism,
its
emphasis on nation-
and democracy, followed by “The Beginning of a Global
Society,” a unit that brings us to the latter half of the nineteenth century
into the heart of imperialism, with chapters called
“Europe
in Search
and
of Em-
Imperialism in Africa” and “The Decline of Empire: Prelude to Global
pire:
Conflict.” If imperialism
is
portrayed as initiating a global society, which
bears a certain truth while conveying
little
of the hardship unequally distrib-
uted in the process, the demise of imperialism
is
presented as a threat to world
peace.
With
the completion of the pageant from various ancient civilizations to
the civilization, the
Global Peace,”
book concludes
optimistically with the unit
“Toward
a
which Asia returns rather ominously under the chapter rubric Asia in Today s World: Sleeping Giants Awaken.” The title’s reference
to the
in
awakening giants suggests
a
looming
threat to global order, evoking
shades of oriental despotism and teeming masses associated earlier in this century with xenophobic “yellow peril” campaigns in North America.
speculating
on the educational
on whether the images metaphor it
that
lie
Without
effectiveness of dramatizing chapter
dormant
are available to the majority
in, for
titles,
or
example, the “sleeping giant”
of today’s students,
I
obviously think
worthwhile to introduce students to such traces of an imperial legacy
in
their history lessons.*^ If the unit
and chapter
titles
ine the Hegelian heritage, the
world
map
present one opportunity to critically exam-
book
offers
another
as
it
closes
with a two-page
that color codes 165 countries as “free,” “partly free,” or “not free”
(1986, pp. 730-31).
The map
serves to validate the special concentration of
World-Spirit that underscores the
rise
of the West and
its
benefits for the rest
of the world. History comes
and
Civilization.
'"On
1
do not
down to this geopolitical dispersion of Freedom mean to begrudge a nation’s choice or struggle to be
the international front of U.S. -China relationships,
New
York T/wer columnist
Thomas Friedman (1995) writes a new and self-censored version of the sleeping-giant metaphor: “We see China as the 8oo-pound gorilla that needs to be house broken. China sees itself as the
8oo-pound
gorilla that
should be able to
sit
wherever
it
wants.”
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST free
in this sense,
but
think
I
it
only
fair to
consider
how our common,
schooled understanding of history measures the progress of the World. It must surely be the end of History when the whole of the world map is colored
by Western standards.
“free”
Now,
I
do not object
substantial textbook,
Amid
view here. tion,
does not
it
any
to students taking their history lessons
less
than from the other two that
make
historical interest.
It is
not so
is
filled
much
with
is
The
I
one that
on the book’s reading of
lessons
being written otherwise in other
the textbook to find that influence
one that
as
on the prominent gaps and featured moments, and on
of history
are textbooks with
of the world
value and
and modernity that can be prof-
artwork, often under postcolonial influence, thereby
the
re-
understand imperialisms educational
There could well be supplementary
the historical pageant,
much of educational
a false history
itably called into question in trying to
this sense
go on to
sense to think about abandoning existing resources,
reflects a particular sense of time, history,
how
will
this
the increasingly limited resources allocated to public educa-
and The Pageant of World History
legacy.
I
from
is
texts,
music, and
moving students beyond
an educationally sound
idea. Yet there
something more of this postcolonial presence, including
consider next.
table of contents
of Garfield
Newman
and Christian De Greer’s
Odyssey through the Ages (1992), a Canadian textbook for senior high school
published by McGraw-Hill Ryerson, possesses the familiar pattern of fascinating ancient empires paving the way for a remarkable Western civilization.
Taking up one of Marshall McLuhan’s contributions to the modern lexicon, the book looks to the “Emergence of the Global Village” in its optimistic epilogue. But
I
wish to focus on the main body of the
and questions the Hegelian the Past,
doing
tradition.
text,
The opening
which both adheres
chapter, “Understanding
takes considerable exception, for example, to traditional
history. Insisting that “history
and military campaigns,”
is
Newman
to
methods of
not solely about political power-strug-
De Greer favor social history that must endeavor to reflect the lives of men and women from all classes, for the poor as well as the rich have a past” (p. 3). The text includes the sidebar “Megles
and
from a Woman’s Perspective,” based on the fourteenth-century Vision ofLight, by Margaret Ashbury.'^ This egalitarian commitment makes
dieval History
A
the rise-of-the-West narrative, which
tory in the book,
'M
Vision
of Light
all
the
more
still
striking.
dominates the organization of his-
Newman
and De Greer
label the
introduced to demonstrate “the value of studying the history of all classes,” although a reading of the excerpt reveals that Ashbury appears to he “rich, verv rich”
is
(Newman and De
Cireer, 1992, pp. 18-19).
129
130
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST Chinese “xenophobic,” although they toward the
of the world
rest
The “Chinese world view”
—only
a
growing sense of superiority”
described ahistorically as
is
was no antagonism
insist that “there
it is
(p. 162).
from
said to derive
the emperor’s friendly or hostile relationship with the peoples of the sur-
rounding countryside (pp. 163—64). Yet perhaps the most graphic instance of that Hegelian historical vision comes with the time line entitled “Major
The
Events in Chinese History.”
last specified
event takes place in 1535 as the
“Portuguese gain right to reside and trade in Macao” In
coming
show an
the Ages
The
book.
this
to address
“The Modern Age,”
initial sensitivity to
(p. 135).
the authors of Odyssey through
the issues that
chapter’s key concepts, helpfully listed
fall
we hope
to avoid
is
Columbus,
that of presenting the
ernization led by Europeans,”
we need
the chapter. “Instead
capitalism,
Modern
contact with pitfall that
it
as
above
it
all
modern age in
its
own
pit-
Greer write in introducing
question at this point
went bounding by
Euro-
age as an age of mod-
to address this period of history
cultures are thought to have entered the
era,
and Amerindians. “The
Newman and De
The key
p. 549).
addressing in
modern
perspective, taking into account the impact of contact
volved” (1992,
am
on the opening page,
include globalization, acculturation, world economy, peanization, Christopher
I
is
on
from a broader all
cultures in-
whether these other
or just to have
historical time.
come
This
is
into
the
needs addressing after Hegel, and the text does point to
how “the term ‘modern era,’ applied to this period of history, reflects very much a Eurocentric bias, as it implies that progress and the export of European
civilization
were connected”
(p. 550).
The book
supports
its
charges of
Eurocentrism by comparing the Mercator projection of the world, which markedly amplifies the size of Europe in relation to the Southern Hemisphere, to the Peters projection,
man and De
of civilization
which they
is
just that,
real history that
I
on the “modern
New-
in this
book. To
and geographers while showing
delity to the rise-of-the-West
theme
in the organization
The
takes
prefatory
of their
own
its
own
education.
into ques-
a contradictory text,
fi-
captures
Newman and De
Greer’s lead, students are to learn the history while keeping in discipline has put together the past in
call
of the
the intellectual play in this imperial legacy. Following
to be greater students
all
the
serve as a supplemental lesson, a cautionary pre-
have been advocating
tion the biases of historians
fact,
era,” before the start
begins with Christopher Columbus.
comments on Eurocentrism view, of the sort that
an idea, and not a given
locate in medieval Christianity (p. 551). This
place in the introduction to the chapter
of the
reverses the distortion (p. 551).
Greer also take the bold step of stating that the idea of the West
as the pinnacle
origins of
which
mind how
the
image. In this way, they stand
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST
My
example from Great
Britain, a 128-page booklet, Expansion, Trade,
and Industry (i993)> by James Mason, published by Longman, making
ther in
clear to students the uses
tory text, the series to which tions,
belongs,
with a core volume on the
on imperial China,
If
not
A Sense of History,
Roman Empire and
world
his-
has global aspira-
supplementary”
and Islam. Judging by Masons
India,
itself a
texts
the series re-
text,
the influence of the Schools Council Project I3~i6 which, in pursuing
flects
the
it
of history.
goes even fur-
method of historical inquiry
in preference to the presentation
of a narra-
tive, called
the nature of history into question (Shemilt, 1980; Seixas, 1993). encourages a critical stance toward the rise of the ^Msst that allows stu-
Mason
dents to
see, in a
companied by
chapter such as “Images of Empire,” that the
relentless self-promotion. In writing
rise
was
ac-
about the empire’s glory
days, he repeatedly speaks of what the British believed 2X the time, effectively
distancing himself, as historian, from these earlier and clearly prejudicial at-
The
titudes:
British
to help people live
.
.
by
believed they had a duty to spread Christianity
.
teachings
its
question, the text also has
Mason
says, “treated the
its
(p. 68).
uncritical
and
After calling such beliefs into
moments
—
Sir
Stamford
Raffles,
Javanese with respect and took a lot of trouble to
about their history before returning home “with 200 boxes of material weighing nearly 30 tonnes” (p. 71). Yet it also uses striking citations from the learn
time, such as G. A. Henty’s late-nineteenth-century stories for boys, to trate the British sense ploits.
of racial superiority that accompanied
Although Mason
tudes in
its
illus-
imperial ex-
shows the motivational force of these attipromoting the empire, he leaves little doubt about their morality.
Given
my hope
skillfully
that this sort of thoughtfulness about the past
turned toward the present,
was caught
I
a
little
would be
off guard by Mason’s efforts to
treat the
racism fostered by imperialism as a thing of the past, as if to redeem the present moment. At one point, he cites Basil Davidson’s Into the Dark Continent,
which claimed
in
— became
mid-i9th century tions,
and would so remain
1972 that “Britain in racist,
age of power
— from
the
though of course with the very best inten-
for almost
spent” (cited by Mason, 1993,
its
p. 69).
100 years until the imperial power was Davidson’s “until”
is
the crucial point
me, because the racism did not neatly end with the collapse of empire, but remains part of an imperial legacy that continues to haunt British life to for
this day.
That much
said, the strongest
comes when he turns
to the writing
post-Hegelian feature of Mason’s text
of history
itself
He
points out
how
far
into this century historians carried these earlier imperialist attitudes, using as
primary exhibit Jasper Stembridge’s The World, which British schoolchildren began to study in the 1950s (1993, p. 73). Mason makes clear to stuhis
132
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST dents that histories can
though he
it
as
outdated
short of inviting a critical
falls
Mason
example.
become
and music,
al-
judgment of his use of Davidson,
for
as old clothes
appears to stand with McNeill in suggesting that, although
pays to retain a healthy skepticism about earlier histories and historians,
can trust todays professionals to have righted previous problems. tablishes, as
Newman
do
classroom for a
critical
next logical step, then,
and De Greer,
that there
is
he
Still,
to include a wider
those from Africa and India
who
es-
a place in the history
understanding of what historians make of history. is
we
company of historians,
The
including
have reflected on imperialism, such
as
P.
G.
Okoth, Partha Chatterjee, and Gyan Prakash from among those cited in this book. The state of permanent revision I am invoking, as I alluded to earlier, is
drawn from among the redeeming
my own
return only that treated
less
no
features of Western knowledge.
minor contributions
less skeptically
to the
ask in
triumph of the West be
than those of the histor ians.
To summon
history to account will not be an easy process. Students,
than the
of us, are rarely in a position
rest
into question. All the
more
to call
of the nation
reason, therefore, to use the resources of the
comparing the
stories told over different generations
the history represented in different periods of film
Underlying
it all is
we have spent
years
the scientific
and
an
effort to see
own
periods;
to
can begin by
of history textbooks or
and other popular forms.
what we have made of history
after all the
London and
Paris,
Cambridge and Oxford.
education and in history classes today,
we can
to create space-time
study and
It
make
accomplishments of the Newtons and da Vincis, and
artistic
historians have distributed
modern
historians
tracing the brave voyages of the great explorers, studying
making the pilgrimages In our
what
schoolbooks and in the popular imagination.
in
no
any academic discipline
school, as well as personal experience, to think about
phy
I
ask
we can consider how people among premodern, modern and posthow history works in conjunction with geogra-
continuums
that,
although they add fascination to
do so principally through the production of difference and the building of boundaries that seem only to naturalize the distances between travel,
people. In turning to the
'Tor
the
(^993)'
past for
work of philosophers and
historians in this way,
we
common ground
between “new historians” and progressive educators, see Seixas of such an alliance could mean a lar more encompassing vision of the the history class, with which teachers and students of history are invited to en-
The
result
gage by joining the “community of inquiry” that for Seixas defines the field (p. 241). The recently announced National Standards lor United States History, produced under the auspices of the United States government, also reflect this sense of broadening historical in-
quiry to include overlooked segments of the population, such as women and immigrants; the transformative impact of technology; and critical thinking skills (“Overhaul,” 1994).’
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST find both the weight of the scholarly contribution to these differences and the first steps in moving scholarship beyond these particular constructions of difference. have yet to disentangle the nature of the encounter between the French sailors who arrived with Cartier and the Iroquois who met them
We
along the
St.
Lawrence
between the
River,
mission schools and the Hurons find a
way of teaching about
who
Jesuits
who
followed with their
We
attended them.
are struggling to
the category of race, which has been, in large
according to historian James D. Anderson, ^^distorted or omitted in the writing and teaching of American history” no less than in histories of other part,
places (1994, p. 87).
Anderson
the past squarely, laying to
engage the
learners
and
textbooks”
For
issues
some of the blame
among
of race
from
citizens
attributes this failure to the inability to face at the feet
of historians
who
tend
themselves while excluding the masses of
this discussion
by omitting
it
from high school
(p. 87).
my
part,
I
am
not sure that
we have
fully
worked out how pro-
foundly the Western division of the world continues to hold the imagination m thrall, even as its sense of racial and national boundaries make less and
less
sense within
we need
what
are increasingly global
to pause over the role played
alty, identity,
and education,
implicit disavowal of those
More than
communities. In a similar manner,
by nationalism
especially as
it
from away,”
to use a
as
an
Newfoundland first
Ibn Kuldun prepared a similar
in Berlin,
universal history that were published as The
of land, loy-
continues to serve in schools as an
four centuries before Hegel opened his
philosophy of history
affair
expression.
lecture set
on the
of talks on
Muqaddimah (1967). Ibn Kuldun
spent a lifetime moving between Granada and Tunis, across an intercontinental cultural bridge, a land that for
coming
finally to write his
major
Hegel lay beyond the reach of history and
historical treatise in civilization.
This
Is-
lamic scholar begins his fifteenth-century treatise by discussing the fallacies of a thousand years of Arab historiography, and he precedes Hegel both in his valorization of the temperate zones as the seat of civilization and in making history the reflection of national character. For Ibn Kuldun, the historian must explore the conditions affecting the nature of civilization, as for
in-
stance, savagery
and
sociability,
group
feelings,
and the different ways by
which one group of human beings achieves superiority over another” (p. 35). Ibn Kuldun is a cautious and subtle historian, no more so than when he boldly declares that “there are
many
sciences,”
and proceeds
to ask where,
then, are the sciences of the Persians, Chaldeans, Syrians, Babylonians, and
Copts? “The sciences of only one nation, the Greeks, have come down to us, because they were translated through al-Ma’mims efforts” 39). It becomes (p.
the historians trade, as Ibn
Kuldun describes
it,
to
acknowledge the
selec-
133
134
HISTORY AND THE RISE OF THE WEST tiveness
and intermingling of the
to be this vigilance
ward
as
history.
traditions within
about what has been
lost
which we
live.
There needs
and what has been brought
for-
In the rise of the West, the achievement of superiority has
been accomplished not only by the sword and of history that has used time and place
world according to the
interests
as
cross,
but also by a philosophy
conceptual tools for dividing the
of imperialism.
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as
anyone can
truth. Or, as
Donna
been pre-eminently a science of visible forms,
the dissection of visible shape, and the acceptance
order
—
and construction of visible
Science constructed a biological order out of the seemingly natural perception of race, one that ran far deeper than the surface P-
2.1).
of
the skin. sense,
’
5
it is
worked
If
Coon proudly
worth
sets the science
of race on the side of
recalling that other scientists,
to disrupt familiar perceptions
from Galileo
If his
minder of the
racial origins that
theory did not survive the times,
scientific
to Einstein, have
of the world (Wolpert, 1993). Coon’s
daring was to base the great divide on the distinct
humankind.
common
it still
divided
serves as a stark re-
sponsorship by which racism benefited within recent
memory. This major statement
on the profound and permanent
barriers
between
the races from a respected author (Coon) gests that the credo gests.
of scientific
and publisher (Alfred Knopf) sugracism did not end in 1950, as Barkan sug-
Certainly the horrors of the Nazi regime brought
the consequences of this misanthropic science of race,
home
which
to is
many people
to say that the
reviews of Coon’s
book were mixed. The claims of its staunch defenders that It was a major contribution to our knowledge of evolutionary theory were buffeted by open accusations of racism (Hulse, 1963). The book’s critics ”
bluntly identified 1962). critic
The
it
as “the darling
of segregationist ‘Committees’” (Opier,
Theodosius Dobzhansky— who turned from friend to of Coon on the basis of The Ortwin oj' Races put a fine and generous geneticist
—
'5
Anthropologist William Howells, drawing on Coons work, notes in Mankind So Far that “many writers justly point out that there is no such thing as a Jewish race, but they are apt thereby to lose the confidence of every reader who knows perfectly well that he can pick out a fair percentage of people of Jewish descent by their looks and who may have been told a few pages before by the same writer that this is the general process by which
one does discern developed, with
a race” (1947, P- 241). Howellss explanation is essentially that “the their religion, both a strong nationalism and an exclusive social
which, biologically, expressed themselves
Jews system
inbreeding and a refusal to mix with others” (p. 241). John Baker, in Race, also devotes a section to the Jews, holding that they are not a distinct subspecies or race, although he makes clear, by identifying physical features in less than flattering tones, that neither are they “Europoids”: “The lower lip [of the Jew] is everted so as to appear thick, but it is not swollen like that of a Negro; on the contrary, it tends to be flattened.” The accompanying illustration is of what seems to be a fifty-yearin
old “Armenid [Jewish] type” and a twenty-year-old “non-Armenid type” (1974, pp. 238, 240).
173
174
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE turn on the controversy in his Scientific American review of “this important
book” (1963) when he allowed that “Professor Coon clusions in a
way
that
makes
his
work
relationship tagu’s telling
reflects a professional
and
“the slightest disavowal
have been put” (1964,
human
society.
that he failed in his career to offer
which
to
his views
The
Origin ofRace^.
publisher, Knopf, has a cur-
by Clifford Jolly and Fred Plog that
from Coon’s theory:
“We do
human
However, Jolly and Plog suggest that
the idea has yet to be scientifically repudiated and
Although they advise students
care-
not subscribe to the view
subspecies corresponding to the five traditional races of
is still
open
to look at race only as
it
for subscrip-
has “enhanced
our understanding of human variation,” they do not delve into ful” the scientific
Mon-
p. 232).^^
classification ever existed” (1987, p. 281).
tion.*^
to deal with the
fails
between science and
Coon was
rent physical anthropology textbook
that
find that this sense of a “mis-
and repudiation ... of the uses
What now of Coon’s fully dissociates itself
I still
defensiveness that
responsibility that hold
complaint against
some of his con-
susceptible to misuse by racists, white
supremacists and other special pleaders.”
used” science
states
just
how “use-
study of race has been to constructing the moral order that
underwrote Western expansion and exploitation during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
(p. 488).
marked decline
has been a
They do not
in references to race in physical
books, which might be interpreted as a
on the nature of the
reflection
nolds, 1982). Jolly
consider that since the 1970s, there
way of avoiding
anthropology
text-
a little critical self-
discipline (Littlefield, Lieberman,
and Rey-
and Plog do, however, include a sidebar on the Jewish and
Chinese immigrants who,
in the early years
English-language intelligence
tests
predictable results. Aside from this
by
of this century, were subjected to
officials
on
arriving in America, with
moment of historical
reflection
on the bu-
Shipman cites Coon on his sense of scientists’ responsibility to attack not the misusers of their work but the misquoters, among whom Coon names Dobzhansky (Shipman, 1994, ‘7
A
p.
far
209).
franker assessment of
views give great comfort to
Coon
racists,
can be found
Ashley Montagu: “Professor Coon’s but they find no support among scientists” (1972, in
However, I find that Montagu’s subordinate clause undoes his primary claim through its inaccuracy, as once again a scientist tries to clear the good name of the profesp. 39).
sion.
Coon
Coon’s
is
final
cited supportively by,
among
work. Racial Adaptation, on
others,
racial
Dobzhansky
(1962)
and Baker
(1974).
adaptation to climate and culture, which in-
cluded not only cranial capacities in relation to the division of labor, but also comparisons between endocrine gland weights across races, was published posthumously in 1981. Finally,
among
the recent texts used in university teaching, Robert Juriman
son’s Introduction to Physical Anthropology presents
“today three ever, there
is
and Harry Nel-
Coon’s views along with the idea that
groups are recognized by anthropologists,” to which they add, hardly consensus on this point” (1994, p. 119).
racial
“How-
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE reaucraric misuse of science, the authors
into the pattern of leaving
fall
up
in
the air the current scientific function and status of race.
Today, the remnants of race science are found mainly within the study of sociobiology and the work of a very small, but hardly insignificant,
segment
of the profession.'^ The most sensational instance of a scientific engagement with race in recent years has come with The Bell Curve: Intelligence
and Class
American
in
stein,
Life (1994),
working with
by the
late
social scientist
Harvard psychologist Richard
Charles Murray.
J.
The book made
Herrn-
the best-
and the cover of a number of newsmagazines by drawing dour poimplications from the well-known correlations between IQ and race
seller list litical
(working with
mix of categories
a
that ranged
from Asian
to Ashkenazi Jew).
The
authors deploy, without explicitly embracing, a eugenic argument that holds that the nation represents a gene pool threatened in its intelligence
quo-
tient
by differing
ligence measure.
rates
of reproduction
The growing
sociated rise in crime are distributions
.
>9
at the
low and high ends of the
intel-
divide between the rich and poor and the as-
shown
to be statistically associated
with race and
IQ
Herrnstein and Murray do not hesitate, based on a faith in
the fixed and determined quality of IQ and equipped with highly controversial
figures
and findings from the
such equity programs support
as inherently
as
Head
and
biological
Start
and
social sciences, to write off
denounce other forms of social
to
dangerous and simply poor investments.
Nonetheless, the book did
manage
to
move
the liberal press to once again
ask about the scientific status of race, and science s contribution to the state in its
work
as a futures
broker
(S.
A. Holmes, 1994).
ran with the subtitle “Surprising
A cover story in
New Lessons from
Newsweek
the Controversial Science
of Race,” only to report that the 1972 findings of Richard Lewontin on the very small differences between races have merely been added to by the findings of the
Human Genome
many scientists the
Newsweek
are
Diversity Project (Begley, 1995, p. 67). Although
now outspoken
story points out, they are
intellectual force that science
during
this
in attacking the scientific status
and the preceding
The
as
working against the enormous
still
brought to the fixing of those centuries.
of race,
racial divisions
questioning of race in the media
and the vociferous debate surrounding The Bell Curve
to the continu-
ing scientific controversy surrounding the issue. Students of science have the
For a review of the “new racism” represented by sociobiology, see Barker (1990). Ziegler, Weizmann, Weiner, and Wiesenthal (1989) include a listing of scientific journals, such as
Annals of Theoretical Psychology-And Mankind Quarterly, that regularly publish
Among vides a
the
many critical
good summary.
this
work.
reviews, Beardsleys coverage in Scientific American (1995) pro-
175
176
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE opportunity,
if
not the responsibility, to learn
tinues a legacy that once prevailed and, If
science in the
how
consider
race
in the natural superiority
Nancy Stepan
original
this research
however discredited,
modern age became
was part of its
how
the
race con-
still
survives.
new church, then we need
dogma, part of what
of this (white) science. To look
captures the pervasiveness and
on
justified belief
at this
commitment
to
another way,
that
marked
the
science of racial differences, as she charts the never complete “disappearance”
of the race paradigm in science after the Second World War: For more than a hundred years the division of human species into biological races
had seemed of cardinal significance
to scientists.
Race ex-
plained individual character and temperament, the structure of social
communities and the
fate
of
human
societies. In fact
commitment
to
typological races often appeared to have been deeper, because psychologically
more necessary or
satisfying,
than the
commitment
to revolu-
tionary change in science itself (1982, p. 170)
We
need to
realize the authority that this scientific legacy
How could
infuse into such primary categories of experience as race.
legacy evaporate from a culture through a generation or two? to wish that science finally scientific enterprise has
in turn,
become
and completely
Nor
is it
such a
enough
This centuries-old
racial
world and must,
part of a responsible education in science if we are to have
any hope of moving beyond that
An
rid itself of race.
contributed to the making of a
continues to
legacy.
Education in Race
What do What do
students learn about the scientific status of race in school today? science teachers
and textbooks have
out, the message over the last few years level,
is
to say
about race? As
it
turns
decidedly mixed. At the college
extensive surveys have been conducted in the United States of both text-
books and professors
in the fields
of biology and physical anthropology by
the team of Lieberman,
Hampton,
The striking
between the two disciplines they surveyed provide an
differences
interesting perspective
on how
Littlefield,
scientists,
and Hallead
thought to hold
(1992; see table
i).
common standards
of objectivity, can come to differ on what might seem a fundamental and long-standing matter of basic classification. Categories are always more useful
than
real.
have varying
Or
is it
levels
that those
engaged
in biology
and physical anthropology
of sensitivity to the social issues that touch on their work?
In pointing out the considerable
movement away from
the viability of
race in physical anthropology textbooks, the authors of this study cite Franz Boas’s identification
of the discipline
as originating in the efforts
of “zoologists
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE in the i8th
century to measure and
classify
human
races” (1992, p. 305).
It is
worth adding that the American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom, which Franz Boas helped found in 1939, conducted a survey of pre-
war science textbooks only concepts of race and a (p. 306).
The
atively
fifth
least, in a
unshaken
of
of them carried prejudicial
them embraced forms of white superiority
from another survey
results
on, in biology at
to find that a majority
a
decade ago indicate that race
thin majority of textbooks,
and professors
in their belief in the scientific validity
lives
are rel-
of the concept. In
physical anthropology, only a fifth of textbooks accept race as a fair division
of humankind, although field
of the faculty members surveyed
fully half
in this
hold the category viable.
Table
1
Acceptance and Nonacceptance of the “Race Concept” in Textbooks and
among
Professors in Biology
Biology:
“Race Concept"
and Physical Anthropology, 1975-1984
Animal Behavior
Physical Anthropology
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
Textbooks
Professors
Textbooks
Professors
1975-1982
1983-1984
1975-1982
1983-1984
%
%
(N)
%
(N)
Accepted
53 (11)
73 (108)
21
Indeterminate
38
(8)
15 (22)
39 (13)
Not Accepted
10 (2)
12 (17)
39 (13)
100 (147)
99 (33)
Total
101
Source:
“Race
Data from
in
(21)
Lieberman, R. E. Flampton, A.
L.
Biology and Anthropology:
A
& Sons,
Inc. Percentages
p < .02 for columns
One
1
+ 2 + 3 + 4; or
8 (11)
42
a
democratic
Does the meaning of
(3):
and G. Hallead,
312; reprinted by permission of John
nor total 100 because of rounding,
columns
1
+ 3.
arrival at a definition
of race’s
race require a majority decision?
one discipline and not another? At the very
the sense that such categories, per
(63)
100 (147)
fascinating aspect of this division of scientific opinion
we should expect for
may
50 (73)
(7)
Littlefield,
(N)
Study of College Texts and Professors,”
Journal ofResearch in Science Teachingl^
Wiley
%
(N)
se, are
least,
is
whether
scientific status.
Does
race
work
well
such questions add to
not only constructs of the
mind but
177
178
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE also projections
of disciplinary convenience. To gain some sense of the ob-
fuscation at stake, consider
Human
tion of
new
that “today to
Evolution:
announce
how Joseph Birdsell blithely claims in the first ediAn Introduction to the New Physical Anthropology
races are in the process
of being formed” (1972,
in the next edition that the “use
continued because
tions that are harmful
only
of the term of race has been
dis-
undefinable and carries social implica-
scientifically
it is
p. 598),
and disruptive”
Simply expunging
(1975, p. 505).
refer-
ences to race in biology textbooks, as Lieberman’s team found had happened
with the eight college
texts they
how
on
the concept lives
Lieberman team views
in so
examined from 1987 through 1989, obscures
many
scientific
this “as preferable to
and nonscientific forms. The
presenting race as
if
accepted concept but not as informative as presenting both the
mation and the
ited
To
than reserving
level rather
number of students What,
at college
it,
who
I
as
want
Lieberman
five
introduced
They spoke about
where,
if at all,
though hardly
on
race.
The
at the
and the teaching of race?
make of the
topic,
turn to five ex-
I
student-teachers from the Vancouver area, evenly
own
their
training, their ideas
some very
about
a representative sample, they articulated a range
teachers were divided
on the
viability
scientific status
at the university level, as well as
cept had a place in high school biology.
own
I
race,
re-
and
they envisioned race fitting into the biology curriculum. Al-
Leiberman team found
about the
infor-
et al. do, for the lim-
divided by gender, each having studied biology at university, cently.
new
take biology.
idea of what teachers today
perienced teachers and
it
were an
Not only do
p. 310).
to see
then, of the high school biology teacher
some
gain
have been debated” (1992,
more informative approach,
side with this
high school
issues that
it
of race
as a scientific
One
of positions
of race,
as the
on whether the con-
encouraging source of doubt
category
came from
these teachers’
schooling, as one of the student-teachers conveys:
As
far as race goes,
about
recall
who was
.
.
.
my
I
think one of the most important things that
education at the University of Manitoba
asked us the question
a really
“Is there
such a thing
resolved that really
we
are
all
part
And
that
a long time
and
In a similar vein, an experienced teacher recalled having a professor
explained
how
ample of bad
On
craniometry, especially in
science, because
its
can
a professor
as race?”
we debated it for of the human race.
important question and
is
I
connection to
race,
who had
was “an ex-
of the methodology used.”
the other hand, a student-teacher, after complaining that “multicul-
jammed down my throat” (“I was just like, described how her education kept distinctions alive:
turalism was just point?’”),
‘What’s the
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE
My professor was
telling us that there
ation of race based
on genetic
different subspecies of the
cause
its
is
a scientific basis for differenti-
stuff, that actually
human
species, but that
not politically correct or proper,
racial couples, like
the different races are
.
.
you
can’t say that be-
He mentioned
.
black and white, interracial couples
that inter-
when
they have
children, they have major orthodontic problems because the jaw is structured differently or the size is different or something so they have these problems.
She added that
a course in evolution taught her that “yes, there
foundation and
we
are different,
we cant
is
a scientific
dispute that, there are differences.
”
Another student-teacher was confused about the relation between race and species: I dont know if you can even, like I don’t know if I would equate race and species together; I dont know if they re the same thing or different.”
On
teaching about race in biology
One
too emotionally charged, too
good
did so after relating his
)
full
I
always
my
experiences growing up as an
felt
that
First
Nations pop-
was rather strange on
and someone of First Nations [ancestry] didn’t in that town.” Only one of the experienced teachers, in his second year of biology teachI
fit
in
ing, shared the students’ aversion to teaching cial
do anyone any
really
between the
^/]g-difiFerence
and the town population, and
ulation
of opinions to
own untroubled
African Canadian: “There was a
how
the student-teachers expressed a
of discomfort that divided them from their experienced counterparts. of those saying no ( I just think that [those discussing the science of race
level
are]
class,
studies or something,
for
it is
more
about
He
race.
like personal
felt it to
development,
be “soit’s
not
job to get into that kind of thing here.” His professional identification
was with
science:
a scientific way,
mean,
I
and
I
just
I
m a scientist and
I
try to see things objectively, in
think that you can get into
all
kinds of things here
that don’t belong in science.”
Among
the experienced teachers, one explained
how
he teaches about
both the physical and the genetic bases of race:
We
talk
texture, I
about different
and that
also talk
features,
such as shape of nose, thick
basically there are four races,
about the idea of classification
some people put
as a sort
look for basic characteristics, and basically there six
of a
human
may only be,
genetic differences between races. We’re basically the
but there are significant differences
in races
lips,
hair
at five.
it
thing,
we
say, five
or
same
species
and these probably
origi-
nated as adaptations to different environments. Part of
race sort
what
is
fascinating within this teacher’s often-taught account of
—
how he both limits the reach of race by allowing of a human thing and that there may only be, say, is
“classification as a five
or six genetic
179
i8o
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE differences”
—and then extends
Remember
significant differences.
which students
boundary by
the race
referring to species
and
that these are the scientific perspectives to
are exposed, even as they are
bombarded by what can only be
characterized as a wide range of attitudes toward racial difference in the society at large. Science teachers need to consider race can be taken as leaning either way,
whether what they say about
toward a strengthening or a weaken-
ing of the hold of biologically based racial divisions
Some of the
experienced teachers also reflected on their high school stu-
dents’ interest in the topic of race.
made as a
on our thinking.
One
teacher, with five years’ experience,
clear that in his science class, students felt free to ask
about the concept
matter of managing difference and identity:
know what is the advantage of living in a more uniform environment. They want to know why Asian eyes are different, and Kids want to
what
are the advantages
and disadvantages
to vision
of these differences.
About advantages and disadvantages of interracial marriages where there are children, are we moving towards a more universal person with all
of these?
throw
I
that children
who
than anything
it
back to them, ask what they think. They note
have one Chinese parent often look more Chinese
else.
To speak of looking “more Chinese than anything identity themes of the
opening chapter,
of nation and culture. Although to his students,
when
changed over the
in
which
back to the
race operates within notions
this teacher seeks to turn the discussion
asked about whether his
years,
else” brings us
own
back
ideas about race
had
he responded that they were “definitely more fuzzy.”
A teacher in his fifth year of teaching who felt it important to discuss race in science class
made
was adamant that race “has nothing
references to the Eve hypothesis,
mon mother
in Africa
(“Some of the
there were problems with
it,
to
do with biology.” He
on humanity’s descent from
[scientists’] stuff was a little
but the concept
itself was
work on
race
and brain
of questions about him: a lot of our kids are Asian,
questions [such
His
brains?’ life
and
his
as].
final
com-
screwy and
OK”), and was one of
two teachers who cited the recent media attention paid Philippe Rushton’s questionable
a
to the psychologist size: “I
got
all
and there were
kinds
a lot
of
Are kids from Asia smarter?’ ‘Do they have bigger words in the interview located the issue within his own
need for understanding:
Philippe Rushton, a University of Western Ontario psychology professor, has
become well known for a remarkable thirty-one-item table on “the relative ranking of races on diverse variables,” comparing Mongoloids, Caucasoids, and Negroids on such questionable measures as cranial capacity, millions of excess neurons, IQ test scores, age of walking and
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE For
me
my time, and it really remember when was young my grandmother [a First
big issue. IVe seen a lot of racism in
its a
bothers me. ...
I
I
Nations
woman] coming
to the house,
in front
of our yard and
telling
And when you re
the reserve.
on you.
and the neighbors burning a tire the squaw that she should go hack to
six years
old this makes a big impression
couldnt understand. This was
I
these people
mad
Although
would be discouraging
it
my
grandmother;
why were
at her?
to think that
it
might take
this level
of personal experience for a teacher to feel that race warrants inclusion as part of a science class, this teacher does remind us of the magnitude of the issue
and the corresponding need
develop an approach in science classes that helps students deal with the weight placed on race. W^ill the teacher be able to
some
offer students will
to
insight into the unstable
and contested meaning of race;
they understand the part that science plays in that contest? This small
sample of teachers
offers a limited perspective
on science education’s take on
The
biology textbook provides a clearer idea of what the typical high school student is able to discover about the scientific status of race. race.
and the State ofthe
Biology,
When went I
Text
to high school in the 1960s, the topic of race
sented in biology class through a portrait gallery approach.
was
typically pre-
We students were
presented with a page of photographs, with each race represented by one figure shown in a head-and-shoulder shot. In W^illiam Gregory and Edward
Goldmans features a
High School from the period, the
Biological Science for
well-groomed
(1968, p. 483).
high schools,
21
I
To
see
man
in a suit as the final,
where race now stands
reviewed fifteen
that race hardly appears at
all.
Caucasoid figure
intercourse, size of genitalia,
American and
in turn, are
find refer-
of mental health (1995, p. 2). Although allowdata, he holds that their overall consistency guar-
antees his conclusions about the civilized superiority of Mongoloids
who,
I
in
state
ing for “numerous sources of error” in his
soids,
in the set
American and Canadian biology textbooks from the 1980s. I found
In only three of the twelve
and
lineup
in
neither of the two Canadian high school biology textbooks did
first
racial
more advanced than
compared
to
Cauca-
the Negroid races. Rushton portrays himself
of political correctness, blaming decolonization and the civil rights movements for forcing upon science ideologies of egalitarianism (pp. 256-57). For scientific critiques,
as a victim
see
Weizmann
et al. (1991)
(1989). For a 1997
J.
Anderson
Web site devoted
Marek Kohn’s work 2
and
at
(1991);
and
to critical coverage
for
popular press coverage, Dolpin
of “the return of racial science,” see
http://www.hrc.wmin.ac.uk/race gallery/.
The Gregory and Goldman
proposes a basic division of humankind into three races or “basic stocks”: Caucasoid, Mongoloid, and Negroid. In what appears to be a statement emphasizing equality among the races but is really a confusing mix of scientific terms, the authors stress that “dividing men into racial stock is just a convenient way of describing '
text
l8l
182
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE made
ence
troversy,
to race.^^
and the
Avoidance has long been the schools’ response
result
is
young minds
that
to con-
are often forced to deal with heav-
contested ideas exclusively on an extracurricular basis. In this case, avoid-
ily
ance entails both a
opportunity for intellectual engagement in the social
lost
implications of science and a failure to address the experiences of the young,
who
are living with race.
approved for use is
to see
As
in British
it
turns out, the two
Columbia address
American biology textbooks
The
race.
question for me, then,
whether some further sense can be drawn from these books that
might make
visiting the
concept of race
in a science class a less
confusing and
potentially misleading experience.
In grade
which, in has
its
become
students in British
ii,
Columbia
typically use
Macmillan
Biology,
chapter “Life in the Past,” points out “that the concept of race
increasingly blurred in the last few thousands of years” (Creager,
Jantzen, and Mariner, 1986, p. 282). Here’s a
good point
for
jumping
in to
made in the conamong once isolated
explore with students the fine distinctions that need to be ceptualization of difference. Although the distinctions
peoples have by
all
means diminished, the concept
precision through scientific usage, beginning a
ago (Shipman, 1994).
race has only gained in
little
more than two
The contradictions continue with
Mariner’s attempts to undermine racial classification
tems
fail
to hold
any
real
meaning”)
each depicting a modern family, in what ing of distinct racial types.
The
by
offset is
clearly
Creager, Jantzen, and
(“We
their set
meant
see that such sys-
of four photographs to represent the
caption reads, “Selection,
drift,
were important factors that produced differences between early ulations” (p. 282).
The
visual reinforcement
ferences in the photographs
and the
only leave a student wondering the
on
end of the section allele
that asks
frequency, not
to
mat-
isolation
human pop-
of distinctly modern
racial dif-
claim about racial blurring can
approach the textbook’s question
(p. 283).
something
physical differences”
and
“biological definition of ‘race’
on appearance”
that science continues to have
some outstanding
how why
earlier
centuries
to say
and that “there
The
is
at
based
text supports the idea
about race and difference.
are
no fundamental differences
in
no matter what the color of their skin, eyes, or hair” (1968, p. 484). study makes passing reference to reports on the decline of race in
the physiology of people
The Lieberman
et al.
biology textbooks used in high schools (1992, pp. 302-3). Wliat is striking in their report on high schools is the books that, although focusing on “social issues,” fail to consider race as a category to assess (p. 303).
The (1988),
ple are
three textbooks that
race are Creager et
al.
(1986),
Mader
and Biological Sciences Curriculum Study (1987). The other textbooks in the samBarr and Leyden (1986); Galbraith (1989); Gottfried et al. (1983); Heimler (1981);
Kaskel et (1981);
make statements on
al.
(1981);
Oram
Levine and Miller (1991); McLaren and Rotundo (1985); McLaren
(1983);
Ramsey
et al. (1986); Slesnick et al. (1985);
and Webster
et al.
et al. (1980).
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE even
if it
doubt
would be
difficult to say precisely
that as a student
ond thought. Although such a discussion
just
I
what
that
would have read through
something
this section
is. I
do not
without
a sec-
my reading of the contradictions may be challenged, is
needed
in searching for the
meaning of
race in
science.
When
It
comes
to Inquiry into Life,
concept of
to interbreed
by Sylvia Mader
(1988).
Mader
She begins by pointing out that
race.
are classified as
to grade 12, biology students in British
Homo sapiens
and bear
fertile
.
.
because
.
offspring”
Columbia turn
has no desire to blur the
“all
human
races
of today
possible for all types ofhumans
it is
(p. 638;
emphasis added). Mader’s
set
of race-type photographs juxtapositions what appears to be a professional fashion shot of a young “Caucasian” woman with the more typical anthropological portraits labeled “Australoid,” “Negroid,” “American Indian,”
“Mongoloid”
(referred to as “Oriental” in the text).
tographs reiterates that several races,
all
human
(p. 639).
The
of trying to clear up a concern answers.
^XTiile
it
warrant assigning
five
depicted are exhaustive or
chapter ends in an another excellent instance
in a
manner
has always seemed to
human
caption for the pho-
beings belong to one species, but there are
without specifying whether the
merely suggestive
The
and
that raises as
some
many questions
that physical differences
races to different species, this contention
as
it
might is
not
borne out by the biochemical data mentioned previously” 23 Is one (p. 639 ). to think that wanting to assign those who differ to another species is a natural inclination despite the biochemical data? ^JC^hat is the point of the contrasting photographs,
not to suggest that an excellent student of science is an attentive reader of difference and distance? In both of these weighty biology if
textbooks, the matter of race takes up a very small section indeed. jority
of texts do not deal with the topic
what students
learn about science,
and
at
all.
My concern
in the face
is
The ma-
that as part of
of the lessons on race that
they bring to those classes, they need a better understanding of sciences role
making of this conceptual divide among peoples. Fortunately, some science educators refuse to avoid and obfuscate the
in the
23
The seventh
edition of Mader s text (1994) eliminates much of this discussion of race. It from very light to very dark, illustrated by a “white husband and his in-
refers to skin color,
termediate wife” and their offspring
(p. 437). In shades of Carlton Coon, Mader reports that theories of a single African origin for modern humans is discredited: “Others believe that the human races originated in several geographical regions, but they
became one
species because of gene
How”
A
sidebar called “U.S. Population Projections” includes reproductive levels for non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics, African Americans, Native (p. 616).
Americans, and Asian Americans, pointing out that “the share of the population that is non-Hispanic white should decline steadily. ... By 2050, a bare majority of Americans (53%)
will
be non-Hispanic whites”
(p.
670).
183
184
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE issue
of race. During the 1980s, a group of London teachers tapped into a seg-
ment of the
scientific
and developed an
community
that
was
working
actively
for social change,
They went on
antiracist science curriculum.
to address
management of world hunger, biology and
questions of nutrition and
construction of race, and ecology and African
game
parks, as well as taking
of ability labeling and other evaluation practices that can have a
issues
impact on science teaching
sumed
and Levidow,
(Gill
1987).
the
on
racial
These educators
as-
responsibility not just for teaching science, but for teaching about sci-
ence’s place within the prevailing
Science teaching masks the ence; hides
its
economic and
ideological system as well:
and economic
real political
priorities
appropriation of non-Western scientific traditions; [and]
often attributes people’s subordination or suffering to nature logical or
geographic factors
—
rather than to the
way
interesting twist
turn students’ attention,
on the if
—be
bio-
it
science and na-
ture itself have been subordinated to political priorities, (p.
With an
of sci-
3)
theme of discovery, these authors
scientific
sometimes with a heavy hand,
to the political
causes and consequences of scientific concepts such as race. This approach
becomes another way of learning about the
interests
of the most objective of
disciplines.^"^
This
critical
approach to race and science has also managed in more
cent years to find
its
way
into
more
traditional textbooks.
stance of at least an introduction to the topic
book
Science Probe 10,
(Bullard et
al.,
which
1992). This
is
used in
Canadian
is
An
re-
excellent in-
the Wiley general science text-
many of British Columbia’s
text includes in
its
schools
chapter on recent ad-
vances in genetics an extended warning note under the
title,
“The
Potential
Misuse of Genetic Ideas” (pp. 428-29). In two pages, the book presents a brief history of the eugenics movement, including its origins in Francis Galfor
ton’s
work, the
sterilization
and antimiscegenation laws passed during the
1920S and 1930S in North America and Europe, and the emergence of eugenics in
Nazi
Germany amid
that there are
no pure
ideas of a master race.
races, yet
it
also casts
nation of any reliable racial boundaries.
It
book’s explicit stand
doubt on the
scientific
also identifies the
port that eugenics receives from “a certain (p.
The
is
determi-
continuing sup-
number of scientists and
others”
The book stands apart in asking students to remain vigilant against of new developments in genetics. Otherwise, it claims, it will be easy
429).
abuses
“once again for a few people to mislead others with their biased and narrow-
A second valuable work in ity,
and Science
Teaching
this vein, a
1991).
manual
for teachers
and educators,
is
Race, Equal-
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE minded
ideas” (p. 429).
The image of informed
citizenship
and
historical
awareness that the book encourages is admirable, although holding “a few people responsible for the eugenics movement is a debatable point, given the broad basis of the Americas fitter families” contests, “race betterment” conferences,
and international congresses on eugenics
century (Rydell, 1993, pp. 38-58). Yet to have
this
responsibility
seems
a
race,
want
among students,
a
to allow such points
that
were held
textbook
earlier in
raise the issue
of discussion to be
of
raised,
worthwhile extension ot the meaning of science class. Having found some encouraging initiatives in the realm of science and 1
to
make
at least passing reference to a related
perialisms educational legacy that
dimension of im-
also excluded
from the science curriculum. Maurice Bazin has developed science programs that introduce to stuis
dents the “science in every civilization which the colonists destroyed” (1993, pp. 36, 45). Thus we find, for example, that the pre-Columbian preparation
of rubber by the Amerindians of South and Central America is a form of knowledge that was handily exploited and incorporated into Western pharmaceutical and industrial chemistry. In working with multicultural classrooms in Brazil and California, Bazin has introduced educations missing scientific traditions, including
observing the
moon
the
way
the
Mayans did or
the height of the sun the
curves to
way the Egyptians did,” and “sand drawings with exemplify what we call topological properties” done by Tchokwe
children from northeast Angola
(p. 44).
I
should reiterate here that
my aim
is
not to
vilify
human
curiosity about the natural world, but to foster in students an under-
the scientific endeavors of the
West nor
condemn
to
a basic
standing of how a global initiative such as imperialism can leave a significant impress on a human endeavor such as science.
A
second extension of
this
study of science’s contribution to the orga-
nizing principles of racial difference
connected to those dra Harding asks,
who
is
to realize that these practices are closely
participate in this powerful social enterprise; as San-
“What can be done
within the sciences and inhibit their
to
enhance the democratic tendencies
elitist,
authoritarian,
and
drocentric, bourgeois, Eurocentric agendas?” (1991, p. 217).
distinctly an-
Donna Haraway
25
For additional work on multiciilturalism in science education, see Barbas review of the issues (1993), Hodsons rationale for multicultural science education (1993, with critique in H. Williams, 1994), and Alcoze et al. (1993) for reading and activities in multiculturalism in math, science, and technology. With the current force of economic imperialism, Sandra Harding points out how the ignorance of scientists about the military and industrial utility of a “pure” science such as physics may well be “carefully planned and
pn
cultivated” (1993,
note of global competitiveness, she also notes how the “keep U.S. science strong” movement has meant “recruiting more women and racial minorities p. 17).
this
into science
careers as fewer
and fewer white males enter the sciences”
(pp. 2-3).
185
i86
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE one answer
offers
which has
in her feminist physical
anthropology and primatology,
of organization for bodies and societies that do
“stressed principles
not depend on dominance hierarchies,” bringing to light instead “matrifocal groups, long-term social co-operation rather than short-term spectacular ag-
The dom-
gression, flexible process rather than strict structure” (1991, p. 19).
inance by gender applies no
less to race, in
the transformation of a political
principle into the legitimating realm of scientific theory (p. 19).
by
clear
this point,
dominance
is
my
make
to
hope
for reversing
As should be
some of the damage done by
this
sciences confounding role in maintaining these divi-
sions part of a science education.
In the 1950S, race
UNESCO
(Montagu, 1972). This happened,
school biology texts of the 1980s.
much
a disservice to students
earlier,
moratorium on the use of the term
called for a
I
in effect,
among
the majority of high
remain convinced, however, that
who are learning about science
today
working through the nature of the discipline and is
sible,
as
is
was the
its
as a
way of
social implications. All
named and classified represents a tireless effort to render difference sento work with an unsettled and shapeless world that can be brought to
order through language, the civilizing force. species can be said to reside
themselves
—could bring
—
in the eyes
Where
precisely the sense of sub-
of the beholder or in the creatures
students to the brink of epistemology.
the nature of knowledge and the knowledge of nature will
To question
spill
over into a
questioning of other ways in which the world and experience are divided. appears that, apart from this compulsion to
West has meant, class
as
often confused and prejudicial treatment of race provided to a previ-
ous generation of science students. Students need to treat race
that
this
in
classify,
the “racialization” of the
Michael Banton’s compact formulation, that
and nation was
lations” (1977, p. 13).
a
concept
But
it
first
“race, like
developed to help interpret new social
was not
“first
It
re-
developed,” just like that, for these
concepts were mobilized through enormous intellectual and educational labors that
made
race, like gender, class,
association of knowledge
and nation, work within the
close
and power.
Science’s assistance in the racial
and gendered ordering of social
relations
needs to be promoted for the science curriculum and the preparation of sci-
ence teachers.
It
needs to form an aspect of current concerns about scientific
literacy
and the new educational programs that link
society.
I
am
science, technology,
asking that students face the ongoing questioning of
bility as a biological
(Barzun, 1937;
E
and
race’s via-
category as well as the unsavory history of race science
B. Livingstone, 1964;
selves living within racial designations,
them with some of the
intellectual
Gould, 1977). Students find them-
and we have the potential
background
for
why
that
is
to provide
so. It
is
true
SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF RACE during their education
that,
in science,
many
students are introduced to the
of the science of craniometry, the devastating impact of the eugenics movement, and the controversy surrounding IQ testing. My hope is that fallacy
these lessons are seen within the historical perialism.
think
I
It is
framework best described
as
im-
helpful to understand that scientific racism was not
simply a freak event, a mutant science carried out only by so-called It had and continues to have too many of the markings of real
scientists.
science, from research grants to statistical tables. Thus, there remains a need to introduce students to the fragile nature of truth, to the moral
dimensions of
quiry,
and
to the responsibilities
ence. This
is
to
we have
as practitioners
this in-
and students of sci-
propose an education concerned with the historical dimen-
sions of universal truths.
As with other subject
areas, science teachers
can often begin to share
this
history with students simply by visiting the school’s
book room, where old biology textbooks can reveal science’s changing regard for race. In addition, one group of students can pursue the continuing controversies surrounding
race
and science of IQ
issue
from the
up
that crop
in the
popular media, most recently about the (Begley, 1995), while others could gather and compare selections
scientific debates
about race that have occupied
ous century (Harding, 1993). They scientific constitution
to the significance
European divisions
concept
is
well find, as
I
previ-
have found, that the
of difference, to the naming of the other.
world to
its
race’s
It
further ordered
advantage and in placing those
a scientific basis. Yet to realize the scientific
not to deny
and the
of race in the West brought greater force and precision
interests in dividing the
on
may
this
continuing meaning
as a
inadequacy of this
point of identity.
I
do
not assume that an understanding of what science has made of race can or should put an end to anyone’s racial self-identification. My aim is to give stu-
dents an account of
how
science has
worked
forces in bringing us to this point in the
in consort
with other social
complex and polysemous meaning of
believe that a science curriculum that obscures the discipline’s contributions to the meaning of race is incomplete and irresponsible. The race.
I
obscured
yet present legacy of race science, if
would have the as a part
of race
as
it
were made part of the curriculum,
potential of serving both those students
of who they are and must be, and those
someone
else’s
problem.
who
who
understand race
have learned to think
187
Photograph ofa British missionary teaching in Africa in the 1890s. Courtesy Church Mission Society.
EIGHT LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD
G
ordon
Peters, vice-chief of the
Assembly of First Nations and a member of the Delaware Indian Band, stood before an audience of linguists and educators at a Toronto conference entitled “Multilingual-
ism in an Interdependent World” and described his determined efforts to learn his native language after a lifetime of speaking English. The Delaware language had fallen out of use in his family, and now only his mother spoke It
with a few of her friends and the band
elders. After
learning his mother tongue, he explained, he was
His goal, he allow
him
said,
still
When
lost to
dience what
it
felt like
which
to a close, Peters
to speak English.
hard even to
it is
it
at
hard going.
which he
felt
would
Delaware people that
him.
came
the talk
finding
to be able to think in Delaware,
to recover a spiritual understanding of the
was otherwise
tions for
was
two years of working
was asked by
a
member of the
au-
was one of those awkward quesimagine an answer. Peters responded by deIt
scribing his admiration for the elders ability to speak Delaware with such feeling
and how, when he had asked
the language, she told Itidian,
even
m
him how hard
the factories.
mother why she had not taught him had been for his father to find work as
his it
As he spoke, one could
feel
her earnest ef-
render his nariveness invisible so that he would not have to suffer this identity. Peters then told listeners that he wanted to learn Delaware so that he forts to
could
know
the true
names of things, including
his
own
true name. This was,
he frankly explained, his way of coming to terms with the great rage he had come to feel during his school years, when he must have learned that becoming invisible
was neither the deal he wanted nor what the school could 189
deliver.
190
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD This was
he described what
English did not
fish,
not
how
feel like
somehow his own, As
and others
I
as if
ilies. I
know I began
speak English. Like water to a
felt like to
anything, except that these linguistic waters were
English was both his knowing and his
listened to
ber of us must have given
it
Gordon
some thought
unknown.
numof our own fam-
Peters that evening. I’m sure a to the lost languages
to consider the Yiddish
and
Polish that at least
some of my
great-grandparents had brought to this continent in the nineteenth century.
Except for an exasperated Yiddish oyvey-schmeer oi a deeply condemning drechk, I
could
recall
among
only the sound of English floating
of my family around
the four generations
me when I was growing up. Although
tempted by such
mourn the loss of these tongues, I also thought about reluctantly trudging off to Hebrew school classes after long days of regular school. The Hebrew classes had been largely wasted on those of us who could not imagine why we would want to speak the language of Jews from long ago in biblical nostalgia to
times or far away in brew, lost
we
figured,
Israel.
This was
now and we were
without realizing our debt to Yiddish. Languages are not
by accident or unwillingly forsaken. They give way
sires to join
leave
Hebrew-schme-
here.
and be heard
which
in other conversations,
to other desires, de-
us
left
happy enough
to
behind the accent and inflection of our former history and geography.
At the very
least,
the lessons that Peters set before us that evening sup-
ported the importance of schools’ recognizing the value of students’ mother tongues. In reviewing the education of minority language students in
Canada, Yvonne Hebert has found that whereas once children might be punished for using their
mother tongue
lence in minority education occurs
was not English, “today vio-
at school if it less
crudely, with educational
programs
promoting the majority language and devaluing the minority language and culture” (1992, p. 62). She understands this form of symbolic violence against the child to be a
human
one’s person. In
Canada, what are known
been established
rights issue. One’s
in schools, often
siderable struggle by parents
mother tongue
as “heritage”
on an after-hours
(Cummins,
1989).
benefits of providing initial schooling in a child’s
tablished by research ically
The
on bilingualism, the
involving Spanish,
status
is
form no
which English,
less
as well as
a vital aspect of
language classes have
and only
basis
after
con-
Although the educational
mother tongue have been
es-
practice in the United States, typ-
under assault by the
“official
English movement.”
of the language we speak and of the language
are educated
is
in
which the young
a part of the legacy of imperialism.
French and Spanish,
is
The
degree to
spoken around the world
is
not simply an incidental aspect of empire.
Language has long ridden aside the whether
in
Greek, Latin, or Chinese.
forces
The
of expansion and conquest,
“barbarian”
is
the one
who
does
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD not speak Greek, the one living outside the pale of the civilization,
cally” defines this term. In 1492,
world and expelled
new
a
empire and
its
second edition of the Oxford English Dictionary
as the
launching of
Roman
Spain not only saw
Columbus
new
off to a
Jews and Islamic populations, but also witnessed the
its
sort
of linguistic dominion. In what needs to be
cele-
brated as the birth of a national standard for language, Antonio de Nebrija
proposed to the Spanish court that Castilian be made the
official
the land and a “consort of empire,” as he presciently put
it
Grammatica de
book was
a set
la
lengna castellana to
Queen
in
language of
dedicating his
Isabella (Illich, 1979, p. 35).
of rules for Castilian that would ensure that
it
His
served Spain as
Roman Empire. In Ivan Illich’s analysis, Nebrija was offering Crown an educated tongue that would effectively communicate
Latin had the the Spanish its
authority to the farthest reaches of nation and empire while minimizing
the likelihood for any back talk. In those early days of the European empires, the Portuguese also sought to spread their language, with the help of the Franciscan
monks and
other missionaries
who
carried religious books to India
Abyssinia that the indigenous peoples might receive the
word of God
and
in the
language in which they were to be governed. Joao de Barros observed in the sixteenth century that a language that teaches salvation to learn, a project he assisted
and word books
Within terials
for use
a generation or
must
surely be easy
by producing woodcut-illustrated alphabet
among
the barbarians abroad (Each, 1977, p. 505).
two of Columbus,
it
seems, language instruction ma-
had become part of imperialism’s educational apparatus. To
one’s place in this centuries-old instructional landscape,
whether
as a
realize
student
or a teacher of what were once empire’s official languages, seems an eminently
educational
act.
This chapter’s sampling of linguistic history
through the
lost
English language.
It is
democracy. English
simply too easy to teach English
is
some
minion reminds us that
it
among
it is
part of this
literature,
as if
it
were the soul
and the very tongue of
and more. But the story of
also less than that.
With
its
do-
the expansion of the
Empire, English was made an instrument of domination and silenc-
was used
to regulate
and police access
to authority
and knowledge
colonized peoples. If we need to temper our celebration of English’s
cultural achievements, this
way of thinking back
many of our families once spoke. It is a rewhich we might approach the teaching of the
of civilized knowing, the heart of great
ing;
a
languages that
minder of the humility with
British
is
it is
only to make good, in accord with the theme of
book, on our promise to give an account of what education and empire
have
made of language
of schools
in
over the centuries.
We
expediting the loss of languages
need to face the historical
in
one generation
after
role
another
I9I
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD
192
in a colonial project that needs serious reconsideration after the age pire.
More than
to a voice skills
that
is
righteous indignation over the schools’ violation of the right
called for.
make
of em-
At
issue
is
the immediate task of mastering language
a difference, that are heard
and attended
while appreciat-
to,
ing the winding road that has led to this linguistic juncture, to lives being lived out
through these
first-
and second-language
lessons. In this chapter,
I
have organized the scope and substance of our responsibilities in teaching
about language through three aspects of English:
as a
second language,
as a
national language, and as a world language.
English as a Second Language
Without what
is
a doubt,
known
as the
whom
dents for
one of the most challenging educational English-speaking world
English
is
a
is
how
best to
issues
work with
second language. Vancouver, where
seem an extreme example, with more than half of the students today speaking a language other than English
most urban centers as
are experiencing a
ESL students. The search
as their
I
live,
stu-
may
in the schools
mother tongue, but
tremendous growth
for the best
today in
in
what
are
known
method of teaching ESL students
has
often limited the educational discussion to one of efficiencies in assimilation.
Students certainly have the right to effective teaching, and
I
do not want
to
underestimate the importance of teaching students the language in which they will be schooled and very likely employed. I only want to add that students also have a right, as part of their education in the language, to see that
what they
are experiencing with the English language forms part of a history
that they are both reliving
When students move
and changing.^
major British colony to a
Hong Kong to Vancouver, from what was the Commonwealth dominion, as many have done
in recent years, they are part
of a postscript to the British Empire. They are
last
often
made
to feel, as
from
outlined in the
chapter, that this
move
the ordinary, a reversal of the historical colonial patterns that
made
my
I
first
is
out of
this
land
from Alastair Pennycooks critique of the fields obsession with facilitating linguistic proficiency through the pursuit of ever newer methods (1989, pp. 597-98). The literature on teaching methods, he points out, reveals a centuries-old recycling of techniques, conducted amid contused conceptions of teaching methods. The pur‘
I
take
suit ot
lead here
method
has effectively distracted the educators attention from the “interests served by particular forms ot knowledge,” as Pennycook puts it, citing the inclusion of language teaching in development packages and the American defense department funding of struc-
and audiolinguistics as part of a concerted effort, as one supporter put it, the war for mens minds (pp. 609—10). In response, Pennycook calls for an education validating and investigating students knowledge and cultural resources and
tural linguistics in
developing language
skills
within a transformative critique” (1990,
p. 311).
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD English-speaking.
The Chinese
language that they bring with them
is
made
to
seem
particularly out of place in this otherwise bilingual land. Their English lessons do not include historical and current perspectives on
language
bution and status; they do not allow students to gain a
critical
and
distri-
historical
distance from colonialisms patronizing stance toward teaching English as the
key to civilization.
As
it
now stands,
English as a second language classes are taught as
guage learning operated outside tion in social
ceived by
and academic
ESL educators
if lan-
with a focus on being able to func-
history,
settings. Just
how
this
is
sympathetically con-
conveyed by Mary Ashworth, a leader in this field, when she asks us to imagine the psychological effect of a new immigrant is
being able to produce a few words
English and to understand the
in halting
or the contribution to a developing nation of a native-born technician
reply,
trained overseas after
first
country” (1985,
This psychological sense of belonging, of having a com-
p. 3).
mand of the
language,
and teacher
feel
certainly
new language of instruction
what
in his
own
about, and well should student
it is all
the pride of accomplishment in the acquisition of English.
However, these lessons
grow out of a
tions
is
learning the
in English for
“new immigrants” and “developing na-
historical context that, if introduced into this education,
could only add to the sense
made of this
experience.
Ashworth
herself
is
not
oblivious to the educational value of this history. She calls “for educators to
keep the past and the present in their minds
as
she points to the “disempowering” lessons that teaching, the denigration of home languages,
racism dren:
felt
by
“The
First
its
came of poor second-language
and the more general
effects
of
Nations, African Canadian, and Chinese Canadian chil-
public’s fear
mankind and
they plan for the future,” and
of minority groups
far
exceeded
concern for justice” (1992, pp. 124,
I3i).2
its
love of hu-
Although she asks
educators to take these lessons to heart, she does not ask that this history be included in the language education of those who, if they will not have to suffer as
they once might have,
quire the English language it is
still
is
deserve a
full
account of this process. To ac-
to have a stake in
to be party to a history that runs
its
claim as a world language;
from the colonial past that
first
planted
English across the globe to the postnational futures of English on the global electronic
network known
as the Internet.'^
See Eliot Judd (1983) for another approach to the political situation of ESL teaching; he asks teachers to consider how their work relates to the loss of other languages and cultures 2
and how
it
contributes to the training of power
elites in certain
countries while providing
low-level language skills in others.
^The
status
of English as
largely as a threat to
on the Internet has been seen, up to this point, the hegemonic claims of French, although Bill Gates has defended a colonizing force
193
194
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD In raising the specter of a language curriculum that actively seeks to
own place in the devolution of colonialism, it also needs to be made why this work is not only for minority-language students. There is as
name clear
its
much,
if
not more, reason to be concerned about the education of students
born into the English language lingual communities.
ten to those in
who
who
will
go on to inhabit increasingly multi-
The frame of mind
in
which teachers and students
lis-
speak other languages than they do, and the frame of mind
which they understand
their
own
position in the world as English speak-
may still bear traces of the history of imperial conquest and dominance. The distinguished linguist Joshua Fishman observed in 1977 that “unfortunately, we know far more about how to help the world learn English (little though that may be), than we do about how to help native speakers of Eners
glish learn
ured in
about the world”
this
history that,
ongoing
am
I
state
arguing,
(p. 335).
To become aware how language has
of global interdependence requires a review of a still
tional premise remains that
has a hold on our imaginations.
we need
on our thinking about,
My
educa-
how the world was diand how those divisions con-
understand
to
vided by the intellectual project of imperialism tinue to weigh
fig-
in this case, native speakers
and the
learning of English.
The Native Speaker
One
important aspect of this second-language question
the native speaker.
The concept has been
is
the standard set by
perhaps most vigorously addressed
by Thomas Paikeday, editor of The New York Times Everyday Dictionary and The Penguin Canadian Dictionary. His book The Native Speaker Is Dead! (1985)
alogue
is
an innovative instance of bookmaking that consists of a Socratic
made up of the
day’s inquiries
about
pal antagonist
is
who
responses of forty linguists
who and what
is
The
book’s princi-
considers the scope of sentences
possible within the English language to be defined
by what
is
“acceptable to
one of the epigraphs of the book, Paikeday quotes the eddirector of the Merriam- Webster dictionaries, who insists that the two
a native speaker. itorial
responded to Paike-
a “native speaker.”'^
Noam Chomsky, who
di-
In
requirements of a dictionary editor are that “he should be a native speaker of English and he should have at least a bachelor’s degree from a reputable col-
the multilingual potential of the Internet
and work
is
being done on expanding
character-set capacity (Stackhouse, 1995; Pollack, 1995). ^Thomas Paikeday s use of computer databases to prepare
sponsible for setting
me
off
and
its
assess dictionaries
on the fascinating study of lexicography.
current
was
re-
LANGUAGE, NATION, WORLD lege or university
Paikeday, having been born in Calcutta, realizes
(p. xiv).
that he will never be allowed to regard himself as a native English speaker,
which
gives this
theme
compelled to include
and poignant
a personal
book
in his
nonnative editing of The
New
turn, especially as he feels
on the quality of his
readers’ testimonials
York Times Everyday Dictionary. Although he
does not explicitly address the relation between foreignness and race, he makes apparent the considerable operating expenses accrued by those made to suffer such distinctions. Paikeday offers examples
of “native” and “nonna-
specimens, anecdotes, and informal experiments,
tive
all
of which point to
the bankruptcy of the concept as a reliable guide to so-called proper usage. His position is simply that there is no such thing as a “native speaker” in the sense of a person being able to claim an inherent hold
language.
The
on the
full
extent of the
editor of a successful dictionary should know.
In The Native Speaker
Is Z9^’/^gy
place
(i 993 >
them
in a similar relation to the
dominant, imperialist ideol-
The key, for Brown, is literatures staging of identity for and women, which, in the eighteenth century, often took place
P* 17)'^
both natives
around commodification and conquest. The regard of colonized peoples as effeminate only confounded the colonists sexual orientation toward the subaltern that underlay the literature
^
Brown summarizes her
women
position as a
and history of imperialism. So much of
feminist reading of colonist ideology, which places
of the structures of rationalization that justify mercantile expansion, to ground an account of the formal and ideological contradictions surrounding the repreat the center
sentation of race and slavery” (1993, p. 62).
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION what held
system together was surrounded by a purposeful and “dead siwhich is also what followed Fanny Prices question to her uncle, Sir
lence,
this
Thomas
Bertram, about the slavery by which the family had profited, in Jane Austens Mansfield Park (Said, 1993, 96)- Even in its silences, literature P-
seems capable of articulating the complex moral edifice by which some women were protected and others used, some were met with silence and others were silenced, within the global structure of beloved home and necessary colonies. English literature rendered sensitive
world of civilized
remained the
men and women,
silent
and sensible the immediate
while imperial and industrial expansion
underwriter of domestic exploits. Literature and
tendant criticism identified and intensified a certain as the proper location of civilized attention. Before letting go the postcolonial It
also applies to
American
American
literature, Eric
the degree to
writers. In a
Sundquist carefully
to every
major
literary text
expansion, and the
case Sundquist builds,
comes out of the E. B.
Du
Bois,
ested in Melville, literary figure’s
Typee
is
left
rise to
which
its
as subtle
engagement with imperialism,
of the democratic promise” that was,
starting point (p. 257). This
sustained by Walter
cif 3.nti-imperiahst
cumb
quotation
as
prominence
to this
he argues that “Melville’s
and the Euroamerican coloni-
Benn Michaels
novels, such as T
their assault
after
in literary renderings that
all,
and economic
America’s postcolonial
literary
(1993),
response to colonial-
who examines
a later series
homas Dixons Phe Leopard s
now
Spots,
on extensions of the American empire,
m
from
forgotten but once popular works
to nativist efforts at fixing the boundaries
At the outset of Playing
is
social, political
theme of America’s
1902. Michaels finds that these
managed, despite
as the
U.S. literary texts to establish a connection between
encourage students to find alternatives to the
is
was central
defined the over-
and complex
alism in Polynesia” (1994, p. 255). Rowe’s interest
ism
it
(1993, p. 30)
gives even greater
the institutions of slavery in the United States
failures
seen to have
Nat Turner, Frederick Douglass, and Mark Twain. Another critic inter-
Fierman Melville,
first
in particu-
intersection of
John Carlos Rowe,
one of the
it
—
cultural independence, ter-
world power.
is
making of
the nation in a state of unresolved
while at the same time authorizing
ritorial
—can be
not because
literature]
in the
out
of the period but because
arching ideology of liberty which crisis
important to see that
it is
which writing about the problem of slavery
animated that rebirth [of American
W.
sets
at-
of heart and hearth
major work on race
writing about slavery by African Americans
lar,
The
critical pose,
class
its
the Dark, Toni
still
to suc-
of race within the nation.
Morrison declares that “the
217
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION
2i8
readers of virtually (1992, p.
all
of American fiction have been positioned
This positioning acts
xii).
as a
as “universal,” just as
hold that the school curriculum
color-blind."^ Against this
Morrison describes ness,’ the
this
not a
is
uses.
nature
a
the cause
ban the
call to
complacency,
at literary ‘black-
literary ‘whiteness’” (p. 9).
Notice
how
but to consider again their influence and
as the “studied indifference
now
Morrison hopes that we can
to these issues,
What
—of
classics,
Against what she identifies
cism
educators tend to
need “to discover through a close look
—even
white”
form of deracination that encourages
white readers to see their situation is
as
of literary
raise the
criti-
questions
do the invention and development of whiteness play in the construction of what is loosely described as ‘American’?” and, more generally, “What makes intellectual domination possible?” (p. 9). In this way, she dares parts
name the colonial project in American literature as “the architecture of a new white man” {p. 15; Morrison’s emphasis). She vividly recalls the degree to
to
which freedom Africanism
American
in
literature
the vehicle by which the American self knows itself as not en-
is
slaved, but free
.
ment of destiny
.
.
not a blind accident of evolution but a progressive
(p. 52).
I
would add
herself has taught literature in school
good
ture does a
much
holding
deal of its
work
Hemingway
American
chitect of the
achieved by the African presence:
is
to Morrison’s account, especially as she
and
university, only the fact that litera-
in literature classes.
that his
books continue to do
ingway
tells
It is,
issue, then,
not so
is
for being an ar-
come to grips with the work today. Not only is the story Hem-
rather to
in classrooms
important, but also the
The
Morrison does,
responsible, as
character.
fulfill-
way
in
which
his
works continue
to be
taught defines the nature of the American experience by gender and race. Finally, in the
meeting of literature and imperialism, there
postcolonial literature
the Second writers
from among the many decolonized literatures,” writes
investigate the
European
and postcolonial space and tainment
heels of colonialism’s
World War. The category encompasses
of postcolonial fin, “to
which came on the
(1995, P- 97)-
make, although the
states. “It
one student of
textual capture
are the sort
that
body of
demise
amalgam of become the project
has
this literature,
Helen
Tif-
and containment of colonial and continuing con-
of points that postcolonial
critical categories at stake
after
a geopolitical
to intervene in that originary
These
is
have certainly
critics
left at least
one
^
Christine Sleeter, a leading figure in multicultural education, writes that “white teachers construct race mainly on the basis of their life experiences and vested interests” .
.
.
(1993,
p. 157).
Although she
is
not optimistic about change,
think there
need to introduce teachers to how these race constructs are, in fact, grounded in academic disciplines rather than in their own experiences, and that they take their basis from the very founding of social studies, English literary study, and modern biology. I
is
a
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION such
Not only was
critic cold.
Rushdie writes
in his essay
was an exclusive one
[colonial literature] a ghetto,”
it
“‘Commonwealth
(i99i>
63 ). ^
P-
Still, if
Literature’
Does Not
postcolonial literature
Salman
Exist,” “it
and
criti-
cism, with their political interests in national status, go beyond what literature is supposed to do, threatening to spoil the purely private and personal pleasures of the text, they are also educational
m
their desire to
historical contexts that give rise to readerly desires,
the other side of the story, that literature as a subject
all
expand the
of which brings us to
to the largely colonial invention
is,
of English
for the schools.
fit
Colonial Literary Study
One
can roughly date the launch of English literature classes in the British Empire with the passing of the 1835 English Education Act in India. The En-
Education Act made English the language of instruction in the Indian schools under British control. English was to serve the natives much as Latin glish
m a ladder of learned ascendancy. As
served British students, recall
from chapter
minute
4,
the key figure
is
the reader will
Thomas Macaulay, whose famous
1835
to the British
government on education was based on his estimation that the whole of Indian literature was unworthy of a shelf of English writing. Nearly two decades later, in 1853, the orientalist Horace Wilson was able to advise the British Parliament that as ture, particularly at
writers,
any considerable alteration
ing character. As a
colonial schools as a
This
W. ial
critical
and notions”
(cited
by Vis-
of a people,
to others, but also in
in colonial schools
it
not only would serve
would work upon students
as
in the
Gauri Viswanathan’s phrase.^
was then thought
fit
for Great
the Foster Act of 1872,
tion of British
5
litera-
teaching was thought instrumental in shap-
mask of conquest,”
What was proved With
our
impression upon them, and affect
in their feelings
reflected the genius
model of civilized being
Britain.
we make an
p. 48). Literature it
initiate [the Indians] into
an early age, and get them to adopt feelings and senti-
ments from our standard
wanathan, 1989,
we
which furthered the compulsory educachildren, English literature found its place as part of a cur-
alignment with postcolonial
literatures has been rightly questioned by critic observes that although such criticism “tends to subvert the imperauthority,” the authors at issue (he names]. M. Coetzee, Ian Wedde, and Toni MorriJ. T. Mitchell,
son) look on
who
“with wary fascination
unsure whether it is a friendly collaborator in the process ol decolonization or a threatening competitor for limited resources” (1995, pp. 476-77)it
.
.
.
^Viswanathan cites the following from the Madras Christian Instructor and Missionary Record from 1844: “The genius of literature clearly sees that she has found the men .
who will
are to extend her
be lasting
as the
empire
to the
sun” (1989,
.
.
.
.
.
ends of the earth, and give her throne
p. 166).
a stability that
219
7 220
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION riculum devoted, in
its
own
way, to forging a unified state and empire that
included the most wayward elements of those far-off colonies and the industrial classes at
Among English literatures great educational advocates at
Matthew Arnold, who brought
the time was critic
home.
together his capacities as literary
and school inspector; “Good poetry,” he advocated
in his 1880 inspec-
tors report to the Privy Council, “does undoubtedly tend to
and character” had
pline, ties
a
(1908, p.
more
60 )
difficult
English literature, as a discrete academic disci-
time finding a proper
of Oxford and Cambridge, where
shape character than in the
During
this period,
common
Canada was
home
in the great universi-
presumably was needed
it
far less to
schools (Palmer, 1965). the site of much educational activity
behalf of English literature, and was no
tionhood
form the soul
less
on
so after entering postcolonial na-
Judging from the evidence amassed by Robert Morgan (1990), English literature had a large role to play in the country’s smooth tranin 1867.
from colony
sition
to
dominion, whether one looks
at the
composition top-
assigned at University College in Toronto (“The connection between literary excellence and natural greatness, as exhibited in English history”) or ics
listens to the declarations
virtually a type
of educator Henry Scalding that Shakespeare was
of colonist
the family of nations
.
.
.
— among
appreciated the
among
the junior
members of
human downrootings from
mothertree of England” (cited by Morgan, pp. 209,
213). In
Matthew Arnold’s recommendations, George Paxton Young,
the great
advance of architect of
English studies in Ontario, advised in his department of education report for
1867-68 that Ethics
T/je
Merchant of Venice “was
a lesson in practical Christian
can scarcely be read intelligently without entering into the soul and becoming part of its convictions for ever” (cited by Morgan, .
p. 203),^
.
.
[that]
This sense of literatures educational mission was built on the lan-
guage of spiritual salvation.
The ing,
The
not
successes of English literature in India all
and Canada notwithstand-
colonizers supported a literary education as ideal for the empire.
clearest instance
colonies, L. S.
comes from the
British secretary ol state for the
Amery, who advised the Imperial Conference of 1926
erature aside in an effort to tailor schooling, in a to the
developmental
^America had
its
state
more
to set
lit-
progressive manner,
of the students:
educational champions of English literature
in, for
example, the Atlantic
Monthly, although his part
Matthew Arnold, through the sponsorship of Andrew Carnegie, did by coming to America to deliver a series of successful lectures on literatures behalf
in the 1880s
So
it is,
(Honan,
1980).
perhaps, that this play, as
to Shakespeare in grade 9> as
it
I
noted in chapter
has proved to be for
i,
my
was
my
high school introduction youngest son.
literature and the educated imagination Our whole endeavor now
is
to substitute for a purely literary education,
not suited to the needs of the natives, a type of education more adapted to their mental aptitude a type of education which, while conserving as far as possible all the sane and healthy element in the fabric of their
—
own
social
life,
will also assist their
growth and evolution on natural
and enable them to absorb more progressive Whitehead, 1988, p. 212) lines
This interest in
making
largely resisted with
drive by
what Clive Whitehead
many Africans
Although such
the native “useful in his
for
might appear
own environment” was
characterizes as “the insatiable
Western schooling
local interest
ideas. (Cited in
after the 1930s” (1988, p. 221).
to exonerate
Shakespeare from
charges of an imposed cultural imperialism, the drive for Western schooling also reflects an African rejection of Britain’s patronizing provision for
“growth
and evolution on natural
lines.
Certainly,
Whitehead
tries to
dodge the
charge of a “deliberate British policy to colonize the indigenous intellect” by pointing to the ineptitude and incoherence of policies at the time (p. 215). The result, however, was that the literature of Great Britain remained a
stay of a colonial education in Africa
reception of which his
own
is
main-
and around the globe, the ambiguous
captured in the novelist R. K. Narayan’s recollections of
education in colonial India:
We had always
professors
feel
was
from English
a blessing.
to the classroom.
When
professors’ quarters
universities to teach literature,
But the
he
professor’s contact
was
which
I
strictly limited
the class, he rushed back to his citadel of
left
and the English club where no Indian was admit-
ted except to serve drinks. (1988, p. 231)9
Although at
official policies
on
literatures place
m
the
modern curriculum
home and abroad were
only rarely questioned, a few of those destined to join the literary canon, namely, Conrad and Forster, had already begun to question the cost of imperialism to those troubling works as Heart ofDarkness and
who
A
practiced
it.
So
it
was that such
Passage to India were read, after a
time, as part of a literary education in the English language. Although already called on both of these books to illustrate imperialism’s
I
legacy,
tempting to hold up Conrads novel again
powers
in regard to imperial
might begin with
9
On
a similar
ambiguity
forms of modern Bengali
proof ol
it
is
literature’s unsettling
themes. For me, lessons on Conrad’s 1902 novel
T. S. Eliot’s use
epigraph for “The Hollow
as
have
Men”
of the
line
(1971a).
“Mistah
It is
Kurtz— he dead”
spoken
at colonialism’s literary influence, this
literature, see
in the
as the
novel by “the
time in the writing and Nirad Chauduri (1987, pp. 149-59).
221
222
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION managers boy,” who “put
nounced
his insolent black
that this paragon of the colonial impulse
exist (1973, p. 108).*^
Conrad and
the emptiness of an age that ingly on: irig
head
“We
are the
— headpiece
filled
gone mad had ceased
Eliot appear to be offering a
seemed
hollow
doorway” and an-
in the
to die with
men / We
with straw. Alas!”
—
requiem for
Mistah Kurtz yet lived know-
are the stuffed (1.4)
to
that
I
men.”
am
It is
that stuff-
asking after here, as
did Eliot and Conrad, by turning, in this case, to the substance of a literary
education. Certainly Eliot and stuffing of a
modern education
Conrad formed
in literature, writing as they did within
against the worst prejudices of their times. their
work
to generations
part of the post-Kurtzian
They, and those
who
and
have taught
of students around the world, saw literature
as call-
ing civilization back from the expansive wasteland that occupied the souls of
both the modern city dwellers and the colonizers, without slipping into the darkness thought to haunt African rivers. An education in literature was
about rising above both the savagery and the hollowness within. In the secondary schools of the English-speaking world, by far the
frequently taught “children’s” version of Conrad’s tale
Lord of the
Flies (1967).
is
more
William Golding’s
In this novel, a planeload of schoolboys
who
are
stranded on a proverbial desert island enact a similar sense of a repulsive yet fascinating reversion to a primitive state, presumably occupied
by other
sav-
ages at other times, without dealing with the responsibilities of colonialism.
As much
as
Conrad and
Eliot originally troubled the
and waste of the modern
ror
age, they
West
in
naming
the hor-
were to become central to an education
based on artfully and manfully exploring the soul of the West, lighting beacons along the way so that the rest of the world might find its way.
A literary education yond
the age of empire
third-world and ironies
But
intent
on imagining
would include what
a
world that has moved well be-
falls
under the
Commonwealth, immigrant and
literary rubric
of
multicultural, with the
of association and dissociation integral to these counterformations.
this call for a postcolonial
education
is
not about proscribing or policing
any given piece of literature or form of literary
criticism.
What
is
needed
is
a
return to our ideas about the value ol literature, ideas that, after the centuries
Eliot deleted Kurtzs
famous
—
words in the Heart ofDarkness “the horror, the horror” from the original epigraph of The Waste Land. "On Eliots anti-Semitism and prejudices, see Ricks (1988) and Julius (1996), and on Conrad’s racism, see Achebe (1988). '2 Arthur Applebee’s research on the “most popular titles of book length works, grades
—
9-12
final
ranks Lord ofthe Flies in tenth place in America for public. Catholic, and independent schools (where, respectively, 54, 52, and 34 percent of schools use it). It rises to third place at the grade-12 level (1993, pp. 65, 68).
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION of literatures engagement with imperialism, are bound to bear something of a legacy devoted to civilizing the savage, to bringing sophistication of feeling
and thought
to the primitive.
this historical role
A students
of literature
literary
education needs to include
an educational tool that supported, and at times stood against, the expansion of empire. We need, then, to return to litas
erary educations formative texts to gain
some appreciation of how
literature
works with empire. Fryes Educated Imagination
During the
hand
in
of the twentieth century, Northrup Frye took a direct the shaping of a modern literary education, gradually assuming the latter half
Arnoldian mantle of exemplary
literary critic
and educational
overseer.
While
forging a reputation as a subtle and profound critic of Blake, Milton, and Shakespeare, as well as a major theorist of literary criticism itself,
found time to serve ers
he also
honorary president of the Ontario Council of Teachof English and to edit a popular series of literature textbooks for Canaas
dian and American high schools
.
'3
He was
as
much
a teacher
of English
teachers as he was a critics critic.
The Educated Imagination thinking on the subject,
is
although hardly the whole of Frye’s
(1963),
one of the
rare
books on
literary
theory that
is
taught in the schools and, as such, continues to reach a far wider audience than discussions of the value of literature normally achieve. The book is based on the 1962 Massey lectures, which Frye gave on the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation (CBC) radio network. miere lecture
series
had been
Hon. Vincent Massey, who
What
has since
become
the nation’s pre-
initiated only the year before to
honor the
as governor-general served as the first
born representative of the British Crown
in
Canada.
Rt.
Canadian-
Frye’s radio talks located
the nation in the imaginary space cultivated by English literature, where “English” remains an ambiguous designation of language, culture, and nation.'^
Although Frye achieved international
Fryes textbook
series, Literature: Uses
stature as a literary critic, he
ofthe Imagination
(1972),
is
was
published by Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich. >^This chapter can be thought to extend, though perhaps only by a postcolonial footnote, Deanne Bogdans considerable delineation of Fryes project in Re-educating the Imagination, which addresses the limits to Fryes vision of “identity as similarity,” as she puts it, in
which differences in power and location are “subsumed under the developmental assumption that wider and wider reading and more and more informed responses will inexorably propel the respondent into the third order of experience, where everv other voice resonates as part of our own” (1992, p. 131). Whereas Bogdan argues for an extension of Fryes determination of literary study, I return to Frye himself, already far more expansionary in a colonial sense than was originally thought.
223
224
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION to hold a special place in the
educated imagination of
country
this
as a
venerated intellectual who, until his death in 1989, gave cultural definition to a
country that continued to wrestle with the English heritage of its colonial
period.
Through ter the
his critical
work and public
development of Canadian
stances, Frye did a great deal to fos-
literature as itself an anti-imperial cultural
formation against the press of British and American
away from invoking the
this country’s colonial past, identifying
garrison mentality
marked
it
(1971a, p. 225).
Canadian works
critical
didn’t shy
what he termed
to take their place
college syllabi, although he never mistook
formed the great
He
of a closely knit and beleaguered society” that Frye was part of what gave “here” its literary iden-
part of what allowed
tity,
literature.
them
on school and
for the masterpieces that
focus of his career. This form of literary nationalism,
with an eye to the mother country, poses one sort of postcolonial response. As such,
it
has drawn
its
own
including “the most published Native au-
critics,
thor in the country,” as Lee Maracle identifies herself in taking up Frye’s notion of a garrison mentality: “Canadian writers still hover about the gates of the old forts, peek[ing] through the cracks of their protective ideological walls” (1992, p. 14). Maracle advises that “to resolve this colonial condition in
we need to have Canada recognize that first it is our condition and Canada needs to view this condition as unacceptable” (p. 15).
literature
second,
Frye speaks to us about the value of literature from here, Canada, yet not from here. He is speaking, surely he would hold, from the place occupied by the imagination,
which
is
not of
speaking from what was once
minion.
known
nation-bound
as a
CBCs
was bound
But Frye
is
also
white colony and then a white dopart of
is
what can be
the education of the imagination. Frye has noted elsewhere that
broadcasting mission to be frustrated
to
by the
promote Canadian unity and
fact that “identity
rooted in the imagination and works of culture; unity international in perspective,
and rooted
his part, Frye roots the national
and
earth.
How he speaks to the nation from this location
known about the
this
politics rather
is
is
local
and
identity” regional,
national in reference,
in political feeling” (1971b, p.
ii).
For
imagination in transcendent forms of culture
than regional ones, and he does so in ways that
I
will ex-
plore according to the four themes of the uninhabited island, outside other, the place of Canada, and the work of literature.
and
Imagining the Uninhabited Island Frye’s
phor,
opening lecture
in
The Educated Imagination, “A Motive for Meta-
begins with a small imaginary disaster: “Suppose you’re shipwrecked
on an uninhabited
island in the
South Seas”
(1963, p. 2).
Thus Frye
subtly
literature and the educated imagination transports us to the colonial era, with the “South Seas” evoking Balboas naming of this newfound ocean El Mar del Sur in the sixteenth century, Cooks
opening of the South Seas to the British Empire m the eighteenth century, and working tours of the region by Robert Louis Stevenson and Paul Gaugin in the nineteenth century. For its part, the South Seas uninhabited island is a palimpsest that
is
colonial imagery. colonial
always already written over with
The
pastoral
theme of starting anew
to an untainted version of the
There South
is
something
Seas, far
territories,
this vast
is,
in a
own
buried treasure of
that opens this lecture
newfound
cut with the
is
land, of going back in time
homeland.
striking, then, in Frye’s locating his island in the
from Canadas own abundant supply of no
including
many
less
“uninhabited”
Has our postcolonial nationhood brought dominion within the “civilized” and thus “inhabited” world.? The
colonial vision
what
myth
its
is
about gaining
in effect, a
civilization.
The
islands.
a distance that transforms a culture, offering
blank page through the expansiveness of an overwritten
island
“uninhabited,” of course, in relation to a European
is
presence, with the (nomadic) occupation of indigenous populations erased or denied. Think of how the islands on which Columbus first set eyes in the
Caribbean were unpossessed, and
Arawak stood on
in that sense
as the native
the beach to watch this
resolutely lay claim to their land in the
In wrecking us
upon
native resources, with a
of Europe s
unoccupied, even
a
nod
South Seas
odd group of men come ashore and name of their God and their queen.
island, Frye uses colonialism’s imagi-
The Tempest 2ind Robinson Crusoe,
to
civilizing mission. Prospero gives the gift
to an uncivil Caliban, whereas the ever resourceful
short order, the industrious
with an indentured,
if
rise
of the English to
not enslaved, savage
of a
to
remind us
Mr. Crusoe
reprises, in
civilized existence,
named
language
civilizing
in imitation
complete
of God’s
own
schedule for creation. Caliban and Friday remind us that the “uninhabited” islands were still the homeland of a people (with a single imaginary native standing for the many). at the
When
age of twelve, what
fon? No.
It is
is
Rousseau
his first
finally allows
book?
“Is
it
Aristotle?
Robinson Crusoe' (Rousseau, 1979,
paradigmatic imperial adventure, offering tory of self-sufficiency
its
and resourcefulness,
Emile to begin reading
p. 184).
own
Is it
Pliny?
Is it
Defoe’s novel
Buf-
is
the
schooling in a natural his-
a return to first things, as
Crusoe,
the recording angel of imperialism,
plantation and colony:
surveying
it
“I
moves from shipwreck and homestead to descended a little on the side of that delicious vale,
with a secret kind of pleasure (tho’ mixt with
thoughts) to think that this was
country indefensibly, and had I
all
my own,
that
I
my other afflicting
was king and lord of all
this
of possession” (1965, pp. 113-14), he empire offers the European a second chance with the world, placing a right
225
226
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION him once more
in possession
Rousseau would ask of his Emile:
him
to think that he
Adam
of paradise, an “I
want
to
It
make him
Robinson himself” (1979,
is
before Eve.
p. 185).
dizzy. ...
Could
better teacher than Crusoe, this domesticator of wild islands
men.^
made him know his name should be
I
was the day
saved his
I
comes
possession
(Defoe, 1965,
life’
in the face
of the
silent
Friday,”
209).
p.
It is all
that
want
I
there be any
and namer of
Crusoe records, '^which
The unquestioned
right
of
unwritten (unmapped) qualities of
the island and the island people, protecting these proprietary privileges from
questioning; civilizations representative retains the right of exclusion and intervention (on behalf of Friday). Derek Walcott, in “Crusoe’s Journal,” takes
up the voice of the
who
islander
ironically observes his subjection to the os-
tensible educator:
Like Christofer he bears
speech
in a
Word
the
mnemonic
as a missionary’s
to savages,
shape an earthen, water-bearing
its
whose sprinkling
alters us
good Fridays who
into
vessel’s
His praise,
recite
parroting our master’s style
and
voice,
we make
his
language ours,
converted cannibals
we
him
learn with
to eat the flesh of Christ. (1986, p. 93)
In choosing the island metaphor, Frye suggests that to reach people
they
one begins with
live,
them about nial
Eden
islands,
The South
literature.
in
its
their bookshelves, especially if
Seas island
is
more
one
Is
where
speaking to
likely to suggest a colo-
seemingly unoccupied splendor (“the self-creating peace
in Walcott’s
poem
[p. 94]),
affording a time
window on an
/
of
earlier,
simpler era of the sort celebrated by explorers, missionaries, anthropologists,
and
tourists.
The
deserted island has
no
less a
home
in
popular culture, with
the perennial cartoons of the shipwrecked sailor stranded with the voluptuous passenger, and highbrow variations such as the British Broadcasting
Corpo-
rations radio
the great
But
program
monuments of culture
—
a return to
which imagines escaping with
Eden with
a
Walkman.
of its sense of escape, the Western idea of the South Seas island with it the hope of rescue and a return to one’s proper home. The
lor
also carries
all
island offers writers
and perhaps dreary nities,
Desert Island Discs,
and dreamers families);
it
a fantasy of escape (from dreary winters
speaks to
moments of uninhibited opportu-
of renewing the balance between innocence and experience. Above
the island affords Frye, as
it
has served
many
before him, a clean slate
all,
on
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION which
work
to
the evolution of
what he
island with
civilizing progress:
humankind.
sees as the three stages
Language
first
through which language makes
affords a '^consciousness or awareness
leads to basic forms of self-expression. This in a
which
practical sense,
is
is
its
that
”
followed by the use of language
gives rise to technical terms.
nates in the imaginary realm as language els (1963,
In this case, Frye inscribes his
The
process culmi-
turned to poetry, plays, and nov-
15 pp. 3-5).
Fryes island defense of literary study revolves around the evolutionary poles of the primitive and the civilized: "You find that every mother tongue, in
any developed or
(p. 2). Frye’s
civilized society, turns into
something
called literature”
reference to “any developed or civilized society”
is
probably
in-
tended to include a yet-to-be-developed-but-surely-civilized China (questions about Fryes placing of China will be raised presently). He misses the chance here to allow that every language and culture has tive retelling
of the world and
have pointed out later,
when
earlier, at
Frye does
its
its
literature, its
imagina-
ways, a point that Boas began to make, as
I
the close of the nineteenth century. Yet a few pages
make
reference to the omnipresence of literature, he
posits another evolutionary scale that carefully sets off primitive literature
from the timeless
classic:
from other aspects of monies”
(p. 13).
There
life: it s still
on the principle
trace
its
in religion,
magic, social cere-
literature
lems and conflicts”
form
in Frye’s imagi-
in literature has a pedigree,
may have begun in “war-songs, work14). He continues the evolutionary motif
literature that
literature to the idea
more
“that every
work
descent back to earliest times,” he charts the descent and
songs, funeral laments, lullabies
ilization, the
become distinguished
^*5
disengagement of a true
by tying
embedded
are different conceptions of timelessness at
nation. Based
and we can
“Primitive literature hasn’t yet
(p. 22).
(p.
of cultural progress: “The more advanced a
seems to concern
itself with
purely
Yet this developmental scale
is
human
civ-
prob-
also a matter
of
Flunter, in analyzing literary education
as an arm of the emergent governmental educational apparatus,” interprets Frye’s island metaphor as part of an effort “to derive a ‘total history’ of culture and society from the split in the mentality of a castaway para-
chuted
from the aesthetic empyrean” (1988, p. 10). '^On the category of the “primitive,” Bernard McGrane helpfully describes its anthropological invention as but a third phase in the European regard for an alien other that has continued to be formed since Columbus: “The alien Other is not fundamentally pagan, savage, and demonic from a Christian frame of reference, nor fundamentally ignorant and in
superstitious from an Enlightenment frame of reference; rather the
Other
is
now funda-
mentally primitive from a progress and evolution frame of reference” (1989, p. 98: McCrane’s emphasis). For the usefulness of “primitive” as a category in the realm of art, see S. Price (1989).
227
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION
228
The most
genre:
primitive nations have poetry, but only quite well devel-
oped nations can produce prose
(p. 51).'^
Frye then puts this scheme to
pedagogical use, following the lead of Matthew Arnold, by asserting that it is only natural to start children on poetry before moving them into the more
mature prose. In
this
way, the young of the West might recapitulate the ascent
of civilization and overcome the stagnation of primitive and poetry-bound cultures.
The importance only
that Frye places
on
literatures “pedigree”
is
troubling
invokes the racial bearing of imperialisms long-standing division between primitive and civilized peoples. It troubles as well because this literas
it
ary paternity suit gained prominence in Europe during the nineteenth century,
when Matthew Arnold,
Ernest Renan, and others were contrasting the
Hellenic and Hebraic influences on the European disposition, the refined and cultivated Hellenic influences proudly being held in ascendancy.
This was
bound
to have serious ramifications for the racialized identity
people,
who had been
recently emancipated
in
of the Jewish
England and elsewhere
after
of what can be aptly termed internal colonization.^^ Frye reaffirms Arnold’s emphasis on the bicultural origins while playing the Hellenic faa period
vorite as
peoples
Arnold
is
did:
The
not in English;
Little credit
basis
its in
of the cultural heritage of English speaking
Latin and Greek and
Hebrew”
(p. 49).
given to the influential orientalism of Richard Burton, Ed-
is
ward FitzGerald, Ezra Pound, and William Carlos Williams, or to the Celtic imaginings of Walter Scott and James Joyce. Frye also overlooks the millions
that
of English-speaking people is
who
bring to the language a literary heritage
not Latin, Greek, or Hebrew.
constructed within a colonial civilized islands,
however
adrift
holding
it
The educated imagination is still being imaginary that navigates among primitive and
as its true
may seem
course a direct descent from a golden age,
to have
been
at various historical junctures. It
is
worthwhile comparing these island themes in popular and literary culture with the more recent experiences of boat people,” who, in a reverse migra-
In this statement he echoes the Elizabethan Philip Sidney,
of English
literature.
ans where no writing
An Apology for Poetry,
who, in the first great defense wrote of “the most barbarous and simple Indi-
yet have they their poets” (1970, p. 9). ‘*^See Olender (1992). George Steiner gives a recent twist to the pedigree question in the final words of his review of the late poet Paul Celan, Jewish survivor of Nazi is,
Germany: ‘We are all Greeks,’ proclaimed Shelley. ‘Every poet is a Yid,’ replied Paul Celan with unplumbed bitterness and self-mockery. The old story: Athens and Jerusalem. Between them lies the uncertain advent of what remains of European language and literature” (1995, p. 4) “
‘‘^On Pound’s and Williams’s modernist orientalism, including their dialogues with Chinese poets, see Zhaoming Qian (1995); and on Joyce’s anti-imperialist Celtic interests, see
Vincent Cheng
(1995).
literature and the educated imagination tion-exploration pattern, have sought to shipwreck themselves in North
The opportunity of starting afresh on a new shore has not worked neatly m this direction. The Chinese hopefuls whose ship foundered
America. out
as
New York a
off Queens in
from
their
Manhattan
few years ago ended up
island dream.
in
The former
jail
awaiting deportation
colonizer cannot readily
imagine being colonized. In going over high school students’ essays I
found that
pursuing
a
number
them took up
of
on The Educated Imagination,
the island metaphor, some, like Frye,
an evolutionary reckoning. They found Frye’s advantage in using the island to create a world of their own making, both far away it
as a site for
yet subtly attached to the
small island
how how
nonfiction also extends the
human
effectively students can pick
well as to
as
known world. Kristy, for example, introduces “a part of her own thought experiment intended to demonstrate
something of his dry
imagination. In this way, she shows
up both
Frye’s substance
wit, as she extols the
and method,
as
power of the written word
expand our horizons:
Through and
literature, Frye believes that
feel this
I
the time or
ing a
our
human
experience will grow,
could not be more true. Not everyone in the world has
money
book or an
to visit
article
on
all
different cultures,
and
lifestyles.
By
read-
we learn everything society. To stress this point,
a specific place or time,
you could possibly need to know about that I would like to use a hypothetical situation.
pretend that you have been born on a small island and the only people on the island with you are your devoutly Catholic parents. Left on the island is a biology Let’s
book
from
a shipwreck. Inside this
explanations for the
book, you find
phenomenon
many
interesting scientific
that your parents
had
originally ex-
plained in biblical terms. These few words that you read would definitely give to
your mind
many
things to think about and choices for you
make.
Equally present in this student’s defense of literature and biology
is the responsibility of the educated to experience a world of different cultures, learning along the way “everything you could possibly
presumed
need to know
about that
society.
This sense of global mastery, of being
in a position to
know
the other, and the related release from primitive superstitions, which permits one informed and superior choices, are part of what recommends the
educated imagination
as
still
bearing something of a colonial construct.
coinciding with the thrust of imperialisms intellectual project for
condemnation but may,
in Kristy s
words, give your mind
is
Its
not grounds
many
things to
think about and choices for you to make.” Without calling Kristy’s intentions into question, it would still seem valuable to set such commonplace ideas as
229
230
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION a sense its
of global masters within the context of the colonial imperative and
we can
educational objectives. In this way,
cations of widely held views, setting
turn to the origins and impli-
them upon
a larger historical stage as
we
explore the continuing play of the colonial imagination within the literary landscape.
A second student, is
to raise the evolutionary opposition
The
ilizations.
a
Sam, understands that
difference
development
is
Sam
that
for the good.
to
engage the island metaphor
of primitive cultures versus evolved is
not entirely prepared to accept
come around on the question of literature’s pursued by a number of students:
contribution, was a pat-
Frye talks about a different person stranded on an island tellect
or
let’s
who
has no in-
say without literature, often he “feels lonely and fright-
ened and unwanted
in
such a world.”
and compare the primitive people,
must object
I
created a
more dangerous
and potential nuclear wars.
It
to that. If you look
for instance aboriginal
people, look at what people with intelligence have
They
this as
His pattern of initially resisting Frye’s position,
only to tern
civ-
done
and
civilized
to our world.
place with pollution, over population
me
seems to
it’s
more
peaceful to be
less
civilized.
Having
realized the value
of less
civilized
forms of life,
Sam
then moves on to
the corollary of this challenge by pointing out literature’s dangerous side in a
manner
He
that tends to confuse teacher
text, literature
who
Sam
the courts for spreading hate.
cause people to be dangerous.
.
.
.
was
finally
Being intelligent Irom studying
Sam
is
working
critically
damental imperial construct of the primitive and the that, his essay finally arrives at
and
is
similar to Frye’s. For
Sam,
literature
ever a civilizing influence: “I realize
tween
reality
is
another student
who
a nature that
But
for all
is
marks the advance of humankind
now
that literature brought us
around
away
us.
And
created civilizations.”
challenges the line that Frye draws be-
and the imagination. She
which imagines
from the fun-
civilized.
to live like the animals
we became more aware of literature we Heather
literature
an anthropological model of literary criticism
from the primitive era when we used as
brought before
concludes that “studying literature can
doesnt mean you re the most worthy.”
is
literature.
for fourteen years taught his high school students in social
studies about a Zionist global conspiracy until he
that
and hate
well-known Canadian instance of Jim Keegstra, an Alberta
raises the
schoolteacher
and
hostile
resists that
and
very posture of the colonial
m need of governance:
Frye mentions being shipwrecked on an island and he sees the world on the island as objective and that it is “something set over against you and
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION not yourself or related to you in any way (p. 2). I disagree with Frye because the world is not objective and when you are on the island
one
is
more
related to
and
conversation in their
of the world. ...
a part
own way
with nature and
1
feel
make
people can
surroundings.
its
This conversation with nature, even with Heather and Frye both using the term surroundings,” still represents the empathetic reach across differences
(rather than a conquest of them, or Fryes sense
of “against”). She proposes a
healing of the distances that set us apart from nature and native. Yet before
I,
thoroughly romanticize the views of this student of nature, I would also note how she goes on to agree ultimately with Fryes faith in the civilizin turn,
ing force of literature: Frye
feels
what comes naturally
humans
to
think
and where
it is
like to
being. Literature provides us with a vision for our
lives. It
civilization
is
the essence of what
not entirely clear from the revise Frye’s
and nature
lutionary narrative.
own
in a later lecture that
I
To be human
some humans from
others,
how mend this
will presently discuss
final analysis, is
spirit.
She
is
and
no longer the deep-seated
is
beliefs,
ap-
but that
literature
ready to ques-
might otherwise be thought
and thus she
she
she does not take up the evo-
to be civilized for Heather,
tion the sense of literary progress that
if
little
reconciliation between imag-
an incidental aspect of that essential civilizing
thought,
lends a
arguments, except perhaps to
Heather was not assigned. In the
guish
human
of Heather’s brief essay
rest
parent breach with nature. Frye offers his ination
be a
our experiences.
zest in
would comfortably
to distin-
moving beyond the
habits of
of a once-and-lingering colo-
imagination.
Outside
and Other
Frye’s literary
and
I
we are comfortable with
It is
nial
their civilization.
Fryes arguments need to be revised into a form
more
is
is
anthropology not only distributes humanity between primitive
civilized cultures,
moment wrecked
of the in
was
a
initial
it
also places the
Orient on a distant horizon. At the
shipwreck, he suggests that “if the ship you were
Western ship you’d probably
more about what’s
really there in the outer
feel that
your
intellect tells
world and that your emotions
you tell
you more about what’s going on inside you.” Then he introduces the “other” possibility: “If your background were Oriental, you’d be more likely to reverse this
to
and say
that the beauty
count and
mind”
classify
(1963, p.
3).
and
terror
and measure and
The
was
really there,
pull to pieces
and that your
instinct
was what was inside your
superstitious quality he attributes to this oriental dis-
231
232
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION position
pages
later,
tion to
Ezra
becomes one of a
series
A
few
Frye returns to this sense of the East’s foreignness, drawing atten-
what was
Pound
clearly the
wayward, unreliable, and nonliterary thinking of
in the (linked?) areas
cianism and anti-Semitism”
of “fascism and social credit and Confu-
(p. 7).
own
Next, Frye shows his
human
of points of contrast he establishes.
literary
flight in the Icarus story
with Sakuntala, “an Indian play
dred years old, which he pulls in to
can lead to a
range by linking the mythic theme of
illustrate
how these
fifteen
hun-
imaginative ventures
scientific civilization like ours” (p. 8). Frye’s great learning,
lightly seasoning his text, gives his claims a universal
purchase even
uates literature within an evolutionary scale that locates India
the past, or as past.
When
he addresses poetry’s primitive
as
he
sit-
and China
in
he draws
qualities,
our attention to the poetic singsong” of children’s speech before contrasting the “Chinese language” (more properly Mandarin or Cantonese, the dominant spoken
which has “kept differences of pitch in the spoken word,” and the Canadians’ “monotone honk” (p. 51). Although he does make dialects),
pun on
a self-deprecating itive,
the
Canada goose, the
the childlike, and the Chinese.
Of course,
association groups the prim-
Frye
is
writing not about Chi-
nese civilization here but about the nature of poetry, using a convenient anthropological contrast. The slight matters little enough in light of Frye’s
enormous
accomplishment,
critical
little
enough
against
how
he has helped
us appreciate the achievement of literature. Yet, as a literary critic, he
would
have us attend to commonplaces, to the archetypal, and to the unique turns that distinguish a text.
Among the commonplaces
“Some
udicial uses of language:
somebody in
say,
to
which Frye would have us attend
years ago, in a
I
By
is
ing unpleasantries
here?”
We are
on the other
Canada
xenophobia over
a
literary criticism,
But the
recently,
smug Canadian audience
to the
not alone, of course, in this habit of locat-
side of some border, diverting attention from,
that in the past has
yellow peril
calling these incidents, however,
nature of this racist
heard
locating racism in America, at least to begin with,
Frye provides a reassuring answer for his oft
Where
More
I
heard somebody else use the same phrase, but meaning
the Chinese” (p. 63).
in this case, a
in the States,
those yellow bastards, meaning the Japanese.
another town,
question
town
are prej-
succumbed
to various
waves of
(Ward, 1990)- Frye’s ostensible point
in re-
eschew the mechanical and unthinking language: “There are many reasons not connected with
why nobody
literary reason
is
is
to
should use a phrase
that the phrase
is
pure
like that
reflex:
it’s
about anybody.
no more
a
product
of a conscious mind than the bark of a dog” (1963, p. 63). We need to grow conscious ol the hmction served by distinctions between Occident and Ori-
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION ent that cial
fall
between discrimination and discriminating, because the prejudi-
and the discerning
trast
and
as
are not the
are directed at establishing the other as a point of con-
something
Although Frye allows that
less.
whole of the matter,
dog’s barking suggests that
ing or poor training.
it is
to equate this overheard virulence
Frye suggesting that racial prejudices are simply too
Is
Pounds anti-Semitism
is
he notes that the highly cul-
all,
a prejudice
whose place
spans from Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice to Baedeker: Bleistein with a Cigar.
Now,
It
can be
comments on
One
and Westerners think
live.
The
challenge
is
to
in literature
“Burbank with
is
too
much
Frye’s opposition
is
of East and West: “Frye [was] as
he mentions that Eastern-
differently because they are opposite to
work with students
a
to ex-
high school student, Sam, whose work
probably brought up learning some stereotypes ers
Eliot’s
asked whether this sort of reading
fairly
pect of high school students. cited earlier,
with a
nothing more than the product of bad breed-
vulgar for the cultivated imagination? After tivated Ezra
his literary objections
where they
more nuanced
to arrive at a
read-
ing of Frye that tests the basis of his distinctions while recognizing that Frye was very much a global thinker and reader, dedicated to identifying the structural features common to all literature, just as the school anthologies he edited included myths from many lands. Sam’s recognition
of
trasting the Orient with the
West suggests
con-
Frye’s
we might well ask students and ourselves how, out of this colonial imaginary, some people and places are made to serve the Wests claim on civilization. The point is all the more poignantly made when we realize that these other people, who stand as the point of contrast, are
no longer so
that
distant, but are
our neighbors,
if
not
ourselves.
Canada, Neither Here nor There
One
of the most fascinating aspects of the postcolonial perspective is what it makes of geography, and more particularly, what it makes of Frye’s question
“Where
is
here?”
The educated imagination
is
at
once boundless and
ranging, while remaining attentive to the detail and nuance of place.
free-
It is
also
located within a pedigree, a certain line of descent that runs, Frye reminds us,
from Jerusalem and Athens, through
Rome
to
London, and then out into
the culturally “uninhabited” world settled by the British Empire. that leave a place such as
not as firm or
is
20
fertile a
Canada?
It is
not absent from Frye’s lectures, but
place for grounding a defense of literature as
have dealt elsewhere with anti-Semitism in English literature Oxford English Dictionary {]. Willinsky, 1994a, pp. 140-56). 1
Where does
as
is
it
the
an influence on the
233
234
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION uninhabited island in the South Seas of the imagination. If Frye appears to
some debt
recognize lectures
—
to this nation
his uncertainty
—and he does speak
about what to do with
this
to
it
in the
Massey
land provides the perfect
entry point for thinking about lingering colonial sensibilities that will not be
banished by the nationalism of a Canadian literature movement, uct, in
land
many
lies
ways, of the age of imperialism.^' But
let
itself a
us consider
prod-
how
the
for Frye.
In the opening of the lecture series, Frye includes Canada, this officially bilingual but in reality multilingual state, tries
things English, although this
bond
Commonwealth. For
mother tongue, although
Frye, “English means, in the
it is
not clear whether
mother country or
the English
speak English to their babies like so
operates on a different basis across the
between the former “white colonies” and the
racial differences
unfold
the “English-speaking coun-
This transnational language ensures a special cultural bond with
(p. 2).
British
among
to
(p. 2).
many backdrops
this
of the
place, the
first
maternal reference
Canadian mothers, who
And
rest
all
is
to
presumably
so this complicated place begins to
in a theater,
each a transformation of the land-
The educated imagination feels at home within a (forming its own cargo cult, one is tempted to say) that
scape in an evolving story. transported literature
secures this country’s place as a proper extension of English culture. identity with a British national culture that Canadians are at
removed from
is
The
close
once part of and
another reminder of how the study of literature
is
implicated
in a cultural preoccupation that operates so effectively at a distance.
We need
to consider the blocking out of this cultural space
lands to see
whom
it
includes and excludes
on assumptions of the
sort that Frye
among colonies and motherand how it continues to operate
drew on
in
speaking to the requirements
of an educated imagination. In those
moments when
Frye deals directly with Canada,
it is
interest-
ing to note his reconciling of nationhood with a perpetual displacement from the center: W^hen Canada was still a country for pioneers, it was
assumed
that a
new
new society, new things to look at and new experiences new literature’ (p. 15). It has not, however, and Frye ends
country, a
would produce
a
up dismissing Canadian then moving on to
Auden The
(p. 16). All is
writers for originally imitating
producing imitations of D.
Ff.
Byron and Scott and
Lawrence and W^ H.
imitation and invisibility, determined by a center of
legacy of colonization
on current understandings of immigration in Canadian culRoxana Ngs analysis of Canadian nationalism (1993). A postcolonial perspective on the Canadian landscape is well represented in Himani Bannerji’s collection, in which Ngs essay appears. ture
is
the subject ol
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION meaning But
that
in this
is,
in this case,
an Anglo-American terrain in the imagination.
apology for Canadian
displacement of those who,
Frye again engages the invisible
literature,
at least ten
thousand years before, began
to in-
habit this land.
The we dont
constructs of the imagination
get in
any other way. Thats why
particular attention to are better seasoned
Canadian
its
literature,
human
us things about
tell
life
important for Canadians to pay even
when
the imported brands
This statement, which Frye follows with tions on Lincolns Gettysburg Address, needs to be weighed against his (p. 53).
in the lectures to credit a single
enough
to speak
Canadian writer by name. Although
of the imagination
as
unbounded, Frye
through these lectures the well-trod path from
was
Homer
to
is
is
reflec-
failure
it is
easy
actually retracing
Wordsworth, which
also followed in ships’ cabins, plantation mansions,
around the colonial empire. Where precisely
that
and schoolhouses
Frye to be found, then? Broad-
from the radio towers of this former colony, but not necessarily here mind. At the University of Toronto, Frye trained generations of Canadian
casting in
students,
many of whom went on
to be English teachers.
He
trained
them
in
an English literature that was imagined to form the natural order of our mother tongue. The imagined community, which Benedict Anderson (1983)
wisely identifies with the formation of the nation, perialist
Here
tory as both colony riginal land claims
and
Where Canada
colonizer,
is still
and multicultural
figures in this
postim-
scheme, with
its
his-
policies. In
responding to to
Frye’s lectures,
comment on where
their
Real Work ofLiterature
T/?e
true that Frye
and Canada on
little.
makes only passing
his
imagination, and
tion
in this
being struggled over, through abo-
none of the high school students found reason Canada fits into the defense of literature.
ery,
marked
world by the cultural tensions of former colonies and motherlands. is not so much a place as an intersection of lives and imaginations,
languages and narratives.
It’s
is
I
references to
South Seas
islands,
China,
way to situating literature’s contribution to the educated know that must seem to be making too much out of too I
Yet these traces of an imperial legacy situate the center and the periph-
the civilized and the primitive,
“Where
is
Julia
women
life,
have tried to show,
here?” In trying to understand
the rhetoric of empire, ature to
1
we
arrive, finally, at the
how
in Frye’s identity
literary
study
still
ques-
works
complex relationship of liter-
which forms the core of Frye’s concerns. Frye
believes literature
Emberley writes about the nature of the postcolonial imagination, which native writers such as Lee Maracle are exploring (1992, p. 47).
235
— LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION
236
is
both a form of writing removed from the world and an imaginative guide
to living in
He
it.
repeatedly distances literature from the real
man
belongs to the world that suggesting that
it is
(p- 39)- Iri Frye’s
relate literature “directly to life or reality”
terms, to imagine literature’s involvement in such a worldly
make
to
is
imagination anything goes did happen,
it
it
that’s
a mistake of category: “In the
world of the
imaginatively possible, but nothing hap-
would move out of the world of the imagination
into the world of action” (pp. 5-6). Rejecting a sense of literary
agency, Frye secures a space for literary study that ature’s recurring
to hive off literature
is
my father doing much
the
and
critical
bounded by literand protected from earthly cares.
mythopoetic structures
Frye’s professional calling recall
“Literature
constructs, not the world he sees” (1963, p. 8)
simply naive to
matter as imperialism
pens. If
—
same with
his
is
safely
from “ordinary
life” (p. 9).
I
medical practice. Although he
often enjoyed discussing “interesting cases” with the family, he always acted surprised when we interrupted his disembodied presentations to ask questions about the actual lives of the patients. Hed offer their approximate age
and perhaps
The
their gender, but
we seemed
to
him
to be missing the point.
professional sensibility begins with detaching literature (or medi-
from
At the same time, however, Frye celebrates Defoe’s ability to write the nations history through the life of a single, stranded sailor. Literacine)
ture
life.
The whole
a lens.
IS
comes into focus ^^tth,
(p. 52).
we can
cultural history of the nation that
about
see the cultural history
realms,
and
I
literature as apart from yet
To grasp
of the nation by looking through
We
are not so far apart.
both want to
a part ^^the world.
this subtle relationship
we need
it
After distancing the imagination from the reaches
that imagination. In this, Frye talk
produced
between imaginative and worldly
to return to the proverbial island that gave rise to Frye’s three-
story evolution of language.
with the creation a
home
The linguistic escalator begins at the garden level, of a human realm separate from the rest of nature, making
out of an environment
(p. 4).
where language works the world control over
world
in a
it.
When we
We
then ascend to the second
in very practical ways,
finally reach the third level,
language that, in
its
construct
as outside ourselves:
ture, in lull consciousness, that original sense
where there
human our own
extending
completeness, returns or reconnects us to the
world that we have come to know otherwise ings,
we
level,
“We
recap-
of identity with our surround-
nothing outside the mind of man, or something identical with the mind of man (p. 9). There is, in this final level, “an identity between the
is
human mind and
the world outside of
it,”
which suggests the global
pansiveness ol the European educated standard that alism’s intellectual legacy (p. 12).
I
ex-
read as part of imperi-
literature and the educated imagination To
assist us in
religious
and
understanding
this rather elusive identity,
scientific analogies. First,
religion of poetry or
any
set
he
states that "'there
Frye uses both
can never be any
of beliefs founded on literature”
(p. 31).
would
I
agree that literature, as a whole, tends toward a certain antidogmatic mutability and equivocation. Yet I also think that, if specific beliefs cannot
be
founded on particular works of literature, Frye nevertheless appeals to literatures spiritual value in warning his listeners that “if we shut the vision of [literature] completely out of our minds, or insist
ways, something goes dead inside of
important to keep
A
alive” (p. 33).
us,
on
being limited
its
in various
perhaps the one thing that
little later
in the lectures,
is
really
he adds that
“lit-
erature gives us an experience that stretches us vertically to the heights
and
depths of what the
human mind
conceptions of heaven and
of literary criticism
can conceive, to what corresponds to the
hell in religion
(p. 42). Similarly,
when he
speaks
the activity of uniting literature with society” (p. 55), the critic begins to sound like the church bringing the word of God to humanity. The study of literature carries its own spiritual rewards, just as it has lessons to teach about the good life. If beliefs cannot be founded on as
litera-
ture,
perhaps a religion can
colonial schools,
Turning
where
still
be
literature
made of it,
a religion
founded
was held to redeem those
first in
who imbibed
the it.^^
to science, Frye points to literature’s particular dedication to
dream-testing ideas in
the laboratory where
and experimented with
(p. 67).
Experiments
myths themselves
in laboratories do,
are studied
on occasion,
#lead to actions of some consequence in the world. The literary treatment of colonialism was given to narrating old and new myths about human difference, about ways of dividing the world. These works of the imagination can also be expected to bilities
have had an impact on
of imperialism,
just as their authors
how
people imagined the possi-
were influenced
in turn
by the
news from the empire. The “constructive power” of literature, from The Tempest to A Passage to India, was given to notions of race, culture, and nation that have outlived their time,
certed effort to retest, as
I
am
and
it
will
continue thus unless there
is
a con-
attempting here, the moral fabric of those orig-
inating myths.
There
are strange parallels to be
found between
this call for a
mind-stretching, heavenand-hell literary experience and the “total universe” that Susan Sontag identifies with the
pornographic imagination (1982, p. 112). If the pornographic imagination represents a “spectacularly cramped form of the human imagination,” it still possesses “ a wider scale of experience’ than healthy-mindedness” (p. 116). “No wonder, then,” she notes,
“that the or radically revamped forms of the total imagination which have arisen in the past century notably those of the artist, the erotomane, the left revolutionary, the madman
new
—
have chronically borrowed the prestige of the religious vocabulary”
(p. 114).
237
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION
238
For their part, the high school students responding to Fryes essays did not hesitate in situating literatures proximity to
wrote that
literature “teaches
Jeremy divided ties:
“We
one about times,
between
literature
work, and homes,” and
dress,
educational and
its
Heather, for example,
transcendent quali-
its
study literature to improve our imagination, our vocabulary, to get
away from
and escape
reality
tended Frye’s stance,
as she
to another
pushed
and
of literature
made
field test
as a
Patricia ex-
laboratory for
by
possible
literature’s
spiritual powers:
we may
For example,
spiritually
book and gain an understanding of the this way and others literature helps us grow,
read a
plight of a black slave. In
and mentally. Our
political attitude
more worldly
erature gives us a
Without
view.
new
be influenced by or introduced to If somewhat
world or another time.”
his idea
humankind toward an anthropological vicarious
life.
is
improved because
literature
lit-
we would not
societies or attitudes.
more than Frye would comfortably subscribe
to, Patricia’s cari-
cature of growth-through-literature does capture literature’s bridge to a better
world, leading the
way
what
smug about
desire or reason to be
nation, using, in
in finding
my case,
not yet part of ourselves.
is
this faith.
books such
My work shares
as Forster’s
and
the
I
have no
same
incli-
Frye’s to “help us grow,”
move beyond that earlier global turn of imperialism come to mean for literature and education.
in a worldly striving to
and
all
that
has
it
Finally, there
is
who
the student
set
Fryes educated imagination within
the metaphorical powers of the expanded horizon: “Literature awakens one’s
imagination, before.
With
it
brings one’s attention to things they hadn’t ever thought of
this in
horizons. Frye
and
I
mind one could both agree on
say that literature helps to broaden our
this.”
imperialisms educational project in
This statement seems
its call
to
much
closer to
awakening the imagination
to
what hadnt been seen or thought before the broadening of our horizons. Literature borrows from the imperial metaphor, making similar claims for the educational benefits of an expanded world. into an empire less I
on which the sun,
it
The extended horizon developed
seemed, was never to
set.
than myself to use the tired metaphors of an earlier age
hope,
when we
ward and what suggests,
is
it
consider
how
For students, no
is
no
great crime,
they speak to what the language carries for-
allows to slip from sight. Literature’s lasting power, as Frye
both to transcend the routines of the day and to
ments of history and
culture.
But
and the educated imagination
for
all
of that power,
to decide
crystallize
mo-
it falls
to education
where the attention
to literature
should be placed.
Toward the end of the
lectures, Frye explains
how
the
Tower of Babel has
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION been the organizing myth
for his lectures,
with
its
underlying theme of a
universal
language— “the language of human nature”
finds
expression for Frye in the
its
(p. 68).
What was
lost lost
authentic poets,” Shakespeare and
Pushkin, and in the “social vision” of Lincoln and Gandhi 2 (p. 68 ). ^ Here the crux of cultural discrimination comes not only out of this global sense of a brotherhood of genius, but also in his insistence that the language of human nature “never speaks unless
we
take the time to listen in leisure,
and it speaks only in a voice too quiet for panic to hear” (p. 68). This refined sense of listening to a radio talk, such as Frye’s, in the evening after dinner, returns us to
the book’s opening image of civilization as “a
human
shape, fenced off from the jungle”
(p. 9). It
and imagery furnishing Fryes
that the props
as Gayatri
subject of
Spivak names
humanism”
it,
takes
little
enough
to see
world of literature are
ideal
overs from the jungle-conquering age of empire. affinity,
cultivated world with a
little
It is
here that
we
left-
find “the
‘between the imperialist subject and the
(1987, p. 202).
It is
here as well that
we
find literary
claim to the “universal,” to use a term that Chinua Achebe has objected to (in the context of colonialist criticism of African literature) as nothing more
than p.
a
60 ).
synonym
for the narrow, self-serving parochialism
of Europe” (1995,
-25
If we are to get
beyond
way of imagining
this
literature,
we need
to begin
how our own imaginations were educated, and how this gives literature much of its place in the world. hope there will always be books that are able
with
I
to
remove us
in
some way from
ence by acknowledging
how
the world;
literary
we need not
study and
tributed to the writing of the colonial world as a
its
forsake that experi-
object have long con-
dream
recalled, a paradise
and regained on the page. The complex relationship between literature and world that Frye inscribes, with our imaginations ascending and returning (“We are not getting any nearer heaven, and ... it is time to return to the lost
earth” [1963, p. 68]) could be turned to examining
how
deserted islands and
Arun Mukherjee
explores the universalist credo of Western literary criticism using Frye’s references to a “a single international style” as an instance, and taking exception to, among
other things, the “fiercely political
way
which Western literary criticism tends to “deradicalize” the confrontations in the works from the Third World” (1988, p. 13). in
Mukherjee describes her undergraduate students’ reading of “The Perfume Sea,” by Margaret Laurence, which deals with a beauty salon in Ghana during the country’s achievement of independence, as largely stepping over the historical moment in favor of “the anxiety and hope of humanity,” as one student put it (1995, p. 449). I'he students were able “to efface the differences between British bureaucrats and British traders, between colonizing whites and colonized blacks, and between rich blacks and poor blacks” (p. 449). The pursuit of the universal found its echo in the textbook’s editorial preface to Laurence’s story, which warned that “feminine vanity
element
in a
world of change”
(p. 450).
is
presented as the only changeless
239
240
LITERATURE AND THE EDUCATED IMAGINATION lost
empires
still
figure in
our reckoning of the world.
understand through difference and distance?
How is
What
it
is it
that
that “here”
still
the legacy of concepts that took their form during the age of empire?
students a sense of literature’s part of that legacy, a legacy that protect our place in the world, as though
how
it is
that they are housed.
I
realize,
we were
still
we
still
bears
We owe
seems to
who seldom wonder
snails
however, that these will always be
dif-
ficult,
trying points to consider with a class of students. In their readerly plea-
sures,
no
imagine
less
how
than in their belabored readings, students of literature need to time spent with accomplished works of art positions them in
the ways that Toni Morrison and Northrop Frye have suggested, that (white) beneficiaries of an educated imagination that promises to set
apart from the jungle.
The
inquiry of this legacy that
only renew connections between education and the terprise
of consequence in the world.
am
arts as
My educational hope
as
them
advocating can
an intellectual enis
that,
once these
assumptions about primitive islands and white readers are raised as at a part of literature’s story, the divisions remaining from those colonial
literary least
I
is,
days will not be able to
work
in quite the
same way.
}
t
i •t
/ V
t
*r« (I
*
s
-
>•
r
4
r, f
i
,
•
4
r
1
t )
ff
1
t
'
I
1
,»
.
Frontispiece engravingfrom Peter Kolb, Present State
Cape
of
Good Hope
(London,
and natural surroundings of the was a key
Kolb’s account
of the
of the customs
“Hottentots” ofSouth Africa
early ethnographic text for
European audiences.
TEN
OUT OF THE PAST
I
n a Vancouver school not long ago, a teacher invited his grade 7 class to discuss the nature of racism and what could be done about it. The students were not at a loss for words or ideas, judging by the videotape one
of them
made of the
diverse class used the
discussion.*
Whereas some students
Rodney King beating and other
dents of racism in the United States to
argument home by
make
well-publicized inci-
brought the
their point, others
example, that “racism
insisting, for
in this ethnically
is
in
Canadian society
because other people want Canada to be one country and one color.” Another student pointed to Canadas part in the Underground Railroad, which
helped American slaves on the road to freedom in
this country,
although a
classmate countered with Canadas imposition of a Chinese immigration tax, before allowing that “its getting lots
much
better right now, because there’s not
of news about racism anymore.”
Some
also
spoke from their
own
experience, with one describing the job
discrimination suffered by his two aunts
Kong. Another fying
what he
rattled off the racist
felt
was the racism
who had
names he had been
in his
own
Among
by the students,
was ultimately struck by the
video,
I
which pose
many
called, before identi-
caring and thoughtful final
Excerpts from the videotape are drawn from Leslie
1997)-
243
comments made
words recorded on the
a particular challenge to this book.
gested that turning to history was not the
'
Hong
family in the selection of suitable
marriage partners.
the
emigrated from
What was
way forward.
said sug-
“Let’s just forget
Roman and Timothy
Stanley (1994;
OUT OF THE PAST
244
whats happened all
George Hepler
in the past,
unique individuals and
live
stated.
^Remember
we are The stu-
that
the rest of our lives without racism.”
dent spoke into the camera with feeling, his words coming across as a hopeful conclusion to the film. Would it not be better to put yesterday’s sins be-
hind
us, to step
away from
certainly needs to be asked of this book.
My dwelling on
and
a troubled past
start afresh.^
The
question
•
scholarship’s disturbing contributions to the age of
ropean imperialism does seem an odd manner of building a greater clusion in the classroom.
Is
this the best
way
to
expand
a
level
Eu-
of in-
curriculum long
bound by ideas that grew out of Western expansion? What it might mean to move forward, I argue, cannot be assessed unless we understand what education has already
nation.
made of difference and
diversity
through
race, culture,
and
What might
be written off as the remote history of imperial adventures and misfortunes has to be considered as still working on the educated imagination. As
mounted on
if
among
the hunting trophies
the walls of the Harvard
Club
I
was once surprised
to find
m New York some years ago, we
comfortably and pleased with the prizes long after distancing ourselves from the practices. The solution, however, is not simply to redecorate. Before
sit
selling off the glassy-eyed else
trophy
of that original adventure
kills
of that colonial
past, let us ask
in learning decorates the
what
clubhouse of our
education.
We need to consider what we have learned about a world that was,
in
no
small measure, divided and instructed under the sponsorship of imperialism.
We
have to ask what the young learn of the question “Where is here?” and the part that schooling has long played in defining who belongs where. This is
my call
to history, to not forgetting but reconsidering
present in the
we can
way we tend
to see the world.
take greater charge of what
sistent past. Yet this call
comes
we
at a
It is
how
the past remains
my way of asking whether
carry forward from this inevitably per-
time
when
the very idea of history faces
the intellectual ferment of a postmodern “crisis of representation.” According to those waving the postmodern banner, we have reason to be
shaken
in
our
ability to discover
—and
such a globally complex phenomenon
modern
decidedly
represent
—
a transcending truth for
as imperialism.
enfants terrible treat history as so
much
And
while these post-
narrative that suffers
from
as-
pirations to the truth, very late Hegelians are busy writing end-of-history obituaries.^ Taken together, these critiques cannot help but seriously under-
mine what we have come 2
On
posthistory, see Lutz
end ot meaning (1992,
p.
to
count on and use
as “history.”
What
is it,
then.
Niethammer, who sees it as not “the end of the world but the 3); and on history as narrative, see Hayden White (1987).
OUT OF THE PAST that
can reasonably hope to do with the past,
I
now
that
no longer stands
it
before us like a chronologically ordered shelf of books, waiting to be opened
and read?
there
Is
still
non^ciion section to be found? Such questions,
a
light of
what
history
and schooling, on the idea of a
new
in a
I
way.
have argued for up to
To
end,
this
I
this point, call for further reflection
schoolchildren to suggest that the account that far
1
think
is
a final
sample of
called for
is
not so
removed from what the young already know.
was once enough
It
on
useful past that can serve the schools
draw on comments from
will
in
wise” (1909,
p. 151).
for Francis
And
Bacon
although
to claim that “historians
make men
claim seems dated in this cynical age,
this
the recently proposed national standards for history teaching in the United
by quoting Thomas Jefferson’s advice that history prepares us for the future, and Etienne Gilsons idea that history is a laboratory for testing States begin
the consequences of thought.^ Yet
how
too easy to point out
it is
this faith in
history stands in the face of the century’s principal horrors, from the First
World War
to the Persian
Gulf War,
of which were launched by those
all
who
did not want for an education in history. If I fear that forgetting the past will leave
me
prepared for the future,
ill
value of recalling what to the history that
we have
of the
in the story
came
before.
inherited
still
I
The is
cannot count on the ready-made
idea of returning with a critical eye
not only about what has gone missing
but also about a history that has remained
past,
present as a force in our
lives;
which
is
to say that
more or
all
too
better history
teaching, including the history of imperialism, does not in itself point the
way
forward. In
one
with Flegel. losophy
sense,
my approach
“What
of History,
to history
comes down
to a further wrestling
experience and history teach,” Flegel writes in The Phi-
“is this
—
that people
and governments never have learned
anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from For
my
part,
I
it”
(1956, p. 6).
have been arguing that most everything people
know about
the world at large has
come down
to
them from the
How
past,
and
in that sense
they are nothing
if
not students ol history.
know
if
not out of the history of meaning posed by family and
the world,
school?
How
does a child
first
come
does the child grow into the meaning of the world
if
to
not
through the interpretations established by the prominent voices of previous
and Gilson are invoked under the heading “The Significance of History the Educated Citizen” in National Standards for World History (National Center, 1994,
^Jefferson for p.
I).
^45
OUT OF THE PAST
246
generations that pervade the carriers
keeping
of
of
this history,
alive their
this history
school lessons on toric
transforming
connections with
it,
rewriting corners of
it. It
it,
acting
can also be said that what
something broad and philosophic. Long
finally
is
morning papers and evening TV? People become
Columbus and Cook
is
on
it,
made
after the
are forgotten, people retain their his-
encounters with difference, read across such two-dimensional spectrums
as civilized
and savage. West and
the details having been
comes poetic
lost, are
East, white
than history,
Poetry
he writes
black.
These history
compared
to history, has a greater
something more philosophic and of graver import
is
in Poetics, “since its
statements are of the nature rather
of universals whereas those of history are singulars” (1947, this poetic
lessons,
elevated to universal principles. History be-
in Aristotle’s sense, as poetry,
claim to truth.
and
p. 636).'^ In just
way, the historical distinctions that the imperial powers used to
establish colonies, divide races,
and distinguish
cultures are transformed into
universals of nature.
These universals then become what people and governments do indeed learn from history.
Of course, found outside
no lexicon tried as
there
as
no return
this history
which
hard
is
to a
of history.
pre-Columbian world, no place
We have
foreign to this history,
is
anyone
to write
beyond the
no language
—no
to be
syntax and
who has borders of what came before. “We writes Jacques Derrida,
can pronounce not a single destructive proposition which has not already had to slip into the form, the logic, and the implicit postulations of precisely
what
it
seeks to contest
Eden, for a time or a nial project in all
of
(1978b, pp. 280—81).
state its
of mind before the
The
search for a prelapsarian
was
itself
part of the colo-
destructive contradictions, a point
George Steiner
fall,
forcefully renders in discussing the nostalgia for the Absolute: “Possessed, as It
were, by
some
archetypal rage at [our] exclusion from the
Garden of Par-
by some torturing remembrance of that disgrace, we have scoured the earth for vestiges of Eden and laid them to waste wherever we have found them” (1974, p. 32). adise,
The ing. Its
and
past
is
not forgotten, but
it is
used to invest the present with mean-
transformation into universal truths makes for better mental storage
access,
we might
Thus, we view
say today in light of advances in cognitive psychology.
a typical
newspaper photograph of the white cow
sitting in
the streets of an Indian city as the timeless truth of that country’s collapsed
I
am
indebted here to
M.
I.
Finleys discussion of ancient Greek historiography, in which
he helplully points out that historia, which refers simply to inquiry into the past, was “invented” by Herodotus “to preserve,” in Finleys words, “the fame of the great and wonderful actions of the Greeks and barbarians” (1986, p. 30).
OUT OF THE PAST and ancient
civilization.
The
challenge before us, in the face of this “actual”
to arrive,
and
to help students arrive, at
photograph,
is
an understanding of
how
history renders the world sensible, a history that seems above all to dictate the meaning of difference. What 1 see in photographs of India has been produced by the lifetimes of hard, deliberate work that went into
engineering
the intellectual infrastructure of European expansion. that we cannot step beyond the historical encoding
what he names elsewhere its
educated grasp, he
(1982) a “white
When
Derrida
insists
of the world, beyond
mythology” that holds
many of us
in
speaking to a history that inscribes what has become the nature of the body. The perception of race, you may recall Carlton Coon is
reassuring his readers in The Origin of Races, is only natural (1962, p. 662). Well, the human perception of difference per se is natural enough. We
cannot
but by making distinctions. But the significance invested in any given difference forms an order of work, history, and discourse, that then live
only natural.”
passes as
The
specific differences that
we
learn to attend to
with acuity— such as those grouped under the heading “race”— and the extremely consequential burden of meaning that we learn to assign to those dif-
ferences are the result of a historical process that each of us
is
educated within.
To change
the significance of those differences will take an educational effort at least equal to the one required to put those meanings in place to begin with.
My modest proposal
supplement our education with a consideration of imperialisms influence on the teaching of history, geography, science,
language, and literature
works on
m
is
the
first
hope
the
that
it
will
change the way
this legacy
us.
These additional lessons question
to
why it
is
are intended to help
perfectly natural for
all
of us understand and
Kathy Chin, the student introduced
chapter, to understand that although she was born
Canada, she
is
and not just of her own
volition
and grows up
— Chinese.
do not
in in
yet
have an education prepared to deal with what has gone into the making ol the boundaries between East and West, between races and cultures, that we live
within.
My intention
not to free Kathy from the complex suppositions of identity nor to deny her the opportunity to choose how she would still
identify herself,
ment
is
only
is
whether within or against how others identify
that, as imperialism’s legacy
dents learn of the world,
its
her.
My argu-
continues to contribute to what stu-
influence on learning deserves to figure far
more
explicitly as a topic for consideration in their formal education. Students have a right to see
what the West, and
its
proud process of education, has made of
them, even
as this
ucation; for
one paradoxical implication of what
I
knowledge
is
bound
to complicate 1
and implicate
their ed-
have assembled here
continue to count on the educational system to make us
free,
even as
is 1
that
ques-
247
OUT OF THE PAST
248
tion
its
entrenched complicity with imperialism. But
entwined with imperialism modern education association,
I
is,
after tracking just
after five centuries
how
of close
have to wonder whether education can ever stand completely
apart from this imperial legacy.
What
are the prospects
against a legacy that has contributed so
much
of turning education
our understanding of the ed-
to
ucated imagination?^
There may be no better instance of the double bind that drives ject that turns on,
even as
erick Douglass of his
was published
own
it
this pro-
turns to, education, than the story told by Fred-
education
as a slave. In his
autobiography, which
he describes his surreptitious acquisition of literacy
in 1845,
came of tricking white children into sharing the letters of the alphabet with him. As he acquired the ability to read and write, it afforded him, as he that
puts
new and
a
it,
with which
Of all “I
that
now I
my youthfial
it
did for him, he
mans power
prized
it
highly.
and mysterious
things,
understanding had struggled, but struggled In vain.” felt
that the light
understand what has been to
the white
and
special revelation, explaining dark
that
cast
on
was foremost:
slavery
me a most perplexing difficulty man.
to enslave the black
From
it
moment,
I
It
was
a
—
to wit,
grand achievement
understood the pathway from
freedom (i960, pp. 58-59). Douglass manages not only to affirm the fundamental faith in learning, which is no more than the missionaries of
slavery to
education had long sought to engender in their charges, but also to affirm whites’ superiority
pean
right, as
by virtue of this
some
interpreted
it,
lettered art.
to enslave others.
pears delighted with stealing the secret of also suggests the
scribing letters
fire
basis for the
on
a page.
is
To
from the gods,
precisely
enslave a people by
what
least, literacy lights a
sort
Euro-
Although Douglass ap-
moral hollowness of those whose authority
needs to be asked, hands, at
Such was
his statement
Is
based on in-
means of an alphabet,
it
of grand achievement”? In Douglass’s
pathway
to
freedom (with
its
echo of Hegel’s
Whatever education’s complicity with power, whatever the paradoxical tension stretched taut between emancipation and entrapHistory-as-Spirit).
ment, Douglass turns as
it
it
against that
power and into something
to be prized
liberates.
This
Is
much
the spirit of multicultural, antiracist,
and feminist
initia-
what can reasonably be asked in the face of this legacy, I would support Said s educational hope for an end of orientalism that would "ideally go beyond coercivejimitations on thought toward a non-dominative and non-essentialist type of learning, with an aim not so much to dissipate difference itsell for who can deny the con^
In considering
.
.
.
—
stitutive role ol national as well as cultural differences in the relations between human beings— but to challenge the notion that difference implies hostility, a frozen reified set
of
opposed essences”
(1995, pp. 4, 6).
OUT OF THE PAST fives that, in
seeking to identify the obviously Eurocentric and patriarchal elements in the curriculum, are now part of what gets talked about in schools
and
universities. In
support of that disruptive
aspects of academic disciplines that gave
made of the
mation of identity continue
to such ideas as the
examined within West-
critically
ern education. Students need to see what science entalist scholars
have focused on specific
I
modern form
of the West, aspects which need to be
rise
talk,
made of race and what
These particular contributions
East.
An
to affect their lives.
ori-
to the for-
education in the
and what scholarship has made of the world. Despite the grade 7 student Georges hopes and the philosopher Hegel’s fears, a cerarts
sciences needs to include
tain reading little
of the past
is still
review or reflection.
very
“The
much
past
character say in Rcc^uievn jhv d Nun.
We still that
need to
we can no
alism possible?
of history
ask,
What
is
it
us;
rather,
how can
courses through us with
not even past”
mean
(1951, p. 92).^
to be held in the throes
How is
longer trust or be comforted by?
Or
it
never dead,” William Faulkner has a
Its
does
with
of a past
a history of imperi-
such a history be useful? Clearly, the study
not about achieving picture-perfect representations of an earlier reality. “Realism,” which served as the principal intellectual goal of European thinking about history during the nineteenth century, is not the force it once was.^
is
Not long
ago,
Roland Barthes took the decline of the
tive as “the sign [that]
History
ligible (1988, p. 140; Barthes’s
of what France.
I
have presented in
is
henceforth not so
emphasis). This
book.
this
Ojibwa students were beaten
these schools.
What
ligible the struggle
is
needed from
today over,
The
Deborah Britzman
clusive
may
the
reaUs the
not to undermine the
intel-
reality
Jesuits built schools in
New
for speaking their native language in
this history
say, native
world history textbook terminates the time ^
is
much
historical narra-
is
that
which can make
control of schooling. line
of Chinese history
intel-
When
the
in the six-
an odd turn of events, curricula that purport to be inactually work to produce new forms of exclusivity if the only subject positions writes that
in
offered are the tolerant normal
and the tolerated subaltern” (1995, p. 160; Britzmans emphasis). In offering a similar warning for the discipline of comparative literature, Key Chow asks that, despite “the euphoria of oppositional thinking,” we not be misled into thinking that by making the gesture of welcoming non-Western cultures and civilizations into our curricula, we are going to make real changes. ... We need to
remember that there has been a complicated history in the West of the study of non-Western, non-European languages; our Eurocentric multilingual comparatists have always had their counterparts in the great Orientalists, Sinologists, Indologists, and so forth” (1995, pp. no-ii).
Hayden White; “Nineteenth-century European
culture displayed everywhere a rage for a apprehension of the world”; “each oi the most important cultural movements and ideologies of the nineteenth century Positivism, Idealism, Naturalism, realistic
—
ism, Symbolism, Vitalism, Anarchism, Eiberalism, and so ‘realistic’
comprehension of social
reality
than
its
on
—claimed
(literary) Real-
to provide a more competitors” (1973, pp. 45-46).
249
250
OUT OF THE PAST we saw
teenth century, as it
earlier in this
book, the problem
thereby misses the reality or truth of China. There
not simply that
not going to be a his-
of China (any more than a truth of imperialism)
torical truth
prehensive or singular sense, no matter
of China (or imperialism).
What
is
how exhaustive
of the West’s project with history and
reaches back, perhaps, to Hegel
s
any com-
an explanation of
is
would
its
in
the historical coverage
required of teachers
the textbooks suspension of Chinese history that gibility
is
is
increase the intelli-
teaching, a project that
notion that the non-Western world
exists
outside History and the World-Spirit.
The
educational approach to history that
described as
This books focus
pragmatic.
may seem
ence. This approach
I
it. It
has been a
advocating here
on the
is
past’s
is
best
continuing pres-
to use history crassly, as an instrument for
solving the problems of the present; “presentism” ingly call
am
is
what
common enough educational
historians disparag-
ploy for trying to con-
vince students of history’s timeless relevance (Seixas, 1993). Yet rather than asking which history is most relevant to today’s situation or asking that the past be judged
by the standards of the present,
I
am
pursuing the history that
continues to trouble aspects of current educational practices. Imperialism is but one trace element within this process. Such traces in, say, the field of ge-
ography can help us understand
how human
difference
structured and
is
given meaning by the educated imagination. Turning our attention to these educational traces of imperialism might well speed up and direct the gradual
breakdown of this legacy
that reflects centuries of intellectual labor.
over a history textbooks obscuring of Chinese history can the traditional division of the world
(if
mean
To pause
interrupting
not of the student) between East and
West. This historical exclusion of China contravenes the universalizing norms
of Western realism
— how can
a country exist outside time.^
—
for
no other ap-
parent reason than to bolster the great divide. These lessons also seek to end the exclusion that students who are identified as Chinese are made to suffer in seeing
China omitted from most of what
is
known
as
modern
exclusion only confounds our best efforts to understand
Good
vides continue to operate.
to cover what’s missing
also needs to be
made apparent
ence, language,
a feature
and
of
these great di-
from the
traditional program.
to students that such exclusion
how
This
teachers have long found supplementary
works on China
an oversight but
how
history.
is
But
it
not simply
the disciplines of geography, history, sci-
literature (as well as the arts
and mathematics) have gone
about dividing the world since the age of empire.
That much at stake
said,
it
should be clear that more than the history of China
m VC'^estern schools.
identity of the child.
When
^OCTiat is
foremost,
I
would
hold,
is
is
the historical
Michel Foucault speaks of the “history of the
dif-
OUT OF THE PAST tercnt
modes by which,
in
our culture,
human
not hard to imagine the imperial legacy doing
who
the young, subjectivity
is
are
and
its
are not, for example,
written and
named within
schools and popular culture.
We
are as
made subjects,” it is make subjects out of
beings are part to
Chinese (1982,
p.
Our
208).
the historically contingent texts of
we
named. The only hope of un-
are
derstanding and gaining some distance from this process appears to be to catch a glimpse of what has passed in the rearview mirror. In Foucaults terms, my historical inquiry into imperialism has been about how “human beings are
made
subjects
and how they
from others.” Such
are “divided inside [themselves] or divided
the “government of individualization” (p. 212.). Foucauldian imperative “We have to know the historical conditions is
—
The
which
motivate our conceptualizations”— calls for attending to the “dividing practices by which knowledge and subjects, both school and individual, are constituted (p. 209). Learning to divide the
within, Foucault
devotes
little
would
say, a
world
in this
regime du savoir
attention to imperialism, he
way
(p. 212).
comes
is
to be inscribed
Although Foucault
close to posing
my projects
central question in his conclusion to
that fear
The Archeology ofKnowledge'. “What is that makes you seek, beyond all boundaries, ruptures, shifts, and
divisions, the great historico-transcendental destiny
of the Occident?” (1972,
p. 210).
Teaching to
this sense
of destiny
is
precisely
what
E.
D. Hirsch, Diane
Ravitch, Arthur Schlesinger, and other contemporary defenders of a largely national cultural literacy in the United States are banking on to “unite” a fractured America. Their earnest directing of the school
curriculum toward pre-
serving “the great historico-transcendental destiny of the Occident” might make more students feel at home if it included a critical treatment
of
that destiny
come. As
was constructed on divisions that we
are
now working
how
to over-
described in the opening chapter, educators are responsible for developing an account with their students of what has brought us to seeing the I
world divided
my own
in this way. Imperialism’s educational legacy, so
schoolbooks decades ago, today exhibits
far less
prominent
in
prejudice toward the
non-Western world. Current history textbooks, at their best, address how the legacy of imperialism has shaped the writing of history, although others, it is true, do not interrupt earlier traditions. Far fewer biology texts today carry the miscegenation torch, preferring to give the impression that the study of biology has had nothing to do with the concept of race.
For a teacher to give an account of imperialism’s educational legacy means learning about how the world was divided as a result of the energetic study of the world. Given that
study of imperialism can hold no guarantee for decreasing racism, this inquiry finds its educational warrant in stuthis
251
252
OUT OF THE PAST know where
dents’ right to
would make of them,
the material they study
comes from and what
rights that underlie the principle
have been advocating. In this way,
countability
I
demonstrate
how much
of what we mean by
this
it
of educational ac-
book
race, culture,
intended to
is
and nation was
how much of its legacy was the work of scholars know what people will do with what they learn, but
shaped by imperialism, and
and schools.
It is
lack of assurance
hard to is
hardly a reason to shy away from reflecting on what peo-
ple educated in the spirit of in the past.
European imperialism have made of the world
Educators need to give an account of what their emerging pro-
fession (of learning) did during
ement
in the
what was,
for education as
much
as for
any
el-
West, the Great Expansion.
Lessons in Learning Imperialism’s great educational enterprise began in an effort to remake the
world of learning. The Arawak people
who greeted Columbus on
the beaches
undid what Europe had known of the world. These newfound people defied the strictures of Scripture (they were naked and not ashamed). They con-
founded the
classical learning
of science (they were neither hairy nor mon-
They created a need for a supplement that would incorporate this New World into the old ways of understanding. Europe’s great intellectual
strous).
challenge,
H.
J.
Elliott has
and
as well as Asia
argued (1970), was to assimilate the
Africa, within a
new European world
peans sought to place the people they met in the racial order, to
to collect
order.
New World
The Euro-
into a revised
convert them to Christianity, to teach them European lan-
guages, to rewrite their histories and laws, to rename
and
New World,
and preserve the
artifacts
them and
their land,
of their culture. Europe sought to
bring this other form of life into an ordering of the world that would amount to an elaborate supplement to the medieval mappae mundi that firmly set the divisions between Earlier,
I
Europe and Asia and
made
it
clear that
I
Africa.
have faced
my own
imperialist dangers with
namely, in the sheer expansiveness of the suggested association of education and imperialism that I have engaged in explicating. The forces of this project,
imperialism might appear educational in their every purpose, and education during those years of empire must necessarily seem imperialist in its every in-
But given the shaping of educational practices (in English language and literature) and the initiation of disciplines (anthropology and modern geogtent.
raphy) against the backdrop of imperialism, cult to insist literal
on
it is
going to be extremely
diffi-
boundaries between the metaphorical and the associations of imperialism and education. The Western thirst for clear, distinct
learning in that earlier era was supported by, where
it
was not simply an ex-
OUT OF THE PAST tension
the desire for colonial acquisition and political domination exercised by the European powers. Imperialism, in turn, fostered a global market for Its own educational resources, as it sought to make the world into a storehouse of knowledge: “The sixteenth century collected facts as it collected exoi,
otic objects, assembling
them
for display in
cosmographies
rios in a cabinet,” Elliott writes (1970, p. 30).
great deal to learn
having taught
from the world but very
The West
little
that
it
like so
many
believed that
would
it
cu-
had
a
credit others as
with few exceptions. Adventurous autodidacticism prevailed among the curious and the carefree who set off to teach themselves about these new realms, only to return home to interested audiences keen on learnit,
what these self-made scnolars made of the world. For all of the learning that went on abroad, Europeans showed little appreciation for their native ing
teachers,
who were
regarded as informants. There remains the ironic sense that the sophisticated learned from the naive, a role reversal that, it is as-
sumed, was not
fully appreciated
porary dressed-up
on language,
as likely
teachers.
^
by natives who served the colonists
After
all,
who was
it
who
as
tem-
took those lessons
example, and turned them into learned papers, dictionaries, grammars, and other works of scholarship? And how are we now to question for
the hold of the
West on the
role
of global authority and educator?
Learning proved another way for the
VC^est to
take the rest of the world in
hand, whether by conducting geological surveys, preserving ancient texts, or setting up schools. None of this can be faulted, except that the globalization
of Western understanding was always about a relative positioning of the West by a set of coordinates defined by race, culture, and nation. Although
we
can-
not hope to ascertain the precise contribution of scientific efforts to advancing the colonial empires nor calculate the whole of imperialism’s educational interests, we must still be prepared to challenge grade 7 student George Heplers advice to just say no to history. We need to ask him whether this al-
ways
partial inquiry
does not
too often passes as the
human
at least
hold out the hope of dislodging what
nature of difference.
history of divisions that, for example, set call
them
into question.
It
reveals
cated amateurs working hand
and
m
how
one
To
trace the natural(izing)
race apart
from another
these divisions were
first
cast
is
to
by dedi-
hand with champions of global expansion
domination. With time, an education system arose that encompassed the resulting systems of classification, the history of a triumphant racial
West, the worldly powers of the English language, and the literature of island 8
The
race
and
were kept present when, for example, Lt. lerome Becker, Congo during the 1880s, spoke of using “our black domestic ser-
class differences
stationed in the Belgian
vants ... as language teachers” (cited by Fabian, 1986,
p. 30).
253
254
OUT OF THE PAST
A
paradises.
the colonized, cover.
And
cultural
dome of learning was
gilded
who
constructed upon the columns of
were held to be sheltered from their
own
savagery by this
today, the educational legacy of imperialism extends across the
spectrum
—whether
textbook treatments of Chinese history, Dis-
in
ney theme parks, or television reruns of Wild Kingdom. The imperial gaze sustained in
many
tourist
and educational
enterprises, representing a certain
domestication of imperialism while continuing as a
classroom of instruction and delight.^
ucators ever-present hope, that
I
is
It is
staking out of the world
its
with caution, then, and an ed-
turn to the schools to consider the prospects
of gaining a greater measure of critical distance from
this
educational legac>^
In School
As
It
turns out, George Heplers
the past
is
exactly
recommendation
to his classmates to forget
what schools have often done and done very
well, in the
face of controversy. Standard practice for educators, always with brave excep-
been to shy away from subjects wherein
tions, has
some. Educational programs on
life
turns serious and fear-
sexuality, substance abuse,
and violence,
for
example, have been a long time coming. What, then, of Imperialism’s troubling legacy, especially as IS
no longer
It
implicates the arts
viable as a scientific category,
ogy textbooks do by
default,
is
and
To
sciences?
say that race
which the majority of recent
one thing, but
biol-
to ignore science’s long service
m the construction of race seems an act of miseducation, leaving students to wonder how
race has taken
on such weight
as a
nonbiological
phenomenon.
Although one science textbook has dealt with the eugenics movement (Bullard et
al., 1992.),
sciences larger contribution to the
yet to find a place within
what students can expect
meaning of race has
Fortunately, this head-In-the-sand attitude has always struck as irresponsible,
about biology.
to learn
some educators
and, far from the mainstream of educational publishing, they
have created excellent support materials on the science of race and the economics of neocolonialism, to name two examples introduced earlier in this
book
(Gill
and Levidow, 1987; Gage,
and sciences that
In writing
I
see as
1993).
It is
this critical
look at the
arts
an important addition to the considerable work that
of “the legacy of conquest”
the American West, Patricia Nelson Limerof struggles over land and legitimation through cultural tourism, while portraying an ongoing educational treatment of this harsh heritage: “When Indian war dances became tourist spectacles, when the formerly scorned customs of the Chinese drew tourists to Chinatown, when former out-groups found that characteristics that had once earned them disapproval could now earn them a living, when fearful, lifethreatening deserts became charming patterns of color and light, the war was over and the frontier could be considered closed and even museumized” felt in
ick describes the continuation
(1987, p. 25).
OUT OF THE PAST is
being done on numerous fronts in multicultural global education (Gold-
and McLaren,
berg, 1994; Sleeter
1995).'^
This book has sought to ask readers to tional legacy for their
own
reflect
education and that of the young.
tend to provide adequate support for teachers
themes of
book
this
The
My
into their classrooms.
provide a basis for teachers to educations.
on imperialism’s educa-
down
sit
starting point
world within the scope of this
who
wish to introduce the
hope, however,
is
that
it
will
together to reflect on and compare
how we
to get a feel for
is
does not pre-
It
think and see the
This reflection could
intellectual legacy.
lead,
imagine the process, to the selection or development of specific supplements, for each of the subject areas, that encourage student and teacher to
as
I
step back
though
and examine how the subject has come approach
this
intended to change the way
is
of history, geography, and other subject legacy
is all
that
one would want
areas,
frame the world." Al-
we
envision the teaching
does not
it
to teach or learn about.
situating the lessons, maps, textbooks, it
to
and
provides a sense of where these lessons
films, that
It
mean
that this
becomes
make up an
came from and how,
a
way of
education;
in trying to
move beyond this legacy of colonialism, they need to change, to be viewed in a new way. Although this sense of change can be introduced through passing
comments perhaps
reflecting
imperialism’s educational legacy
on
one’s
own
would form
education, direct lessons on
a postcolonial
supplement
to the
curriculum. As a starting point in helping educators imagine, in a crudely
schematic sense, what in the world might be taught to the young this
book,
I
as a result
have drawn up a “postcolonial supplementary project grid” that
gratuitously reduces this In considering
what
book it
to a
would
snappy student
activity sheet (fig.
realistically take to
make
i).
the educational
legacy of imperialism part of the curriculum, classroom handouts aside, foresee three
of
major objections that touch on what
'®See Peter McLaren, who, in the
name of a
is
I
can
both too remote and too
“revolutionary multiculturalism,” proposes
“we must actively help students to challenge sites of discursive hierarchy rather than delocalizing and dehistoricizing them,” which will redeem us “from our finitude as passive supplicants of history” (1994, pp. 68-69). " Derrida captures the educational value of the supplement in Rousseaus ^mile, where that
education, [which
the keystone of Rousseauist thought, will be described or presented as a system of substitution [suppleance] destined to reconstitute Natures edifice in “all
the most natural
way
is]
possible” (1974, p. 145).
He
points out that the supplement “adds
Avrmor outside of the positivity to which it is superadded, alien to it must be other than it” (p. 145; Derridas emphasis). Just so, we need a history of imperialism to which is superadded imperialism’s writing of history and other disciplines as an infiuence on the formation of the disciplines, as both alien to what has been meant by studying history and capable, in that way, of replacing only to replace”;
it
“is
that which, in order to be replaced by
some
small part of it.
255
256
OUT OF THE PAST Figure
1.
A Postcolonial Supplementary Project Grid Identity Concepts
Gender
Race
Culture
Nation
Empire
Disciplines
The Educational Legacy ofImperialism
History
1)
Geography
2) In the treatment
In the portrayal of the other
the
Science
Students
of distance from
Families
West
3) In the
Language
Domains ofInquiry
Teachers
placement of the non-Western
Schoolbooks
outside history
Literature
Community
4) In the suggestion
Others
of evolutionary
differ-
ences along moral, cultural, and/or
Informal
psychological lines 5) In the construction
6) In the equation
Popular Culture
Education
of racial differences
Arts
of culture and/or
Literature
nationality with race
Scholarship State
HOW THE PROJECT
GRID WORKS: With any of the
disciplines, the teacher
can use instances from schoolbooks or popular culture to demonstrate how a discipline continues the educational legacy of imperialism, which has an impact on what are termed, for purposes of this grid, identity concepts and domains of inquiry.
Examples beginning with the
disciplines
might include the following. The
disciplines listed are only those that receive detailed treatment in this book. (a)
History. Students look at
an informal education setting such
how
the concept of nationality
as a
museum
exhibition
\s
presented in
on the American
Revolution. (b)
Geography: Students interview
understanding of the (c)
Science. Students
identity in (d)
members of the community ^howx. changing meaning of culture.
to racial
humans.
Language: Students examine the educational implications of the
language policies in the (e)
examine old biology schoolbooks
their
new South
African constitution.
Literature: Students review previous
mances, and
critical
miscegenation.
state
works on Othello
assignment questions, perfor-
for their treatment
of race, gender, and
OUT OF THE PAST immediate about whether
legacy,
this topic.
in
use of literature to
Some may
say that imperialisms educational
geography s exotic representation of the other or in the civilize, is simply removed from today’s struggles against
racism in the school yard and workplace. Imperialism seems a topic
more wanting makes
when thinking about American
in relevance
vivid the colonial entanglement of conquest
America did
to construct
how
dents appreciate
an educated rationale for both.
the
schools, until
one
slavery,
^J7e
and
all
is
that
need to help stu-
the ideas that took root in that context could
form the way the world to relearn the world.
and
all
still
in-
divided, with the challenge before us being trying
By way of examples,
I
have tried to
tie
the persistence of
most unassuming of ideas within our education. Perhaps the best instance is the geographically elusive boundary between Asia and Europe, which is otherwise so firm and fixed a great divide in our minds. Impethis legacy to the
rialisms intellectual
accomplishments can be shown to be an immediate and present aspect of how the West continues to construct the world in an educational sense.
After imperialism’s seeming remoteness, a second challenge facing educators
is
how
to teach
about
this legacy
jects themselves. Placing the actual
lum under
scrutiny
is
Typically, as with sex
when
and
a different order of dealing with controversial issues.
and drugs, aim
history, to
how
it
is
taken at the teenage behavior that
courage that exceeds the
what
is
so
level
is
would ask
this particular
that
its
managed
own
to ob-
of educational
required to teach about safe sex or dangerous
wrong with
pride rather than apology? Well, I
eye toward
to ask the school for a level
the
West
Every society does; such ethnocentrism
still
self-critical
has both participated in and
scure the privileging of the West,
drugs. Yet
of the school sub-
critical
content and organization of the curricu-
needs constraining. Asking the school to turn a practices
it is
I
is
telling
its
best story to
only natural.
would respond,
some allowance be made
regime of ethnocentrism, that
this
Why is
not do
where we
for the scale is,
its
young? with
it
are,
and
and proximity of
for the global educational
consequences of imperialism’s legacy within and beyond the West. In fostering this critical stance toward education, have proposed that we begin with 1
our
own
schooling, to see
how
matters of identity and difference have
changed and have been retained since the collapse of colonialism. “We were born in an era when Europe still seemed to be and perhaps was Queen of the world,” reflected Henri Baudet in 1959, “yet the West’s great retreat from
—
—
Asia and Africa, which spelled the visible end of our classic expansion and of
Western mastery of the world has taken place within the space of
less
than
257
258
OUT OF THE PAST one generation”
(1965, p. 6). In taking this critical
disciplines, those
of us
who
fall
approach to the academic
today within that single generations span are
asking students to join with us in rethinking what
Baudet goes on
“We
say,
we have
As
have witnessed a tremendous event, requiring in-
and explanation, even though we may,
sight, interpretation,
inherited.
in the
meantime,
be unable to provide more than a mere provisional explanation of a very gen-
My
eral nature” (pp. 6-7).
have an irreversible,
will
and
third
final area
diate spaces of teaching,
colonialism, the
that the pursuit of such accounts
not exactly predictable, effect on imperialisms
if
ways of dividing the world,
A
hope remains
to the educational benefit
of concern,
also
touching on the close and imme-
comes from returning
way people were
of all concerned.
to
what was most ugly about
divided at every turn as different, inferior.
What impact will this have on racial awareness and tension in the classroom? What will this make of the color-blind classroom? Will it add to the backlash that has
formed against the gains that have been made
firmative action,
in
and other forms of redistributing power?
have any choice but to
hope
set aside the liberal
gender equity, I
af-
do not think we
for color blindness
and
to
address the backlash with the undiminished sense of difference and distance to
which the students
historical
bound
are always already witnesses,
working with them on the
and interested construction of those categories of difference.
to be disconcerting to delve into, for example, the
ing of racial categories in the service of imperialism. Such filled
with the awkward, discomforting
moments
that
teacher bearing witness to truths that are difficult to under.
To
give an intellectual
book has sought
and
historical
It is
Euro-American
work
is
bound
fix-
to be
come of student and find a way out from
account of our education, which
how the personal experience of it is written on the bodies of those who are now asked to study it. This was brought home to me by Ceila Haig-Brown, who described how presenting this
her historical
to do, can
work on
vinced her just
fail
to allow for
native residential schools to First Nations leaders con-
how inadequate academic account giving can
allows for a bearing of witness by those
conducted
in the
name of cultural
who
salvation
More
it
also
suffered the outrages that were
and
assimilation.
been on giving an account, but what that presumes of ‘2
be unless
its
My
focus has
audience, of
how
James Fenton has written on what he terms the “unfinished nature of imperial business through an examination of English poetry that comes to much broader conclusions: “Much as everyone might like it the empire does not collapse overnight. It recently,
collapses once.
Then
continues to collapse.
It breaks up once and then it breaks up again and again and again, and again. Peoples lives are ruined by it. Nations are ruined by it. People are still on the move, because there once was an empire and now the empire is no more” (1996, p. 62). it
OUT OF THE PAST that history speaks to them, also has to
form part of the pedagogy among
stu-
dents and teacher as a
way of coming at these lessons. What needs to be made clear is that, as the schools have contributed to racialized identities, so they need to be engaged in study of their own historical construction. This is no more than education’s assuming responsibility for its
its
own handiwork, no more and
faulty lessons,
to
do
than a faith in
so with the
who
suffer those earlier lessons.
clear
of the sort of “liberal transaction”
it
in the
and need
to revise
young because they may be
the ones
its
ability
This embrace of history that, as
will also
Glen Loury
American context, portrays African Americans
as
need to steer
(1995)
denounces
no more than
vic-
tims of historical injustices. Victimization forms yet another side of the imperial gaze. Rather, the
aim here
is
to effect a series
what we make of education. These would include,
how
example, examining
for
categories of identity are treated as facts of nature rather than products
of history. This that
of course corrections in
it
is
too conceptual, perhaps, and
end prejudice or
will
inequality.
Nor
I
is it
don’t assume, as I’ve said,
about denying what Loury
terms “the saliency, the power, the inescapability of race”
(p. 66). It
helping students find what these categories have
mean, and thus
find themselves, especially as
vides of race, culture, If teachers
tion
how
today
in
many of them
and nation through
come
to
is
about to
have crossed those historical di-
their
own
lives.
can see their way past these obstacles, there remains the ques-
ready students are to attend to such histories.
making sense of such
history, culture,
and
Where
are students
difference? Well-publicized
surveys regularly reveal the wealth of historical and geographical ignorance possessed by the young, which
would seem
into the category of the overly ambitious.
we
possibly
hope
to
go
in disentangling
to
put the aspirations of this book
Where do we
start
although
we may owe
are not ready for
As
it
is,
around the geography
I
it,
the
not sure what
young an explanation
and thus we
can
it
for
will
be no definite
would mean
to say that
what we have made, they
are absolved of our responsibility.
have been encouraged by what high school students from
Pacific region in a
am
1
far
what imperialism has wrought from
what we know and what we would teach the young? There answer to such questions, but
and how
have written about culture, language, history, and
study that Lynn
Thomas and
1
have been conducting.'^ They
'^For a description of the study, see John Willinsky (1994b).
More than
dents have participated thus far from twelve countries; for the
a
thousand stu-
round of analysis on students’ drawing and labeling maps of what they envision as the Pacific region, see Willinsky and Thomas (1994); and on ethnic tensions, see Thomas and Willinsky (in press). The work of paraticipating Japanese students reported here has been translated into English by Allan Bailey. first
259
26 o
OUT OF THE PAST do
not, as a rule,
show
understanding of
a great historical
gion, but out of the sheer range of their responses tain awareness
and vulnerability
way of seeing what as imperialism.
a
has been
one
this
By way of previewing our
as a result
report
on
this
The
reader can hear
how students
more
elaborate
of such phenomena
ongoing study,
sample of the students comments on culture that convey
have already acquired about one of imperialism’s more
re-
finds expressed a cer-
that could be coaxed into a
made of the world
complex
just
I
offer
what they
elastic concepts.
seek a place within the reality of cate-
Hawaiian student’s expression of bewilderment over how one is be identified and where one feels one belongs, in a variation of that ques-
gories, in this
to
“Where
tion
I
is
feel that
I
Korean but considered ture
and
here.^”:
belong to two cultures, but only one community. I
feel also a bit
local,
of Hawaiian since
born and raised in Hawaii. but most of that
their beliefs
from the mainland, who gave them at
how Koreans do
Korea, and
this local
community
here on
I
love the
gone due
is
I
to
Hawaiian
it
make
full
cul-
to the missionaries
go
by.
When
don’t feel a part of it
Does
am
Hawaii and [am]
live in
new culture
things,
that culture, but not that culture. is
a
I
I
sense?
—
look
I
like
1
am
My community
Oahu.
This student chooses locality over race and the “fullness” of blood and genealogy, as if to recognize that against cultural loss
always and finally living
hood.
It is
the
known world of one’s own
the other sense, of dislocation, that
understand with
them with
locally, in
books history work,
this
a sense
and transformation, one
I
want
in the
not that culture. Does
it
make
neighbor-
to help students better
hope
of history to their feeling that “like
is
I
that
am
it
may
provide
that culture, but
sense?”
At a northern California high school where, judging by students’ comments, there is a fair amount of racial tension, a student captured the struggle against
m
an ascribed and dislocating identification:
from
group called Asian and most of the school students call us names and make fun of us. So, me and my friends stood up for ourI
selves
long,
a
and then some of the students Thailand.
Most Asians
[want] to get along, so
told us to go back to
don’t like starting problems but
others can’t we’ll
if
This students regard for the
where we be-
we
just
do the same back.
label “Asian” suggests
how coming
to
America
mean learning one is Asian. This is a called-name (“call us names and make lun of us ), an assigned identity, with the student setting off the presumed true home of Thailand in quotation marks, as if to point to the ignocan
OUT OF THE PAST ranee and absurdity at
nation of identity
work
here.
The
student seems to recognize that desig-
part of something larger, outside
is
except to do the same back.
The
rest
of it, the
local
what can be challenged pushing around, name-
and pushing back, is also about disruptions and dislocations in the meaning of this place. It may seem little enough to say to these students that
calling,
there
is
a history here that
we can unpack, but
this
what education does
is
best.
Among
the
comments
the students from the
that
Solomon
we have
up
collected
to this point, those of
which achieved independence from
Islands,
Great Britain in 1978, present an especially poignant sense of how the legacy of imperialism might continue to haunt the education of those outside the ^X^est, just as it is
colonies, as
often obscured in
one Australian student
what
are
known
study put
in the
as the
dd
it,
m
Solomon
the
sensibilities,
as a
community,
way of life and concentrate on our own.” The
Islands felt the tensions
between an acceptance and
settler
think that
like to
our culture included those of the Aboriginal people but we, basically ignore their
former
students
between colonial and postcolonial
a questioning
of their assigned place
m the world. More than one of the Solomon Islands students gave expression to Hegel’s lesson
Solomon quotation but the
on how the non-Western world
Islands, a
Paradise lost in time,’”
may owe more
critical
to be the
how one
Eden
their place in the
European
that
put
The
student’s
would redeem
world through
The
students could imag-
eyes, living in a “Paradise lost” that
the imperial dream.
They could
their relation to a distant center.
wrote, “Unlike other European countries
Solomon
was find
Thus they
Islands only have
sons a year, namely rainy and sunny seasons,” and “Here
ous
it.
“The
to the tourism slogan than to postcolonial irony,
stance does not seem out of reach.
ine themselves, through
meant
is
exists outside history.
we do not
two
sea-
get seri-
might seem that these students have learned lessons that seem to be largely about distance and differ-
illnesses like overseas.” It
their lessons well,
ence: “Far
from the reach of Europeans, people here roam[ed] the
food, and other essential things for survival.
sense of history and
economy managed
to
The Solomon touch on
all
the
forest for
Islands students’
main themes of
imperialism with a remarkably even hand:
We
depend mainly on our neighbor countries and we regard them as our bigger brothers. They are Australia, New Zealand, and Papua New Guinea.
Geography has made has
made
us neighbors, history
us partners. Primitive
made
us brothers and trade
you might think we
beings according to our culture, that’s what
we
are.
are,
but civilized
Though we
are scat-
261
262
OUT OF THE PAST bond
tered about, the
that holds us together as
Wantoks of the
Pacific
will last forever.
Before the 1500s, the Pacific was an isolated universe.
Still
a virgin, far
from the hands of white men. Natives roamed over jungles. Eventually the age of discovery came. Men looking for new lands arrived. Explorers discovered
cestors.
our lands.
Cook
Captain
It is
a time of wonder
devils
from the
came
east
friendly
and would
ing to the Pacific as cial responsibility in
very
known
next
much
to be savages, but
we can be
(1961, p. 391).
it
initial
assured that “knowing
in reflecting
educators have a spePacific
came
encounter, as a
to
way of
way.
help us to detach ourselves from our
Levi-Strauss put
Pacific: “In
anyone.” With the West turn-
how the people of the
teaching the young
new
resisted presence in
nowadays, they are very
of the great educational claims of anthropology
the exotic native,
Mendara the when the white
map of the
New World of opportunity,
learning the region again in a
less
of the
a part
be “known” as savage and primitive during that
One
is
and
a viable
flash their Pacific smile at its
our an-
to our beautiful Pacific.
it is still
the past, the natives are
for
Islands,
in the Pacific
As the legacy of imperialism remains these students’ lives, so
Cook
discovered the
Solomons. The most spectacular event
and change
on
own
his study
The anthem of detachment
them
society,
of
is
that, in the
study of
better does nonethe-
which
Brazil’s
is
how Claude
indigenous people
has long served the causes of an-
thropology, social studies, and cultural tourism. Yet
denies the dependence
it
that Hegel describes as holding the master to the slave, as well as overlooking the resistance of those we would know. One might want to
think about
knowing them self
from,
our
better
own
knowing others
is
really
about affixing oneself to, not detaching one-
society,” as Levi-Strauss puts
better than they
Western identity and
know
it.
This idea of ourselves
is
naming an ongoing
identification for the learned, a history that has been
wrapped up
history of in imperi-
alisms particular structuring of
human
gued requires new lessons
are finally to interrupt that structure.**^
we
as
themselves has long been a source of
license. Levi-Strauss
if
how
difference
and
that this
book has
ar-
Yet postcolonial approaches to learning are emerging, including the anti-anthropological films ofTrinh Minh-Ha, who calls for an educational ^Cornel West dernonstrates
how
Whiteness’
is
a politically constructed category para-
on Blackness, using the example of Irish and Sicilian immigrants arriving in America and having to “learn that they were ‘White’ principally by adopting American discourse of positively-valued Whiteness and negatively-charged Blackness” (1990, p. 29). sitic
OUT OF THE PAST process that begins by
naming
the
nialism that has long operated in the
Maintaining the
tion as taught by the
am
Western Subject
dominant which keeps on renewing
humanistic discourses.
I
name of humanism:
emotional Other under the
intuitive,
lage of the rational, all-knowing
the
and often forgotten extent of a colo-
full
not
at all sure
.
.
is
an everlasting aim of
through a wide range of
itself
Decolonization often means dewesterniza-
.
White man.
(1991, p. 20)
whether we can un-install the
mammoth program
Westernization that the world has absorbed, nor would this
the best course of action
is
scientistic tute-
I
want
on behalf of others. W^hen
world we know, the best that we can hope for
is
to
it
of
to decide that
comes
to the
supplement what we know,
to learn again, rather than to
imagine walking away from being the educated subjects that we have become. Still, I hope I have made clear why it is fair and necessary to unsettle what
we have
for so long treasured as
knowing perspective on the world, why this inquiry, the cultivated pleasures
it is
only
an educated and
fair to reconsider, in light
of
of the museum, the wildernesses turned
into parks, the utopias envisioned natives, the ruins visited in
and dramas written out of encounters with Malaysia and monuments climbed in Mexico.
This idea of supplementary lessons on imperialism’s legacy an account of how the West came to divide the world as
one of the more
To
significant instances
return to
my own
instance,
from
us
and
to
make
ourselves
tance and forgetting,
what
I
one with
have
come
it
about providing
it
has, to
draw on
this legacy.
where once,
from Europeans, many of us now find
is
easy
as Jews,
enough
this culture
and
to
its
we were put
a race apart
this past
behind
learning. This accep-
to realize in writing this
book, obliterates
form of learning has made of the world and of the ways in which it has been divided. As one who has made his living through education, it is not this
enough its
to allow that this education has finally secured a place for
hold on the world.
I
have
now
me within
to offer an account of what this education
makes of others, those who continue
to
fall
outside
its
measure of the world.
This book has been written against the learned forgetfulness and complacency displayed in the face of history. How far we can go in seeing the world other than as
always
lies
we have
inherited
it, I
do not
yet
know. The educational project
ahead.
This book began with questions of
how we
are
known, questions
that
symbolized the way imperialism divided the world. The imperialism of colonial jurisdictions
to
China and the
sort lives
on
in
continues to fade away, hastened by
Hong
Kong’s reversion
close of the twentieth century. Yet imperialism of another
how
each of us
is
known and how each of us comes
to
know.
263
264
OUT OF THE PAST One
resolution of the identity question in light of this legacy
“read [oneself] in quotation marks,” to identification.’ 5
We are not anything so much as what we have learned to call and against how we have been
written, too, seems part of the educational project ahead.
oneself is also about learning to read the other, as
and
to learn to
borrow Tzvetan Todorov’s method of
ourselves. Learning to read ourselves within
the learned
is
learn-d’^ perceptions
we
of difference.
But learning
to read
how to rewrite we to overcome
consider
How are
we have so often made of the other, if not by first finding we have made ourselves over through education and as we
the foreignness that it
in ourselves, as
were
born foreign (ignorant, poorly spoken, barbaric)? Julia Kristeva
all
answers the question by asking us to discover idea of) ourselves.
That may be enough
how we
are strangers to (the
to stir a certain
compassion toward
those officially defined as aliens, foreigners, immigrants.
within me,” Kristeva
insists,
“hence we are
all
“The
foreigner
is
We
can
by studying the
cul-
foreigners” (p. 192).
better understand the shaping of that shared foreignness
(1991)
and manufacture, the cataloging and display of the categories that have done so much for nation and empire. In this way, we see how we are tivation
pierced by the persistent past. Lessons on this legacy will bring us back,
it is
an educational project that was originally intended to profit and delight some at the expense of others, but it needn’t continue that way. true, to
'^Todorov:
can no longer subscribe to my ‘prejudices’ as I did before, even if I do not atmyself of all ‘prejudice.’ My identity is maintained, but it is as if it is neutral-
“I
tempt
to rid
ized,
read myself in quotation marks
(1995, p. 15). I am also cautioned in my approach by Cornel Wests advice that education must not be about a cathartic quest for identity,” which he writes in “Beyond Eurocentrism and Multiculturalism.” Rather, it must foster credible sensibilities lor an active critical citizenry I
to identity
”
(1993, p. 19).
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/„
**
*r
/I
2
1
INDEX
Abella,
I.,
14
American Museum of Natural History, 65 Amery, L. S., 220
Abramson, Howard, 149 Achebe, Chinua, 203, 222
n.
1
,
1
239
Anderson, Benedict, 7
n. 4, 199,
235
Ackroyd, Annette, 88, 104
Anderson,
Adams, John, 206
Anderson, Kay,
Adario, Chief,
anthropology, 25, 28, 61-63, 65-66, 86,
1 1
Adas, Michael, 30 Africa, 3, 9,
n.
1 1
n. 1
3
0,
60,
5,
1
1
1
arts,
126
n. 15,
67, 210; travel, 52-53, 78-79,
18
Kwame Anthony, 92
Applebee, Arthur, 222
Aravamudan,
n.
3
n.
12
S.,
31 n. 5
Arawaks, 55-57, 61, 77, 150, 162
1
Aijaz, 11 n. 10,
99
n. 12,
204,
Archibald, Jo-anne,
94-95
Arendt, Hannah, 26
Ahmad, Jalal
Al-e,
Ahmad, Rahimaj
140
Haji,
3
n.
99
n.
Arinori, Mori,
12
Aristotle,
Aladdin, 12
T, 185
Alembert, Jean
1
17
207 n. 5,
225, 246
Armstrong, Nancy, 66
25
n.
Arnold, Matthew,
Aldrich, R., 122
Algeria,
n.
Arabia, 46, 97-98, 125
205
Alcoze,
15
n,
Aquinas, Thomas, 49
82-83, 145
Ahmad,
57
Appadurai, Ajun, 43, 44
Appiah,
127,
46-47, 172, 180; and the
African Queen, The,
1
13-15,232-33
anti-Semitism,
8,
132; and schooling, 90, 101-102; and science, 35,
20
133, 181 n.
167-68, 170-74, 176-77, 227, 262
138-39, 156, 161,204,210,252; and history, 118, 121,
J.,
le
n.
7
9, 14, 42,
43
n. 16,
220, 228
Rond
d’,
72-73
Aryan, 42, 43
32
43
n. 17,
Ashbury, Margaret, 129
Allardyce, G., 124 Altick, R. D., 63, 70, 75,
n. 16,
Ashcroft, B. G.,
85
214
n.
Ashworth, Mary, 193
293
1
44
1
294
1
INDEX Asia,
1
1
n. 10, 12,
42, 46-47, 52-53,
Bibliotheque Royale, 66
161,252
Birdsell, J. B.,
109, 128, 138,
Association for the Exploration of the Interior Part of Africa, I4l
214
Blaut,
M.,
J.
178
n. 13,
94
U.,
223
Blake, William,
Association of Literary Scholars and Critics,
Bitterli,
171
16
1
n.
2
Blodgett, Jean, 152
Athens, 125
Blumenbach, Johann, 171
Auden, W. H., 234
Boas, Franz, 65, 167-68, 176-77,
Austen, Jane, 214, 217
Bogdan, Deanne, 223
Australia,
Bolton, R., 214
1
14
n.
Bougainville, Louise- Antoine, de,
Baartman,
Saartjie,
59-61
Boyd, D., 7
Bacon, Francis, 25, 27, 29, 34, 49-50, 62,
245
Baker,
John 173
174
n. 15,
17
n.
Bakhtin, Mikhail, 59 n. 3 Bal,
Mieke, 60
Bannerji, Himani,
Banton, Michael, 162
n.
n.
n. 2,
126
182-84
Museum,
10, 15,
British Parliament, 41,
186
Brockway, Lucile, 70
Barkan,
Brooklyn Museum, 66
167-68, 173
Barker, M., 175 n. 18
Brown
Baron, D. E., 201-2
Brown, Laura, 216
Barr, B. B.,
182
n.
22
Bry,
249
Barzun, Jacques, 186 Batsleer, J.,
207
n.
12
Bazin, Maurice, 185
T, 175
n.
19
Theodore
Buddha, 43
n.
de,
Behn, Aphra, 216
Comte
225 Bullard,
J.,
184
Burke,
209
Edmund, 41-42
Burroughs, Edgar Rice, 71
n.
n. 11
Butler, Richard, 13 n. 14
Byron, George Gordon, 234
Bennett, Tony, 64, 72, 75 n. 14 Bernal, Martin, 140
Cabot, Sebastian, 28-29
Besant, Annie, 104 n. 17
Calcutta Botanic Garden, 70
106
15
17
Burton, Richard, 228
Benjamin, William, 75
Bible, 23,
n.
39
Burns, Ignatius Robert, 13 n. 13
Begley, S., 175, 186
Warren, 12
Board ofEducation, 14
Burchfield, Robert, 206,
Bederman, G., 76
Bello,
6
Bulfon, Georges Louis Leclerc
Baudet, Henri, 138, 161
Beardsley,
n.
Browne, Janet, 34
Barros, Joao de, 191
Barthes, Roland, 73-74, 155,
v.
34-35, 63
96
Britzman, Deborah, 249
Barba, R. H., 185 n. 25 E.,
16
Columbia Ministry of Education,
British
21
165
Bright, Charles,
115,
234
10 n. 21
74-75
British
Banks, Joseph, 37-38, 40, 70
1
Breckenridge, Carol,
4
n.
6
n.
W,
Brazil, 96,
209-10
Bailey, Richard,
30-31
Brahmo Somaj, 104 Brandon,
Bagchi, Jasodhara, 105
227
Calcutta Madrassa, 40
1
de,
A
INDEX Cambridge Examination Syndicate, 107 Cambridge University, 122, 132 Canada,
5 n. 2, 11, 14, 103, 225,
144-46, 151-57, 181-85,
n. 6,
190, 220. SeealsoFwsx. Nations peoples
Cannadine, D., 10
Cape Dorset,
8
n.
86
Code of Gentoo [Hindu] Law, A, 40 Coetzee,
J.
M., 219
Cole, Sir Henry, 64
191,225, 227
Carnoy, Martin, 107-8
Europe, 55-58
Carpenter, Mary, 103
36
n. 16,
Condamine, Charles de
Castle, K., 105
Confucianism, 48-49
Cells,
W.,
48-49
Ill,
Conrad, Joseph, 36, 18
Constantine,
202
Certeau, Michel de, 24
Aime, 10
II,
n. 8, 100,
103
97
S.,
Cook, James,
Coon, Carlton, 183
n. 23,
S., 19,
n.
9
n. 5
Cheng, Vincent, 228
Creager, n.
18
247
Crystal, David,
210
125, 139, 180, 227; and history,
Cullin, Stewart,
66
116-18, 126, 131, 250-51; and
Cummins,]., 190
schooling, 108—9; and science,
Cuvier, Georges,
Chomsky, Noam, 12
Christianity, 24,
n. 11,
47—51
194-95
43
n. 16, 80,
117
n. 5,
conversion, 3, 47-49, 100, 131; and
1
n. 7,
199
n.
8
63
71,7
Cyclopedia,
93-96
D’Souza, D., 17
18
n.
Darwin, Charles,
3, 51,
64, 79-81,
165-66 Davidson,
131-32
Basil,
Church of England, 41,91
Dayal, Samir, 3
Church of Jesus Christ Aryan Nation,
Dcbord, Guy, 77
13 n. 14
3
6
121, 130, 138, 140 n. 3, 207; and
schooling,
n.
G., 182
J.
Crowley, Tony, 196
47, 49-50, 53, 74,
2, 5 n. 2, 6,
n.
31 n. 4
170-74,
Crawford, Michael, 140
249
in
221-22
36-40, 44, 58, 146,
3, 32,
Chauduri, Nirad, 221
Rey,
12,
n. 8
Costa Rica, 6
Chow,
la,
118, 145, 209,
Chatterjee, Partha, 120 n. 10, 132
China,
1
Arts,
Coolahan,]., 101
29
Cheng, C. C., 7
246, 252;
225, 246
Chamber, Ephraim, 72 Charles
n. 22,
Cook, Frederick, 83
Centennial Exhibition, Philadelphia, 76
Cesaire,
1
46
France, 44,
Cassirer, Ernst, 19, 111
n.
1
Columbus quincentenary, 20 Commission of the Sciences and
Carrier,]. G., 151
Celan, Paul, 228
1
130, 137, 141 n. 4, 150, 153, 161,
Carnegie, Andrew, 220 n. 7
Catholicism,
9, 23, 28,
34-35, 38, 47, 76-77,
101
9, 25, 93,
Carter, Paul,
n. 5
Columbus, Christopher,
Cardono, Girolamo, 24 Caribbean,
Clifford, James,
49
Collins, Jane, 148-51, 157 n. 14
52-53
1
Clark, Kenneth, 14 n. 15 Clavius, Christoph,
232—35, 243, 247; and language, 190, 195; and schooling, 6-9, 129-30, 143
Civil Liberties Association, 5 n. 2
n.
1
Defoe, D., 215, 226, 236
295
1
296
1
INDEX Degerando, Joseph-Marie, 28
English Virginia
Degler, C. N., 168
Erwing,J„ 123
DeGreer, Christian, 129-30, 132
Euclid,
Delany, Martin, 52
Europe,
Derrida, Jacques, 37,
1 1
0
n.
2 1,
21
1
n.
1
48-49
130,
2,
Company, 24
9, 27, 53, 56,
64, 70, 103, 128,
138-39
246-47 204
Desai, Gaurav,
Fabian, Johann, 28 n. 2, 32,
Descartes, Rene, 27, 57 Description de VEgypte,
Fanon, Frantz, 14
45-46
Dictionary ofNational Biography, Diderot, Denis, 30-31, 72, 74,
1
1 1
20 1,
Faulkner, William,
14
Wentworth, 79, 101
Fausett, D.,
Fiala,
Disneyland, 81, 254
Finley,
Dixon, Thomas, 217
First n. 13,
173,
16
n.
249
18 n. 7
1
Anthony, 83
M.
246
L,
4
n.
Nations peoples, 5
179, 193, 21
n.
20
Dreifus, C., 85
Flaubert, Gustave,
46
Fletcher, C. R. L.,
123
Drohan, M., 208
13
n.
49
Forster, E.
Du Bois,WE.
B.,
217
DuCamp, Maxime, 46 Dunlop,
Louis,
S.,
n.
155
44
n.
n.
13
Company,
n.
20
Forster,
18
20
n.
M., 12, 79, 81, 92, 216, 221,
George, 32
Foucault, Michel, 27, 33-34, 56 n. 2,
250-51
France, 45-46, 60,
42, 64, 94, 97-98,
14
45
n.
13
Friedman, Thomas, 128
Egypt, 44-46, 57, 90, 101, 105
Frye, Northrop, 8, 19,
Einstein, Albert, 15, 173
Fukuyama, Frances,
Eisenstadt, S. N., 121
Furedi, Frank, 12 n. 11
1
n.
16
Emancipation Act of 1833, United
Emberley,
Julia,
211
Gage, Susan, n. 16,
235
n.
22
Gaitskell, D.,
56
1
102
Encyclopedia Britannica, 74
Galbraith, D., 182 n. 22
Encyclopedie, 7 2-7 A, 14
Galton, Francis, 165, 184
English as a Second Language (ESL),
Gandhi, Mahatma, 109
192-93, 201-2
Garn,
S.
M., 171
n.
17
213-15, 223-40
Fusco, Coco, 61-62, 85
Kingdom, 163
19
Franciscans, 93
Freeman, A., 208
221-22, 233, 252
n.
71-72
Eberhardt, Isabelle, 82
Eliot, T. S., 15,
n. 22.
237-38
Eagleton, Terry, 59 n. 3
100
224, 235
228
Fourier, Jean-Baptiste
East India
94-95,
Fishman, Joshua, 198, 209 FitzGerald, Edward,
Dumont,
n. 2, 11,
n. 16,
1
Douglass, Frederick, 76, 121,217, 248
S.,
18-19, 32, 86,
5,
See also Indigenous peoples
Dolpin, R., 181
Du,
7
215
Feirman, Steven,
Disney, Walt, 12
174
n.
204
Fasold, R.,
Dobzhansky, Theodosius, 171
1
18
89, 93, 198
Dickason, O. R, 94
Dilke, Charles
n.
1
13
INDEX Gates, William,
191 n. 3
Jr.,
Greek
Gaugin, Paul, 225 Geertz, Clifford,
culture,
1
43
4, 42,
n. 16, 11 5,
117n. 5,125,127,138,140,161, 18 n. 7
1
246
n.
4
Geological Survey, 36
Greenblatt, Stephen, 112, 157
Gerbi, A., 33
Greenfeld, Liah,
Germani,
1
Germany,
10
9,
21
n.
42
n. 16,
43, 117,
n.
1
19 n. 9
16
Greenlaw, Jim, 6
n.
3
Gregory, William, 37, 181
184
214
Griffiths, G.,
44^6, 72-73
Gilman, Sander, 13
9
n.
Gregory, Derek, 58
Ghosh, Chandra Suresh, 40, 99
Gillispie, Charles,
19
Greenhalgh, Paul, 75
Geyer, Michael, 126
Gill, D.,
1
n.
1
Guangpi, Xu, 48
n. 13, 14 n. 15,
59-60
Gilroy, Paul, 52, 121, 122 n. 13, 164 n. 3
Haig-Brown, C., 95
Gilson, fitienne, 245 n. 3
Hakluyt, Richard, 24, 28-29
Gobineau, Arthur de, 1 63-64
Hales,
Goetzmann, William, 83
Hallead, G.,
Goldberg, David Theo, 255
Hampton,
Golding, William, 222
Haraway, Donna, 51,71
Goldman, Edward, 181
9, 61,
62
n. 5,
n. 11
Ivor E, 144, 144 n. 7
Gossman,
Lionel,
Gottfried,
S.,
43
n.
n.
22
176-77 n. 11,
16
85
Hardy, Augustine, 71
Hatem, M., 105 Headrick, Daniel, 99, 100
169-70, 186
163
Hebert, Yvonne, 190
1
10
n.
21,
138, 139 n. 2
1
15-22, 245; influence
124-28,
of,
130-31, 133, 147, 248-50, 261
Gramsci, Antonio, 7
Heidegger, Martin, 57-58
Grange, M., 5
Heimler, C. H., 182
2
Gray, Edward, 64 n. 6
n.
22
Heine, Heinrich, 42, 43
Great Britain, 37, 64, 74, 81
n. 16,
90,
n.
Herbert, Bob, 11-12
governance of the empire,
Herbert, Christopher, 147
42-46, 80; and
2,
10-12,
India, 48,
and
Herder, Johann Gottfried, von, 89, 162,
lan-
198-99
guage, 190-91; and race, 131, 163;
Herodotus,
and schooling, 86, 91, 122-23,
Herrnstein, Richard, 175
131-32, 141-42, 144-45,214, 221
Hirsch, E. D., 251
Ireland, 100;
Great Exhibition of the Industry of All Nations, London,
74—75
16
Henry, G. A., 131
105, 120,219, 225; and Africa, 107;
98-100; and
n. 14, 102,
Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 42,
Grafton, Anthony, 24-25,
18, 29,
n. 6,
Hastings, Warren, 40-42, 44
Graff, Gerald, 17
n.
166
Harvard University, 20
Gough, John, 146 Jay,
R. E.,
Harper, R. A., 147
Goodson,
Gould, Stephen
176-77
Harding, Sandra, 51, 185-86
Gomez-Pena, Guillermo,
182
140
173, 185
Goldring, C. C., 144
Goodall, Jane, 170
J. R.,
6
n.
1
1
5
Lhistoire des detoc hides en Europe et en
Amerique au XVIII si'ecle, 3
1
n. 5
297
0
298
1
INDEX Hitler, Adolf,
Hobsbawm,
43
17
n.
Eric,
161-76; scope, 9-11; and
19
1
n. 9, 199,
204
77-87, 263
Hoch, Hannah, 68
Impey, Gatherine, 44
Holdich, Thomas, 142
Inden, Ronald, 44 n. 18
Holmes,
B.,
India,
Holmes,
S. A.,
93
4
n.
travel,
175
n. 18,
62
9,81,92, 101, 117, 127, 131-32,
144, 146, 156, 195 247; and exhibi,
Holmes, T, 3 Holocaust Memorial
220
P.,
Hong Kong,
United
7
263
India Survey,
Hooker, Joseph Dalton, 51 E.,
n.
26
62
n.
n.
4
Howells, William, 173
n. 12,
and
9
1
art,
1
1
1,
23, 25, 28-29,
55-58, 61-62, 65-66, 179;
52—53; and language,
189-90; and schooling, 93-96, 111.
Houston, James, 153
See also First Nations n.
15
Indochine, 12
142-43
Brian,
and schooling, 95-96,
Indigenous peoples,
39
Hope, Thomas, 164
Hudson,
{see
Museum, 63
Indian
Hooton, Ernst, 168
Hopkins, A. G., 10
204-5
98-100, 103-5,219-21
n. 6,
Hooper-Greenhill,
146; and language, 42-44, also Sanskrit);
7
n.
2,
Museum
12
States, 13 n.
Honan,
and government, 40,
tions, 63, 75;
Indo-European, 42
Hughes,
R.,
16
Indology, 43
E
S.,
173
Intermediate Technology Development
Hulse,
Humber,
J.
M., 45
Hunter, Ian, 227
n.
Group, 155 15
International Congress of Orientalists, 61
Huntington, Samuel, 140
n.
3
Hurd, Douglas, 2 Hurston, Zora Neale, 16
Irish n.
100-101
Ireland,
17
National School Books, 100
Islam, 27,
44
Huxley, Julian, 102 Huxley, Thomas, 51 n. 26, 165
66
Jacknis, Ira, 65,
n.
7
James, L, 90 Illich, Ivan,
191
Janofsky, M., 13 n. 14
Imperialism (European), 2, 4, 10, 17,
191,252; and the
19, 124,
arts,
lenges to,
1
1,
239,258
n. 12; chal-
41, 44 n. 18, 61-62,
78, 85, 122, 156—57;
P.
G., 182
Japan, 10
38-39, 58-59, 66-67, 68-69, 72, 79, 97, 162,
Jantzen,
and gender,
Jefferson,
Thomas, 245
Jenkins, Simon,
69
n.
3
9
n.
169-70
Jensen, Arthur,
Jesuits, 47, 51, 94, 133,
14
35, 39, 59-60, 68, 82, 103-6, 164,
Johnson, Samuel, 200, 215-16
167; and popular culture, 12, 17,
Jolly, Clifford,
58-59, 66, 84, 148-51, 254; and
Jomard, E. E, 66
religion,
47-49, 91, 93-96; and
Jones, Eric L.,
scholarship, 4, 42, 60-61, 106 n. 18,
118n.
8,
138-39, 157, 249
science, 10,
n. 6;
and
29-53, 69-72, 80-81,
174
1
16
Jones, William, 42,
n.
2
97
Joseph, George Ghevarghese, 108-9 Joyce, James,
228
5 2 1
0
1
1
7
1
INDEX Judaism, 5
43
n. 2, 8 n. 6,
55
n. 16,
190, 197,
Judd, Eliot, 193
222
Julius, A.,
165, 171 n. 13, 173,
n. 1,
228
13-15, 27, 42,
18
n.
Lawrence, D. H., 15, 234 Leacock, Stephen, 14
2
n.
Laurence, Margaret, 229 n. 25
n.
League of the Empire, 143
n.
1
Lee, Debbie,
Jungle Book, The,
1
Lee,
Juriman, Robert, 174
n.
17
E
78-79
R., 12
Leinwand, Gerald, 127 Leninism, 127
16
n.
Kachru, Braj, 195, 205-6, 209
Leonard,
Kaskel, A., 182 n.
Leonardo da Vinci, 132
Kay
de,
J.
John
196
S.,
Leonowens,
79
Keegsrra, Jim, Keltie,
22
T, 39
Keats, John,
103
A.,
Leopard Spots, The, 2
230
1
LePage, R. B., 203
142
Scott,
Letterman, David, 201
Kendrick, Walter, 21 5
n.
Kennedy, Paul,
2
1
16
16
n.
Kenojuak Ashevak,
2
Leung, Frederick, 108 Levidow,
52-53
1
L.,
184
Levine, G., 5
Kepler, Johannes, 50
Levine,
Kiernan, V, G., 65
Levi-Strauss, Claude,
Kim, 63
Lewontin, Richard, 170, 175
Kimmelman, Michael, 66
Leyden, 182
King, Martin Luther,
Li, Y.,
Jr.,
18
J. S.,
182
n.
n.
22
Kingsley, Mary, 35, 81
Light, R. E., 168 n. 8
Knapp,
21
Jeffrey,
n.
Kramer,
8
Kristeva, Julia,
Kropotkin,
n.
20
Linguistics, 42, 44,
176-78
194-99
176-77
Litwick, Leon, 16
Livingstone, David, 3, 37, 83, I4l, 144,
202
Peter,
174,
Littlefield, A., 174,
Kohn, Marek, 181 148
L.,
Linnaeus, Carolus, 33-34, 70 n. 10, 162
Knopf, Alfred, 173
L.,
168
49
Lieberman,
207
n. 7,
22
King and I, The, 193
Kipling, Rudyard, 63, 123, 144,
96
146-47, 186, 207
144
Louis XV, 31
n.
4
Krueik, Karen, 8 n. 6
Louvre, 45
Kuhl, Stefan, 167
Lutz, Catherine, 148-51, 157 n. 14
Kuldun, Ibn, 133
Lyotard, Jean-Franq:ois, 121
Kumar, Deepak, 42 Kurl, Kyi,
S.,
n.
1
5,
98
n.
n. 19,
66, 81
1
195
Macaulay,
Suu San Aung, 84
Thomas Babington,
96-100, 102, 120, 219
MacDougall, Hugh, 122 Lach, Donald E, 24, 35, 49-50, 70 n. 10,
140-41, 191 1
Las Casas, Bartoleme de, 93,
32
MacGregor,
A.,
n.
14
n. 4,
94
62
Macintosh, Peggy, 8
Lahontan, Lorn d’Arce de,
Latour, Bruno,
40,
n.
6
MacKenzie, C. G,, 93
1
1
1
MacKenzie,
J.
M., 123-24, 145
Mackey, W, E, 203
299
5
1
300
INDEX Mackinder,
Macleod,
Mader,
Sir Halford,
R.,
143
Montagu, Mary Wortley, 39, 81, 186
32
Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de, 110
182
Sylvia,
183
n. 22,
Maffei, Gian Pietro,
Montesquieu, Charles Louis de, 17
47
Montrose,
39
L.,
Malraux, Andre, 79
More, Thomas, 2 1
Malthus, Thomas, 166
Morgan, Robert, 220
Mandela, Nelson, 90, 93
Morris, James, 64-65, 123
Maracle, Lee, 224, 235 n. 22
Morrison, Toni, 20, 182
Maricourt, Peter de, 50
Morton,
Mariner,
Mudimbe,
J. L.,
182
Martin, Benjamin, I4l
Martin, Lee-Ann, 85
17
Marx, Karl, 106
V. Y.,
Max
Muller,
Martyr, Peter, 33
92
n.
107; Marxism,
121 n. 12
240
3 n.
24
Friedrick, 42,
Multiculturalism, n. 18,
217-18,
G., 163
S.
Mukherjee, Arun, 239
n.
n. 22,
Murchinson,
200
n.
9
254—55
Sir Roderick, 36,
39
Murray, Charles, 175
Mason, James, 131-32
Murray, James, 200
Massey, Donald, 20, 153, 223, 234
mathematics, 47-49, 108-9
Nandy,
McArthur, T, 209
n.
14
Napoleon
McDonald,
n.
8
Narayan, R. K., 221
K.,
34
McDougall, W. D., 144
Nasif,
McGrane, Bernard, 47, 227 McLaren,].
McLaren,
182
E.,
n.
16
n.
17 n. 16,
132
Herman, 217 16
1
n.
3
Nazism,
228
Michaels, Walter Benn, 217
John
Stuart,
David
Mills, Sarah,
100
39
14
n.
30
Philip,
n. 3,
Thomas,
182
n.
22
WTJ.,
57, 6l
219
166-68, 173,
n. 18
50, 108
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 109
n.
17
Neocolonialism, 11-12, 25, 84, 121 Netherlands, 9
New English Dictionary on Historical
n. 5
n. 5
Principles,
Mohanty, Chantal Talpade, 106 Wolfgang, 120
Monet, Claude,
n. 17,
Nelson, Harry, 174
Moag, Rodney, 196
Mommsen,
43
Neilsen, Lorri, 6 n. 3
Mitchell, Timothy, 75
Mitchell,
13,
Needham, Joseph,
13
n.
122-23
Nebrija, Antonio de, 191
Milton, John, 223 Mitchell,
National Portrait Gallery, 120
Nazareth, Philip, 169 n. 10
Mercator, Gerardus, 137
Miller,
of the American
nationalism, 64, 119 n. 9, 120,
Melzer, Arthur M.,
Mill,
Museum
Indian, 68
McNeill, William, 19, 124-26, 127
Melville,
Malak, 105-6
National
McMaster, Gerald, 85
44, 45 n. 19, 46, 96
National Indian Brotherhood, 95
255
Peter,
III,
104
National Geographic Society, 148
22
n.
Aishis, 89,
n. 11
1
Montagu, Ashley, 168-69, 174
n.
18
New World, 1 1 1
New
n.
120
20,
23-24,31,33,
22, 146,
55, 110,
252
York Times Everyday Dictionary, The,
194-95
1
1
INDEX Ncwbolt, Henry John, 207
Panikkar, Sardar, 98, 109
Newman,
Parekh, Bhikhu,
Newton,
Garfield, 129, 130, 132
132
Isaac, 50,
Ng, Roxana, 234
Mungo, 78
Park,
21
n.
91-92
Pasha, Ermin, 83
Ngugi,T., 210
80
Paterson, William,
Niethammer, Lutz, 244
n.
2
144
n. 15,
Pax Britannica, 64
Nietzsche, Friedrich, 10 n. 8, 58
Paxton, George, 104 n. 17, 220
Nile River, 45
Peary, Robert,
Nivedita, Sister, 104, 106
Peet, R.,
Noble, Margaret, 104, 106
Pena,
North
Penguin Canadian Dictionary, The,
82
Africa,
Nuremberg
Chronicle, The,
1
6
148
E de
194
O’Neill, M., 12
Okoth,
P.
Persian
201
200
Peters,
G., 95, 102, 132
Olender, M., 89 n. 9,
n. 1,
228
192
Alastair,
198, 199 n. 9,
223
Gordon, 189-90
Philippines, 156
12
Phillips,
n.
1
Tom, 69
Phillipson, Robert, 203, 206,
Opier, M., 173
Philosophical Transactions,
Opium
Picasso, Pablo,
War, 2 R. E, 182 n.
Orient, 4, 14
22
n. 16, 17,
Ornstein, M.,
117
Plato,
28
n. 1,
41, 57,
139,213, 223-24, 231
161-62, 225
Pliny, 23, 74,
Plog, Fred, 174
29-30
Pocahontas, 12
Osborne, M., 71
Pollock, Sheldon,
Owen,
Polo, Marco, 53,
Richard, 34
Oxford English Dictionary, 120, 171
n. 13,
191, 199, 201
Pope Paul
194
III,
n.
3
43
n.
17
63
93
Portugal, 9
Oxford Junior Atlas, 145 Oxford Survey ofthe
Postcolonialism,
British Empire, The,
91, 143 n. 6 University, 15, 29, 42, 61, 81, 90,
143-44 103
n. 16,
143
1,
85, 156-57, 184-85,
15, 228,
232-33
Prakash, Cyan, 63, 132 Pratt,
Press,
1
215-19 Pound, Ezra,
Oxford University
29—30
n. 5
Pollack, A.,
132,
208
67
Orta, Garcia da, 69, 70 n. 10
Oxford
1
Gulf War, 245
Phillips, A.,
Ontario Council of Teachers of English,
Oram,
n.
Peterson, D., 170 n. 11
18
n.
201
la,
Pennycook,
Official English,
83
Mary
Louise, 31 n. 4, 77, 80 n. 15,
151 Price, Sally, 68,
227
n.
16
Principal Intentions of Society, Pacific
Ocean,
9,
31-32, 37, 40, 44, 80,
224-26, 235, 259 Packer, William,
Paikeday,
69
Thomas,
n. 1
30
Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
and Discoveries of the English 9
94-95
Nation,
24, 29
Pyenson, Lewis, 31
n, 4,
32
n. 6,
47
301
7
302
1
2
1
5
INDEX Qian, Zhaoming, 228 Quebecois,
n.
18
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 19, 66, 78,
1
109-12, 225-26
Quirk, Randolph, 195, 198, 204, 206, 209
Rowe, John Carlos, 217 Royal
Raby,
J.,
63
Royal Anthropological Institute, 167
Race, 16, 142, 161-87, 217-18, 228,
262
n. 14; racial identity,
122
n. 14,
6-8, 13-16,
147; racism, 4-5, 76, 131,
232—33, 243—44, 259—60; and sexuality,
59-60, 167
Ragussis, M., 13 n. 13
Raiders ofthe Lost Ark,
Ramusack,
182
n.
Royal Botanical Gardens, 10 Royal Colonial Institute, 143 1
0, 36,
39,
141^3 70-71
1
Royal Society, 10, 29-30, 34 n.
22
7,
37-38
103-4
B, N.,
Royal Botanic Gardens, 70
Royal Menagerie of London, The,
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 9, 139 n. 2 L.,
Royal Asiatic Society, 40
Royal Geographic Society,
Race and Culture Committee, 167
Ramsey, W.
Academy of Arts, 69
Rushdie, Salman, 219
Ravitch, Diane, 251
Rushton, Philippe, 180, 181
Rayburn, A., 37
n.
20
Ruskin, John, 38
Raynal, Abbe, 31 n. 5
Russell, A. G., 10,
Rayner, R., 12
Rydell,
Reid, D., 148 n. 8
R.W,
103
n.
16
76, 185
69
Ryle, John,
Renaissance, 9, 24, 50 n. 24, 52, 73
Renan, Ernest, 200
n. 9,
228
Said,
Reynolds, L. T, 174
248
Rhodes, T, 67 Ricci,
n.
1
Riding,
A, 69
n.
9
Sargant, E. B.,
Sawchuk,
Scarfe, Neville,
Robinson,]., 35, 81
Schedel,
Robinson Crusoe, 215, 225-26 ,
Roman Rome,
Leslie,
153
243
n.
1
1
Hartmann, 161
Schmied,
J.,
Scott, Paul,
203
216
Scott, Walter, 228,
Rorty, Richard, 121-22, 127 n. 16
Rose, G., 39 n. 13
L.,
182
n.
234
Second International Congress of Geographical Sciences, 142
Rothenberg, Tamar, 149
Rotundo,
146-47
Schlesinger, Arthur, 251
culture, 23, 74, 117, 127, 138, 161 1
220
198-99
n. 15
n. 12,
7
Schleiermacher, Friedrich Ernst Daniel,
44
Rodney, Walter, 102
1
Ahmad, 101
Scalding, Henry,
Roberts, Richard, 124
Roman,
90-92
K., 9 n.
al-Sayyid, Lufti
63
Rocher, R., 40-41
97-98, 207
Savage, Richard, 2
Riffenburgh, Beau, 82-83 Rivto, H.,
232
Sanskrit, 42, 44,
Thomas, 10 222
Ricks, C.,
4, 28, 51, 90, 93, 138, 157,
n. 5
Sakuntala,
Matteo, 47-48, 51
Richards,
Edward,
22
Seeley, Sir John, 10,
Seixas, Peter, 131,
122-23
132
n. 19,
250
1
1
INDEX Seppanen, Aimo, 196
Stackhouse,
Shakespeare, William, 15, 43 n. 16, 58,
Stafford, R. A., 39,
214—15, 223, 233, 239; Merchant of 220, 233; Tempest, 215-16,
Venice,
225, 237 Sharpe, Jenny, 216
228
Shelley, Percy Bysshe,
n.
18
194
J.,
n.
142
59
Stallybrass, Peter,
3
n.
3
Stanford University, 124 Stanley,
H. M., 83, 142
Stanley,
Timothy, 243
Steiner,
George, 228
n.
1
n. 18,
246
Shemilt, D., 131
Stembridge, Jasper, 131, 145
Sherlock, Maureen, 62 n. 5
Stepan, Nancy, 163, 165, 167, 176
Shipman, 174
165-66, 170
Pat,
182
n. 16,
Shohat,
Ella,
n.
J.
P,
Shuttleworth,
13
Stoler,
Kay, 100
228
Simon, Roger, 9 Sioui, George,
n.
1
17
n.
7
Sundquist, Eric, 217
Supplement ofthe Oxford English
1
106
Sleeter, Christine, I.
4l
Sullivan, Zohreh, 211 n. 16
Dictionary,
Skanu’U, (Argthe Wilson),
Slesnick,
Laura, 164
Suleri, Sara,
Sidney, Philip,
Sislian, J. H.,
Ann
L.,
205
Strabo, 140
116
J.,
W,
Stocking, G.
13
95
Sterling, Shirley,
Stevenson, Robert Louis, 225
Du, 48
Shiran,
Sibree,
n. 12, 172,
218
182
255
Symonds, Richard, 142-43
22
n.
Smith, Bernard, 30, 38-40
Tahiti, 31
Smith, Larry, 196
Tamura,
n.
216
Swift, Jonathan,
1
n. 4,
206
6
201
Eileen,
Smithsonian Institution of New York, 68
Taylor, Charles, 121 n. 12
Snowden,
Thapar, Romila,
F.
M., 161
n.
1
17
1
n.
Societe de Geographie, I4l
Thomas, Lynn, 259
Societe zoologique d’acclimation, 71
Thomas, Nicholas, 118
Sontag, D., 201
Thorp,
Sontag, Susan, 149
n. 9,
237
n.
23
184
S.,
n.
n. 7,
n. 1,
218
Soubeyran, Olivier, l4l
Todd, Loretta,
South Africa,
Torgovnick, Marianna, 66
1
1
,
33
1
South China Sea, 2
Tripathi, Prayag,
Soviet Union, 11, 116
Trollope,
Spain, 9, 27, 46, 55 n.
1,
56, 58
151
24
Helen, 214
Tiffin,
4
53 n. 7,
69
n.
9
209
103
J.,
Turnbull, D., 138
Sparrman, Anders, 33
Turner, Nat,
Spearman, Charles, 169
Twain, Mark, 217
Spence, Jonathan, 47
Tylor,
217
Edward
B.,
165
Spencer, Herbert, 166, 215 Spivak, Gayatri, 3 n. Sprat,
Lanka,
1
79
55
n.
UNESCO,
239
Thomas, 29-30, 39
Spurr, David, Sri
1,
n.
12
United 132
13
168-70, 186
States, 9, 20, 76, 101, n.
19
U.S. National
Museum, 65
125-29,
303
5
304
INDEX Universal History of Nature, 30
University of London, 123
Whitehead, Clive 221 Whitfield, R, 75 n. 13, 138 n.
Whitney, C. Vancouver, 6-8,
243
57,
1
Victoria and Albert
Wigod,
Museum, 64
Victoria International
Development
Education Association,
R., 12 n. 11
Wiesenthal, D., 175
Vasantha, A., 97 n. 9, 98
1
56
R.,
1
7
n.
18
n.
6
Wiles, Richard, 141
Williams, Elizabeth, 45 n. 19,
66-67
Williams, H., 185 n. 25
Victoria League, 143
Williams, William Carlos, 228
Vietnam, 156
Wilson, Horace, 219
Viswanathan, Gauri, 98, 219
Winks, R.
W,
79, 101
Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 36
Waddell, Hope, 207
n.
12
Wolff, L., 139
Walcott, Derek, 226 Wallerstein,
Wollstonecraft;, Mary,
Immanuel,
1
17 n. 4, 126 n. 15
Wolpert,
L.,
Wong, Chung,
Walter, Raleigh,
Wong, W,
Wang-ling, 50 n. 18,
Watson,
100
104
Wedde,
V
Ian,
Weinberger,
182
R.,
219
Weiner, N., 175
n.
n.
n.
10
22
1
n.
Weizmann, E, 175
22
16 n. 3
n. 18,
181
n.
20
76
West
1
Africa,
35
Wheeler, D,
L.,
White, Hayden,
249
n.
7
World War
I,
World War
II,
91, 124, 201, 2,
1
1,
245
14, 176,
218
Yan, Li, 48
Yonge, Charlotte, 105
Young, Robert, 120
5 n.
17
140
n.
White, Allan, 59
Wordsworth, William, 58-59
18
Wesso, H. N., 144 West, Cornel,
1
Worlds Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 76
n. 5
Jerry,
Wells, Ida B.,
12
Woolf, Virginia,
169
n. 13,
Weatherford, Jack, 111 Webster,
8 n. 6
Woods, Daniel, 152
Ware, V, 44 K.,
06
173
Wallich, Nathaniel, 34
39
1
n. 1
1
1,
121 n. 12,
163-64 3
Zaire,
3
19 n.
n.
154-55
Zhengyu, Guo, 48 9,
244
n. 2,
Ziegler, Christine,
45-46, 175
Zinman, M. Richard,
1
16
n.
3
n.
18
John Willinsky Columbia and (1988), (1991),
The
is
professor of education at the University of British
the author of four previous books:
New
Literacy (1990),
The Well-Tempered Tongue
The Triumph of Literature/ The Fate of Literacy
and Empire of Words: The Reign ofthe
OED (1994),
*
'
-Sil*
I
».•
Elliot Artz
Jacket photos: (frpnt) Annette Ackroyd
with her pupils, March 1875. Courtesy of the British Library MSS EUR C
176/244f7v;
(baj:k)
Julie A. Schwart^.
-
«
The Drama
Class,
by
r 7'
*1-
>
EDUCATION CENERAL INTEREST
Learning
Divide the World
to
scholarship, but also
seeks to
stir
in us
is
not simply a book of exemplary
one of passion and compassion. John Willinsky
an understanding for t^se \yho are different by
Recognizing that the differences
^e
within
us^e
jte^e of differei^fe that ha^divided people s6 tured,
and
how
Shiran
it
,
might
sho^s us
how
the
Ulpplly was manufac-
^aled.’
^
Egan, author
\ucated
of
Mind: How Cognitive Tools Shape
:
Undefstanding
Divide the World gently argued. It )n
is
beautifully wntteh,
WeU
organized.
i^pne of^he more far-tanging .and ambitious
the topic of education and imperialisni.^
l^ter McLaren, author of Revolutionary Midtkultutalktfh: Vedagogies of Dissent for the
New
Millennium
ISBN 0-8166-3076-3
University of Minnesota Press
Printed in U.S.A. 9
Ihpf iTry>T~iM
til
780816 630769
*