India, as seen in the Kuṭṭanī-Mata of Dāmodaragupta [1. ed.] 0842609547

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I

India as Seen i n T H E KUTTANT-MATA OF

D A M O D A R A G U P T A

i

1. An Outline o f Early Buddhism, 2. India as 'seen in the Brhatsamhita o f Vardhamihira, 3 . Tn/)Mn (H in d i), 4. Tadava Inscriptions from Ambe Jogai, 5. Coinage o f the Satavahanas and Coins from Excavations (e d ite d ), 6. Pauni Excavations {in coWzbov&tion), 7. Excavations at Bhokardan (in collaboration), 8. Varahamihira and Allied Studies (in press), 9. Kauidmbi Hoard o f Magha Coins (in press), 10. Coins and Early Indian Economy (edited, in press), 11. Foreign Elements in Early Indian Indigenous Coins (edited, in press), 12. Inscriptions o f the Sarabhapuriyas, PanduvamJis and SoThavarhsis o f South Kosala and Orissa (under p reparation),

India as Seen in The Kuttani-Mata of Damodaragupta

AJAY M IT R A SHASTRI, M .A ., Ph. D., Reader in Ancient Indian Hi.'tory, Culiure and Archaeology, Nagpur Uniuersiiy.

M O T I L A L B A N A R S I D A S S Delhi :; V aranasi :: P atn a

© M O T I L A L BANARSIDASS Indological Publishers & Booksellers H e a d O ffice : B U N G A L O W R O A D , J A W A H A R N A G A R , D E L H I - 7 B ranches : 1 - C H O W K , V A R A N A S I-1 ( u . P . ) 2.

A SH O K R A JP A T H ,

P A T N A -4

( B IH A R )

ISBN 0 8426 0954 7

First E dition : Deliii, 1975 P r ic e R s. 60.00

P rin ted in In d ia BY SHANTILAL JA IN , AT SHRI JAIN EN D RA PRESS, A -4 5 . PHA SE-I, INDUSTRIAL AREA N ARAINA, N EW D E L H I-2 8 AND PUBLISHED BY SUNDERLAL JA IN FOR MOTILAL BANARSIDASS, BUNGALOW ROAD, JAW AH A R NAGAR, D E L H I-7

TO M Y GURU (

M A H A M A H O PA D H Y A Y A PADMABHCfSANA DR. V. V. M IR A S H I as a token o f profound esteem and gratitude.

Wm

C O N TEN TS Pages

Forew ord by the late Dr. M oti C handra Preface ' A bbreviations List of Illustrations

ix xi XV

xvi

C H A PTER I T H E K lJ T T A N l- M A T A A N D I T S A U T H O R

T h e K u ttan i-m ata : Its Past Popularity, Loss and R e­ discovery in M odern Times T h e T itle D am odaragupta and his Tim es H istorical D ata in the K uttani-m ata T h e Story Sources of the Story W hen was the K u ttani-m ata Composed? D am odaragupta as a Poet D am odaragupta’s E rudition K u ttan i-m ata as a Source of C ultural H istory

1-42 1 5 5 6 20 24 31 31 3& 41

C H A PTER II P O L IT IC A L T H E O R Y A N D A D M I N I S T R A T I O N 43-56

Political T heory A dm inistration

45 46 C H A PTER I I I

R E L IG IO U S

C O N D IT IO N S

Saivism V aisnavism O th er Deities O ther Objects of W orship Religious Practices . Beliefs and Superstitions Purpose of Religion P urusarthas Buddhism Jainism

57-97 59 68

74 80 85 93 94 94 95 97

C H A PTER IV SO C IA L L IF E

Social Organisation Family

99-167 101 105

/

M arriag e and Position of W om en Prostitution Id eal Fem ale Form Personal Names and Titles Food and Drinks Dress an d O rnam ents H air-Styles T o ilette Sports and Pastimes F u rn itu re Correspondence Customs an d M anners G eneral Life

106 110 126 128 130 133 146 148 154 161 162 164 165

CHAPTER V E D U C A T IO N , L E A R N IN G A N D L IT E R A T U R E

Education L iteratu re

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169-90 171 174

C H A PT E R V I 191-213 193 196 200 204 209 209

E C O N O M IC C O N D IT IO N S

A griculture Flora F au n a ’ Industries and O ccupations Slavery Coins and M edia of Exchange C H A PT E R V II F IN E A R T S

M usic D ance D ram a O th er Arts A rchitecture

, .

215-31 217 220 224 229 230

A P P E N D IX 233-43 235 238 239

G E O G R A P H IC A L R E F E R E N C E S

Physical Features C ountries L ocalities S E L E C T B IB L IO G R A P H Y IN D E X A D D IT IO N S

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245-59 261-76 277-78

FO R E W O R D W hen I went to London in the early forties for my Ph.D. degree I was told by my teacher the late Dr. L. D. Barnett that if I w anted to study under him I had to avoid literary antiquarianism by which he m eant gathering together tit-bits of literary inform ation for my thesis and that I had to work on some solid subject pertaining to history, art or archaeology. At that time I had to agree w ith the views of Dr. B arnett; bu t after my return to this country I, in consultation with the late Dr. V.S. Agrawala, came to the conclusion that Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali literature had strata of information which had to be sifted analytically to study the culture of a period which could be further checked by archaeological data. W e in our humble way carried out research on this' principle and were surprised at the richness and enor­ mity of inform ation contained in Indian literature for drawing a picture of the social and cultural life of the Indian people. Dr. Ajay Alitra Shastri in his India as seen in the Kuttani-mata o f Damodaragupta, I am happy to say, follows the same principle and has studied the text so rigorously that hardly any inform a­ tion worth noting has escaped his attention. As a m atter of fact his studies not only give a picture of the life and work of the people of K ashm ir in the ninth century, b u t as D am odaragupta was a great traveller, the information which he has gathered in th.t Kuttani-mata gives a picture of the life and culture of northern India as well. After all, literary antiquarianism is not a pure bunkum but yields scientific data if used with caution. D r. Shastri is not only a good Sanskritist bu t is at the same time endowed with the historian’s critical approach. This rare combination has enabled him m ore than anybody else to understand and analyse the text properly. Like his other writings the present work is m arked by his great erudition and is a solid piece of historico-textual research. His researches on the date of D am odaragupta add a fresh chapter to the history of Sanskrit literature. In the various chapters of the book he throws interesting light on contem porary religious, and socio­ economic life, administration, education and literature and

the state of fine arts. O f particular interest is his brief but enlightening discussion of the institution of courtesans in the eighth century A.D. T hough the work is based on the Kiittanimata, copious data have been draw n from archaeological sources and literary works like the Rdja-tarangini, Mila-mata and K sem endra’s writings besides the Kdma-sutra and the one-act plays incorporated in the Caturbhdni to supplement and corro­ borate the inform ation supplied by D am odaragupta. I once again oiTer my felicitations to Dr. Shastri for bringing out such an interesting study of a m uch neglected text. T he inform ation which he has critically studied is of great interest not only for a correct understanding of the institution of courte­ sans b u t also of other aspects of the life of the In d ian people during the early m ediaeval period. M O T I CHANDRA Prince of Wales M useum ofW estern India, Bombay. 18.6.1974.

P R E F A C E I t was for the first time in the year 1965 th at I w ent through the Kuttani-mata and realised the rich crop of cultural m aterial which stood in the need of being properly harvested and m ade available to students of the cultural history of ancient India. Originally I thought of publishing a long paper, b u t w ith the progress of my study I realised th at the subject required a sufficiently large m onograph if I were to be judicious and honest to m y undertaking. Accordingly, I engaged m yself in an exhaustive, critical study of the text which, for obvious reasons, consumed much more time than expected earlier. T he com­ pletion of the work was further delayed by other preoccupations and assignments dem anding im mediate attention. In the m eantim e, however, I published three papers on certain aspects of the subject in internationally reputed periodicals which attra ct­ ed wide attention and evoked eloquent appreciation and en­ couraged me to complete the work in a com paratively shorter time than would have been the case otherwise. As the celebrated poet-historian, K alhana, tells us, Damodaragupta, the author of the Kuttani-mata, occupied the high office of dhi-saciva or Prime M inister under JayapIdaV inayaditya, the K arkota king of K ashm ir, who flourished in the last quarter of the eighth and the first quarter of the following century A.D. T he poem, therefore, m ay be justifiably supposed to reflect the con­ tem porary K ashm iri life though, be it stated, it nowhere mentions the H appy Valley by nam e. As has been suggested in the open­ ing chapter of the present work, the non-m ention of K ashm ir is probably deliberate, though we have unam biguous traces of the au th o r’s acquaintance with- contem porary K ashm ir. O n the other hand, the scenes of the episodes narrated in the text are laid at Varanasi, P ataliputra and M t. Abu which are all described in a realistic m anner. The reliability o f the account of V aranasi and A rbuda, in particular, is am ply borne out by literary and archaeological evidences. Although K erala and D evarastra are also casually m entioned, the author does not evince m uch acqu­ aintance with the South. I t may, therefore, be reasonably assum­ ed th at the poem depicts contem porary N orth Indian life. K eep-

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ing this fact in view, I have spared no pains to corroborate and supplem ent the inform ation supplied by our work from other sources, both literary and archaeological. T he present work is divided into seven chapters. T he first chapter, which is introductory in nature, deals w ith such prelim i­ nary questions as the discovery and caption of the poem, its appre­ ciation from a literary and historical standpoint and the sources o f the stories related in it and D am odaragupta’s life and times. An im portant feature of this chapter is a full discussion o f the historical d ata enshrined in the poem which, it has been pointed out for the first time, bear out K alh an a’s evidence regarding D am odaragupta’s date. I t has further enabled us to fix m ore precisely the date of the K alacuri royal poet M ay u raja Anaiigaharsa who can now be convincingly placed in the latter h a lf of the eighth century A.D. T h e following chapter is devoted to a discussion of the political data furnished by D am odaragupta. Contem porary religious conditions form the subject-m atter of the third chapter, while the next chapter is claim ed by an analytical study of the data bearing on social life. These two chapters ac­ tually form the core of the present m onograph. W hile dealing with the religious conditions it has been shown convincingly that the correct reading of the relevant nam e in verse 736 of the K uttani-mata is Kalaksvara, and not Kqmaleivara which is found in a m ajority of m anuscripts and adopted by all the m odern editors of the text. As suggested by its title, our poem affords rich m ate­ rial on prostitution which, among other topics, is fully discussed in C hapter IV. In the next chapter attention is focussed on the information concerning educational practices and valuable literary references enshrined in the poem. I t will be noticed th at the work is particularly rich in inform ation on erotics, poetics and dram aturgy. T he second section of this chapter forms som ething like a running commentar-f on the poet’s erudition to which attention has been invited in the opening chapter. T he sixth chapter treats of data bearing on contem porary eco­ nomic conditions including coinage in connection with which has been discussed, for the first time, the bearing of the m ention of Kedara on the date of our poet. T he w ealth of inform ation on the contem porary state of fine arts, particularly music, dance and dram a, found in the text is analysed in the concluding

chapter. The geographical references scattered in the Kuttanimata are studied in an appendix. T he work ends w ith a select bibliography wherein scrupu­ lous care has been taken to enter only such of the titles as have actually been consulted and specifically cited in the text and footnotes. R ight from my student days M aham ahopadhyaya Padmabhusana Dr. V. V. M irashi through his writings and with his singular devotion and rich contributions to the advancem ent of Indological studies has been a source of constant inspiration to me. And from the day I joined the N agpur University some eighteen years ago his valuable advice and constructive criticism have always been available to me. All these years he evinced keen interest in my work which by itself served as a great in­ centive. I have, therefore, dedicated the present work to him as an hum ble token of my profound gratitude and respect for him. A t the end it is my pleasant duty to express my gratitude to persons from whom I have received valuable help in the completion of the present work. I gratefully rem em ber on this occasion the late D r. M oti C h an d ra who evinced keen interest in the progress of this work an d blessed it w ith his foreword. I am grateful to Dr. G. T . D eshpande, formerly Professor and H ead of the D epartm ent of Sanskrit, N agpur University, for lively discussions I had w ith him during the preparation of the book. Sincere thanks are due to my colleagues Drs. G. B. D eglurkar and A.P. Jam khedkar for supplying illustrations which formed the basis of Pis. X III. 25 and X IX . 40, and to my student Shri Chandrashekhar G upta, Registration Officer, D epartm ent of Archaeology, Govt, of M aharashtra, for valuable help in selecting some of the illus­ trations. M y former student Shri P.R .K . Prasad, M .A., of the Archaeological Survey of India and the technical staff of my D epartm ent including Shri S. K . Pande, Shri S. K . Jagtap and Shri P. S. Joshi deserve my sincere thanks for the preparation of the plates appearing at the end of the book.

T he index has been prepared by m y wife D r. Yogeshwari Shastri, M .A., Ph.D ., and my son Ch. Avinash. T o thank them will be observing too m uch of formality. Last b u t not the least, I m ust record my sincere thanks to Messrs. M otilal Banarsidass, D elhi, for undertaking the p ubli­ catio n of the work an d showing full consideration all through the p rin tin g of the book. In spite of utm ost care bestowed on proof-reading, a few typographical errors have crept in the book, for w hich I crave the indulgence of the readers. In p articu lar I should like to invite th eir attention to a serious inaccuracy regarding the page nos. m entioned on the title pages of Chs. V I and V II and the A ppendix dealing w ith geographical references which has resulted from the spreading over of the m aterial from p. 209 onw ard a t the time of printing. T hus, in the last two lines of title page of Ch. V I (p. 191) we should read 210, 211 an d 212 instead of 209, 210 and 211 respectively; on the title page of Ch. V II (p. 215) 217, 220, 224,229, 230 and 231 instead o f 215, 218, 222, 227, 227 and 229 respectively; and on the title page of the A ppendix (p. 233) 235, 238 and 239 in place of 233, 236 an d 237 respectively. AJAY M IT R A N a g p u r U n iv ersity 4 th J u n e , 1975.

SH ASTRI

ABORI A S I, A R

Annals o f the Bhandarkar Oriental Re­ search Institute. Archaeological Survey o f India, Annual Reports.

ASS

Anandashram Sanskrit Series.

BDCRI

Bulletin o f the Deccan College Research Institute.

BI . BSS

Bibliotheca Indica. Bombay Sanskrit Series.

BV C II El

Bharatiya Vidya. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Epigraphia Indica.

GOS

Gaekwad’s O riental Series.

HDS

History o f Dharmasdstra by P. V. Kane.

HOS

H arw ard O riental Series.

lA JA H R S JB B R A S JB O R S J IH JN SI JO I JR A S K

Indian Antiquary. Journal o f the Andhra Historical Re­ search Society. Journal o f the Bombay Branch o f the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal o f the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Journal o f Indian History. Journal o f the Numismatic Society o f India. Journal o f Oriental Institute, Baroda. Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society o f Great Britain and Ireland. Kuttani-mata.

KSS

K ashi Sanskrit Series.

M ASI

Memoirs o f the Archaeological Survey o f India.

NSP

Nirnay Sagar Press.

RT

Raja-tarangini.

TSS

T rivandrum Sanskrit Series.

PL. I. 1.

Clay sealing of the Kalasesvara shrine, R ajghat. In the upper half, figure of G anapati seated in paryankasana with trunk turned towards right, and in the lower half separated by a horizontal line, the legend sri-Kalasesvara. in characters of about the 7th century A.D. Courtesy Bharat K ala Bhavan, Varanasi. 2. K am a with his consorts R ati and Priti, U ttaresvara Temple, Bhuvanesvara. K .C . Panigrahi, Archaeo­ logical Remains at Bhubaneswar, Fig. 32. See p. 78. „ I I .3. Siva lifting the body of A ndhakasura by his trisula, Ellora, Cave 16 (K ailasa). See p. 61. ,, III.4 . Siva and ParvatT ^laying Chaiisar, Ellora, Cave 21 (Ramesvara). ,, IV.5. T erracotta head of Parvati with her hair arranged in the alakdvali and dhammilla styles, A hichchhatra, Aficie?it India, No. 4, PI. X LV . 6. H untsm an on horseback, H arw an. R .C . Kak, Ancient Monuments o f Kashmir, PI. X X I I I .3. ,, V.7-8. H unting scenes, H arw an. Ibid., PI. X X IX . 19-20. 9. W ild boar hunt. T he panel shows a group of four lance-carrying hunters each riding on a galloping horse engaged in hunting wild boars and one of them raising aloft a boar pierced with his lance. Sun Temple, Konarka. Sudhanshu Choudhury and O. C. Gangoly, Konarak, Fig. 72. ,, V I. 10. W restling scene, Paunar, W ardha District, M aha­ rashtra. 11. H unting scene, H arw an, R .C . Kak, op. cit., PI. X X V III. 14 (middle band). ,, V I I .12. School Scene with the teacher writing on a board surrounded by his pupils, subsidiary shrine of the Laksm ana Tem ple complex, K hajuraho. K anvarlal. Immortal Khajuraho, Fig. 31. ,, V II I.13. Dance School, Laksmana Temple, K hajuraho. Vidya Prakash, Khajuraho, Photograph 30.

,, IX . 14. N artakacarya (Dance T eacher), Sun Tem ple, K onarka. Alice Boner-Sadasiva R ath a Sarm aS. P. Das, New Light on the Sun Temple o f Konarka, PI. 96 (c). 15. Music scene, H arw an. R.G. Kak, op. cit., PI. X X V III. 14 (upper band). ,, X.16. V ita, K um rahar Excavations. V.S. Agrawala and M otichandra, Caturbhdni. ,, X I. 17. Beautifully represented standing female figure hold­ ing m irror, Brahmesvara Temple, Bhuvanesvara. K . C. Panigrahi, op. cit., Fig. 67. „ X I I .18. Female Ghowri-bearer wearing half-sleeved jacket, A janta, Cave 17. V. S. Agrawala, Harsa-carita : Eka Sdrhskrtika Adhyayana, PI.XX.75a. 19. Fem ale Ghowri-bearer wearing full-sleeved jacket, A janta. Ibid., PL X X IV . 72. ,,'X ll\.2 0 .D a la -vita ka , V isvanatha Temple, K hajuraho. K anvarlal, op. cit.. Fig. 186. 21. Dala-vitaka, M arkanda Rsi Temple, M arkandi. S. B. Deo, Markandi Temples, Pis. X X X IX . 2 ; L III.3 . 22. Dala-vitaka, modern. 23. Sisa-patraka, Bhokardan Excavations. Gourtesy N agpur University. 24. Danta-pankti, M arkanda Rsi , Temple, M arkandi. S. B. Deo, op. cit.. Pis. X X X V . 1-2, X X X V II.1. 25. H ead with different kinds of earrings in the two years, Ellqra, Cave 14. 26. Fem ale figure w earing vaikaksyaka with tittibhaand ffl/iA:aia-shaped pendents, Bharhut. 27. Valaya-kalapi, A hichchhatra. Ancient India, No. 4, p. I l l , Fig. 3. 28. R ing w orn a t the root of the finger, K hajuraho, V idya Prakash, op. cit.. Line Drawing PI. V II.25. „ X IV .29. Lady standing under a mango tree tying an anklet, Jam sot, A llahabad District. Pramod C handra' Stone culptures in the Allahabad Museum, PL G X III. 337. ,, X V .30. L ady tying an anklet accompanied by an atten­ d an t holding the other anklet, Parsvanatha Temple, K hajuraho. Vidya Prakash, op. cit.. Photograph 31.

PI. X V I.31. L ady w ith a veil, A janta, Cave 10. G. Yazdani, Ajanta, P art I I I , PI. X X IV . 32. L ady w ith hair arranged in two venis, M ath u ra. V. A. Sm ith, Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities o f Mathura, PI. X X X IV . 33. Lady with dhammilla hair-style, A janta, Cave 17. A. Ghosh, et al, Ajanta Murals, PI. L V II. 34. Lady w ith alakavali hair-style, A janta, Cave 1, Ibid'., PI. X X X V III. 35. H ead of the figure of G ahga w ith a com bination of alakavali and dhammilla hair-styles, Paunar. ,,X V II.36.L ady applying lac-dye to the sole of her foot, accom panied by an atten d an t holding a dye-container, Parsvanatha Tem ple, K hajuraho. K anvarlal, op. cit., Fig. 180. 37. Lady applying collyrium, P arsvanatha Tem ple, K hajuraho. Ibid., Fig. 139. „ X V III.3 8 . Lady playing w ith ball, Laksm ana Temple, K hajuraho. Kanvarlal, op. cit.. Fig. 32. 39. Lady a t the game of ball, Sirsa, A llahabad District. P ram od C handra, op. cit., PI. C L X II. 474. „X IX .4 0 . R am -fight, A janta, Cave 17, ceiling, „X X .41-42. Fem ale figure playing w ith a parrot (41) and a sdrika (42), M arkanda R si Tem ple, M arkandi. S. B. Deo, op. cit., PI. X X X IV . 2,1. „ X X I.4 3 . Samudgikd.

CHAPTER I T H E K U T T A N I-M A T A AND IT S A U T H O R r

i'!,' '."j'

T he K uttani-m ata : Its Past Popularity, Loss and Re-discovery in M odern Tim es 1; T h e T itle 4; D am odaragupta and his Times 5; Historical D a ta : Enactm ent of the R atnavali 6; Reference to Bhaskaravarm an 8; M ention of T uru ska Army 10; A naiigaharsa 10,-Kedara ]5,•TheS^ory20,• Sources of the Story 24; W hen was the K uttani-m ata Composed ? 31; D am odara­ gupta as a Poet 31 ; D am odaragupta’s E rudition 39; K uttani-m ata as a Source of C ultural History 41.

I. T H E K U T T A N l-M A T A : IT S PAST P O P U L A R IT Y , LOSS AND R E -D ISG O V E R Y IN M O D E R N T IM E S Consisting of over a thousand stanzas in the A rya m e tre / theK uttani-m ata of D am odaragupta embodies, as suggested by its

title,2 a vivid exposition of the trickeries of whoredom by an experienced baw d to a young hetaira. W ithin a couple of centuries after its composition it attracted the attention of the connoisseurs and for a long time thereafter com m anded great respect and popularity. This is borne out by the fact th at m any a stanza from this little poem is found cited in standard works on literary criticism and gram m ar and in several Sanskrit anthologies, m ore often than not w ithout nam ing the source. Thus, three verses from th e Kuttani-mata are quoted by a rh eto ri­ cian o f the em inence of Mammata,® and another by the versatile K sem endra ( I lt h century A.D .).* Saranadeva, the au th o r o f the gram m atical treatise Durghata-vrtti (1172 A .D .), adduces two verses from the poem,^ and he is the only one am ongst the ancient writers to m ention the work from which he borrowed. Num erous other couplets from the work are found scattered in th e Alankdra-sarvasva oiM a.nkha. [c. 1150 A.D.),® the com m entary I. M a d h u su d a n K a u l’s e d itio n contains 1058 verses, w hile in T r ip a th i’s ed itio n , w hich is based o n a ll th e a v ailab le m a n u s c rip t m a te ria l, w e h a v e 1059 stan zas. V erse 78 o f T rip a th i’s ed itio n is conspicuous b y its a b sen ce i n K a u l’s w h e re i t has b e en re le g ate d to a foot-note. V id e p . g, fn . 7. а . X u f/a m = p ro cm e ss; m ata—advice, i.e ., advice o f a procuress. A s w ill be show n in th e sequel, th e p o e m w as also know n as Sambhall-mata. T h e w ords kuttani a n d iam hhali a re synonym ous. 3. K d vya-prakd sa{e6itti b y R . D . K a rm a rk a r, P oona, 1950), vii.202 = Kuttanl-mata (h ereinafter referred to as K ) 697; viii.341 a n d ix. 356 = j r 103; x.452=-K ‘ 97. 4 . Kavi-kanthabharana, v. 39 {K^emendra-laghu-kavya-sangraha e d ited b y A ry e n d ra S h a rm a, H y d e ra b a d , 1961, p . 7 8 ) . 5. Durgham-vxtti, V ol. I I (edited by Louis R e n o u w ith F re n c h notes, P a ris 1945), p p . 80 iM a ta h kirn vidadhatna iti Kuttani-mate [ = K 4.1) on P ^ n i , iii.4 .9 9 3 ,9 2 (Kuttam-mate Vaficaka-vxttvo vesydh { = K o n P a n in i, iv. 1.43). б . Alankara-sarvasva (T SS, N o, X L I, 2nd edition, 1926), p . 64 on ^afro22 :^T g 8 . T h e Alankdra-sutra only appears to be th e w ork o f R uyyaka, w hile th e Sanasva c o m m en tary w as com posed b y M a n k h a . See In tro d u c tio n to the Alankara-sarvasva', M . K rish n a m ac h aria r, History o f Classical Sanskrit Literature(M a d ras, 1937), p p . 764-5.

on the Mankha-kosa by the author (M aiikha) him self/ the Ganaratna-jnahodadhi (1140 A .D .) of V ardham ana,^ the Kavindravacana-samuccaya {c. close of the 10th century A.D.),® the Suktimuktdvali (1257 A .D .) o f j a l h a n a / th q - '

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4. D a m o d a ra g u p ta m ust b e distinguished from D am o d ara a n d D am od a r a b h a tta w hose stanzas are cited in th e Padya-veni (edited by J . B. C haudhuri, ■Calcutta 1944) com piled by V en id a tta a b o u t the m iddle o f th e seventeenth c e n tu ry A .D . N one o f th e stan zas qu o ted u n d e r th e ir nam es is found in the K.,

ab out them at present. I t is possible th at some of his o th er writings m ay come to light in future. However, there is no doubt th at the Kuttani-mata was his magnum opus and his renown as a poet principally rested on it. II I . T H E

STO R Y

In short, the story of the Kuttani-mata runs as follows: In the city o f V aranasi there lived a courtesan, M alatl by nam e. Even though possessed of all the conceivable physical charm s, she could a ttra c t only low-born, unm erited, diseased and ugly clients as she was not quite fam iliar w ith the tricks behoving h er profession (3-21, 40). Once, while on the terrace of her house, she heard somebody reciting an Arya which exhor­ ted th at an h etaira should give up the pride of her youth and beauty and strive to learn the ways and means of captivating the hearts of m en (22-23). T aking it for a timely advice, she w ent to an old experienced procuress, V ikarala, to seek h er counsel in this m atter. H aving saluted her w ith h er head bowed down on the earth, she eulogised V ikarala’s extraordinary success as a courtesan and baw d and then solicited her instruc­ tions (24-42). V ikarala paid glowing tributes to M alati’s peerless beauty which by itself, said she, was capable of w inning the hearts of w ealthy young m en (43-57). T hen she gave the following advice : She (M alati) should entice G intam ani, son of an influen­ tial governm ent officer. His father being away in the capital, he is the m aster of his own affairs and as such he can be easily won over. T o accom plish this object she should despatch a shrewd female messenger (dilti) to him . T he messenger should first offer h im betel and flowers and then n arrate the pathetic condition th at her mistress has reached pining in love for him , h er matchless beauty and other accomplishments and try to a ttra ct him towards M alati by all means at her com m and (58-136). W hen thus entangled, G intam ani comes to her residence, he should be suitably received and conducted to the bedcham ber. M alati’s m other should welcome him there and express gratitude for his visit. After she has left the bedroom , M alati should offer her person and satiate his sexual appetite by a variety o f

love sports (137-64). She should then pretend jealousy with ‘G intam ani’s wife by praising the latter’s good fortune to have secured such a good husband and entreat him not to deprive h e r (M alatl) of his love. And in order to convince him of the sincerity of her love she should narrate the following episode o f H aralata and Sundarasena'- (165-75): In the city of P ataliputra there lived a learned, pious B rahm ana nam ed P urandara. H e had a very handsome and learned son, Sundarasena by name. O ne day when he was seated in a lonely place enjoying the company of his trusted friend, G unapalita, he heard an Arya stressing the im portance o f peregrination for education. T hereupon Sundarasena re­ solved to em bark upon a long sojourn and conveyed his decision to G unapalita. T he latter described the difficulties experienced in a long journey. W hen they were thus conversing, they heard some one reciting another Arya which emboldened them to brave these hardships (175-232). In course of their peregrinations they arrived at the Arb u d a m ountain which they climbed. T here Sundarasena h appened to see a beautiful damsel nam ed H aralata. H a ra ­ la ta also saw him and got enamoured of him. In her frantic longing for Sundarasena she landed herself in a pathetic condi­ tion. H aving failed to dissuade her from this unstinted love unbecom ing of a courtesan, her friend C andraprabha betook herself to Sundarasena and apprised him of H a ra la ta ’s love-lorn condition. Notwithstanding G unapalita’s loud warnings against the genuineness of a wench’s professions of love, Sundarasena decided to honour H a ra la ta ’s love and w ent to her residence h earing on his way the conversation of the prostitutes, rakes and procuresses. H e spent about one year and a h alf enjoying various kinds of pleasures in the company of his beloved. Just then he received a missive from his father rebuking him for hav­ ing fallen in the trap of an hetaira in complete disregard of his high family tradition and asking him to return home imme­ diately. Fie was at a loss to decide the future course of action, b u t on G u n ap alita’s advice resolved to obey his father. H a ra­ lata accom panied them up to a banyan tree where SundaraI. S . K . D e [A History o j Sanskrit Literature, V o l . I, p. 197) wrongly gives th e n a m e o f H a r a la ta ’s lover as S u d a rsa n a.

sena bade her good bye and proceeded further. H e h ad h ard ly covered a little distance when he learnt from a fellow-traveller the tidings of the sad demise of H aralata. Broken-hearted, h e at once returned to the banyan tree under which his sweet­ heart had breathed her last and m ourned her death, w hile G unapalita consigned her m ortal remains to the flames of fire. Sundarasena, unable to stand the grief, was about to follow his beloved on the funeral pyre w hen he heard a timely Arya dis­ suading him from such a cow ardly act. Sundarasena, however, could not bear the shock of her death and, accom panied by G unapalita, em braced ascetic life (233-497). By all the m eans a t her com m and, M alatl should convince C intam anI th at her love is not inspired by any pecuniary consi­ deration (498-527). O nce such a conviction is brought hom e, she should try to squeeze all his w ealth by various cunning devices. She should, for instance, pretend to q uarrel w ith her m other, the latter rebuking her for having rejected rich and generous clients for the sake of C intam ani and asking her to return forth­ w ith all her belongings and the form er professing her selfless love for C intam ani and handing over all the ornam ents in the fit of the m om ent. O n hearing these angry exchanges, G intam ani m ay bring to his m ind some examples of the sincere love of the hetairae and being convinced of the genuineness of her love m ay eventually decide to please her by giving away every­ thing belonging to him (528-84). I f this fails, she should try the following stratagem : through her friend she should have it conveyed to C intam ani th at on his failing to tu rn up last night his sweetheart, w ith all the jew ellery on her person, w ent to m eet him and was on the way robbed of her ornam ents by the thieves (585-604). This device also failing, she should resort to other tricks such as a usurer dem anding back his m oney which she had borrowed for C intam ani by pledging her pearl necklace (605-10), pretending to m ake an offering to the deity which she h ad earlier prom ised for securing his health when he was ill (611-13), and burning the house after rem oving every­ thing therefrom and announcing wholesale destruction (614). H aving extracted all his belongings, she should strive to drive him out by such devices as showing disregard for him , giving him a separate seat, jealous speech, heart-breaking laughter, praising his rivals, accusing him o f talking too m uch.

obstructing his talk by opening some new topic, condem ning his conduct, avoiding his com pany and m aking the m aid u tter harsh words. These tricks also failing, M alati should tell him th at though she still loved him she could not afford to disobey h er m other all the same and therefore he m ust get out at least for some time (615-63). H aving thus ousted Cintam ani, she m ay proceed to woo again a m an whom she had earlier discarded after his wealth was exhausted, provided, of course, he has regained his wealth. She m ay convince him of her sincerity by attributing their previous separation to a m isunderstanding caused by a villain. In order to inflame his sexual appetite, she m ay recall to his m ind earlier enjoyments. She should desert him again after his regained affluence has disappeared. In short, the behaviour of a strum pet is exemplified by the maxim of a mango which is first chewn fully and then throw n away or by th at of a fish whose skin and bones are cast away after eating the flesh (674-735). T hen, in order to bring her advice home to M alati, Vikara la nai-rated the following anecdote of the dancing girl M afljari and prince S am arabhata : Once prince Sam arabhata, son of Siriihabhata, king of D evarastra,^ accom panied by some attendants, visited V aranasi w ith the object of offering worship to the god V rsabhadhvaja (i.e. Siva). H earing the conversation of the rakes and wenches on the way, he reached the temple and offered worship. T here­ after he was suitably received in an assemblage of dancers, actors and actresses, musicians, strum pets, traders and business magnets. O n his inquiry about the state of music and dance in V aranasi, the dance-m aster [nartakdcarya) present there des­ cribed the deplorable condition of these arts after king Anangah arsa’s demise pointing out th at the courtesans were interested m ore in their clients than in the pursuit of fine arts. He, how­ ever, introduced the prince to a pretty dancing girl, M anjari by nam e, who, he said, was an accomplished actress and request­ ed him to witness the first act of the Ratnavali performed by his pupils. T he prince appreciated the performance, particularly M an jarl’s role as Sagarika, adequately rew arded the danceI.

o f B enares.

S. K . De

{ihxd., p . 198) w rongly describes S a m ara b h ata as the king

m aster and returned to his residence. But he was deeply en a­ m oured of M anjarl, and when he was ju st describing h er physical charm s to his m inister, there appeared M anjarl’s messenger who n arrated graphically her mistress’s affected love-lorn condition, thereby blazing his sexual appetite still further. O n hearing S am arab h ata’s favourable reply, M anjarl, accom panied by her m aid, came to the p rince’s residence, gratified him w ith a variety o f love plays and deserted him after squeezing all his wealth (736-1056). In conclusion, V ikarala urged M alatl to follow her instruc­ tions if she wished to amass great w ealth (1057). Convinced of the advice of V ikarala, M alati came back hom e (1058). IV .

SO U R C ES O F T H E

STO R Y

I t would appear from the above outline th at the them e of the Kuttani-mata depends for its developm ent on two stories, viz., (i) of Sundarasena and H aralata, and (ii) of prince S am arabhata and M anjari. W hile the former symbolises ungru d g in g , selfless love, the latter serves to illustrate the decep­ tive character of the prostitute’s craft. T he two stories, it would be clear, are not in any way connected with one another. Even if they are taken individually, there is nothing charm ing about them . T hey look like two independent offices functioning in the same building. T h a t D am odaragupta could create such a beautiful poem out of these disconnected anecdotes is by itself an eloquent tribute to his poetic talents. W e have absolutely no knowledge as regards the source of these stories. A ttention m ay, however, be invited to some sim ilar stories found in other works. P articular interest in this connec­ tion attaches to the Kathd-sarit-sagara of Somadeva^ and the Brhat-kathd-manjari ofK sem endra^ which represent the K ashm i­ rian version of the celebrated Paisaci com pendium of stories, the Brhat-katha of G unadhya. T he Saktiyasolam baka of these works contains an interesting anecdote which runs as follows:— 1. E d ite d by D u rg a p rasad a n d K . P . P a ra b , 4 th edition, B om bay, 1930. T ra n s la te d in to E nglish by C . H . T aw ney a n d edited by N . M . P enzer, V ols. I-X , L ondon. 2. E dited by S ivadatta a n d K . P . P a ra b , 2nd edition, Bom bay, 1931.

R atnavarm an, a w ealthy m erchant of the city of Citrakuta, h ad a son nam ed Isvaravarm an. W hen the latter was on the verge o f m anhood, his father entrusted him to a bawd nam ed Yamajih v a in order th at he m ight learn the tricks of courtesans and n o t be deceived by them. Thereafter Isvaravarm an left for Suvarnadvipa for the purpose of trade. O n his way, he arrived a t a town nam ed K aiicanapura and set up his camp on its outskirts. Leaving his companions in the camp, he entered the town and w ent to a tem ple to witness a spectacle. And there he saw an hetaira nam ed Sundari and fell in love w ith her. H e had lived w ith her for two m onths and exhausted m uch of liis w ealth when his friend advised him to resume the journey. W ith m uch reluctance he secured S undari’s permission to p art com pany. In the m eantim e, Sundari and h er m other M akarai a t i hatched a stratagem and had a net spread out in a well lying on the road the traders m ust take. O n the next day when Isvaravarm an set out on the journey, Sundari and M akarakatl w ent up to the well to bid him farewell. There he m ade his sw eetheart return, and he had hardly resumed his journey when S undari flung herself into the well over the net. H earing the loud cries of her m other and the maids, Isvaravarm an and his friend came back there. Sundari was brought out o f the well, a n d she feigned regaining consciousness. T aking this incident as symbolising S undari’s deep-seated love for him , the m erchant’s son gave up the idea of continuing the journey, and notw ith­ standing A rth a d a tta ’s advice against reposing confidence in a courtesan, he continued to live with S undari; and when he was stripped of all his wealth, M akarakati had him turned out of his beloved’s abode. W hen this episode was conveyed to his father, he somehow had his son brought back home. T he rem ainder d f the story does not concern us in the present inquiry.^ M aking due allowance for the inevitable differences in accordance w ith the different objectives the two authors had before them ,the close resemblance between the two stories of the Kuttani-m ata on the one hand and the above story of the Kathdsarit-sdgara and the Brhat-katha-manjari on the other cannot be I.

Katha-sarit-sajara, x . i. 34-i7.=i; T aw ney a n d Penzer^ vol. v, pp. Brhai-katha-maniari, xvi. 2. s6ff. T h ere are som e very insignificant

differences betw een th e tw o versions of the story.

denied. T aking first the story of Sundarasena and H a ra la ta for com parison, S undarasena of our story m ay stand for Isv aravarm an o f the other story; the roles of their friends,G unapalita and A rth a d atta, are alm ost identical; fathers o f both S undara­ sena and Isvaravarm an are perturbed a t the news o f their sons falling victims to the stratagem s o f the strum pets. T he banyan, tree o f the Kuttani-mata and the well of the Katha-sarit-sagara and the Brhat-kathd-manjan also com pare well. B ut w hereas V ikarala aim ed at illustrating the rare unstinted love o f a courtesan, the object of Som adeva an d K sem endra was to dem onstrate the untrustw orthy character of the love of a w ench. H ence H aralata, being unable to bear the pangs o f separation from her lover, actually dies, w hile S undarl feigns death w ith th e object o f beguiling h er victim , Isvaravarm an. T his story bears a close resem blance w ith the other story of the Kuttani-mata also. Both Sam .arabhata and Isvaravarm an fall into the clutches o f the strum pets after seeing th eir perfor­ m ance, one at a Siva tem ple at V aranasi and the other a t a tem ple at K ancanapura. And the heroes of both the stories are discarded after they are divested of all their riches. T h e only differences between the two stories are th a t (1) w hile S am arabhata was a prince, Isvaravarm an was a trad e r; (2) in the Kuttani-mata story, even though S am arabhata was enam our­ ed of M anjari, it was the latter who took initiative, whereas in the other story the initiative was taken by Isvaravarm an, n o t by Sundari, and (3) whereas Isv arav arm an ’s friend A rth a d a tta tried to save Isvaravarm an from the clutches of the wenches, S am arab h ata’s m inister tried to detract his m aster from th e strum pet by attracting him to another equally great vice, viz., involvem ent w ith others’ wives. But these differences are very m inor and in no way affect the general tone of the two anec­ dotes. I t is possible, though by no m eans certain, th a t D am od arag u p ta m ay have borrowed both of his stories from a n original anecdote like the one outlined above. I t m ust also be pointed out here th at there is a close simil­ arity betw een the description of the physical features o f th e bawds Y am ajihva and V ikarala^ and their instructions to th eir i

I.

^

II

Kathd-sarit-sagara, x .i.6 o .

Student strumpets.^ In this connection two other stories of the Katha-saritsagara and the Brhat-katha-mafijan also deserve attention. In one of these stories we read how K um udika, a courtesan of UjjayinI, was prepared to sacrifice everything including her own life and helped Vikram asirnha, king of P ratisthana, regain his lost kingdom only to secure the release of a poor B rahm in’s son, S ridhara by nam e, for whom she had genuine love.^ T he other story features R upinika, a prostitute of M ath u ra, who cherished selfless love for a poor B rahm ana and persisted in it even against the explicit desire of her mother.® I t is no t impos­ sible th a t our poet m ay have got the idea of depicting the sincere love of H a ralata for the B rahm ana Sundarasena from some such story. T he Kathd-sarit-sdgara and the Brhat-katha-manjari are nodoubt later th an the Kuttani-mata by about three centuries and as such D am odaragupta could not have derived his story from. Som adeva and K sem endra. But as averred by the two K ashm i-

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?1T p HTT5 W STT'^Tsf jff 4r 4-84. 643, 766, 777, l o i i . 20. I l l , 354, 575, 577-78, 651, 655, 765, 768, 769, 774, 988. 21. n o , 2 7 1 , 716, 775. 22. 76-1.. 23. 258. 24. 366, 367. 25. 120. 26. 9 -ig , l o i , 241, 247, 776, 965.

pama^'^ and utpreksa^^ together with its varieties svarupotprek^a^^' and hetutprek^a^ O f other arthdlankaras reference m ay be m ade to anujiid, atadguna, anyokti, aksepa, asangati, asama, apahnuti, kaitavapahnuti, asatsamuccaya, udatta, kalpitabhrdntiman, dipaka,. drstanta, nidarsand, parikara, parisaAkhyd, parydyokti, punaruktavaddbhdsa, punarukti, pratipa, bhdvika, mudrd, lalita, vakrokti, vibhdvand,. vikalpa, vinokti, visesa, vUesokti, visama, vydjastuti, lokokti, •sama, samddhi, sandeha, samdsokti, samuccaya, sambhdvand, sahokti, svabhdvokti and hetu.'^ W e have several examples where more-

than one figure of speech, sometimes as m any as four oi’ five, are employed in a single stanza.® M any verses furnish instances of the use of the alankdras in com binations {sankara or samsrsti). Thus we have com binations of unmilita and arthdntaranydsa (112), of aksepa zcaA arthdntaranydsa (114, 243), of aksepa, slesa and arthdntaranydsa (296), of asatsamuccaya and kaitavapahnuti (393), of rupakdtisayokti, slesa and vibhdvand (413), of visama and arthdntaranydsa (976), of atisayokti and kdvydrthdpatti (977), o i samuccaya and visama (986), and of anumdna and parydyokti (1005-6). It stands to the credit o f D am odaragupta th at in most cases the alankdras employed by him appear natural and add to the charm of the poem, and do not ham per our understanding as in the later decadant Sanskrit poetry. D am odaragupta was a shrewd story-teller. H e adopted a unique device for achieving the progress of the story. T he usual m ethod employed by poets to keep the story going is a. direct narration or introduction of some new characters. But our poet did not tread this hackneyed path. C haracters in 27. 28. 29. 1. 2.

330. io 8 j 24.2, 244, 24.6, 369, 725. 202. 4 8 7 ,8 0 9 -9 0 0 . Anujna : 146, 546 ; atadgma : 771; anyokti : 715, 1037; Skiepa : 114,. 10 2 s; asangati : 502; asama : 1013-14.; apahnuti'. 971; kaitavapahnuti: 393; asatsamuccaya-. 393; udatta : 179-80; Kalpitabhrantimdn : p 8 i; drpaka : 319, 320, 321, 645; drstanta: 705; nidarsand : \ parikara: 681, 777, 987; harisankhjd: 186-91, 11-17; 308-10, 54.7, 955' 57j lo o T , parydyokti ; 488, 969, io o j-6 ; punaruktavaddbhdsa: 655, 763; bratipa : 122, 133, 773; bhdrika: J2T, mudrd: 714; l OSJi lalita: 991; vakrokti : 488; vibhdvand: 51, 770, 980, 1025; vikalpa: 205; vinokti : 488; visefa : 962; viSesokti: 104; visama: 414, 976, g86, 987, 998,, 1033; vydjastuti: 786, 983; lokokti : 366, 367; sama : 623, 650, 987. samddhi : 184; 274; sandeha: 681; 979; samdsokti: 636; 766, 899-900, 974; 985;. samuccaya : 131, 272; 968; 986, lo o i; sambhdvand: 125; sahokti: 725; svabhdvokti: 952-54; 767, 768, 785; lesa : 721. 3. E .g . 179-80, 134, 488 (4 alankdras), 643, 768, 769, 777, 987 (4 alankdras), 996-1000, 1037 (5 alankdras).

th e Kuttam-mata are very few indeed; M alati and V ikarala, whose dialogue forms the m ain them e of the poem, are but secondary characters; the four principal characters of the pcem are Sundarasena and H aralata, and prince S am arabhata and M anjari. To these m ay be added a messenger {diiti) each of M alati, H a ralata and M anjari, and S undarasena’s friend Gunap a lita and S am arabhata’s m inister. However, these characters taken unaided, the story would not have progressed. Damodarag u pta, therefore, devised a novel m ethod which consists in the introduction of some Arya or Giti stanzas said to have been sung not by any of the characters but by someone else in his own context bu t overheard by the characters concerned. It is these stanzas th at give m ovem ent to the story. W henever the story seems stagnating and the characters are at a loss to decide the future course of action, such Aryas or Gitis are introduced to indicate the timely action. Thus it is on hearing an Arya recited by somebody in his own -context th at M alati makes her way to V ikarala to get her -advice (23). A nother Arya, also sung by somebody casually, inspires Sundarasena to undertake an educational excui'sion (212), and another Giti (232) makes him firm in his resolve w hen his friend, G unapalita, tried to dissuade him by nai'rating the sufferings experienced by travellers in those days. Likewise, Sundarasena was encouraged to ascend the A rbuda m ountain and respond favourably to H a ra la ta ’s love by hearing such Giti stanzas (255, 326-328). Similarly, Sundarasena decides to carry out his father’s behest and return hom e (426-427, 466) and desists from accom panying his beloved on the funeral pyi-e (492) on hearing such stanzas. I f M alati goes on an abhisdra in a rainy night it is because of an incitem ent reportedly provided -,bya Giti (588). Again, the description of the benefits and thrills of hunting and cessation thereof are occasioned by sim ilar verses (949, 959). Lastly, S am arabhata finds, in a sim ilar G iti .stanza (1043), support to his favourable response to M an jari’s message of love. This device is unique in the whole range, of . .Sanskrit literature. T he general framework of the Kuttani-mata is patterned ■on the Puranas. I t begins and ends in the Puranic fashion. M a la ti calling on V ikarala and eulogising her rem ind the reader o f the Puranic descriptions of the pupils attending upon a sage,

while V ikarala’s residence thronged by a m ultitude of lovers m a y be com pared to a gurukula. As in the Puranas, V ikarala’s instructions to M alati are illustrated by sub-stories (u pakh ydn as). 'The story of M anjari and S am arabhata resembles the itih asa ■or prarocana introduced in order to convince the pupils of the •effectiveness of the teaching. And lastly, the closing description •of M alati, satisfied w ith V ikarala’s teaching resulting in the rem oval of her ignorance, bowing at V ikarala’s feet and going hom e is also in conformity with the Puranic style.^ As pointed out by S. K. De,^ th& K u tta n i-m a ta is the earliest d atable work of an erotico-comic, if not fully satiric, tendency, and to D am odaragupta belongs the credit of introducing this p articular genre in Sanskrit literature. H e deserves all praise for the fact th at in spite of the dangerously coarse content of the poem he never loses balance. A lthough the droll-life is ■dilated with frankness and fullness of details, the treatm ent is ■elegant throughout. T he style is simple b u t effective. B rilliant flashes of w it and hum our are scattered all over the poem. D am odaragupta was a great hum ourist who never missed an ■opportunity of hum our afforded by the context. I t is note-vvorthy in this connection th at ancient In d ian writers on literary ■criticism postulated a close connection between the sentim ent ■of love {srngdra) and th at of hum our (h a sya ). B harata, for instance, thought th at hdsya originated from srrlgara and th a t M s y a is but an im itation of M g d r a .^ T here is plenty of satire pervading the whole poem, bu t generally it is indirect. A few examples of such witty, hum orous dialogues, taken a t random , .are cited below. D uh itara eva sldghyd d h ig = lokarii putra-janm a-santustam j J d m d ta ra dpyante bh avd d rsd ya d = abhisam bandhdt // 146.

Fie upon those th at are delighted at the birth of a son. Praisew orthy are, indeed, the daughters through whom are ■obtained sons-in-law like you. A vidagdhah sram a-kathino du rlabh a-yosid—y u v a ja d o viprahj

393. A foolish and uncultivated B rahm in youth, hardened by

A pam rtyur = upakrdntah kdm i-vydjena me rdtrau jj

G . T . D esh p a n d e in Chanda (M a r a th i), v o l. ii, n o . 2, p p . 63-4. A History o f Sanskrit Literature, p . 197. C f. ^rrigarad^dhi bham d=dhaso...; §rfigdr-dnukjiir=ya tu sa hSsyas^ tu prakirtitaji, J^atyaiastra, v i. 3 9 , 4 0 . 1. 2. 3.

rough work, b u t unable to get women, came to me last night;, he was, indeed, an untim ely death in the guise of a lover. M a d ya -va sa d = abhiyoktari m rta-kalpe- talpa-bhdga-m agnayahj

395. T he inebriate lover being as good as dead, I lay in a corner of the bed and spent the night peacefully, my sleep being undis­ turbed. A virodhita-nidrayah sukhena me y d m in i y a td H

Srnu sakhi kautukam = ekam g ra n w ia k a -k a m in a ya d — adya krtam j Su rata-rasa-rnilitaksi m rt-eti bhitena m ukt-dsm ijI 399. H ear, O Friend, the unique thing that a rustic lover did. m e today (i.e., last night). In the ecstasy of the m om ent I had closed my eyes when he took me for dead and, being afraid,, took to flight leaving m e alone. D am odaragupta’s characters are life-like and vividly^ portrayed. H e was a m aster of w ord-pictures in w hich theinterest of the poem m ainly lies. His descriptions are fullblooded and they present before our eyes a complete picture of the thing described. As examples m ention m ay be m ade of the descriptions of C intam ani and prince S am arabhata and the m ating of M alatl and C intam ani and of H a ralata and Sundarasena. O ne of the most touching examples of word-pictures isthe description of H a ralata ju st before her death supporting her strengthless body by clutching the branch of a banyan treew ith one hand and with the other pressing her bosom so that, h er heart m ight not break, fixedly looking a t her gradually disappearing lover through the tears th at spontaneously welled up and coursed down the cheeks. It is, indeed, a picture o f pathos in concrete shape; V ata-sdkh-dlam bi-bhujdm svasit-ofna-sam ira-susyad = adharad a la m f Paryastdm bibhrdndm ta n = m arga-vilokan -dn im esa-drsam jj 468Loldya?ndna-vem-tiryak-krta-kantha-bhufana-visesd.m j G ala d = a sru -vd ri-p u rn d m patit-dm suka^-nihsah-dnga-latdm j /469’ R u n d h d n d m = iva hrdayam sphutad = itara-karena kuca-yugdsrayindj 1. sattasai,

A s su ggested b y T r ip a th i (p. l o i ) , th is sta n za is b ased o n GaiAaiv . 6o :

3T53T 2. amiuka.

T rip a th i prefers th e read in g Jiatitdrh B u t th e la tter read in g is p referab le.

| samsufka in p la ce

o f p a tit-

Parisesitdrfi v ild sa ir— utsr^tarh Angikrtarh vipattya vasikrtarh

jiva-loka-kartavyaih H 470 m arm a-ghattanair-visam aih /

H dralatdm = aparisphufam = antahparikrsyamana-hharatya / 471 M a m d td v a d = y d ta ksanam =ekarh y d v a d —e^a niskarunah j V an a-gu lm air= na tirohitam — ity = abhidadhatim jah u h prd n d h jl

472 W ith one of her hands clasping fast a branch of the banyan tree, her petal-like lower lip drying up with the hot breathing wind, her upturned and unw inking eyes looking at his path, the braid of her h air swinging, her beautiful neck-ornament lying aslant, drenched with dripping tears, her garm ent carelessly falling on the ground and her creeper-like body becoming helpless, the palm of her other hand resting on her bosom, as if preventing her heart from breaking, abandoned by amorous sports, free from worldly duties, adopted by calam ity as its own, overwhelmed by heart-rending shocks, uttering in a choked voice, “ Do not fly out, oh m y breath, until this merciless fellow (Sundarasena) is hidden by wild bowers,” she breathed her last. T he lam entation of Sundarasena over the sad demise of H a ralata (475-479, 482-489) constitutes another example of pathetic outburst. A student of the K u tta n l-m a ta is called upon to answer a few questions, to wit. W hy did the poet delineate the thrills of a courtesan’s love ? Did he derive sadistic pleasure in seeing innocent young m en ruined by courtesans’, treachery ? I f not, w hat purpose did he expect to be sei'ved by a vivid and illustrated narrative of the stratagem s of strumpets ? I t is not difficult to answer these questions. Although D am odaragupta was prim arily a poet and his work has turned out to be a beautiful piece of art, it is not necessary to suppose that he had no objective whatsoever before him. H e was undoubtedly perturbed at the pitiable state of morals, described above, of Kashm ir in the adm inistration of which he had to play an im portant role, and he certainly w anted to do his bit to am eliorate this condition. H is objective eidently was to w arn the people against the vices o f prostitution by citing instances of persons, under fictitious nam es, who were impoverished because of addiction to whores. Hemakes his purpose known only in the concluding stanza of the poem wherein we are told that one who listens to the poem

adhering to its pu rp o rt is never duped by parasites, courtesans^ rogues and procuresses.^ And the poet has succeeded rem ark­ ably well in achieving his objective while at the same time m ain­ taining the poetic character of the work, never allowing us to feel the presence o f the reformer. T he reader is so m uch engross­ ed in the poem th at he is always face to face w ith the various facets of the poet, he feels him self identified w ith him . I t is only a t the end when we have perused the whole poem , when we have dived deep into it and when we have com pletely identified, ourselves w ith the poet and when our m ind is still engrossed into the ecstasies of the poem th at we are suddenly shaken by the poet who states th at it is w ith some obj ect th a t he has com­ posed the poem and th at while enjoying the poem we should n o t lose sight of this fact. And once th a t we come to know o f the purpose of the poet in describing the seducements of strimipets, we begin reflecting over the whole poem piece by piece and we find eloquent reverberations of the same w arning everywhere. W hen after viewing the charms and jo y s of courtesans’ love we find their lovers ruined, w hen we find the cortesan’s m other instructing her into the trickeries o f her profession w ith special emphasis on the a rt of cheating m en, we are a t once shocked, as if we were awakened from a slum ber, we come back to the realities of life, we begin to perceive the hidden m eaning of all the apparently loving acts of the strum pet and thus we find the poignant notes of w arning present everywhere in the poem. T his sort of indirect w arning adm inistered through such poig­ n a n t notes is undoubtedly m uch m ore effective than a com pelling clause of law. T he author appears to be one who did not believe in the efficacy o f ‘does’ and ‘don’ts’. Because of the m oralising lesson th e K u tta n i-m a ta is intended to transm it it has been sometimes classed, both by ancient and m odern w riters, as a didactic poem . Thus, according to H em acan d ra’s K dvyanuiasana, a story aim ing a t drawing some m oral by m eans o f the lives o f anim als, birds or low persons is known as a didactic story {n idarsan a-kath d), and as instances are

!•

q': CO

I

m entioned th .t Pancatantra, D h u rta-vita-sarh vada,K u ttan i-m ata, etc.^ T \ i e K u tta n i-m a ta m ay justifiably be regarded as a social criticism, a comic satire on the m oral depravity of certain classes of contem porary society, and in this respect forms a companion volume to the bharias and prahasanas. I t bears greater resem­ blance to the form er in th at there is an indirect exposure o f hum an frailty as in the bhanas and not direct ridicule as in the prahasanas.

V II .

D A M O D A R A G U PTA ’S

E R U D IT IO N

T h e dom ain of creative literature is wide enough to com ­ prehend w ithin its fold everything on the surface of the earth,, and, as stated by B harata with special reference to dram a, there is no knowledge, no craft, no learning, no a rt and no com bination th at is not seen in it.^ In ancient India, therefore, a poet was expected to be well-read and conversant w ith all varieties of subjects and his preparatory training so comprehensive as to include all the then known disciplines and, of course, common­ place things. R u d rata envisaged a sort of omniscience in a poet,® while B ham aha appreciated the heaviness of a poet’s m en tal burden.^ Special interest in this connection attaches to Ch. 8 of R ajasekhara’s Kavya-mimarhsd which enumerates the Sruti, Sm rti, Itihasa, Purana, Mimariisa, logic (including Sankhya, Nyaya, Vaisesika, Buddhist and J a in a philosophies and L okayata), Samayavidya (including Saiva-siddhanta, I-

^

^

^

A lan k ara-cu d am an i, v iii. 8 , p . 4 6 3 .

I b id ., V iv ek a , 193, p . 4 6 4 .

1.

Ndtya-sdstra, x ix .1 4 3 . C f. B h am ah a,

Kavy-dlankdra, i.g ; Vam ana,,

Kdvya-dlankdra, i.g ff.; R u d ra ta , Kdvy-dlankdra, i . i 8 ; Kdvya-prakdsa, i.3 .

2 . Kdvy-dlankdra, i.1 9 . 3 . Kdvy-dlankdra, V . 4 . 4 . Kdvya-mimdmsd ( G .O .S ., n o . i , 3rd ed itio n , B aroda 1 9 3 4 ), p p . 3 5 ff. T o these R a jasek h ara ad d s four n ew p rin cip les, v i z ., ucita-samyoga, yoktr-sathyoga, utpddya-sarhyoga, sarhyoga-vikdra, w h ic h , h ow ever, can h a rd ly b e regarded as sources o f p o e tic th em e.

P ancaratrai B auddha Siddhanta, etc.), the three R aja-siddhantaSj viz., A rthasastra, N atyasastra and K am asutra, Loka which com prehends cultured and uncultured modes of life pertaining both to all the people and lim ited circles, and m iscellany (in­ cluding the sciences dealing w ith elephants, j ewels, archery and Yoga, etc.) as sources o f poetic themes.^ In consequence o f this stress on versatility poets in ancient In d ia were n o t unoften anxious to exhibit their m astery over various sciences. A perusal of the K u tta n i-m a ta shows th at our p o et was fam iliar w ith a variety o f subjects some o f w hich he h ad assiduously studied. Proofs of a close and protracted study o f V atsyayana’s K d m a -su tra , which is m entioned by nam e (77, 123), are found a t every step. D am odaragupta’s treatm ent of prostitution m ay be justifiably described as a I'unning illustrated com m entary on the V aisika section (V I) of the K d m a -su tra . V v . 812-861 dealing w ith involvem ent in others’ wives are also based on its P aradarika section (V ). D am odaragupta was also acquainted w ith the w ritings o f some other authorities on erotics, to wit, D attakacarya, R a ja p u tra , M adanodaya and V itav rtta or V ita p u tra (77, 123). B harata’s N a ty a -sa stra is another source D am odaragupta has heavily draw n upon. T he descriptions ■of C intam ani and S am arabhata, S undarasena’s wailing over the demise of his beloved, and, above all, the account o f the perform ance of the R a tn d v a li afford enormous evidence of D am odarag u p ta’s study of the N a ty a -sd stra . Among other subjects with w hich he evinces his acquaintance m ention m ay be m ade of th e U panisads (570), gram m ar (12, 13, 782, 980), prosody (10, 14, 313, 339, 465-66, 968 780,), Sruti (199, 422), Smrtis (296, 419), t\& R d m d y a n a (786, 859, 861, 1000, 1004, 1014), the M ahdbh drata (78, 194, 252, 984), the Puranas (8 6 , 486, 487, 860, 1013, 1014, 1027), D andaniti (210, 318), poetics (627, 783, 791-92), Ayurveda (427, 1025, 1027, 1033), music (576, 940-44), D hanurveda (951-57), Asvasastra (500), Saiikhya (318), Yoga (996, 999, 1011), M im aihsa (824), Buddhism (266, 778, 781) and Jainism (367). This m any-sided learning is in full consonance w ith the noble tradition of high scholarship w hich characterised Ja y a p id a ’s reign. T h e high position our poet occupied in the body politic o f K ashm ir enabled him to gain a first-hand experience of m en and things traces w hereof a re noticeable all over the poem. H e appears to have travelled

extensively in n o rthern In d ia ; his accounts of V aranasi, Patalip u tra and M t. Abu appear to be realistic. V III. K U T T A N I-M A T A AS A SO U R C E O F CU LTU R A L H IS T O R Y D am odaragupta has brought practically all the im portant aspects of contem porary life within the purview of this little poem. As one m ight naturally expect, the work affords p re­ cious inform ation about the life and practices of prostitutes who formed an im portant element of contem porary In d ian society. In the account of P urandara and Sundarasena and the former’s letter to the latter we get interesting glimpses of contem porary system of B rahm anical education. T he account of the peregrina­ tions of Sundarasena and G unapalita gives us good idea of the difficulties experienced by travellers in those days when there were no swift m eans of com m unication as a t present. T he description of C intam ani and S am arabhata furnishes valuable inform ation about dress and ornaments as well as about the social types they represent. W e also get casual b u t pleasing glimpses of the then religious beliefs and practices, social organi­ sation, food and drinks, family life, position of women, sports a n d pastimes, adm inistrative set-up, economic conditions and th e state of fine arts. T he work also supplies some valuable pieces of historical inform ation which has already been discussed above. T h e principal venue o f the story of the K u tta n i-m a ta is located at V aranasi. M alati and V ikarala, round whom the entire poem centres, lived at V aranasi. T he episode concern­ ing M an jari and S am arabhata is also reported to have occurred a t V aranasi. W e, therefore, naturally get valuable details ab out V aranasi which was then one of the m ajor centres of In d ia n culture. I t is w orth m entioning in this connection that th e description of V aranasi, in some im portant details, is confirm­ ed by other evidences. In the anecdote of Sundarasena and H a ra la ta we find some inform ation about P ataliputra and M t. A bu also. A lthough there is no direct reference to K ashm ir, there can be n o doubt th at the poem gives a fairly accurate picture of contem­ p o rary Kashm iri life. In fact, as shown above, the purpose of the

au th o r in composing the poem was to ridicule, though indirectly,, the m oral depravity o f the higher sections of society in K ashm ir. W e also get casual allusions to the corruption prevailing in con­ tem porary adm inistration of K ashm ir and the neglect of th e ir duties by the kings. T h e K u tta n i-m a ta is of im portance to a student of literary history also inasm uch as it contains the earliest reference to the enactm ent o f H arsav ard h an a’s R a tm v a li as also to A nangaharsa M atraraja, him self a poet and a patron o f letters. Allusions to ­ o th e r works enable us to know the curriculum o f literary studies in those days. T he K u tta n i-m a ta has thus turned out to be an invaluable source-book o f the cultural history of India, m ore particularly h e rn o rth e rn half, during the early m ediaeval period..

C H A PTER II P O L IT IC A L T H E O R Y AND A D M IN IS T R A T IO N P o litic a l Theory : Prakrtis 45; Upayas and Gunas 45; U padhas 46. A dm inistration : M onarchy 46; B ureaucracy: Princes and their Entourage 47; Pratihara 49; N agaraprabhu 49; Saulkikadhyaksa and H attap ati 51; Niyogin 52; Allotment of Land to Governm ent Officers 52; C orruption of Offi­ cials 53; M ahadranga or M ahodrahga 54; W ar and W eaponry 55; Ethics of W ar 56.

I. P O L IT IC A L TH E O R Y P rakrtis

w

W e get only a few casual allusions to some basic concepts of ancient In d ian political thought. I t was held by almost all the political thinkers of ancient In d ia th at a state is constituted by seven elements [angas or p r a k r tis ), viz., svamin (the head of the state), a rrid tya {ra im stc vs), jariapada or rdstra (the country includ­ ing its people), durga (the fortified city), kosa (the treasury), danda (the arm y) a n d m itr a (the ally).^ D am odaragupta makes a very interesting reference to these constituent elements. We are told th a t by coming into contact with everyone of the sub­ jects, being steadfast in their respective duties, being strengthened by various m eans and by exacting heavy taxes from the subjects the elements of state become invincible.^ U pdyas an d G u m s

A nother verse w ith a double entendre alludes to the several m eans {updyas) and measures of policy {gunas) which a king was advised to adopt in order to extend his dominions and to keep his enemies in check.® Earlier authorities like Valmlki (v. 41. 2-3), M anu (vii. 109) and Y ajnavalkya (i. 346) give the num ber o f the updyas as four, namely, sdma (conciliation), ddna (offering gifts), bheda (causing dissensions) and daiida (punishm ent). Some later works, however, increase the num ber to seven by adding three m ore, to w'it, m dyd, upek^d or aksa (dice) and indraj d l a or vadha (m u rder).‘‘ I t is interesting to note in this connec1. Arthasdstra, v i . i . i ; Manu-smr-ti, ix .2 9 4 ; Tdjnavalkya-smrti, i.3 5 3 , e tc. S o m e a u th o rities g iv e th e n u m b er o f th e angas as eig h t. V id e P . V . K a n e , History o f Dharmasdstra, iii, p . 17. 2.

i^cq’qTT f^ s r P r ^ < -w > r fw T : i

K . 318. 3.

9" ^ ^ f i W r T p i T 5rT

4.

V id e H D S , iii, p p .

•4^111 pet

I

K.

lyifF .

988.

tion th a t following in the footsteps of political thinkers writers on erotics also developed the seven m eans to be adopted for pleasing one’s beloved.^ T he g u m s or measures of foreign policy are six, viz., sandhi (peace or entering into a treaty ), vigraha (w ar), (indifference), (m arching or augm enting one’s own pow er), sarhsraya (submission to the enemy) and dvaidhi■bhdva (dual policy, i.e., resorting to peace w ith one and w ar w ith another).^ A t another place the first two policies, peace and w ar, are contrasted (265). U padhas

Verse 210 describes G unapalita as one whose integrity had been ascertained by m eans of all the upadhas {sakal-opadha■visuddhah, 210). Upadha, as used here, is a technical term peculiar to ancient In d ian polity and was employed to denote the secret tests devised to determ ine the purity of high governm ent officers. K autilya describes four such tests, i.e., dharmopadhd or test of piety, arthopadhd or test of m aterial gain, kamopadhd or test of lust, and hhayopadhd or test o f fear. T he departm ent where an officer was to be posted and his prom otion to a higher post depended, to a great extent, on his successfully coming out of these tests.® I I . A D M IN IS T R A T IO N O u r work furnishes very m eagre inform ation about contem ­ p o ra ry adm inistrative organisation of K ashm ir. A few interest­ ing details gleaned from casual references m ay, however, be discussed here. -Monarchy

M onarchy was the order of the day. W hile there are num e­ rous references to kings, no other form of governm ent is even distantly alluded to. R oyal policies, we are told, are aim ed a t averting calamities [nitaya iva bhumi-bhrtdm suparihrt-dnarthasarhyogdh, 316). T he king adm inistered his kingdom from the 1. 2. 3.

T r ip a th i’s co m m e n ta ry o n K 9 8 8 . H D S , iii, p p . 222ff. Arthasdstra i . i o . Arthaidstra, v ii. i ;

•capital {k a ta k a Y ^Nh.e.xe some high officers of the state also resided perm anently (60), evidently to assist the king in the discharge of Tiis adm inistrative responsibilities. W e get a fair idea of the duties and interests of royalty from a stanza which refers to non­ retreat from war, knowledge of statecraft, interest in good ■sayings {subhdsitas) an d indulgence in hunting as the trad i­ tional learning of the princely class.^ This is illustrated by the example o f prince S am arabhata who was equally capable o f appreciating the m inute technicalities involved in the per­ formance of a dram a (939-47) and o f describing various advan­ tages and pleasures of hunting (950-57). Kings were norm ally polygamous (795, 915). T he queens lived in the royal harem {a v a ro d h a 9 l2 , a n ta h p u r a 9 \^ ) vih ich . was evidently situated at the capital town. T he chief queen (m pam ah isi) was the most respected am ong them and was in virtual control of the harem in all internal m atters. A num ber of attendants was attached to the harem [ceti 910, 913, pa rija n a 911). M ention is m ade of the garden for the girls-folk of the harem {kulaputrikdrdma,^ 789) which m ust have been located w ithin the precincts of the royal palace. Bureaucracy : Princes and their E ntourase

T h e governance of a state is beyond the capabilities of a single individual, o f howsoever high a calibre he m ay happen to be. T h e king was, therefore, assisted by a bureaucracy com prising a large num ber of officers of varying ranks. T h at the princes of royal blood occupied a high position in the body I. F or th e u se o f kataka in th e sense o f cap ital see K a h la p lates o f !K alacuri S o d h a d ev a , lin e 2 9 , C II, iv , p . 3 8 9 .

i

T.

T: 5 '? if V ? r r

ii ^

949*

B u t contra Arthasdstra, v i ii .3 .3 8 , w here h u n tin g is m en tion ed as on e o f the v ices sp rin g in g from lu st. 3. T h e kula-puiras are m en tio n ed rep eated ly b y B an a. Kula-pulra, as p o in ted o u t b y V .S . A g ra w a la {Harsa-carita : A Cultural Study, p . 9 3 , n ote 2 ) , d en o ted su ch o f th e p rin ces as, b ein g regard ed b y the k in g and the queen .as th eir o w n son s, liv e d in th e royal p a la ce. W h eth er kula-putrikd m ean t such -a p rin cess ca n n o t b e d eterm in ed in the ab sen ce o f n ecessary in form ation .

politic of the state and were appointed to high government offices is evidenced by the case of prince S am arabhata, son o f king Siihhabhata, who governed the province of D evarastra on b e­ h a lf of his father (737) and, as suchj had to deal w ith m atters relating to vehicles, conveyances, infantry, village adm inistra­ tion and the grievances of governm ent employees (930, 932-38). T hey h ad power to g rant land and offer m onetary rewards. (931, 960). T hey had their own paraphernalia o f officers some of whom accom panied thern wherever they went. Thus, when prince S am arabhata visited V aranasi, he was reportedly accom panied by a sm all contingent o f reliable officers ip a rim itapta-fiarivara, 738), p articu lar m ention being m ade o f niyogins (756), the m inister {saciva, 811, 862, 961) who, besides perform ­ ing his official duties, acted as his friend and guide, the m instrel {paitdlika, 761) who eulogised him on appropriate occa­ sions (761-87) besides am using him by singing stanzas of hischoice (789-92) and officers attach ed to the finance d ep art­ m ent who received orders about m onetary gifts (960). This rem inds one of the G upta period when there is evidence to show th at the crown-prince had his own kumdramdtyas and m ili­ tary officers like the em peror himself.^ I t is interesting to note in this connection th at B hattotpala, a native of K ashm ir, w riting som ewhat later, describes y u v a rd ja as a p artner of the king* in the enjoym ent of the kingdom.^ W hen the prince w ent o u t in public his heralds cleared the road for his passage (755) and w hen he m ade his appearance in a po pular gathering tru n ­ cheon-bearing grim policem en controlled the throng {ni^thurayd stik a -n iy a m ite loke, 756). T h e prevalence of this practice earlier is vouched for by literary evidence, indigenous as welL as foreign. Thus, while describing M an trag u p ta’s procession by the king’s highway, D andin states th a t people gave him way' in fear of a beating from the staffs of ferocious policemen.^ B ana also refers to this practice repeatedly. As H a rsa m arched a t the head of his arm y for a conquest o f the quarters thousands. 1.

A S I , A R , 1 9 0 3 -4 , p p . 107-8, n o s. i , 6 , 8 , 12.

2.

Tuvardjo^rdha-bhdg

bhogi rdjd, o n

raja,

on Brhat-samhitd, x x x .ig ; yuvardjo=rdha--

i b ., -x.xx.iv.10;yuvardjahprasiddho=rdha-rdjya-bhdk, on

V id e m y India as seen in the Brhat-samhitd o f Vardhamihira p . 470. 3 . Dasa-kumdra-carita (N irn aya S agara P ress, B om b ay 1 9 2 8 ), p . 247.-

of Staff-bearing ushers were busy driving away m ultitude of people and thus clearing the way for the emperor.^ T h at this privilege was sometimes enj oyed by some other high dignitaries of the state also is exemplified by the case of Skandagupta, the chief of elephant forces.^ I t was kept in abeyance during the period of mourning.® Its vogue at a m uch earlier date is indicated by a statem ent of Megasthenes, Seleucus’ envoy a t the court of C andragupta M aurya. Referring to the hunting pro­ cession of the emperor, M egasthenes says, “ T he road is m arked off w ith ropes, and it is death, for m en and women alike, to pass w ithin the ropes.” ' T h e prince was always protected by trusted body-guards {sarira-raksa) carrying swords (758) and attended by such other personal servants as betel-box bearer {tdm bula-karafika-bhrt, 759). P ratihara

O f the officers m entioned by D am odaragupta, pratihara or the chief of palace guards, appears to have been an im portant functionary of the state. Being in im m ediate attendance on the king, he received royal commands and conveyed them to concerned officers (934). According to K alhana, mahdpratiharapida or the office of high cham berlain was one of the five new offices introduced by king L alitaditya M uktapida over and above the eighteen offices already existing in Kashmir.® T h a t this high office was sometimes held by members of the royal family is evidenced by the fact th at king Jay ap ld a had installed queen K alyanadevi in the dignity of mahdpratihdrdpida.^ N agara-prabhu

T he nagara-prabhu or city-prefect was evidently the ch ief officer entrusted w ith the adm inistration of a town. From the

1.

Harsa-carita (ed ited b y A . F uhrer, B SS, 1 9 0 9 ), p . 281.

2. I b id ., p . 2 6 5 . 3 . I b id ., p . 2 3 8 . 4 . J . W . M cG rin d le, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian (C a lcu tta 1 9 2 6 ), p . 71. 5 . R T , iv . 141-42. 6 . I b id ., iv . 4 8 5 .

'

m ention of nagara-prabhu in connection w ith Abu, which was not a capital city, it follows th at there was a separate nagara-prabhu for each town of some im portance. H e is obviously the same as the nagaradhikrta^ nagaradhipc^ or nagaradhipati^ referred to by K alhana. H e m ay be further identified with K autilya’s nagarika.^ T here is reason to believe th at he was included am ong the eighteen high state officials (tirth as) m entioned in the M ahabharataJ’ T he office of the nagara-prabhu or nagaradhyak^a dates back to the pre-K arkota period, for there is reason to believe th at the eighteen offices {karm a-sthanas) reportedly introduced by Jalau k a in Kashmir® were the same as the tirthas m entioned above. H e appears to have been charged w ith the enforcement of state laws and fined those found guilty of violat­ ing them. T h a t he also acted as a civil ju d g e in sm all causes, sometimes w ith the help of the ju ry , is indicated by verse 401 w herein a strum pet complains th at she was forcibly carried by the nagara-prabhu before the people (i.e., ju ry ) for judgm ent on the charge of dem anding m o r e fees.^ T he R aja -ta ra n g in i gives us a fuller idea of his responsibilities and powers which corro­ b o rate and supplem ent the inform ation furnished by D am odaragupta. T he nagaradhipa was charged w ith adm inistrative, revenue, ju d icial and m ilitary functions in connection with the m unicipal adm inistration. Thus K alhana narrates how king Yasaskara (939-948 A .D .) amassed riches through four nagaradhikrtas, who helped themselves in turn to money, and were hanging about each o th er’s back.® A nother nagaradhipati, Bhuyya, is credited with encouraging queen D idda in h er pious activities.® His role as the censor of morals, which has been

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

I h id ., i v . 8 i ; v i.y o ; v ii.1 5 4 2 ; v iii.3 3 3 4 . I b id ., v ii. 5 8 0 ; v iii.8 1 4 . I h id ., v i.2 9 6 . Arthasdstra,

ii.3 6 . I I .V .3 8 . C f. R a m a y a n a , I I . c . 3 6 . K T , i.i2 0 .

7* 8. 9.

I R T , v i.y o . I b id ., v i. 2 9 6 .

noticed on the basis of the K u tta n i-m a ta , is found adum brated in the R aja-tarangini, which states how city-prefects levied fines on the householders in the case of im m oral conduct on the part of a m arried woman^ and punished persons on the allegation th at they h ad carnal intercourse with dancing-girls who had been received into households as wedded wives.^ • A nother town-prefect, Vijayasiniha, is said to have destroyed all thieves.® N aga, the city-prefect of king H arsa (1089-1101 A .D .), .led a troop of horsemen against Sussala and Uccala.* K ing Sussala (1112-1120 A .D .) ordered his town-prefect, Janaka, to crush a rebellion of his soldiers in the city.® Saulkikadhyaksa and H a tta p a ti

T h e saulkikadhyaksa and h a tta p a ti were two other officers connected w ith the task of revenue collection. T he saulkikas, according to K alh an a’ and K sem e n d ra/ were posted on the frontier routes and realised customs duties over commodities coming and going through the watch-stations. T he saulkikddhyaksa, therefore, appears to have been the chief of the customs office (531). T he saulkika is referred to in some epigraphic records also.® H a tta p a ti (540), literally the ‘lord of the m arket’®, was evidently in charge of the collection of the state’s share of the sale-proceeds of goods from shop-keepers in the m arket. He •obviously belonged to the office of attapati-bh aga which, K alhana informs us, was one of the two new departm ents created by the U tp ala king Sahkaravarm an (883-902 A.D.).^° However, our reference clearly indicates th at the office of h a tta p a ti was in exis­ tence even during the K arkota period and th at it m ay have been abolished in the intervening period and restored by Sankara1. R T , v iii. 3 3 3 6 . 2 . I b id ., v iii. 3 3 3 8 . 3 . I b id ., v ii. 5 8 0 . 4 . Ib id ., v ii. 1542. 5 . I b id ., v iii. 814. 6 . Ib id ., v ii. 2 010. 7. Samaya-mdtrkd, i i . 102. 8 . D . G . S ircar, Indian Epigraphy, p p . 3 6 3 , 3 6 6 , 3 6 8 , etc. 9 . D .G . Sircar {ibid ., p . 3 7 3 ) ren d ers th e d esig n a tio n as ‘sup erin ten ­ d e n t o f m a rk ets’ a n d P . V . K a n e { H D S , iii, p . 9 7 6 ) as ‘m ark et-m aster’. 10. R T , v . 167; S . C . R a y , E arly History and Culture o f Kashmir, p . 127.

52

kuttani -mata of damodaragupta

varman or that the latter m ay have reorganised it.

T he h a tta -

p a ti is m entioned in the Ramganj plate o f M aham dndalika Isvara-

ghosa, a ruler o f Dhekkari in N orth Bengal w ho flourished about the 12th century A.D.^ M yo g in , from niyoga, an ‘office’, was also an important officer whose functions cannot be exactly determined. Som e officers o f this category were in constant attendance over the king and rendered him personal service such as providing him a seat (756). T hey w ere also entrusted w ith the execution o f royal commands including disbursement o f lands to govern­ m ent employees (937). T h e niyogin seems to be the same as niyogastha, niyoga-niyukta, naiyogika, niyukta and niyuktaka m entioned in inscriptions o f different dates. ^ W e have also a vague refe­ rence to an officer belonging to the finance department [dhananiyukta) who received royal orders about donations (960). There is also an allusion to revenue from a village {gram -otpatti) and a village officer (537), but our text gives us no information about rural administration. T h e. y d s tik a s (756) were very m uch like our police constables and like them had earned reputation for notoriety and rough dealing. A llotm ent o f L a n d to Government Officers

T h e practice o f allotting lands as emoluments to govern­ m ent officers had been in vogue in India from very ancient times. M anu (vii.119), for exam ple, enjoins that an officer in charge o f ten villages should enjoy one kula (of la n d ), that in charge o f tw enty villages, five hulas, the superintendent o f a hundred villages, a village, and that o f a thousand villages, a town. T he M ah abharata (Santiparva 87.7-8) also recommends the grant o f a village to the superintendent o f a hundred villages and that o f a Sakhdnagara to the officer in charge o f a thousand villages. K autilya (ii.1.7) states that the king should grant lands to his officers, but w ithout the right o f sale or m ortgage. Y uan Chw ang also observes, “ M inisters o f state and com m on officials all have their portion o f land and are m aintained by cities assigned to them ” .“ T he prevalence o f this practice in Kashmir during .

I.

N . G . M a j u m d a r , o / B e n ^ a i , iii,

p.

153; D .G . S irca r, .

Indian Epigraphy, p . 3 7 3 . ' ' 2 . Ib id ., p p . 3 5 6 , 363; Indian Epigm phical Glossary, p . 221.

3.'

W atters,' On Tuan Chwang’ s Travels in India, i, p p . 176-77.

the K arkota period is vouched for by our poem which refers to the allotm ent of a village (931) and of m any halas of land (937) to governm ent employees. In course of time these officers grew into landed aristocrats and enjoyed the title of Thakkura (931) which, as appears from the R dja-tarangini, was applied to sm all nobility, probably Rajputs, and corresponds to the pre­ sent Thdkur, a title borne by the chief cultivating class in the h ill territories to the south of Kashmir.^ T he order of land grant was always given in writing (931). According to K alhana, land grants were executed by an official called pattopadhyaya belonging to the aksapatala or Accounts Office." Governm ent employees were, however, not quite happy w ith their lot and often voiced their grievances. T he king was a t great pains to satisfy them ; sometimes he m ade empty pro­ mises, sometimes rem inded them of their old, close relation­ ship, sometimes threatened them and placed the blam e on the concerned offic rs (932-938). Corruption o f O fficia ls

As we have seen above,^ the post-Jayapida and pre-U tpala period in the history of K ashm ir was m arked by almost complete anarchy when government officers derdieted from their duty, corruption ram ped high in adm inistration and prostitutes, not kings, ruled for all practical purposes. T he K u tta n i-m a ta conr firms this impression by drawing pointed attention to embezzle­ m ent prevailing in governm ent and wastage of public money on prostitutes. Thus, D am odaragupta refers to a saulkikddhyaksa who never bothered about royal interference and had unlimited income which he spent on whores (531). A hatta p ati is also spoken of as depositing hardly one-fourth of the total am ount collected by him in the state exchequer, the rem aining am ount being enjoyed by a courtesan (540). A village chief is said to have ordered the paym ent of all the revenue from the village to a prostitute (537). Sons of royal officers also emulated the latter and exhausted themselves on strumpets. The entire 1. 2.

R T , M .A . S tein ’s tran slation , i, p . .292, n .2 9 0 .

3.

Supra, p p .

RT,

v .3 9 7 -g 8 . 2 8 -3 0 .

Story o f the K u tta n i-m a ta revolves round one such person, Gintam ani, the son o f Bhatta, a high governm ent officer. R oyal favourites also misused their position and influence in a similar manner.^ T o crown all this, even kings, who were expected to set an exam ple before the subjects, expended their huge wealth and energy on wenches and were ultim ately reduced to the status o f paupers. T he second story centring round prince Samarabhata is sym bolic o f this state o f affairs. M ahadranga or M ahodranga

Reference m ust be m ade here to the term viaha-dranga o r T he word udranga is used frequently in copper-plate inscriptions in connec­ tion w ith land-grants and has been variously explained as ‘th e share of the produce collected usually by the king’,® ‘the fixed tax ’, ‘the land tax’, ‘the principal tax’, or ‘the tax on the perm a­ nent tenants’, which m ay have in some regions been paid in grains.* T he Sasvata-kosa explains udranga by uddhdra and udgrantha {udgraha ?) which, coupled w ith the context in which it has been employed in copper-plate charters, has been taken to support the above meanings.® T h e term dranga is o f common occurrence in the R dja -ta ra n g in i and the later Chronicles, and M .A. Stein takes it to signify everywhere a w atch-station estab­ lished near m ountain passes for the double purpose o f guarding the approaches to the Valley and o f collecting customs I'evenue. In the latter signification it m ay be identified with the sulkamah-odrafiga, literally ‘the great drafiga or u d ra n g a \‘^

1. K , 5 3 8 , 5 4 2 . T h e rea d in g nrpa-vallabha in v erse 537 o f K a u l’s ed itio n ap p ears p refera b le to bhatt-ddhipa in verse 538 o f T r ip a th i’s ed itio n .

jft ^ sfq -

fft ^

tptt

T ru(v.l. ii

i

, K 936. 2. T h is is th e read in g g iv en b y K a u l (verse 935 o f his e d itio n ). T r ip a th i prefers th e read in g na vilabdho in p la c e o f pravilabdho an d mahodrangah in p la c e o f maha-drangah. 3 . C I I , iii, p p . 97-8j n o te 6 . 4 . D .C . S ircar, Indian Epigraphy, p p . 3 6 0 , 393 ; Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p 34 9 .

5 . C I I , iii, p p . gy-8, n o te 6; Indian Epigraphy, p . 293 . T h e •word udranga is n o d o u b t n o te d in Z a c h a r ia e’s e d itio n o f th e Sasvata-kosa, p p . x x ix , 260, b u t I a m u n a b le to lo c a te it in th e tex t.

sthdna or custoxns-station, while the former m eaning is supported

by the com m entary on the M ankha-kosa which gives dranga as equivalent of gulm a and raksd-sth dn a} However, most of Sanskrit lexicographers take dranga in the sense of a town or city,- and according to the Vdcaspati-kosa quoted in the commentary on the Abhidhdna-cintdm ani udranga, which is the same as dranga, denoted a township smaller than karvata and bigger than p a tta n a ? In a late m ediaeval inscription the word drangais. actually employed in the sense of a town,* and the term udranga prefixed by mahat {mahodranga) appears to have the sense of ‘a big town’ in the Alina copper-plate inscription of the M aitraka chief Siladitya V II, dated (G upta-V alabhi) year 447.® A consideration of the context in the K u tta n i-m a ta also would show th at maha(or — o) dranga stands for ‘a large township’ and, by im plica­ tion, ‘income therefrom ’, the other possible meanings ‘a big principal tax ’ and ‘a big w atch-station’ being completely unintel­ ligible. In the light of these facts despite w hat Stein has said it is not unlikely th at in the R aja-taran gin i also the word dranga is sometimes used in the sense of ‘a township’. W ars and Weaponry

W ars were of frequent occurrence in ancient India. Non­ retreat from the battle-field was regarded as the family conven­ tion {kula-vidyd) of the princes (946). O f the weapons o f 1. 2.

O n Mankha-kosa

M ..h .

S tein , iJT", ii, p p . 291-92. Vdcasbatya, v , p . 3 7 7 5 ; Sabdakalpa-druma, ii p . 7 5 8 ;. M on ier-W illiam s, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v . Haldyudha-kosa, 285; Haima, iv .3 7 ;

dranga; V .S .

A p te ’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v . dranga. G . B uhler also takes dranga to m ea n ‘a tow n sh ip ’ an d renders th e w ords drdfigika and drangika occu rrin g in M aitrak a in scrip tion s b y ‘h ead s o f to w n ’s. V id e l A , iv, p . 105, lin e 15; p . 175, lin e 6; v , p . 205, lin e 14.

3-

?T; I

11 T rip ath i o n K 938. 4 . D .R . B handarkar, List o f Inscriptions o f Morthsrn India, N o . 810, w h ere w e h a v e a referen ce to an officer in ch arge o f th e tow n [dranga) o f V a ira ta . 5 . C I I , iii, N o . 3 9 , lin e 46 w h ere th e M aitrak a k in g K haragraha I I is sa id to h a v e cea selessly m a d e gran ts o f mah-odrangas, etc. H ere udranga can. b y n o stretch o f im a g in a tio n b e taken in a n y other sense. C ited b y T .M .

war, offensive and defensive, our poet m entions the bow {dhanus 108, 969; capa 122; kodanda 289) including its extrem ity iatan i 969), arrows {sara 122, 185, 681, 710; h a m 122, 188, 969; isu 289, 976; 1006; margana 9 5 ^ , say aka 262) and quiver for them {banadhi 1 2 2 ; b a n a -tm a 188; iara-purna-tuna 681), spear {b h a lli 260) capable of piercing an arm our,’ sword {khadga 69, 705, 742, 758; krpana 758) which was tied on the waist (69), dagger [asidh em 742), a wheel-like missile 758), a m echanical device for hurling stones (559) and m ail {varma 260, sannahana 289). T here is also a reference to the draw ing of the weapons out of their sheaths {kosa-haranam = astresu, 189). E th ics o f W ar

A b ard is represented to have praised prince Sam arab h ata for having spared the lives of enemies who have given up fighting (768). This is obviously a reference to ancient In d ian ethics of warfare according to which a soldier was not to strike one m erely looking on w ithout actually taking p a rt in the fight, n o r one whose weapons are broken, nor one who is aflflicted with sorrow, nor one who is in fear, nor one who has turned to flee.^ A t yet another place Sugata is said to be averse to w ar (778).

1. 2.

H o w e v e r , th ese referen ces occu r in er o tic co n tex ts. M a m -sm rti, v ii. g; H D S , iii, p . 2 i c .

’I I

C H A PTER I I I R E L IG IO U S

C O N D IT IO N S

■'H Introduction 59. M

^ I

Saivism 59 : Siva—His Various Names and Iconography 59 ; Saiva M ythology 61 ; Siva and G auri 62 ; K arttikeya 62 ; V aranasi as a C entre of Saivism 63 ; Siva K u b e ra 6 7 ; Saiva Sects 67. Vaifnavism 6 8 : V isnu—His Names and Iconography 69 ; V isnu and Laksmi 7 0; Pauranic Legends 71; Avataras of V isnu 71. V aisnava Deities 72; Vaisnava Ascetics 72. O ther Deities-. Brahm a 74; In d ra 75 ; Surya 76; K ubera 76; Agni 77; Yam a 77; V isvakarm an 77; Brhaspati 77; K am a 77; H anum at 79; Goddesses 79. O ther O bjects o f W orship : Devayonis 80; Sages and their Consorts 81; Naga C ult 82; Elephants of Q uarters 82;Demonology 82; Asura-vivara 83. R eligious Practices ; Sacrificial R itual 85; Temples 8 6 ; Deva-yatra 87; Sraddha 8 8 ; J a p a 89; Pilgrimage 90; Disposal of the D ead 91 ; Asceticism 92. B eliefs and Superstitions 93. Purpose o f Religion 94. Purusarthas 94. Buddhism 95. J a in ism 97,

Connected with pornography as th .t K u ttan i-m ata u n d o u b te d ­ is, it sheds b u t little light on the religious tenets of the period. But the little information it supplies tallies full well w ith what we know from other sources such as the R aja-taraiigin i and the N ilam ata-purdna. T he evidence at our disposal leaves no doubt th at Brahm anical H induism and Buddhism were flourishing side by side. T he situation was, thus, similar to w hat the Chinese pilgrim Y uan Chwang had witnessed about one century and a h alf earlier,^ and w hat was true of the religious history of K ashm ir from time immemorial. But this interval was marked by a decided decline in the popularity of Buddhism in Kashm ir as in other parts of India. And this coincided with the ascen­ dance of Brahmanism to a pre-em inent position. This state of affairs is fully represented in our text which only sparingly alludes to Buddhism,^ while it is replete with references to various tenets of Brahm anical Hinduism. As regards the latter, a sort of polytheism was prevalent, the worship of Siva and Visnu being far m ore popular than that of other deities. The num ber o f references to these two gods far exceeds others. Casual references to religious beliefs and practices are found scattered ' throughout the work. W ith these introductory remarks, we m ay now proceed to analyse the evidence aiforded by the poem. ly

I.

Sa i v i s m

Siva— H is Various N am es and Iconography

Siva worship as a popular faith had been prevalent in K ashm ir from a rem ote age. T he great popularity that it enjoyed in the late eighth and early ninth century A.D. is vouched for by K alh an a’s references to pious Saiva establish1. T h e C h in ese traveller states, “ T h e y (th e p eo p le o f K a sh m ir) w ere fo n d o f lea rn in g an d h a d a faith w h ich em b raced orth odoxy an d h eterod oxy (th a t is. B u d d h ism an d other r e lig io n s). T h e B u d d h ist m onasteries w ere a b o u t 100 in n u m b er, and there w ere ab ove 5 ,0 0 0 B u ddhist b reth ern ” . W u k’u n g , w h o liv ed in K ash m ir som e tim e ab ove a century later, gives th e num ber o f B u d d h ist m o n a steries a t h is tim e as 3 0 0 . V id e T . W atters, Tuan Chwang's Travels in India, i , p p . 2 6 1 , 2 6 4 . 2 . T h e r e are a lto g eth er four references to B u d d h ism .

ments em anating from kings, inmates of the royal harem and others. 1 iSiva was worshipped under various names of which m ention is m ade of Isvara (18, 1004), Pasupati (5, 635), U gra (769), H ara (119, 487, 756, 1041), gam bhu (131, 241), Sarva (195, 978), V rsabhadhvaja (738, 778), Bharga (918), Nilalohita (971), T ripurantaka (749, 486, 1005) or T rip u rarip u (194). Reference is also m ade to various traits of his icono­ graphy, viz., his body besmeared with ashes (5, 131), the h alf lu n ar orb adorning his forehead \ snakes w rapped on his wrists,® and his bull m o u n t . T h e A rdhanarisvara or A rdhagaurisvara motif, wherein the left h alf of his body is occupied by his consort Parvati, appears to have been very popular.® I t is said that Siva has accom m odated G auri in the h a lf of his body as though separation from his beloved was unbearable to him even for a moment.® T he androgynous form is alluded to in another verse also which, while describing a beautiful courtesan, states th at if she happens to fall within the sight of Siva, she m ay alto­ gether wipe out his existence from the three worlds as she would 1. L a lita d ity a M u k ta p id a ’s m o th er N a ren d ra p ra b h a b u ilt a S iv a te m p le ca lled N a ren d resvara after h er o w n n a m e { R T , iv . 3 8 ) , w h ile L a lita ­ d ity a h im s e lf erected a lofty sto n e te m p le for S iv a J y esth a ru d ra [ ib id . , iv . 190 ) •' H is m in ister M itrasarm an in sta lled a S iv a -lin g a ca lled M itresv a ra (ib id ., iv .2 0 9 ) . A c a , th e ch a m b e rla in o f D a m o d a r a g u p ta ’s p a tro n J a y a p id a , h ad a sh rin e o f S iv a A cesv a ra co n stru cted {ib id ., i v .5 1 3 ) . 2 . Sasadhara-khanda-vibhunta-deha, K 4 ; Sambhu-nrasi sasi-lekha, K 131; sisira-kara-kdnta-mauli, K 241; sthdnam bkavati sapasupaiir=apasam sayam =ardhacandra=ldbhasya, K 6 3 5 ; murdhani somam, K bdl-aiv-drjava-rahita sfihuratisvaram— etya candra-lekh-eva, K 1004. 3 . Sad-bhujanga-parivdra, K 5; Bhog-lndra-vibhdsana, K 109; kotaka-sthita~ J)amna-bhojana, K 241. 4 . Myak-krta vrsa it i Sarve, K 195. G f. th e n a m e V rsa b h a d h v a ja n o te d above.

K 109. Gf. R T , i.2 w iiic h in v o k es th e A rd h a n a risv a ra form o f S iv a .

ffw

11 K 487.

occupy his right half, the left h alf being already reserved for Parvati.^ ^aiva M yth ology

Casual allusions to various aspects of Saivite mythology are also noticed. T he legend of the destruction of the demon T rip u ra by him is implied in the meaningful names like Tripuran tak a and T ripuraripu, which have been noted above. A nother P auranic legend which finds m ention in our work is his destruction of the demon Andhakasura. A t one place we are told th at Siva killed A ndhaka who had bowed down before him,^ while another verse avers th at after killing Andhaka ^ Siva kept his body over his trisula.^ O ne of the most famous Saiva legends is the burning of K am a, the Indian god of love, by Siva and is frequently alluded to by our poet.* A feeling of surprise is expressed if the god V rsadhvaja does not eat poison {V r?a-dhvaj—opi na vi^adita-yuktah, 778). This is evidently an allusion to the well-known Pauranic legend of the churning of the ocean {samudra-manthana) in which Siva also participated and, at the request of the gods, drank the deadly poison emitted by Vasuki in consequence of which his neck became blue and he cam e to be known as N ilakantha, “ the blue-necked” . This legend is narrated a t length in the M ahdbhdrata and the Puranas.^ 1. qf?

2. 3-

?rr

w

f t

I

^

'd n R 'tid i G f. Matsya-purdna,

119

K

768.

K

19.

11 179.

ib id ., 1041. .

5.

K I

.

Mahabharata, A d i, C h . 18; Matsya-purdna, C h s. 248-250,

S iva and G auri

Siva is said to have been attended by the demigods known as V idyadharas (241). O f the members of his family, m ention is m ade of his consort G auri (109, 166), the daughter of the snow-peaked m ountain H im alaya {prdleya-nag-ddhirdja-tanaya, 18; giri-sutd, 109), and his son Skanda-K arttikeya.’- W omen worshipped G auri for long, happy wedded life {saubhdgya, 166). A num ber of vows {vratas) were observed by people, especially women, w ith the object of securing saubhdgya and are described in the Puranas and D harm asastra literature. O ne such vrata was G auri-trtiya which was to be celebrated on the third o f the bright h alf of Nabhasya, V aisakha or M argasirsa.^ O ther vows o f a similar n ature were G auri-caturthI, G auri-tapovrata, G aurivivaha, G auri-vrata, and Gauri-Ganesa-caturthi.® T he presentday G anagaur popularly celebrated by women in R ajasthan an d M alwa also deserves to be noted in this context. T he goddess Parvati was specially associated w ith Kashm ir. Accord­ ing to the tradition recorded in the N ila m a ta and the R a ja tarangini, during the first six M anvantaras K ashm ir was filled -with w ater and formed the Lake of Sati ( S a t i - s a r a s ) Further, K ashm ir was regarded as the very body of U m a who assumed th e form of the V itasta (Jhelum ) which is the m ain river of the Valley.® K d rttik eya

Siva’s son K arttikeya, variously referred to as Sarajanm an (117), G uha (241), M ahasena (486) and K um ara (1014), also appears to have been popularly adored. T he P auranic legend th at he observed the vow of life-long celibacy appears to have specially attracted our poet. H e praises M ahasena of excellent vow as the only one whose heart is not touched even slightly by a w om an’s love® and as one beyond the reach of 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

K 1 1 1 , 2 4 1 , 4 8 6 , 1014. M atsya, C h . 6 2. H D S , V , p . 296.

JVf/aOTflia, v v . 12-13, 4 3 -4 3 , 165-166, 171-174, 198-217.

i. 2 5.

N ilam ata, v v . 2 6, 247-252; R T , i . 2 9.

6-

ii

k

486

C upid’s acts.^ In another stanza, M alati’s messenger, while describing the bewitching beauty of her mistress to Gintam ani, is represented to have stated th at Sarajanm an is able to observe celibacy only because he had no occasion to look at her beauty.^ I t m ay be m entioned here th at the N ila m a ta describes certain religious festivals wherein worship was offered, am ong others, to Skanda.® V aranasi as a Centre o f S aivism

V aranasi was, as now, regarded as particularly sacred to Siva and was a stronghold of Saivism. A bout one century and a h a lf earlier Y uan Chwang found there over 100 Deva (Siva) temples and above 10 0 0 0 professed adherents of the sects, the m ajority being devotees of Siva. H e also found a fu -s h i (bellm e ta l? ) im age of Deva (Siva) nearly 100 feet high which was life-like in its awe-inspiring majesty.^ I t was popularly believed th a t one who died a t V aranasi attained liberation, a belief that is still current. O u r poet refers to this notion when he states th at in V aranasi even those who had abandoned themselves to th e enjoym ent of m undane pleasures, not to speak of the pious people, becam e united w ith Siva.® This reminds one of the assertion of the M atsya-purdna (180. 71) th at even a person whose m ind is addicted to pleasures of sense and who has given up devotion to dharm a is not reborn (i.e., is freed from the cycle of births and deaths) if only he happens to die a t V aranasi, and th at the Brahm anas, K satriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras, persons of m ixed castes, insects, ants, birds and beasts, when they die in course of time a t A vim ukta (V aranasi), all find happiness being endowed w ith a crescent of the m oon on their heads, a third -eye on their foreheads and a bull on the flagstaff (ih'd., 181.

K

2.

1014.

i

m M ^

3. 4.

117-

V v . 3 8 1 , 4 3 5 , 6 c4 , 6 4 7 -6 4 9 , 9 9 5 . T . W a tter s, op. c it., ii, p . 4 7.

T:

^

II

K 4.

17-21).^ I t was w ith the object of paying a visit to the g o d V rsabhadhvaja (Siva) th at prince S am arabhata h ad gone to V aranasi. T h e shrine o f V rsadhvaja is referred to in the M ahdbh arata (V anaparva, 84.78)^ which states th at by worship­ ping V rsadhvaja and bathing in K apilahrada at V aranasi one attains religious m erit equal to th at accruing from the perfor­ m ance of the R ajasuya. I t is also m entioned as one of th e lin gas and Saiva shrines of V aranasi in the Linga-purana (xcii. 70, 106), while the K asi-khanda of the Skanda P u r ana (Purvardha, ch. 10, v. 94)) speaks o f V rsabhadhvaja as one o f the lingas at K asi. I t is interesting to note in this connection th at our au th o r does not m ention V isvesvara who is now regarded as the tutelary deity of V aranasi. In fact, there is overwhelming literary and archaeological evidence to show th at Visvesvara did not a tta in this status until about the beginning o f the thirteenth century A.D. T h e M atsya-pu ran a (cxxi. 28-29) enum erates eight m ain ^iva.-lingas of V aranasi, the m ost im portant being Avim uktesv ara; the list, however, does not include Visvesvara.® Like­ wise, V isvesvara is conspicuously absent in the list o f the seven shrines, viz., (i) Pitakesvara, (ii) A vim uktesvara, (iii) K alasesvara, (iv) G abhastisvara, (v) Lolarka, (vi) Yogesvara and (vii) Devadevasvam in, which are known from the num erous religious sealings found a t R ajghat, representing the ancient site of V aranasi, to have flourished from circa fourth to the ninth century A.D.* O f these, the largest num ber of sealings, eight,, dating from the fifth-sixth to the ninth century A .D . belong to Avim uktesvara, thereby indicating its continuing im portance during this long period. T h e B anaras Inscription o f P antha belonging to the beginning o f the eighth century A.D. also refers to Avimukta.^ Some other inscriptions o f the eleventh, a n d twelfth centuries also refer to A vim ukta as the m ost famous 1. V id e a lso M atsya-purana, 184. 36; H D S , iv , p p . 6 2 9 -3 0 . 2. C r itic a l e d itio n , V a n a p a r v a , 8 2 . 6 9 -7 0 . 3 . V isv e sv a ra d ev a , h o w e v e r , o ccu rs as a n o th e r n a m e o f A v im u k te­ svara. V id e Matsya-purat^a, c lx x x ii. 17. T h is m a y b e a t t h e ro o t o f th e la ter id e n tific a tio n o f A v im u k tesv a ra a n d V isv e sv a r a . 4 . V . S . P a th a k , R e lig io u s S ealin gs fro m R a jg h a t, J M S I , x ix , p p 168179.

F o r a n o th er list, se e M o tic h a n d r a , K a si kd Itihdsa, v p 5 . E l , ix , p . 6 0 , t e x t lin e 2.

q Q- q T .

lin ga at Varanasi.^ After the twelfth century A.D., however, A vim ukta sank into insignificance and his place as the presiding deity of V aranasi was usurped by Visvesvara. T he earliest references to Visvesvara, it is instructive to note, are found in some G ahadavala- and Sena’’ inscriptions dating from the thir­ teenth century A.D.*

T h e K u tta n i-m a ta refers to some im portant shrines of V aranasi. T h e reference to V rsabhadhvaja indicates that it continued to be an im portant shrine of V aranasi till a t least the eighth-ninth century A.D. Besides V rsabhadhvaja, D am odaragupta shows acquaintance w ith two other shrines of this hallowed city. O ne of these shrines called G am bhiresvara is not known from any other source.® As regards the second shrine, the editors of the K u tta n i-m a ta have adopted the reading K am alesvara in preference to the other variant found in m anuscripts, viz., KalahSvara.^ However, while nothing whatsoever is known about K am alesvara from any other source, a seal inscri­ bed w ith the nam e of K alasesvara has been discovered a t R ajghat. In the light of this an d the literary evidence to be cited later on we prefer the reading K alasesvara. T he seal in question is oval in shape and measures •9” x '7 ” , the field being divided by a line in the middle. T he upper field contains the figure of G anesa seated in paryankdsana w ith the trunk turned towards right, while the lower h alf bears the inscription M -K alasesvara in characters of about the seventh century A.D. (Fig. 1) K alasesvara was an associate linga in the tem ple of !§vetesvara. According to a story n arrated in the Linga-purdna as quoted in B hatta L aksm idhara’s K rtya-kalpataru , the sage Sveta installed a linga known as Svetesvara after his own nam e. I t was so sacred th at

1. I b id ., XX V , p p . 179, 185. 2 . J A S B , x x x i, p . 123. 3 . B h an d ark ar’s L ist o f Inscriptions o f Northern India, N o . 1602. 4 . F or a fu ll d iscu ssio n o f th is q u estio n v id e V . S . P ath ak in x ix , p p . 174-175; M o tich a n d r a , K d si ka Itihdsa, p p . 9 6 , 145. 5 . K 7 4 3 . G a m b h a resv a ra is a v a ria n t. J a g a n n a th P a th a k ’s sta te­ m en t th a t it m a y still b e sta n d in g o n th e S cin d ia G h a t at V a ra n a si (vide hise d itio n o f K , p . 155, f n . i ) d oes n o t a d m it o f verification . 6 . jRT 736 o f T r ip a th i’s e d itio n a n d 735 o f K a u l’s ed itio n . 7. J N S I , x ix , p . 175, P I. I I . 12.

one who came in its presence assumed the form of Ganesa. Once when he was worshipping god Siva, K ala, the god of death, caught hold of him and when requested to w ait for a while till the completion of the worship derisively ridiculed him and expressed his helplessness. Thereupon, Sveta completely surrendered to the god who, in order to save his devotee, came out of Sveta’s w ater-pot {k a la sa ), assumed the form of Ganesa and b u rn t K ala with the fire em anating from his eyes and dis­ appeared there. Since then K ala became bodyless {videha) and none can see him while he is busy destroying the people. As god Siva emerged there put of Sveta’s w ater-pot on his own, it came to be known as K alasesvara.’^ D r. V.S. Pathak, who published the seal, thinks th at the story seems to have started from the anka (emblem) of G anapati on the seal.^ However, it appears m ore probable th a t the story widely circulated at the time of the seal and that the figure of Ganesa was engraved upon it only to illustrate the legend. O ur reference indicates the continuing popularity of the shrine of K alasesvara in the late eighth-early ninth century A.D. M anjari, the heroine of the second story of the K u tta n i-m a ta , is said to have been an atten ­ d an t of K alasesvara {K alasesvara-pdda-m ula-M anjarya, 736).® I t m ay be added here that K alasesvara is referred to in the 1.

Krtya-kalpataru, v o l. v iii

: T irth a -v iv e ca n a -k a n d a

( G .O .S .,

N o.

X C V I I I ) , p p . 9 9-101. I t w a y b e p o in ted o u t, h ow ever, th a t a h h o u g h C h . 30 o f th e Linga-purdna (V en k atesh w ar Press e d itio n ) narrates th e an ecd o te o f S v eta ’s v icto ry over d ea th b y S iv a ’s favour, there is n o reference there eith er to S iv a ’s em ergen ce from kalasa or th e K alasesvara linga. 2 . J N S I , x ix , p . 176. T r ip a th i finds it difficult to e x p la in the ex p ressio n Kamalesvara-padaPruvarScdrya-duhtrd. H e a n d , fo llo w in g h im , others take it to m ea n th a t M a n ja ri w as a p p aren tly a d au gh ter o f Pravaracarya b u t w as rea lly b eg o tten b y a person n a m e d K a m a le sv a ra . T h is, h ow ever, d oes n ot a p p ea r to b e correct. In n u m erous in scrip tion s th e w ord pdda-mula is foun d u sed in th e sense o f ‘an a tten d a n t’, ‘a servan t’, a n d th e co n tex t leaves n o room for d o u b t th a t a tem p le a tten d a n t is m ea n t. V id e K h a lim p u r P late o f D h a rm a p a la , lin e 5 1, E l , iv , p . 250; Pandukesvara P late o f L alitasu ra, lin e 2 0 , l A , XX V , p . 180; N ilg u n d a P lates o f C alu k ya V ik ra m a d ity a V I , lin e 75, E l , x ii, p . 155. T h e w ord also occurs in this sense in K a n n a d a an d T a m il ep ig ra p h s {ib id . , p . 2 8 3 , te x t lin e 244; S I I , iii, p p . 138 an d 2 5 0 ) . In a M an d ar H ili in scr ip tio n o f (G u p ta ) y ear 30-349 A .D . on e V isn u d a tta is d escrib ed as t h e pdda-mula o f th e god V irajoguhasvarriin { E l, x x x v i, p . 3 0 5 ) . Its d erivative fidda-m ulika is also u sed to d en o te an a tten d a n t or servan t in b o th in scrip tion s [ibid ., x v iii, p . 156., tex t lin e 2 ) an d literatu re. In th e J a ta k a s this w ord b y 3.

mula Manjarya

JPadma-purana

and the K asi-khanda of the Skdnda Purana^ also.

Siva and Kubera

Siva and K ubera were believed to be closely related. If K ubera avoided Siva’s company, it was a m atter of surprise.® T he existence of friendly relations between the two deities is alluded to by D a n d in ‘ and Ksemendra® also. The antiquity of this association can be traced back to at least the second cen­ tury B.C. as indicated by the occurrence of the dual form SivaVaisravanau in P atanjali’s M ahabhdsya (on Panini vi. 3.26), which further informs us that it was a post-Vedic development.® T h e m ythical stories of the origin of their friendship and Siva’s help to K u b era on several occasions are nai’rated in the epics and the Puranas.^ Saiva Sects

O f the several Saiva sects th at are known to have flourished during our period, m ention is m ade of the Pasupata system only it s e lf or in c o m b in a tio n w ith som e oth er w ord is fou n d freq u en tly em p loyed in. th is sen se. V i d e F . K ie lh o r n , P a d a m u la P a d a m u lik a , 1 4 , x x v ii (1 8 9 8 ), p . 2 5 2 ; T .W . R h y s D a v id s an d W illia m S te d e , Pali-E n glish Dictionary, s.v . pada-m ulika. I n th e S asb ah u in scrip tio n o f M a h ip a la th e w ord pada-kula is u sed in th e sa m e sense { lA , x v , p . 8 9 , v . 7 4 ) . I n T a m il in scrip tion s w e h a v e padam ulattar in th e sen se o f ‘a te m p le a tten d a n t’. C f. D .C . S ircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p . 2 2 4 . A n d as w e h a v e sh ow n a b o v e, th e correct r e a d in g is Kalasesvara, n o t Kamalesvara. M a fija ri is th u s in te n d ed to be rep resen ted as th e d a u g h ter o f o n e P ravaracarya an d an atten d a n t o f K a la ­ sesv a ra . F o r a fu ll d iscu ssion o n th is verse v id e m y p a p er, T h e R ea d in g and In terp reta tio n o f a V erse in th e K u tta n i-m a ta in th e L ig h t o f A rch aeological a n d P u ra n ic E v id e n c e , Purdna, x iii, p p . 6 0 -6 6 . 1. S v a rg a -k h a n d a , c h . 3 7, v . 7 (V en k atesh w ar Press e d itio n ). 2 . P u rv a rd h a , c h . 10, v . 8 6 .

3-

W

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T?

I

ii K . 769

4. 5.

6

Dasakmndra-carita, iv . p . 172. Samaya-mdtrkd, iv. 26.

. wra; i

7.

Mahdbhdrata,

S alyap arva, purdna, S varga-k h an d a, C h . 16.

O n P an in i, v i.3 .2 6 , v iii.1 .2 5 . 4 7 .2 9 ; San tip arva, C h . 289; Padma-

(539, 753). T he prevalence and popularity of the P asupata school in K ashm ir is indicated by num erous references in the R a ja -ta ra n g in i} A t one place we have a reference to a Pasupatacarya nam ed B hava-Suddha (539). 'H.cxt B hava is an honorific title assumed by Saiva deary as ^ Suddha alone being the personal nam e. T he title B hdva appears to have been widely popular am ong the Pasupatas during this and subsequent period. I f our poet is to be relied upon, the standard of sexual m orality am ong the Pasupatas in the period under study was not very high, for we read at two places of the attachm ent of the P asupata teachers to prostitutes. An im portant developm ent in the religious history o f K ashm ir during the period was the foundation of monistic Saivism or w hat is popularly called K ashm ir Saivism.® Sangam aditya, the fourth ancestor of Som ananda, the founder of the Pratyabhijna school, and A trigupta, an ancestor of Abhinavagupta, the greatest authority on P ratyabhijna, had settled in K ashm ir about the m iddle of the eighth century A.D. and pro­ bably tried to popularise monistic Saiva T antras. V asugupta, the founder of the Spanda branch of K ashm ir Saivism, was probably a contem porary of D am odaragupta and m ay have ju st systematised the philosophical ideas o f the m onistic T antras in his Siva S u tras w hen D am odaragupta composed the K u tta n imata.'^ Absence of any reference to or indication of m onistic Saivism in our poem m ay not be w ithout interest. I t probably indicates th at the monistic Saiva philosophy being rather abstruse h ad not yet attracted the masses who stuck to popular forms of Saivism. II.

VAISiVAVISM

Vaisnavism enjoyed as m uch popularity as, if not m ore than, Saivism in K ashm ir during our period. I t was the family

1.

R T , i . 1 7 - 1 8 ; iii.2 6 7 , 4 6 0 ; V .40 4.

E .g . B h ava-S arvajfia, th e au th or o f th e Hydya-bhuscna, and B h a v a -V id y esv a ra , co m m e n ta to r o f th e Sapta-paddrlhi. 3 . F or a n a cco u n t o f p re-A b h in a v a g u p ta h istory o f K a sh m ir S aivism see K .G . V a n d ey , Abhinavagupta-, A n H istorical and Philosophical Study, x>V>-^2S. 2.

religion of the K arkotas who vied with each otfier in endowing V aisnava foundations.^ T heir zealous patronage must have substantially contributed to the great increase in its popularity. V ism — H is N am es and Iconography

By the time of D am odaragupta Vaisnavism had fullv developed as a sectarian system. T he different currents em anat­ ing from the solar god Visnu, the cosmic god N arayana and the historical god V asudeva-K rsna had fused together to form an integrated whole w ithout leaving any trace of their individua­ lity. This fact is illustrated by the ascription of the attributes and achievements of one god to the other. Thus the episodes concerning H iranyakasipu and Bali are found connected with K rsna-Hrsike§a (315, 774). Similarly, th e . goddess Laksmi, traditionally the divine consort of Visnu, is associated with K esava (979). T h e god is referred to under various names, viz., H ari (33, 204, 258, 487), N arayana (993), K esava (979), Govinda (860), H rsikesa (774), Purusottam a (772), M ahapurusa^ (1011), and K rsna (315). T h e K austubha gem (33, 195) and vanamdld (135), a gar­ land reaching the knees, which adorned his breast (993), are the only iconographic features of V isnu m entioned in our poem. K austubha was as m uch a cognizance of Visnu® as horses of the 1. D u rla b h a v a rd h a n a , th e foun d er o f th e K ark ota d yn asty, b u ilt a sh rin e o f V is n u D u rla b h a sv a m in [ R T , iv . 6 ) and his son M a lh an a h a d a shrine o f V isn u M a lh a n a sv a m in erected ( ii. , i v . 4 ) . Candrapida,, son o f D u rlab h ak a, con stru cted a sh rin e o f T r ib h u v a n a sv a m in {ib ., iv . 5 5 ff.); his guru M ih irad a tta b u ilt th e t e m p le o f V is n u G a m b h irasvam in {ib.> iv . 8 o ), and on e o f his officers, C a litak a, th a t o f C alitakasvam in [ib ., i v . 8 i ) . F or other V aisn ava tem p les b u ilt b y t h e K ark ota k in gs R T , i v .i 8 8 , 193, 194.-199, a o i- 2 , 208, 2 7 5 , 2 7 6 , e tc . T h e J'filamata d escrib es certain festivals d ed icated to th e w orsh ip o f V isn u w h ic h also in d ica te th e p op u larity o f V aisn avism in K ash m ir. V id e J^ilamata-J)ura[ia ed ited b y K a n jila l & Z ad oo, A p p en d ix A , N o s. 10, 17, 30,

3 3 , 3 9 . 43 . 4 9 2 . F or th e u se o f th e n a m e M ah ap u ru sa for V isn u , see P attan P lates o f V a k a ta k a P ravarasen a I I , V .V . M ira sh i, Inscriptions o f the Vakdtakas f i l l , V, p . 6 0 , te x t lin e 22; Bhdgavata-purdna, i i , i , 10; v .4 , 6, 15, 16-7; etc. 3 . In K 195, V isn u ( in V a m a n a in carn ation ) is called Kausiubhabharana.

Sun godj the elephant (A iravata) of In d ra and K u b era (33). Vifnu and

w ealth o f

L a k sm i

T h e inseparable union of V isnu w ith his consort §riLaksm i was taken for granted. Laksm i is not infrequently represented as having her station on the breast of V isnu (118, 204, 979). I t is stated th at as though unable to bear separation from his beloved even tem porarily, Visnu has stationed Laksm i on his breast (487). A lady constantly rem aining in the m ind of her husband is com pared to the goddess Laksm i never leaving the breast of V isnu (168). A damsel not united w ith a suitable m an is likened to lightning w ithout clouds, m oon-light w ith ­ out the moon. R ati w ithout K am a, and goddess Sri fallen from the breast of V isnu (258). I t was a com m onplace to describe the excessive beauty of a m an or w om an w ith reference to the position of Laksm i on the breast of Visnu. F or example, while describing the physical features of Sundarasena it is stated th at seeing his expansive breast resem bling a slab o f gold Laksmi found her position on H a ri’s breast u n c o m fo rta b le .L ik e w is e , while n arrating the charm s of M afijari, prince S am arabhata is represented to have said th at if K esaya were to see her, Laksmi cannot give up the fear of her fall from V isnu’s breast.'^ T he description of Laksm i as the daughter of the ocean (Saindhavl 979) alludes to the m yth of her origin from the ocean as it was being churned by the gods and titans.® I.

i K

204.

K . 979 T h is is t h e read in g o f K a u l’s e d itio n (verse 9 7 8 ) . T r ip a th i’s reading tad— vaksah iry — avana-bhuvath lan d s h im in to im a g in a ry an d h air-sp littin g in terp reta tio n s.

q f ? ^q'Trfq'

I K

3.

C f. Mahdbharata, A d ip arva, 1 8 .3 5 .

118.

Paurdnic Legends

Some of the Pauranic legends relating to V isnu are alluded to. T he destruction of the demons M ura, M adhu, N araka and Karhsa is implied in the m eaningful designations M urari (773) or M uraripu (991), M adhum athana (118), N arakavairin (168) and K aihsasuravairin (135). T he lotus growing from the navel of the enemy of M ura {M ura-ripu-ndbhi-saroruha, 991) is also m entioned. T he legend of G ovinda’s amorous sports w ith cowherdesses, num bering sixteen thousand, had been fully developed by our poet’s time.^ At one place we read th at even though divine damsels were under his authority and he was the foremost am ong the clever people, yet he was attached to cowherdesses.^ Yet another stanza describes him as of universal form {v isv a ru p a ), for, though one, he resides in the hearts of m any a woman.® This is obviously an allusion to the V isvarupa-darsanadhyaya of the Bhagavadgita (Ch. 11) wherein K rsn a is said to have manifested his Universal Form, to A rjuna. A va ta r as o f Visnu

O f the incarnations (avatdras) of V isnu, im plicit allusion is m ade only to the M an-Lion, (Narasirhha) and the D w a rf (V am ana) ones. T he hostility between K rsna (i.e. Visnu in the M an-L ion form) and H iranyakasipu was firmly established in the popular m ind and it was impossible for one to have a liking for both of them at the same time (315). T he episode of V isnu (H rsikesa) begging of the demon king Bali at the time of the sacrifice is clearly m entioned (774). Consequently

w

HTrfr

ii K

K

vjirtcfi;

^

773 -

86o.

|| K 772-

V isnu was called a beggar (195), W e have references to R am a, son of D asaratha, also, bu t he is not described as an incarna­ tion. V aim ava D eities

Among the V aisnava deities we find m ention o f only Baladeva, the bearer o f the ploughshare (H a lin ), noted for his inebriety (136), and Pradyum na, a m anifestation o f K am a iDorn as a son of V asudeva-K rsna (305, 772). Vaisnava Ascetics

D am odaragupta affords us a penetrating insight into the lives of the V aisnava ascetics also. H e describes them as ca rry ­ ing a seat and a stalT and donned in brown {k a sa ja ) clothes, observing the vow of silence and looking on sides and driving the people away lest they should pollute them by their touch. I t is said th at they followed V aisnavite scriptures [H ari-sasan a) and were respected by all the Vaisnavas.^ In the M rcch akatika also we get the description of a V aisnava ascetic of U jjayini who carried a staff and a w ater-pot {k u n d ik a ). In S udraka’s P adm a-prahhrtaka also there is found a reference to a class of V aisnavas known as C auksa who laid too m uch emphasis on avoiding other’s touch.^ This point is also stressed in the P d d a -td d ita k a of Syamilaka who further adds th at they carried a staff and a kundika and used to present lemons -to their tea­ chers and the deity.® T h e B rh at-sam h itd (Ixxxvi. 43) ofV ai-aham ih ira also contains a reference to the Coksas.^ T h e Cauksas

i K 7 4 8 -7 5 0 . 2 . CaiwrMflwi ( e d it e d b y M o t ic h a n d r a a n d V . S . A g r a w a la ), p p . 2 1-22. 3 . / W . , p p . 163-65. _ 4 . A ja y M itr a S h astri, iem in the Brhatsamhiid ofVarahasmihira, p . 5 5 5 -5 6 . U t p a la exp lain s Coksa as a w ick ed p erso n (co^to dusta it iprasidhah) w h ic h is w r o n g . T h is p ro b a b ly in d ic a te s th a t t h e C a u k sa s h a d e a r n e d a b a d rep u ta tio n b ecau se o f th e ir n o to r iety .

are also m entioned in B harata’s N a ty a -s d s tr a } I t seems th at the V aisnava ascetics described by our author were the same as the Gauksas. I t is interesting to note in this connection that these ascetics had a hberal religious attitude and showed respect to non-V aisnavite deities also. Both our author and the Padm aprdbhrtaka represent these ascetics as worshipping Siva.^ T h e above also indicates the existence of cordial relations between the followers of the two principal Brahm anical systems o f the time. And this is as m ust be expected. F or in K ashm ir both Siva a n d V is n u a re known to have been popularly worshipp­ ed w ithout any trace of sectarian animosity. T here were festivals on which both the deities were worshipped.® T he K arkotas h ad adopted Vaisnavism as their family religion, yet they generously endowed m any Saiva foundations.* Thus N arendraprabha, queen of D urlabhaka, b uilt the shrine of Siva N arendresvara, while L alitaditya M uktapida erected stone a lofty tem ple of Jy esth aru d ra’ and presented eleven crores to the shrine o f Siva Bhutes'a on the successful term ination of his victorious campaigns.® T h e above description of Vaisnava ascetic is found in connection w ith V aranasi which shows th at although the city “was a stronghold of Saivism, Vaisnavism also had a good follow­ ing, T his is corroborated by archaeological evidence. N ear Bakariya K u n d a t V aranasi has been found a G upta sculpture depicting K rsn a lifting the G ovardhana m ountain thereby indicating the presence of a large tem ple of K rsna on the spot. R ajg h at has yielded m any seals bearing V aisnavite personal names in G upta characters, while one seal actually contains th e replica of a V aisnava tem ple of the G upta age.’’ The 1. Mdtya-Sdstra, x v ii. 3 8 . A b h in a v a g u p ta o f th e B h a g a v a ta s, also c a lle d E k ayan a :—■

^

exp lain s Coksa as a sect

J riw : I

2 . F or som e in te restin g in fo r m a tio n a b o u t th e C au k sas, see C h an d rab a li P a n d e y , M rcch ak atik a ka P arivrajak a, JVai D hara (HindiJ^ O ctob er 1 952, p p . 3 -4 ; M o tich a n d r a & V .S . A g ra w a la , Caturbhani, p . 21. 3 . K a n jila l & Z a d o o , Nilamata-purana, A p p en d ix A , p . 3, N o . 10. 4 . R T , iv . 3 8. 5 . I b id ., iv . ig o . 6 . I b id ., iv . 189. V id e also ib id ., iv .2 0 9 j 214. 7 . M o tich a n d r a , K a H ka Itihasa, p . 99.

S arnath Stone Inscription of P rakataditya belonging to the end of the seventh century A.D. records the construction by him of a temple of the god V isnu, under the nam e M uradvis, and some provision for its repairs. III.

O T H E R D E IT IE S

T h e H indus of our period were not very sectarian in spirit. T hey evinced a sort o f religious eclecticism which characterised In d ian life from time im m em orial and worshipped num erous gods and goddesses irrespective o f the sect to which they m ight have belonged. And this feature finds full expression in our poem which casually refers to a num ber o f gods and goddesses. B rahm a

Brahm a (977), also called Visvasrj (108, 263, 975), V idhi (105, 114), D h atr (120, 489, 976) V id h atr (259), V irinca (177), A tm abhu (963) and Vedhas (244), along w ith Visnu and Siva constitutes the famous trinity of H indu gods. H e is particularly noted for his control of organs of sense (194), placid dem eanour {sdntdtman 975) and devotion to study, evidently o f the Vedas (977). W hile narrating M an jari’s charm s, prince S am arabhata is represented to have told his m inister th at if Brahm a, not to speak of others, were to see th at jewel among women, the essence of the world, he would lose his concentration in study and become despondent. C reation is represented as his m ajor function. M ost of the references to B rahm a are in connection w ith the creation of feminine beauty. V isvakarm an, the divine architect, is said to have carried out his orders. T he P auranic legend o f his birth from the lotus growing from V isnu’snavel is hinted a t in his descriptive epithets kam ala-janm an (876) and H ari-nabh i-pan kaja-bh u (194). T he story o f the creation by B rahm a of the peerless divine damsel T ilottam a for the destruction of the dem on-brothers S unda and U pasunda, sons o f N ikum bha, which is described in detail in the M ah dbh drata (Adiparva, Ghs. 210-211), K ath d-sarit-sagara (xv. 135-40) and other works,^ is also m entioned {Sund-Opasunda-nasah ph alam = Atm abhuvas = T ilottam d-sr^teh, 963). 1. 2.

Ci 7 , iii, p p .

285-286.

V i d e m y India is seen

in the Brhatsarhhiia o f

Vardhamihira,

p. 135.

Indra

In d ra (994), also referred to as P uruhuta (193, 1032) and P u ran d ara (176), was regarded as the lord of heaven {N akddh ipati 121, 484) and of the gods [amarendra 33). T he abode o f In d ra iPurandara-sthana) was considered to be an ex­ em plary town and when a city was to be described as astoundingly beautiful it was said that it excelled even In d ra ’s city (176). P ataliputra is thus described, while V aranasi is said to be another A m aravati in this world created by Brahm a inasm uch as like the latter which is beautified by the N andana garden, inhabited by gods and patrolled by divine arm y the former also could boast of beautiful parks, scholars {vibudhavati) and the river G anga (nakavdhim -justa, 17). H e has a thousand eyes; while describing M alati’s matchless beauty it is said that In d ra ’s thousand eyes are fruitless if he cannot see her (121). H e is said to have been sanctified by the perform ance of a hundred sacrifices {m akha-sata-puta 193). This is evidently an allusion to the popular notion th at one attains the rank of In d ra by perform ing a him dred Asvamedha sacrifices. I t is vividly illustrated by K alidasa who describes how In d ra obstruct­ ed the completion o f the hundredth Asvamedha o f the Iksvaku king D illpa lest he should become a rival to him.^ T he elephant m ount, which is his cognizance, is alluded to in his descriptive epithet gaja-natha (33). W e have also a reference to the out­ raging by In d ra of A halya’s modesty. W hile describing m en’s n atu ra l attraction to others’ wives it is said th at even though heavenly courtesans carry out his behests w ith folded hands, yet In d ra, being attracted by others’ wives, had illicit inter­ course w ith Ahalya.^ O f In d ra ’s retinue, m ention is m ade of his consort, §aci {S aci-pati 859), and his son Jayanta. As for the latter, it is said th at he did not have immeasurable virtues to his credit {na Jayan to =^ananta-gmah, 1014). As pointed out by T rip ath i, this is probably an allusion to the legend that

r.

Raghi:-varhsa,

C an to iii.

'

K

859.

having assumed the form o f a crow Ja y a n ta struck Sita’s bosom w ith his beak when she was at Gitrakuta.^ Surya

T h e god Sun, referred to as H a ri (33), P atanga (244) and C andabhas (250), h ad seven horses yoked to his chariot (250). Horses were as im portant an emblem of Surya as the K austubha was of V isnu and elephant of In d ra (33). R eferring to the height of the A rbuda m ountain, the poet rhetorically states th at it appears as if the god B rahm a knowing the skypassage of the horses of the Sun to be w ithout any resting place has created the m ountain for their rest.^ K ubera

K ubera (179), also called D hanada (769), D hanapati (1027) and D ravinapati (33), was regarded as th e lord of riches, and his city, Alaka, was an exem plar of prosperity (179), Reference has already been m ade to his friendship w ith Siva.^ H e is said to have been divested of his greatness by the dem on king R avana,* an allusion to the well-known epic legend th at the latter, strengthened by a boon of Brahm a, defeated the former, drove him out of Lanka and seized his Puspaka vimanaJ' W e also get some interesting references to K u b e ra’s son Nalakiibara. H e was famed for his handsomeness and for being loved by beautiful ladies (1027). T he stories concerning his love affairs w ith the divine damsel R am bha, an exem plar of feminine beauty, enjoyed wide popularity.® A t one place we read of R am bha, overcome by passion, going to m eet N alakubara (1000). T he story of R am bha going to keep an appoint­ m ent w ith N alakubara and being intercepted and molested I.

Ramdyana, S u n d a ra k a n d a , C h . 2 8 , verses la ff.

3.

Supra, p . 6 7 .

4. 5. 6.

Rdmayana, U tta ra k a n d a , C h . 15; Mahabhdrata, V a n a p a r v a 2 7 5 .3 2 -3 5 .

K. Hrta-Dhanapati-mahdlmyd fira v rltir= iv a raksasdm patyuli, K

244. 1004.

N a la k u b a ra ’s affair w ith R a m b h a is a llu d ed to b y S u b a n d h u a lso . V id e Vdsavadatta (ed ited w ith a n in tr o d u ctio n , E n g l. tr. an d n o te s b y L o u is H . G r a y ), p p . 7 3 , 9 0 , 159, 167.

by R av an a who was then encam ped on the K ailasa m ountain is n arrated a t length in the Ramayana (U ttarakanda, Ch. 26) and the M ah dbh drata (V anaparva, 280.59-60). At another place (1013) he is described as m iserable or unfortunate {varaka). This, as suggested by T ripathi, m ay have a reference to the legend of his being transformed into an arjuna tree in Gokula in consequence of a curse of N arada which is recounted in detail in the B hdgavata (x.lO). A gn i

Agni, called H utavaha (489) and H utasana (491) and styled bhagavat (489), is referred to in connection with funeral. Tama

Yam a, referred to as An taka (479), was a lokapdla, the regent o f the southern quarter (488). H e is represented as the lord o f the dead {pareta-ndtha 565), and it was believed th at the dead go to his abode. VUvakarman

V isvakarm an, the divine architect, is m entioned in con­ nection w ith the planning and layout of the city of P ataliputra. O n looking at the beautiful city it came to one’s m ind as if it was laid o u t as an exem plar ivarnaka) of his craftsm anship by V isvakarm an w hen asked by Brahm a to display his skill in laying out a m odel o f township for the three worlds.^ B rhaspati

Brhaspati, referred to as G uru (193), was traditionally regarded as the repository of learning {vidyd-vasati, 193) and the lord of speech {vacasdm adhisa, 201). W hen a person was to be described as a great scholar he was com pared to Brhaspati (193). H is son, K aca, is also m entioned. K dm a

K am a (577), the Indian god of love, is referred to under

K

177.

various names like Sm ara ((44, 52), M adana (908, 917), K an d arp a (543, 925), M anm atha (258, 919), M ara (732), etc. His body was b u rn t by Siva^ in consequence of which he came to be known as ‘bodyless’ (atanu 108, 330; ananga ICO, 1041; asarira 95; vyafiga 976; vid h va sta -ia n ra 266). H e is born of rem em brances (976) or of m ind and is consequently called sankalpabhava (1), sahkalpaja { 5 2 ) , manobhava ( 9 1 8 ) , manojanman (122) and hrcchqya (916). Being self-born, he is called ananyabhava (1007) and dtm ajanm an (995). Being the husband of R a ti,’ he was also known as R a tik d n ta (46) and Ratiram ana (1013). K am a an d R ati were so very inseparable from one another th at a beloved separated from her lover was com pared to R ati w ithout her consort (2 5 8 ). His bow an d arrows being supposed to have been composed of flowers (108, 976), he is also styled kusumacdpa (97, 122, 202, 267), kusumabdna (144), kusum aiarapani (908), kusumapraharana (962), kusum astra (772, 1005') and kusumdyudha (886, 1022). T he spring season being dear to him , he is c a W td priyasurabhi (61) and kusum dkara-vallabha (135). His arrows are five in num ber (484, dasdrdhabdna 969) which being uneven, he is also styled “ uneven-arrow ed” {asamabdna 118, asamasdyaka 1026). His flag was m arked w ith the figure of a crocodile {m akara) or fish [m ina) which was his cognizance {makaraketana 46, 590, 989 ; makaraketu 106; makaradhvaja 88, 116; m inaketu' 989). I t is interesting to note in this connection th at a makara (o r m in a) dhvaja dating from the first or second century B.C. has been discovered at Besnagar. T he circum stantial evidence indicates th at the capital in question represents P radyum na who was regarded as a m anifestation of K am a. T he H arivam sa (Visnuparva, 106.46ff.) relates a t length how K am a, after b e i n g b u rn t by Siva, incarnated him self as a son of K rsna born of RukminL* I t is for this reason th at K rsna is represented as the father of the “ floral weapon b earer” , i.e., K am a (772). T he legend of the 1. 2. 3.

4 4 , 202^ 277 j, ,qi8j g y i , 1005, 1041. I, 2 0 2 , 2 5 8 , 577, 9 0 8 , 1013. T r ip a th i g iv es minaketu as a v a ria n t, th e rea d in g a d o p ted b y h im b ein g makaraketu. K a u l (v erse 9 8 8 ) ad o p ts th e rea d in g minaketu a n d gives n o v a r ia n t. 4 . A lso c f. Mahdbhdrata, A n u sa sa n a p a rv a , 1 4 8 .2 0 -2 1 .

■destruction of the demon Sam bara by K am a incarnated as P radyum na and the reunion of the latter with his former consort .M ayavati, which is narrated in detail in the P u ra n a s/ is alluded to in the epithet Sambaradhvarhsin applied to him (971). W hile dilating the perform ance of the first act of the R atnd■vali, D am odaragupta gives a vivid description of a festival called K usum ayudhaparva or K andarpam aham ahotsava which was perform ed in honour of K am a (886-925)). T he antiquity of this festival is vouched for by Vatsyayana who refers to it under the nam e Suvasantaka (K dm asutra, i.4.42). It was celebrated ■on the 13th of the bright h alf of G aitra when K am a was supposed to have been re-born as Pradyum na.^ T he popularity of this .festival in K ashm ir is indicated by the N ila m a ta (655-658) which recommends its observance. T he worship of an image or p ain t­ ing of the god of love was its central item. I t was m arked by an outburst of joyous feelings when m en and women putting -all restrictions and distinctions aside indulged in merry-making, throwing scented coloured powder and w ater on one another, singing songs, dancing .sometimes to the accom panim ent of m usical instrum ents, playing dice and uttering obscene words, collectively called carcari^ (886). Participants in the festival included m en and women, young and old, high and low ranks. .H anum at

H anum an occurs as a personal nam e (409) which m ay indicate the popularity of the legends appertaining him. Goddesses

As G auri, poet is is said

for the goddesses, m ention has already been m ade of Laksmi and Saci. T he only other goddess nam ed by our Sarasvati, the Indian goddess of learning. P ataliputra to be the perm anent h ab itat {kula-grha) of Sarasvati,

1. Harivamsa, V isn u p a rv a , ch s. 104-107; Siiia-Jiurdna, D h arm asam h itaj v iii.4 3 -6 . G f. Mahabharata, A n u sa sa n a p a rv a , 1 4 .2 8 . 2 . H D S , V, p a rt i. p . 3 6 9 . F or som e other festivals con n ected w ith K a m a w orsh ip v id e ib id ., p p . 257-58, 281, 310-'! i , 368; T r ip a th i’s gloss ■cnr 886 . 3 . F or variou s m ean in gs o f cauari, see T r ip a th i’s com m en tary on K -G F or a f u ll d iscu ssion , v id e infra, h . I V . 6 8 .8

im plying thereby the fame of the city as a well-known centre o f learning (176). N ectar {p iyiisa ) is said to be the food of the deities (992). Besides w orshipping' all and sundry gods and goddesses, every family h ad its own tutelary deity {ista-devata 143, kuladevata 187). A happy occurrence was supposed to be due to the favour of the family deity. IV .

O T H E R OBJECTS O F W O R S H IP

From tim e im mem orial In d ia has been the cradle o f the people following diverse religious beliefs. But in course of timethese varying religious tenets crystallised into some m ajor systems which tried to assimilate as m any of the popular beliefs as possible. T h e different m ajor religious orders vied w ith one another to augm ent their strength and popularity by incorpo­ rating w ithin their own fold the adherents of various cults which h ad m aintained an independent existence from olden times. Buddhism, Jainism and B rahm anical H induism all did the same. T h ey assigned these cult-objects a subordinate place in th e ir respective pantheons. This is illustrated by the absorption in them o f diverse elements like the cults centring round the Apsarases, Yaksas, G andharvas, V idyadharas, elephants, snakes, etc. These are now as im portant an elem ent of H induism as any other. This was a f a i t accompli long prior to the tim e of our poet. D evayonis

T h e belief in the existence of semi-divine spirits or devaO f them , the Apsarases, G andharvas, V idyadharas, K im purusas and Bhutas are nam ed by D am odaragupta. T he Apsarases (860, 876) or divine damsels were regarded as heavenly courtesans {ganika 859,. deva-ganika 1000) and are described as w aiting upon the gods like In d ra and Govinda w ith folded hands and ever-ready to carry out their behests (859-860). T hey were believed to be skilled in dram atic performances (876). T hree o f the Apsarases,. T ilo ttam a, R am bha and U rvasi, are m entioned by nam e.

yonis^ in In d ia is o f a high antiquity.

I.

F or a list o f d em i-g o d s v id e Am ara-koh, i . i . i i

T ilottam a, as we have seen above, is said to have been created by Brahm a for the destruction of the demons Sunda and U pasunda. R am bha vk^as regarded as an expert dancer and an exemplar of feminine beauty. W hile describing the proficiency of an earthly dancer it had become axiomatic to say that she excelled even R am bha (86). Likewise, a lady of matchless beauty was often com pared to R am bha (116, 699). Reference has already been m ade to her affairs with N alakubara. Urvasi, is said to have been attached to Pururavas (1000). T he G andharvas, it was believed, inhabit the Himalayas (180), while the V idyadharas are associated with the A rbuda m ountain (241). T he K im purusas are represented as having their abode on the M eru m ountain (316). They were of two kinds, horse-faced and hum an-bodied and human-faced and horse-bodied, both of which are frequently represented in early In d ian sculpture. W e have a reference to the possession of a person by the Bhuta who, it was believed, could make one act even against one’s own interests (725). Sages and their Consorts

M ention m ust also be m ade in this connection of the sages and their consorts who, too, com m anded popular veneration. Sages such as M anu, etc. are said to be knowers of the three times, past, present and future (719). N arada, son of Brahma, was traditionally regarded as an expert musician (876). T ra ­ dition remembers him as the inventer of the lyre, the musical instriunent p a r excellence of India. In the famous A llahabad pillar inscription o f Sam udragupta also m ention is m ade of N arad a’s m astery in music.^ T he sages Bharata, K ohala and M atanga are m entioned in connection with dram atic perfor­ m ance (876-877). T he sage K apila had a great reputation for his concentration and self-control (115, 1040). An allusion is m ade to the epic legend of his reducing Sagara’s sons to ashes (195). A paronom asiatic stanza refers to the munis H arita, Suka, Vyasa and B haradvaja (247). T he wife of the G reat Sage {maham uni-dayita) was noted as a model of chastity (203). She m ay be either V asistha’s wife A rundhati or A tri’s wife I.

C I I , iii, p . 8 , lin e 27.

Anasuya who are regarded as the greatest H indu models ot feminine chastity. J^aga

Cult

T he N aga cult appears to have enjoyed wide popularity in K ashm ir. According to the tradition recorded in the N U am ata the Nagas apprehending the extinction of their race from the w rath of G aruda found, through V isnu’s favour, a sheltering place in the lake known as Satisaras which later turned into the valley of K ashm ir- and had N ila anointed as their sovereign. K ashm ir was believed to have been attended by a num ber of Nagas headed by Nila who was regarded as the protector of the land.® T h e N ila m a ta ordains the cdebration of a num ber o f festivals dedicated to the worship of Nilanaga.^ These tradi­ tions are not referred to by our author who contents him self by alluding to some legends concerning Sesanaga. R egarded as the lord of serpents, Sesa was believed to be thousand-m outhed (125). H e is described as possessed of beautiful gems, m any (i.e. thousand) hoods, the bearer of a heavy burden (of the earth ■which he was supposed to support) and as an abode of stability.® E lephants o f Quarters

People also believed in the existence of the elephants of the quarters {dsd-karin) who were entrusted w ith the task of bearing the earth (246). Demonology

T h e popular respect for the gods, goddesses and semi­ divine spirits was spontaneous, while the demonaic spirits were propitiated w ith the object of forestalling the calamities which 1. V erses 51 £F. S ee also A p p e n d ix , verses 73 ff. 2. A lso c f. R T , i.3 1 3 . I b id ., i . 2 8 , 30 ; N ila m a ia , i0 4 < 3 -iii5 . F or a n a lp h a b e tica l list o f t h e c h ie f N a g a s o f K a sh m ir, see iAzW., A p p en d ix B . 4 . Ib id ., A p p en d ix A , S erial N o s . 7, 3 2 , 4 6 . A lso cf. n o . 57 ( is t d ay o f K a rttik a ) w h e n N a g a s w e r e w o rsh ip p ed to g eth er w ith th e G a n d h a rv a s, P iia c a s a n d B ra h m an as.

K

779 -

they were otherwise

supposed to bring.

T he

demonesses

{yatudh ana-jayah 2 5 0 ) were believed to be flesh-eaters. The female ghouls {da k in i) are said to be fond of drinking blood {dakinya iva ca rakta-vyakarfana-kausal-opetdh, 317). T he dakinis were associated w ith the M other Goddess cult a t least from the G upta period as evidenced by the G angdhar stone inscription o f V isvavarm an, dated M alava-V ikram a year 481.^ M ention is also m ade of M istaka, a com m ander of the arm y of the D anavas (253). T he dem on king R avana is referred to in connection w ith th s Rdm dyana episodes (786, 861, 1004). Refe­ rences to the demons T ripura, Andhaka, M adhu, H iranyakasipu, Bali, Sunda, U pasunda and Sam bara have already been studied in connection with the gods who are said to have destroyed them. A sura-vivara

I t was believed th at the A sura-vivara or the h ab itat of the Asuras in the nether world abounded in beautiful women, and the city of P ataliputra which also included a large population o f beautiful ladies am ong its inhabitants is compared to it (180). This motif, im portant as it is from the point of view of con­ tem porary religious history, is not infrequently referred to in literature. In the Visnu-purdna, N arada is said to have exclaimed, ^‘W hat can be com pared to P atala where the lovely daughters o f the Daityas and D anavas w ander about fascinating even the m ost austere” .* B anabhatta, who had a penetrating insight into various facets of contem porary life, has referred to this m otif several times both in the H arsa-carita and the E ddam bari. In the IV th book of the H arsa-carita, while referring to thousands of th e ladies of the feudatories of Prabhakaravardhana assembled to celebrate H a rsa’s birth, Bana says th at it looked as if the Asuravivaras had been opened out.® People appear to have been very anxious to obtain pretty women and riches of the Asuravivara and resorted to various T an tric practices for this purpose. L ohitaksa, a friend of Bana,^ and the D ravidian priest of the 1. 2. 3. 4.

C //, iii, n o . 17. Visnu-purdna, E n g l. tr. b y

H .H . W ilso n , p . 204.

Harsa-carita, iv , p . 186. Asura-vivara-vyasanin, ib id ., i, p . 67.

Candika tem ple which C andrapida visited on his way to U jjayini’- are said to have been addicted to such rites. W e learn from B ana th at people had to pass through some deep dark ditch in order to reach the A sura-vivara. Describing the Saiva saint B hairavacarya who had covered him self w ith a black blanket, Bana states th at it appeared as if he were practising entry into the dark nether world {pdtdl-andhakar-avasa) for reach­ ing the Asura-vivara.^ D andin describes how a B rahm in nam ed M atanga, protected by prince R ajavahana, entered the nether world (rasdtala) through a hole and obtained w ealth and a beautiful Asura damsel.® Both B ana and D andin seem to connect this practice w ith iSaivism.^ According to Bana, those ofBciating a t the T a n trie rites in question were known as V atika.° T his belief was sometimes exploited for political purposes. Thus, in the H arsa-carita we read how the m inisters of the king o f M ekala carried aw ay a king of M agadha, who was addicted to the A sura-vivara, by an underground passage resounding w ith ' the alluring music o f the anklets of numberless pretty ladies*. T h e popularity o f this practice in K ashm ir is vouchsafed by K alh an a who tells us how K ing R anaditya w ent to the cave of the demon Nam uci passing through the w ater of the river C andrabhaga (G henab), obtained sovereignty over the nether w orld and partook and m ade his subjects partake in the love of the D aitya w o m e n . I t is interesting to note in this connec­ tion th a t according to the K ath d-sarit-sdgara one of the entrances into the P atala was m ade by M aya in Kashmir.® Rogues and cheats often took advantage of this belief and harassed the people. K sem endra in his Sam aya-m dtrkd describes how a deceptive prostitute threw away m en addicted to the A su ra-

1. Lagn-Asura-mvara-praveia-pisdcena^ Kddam bari, P u rv a b h a g a , p . 4 6 1 , 2 . Harsa-carita, iii, p . 154. 3 . Dasa-kumdra-carita, P u r v a p ith ik a , ii, p p . 2 8 -a q . 4 . B an a refers to it in c o n n e c tio n w t h a S aiva sa in t, w h ile D a n d in rep resen ts M a ta n g a to h a v e b e e n in str u c te d b y S iva a b o u t h is en try in to th e n e th e r w o r ld . 5. Harsa-carita, iii, p . 148. 6 . I b id ., v i, p p . 2 6 9 -2 7 0 . 7. R T , iii. 4 6 8 -4 7 3 . 8 . T a w n y , The Ocean o f Story, ii, p . 197.

vivara and anxious for the women of the nether world into deep wells.^

V.

R E L IG IO U S PRA CTICES

T h e P auranic H induism prevailing in our period was characterised by a synthesis of the Vedic sacrificial ritual and the rites and practices appertaining the various originally in­ dependent cults th at had now been am algam ated in Brahmanical Hinduism . Temples played an im portant p a rt in this synthetic religion. To some extent this commingling is reflected in our text which refers to both the sacrifices and the temple ritual. Sacrificial R itu a l

T h e allusions to sacrifices are of a general character and do not go beyond indicating the popularity of sacrificial ritual. A t one place we read of D harm a, afraid of the K ali age, conceal­ ing itself w ith a blanket th at is the smoke rising from the sacri­ ficial fire,® while elsewhere we come across persons whose faces are washed by the tears occasioned by the smoke of the three kinds o f fire, viz., gdrhapatya, ahavaniya and daksinagni (416). In the families m aintaining Vedic traditions, boys received training in cutting sacrificial fuel {sam idh) from their very child­ hood (420; also cf. 2 0 0 ). Sacrifices were performed w ith the va?at formula pronounced aloud and thus filling the ears (417). T h e Brahmanas pronounced the Vedic mantras and ate the rem nants of the sacrificial o h la tio n {purodasa A14:). T he Srauta sacrifices involving animal-killing were current as m ay be inferred from a reference to the sacrificial posts {kratu -yu pa). O n account of these posts the city of P ataliputra is compared to H arinagara (180). I '3T

II Samaya-matrkdi i i , i c o .

ft'w tsfq '

^

II

K 182.

Temples

Temples had come to play an increasingly im portant role in the socio-religious life of the people. T he extant lite­ rary and epigraphic evidence attests the brisk tem ple-building activity in the early m ediaeval period when people were trying to cover each and every inch of available space w ith temples dedicated to various gods and goddesses. D uring this period the temple was not only a place o f religious worship, b u t it also served as a venue of coloui'ful social activities. A bu and V ara­ nasi were adorned with a num ber of tem ples. T he temples o f V aranasi were very lofty and the banners flying from their spires {sikhara) rendered the sky variegated (6). V aranasi, being a stronghold of Saivism, h ad numberless Saiva shrines. T he Saiva temples often bore nam es composed of the nam e o f the founder or donor forming the first p a rt and the word isvara being its term inal portion. G am bhiresvara was one such tem ple (743). Sometimes the initial portion of the nam e was connect­ ed w ith some episode in its history. K alasesvara was such a temple.^ T he association of deva-dasis or dancing girls w ith the temple, which originated at a m uch earlier date, had now become a regular feature of temple organisation. T he institution had its beginnings in the necessity to provide for music, dance and dram atic performances before the deity. A nother factor res­ ponsible for it m ay have been the desire of the votaries to provide the gods installed in the earthly shrines w ith the same luxuries as were available to them in their heavenly abode. O ne such luxury available to them were the divine damsels or Apsarases; in their earthly abode also they were provided w ith them in the form of deva-dasis. G am bhiresvaradasi was evidently a dancing girl attached to the temple of Siva G am bhiresvara (743). As we have shown above, M anjari was also ?Lpdda-mula or templeatten d an t belonging to the shrine of Siva K alasesvara. A bout this time the custom had become deep-rooted in Kashm ir. O u r author informs us that the occupation had become hereditary being followed by generation after generation.- K alhana tells 1. S ee supra, p p . 65-6 7 . 2 . Cf. iT 663 w h ic h states h ow a cou rtesan g a v e u p th e tem p le service w h ich h ad co m e d o w n to her h ered itarily for the sak e o f her lover.

US how Lalitaditya M uktaplda chanced to see two deva-dasis who told him th at their descent m ade dancing and singing before the deity incum bent upon them and that the custom, handed down by tradition, had become fixed in their family.^ Even regularly wedded wives could be given away as dancing girls to temples."^ M ore often than not these deva-dasis were a source of corruption. W e learn from K alhana th at temple m aids could be taken away by kings for illicit love,® and Damod aragupta leaves the impression that they were in no way better than ordinary courtesans. O ne of the deva-dasis, M anjari, is represented as gratifying a prince’s lust for the sake of wealth, while another tem ple-m aid is said to have been in illicit love w ith an ordinary m an. A part from the deva-dasis, ordinary prostitutes also appear to have given perform ance before the deity from time to time. This explains the presence, am ong others, of courtesans in the crowd th at surrounded prince Sam arabhata immediately after he had finished his worship at the temple of V rsabhadhvaja (757).'^ T he temple was also used as venue of dance and dram atic perform ance for popular recreation. The.first act of th e R a tn d v a li is said to have been enacted w ithin the premises of the V rsabhadhvaja temple at Varanasi.® T he tem ple also served as a rest house where travellers could spend their nights (224). D eva-yatra

T he custom of deva-yatra or the carrying of the images of gods in procession on certain occasions was popular. M en and women, irrespective of their social gradation, freely participat1. R T , iv . 2 65-274. 2 . I b id ., iv . 3 6. 3. A lso c f. J a y a p id a ’s m a rria g e w ith K a m a la w h o used to p er­ form in a K arttifceya te m p le a t P u n d ravard h an a. S ee supra, p . 28. 4 . T h e Katha-sarit-sdgara an d th e Brhai-kathd-manjari also associate prostitutes w ith tem p les. ' V id e supra, p p . 24-26. 5. B h a v a b h u ti’s d ram as w ere p layed on th e occasion o f Xh& ydtrd o f K a la p riy a n a th a , i . e . , Surya im age in stalled at K a lp i, m ises o f th e tem p le.

ev id en tly in th e pre­

ed in them , thus getting an opportunity to establish new contacts which often resulted in clandestine love (869). These proces­ sions are referred to as gh ata by Vatsyayana^ and as sura-yatrd or daivata-yatra by V araham ihira.^ Such processions are still current. People invoked a god or goddess w ith the object of averting a calam ity or illness of a beloved with the promise of worship .and offerings (baly-upahara) on the accomplishment of the desire. N on-fulfilm ent of this promise after securing the object was believed to bring in distress to the persons concerned (612-613). T his practice is called upayacitaka by Varahamihira.® Such prac­ tices are still prevalent. Sraddha Sraddha feasts were popular then as now. T here is a refe­ rence to the hunting of rhinoceros in the rites directed to the m anes {pitr-tarpana-prasange khadga-grahanam, 198). I t is inte­ resting to note in this connection th at D harm asastra texts dating from very ancient times attach great significance to I'hinoceros in the context of the h a d d h a ceremony. W hile the flesh of other anim als served to the Brahm anas a t the k a d d h a feast was believed to give m anes only tem porary gratification, the flesh of rhinoceros is said to result in their inexhaustible perm anent satisfaction. T he Apastam ba-dharm asutra (ii.7.17.1), for example, tells us th at the gratification of the p itr s em anating from- the flesh of rhinoceros served to the Brahm anas seated on rhinoceros skin is endless. T he same view is expressed in the Baudhayana-grhyasutra (ii.11.53, 65), the Visnu-purdna (iii.16.3), th e M atsya-purdna (17.31-36), the Viinudharmottara-purdna (i.l41. 50-51), the Padma-purdna (Srstikhanda, 9.158), the K u rm a purdna (ii.20.43), the Skdnda Purdna (K asikhanda, iv. 14-20), the. Agni-purdna (163.32-33), th e M a n u -sm rti (3.272), the Y djn am lk ya -sm rti (1.260-61) and a host of other texts.^ Sanctity was also attached to the use of vessels m ade of the bones of rhino1. 2. p.

Kdma-sutra, i .4 .2 6 , 3 3.

A ja y M itra S h astri, India as seen in the Brhat-samhitd o f Vardhamihira,

180. 3. I b id ., p . 187. 4 . Cf. H D S , iv , p p . 422ff.

•

-ceros for serving food at the irdddha feast.^ This tradition was, thus, so deep-rooted th at there is nothing surprising if at some iraddha feasts a t least the flesh of rhinoceros was actually served. T h e scene of rhinoceros h u n t represented on the Rhinoceros-slayer type gold coins o f the G upta em peror K um aragupta I m ay have been connected w ith this religious requirem ent as suggested by S.V. Sohoni.^ T h e rhinoceros still plays an im portant role in connection w ith the srdddha. “ In N epal” , says S.H. Prater, “ the flesh and blood o f the rhinoceros is considered highly acceptable to the manes. H igh caste Hindus and most Gurkhas oflfer libation of the anim al’s blood after entering its disembowel­ ed body.” T he horns of rhinoceros are also used. According to P rater, “ O n ordinary Sraddha days the libation of w ater and m ilk is poured from a cup carved from its (i.e. rhino’s) horn.” ® T h e evidence of our work indicates the use of rhinoceros (pro­ bably its flesh and utensils fashioned from its bones) in the sraddha ceremony in the 8th-9th centuries A.D. Japa

T h e ja p a or continuous m uttering o f some fixed sacred formulae had become an im portant item of contem porary reli­ gious life.^ W e have a reference to the m ovement of lips at th e tim e o f ja p a {japatam =ev-adhara-sphuranam, 200). These form ulae usually comprised names of one’s favourite deity and their repetition was believed to fulfil one’s cherished desire {japati samihita-siddhyai, 1017). C ertain numbers were believed to possess mysterious sanctity, and special reference is m ade to a mahastotra consisting of twelve names {dvadala-namaka mahastotra, 1017). N um ber 12 appears to have been regarded as particularly sacred, and we have several extant examples of sacred formulae comprising twelve syllables or names. The twelve-syllabled formula Orh namo bhagavate Vdsudevaja used in worshipping Vasudeva and twelve-named Sankata-m^ana-stotra o f G anapati m ay be cited as well-known examples. I t is interest1. Bandhayana-grhyasutra, ii.11,65; Visnu-dhavwottura-pwano. 1.140.40. 2. JJV5T, xviii, p p . lySfF. B ut contra ib id ., xxv, pp. agff. 3. The Book o f Indian Anim als, p. 192. 4. T he antiquity of the practice o i japa has been traced to the Rgveda (8.11,5). Vide U sha R . Bhise, T h e Im portance of N am an in the Rgveda, Summaries o f Papers, A IO C , Silver Jubilee Session, ig6o, pp. 2-3.

ing to note in this connection th at several m anuscripts of a work called Siva-dvadasa-nama-stotra containing invocation of god Siva under his twelve nam es’ are preserved in the G overnm ent O riental M anuscripts L ibrary, M ad ras.“ V araham ihira also refers to the worship of god V isnu under his twelve different nam es on the 1 2 th day of the several m onths which resulted in the w orshipper’s union with, the Lord and cessation o f the chain of births and deaths.'* Pilgrimage

T h e tirtha-yatra or pilgrim age to places regarded as sancti­ fied by the divine presence or by some im portant religious episode was believed to yield im m easurable religious m erit. Im p o rtan t centres of pilgrim age were scattered throughout the length and breadth of the country, and there was scarcely any region where there were no pilgrim age centres. Bringing the people of the different parts of the country together, this institution fostered the cause of national integration in a unique m anner a t a time characterised by the absence of swift means of com m uni­ cation elim inating the distance factor. This institution still plays a significant role in the religious life of a great m ajority of the people of India. W hereas Vedic-sacrifices were confined to certain sections o f the people, the institution o f pilgrim age was open to all. Even a courtesan could go on a pilgrimage (545).'^ V aranasi was very early recognised as a great centre o f pilgrim age as it is even now. T he reason for this probably was its association with the god Siva and the liberal patronage extended by the rich. A large num ber of people, rich an d 1.

I ftw S T : ■pr?iT^ ?HT=5=^T3T ??rira;

2.

II ii

Descriptive Catalogue o f Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Gorernment

Oriental

M adras, Vol. iv, and P art, No. 2418, pp. 1696-97; Vol. xvii, Nos. 1259-1261, p p . 6646-47. 3. Brhat-sarhhitd, civ. 14-16; Ajay M itra Shastri, India as seen in the Bxhat-satnhiid o f Vardhamjhira, p p . 187-88. 4. K sem endra also describes in his Samaya-mdlrkd the pilgrim age of a rourtesan. Manuscripts Library,

poor and high and low, belonging to places, far and near, thronged the city for the purpose of pilgrimage. Prince Sam arab h ata had been to V aranasi from the distant D evarastra on such a mission. I t is probable th at D am odaragupta had also perso­ nally come to V aranasi on such a pilgrimage and stayed there long enough to get him self acquainted w ith the m inutest details of its contem porary life which he has recorded in his work. A rbuda or M t. Abu appears to have been another im por­ tan t centre of pilgrim age during our period. I t was also fre­ quented by visitors from far off places like P ataliputra. I t was adorned w ith shrines dedicated to different deities, stepped wells, parks, ponds and rivers and was resorted to by saints for observ­ ing penance and m editation. I t appears to have been p arti­ cularly sacred to Siva.^ I t is pertinent to note in this connec­ tion th at according to extant archaeological evidence prior to becoming famous as a sacred city of the Jain as after the construc­ tion of the Vim ala-vasahi in A.D. 1030 Abu was a flourishing B rahm anical Saivite site. T he area ju st behind V im ala-vasahi is the site o f the K anyakum ari and Rasio V alam shrines along w ith a V isnu temple. A little to the west of these shrines there are remains of an older Saiva shrine and an older brick temple w ith later repairs in stone. The Visnu temple contains postG upta (6 th-7th century) sculptures o f three M atrkas, the Sesasayi V isnu of the G upta age and a sculpture of Siirya. T he K anyakum ari or Srim ata shrine has in it another M atrka figure of the G upta period and a sculpture of standing Parvati assign­ able to the 9th or 10th century A.D. Thus it was a H indu centre w ith Saiva and V aisnava temples dating from the late G upta period to early eleventh century A.D.D isposal o f the Dead

W e get very m eagre inform ation on this point. However, crem ation was the usual mode of disposing off the dead body (480). T h e funeral pyre was prepared from wood (490). 1. Verse 24T compares the A rbuda m ountain to Sam bhu, while in verse 240 we have a reference to devotees of Siva inhabiting Abu. 2. M uni Ja y a n ta V i j a y a , T r a n s l a t e d into English with an Introduction by U . P. Shah and a Foreword by V.S. Agrawala, pp. x-xi.

Asceticism

Asceticism played a very significant role in the religious life o f In d ia from very ancient times. Almost all the different religious orders, which were otherwise opposed to each other, laid great stress on asceticism. . N on-B rahm anical sects like Jainism and Buddhism w ent to the extent of regarding ascetic life as sine qua non to attain final deliverance. D am odaragupta has frequently draw n upon this m otif in his poem under study. In the Brahm anical order asceticism {pravrajya, 478; sarhnyasana, 496) formed the fourth or last stage {antyasrama, 495) in the life o f a m an. I t was believed to be a means of em ancipation from the world {samsdra-mukty-upaya, 492) and of the destruction of ignorance {avidya-prahdna-samsiddhi, 495), the root cause of all sufferings. Ascetics carried a staff which became a sign m anual of their life (13). Form al taking of the staff formed an im por­ ta n t item of the ceremony m arking the initiation into the ascetic life which is consequently referred to as the vow of carrying a staff {danda-grahana-vrata, 492). Self-restraint was basic to the ascetic life (53). Ascetics lived in the forest, and we have a reference to a forest inhabited by sages perform ing penance, endowed w ith the stability of m ind and steadfast in the obser­ vance o f their duties (497). T he resort of saints was noted for its peace and tranquillity (180). M any of the entrants to the ascetic order were persons disappointed w ith their life. Such was the case w ith Sundarasena. To such people this constantly changing world appeared to be a resort of sufferings only (494). As the ascetics were supposed to be free from all selfish interest, they were expected to develop an attitude of equality towards the old and the young, the ailing and the strong-bodied, and the high-born and the lowly (93) and not to vent any discrim i­ nation in respect of anim als and hum an beings (999). This evidently refers to the concept of sama-darHn so beautifully enunciated in the Bhagavad-gitd, 5.18. I t is said th at those who know the Suprem e Soul {Paramdtman) concentrate their m ind on the P urusa alone (996, 1011). Some interesting ascetic practices are also referred to. O ne such practice is the panca-tapas or perform ing penance am idst five fires. A love-lorn lady afflicted by the cuckooing

o f a cuckoo, cool fragrant breeze, flowers, cupid and bees is com pared to one perform ing the fivefold penance (299). I t is a very severe austere practice wherein one has to sit in the midst of fire burning ablaze on the four sides and under the sun. Such a penance was reportedly perform ed by Parvati for securing Siva as her husband.^ M ention is also m ade of a penance observed by a wom an for winning the afl^ection of her beloved {Subhafikarmarh tapah, 166) the exact nature of which cannot be determ ined. I t m ay, however, refer to the type of penance perform ed by Parvati as described by K alidasa in his Kumarasarhbhava (v). V I.

BELIEFS AND S U P E R S T IT IO N S

People had faith in the efficacy of m agical form ulae These mantras, it was believed, could attain m any things which were beyond the access of ordinary means. T he belief th at by the pronunciation of certain incantations serpents could be called out of their h ab itat (48) persists to this day. T here were in existence certain m agical formulae {mantravidhi, 559; vasikaram-yoga, 543) which, it was thought, enabled one to w in over one’s beloved. {mantra).

T he belief in rebirth and the fructification of actions was a tim e-honoured concept which was adm itted by m ost o f the religious systems of ancient India, bo th B rahm anical and nonB rahm anical. Thus, a happy occurrence was believed to be due to the m eritorious acts of earlier lives (91, 459), while an unh ap p y event was regarded as the result of the accum ulated sins o f previous births (423, 440, 826). T h e movements o f planets {graha-gati) were believed to influence the course of hum an life. Thus a good or bad occur­ rence was deemed to have been caused as m uch by the favourable or unfavourable disposition o f planets as by one’s own good or b ad acts (826). In the D harm asastra and astrological texts detailed rules are given for the perform ance o f graha-idntis or graha-ydgas for getting the effects o f the unfavourable disposition o f planets neutralised. Such beliefs and propitiatory rites are still current. I.

Kumara-sambhava,

v. 23.

T he nether world {patdla-tala) was believed to be a resort of serpents (179). T he moon was regarded as the lord of vegetation (245). T he semblance of the shadow-like object in the orb o f the moon was believed to be due to the shadow o f R ahu, son of Siriihika (110), who was held responsible also for the lunar eclipse (190). People also believed in fate {daiva) which was taken to determ ine m uch of hum an life (820). T h a t one goes to the other world, heaven or hell, after death was also an article of faith. W e are told th a t it could not be determ ined in advance w hether one would go to heaven or hell (820). People perform ed penance w ith the object o f attain in g the position of a god {suratapti, 966). V II.

PU R PO S E O F R E L IG IO N

A ttainm ent of peace is said to be the m ain object of reli­ gion. T h a t which does not result' in peace is not a real reli­ gion {ko dharmo nir=upasam ah, 723). V III.

p u r u s Ar t h a s

According to B rahm anical standpoint, the goal of hum an existence was the attainm ent of four purusarthas {purusarthacatustaya, 1055), viz., dharma or right conduct, artha or economic interests, kdma or satisfaction of bodily, em otional and artistic urges, and moksa or liberation. O f these the last could be attained only by the select few who were spiritually advanced, the common m an being concerned w ith the first three only (65253).^ T h e attainm ent of each one of these three w ithout hin d ­ rance to others was, of course, the ideal. But different schools of thinkers vented their preference for one or other of them accord• ing to their predilections. T he D harm asastra writers, for I, Verse 652 refers to the attainm ent of dharma, artha and kdma by a prostitute by gratifying the sexual urge of a p auper, contact w ith a rich m an, and intercourse with a m an of equal sexual potency respectively. Verse 653 condemns one whose acts do not result in the fulfilment of either dharma or artha or kama. Cf. Verse 1031 which also mentions purusdrthas.

instance, stressed dharma while the Arthasdstra of K autilya regards artha as supreme.- O u r author is reticent on this point. IX .

B U D D H ISM

As noted above, Buddhism, though somewhat on the road of decadence, flourished side by side w ith Brahm anical H induism and was still a force to be reckoned with. O ur author makes some interesting references to Buddha and Buddhism which shed welcome light on the condition of Buddhism and its relations w ith other sects during the period under study. T h e B uddha is referred to as a mtna or jewel, the essence of the universe (781),^ which evidently points to the wellknown Buddhist concept of the T hree Jewels or triratna comprising the Buddha, D harm a and Sangha. Non-violence was an article of faith w ith the Buddhists, and surprise is expressed if the Buddha is not opposed to w ar­ fare.^ W e have an interesting allusion to the V ijnanavada school of Buddhism. An adherent of this philosophy is styled a non-dualist {advayavadin) who did not believe in the universal or generality ( ja ti) , em pirical self or ego (dtman) and external objects {artha-jm na ) I t is well-known th at the Vijfianavada or Y ogacara school of M ahayana Buddhism did not accept the existence of anything except vijnana or citta, i.e., pure conscious­ ness a n d was thus a m onistic system. According to it, all dharmas except consciousness are unreal; consciousness alone is taught by the B uddha as an established truth. Every pheno­ m enal thing, being governed by the cause-efTect relationship, 1.

ix .46-47; Apastamba-dhmmosutra, ii.8.20.22-23; ii. 224; iv.176; H D S , ii., pp. 8-9. 2. Arthasdstra, i.7.3-7. 3. Verse 1055, however, mentions sexual gratification as the essence o f the four purusdrthas. B ut this certainly does not represent the author’s view. 4. This stanza describes Buddha as an advayavadin, obviously in confor­ m ity w ith the V ijnanavada school. C i . Amara-kosa, i.1.14, which gives a&’ajvavddin as a nam e of the Buddha. Gaulama-dharmasutm,

Manu-smrti,

5-

6.

K

778.

5TFT ?r srrf^Frfcirr fTPfsTR

^

i I I A " 78 I

is of necessity m om entary. T he reality transcends all categories and is free from mom entariness. T he subject-object duality m ust be overcome in order to attain oneness with pure conscious­ ness. D uring the period under review there appears to have prevailed great rivalry between Buddhism and B rahm anical H induism . D am odaragupta draws our attention to the in ­ com patibility of the faith in the Sugata, i.e., B uddha, and a n appreciation of the Vakhas of the Vedas.^ This is in strong con­ trast w ith the religious conditions of the earlier period the keynote of which was the prevalence of harmonious relations among various faiths. T he Miln-mata, belonging to the 6 th or 7th century A.D., brings in relief the cordiality existing between Buddhism and Hinduism . I t describes the B uddha as an incar­ nation of V isnu, prescribes the celebration of his birthday in accordance w ith the instructions of the Sakyas, i.e., Buddhists who were also to be honoured w ith a variety of gifts. ^ Kings of K ashm ir also gave the benefit of their patronage to both H in­ duism and Buddhism. Thus, queen A nahgalekha constructed the A nahgabhavana Vihara,® and king L alitaditya h ad a. num ber of caityas and viharas built and Buddha images m ade.‘‘ T his situation underw ent a great change w ith the com ing into prom inence of the monistic Saiva philosophy an d a period o f rivalry between Buddhism and B rahm anical H induism ensued. Buddhists h ad now to rem ain content w ith a com paratively less significant position. I t is w orth noting in this connection th a t the town of A vantipura founded by king A vantivarm an in the latter h a lf of the ninth century A.D. has not yielded even a. single Buddhistic object.® +Hd Id N

^ i

^

T he same idea is found in Subandhu’s Vdsavadattd, p . 194:— I t is not im probable th a t D am odaragupta borrowed it from Subandhu. 2. N ila-m ata, w . 684-690; Ved K um ari, The N ilam ata Purdna, A C u l­ tural and Literary Study o f a K dsm lri Purdna, p. 175. 3. R T , iv. 3. 4. I b id ., iv. 188, 200, 203. 204, 210, 211, 215, 258-264. 5. For an account o f the rem ains a t A vantipura. vide R .C . K ak, A n ­ cient Monuments o f Kashm ir, ■p'p. 118-125; A H andbook o f the Archaeological and J^umismatic Sections o f the S ri Pratap Singh M useum , Srinagar, pp., 4 7 -5 7 .

X.

JA IN IS M

Except doubtful references to the Nagnas (367) or N agndcdryas (562), viz., nudeD igam bara Ja in a ascetics, we have no inform ation about Jainism . A N agnacarya nam ed N arasirhha is said to have been in love w ith a courtesan and to have im m olat­ ed him self in the flames o f fire to be followed by his beloved.

C H A PTER IV SO C IA L L IF E Social Organisation : V arna System 101; Asram as 104. Family 105. Marriage and Position o f Women : M arriage 106 ; Poly­

gamy 106; Wife 106; Veil 107; Freedom o f M ovem ent 108; Female Education 108; A num arana 109; Female M orality 109. Prostitution : T he A ttitude of the Society 111; L iterary and Artistic Accom­ plishments 111; N om enclature 112; Two K inds 113; Lure of M oney 114; Fees 118; Initiation 118; Brothels 118; T he Bawd 119; T he Fem ale Messenger 122; T he C lientale 122; T he Vitas 123; Colonies of Prostitutes 125. Ideal Female Form 126. Personal Names and T itles 128. Food and D rinks 130: Food 131 ; W ine 132; Com­ m unity Feast 132. Dress'. Textiles 133; M ale Dress 134; Dress o f W om en 135. Ornaments 137: M aterials 138; Ornam ents of M en—E ar-O rnam ents 139; Neck-Ornaments 140; Armlets 141; W ristlets 141; Finger-O rnam ents 142 ; O rnam ents of Females—Necklaces ; Ear-O rnam ents 143; Armlets 144; Bracelets 144 ; FingerO rnam ents 145; Girdles 145; Anklets 145; C andral45. H a ir -S tjle s : Hair-Styles of the M ale 146 ; Hair-Styles of the

Fem ale 147. Toilette 148: Flowers 149; Betel (T am bula) 149; U nguents 151; M ale T oilette 151; Fem ale T oilette 152. Sports and Pastimes: T he Game of Ball 154; T he Gam e of Dice 154; H u n tin g 155; R am -F ight 156 ; T am ing Animals and Birds 157; G arden-Sport 157; W ater Sport 158; G atherings 158; Festivals 159; Dolls 161; Sam udgika 161; W restling 161. Furniture 161. Correspondence 162. Customs and M anners 164. General Life 165.

I. Varna

SO C IA L O R G A N ISA T IO N

System

T he inform ation th at we get from our work about the stru ctu re of the society obtaining in K ashm ir during the early m ediaeval period is very fragm entary indeed. However, there is no do u b t that, as in the rest of India, in K ashm ir also social organisation was m ainly based on the age-old institutions of V arn as and Asram as {Varn-airama-dharma). D am odaragupta evinces fam iliarity with the V arna system (310, 780), though h e does not explicitly refer to the four V arnas as such anywhere in his work. H e was a B rahm ana him self as are some of the characters of his poem. W e shall, therefore, not be unjustified in expecting m ore inform ation about this section of the society. T h e Brahm anas, variously referred to as V ipra (181, 393, 785), D vija (14), D vijanm an (193) andA grajanm an (412), undoub­ tedly occupied the upperm ost position on the social ladder. In keeping w ith ancient Indian tradition,^ they are styled gods o n earth {bhumi-deva, 199; vasudha-deva, 763). I t was a religious d u ty to respect them (763, 785). T hey are described as obser­ ving their six traditional duties,^ viz., study, teaching, performing sacrifices for self, olEciating at other people’s sacrifices, m aking gifts and accepting gifts.^ T hey abstained from taking intoxica­ ting drinks.^ This last statem ent is vouched for by independent literary and epigraphical evidences. T he Jo d h p u r inscription o f P ratih ara Bauka tells us th at the sons of H aricandra born of his K satriya wife B hadra becam e drinkers of wine,® im plying thereby th at Brahm anas did not drink wine. A rab travellers o f the n in th century A.D. also looked upon abstention from taking wine as a distinct characteristic o f the Brahmanas.®

1. Vism-dharmosulra, x ix .20-22; Manu-smrti, ix.317; Parasara-smrti, vi.52-3, etc. Vide also H D S , ii (i), pp. 134-36. 2. Sat-karmany-ayatdh, 249 {sat-karmano-yata is another reading); satkarma-vibhusariam, 417. 3. For a detailed discussion of these duties, see H D S , ii (i). pp. I05ff. 4. Dvija-nilayesv-aprasannatvanj; 14. 3. M jiiiB h a d r a caydn sute ie bhuta madhu-payinah, verse 8. E L xviii, p. 05. 6. 'EUiot, History o f India as told by its own Historians, i,p . g , cited h y R .C . M ajum dar in E l , xviii, p . 98, fn. i.

T h e Ja in a author Somadeva Suri (10th century A .D .) in his Yaiastilaka-campu regards the habit o f drinking wine prevalent am ong the Brahm anas of Varigi-m andala as due to the defect o f the reigning king.^ Some Brahm anas, evidently of an advanced age, took to a life of austerity w ith the object of securing heaven; they gave up worldly attachm ents, violence and cruelty, observed self-restraint, lived a peaceful life given to the perform ance o f m eritorious acts and lived on wind and fruits (248-49). An idea of the ideals th a t a B rahm ana was expected to keep before him m ay be had from the description of B rahm ana P u ran d ara of P ataliputra (193-200) and from his missive to his son Sundarasena who had gone astray (411-24). P urandara is described as perform ing a num ber of sacrifices, an abode o f learning, away from lust, observing tru th a,nd restraint, stead­ fast in the observance of his prescribed duties, avoiding destruc­ tion of life and intercourse w ith other people’s wives (193-96). His lineage was reputed for its spotlessly good conduct, its adherence to the prescribed rites like offering oblations to the departed ancestors, discussions on the Vedas, and observance o f ja p a and sacrifices; the boys of the family took to the life of a Brahm acarin wearing g ird le; its inm ates never wielded w eapons; there were no family feuds resulting into partition (197-200); it was spotless; its m em bers were know n for their straightforw ard conduct and for abstention from the destruction o f life; they were free from back-biting (412-13). T he letter sent by P urandara to his son alludes to the austere life of an ideal B rahm ana: his m outh was purified by the drinking o f soma ju ic e ; he recited the Vedic mantras; he cut the kusa grass for use in religious rites, sometimes resulting into injury to his fingers; he m aintained the three sacred fires— garhapatya, dhavaniya and dakfinagni, the smoke o f which brought tears in the eyes; the sound of vasat at the time of offering obla­ tions to gods was his ear-ornam ent; he perform ed his six-fold du ty ; in boyhood he studied from a teacher whom he respected and did service; he wore deer-skin while observing a vow; he cut sacrificial fuel; iri his youth he settled as a householder, and in old age left his family to the care o f his son(s) and him self strove for the attainm ent of heaven (414-24). I.

K . K . H andiqui, Tasastilaka and Indian Ctiltvre. p. go.

T he above was, however, only an ideal which could have been practised only by a few, not by all. A vast m ajority o f the Brahm anas, like others, m ust have led an ordinary life given to the enjoym ent o f m undane pleasures. Instances of B rahm anas visiting brothels were not unknown.^ A nd it was in order to rescue Sundarasena from the clutches of a courtesan th at the above letter is said to have been w ritten. Some of the Brahm anas also joined adm inistrative services and occupied high positions. D am odaragupta himself, as we learn from K alhana, was the chief m inister {dhi-saciva) of king Jayapida.^ W hile describing P urandara it is said th at none in his family took to the use o f weapons (198). B ut K a lh a n a furnishes a num ber of examples of Brahm anas adopting m ilitary careers.® I t was the duty of the king to keep the members of the different castes firm in the observance of their respective duties. T h e order o f the precedence of the different V arnas was fixed by tradition. T he lower castes appear to have been looked down upon. A t one place the last V arn a (i.e., S udra) is stated to be m ean by n atu re and its rise to a superior position in the social scale is spoken of w ith contem pt (780). I t is true th at we have no m ention of the interm ediate V arnas, viz., K satriya and Vaisya. But this does not w arrant the view of some scholars th at in early K ashm ir ‘there was no such caste as K satriya, Vaisya or S udra’.^ As we have just seen, D am odaragupta refers to the jaghanya-varna., i.e., §udra. Elsewhere, he states th at a prostitute has no preference for a p articu lar caste in the m atter of carnal intercourse b u t favours p articu lar colours only for the purpose of toilet.® T he prevalence o f the system o f four V arnas in K ashm ir is also indicated by the N ila-m ata and the Rdja-tarangini. T he former work describes a t length the duties of the four castes,® while the latter not only 1. 2. 3. 4.

6.

37, 38, 393. iv. 496. S. C. R ay, Early History and Culture o f Kashmir, pp. 84-85. Ib id ., p. 86.

K,

RT,

Ved K um ari, op. c it., pp. 77-B7.

shows a general acquaintance w ith the institution of Varna^ b u t contains specific references to the Ksatriyas^ and the Vaisyas® in connection w ith the ancient history of K ashm ir. T he fact, therefore, seems to be th at as in other parts of the country so in K ash m ir the system of the custom ary four castes formed the foundation stone of the H indu social organisation. A ham as

A ccording to the traditional H indu standpoint, the span o f hum an life was divided into four stages called Asrama, viz., those of a Brahmacarin or student, Grhastha or householder, Vdnaprastha or forest-anchorite, and Sarhnyasin or wandering ascetic. T h ere is sufficient evidence to indicate D am odarag u p ta ’s acquaintance w ith this institution. T he Brahmacarin, called batuka, wore a girdle which sometirnes gave way (198). T h e householder is referred to as geha-pati (224), grha-svdmin (225) and grha-bhartr (817). W e get no reference to the forestanchorite, though some vague descriptions of austere practices m ay a llu d e to ihem . T he order of the w andering ascetic is called the last asrama {anty-dsrcma, 495). H e always carried a staff w ith him (13, 492). T he object of this asrama was to secure liberation (492) and effect the rem oval of ignorance (495). Som etim es this asrama was resorted to by people dis­ gusted w ith w orldly life. W e have allusions to the austere practices followed by these mendicants.^ A ncient In d ia n w riters were divided about the order in w hich one was to follow the different dsramas. According to one view, the four dsramas were to be resorted to one after an ­ oth er in the serial order; neither one can drop one or m ore o f these stages n or reverse their order. A nother school, allowed option after brahmacarya, viz., one can enter the last stage im me­ diately after finishing one’s study or after the householder’s lii'e.® D am odaragupta seems to have favoured the second view.

1. R T , iv. 111. 2. Ib id ., viii. 30:31, 3063-60, 3077. 3230. 3. Ib id .. vii. 207. 4. See supra, pp. 92-3. 5. These viewpoints were called samuccaya and vikalpa respectively. For a full discussion of these, see H D S , ii (i), p p . 424-25.

fo r he describes Sundarasena as becoming an ascetic immediaitely after studentship,^ II.

FA M ILY

Fam ily is the smallest u n it of social organisation. T o a •great extent, one’s behavioral p attern and happiness or otherwise o f life are determ ined by the environm ent o f the family. This is particularly true of ancient In d ia where scriptural law considered ■a person m ore as a constituent m em ber of a family than as a free individual. ■Relations

W e get references to a num ber of family relations such as a son ,2 daughter,® mother,^ father,^ brother,® sister'^, husband,® 'wife,® son-in-law,^® brother-in-law^^ and mother-in-law.^^ T he -oldest m ale m em ber of the family was regarded as its chief.^® T h e b irth of a son was an occasion of joy (146). J o in t family system was the prevailing order of the day. Even after m arriage m an continued to live in the same house 'with his parents and brothers (583-84). Sometimes, however, iDonds o f affection and m utual love became loose and family feuds arose after m arriage, resulting into partition of family property (199). This was not unoften due to m isbehaviour •on the p a rt of brothers and partisan attitude of the m other as also lack of adjustm ent on the p a rt of the wife in her new family (583-84). 1. ahere is 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. !0, I!. IS.

W hile there is mention of Sundarasena’s studentship (418, 421), no allusion to his m arried life. K 146, 20ij 220, 240, 430-32. I b id ., 146. I b id ., 142, 151, 220, 222, 432. I b id ., 934, 429.- 431. 584Ib id ., 220, 583. I b id ., 220. Ib id ., 187, 226, 227, 508-510, 509, 821, 822.' I b id ., 185, 196, 203, 223, 226, 436, 584. . . . Jhid ., 146. I b id ., 583. I b id ., ^84..

13. Ib id ., 224, 225, O17.

II I.

M A R R IA G E AND P O S IT IO N O F W O M E N

M arriage

M arriage cerem ony is referred to as parinaya (792) an d (167). T he latter implies the grasping by th e bridegroom of the b rid e’s hand which forms an im portant item of the sacram ent of m arriage.

Pani-grahana

Polygamy

Polygamy was prevalent, especially am ong w ell-to-da sections of society. T he poet describes the pitiable condition of a polygamous m an [bahujdni), one of whose wives is angered at her violation, another is indifferent because o f the nonfulfil­ m ent of her dem and, another is sad as she has been denied a seat closeby, the fourth m aintains a distance because of m u tu al quarrel, and the fifth, who is newly wedded, is too shy to behave w ith him freely.^ A t another place M alati is said to have failed in meetingh er lover in a rainy night as he was busy w ith his wives (599,. 601). In yet another verse we read of thousands o f women interested in the same m an (770). W ife

D am odaragupta gives a graphic picture of an ideal wife:: a wife born of a noble family is the abode of all w orldly pleasu­ res; she follows her husband like reflection; she feels grieved in her husband’s grief; she is happy w hen her husband is happy;, w hen he is worried, she is also w o rried ; b u t when he gets enraged,, she is only tim id; she never speaks ill against him and alwaysfollows his m ind; she also gives him full sexual pleasure; those are fortunate indeed who have such a wife (440-45). In short,, an ideal wife was expected to follow het- husband both in h a p p i-

vtji ^ m tt

i K

791-92.

ness and sorrow. She rendered personal service to her husband. Even if the bonds of m utual love had slackened, she continued to live w ith her husband as a m atter o f propriety (510). T h e husband exercised full control over his wife and kept a close w atch over her movements (818-19). T he lot of a housewife, particularly in ru ral areas, was an unenviable one. Hers was a life of toil and hard work with little comfort. D am odaragupta gives us a beautiful w ordpicture of her life: When she was tired after the hard work o f the day and her body wet w ith sweat, in the evening she w ent to a nearby well to fetch w a te r ; she helped her husband in agricul­ tural operations such as harvesting also; she went to dense fields a t some distance to pick up cotton fruits; she unhusked paddy w ith the help of a pestle (863-74). Sometimes the wife found it difficult to adjust herself in the new environm ent of her husband’s family. She found only defects in her newly adopted fam ily and talked highly of her paren ts’ family. She held her brothers-in-law guilty of m is­ behaviour and accused m other-in-law of a partisan attitude and incited her husband for separation. She even insulted her husband who went all out to please her by any means. ^ T h e vicious practice of polygam y, to which reference has been m ade above, m ust also have contributed to the disharm ony between the husband and the wife. A nother factor responsible for it was the insulting attitude of the husband and the hot tem pera­ m ent of the elders m aking it difficult for the wife to stay in the same house (509). As usual, the blam e for separation was laid on the wife, though in fact all the non-cooperative and unreceptive m em bers of the family were responsible for it. FetV C u rren t social etiquette required women of respectable families to p u t on a veil {avagunthana) on face while coming out I.

J|, VTRJ’Jrt

3TT3TT

I ’T 'w fiw ii Tr??r: II K

583-84.

ill public . T he veil, as well as hum ility, low voice and slow movem ents, was regarded as a characteristic o f a w om an o f good m oral character (848). Sometimes a piece of k n itted cloth (vadan-avrti-jalika) was used for this purpose. W hile describing the play of dice on the festival in honour o f the god o f love in which women of all sorts participated, kn itted veil alone is said to have distinguished respectable ladies [arya) from ordinary women {anaryd') ?■ K sem endra describes how a mischievous courtesan, passing as a daughter of a high royal officer, covered her face up to h a lf the nose w ith a piece of cloth.^ T h e Padma-prdbhrtaka^ and the D h urta-vita-samvdda^ also describe a kulavadhu as w earing a veil, called avagunthana and lajjd-pata respectively. In Bana also we come across references to the use by respectable women of a net-work of cloth to cover their faces.5 T hough rath er rarely, we find, representation of women w ith veil in early Indian painting (PI. XVI®^) and plastic art.® Freedom o f Movement

W om en were allowed considerable freedom of movement. E ven ladies of aristocratic families, who norm ally preferred to rem ain away from public gaze, came out o f their houses on festive occasions and participated in the festivities freely as did o th er women who were not so confined to their houses (889). T hey played dice w ith other women (895) and, when engrossed in the festivities, did not shirk from using obscene words in p ublic (894). Religious observances like the procession of divine images {deva-ydtrd) also gave women an occasion to come into contact w ith m en (869). Female Education

W e have am ple evidence to indicate th at wom en during o u r period received a good deal of literary education and train-

?TPTf'TTJT?5r’ F r

II

895. 2. Samaya-matrka, ii. 54. 3. Caturbhdnl, p . 41. 4. I b id ., p. 74, verse 13. 5. V . S. A grawala, Har}a-ca\ita ; E ka Sdihskrtika Adhyayana, p p . 23, 56. 6. Ancient India, No. 4, figurine nos. 170-74. K

ing in practical and fine arts. T he literary works represented to have been studied by them included th e Kamasutra o f Vatsyayana and sim ilar texts of M adanodaya, D attaka and R ajap u tra, B harata’s N atya-sastra and the writings of Vis akhila and D antila. T hey also attained proficiehcy in arbori-horticulture, painting, needle-work, wood work, m etal-w ork, dietetics, music and dance (123-25). A lthough all these references appertain courtesans, there can be no doubt th at ladies in aristocratic and cultured families also m ust have been given similar literary training. B ilhana, it is interesting to note, mentions with justifiable pride the fact th at women of K ashm ir could speak Sanskrit and P rakrit fluently. Anumarana

T h e practice of the self-immolation of the widowed wife on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband (anumarana) appears to have enjoyed g reat popularity. D am odaragupta describes it as a duty of women [stri-dharma, 492). T he wide­ spread currency of this custom is indicated by the num erous examples of courtesans who are said to have followed their lovers on funerary pyre (560, 561, 562).® K alhana also has recorded several instances of queens,® ladies of aristocratic families* and even courtesans® im m olating themselves along w ith the dead bodies of their husbands and lovers. Female M orality

T h e standard of female m orality, as th at of the m ale one, in the 9th century A.D. was by no means high. Prostitution^ about which m ore will be said in the sequel, was very m uch ram pant. Although no concrete instance o f sexual im m orality on the p a r t of m arried wom en is recorded by our poet, there can be no doubt about its existence. W hen S am arabhata 1. Vikraindnkadeva-corita, xviii.6. 2. Verses 559 and 565 also give examples of courtesans who, unable to live w ithout their lovers, breathed their last. These, too, may have beeni cases of the practice o f suttee. 3. R T , V. 226; vi. 107; vii. 103, 477-80, etc. 4. I b id .. viii. 445, 2334. 5. Ib id ., vii. 724, 859.

showed his inclination towards M anjari, the m inister who had accom panied him to V aranasi is represented-to have eulogised sexual relations w ith other m en’s wives (811-61). In support o f his contention he is said to have quoted profusely from H indu mythology. T he bold defence of illicit intercourse w ith other wom en by itself is a clear indication of the wide-spread preva­ lence of this vice. T he female go-betweens {dutis) played a key role in uniting the two parties (839) . A w om an’s indulgence in unlawful sexual connection w ith a m an other than her hus­ ban d led to her own ill-fame as well as of her family and even m ade her very life doubtful, besides bai'ring her entry into the heaven (833, 508). Such a wom an was looked down upon by her own relatives who rebuked her, and her form er friends avoided her com pany. People laughed at her when she p u t on a veil on her face, m ade a show pfhum ility, convers­ ed in a low voice and moved gently—all characteristics of a respectable wom an (848-50). This m oral laxity sometimes resulted from the repeated insults hurled by the husband, hot tem per of the elders and other household difficulties, m arriage o f persons not suited to one another and lack of m utual harm ony (509, 813-22). IV .

P R O S T IT U T IO N

As we have seen above,^ prostitution played a significant role in the contem porary history of K ashm ir. D am odaragupta, who occupied the high office of dhi-saciva under king Jay ap ld a V inayaditya, had an opportunity to w atch it from close quarters, a n d as such we m ay naturally expect him to exhibit a close acquaintance w ith the intricacies of this profession. O u r hopes are not belied, and the poet presents us w ith the whole secret of this trade and illustrates it into niceties o f details. In fact, in the whole range of Sanskrit literature there is no other work which can excel it in this regard. A perusal of the K u tta n imata gives us an insight into prostitutes’ mode of behaviour, their proficiency in literature and fine arts, their greed for money an d practices and customs connected w ith the craft. I.

See supra, p p . 28-30.

The Attitude o f the Society

A lthough prostitution was tolerated as an inescapable social evil, the society looked down upon prostitutes (546) and condem ned m en indulgent to them in unm istakable terms. O n e’s addiction to strum pets was regarded as a result o f one’s €vil deeds in a previous life (440). This contem ptuous attitu d e was m ainly due to the proverbial deceptive character o f the prostitutes (485) and the injury they hurled on the current notions of social m orality. T here could be no greater shock to a father th an to know th at his son had become a victim o f this vice. T he high degree of contem pt in which this institution was held is indicated by G unapalita’s long lecture on the unrelia­ bility of the strum pets and P u ran d ara’s rebuking errand to his son Sundarasena (301-24, 411-24). I t m ay be repeated in this connection th at the m ain object of the poem was to acquaint the readers with the cheating devices o f the courtesans and save them from succumbing to their (hetairai’s) apparent charms (1059).! Literary and Artistic Accomplishments

However, if notw ithstanding this unequivocal condem na­ tion and disownment the hetairai had a flourishing business, it was because of certain attractive features of this, institution. Prostitution was prim arily an urban institution w ith all the niceties of the glittering town life attached to it.^ As against ordinary women of rustic habits, courtesans were ladies o f refined m anners and pleasant etiquettes. They were free and frank in their behaviour and were able to entertain m en by various diversions like garden-parties (665-84) and water-sports (685-91). T hey were witty and expert talkers. (143-48, 165-72, 863-74) and keen observers of hum an psychology. They were repositories of fine arts like music (357), dance (346, 355) and theatrical perform ance (794ff.) and attained proficiency in the ti'aditional sixty-four arts specially m eant for them (499). T hey received liberal training specially in the literary and 1. See supra, p p . 37-8. 2. K 863 which styles a courtesan [gonika) ndgarikd and contrasts hei to a village woman.

practical lore connected with their profession. An idea o f the curriculum can be had from verses 123-25 which describe M alati’s accomplishments. I t included erotic texts o fV atsyayana, M adanodaya, D attaka, V ita, R ajap u tra and others, the N dtya-sdstra of B harata, V isakhila’s treatise on art, D an tila’s^ w riting, practical arts like arbori-horticulture {vrkf-ayurveda) needle-work, wood-work, m etal-work and cookery, and fine arts like painting, cut-work in leaves (patra-ccheda), m u sic-v o cal and instrum ental, and dance. As custodians of fine a;rts, they undoubtedly rendered a. great service to the society by keeping ancient traditions alive.. I f D am odaragupta is to be relied upon, they specially cultivated the a rt of acting, although, it m ust be noted, they regarded it only as a secondary m eans of livelihood (801). C onsequently they could not achieve the desired skill in stage-craft (794-99).^ Some of them , however, took greater interest in their assignment and did their jo b well.^ As an example, our poet gives a graphic account of the perform ance by courtesans of the First Act of the R atndvali of H arsav ard h an a (881-928). T he hetairai did gratify the sexual instincts of m en seeking after pleasures. But it was m ainly by virtue of these refinements th a t people of the aristocratic sections of the society were a ttra ct­ ed towards them . Besides freely supplying sexual needs, they also provided diversions to people of free n ature who were dis­ gruntled w ith their wives who were confined to the premises of the household and were too shy to respond freely to their dem ands (441-445). Momenclature

T he hetairai are vesyd,^

kfudra,^ rUpdjiva,^

referred

to

by various

words

like

vdravadhu,^ m ra-yosit,’’ panya-vadhu,^

1. T his m ust have been tru e o f other arts as well. 2. M anjarl is said to have excelled in im itating Sagarika, daughter o f the king of Sim hala (A'803). She was able to differentiate on stage th e karuna and vipralambha srh^ara sentiments (Srg). 3. K 485, 498, 560, 642, 646, 656, etc. 4 . Ib id ., 317, 440, 797. 5. Ibid., 458. 6. Ib id ., 811, 072. 7. Ib id ., 565. 8. Ib id ., 94, 499-

panya-stri^ prakata-ramd,^ pradhdna-narl^ ganikd,^ dasi,^ vildsini,^ cetikd,’’ vesa-vildsavati,^ vdra-stri,^ vdra-ramani^'^ suld,'^^ aniyata-purhsd,^'^ rati-silpa-jwika^^ and vesa-yosit?-'^ Some of these

terms are significant inasmuch as they throw light on some funda­ m en tal aspects of this profession. Thus, the words rup-djivd and ratisilpa-jivikd point to the fact th at physical charms were the principal means of their livelihood. Aniyata-purhsd and words beginning with vara show th at a harlot was not confined to any single m an b u t was accessible to all. Panya-stri and panya-vadhu indicate th at she was som ething like an object of trade which could be had at a fixed paym ent. D d si and cetikd suggest th at in the estim ation o f people their social status was no better than th at o f female slaves or m anual servants. T heir low social position is also suggested by the word kfudrd. O ther words indicate their luxurious life and their residence in a particular area of a town. T w o Kinds

Two kinds of harlots can be easily distinguished. T here were some hetairai of a higher status who were not easily acce­ ssible to all and sundry and confined to a single rich client so long as all his w ealth was not exhausted. M alati and M anjari belonged to this category. O thers were ordinary whores a t whose houses there was always a crowd of customers and who were easily available to all those who could afford to pay their fees.^“ T he harlots whose conversation was overheard by j. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. ic . 11. 12. 13.

K . , 511. Ib id .. 645. Ib id ., 546. Ib id ., 559, 566, 655, 657, 859, 863, 1045. Ib id ., 562, 641, 658, 704. Ib id ., 503, 561. Ib id ., 812. Ib id ., 95. Ib id ., 5. Ib id ., 92. Ib id ., 19, 68, 796. Ib id ., 644. Ib id ., 637. 14:. Ib id ., 20. M oti C handra {T h e W orld o f Courtesans, the institution of ganikd was started by the ganas from

th a t borrowed it.

sTravrfeiT ^qrsqr:

p. 24) thinks, whom others

i K .,

646.

Sundarasena and S am arabhata bn their way to the courtesan H a ra la ta a t A bu and the tem ple of Siva V rsabhadhvaja at V aranasi respectively were evidently of this class. O rdinarily, m en who hankered after harlots w ent to the la tte r’s houses. Sometimes, however, we find courtesans them ­ selves going to m eet their clients. T he latter practice was resorted to when the customer happened to belong to a royal family as evidenced by the instance of M afijari and Sam ara­ b h a ta (1046). Lure o f Money

From harlots’ point of view pecuniary gain was the sole m otive of their profession. Prostitution of the body was a m eans of their livelihood. For them love was a craft {ratiJilpa) enabling them to secure a livelihood (637) and body a tradeable commodity.^ T he whole corpus of trickeries ■elaborately described in the m anuals dealing w ith this insti­ tu tio n and vividly illustrated in our poem was adopted by this ■class of women w ith the object of eking out their livelihood and amassing w ealth in order th at they m ight lead a prosperous life. T hey were well aware of the fact th at they could not m aintain themselves by any means other than trading their physique to satiate the sexual urge of licentious m en. This idea is beautifully presented in a stanza which tells us th at a prostitute is incapable in her childhood and old age and th at if she happens to fall in genuine love in youth she can do nothing b u t b eg.‘ A hetaira always cared for im m ediate gain w ithout bother­ ing about the past or future (644). She could be easily approa•ched if only one had w ealth (638). H er feigned love and other accessory acts were coeval w ith w ealth (303).® 1. Verse 41 refers to M a la ti’s com plaint th a t even by spreading the ■commercial comm odity in the form of her body she was unable to get a desired lover, while verse 641 describes a courtesan as living by selling her body. 2.

I T F T fm ' Irf?

cT?

II '

3.

Also cf. ib id ., 305, 315, 318, 322.

K

544.

W e have a good deal of inform ation about the various devices employed by harlots to squeeze the wealth of their param ours. Once a m an fell into the clutches of a strum pet. She m ade a show of great attachm ent as if she loved him genui­ nely. She gave him full sexual satisfaction and aroused his jealousy and passions to the climax (149-74, 498-527) and then proceeded to divesf him gradually of all his belongings. T he tricks resorted to for this purpose included the following:— i) An artificial quarrel w ith her m other in which the latter rebuked her for having discarded a num ber of rich and generous aspirants of her love for the sake of the present client a n d asked back h er own belongings threatening to leave her a n d go on a pilgrimage (528-545) and the hetaira professed true^ selfless love for her present lover (546-56). ii) Concocting the story th at when, for some reason, the lover failed to come on a rainy night the courtesan went (o m eet him and was relieved of her ornam ents by thieves on way (586-604). iii) A t the behest of the harlot a trader came to her in the presence of her lover and asked her to return the money she h ad borrowed from him (605-10). iv) Expression o f anxiety for not having been able, for w ant of necessary means, to m ake offerings to the goddess which she had prom ised when her lover was indisposed (611-13). v) T h e burning of the house from which all the valuables have already been removed and declaring complete destruc­ tion (614). H aving thus squeezed all the wealth of her lover and having ascertained by various means th at he had been completely im poverished the courtesan resorted to various devices to drive him out. These included offering him a separate seat, laxity in the observance of norm al courtesies, conversation full o f jealousy and laughter, heart-burning jokes, praising his rivals as endowed w ith greater qualities and entertaining more love for her, accusing him of talkativeness, interrupting his speech, condem ning his behaviour, avoiding his company under some pretext, not keeping time, lying sideways while on the bed, pretending sleep, expressing anxiety when m ade to face him , protesting against touching private parts of the body, showing

indifference to his quei'ies, shaking the face when he wants tO' kiss her, shrinking the body at the time of embrace, intolerance of striking, biting w ith teeth and scratching w ith nails, dislike of long coitus, asking him to sleep when he wants a coitus, pass­ ing ironical remarks when he is tired after sexual intercourse, laughing a t him w hen he exhibits his skill, inquiring of w atch­ m an about time with the desire for the end of the night, getting down from the cot with quickness and coming out of the bed­ room shouting aloud ‘it is daw n, it is daw n’, and m aking the m aid condemn one-sided love and the hankering of the poor after courtesans whose sole consideration is m onetary gain (616-60). I f in spite of all this he did not leave her then she told him that though she still loved him by heart, she could not disobey her m other and, therefore, he should leave the place for a few days in order to enjoy her com pany again thereafter (661-63), And when she was free from him she proceeded to ensnare again a lover who had formerly been discarded by her bu t had of late regained his form er prosperity. She succeeded in accom plish­ ing the impossible by rem inding him of their earlier com panion­ ship and enjoym ent of picnics and water-sports and attributing their separation to a m isunderstanding brought about by a villain. She discarded him again after extorting all his w ealth (664-733).! In all this a hetaira was guided by stark utilitarianism . H er logic was a very practical one. H er conduct is illustrated by the following three similes : (i) Even as the bees abandon a honeycomb from which honey has been drunk and where nothing b u t wax remains so also she discards a m an im poverished

I.

This exposition of the knacks of the craft is based on V atsyayana’svi.2. 37 (artificial q uarrel), vi.3.10 (borrowing money for h im ), vi.3.7 (theft of ornam ents), vi.3.8 (burning the house), vi.3.18 (selhng h er own ornam ents for th e lover), vi.3.4 (purchasing articles from a trad er on loan in the presence of the lover). However, there can be no doubt th a t these tricks m ust have been frequently resorted to by harlots and th a t the works on K am asastra have borrowed these m atters from actual life. I t may be noted here th a t the Vamdeva-hmdi also mentions feigned illness and the burning of the house as being resorted to by courtesans for realising money. V ide A . P. Jam khedkar, Cullural History from the Vasudeva-hindi (an unpublished P h .D . thesis), pp. 215-16. Kama-sutra,

but a t the same time overwhelmed by passion.^ (ii) Like people v/ho throw a snare covered w ith flesh, capture a plum p fish, cook it w ith spices, eat its flesh and reject its skin and bones, she too ensnares a m an w ith the help of her smile, side-long glances and sweet tongue, polishes him observing courtesies, appropriates all his w ealth and gives him up when he is just a bundle of skin and bones, i.e. poor . 2 (iii) Ju st as people throw aw ay a m ango after chewing it so does a harlot leave a m an after extorting all his w ealth (733). These squeezing habits of the hetairai m ust have presented a strange sight of the erstwhile aflfluent m en rendered penniless. I t is said th at those who fall in love with harlots have to extend their hands for begging (324). A t another place we read of m en whose wealth was extorted by courtesans and who, covered w ith tattered garments, were compelled to eat in free feeding houses (34, 39). Above all, we have the example of prince S am arabhata who is said to have been rendered completely im poverished by M afijari. All this, of course, does not m ean that hetairai were com­ pletely im m une from the natural urge of genuine love. Although extrem ely scarce, instances of courtesans falling in selfless love w ith m en o f their hearts’ liking were not altogether unknown. T h e example of H aralata, which reminds us of the courtesan V asantasena in Bhasa’s Carudatta and Sudraka’s Mrcchakatika, was one such. Some other examples are also reported (559-66). B ut these were, by the very nature of facts, exceptions.

'O

c\

>

II K

■o

645

^ I b id ., 734-35

Cf. the following statem ent in the Vasudeva-hindi :—As a fruitless tree is deserted by birds, and the rivers and ponds, when dry, by goose, so also a person, when bankrupt, is worthy to be left by the courtesans. Jam akhedkar, op. cit,, p. 214.

Fees

T h e fees charged by the hetairai were known as m ulya (333, 352), bhati (336, 342, 363) and grahanaka (364). Fee paid in gold is referred to as kanakq-bhati (363). T he fees had to be paid in advance (363-64). Every harlot had her fees fixed. Sometimes, however, the com petition am ong the clients led to a rise in fees (336, 534). F raud by either p arty in this respect was of common occurrence. T here is, for example, a reference to a prostitute accepting fees from m any and indulging in sexual act w ith one (338). A nother stanza m entions the case of a strum pet who realised fee from one person b u t allowed another m an to have sexual intercourse w ith her (342). Like­ wise, we hear of some clients who had their carnal desires satiat­ ed b u t did not pay fees afterwards (333) or otherwise deceived prostitutes (332). W hile we have references to courtesans being tried and fined for such offences by goverim iental or social agencies (401, 342), there is no m eans to know if the clients were also similarly punished for fraud on their part. Perhaps they were not, for once a customer left the residence of a courtesan it would be difficult to locate him unless he came for the second tinie. Initiation

A h arlot was called darikd before she launched on h er profession (368). T he initiation of a m aiden as a hetaira was an occasion to be celebrated. T h e m an who had the first sexual intercourse w ith the initiate had to pay a very heavy fee which was w ithin the reach of the rich alone (350). This was an age-old custom and is referred to in other works also. T h e custom is reported to have been current am ong the prostitutes o f V aranasi till recently. Brothels

N orm ally a courtesan worked singly and independently; b u t there appear to have existed some brothels, possibly with m ore than one inm ate, under the charge of a m an. T he keeper of a brothel was called ^iild-pala (6 8 , 796). H e looked after arrangem ents of theatrical performances given by harlots be­ longing to his estabhshm ent (6 8 ). H e exercised strict control

over the inmates o f his brothel. A verse refers to his not allowinga harlot to act on the stage saying she was passing through th e menses (796). W e learn from an epigraph o f the eleventh century hailing from R ajasthan th at the sula-pdlas^ accompanied courtesans, possibly inm ates o f their respective establishments, togive musical and dance performances on the occasion o f the yatras of various deities. ^ The B aw d

No account o f prostitution will be complete w ithout a reference to the m other, real or adopted, who was a sine qua non of the establishm ent of a hetaira. She was variously called mdtr,'^ janani,'^ kuttani,^ and iambhalL^ She was norm ally an elderly lady with a fund of experience to her credit and as such served as friend, philosopher and guide to prostitutes. Some of these women, W'ho had been successful courtesans in their youth, and h ad thereby developed deep insight into the nature of m en and things, were highly respected i n . their community, and a num ber of harlots flocked to them for instructions into the intrica­ cies of the profession. V ikarala is described as one such lady (27-30). She was to courtesans even as a teacher is to his pupils. M alati saluted h er w ith h er h ead touching the e a rth , took h er seat w hen offered by V ikarala, and rose from the seat and p u t h er queries before h er w ith folded hands (31-32). T h e courtesans w ere aw are th a t th eir success in the profession d ep ended, in a large m easure, on the m others (33-39). M en

1. the same as our iiilS-pala, 2. N adol inscription of Caham ana Jojalladeva, dated V. 1147, E l , xi, p. 28. M onier Williams {Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. iu ln , p. 1086; is right in taking iiila pala (m ore correct form sSla-pala) to m ean ‘the keeper of a brothel’ or ‘frequenter of brothels’. T he former meaning seems to be more probable, for the viov d p a la does not go well w ith a frequenter of brothels. A lthough the iula-pd las may have accom panied the prostitutes on musical instrum ents while singing or dancing, there is nothing to support the meaning‘associates o f courtezans’, suggested by D . R . B handarkar [ E l, xi_. p , 28). 3- K 345, 350, 359, 365, 528, 556, 604. 4. Ib id ., 555. 5. Ib id ., 2, 334, 337, 368. 6. I t is a variant for kuttam , ib id ., 2. ,

w are over-aw ed by the baw ds and knew well th a t the first step to success in w inning over the beloved was the w illing consent o f th e baw d. T h a t is why she was day an d n ig h t surrounded by the clients who sought h er favour by offering h er rich p re­ sents (25, 3 0 ). She was o f help to courtesans in ways beyond n um ber. She p ro cu red rich custom ers for h er w’a rd an d tried to keep them ensnared u n til all the w ealth was squeezed. I t was she who received the custom ers first an d tried to please them by p leasant speech. As an exam ple reference m ay be m ad e to the w ay M a la ti’s m other is asked to address h er new custom er, G intam ani. “ T o d a y ” , said she, “ have the blessings borne fru it; today are the deities pleased, th a t you, the o rnam ent o f auspiciousness, have adorned m y house by your presence.” “ Fie a t the people happy a t the b irth o f a son; daughters are really praisew orthy by d in t o f whom sons-in-law like you are o b ta in e d .” “ You know us well, you ap p reciate m erits a n d you accord us respect though, yet, O you pleasant to m y h e a rt, I w ould say (a few w o rd s) because of affection for m y d aughter. M alati has genuine love for you ; m ay I request you to act in such a m an n er as she has no t to suffer the pangs o f separation from y o u ” (143, 146-48). She got rid o f m en after they had exhausted all th eir w ealth (334). W hen there w ere m ore th a n one custom er for a courtesan an d they fought am ong them selves, she pacified them (337). She exercised a g reat deal of control over h er w ard an d for th a t reason was often blam ed by u nw anted clients who w ere m ade to cherish the fond b elief th a t though th e ir beloved loved them , it was only because o f the baw d th a t she was helpless (345). T h e fees w ere also fixed a n d received by h er (350, 363, 364). A nd w hen all the w ealth o f a client was exhausted she helped h er w ard in devising various tricks for ousting him . She w ent to the extent o f indulging in a feigned q u arrel w ith her w ard for this purpose. A nd w hen all these tricks proved ineffective, the h a rlo t got rid o f him by laying the whole blam e for it on the baw d (662) T h e im portance o f th e baw d can be gauged by a reference to the Samaya-matrka ■of the K ash m iri poet K sem endra (11th ce n tu ry ) who gives a v ivid description o f the p itia b le condition o f a p ro stitu te w ithI. T he Ubhaydbhisarika, verse 26, states th at just as kings accuse minis­ ters for their own misdeeds so also courtesans pu t their own blam e on mothers*

i I I I ^

q*. I I

^

I

k

out the m other. W e are told th a t a h etaira w ithout a baw d is never free from m en an d th a t the rogues never leave the house of a courtesan w ithout the m other even as a cat does not leave the oven in the w inter.^ H e equates a courtesan w ithout a baw d to a gro und strew n w ith flowers w ithout thorns and the royal fortune w ith o u t a m inister.^ H e, therefore, counsels the ■courtesans to be never w ith o u t m o th er; if one does not have a real m o th er, one should find out a shrew d lady an d ad o p t her as mother.® T h e role of the m other has been em phasised in a num ber •of an cien t texts. W e learn from K au tily a th a t a courtesan who lost h er b eau ty was app o in ted a m other an d th a t a courtesan lia n d in g over her ornam ents to the keeping o f any one else b u t the m o th er was subjected to a fine of io u vp a n a s an d a quarter.^ I f a courtesan ra n aw ay or died, the m other provided a substi­ tu te.^ V atsy ayana refers to the n a tu ra l {m dtr) as w ell as the artificial (m dtrka) mother® a n d states th a t a courtesan should always rem ain u n d er h er control and never violate h er orders. She should feign q u arrel w ith the m other showing attach m en t to th e lover an d do nothing w ithout h er consent. T h e m other ■could com pel a h a rlo t to u n ite w ith a m an even against her •desire.’ T h e D hurta-vita-sam vada o f Is v a ra d a tta inform s us th a t visitors of courtesans avoided th eir m others even as people avoid rivers infested w ith dangerous animals.® T h e Ubhay-abhisarikd states th a t a h e ta ira could be engaged by the m other -with a m an n o t liked by her.® I t describes the m o th er as the very d eath to the lovers an d as a source o f enm ity an d q u arrel am ong th e young men.^o F or lovers o f courtesans the m others w ere like calam ities th a t could no t be w arded off an d were skilled in squeezing the w ealth o f the l o v e r s . E v e n as the kings r. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. II

Samaya-matrka,

i.

42-43.

i. 45. I b id ., i. 49. Ib id .,

ii, 27. 5,. 11, 17. ii.87.2. Kdma-sutra, vi. 2. 3. I b id ., vi. 2, 3 , 4 , 5 , 37, 38, 42. D hm la-vita-sathm da, verse 50, Caimbhatfi, p. 100. Ib id ., pp. 127-28 & verse 13. I b id ., p. 133, verse ig . Ib id ., p. 135. Artha-saslra, Ib id .,

a ttrib u te th eir own m isdeeds to the m inisters so also a h a rlo t blam es the m o th er for her own misdeeds.^ D an d in describes a t length how the m o th er strove for the physical an d m e n ta l developm ent o f h er w ard, train ed h er in various arts an d w orked for h er professional success.^ The Female Messenger {D u ti)

A n o th er indispensable aid to a h a rlo t was a sharp, re ad y w itted a n d skilled m essage-girl { d u ti). I t was through thesego-betw eens th a t desired custom ers w ere to be approached^ V ik arala advises M alatl to send to h er prospective client, C intam an i, a clever, b old d u ti capable o f gauging others’ feelings a n d endow ed w ith sarcastic speech (89). H a ra la ta a n d M an jari are also said to have sent such messengers to convey th eir love­ sickness to S u n d arasena a n d S am ara b h ata respectively (283,. 989). T h e skill w ith w hich they carried ou t th eir undertakings is am ply illu stra te d by the speech a ttrib u te d to them . T h e y first presented flowers an d betels to the prospective lovers, gave a grap h ic account o f the physical charm s an d lovelorn conditiorL o f th eir mistresses, enticed them by words arousing th eir passions, to a h igh pitch , an d if they found th a t th eir speech did no t b e a r th e desired fru it, they resorted to sarcasm.® The Clientale

I t w ould be interesting to know som ething ab o u t the social b ack ground o f the visitors of the harlots. T h e custom ers gene­ rally belonged to the rich er sections of the society w hich could afford the luxury. T h ey included princes (335,367,400, 736ff.),. favourites o f the king (542), governm ent officials like the. §aulkikddhyakfa (531), the h atta -p a ti (540) an d the village chief (5 3 7 ), a n d businessm en (746). T h e sons o f high governm ent officials (37, 59, 538) an d the only spoiled son o f an old ailing rich m an ^ (532) w ere easy victim s to this vice. Sons o f rich state d igni­ taries w ith o u t any responsibility, p artic u la rly those who stay ed 1. Gaturbhdnl, p , 140, v. 26. 2. U ttara-pithika, ii, pp. vSfF. For a , full account o f the role of the m other see Ludwik Sternbach in Bharatiya Vidyd, y , pp» •14-42. 3. K 91-137, 286-300, 991-1041, 4. Cf. Samaya-mdlzkd, v. 63.

aw ay from th eir parents an d w ere m asters o f th eir own affairs, were p referred by harlots as they w ould succum b to tem p tatio n s m ore easily. G intam ani is represented as such a client (59-60). Some eunuchs also visited prostitutes in order to p ro p a g a te th eir m anliness (541 ).i Cases of incapable b u t dissatisfied old, m en (394), B rahm anas (38, 393) and religious teachers (539,, 753) visiting h etairai were also no t unknown.^ Some villagers w ere also a ttra c te d by the g littering city life an d p aid visits tocourtesans. But, being u n acq u ain ted w ith the u rb a n institution of p ro stitu tio n , they h ad to re tu rn disappointed an d were d eri­ sively laughed a t by harlots. A villager, it is said, seeing the eyes o f his beloved closed in the ecstasy of th em o m en t ofsuprem e jo y took h er to be dead an d ra n aw ay out of fear (397-99)> I t m ay thus be concluded th a t the clients hailed from all th e different strata o f the society, b u t m ostly they belonged to the aristocracy. The Vitas

M ention m ust also be m ade in this connection of a classof people known as (333, 339, 3 4 2 ,3 6 8 ,7 5 5 ). T he wte figures frequently in S anskrit plays and is described a t length in the texts.on dram aturgy and erotics. A ccording to B h ara ta , he was to be skilled in pleasing prostitutes, sweet, courteous, poet, proficient in argum entation, bold an d shrewd.® V atsyay an a defines a vita as a m an who has exhausted his w ealth in enjoym ent, is endow ed w ith good qualities, is m arried and is. respected am ong harlots an d in gosihis an d earns his livelihood, thereby.^ H e acted like the m inister of peace an d w ar between the city-bred lovers {nagarakas) a n d h etairai. H e often played the role o f a m essenger and helped the two lovers to come to­ gether.^ T h e close association o f the vitas w ith harlots is obvious, from these an d other references.® 1. Sam aya-mdtrkd,v. 65. 2. Cf. Kdma-sutra, v i.i.io , w hich names easily approachable clients o f harlots. T hey included, among others, the rich, state officers, those who acquire w ealth w ithout m uch effort, having uninterrupted income, eunuchs desirous to publicise their manliness, favourites of kings and ministers, disobe­ dient to the elders, careless about money, an only son and religious m endi­ cants. 3. Ndtya-sastra, xxxv.55. 4. Kama-sutra, i.4.45. 5. Ib id ., 1.4.47; 1.5.37; ii-io- 48 . 6. For a reference to a w ork entitled Vita-sdstra (Breviary of R ak es), see Brhat-Kathd-sloka-sangraha, Ch. X .

T h e K u ttani-m ata contains several references to vita s who are represented there as frequenting the colonies o f prostitutes an d m ore often th an no t involved in quarrels and other unsavoury acts. T hey did no t pay prostitutes their fees and w hen seen w ere taken to task by the latter (333). T hey walked before •courtesans singing andm akingfaces (339), andsom etim esuniting z. h arlo t w ith a rich lover enjoyed her com pany free of charge (340). E lderly vitas m ediated betw een h etairai an d their clients in quarrels relatin g to paym ent of fees (3 4 2 ).In the accounts of S un d arasen a’s jo u rn ey to H a ra la ta ’s residence a t A bu and th a t of S am arab h ata to the tem ple o f V rsab h ad h v aja a t V aranasi we have interesting descriptions of the chat am ong prostitutes, bawds an d vitas w hich indicate g reat attach m en t of vik ts to harlots, th eir freedom an d carelessness, an d love of deriding others (331-68, 743-55).i T h ere is a reference to a courtesan charging fee from one a n d en tering into sexual intercourse w ith an o th er m an an d her bein g tried before the elderly vitas and being fined double the am o u n t o f fee (342). T his seems to indicate the existence of an organisation of some senior vitas for trying the offending in ­ m ates o f the profession an d dealing w ith other com plaints con­ nected therew ith. T h e P dda-taditaka of Syam ilaka records an in terestin g episode w hich throws welcome light on this in stitu ­ tion. A B rahm ana, it is said, was struck on his head by a h e ta ira w ith her foot. T he B rahm ana was overtaken by rem orse, a n d w hen th e assembly (parisad) o f learned B rahm anas was un ab le to decide upon the atonem ent he should observe, the question was referred to an assembly o f senior vitas, for according to the established legal convention o f ancient In d ia, age-old custom s o f different regions, castes, families an d tirthas were reg ard ed as au th en tic provided they were not opposed to the Vedas. T h e assem bly m et w ith all the a tte n d a n t form alities in th e vita-mandapa and after a long discussion took decision in the m atter. A list o f all the chief vitas was carefully draw n and they were form ally invited, due care being taken to include each and every vita who m attered . Some high dignitaries like kings, sta te officers, etc., cam e in this category.^ I t w ould thus ap p ear 1. These features are typically represented in a figure from K u m rah ar excavations. See PI. X . i6. 2. Caturbhdrii, pp. I4gff.

th a t like o th er castes an d occupational classes, courtesans a n d vitas had age-old conventions peculiar to them w hich were recognised as au th en tic like law and h ad a legal rig h t to settle the issues falling w ithin th eir jurisdiction. F or this purpose they h ad a reg ular council w hich held its m eetings a t a fixed place. T h e evidence supplied by the K u ttan i-m ata shows th a t in some form or o th er this in stitu tio n existed a t least down to the n in th century A.D. an d played an im p o rtan t role in re g u latin g p ro stitu tio n in ancient K ashm ir. A n o th er agency w hich exercised some control over prosti­ tutes was governm ent. W e read o f a courtesan being tried by the nagara-prabhu in the presence of the public for dem anding double the am ount o f the prescribed fee (401).^ Colonies o f Prostitutes

A ccording to our evidence there w ere regular colonies o f p ro stitutes {vesa-sannivesa, 368) at A bu an d V aranasi. A t the la tte r place it seems to have been situated very close to the tem ple of V rsab h ad h v aja. S undarasena and S am arab h ata h ad to pass th rough these colonies w hile going to H a ra la ta ’s h a b ita t an d the V rsab h ad h v aja tem ple respectively. O u r au th o r gives a vivid account o f the conversations am ong vita s, prostitutes and procuresses. Life in these colonies was very busy and busi­ ness quite brisk. T o these colonies flocked prostitutes from diffe­ ren t parts of the country. W e have a reference to a h arlo t from K erala at A bu being visited by a southerner (402). I t m ay be reasonably surm ised th a t there m ust have existed re g u la r colonies of harlots in every big city. T he Padrna-prabhrtaka and P ada-taditaka prove the existence of such a colony a t Ujjayini® an d the D hurta-vita-sam vdda an d U bhay-abhisdrika at P ataliputra.® T h e cosm opolitan ch aracter o f these colonies is in d ic a t­ ed by the P ada-taditaka w hich m entions the presence a t U jjayinl of the courtesans hailing from S urastra, P atalip u tra, K asi,

1. Cf. Samaya-mdtrka, i.i6 ; ii. 48. Also cf. R T . viii. 3338 where it is stated th at the nogar-adhipa persisted in punishing many persons on the allega­ tion that they had carnal intercourse with dancing girls who had been admitted into hoijseholds as wedded wives. 2. U jjayini is the venue of the scenes of these monologues. 3. Pataliputra is the venue of these plays.

:Surparaka (m odern S o p ara ), Sirhhala, S urasena, L ata, D ravida an d B arb ara an d of the Y avana extraction.^ IV .

ID E A L FEM A LE F O R M

I t will n o t be quite ou t of context to refer here to the stan d ard s o f fem inine beau ty in ancient In d ia as seen in the w ork u n d er study. Sanskrit poets derive g reat delight in describing fem inine charm s; they endow th eir heroines w ith id e a l b eau ty and shower unstinted encom ium over every lim b an d every possible m ovem ent of the body; they always con­ ceived the lady as the very em bodim ent of ideal beauty. F or the tim e being it appears as if there can be no lady on ea rth m ore lieau tifu l and charm ing th an the one being described a t the m o m en t ; this is tru e even w hen the poet has to describe m ore th an •one lady a t different places in his work. W hile describing one lad y he seems to forget th a t he has earlier in the same poem d elineated an o th er lady equally beautiful. M ost o f these ■descriptions, however, follow a set p a tte rn established by a long tra d itio n o f erotics an d rhetorics. B ut there is always to be n o ticed a touch o f highly erotic feeling and passion. T his is p artic u la rly tru e of erotic poetry w here delineation o f fem inine ■charms is m o tivated solely by the desire to arouse passionate sexual urge. T h e K u ttan i-m ata, too, is an erotic poem a n d is in sp ired by the same objective. Sanskrit poets are addicted to the youthful female form, ■descriptions of pre-youth an d old age being ra th e r rare. D am o•daragupta describes physical charm s of females at three different places in the poem ; in the description of M alati by V ikarala (4 4 - 5 7 ) an d by the message girl (108-20) ; in the delineation o fH a ra la ta by the poet him self (257-65), and in th a t o fM a n ja ri by S am arab h ata (961-87). Besides, a num ber of casual allu ­ sions are scattered th ro u g h o u t the poem . I t m ust be said, liow ever, to the credit of our poet th a t w hile he h ad to follow th e cu rren t notions ab o u t the ideal fem ale form as a m a tte r of ■course, his three descriptions are free from the boredom of con­ ventional p a tte rn . T hough the ideal form of the different p a rts of the body was bound to be the sam e, the poet has, by I.

Caturbhdni,

pp.

152

ff.

Vide

also

Introduction,

p.

30.

■employing different similes^ succeeded in introducing a great d e a l o f v ariety w hich speaks volum es for his poetic talent. A slightly b en t (192), soft (988) an d slim body (985) -with a fair com plexion like the lightning (258) or the beams of a u tu m n a l m oon (265) was preferred. T h e poet adm ires dense h a ir (1 8 7 ); he has special preference for jet-b lack rows o f curls (189) falling on the forehead w hich he com pares to the shadow •of R a h u in the half-orb of the m oon (H O ). In h er braid ed h a ir he sees the wick o f the smoke arising from the god o f love -when he was p u t aflam e by Siva (44). As for its je t black co lo u r he feels com pelled to com pare it to the swarms o f bees ( 1 1 0 ); h er long b ra id decked w ith flowers is enough to inspire passion (964). H e r bro ad long eyes (186) as trem ulous as those of the deer (189, 964, 967, 981, 986) are capable ofw ounding the hearts of m en by sharp deadly shafts of the glance (185). H e r fast m oving eyes can w in over the whole w orld w ith dam n ease (986). T he lips m ust always be n a tu ra lly red like the bandhujwa flower (113), the trem bling ones being specially loved (986). T he w ell-form ed row of teeth is com pared to a spu rt of lig h tn ing (47), an d the ear-lobes to the lotus flower (112, 981). T he m outh, com pared to the lotus flower (111, :264, 965) and the orb of the m oon (111), w ith its playful m ove­ m en t (965) , is a stim ulus of love. So is the sportive m ove­ m e n t o f the slightly raised eyebrows, sweet smile an d the graceful glances (45). Com ing lower down, like other Sanskrit poets, D am o•daragupta is never tired of speaking o f the breasts as spreading (49, 974), dense (187), high (265, 974) an d plum p (987). Slender w aist (45, 51, 452, 968, 985) w ith folds (187) and the row o f h a ir serving as a n a tu ra l o rnam ent (187, 985) is very m uch in favour. T he row o fh a ir is once com pared to the string •of the bow of K am a (52). T he navel m ust be deep (188). T h e p a rt below the w aist w hich a ttra c te d the atten tio n of Sanskrit poets m ost are the hips w hich m ust be broad (188), plu m p (987) a n d so heavy (53, 114, 266, 975) as to im pede even the g ait (117), and in fairness rivalling a rock o f gold (53 )• T h e thighs resem bling the trunk of an elephant (53, 988) or the p la n ta in staff (54, 116), and the fully rounded shanks looking like a golden creeper (55) are a source o f pleasure to the

poet. T h e soft soles w ith th eir reddish tinge indeed belittle th e pom egranate an d the sthala-kam alini (56). Sm all hands, a n d feet were p artic u la rly ap p reciated (186).^ T he u p p er arm s should be as soft as lotus-stalk (50). T h e slow g ait (192) im peded by the bu rd en of the heavy hips (117) puts an elephant or swan to sham e (5 7 ), w hile the tinkling speech excels the sound, of the lyre (264) an d the voice of the cuckoo (48). This description appears m ore or less to be based on wellestablished artistic conventions. In an cien t In d ia n sculpture an d p ain tin g female figures are trad itio n ally represented w ith expansive an d raised bosoms, a slim w aist, a deep navel, pro m i­ n en t hips an d sm all feet while the softness an d the w arm th o f flesh are also quite perceptible. D elicate folds on the belly are also sometimes em phasised w hile in some instances a slight swoop in th e body is also noticed (PI. X I. 17). V I.

PE R SO N A L N A M ES AND T IT L E S

W e get very little inform ation ab o u t personal nam es a n d titles. B ut a few points m ay be g athered from some of the personal nam es occurring in the poem . T hey are as follows ( i ) Sometimes the nam es of the father and the son ended w ith the same w ord, e.g., N a y a d a tta was the son of Sagarad a tta (36) w hile S ubhadeva was the son of D iksita B havadeva (38). (ii) 5 g?2a-ending nam es ap p ear to have been p o p u lar bo th am ong males^ and females.® Such nam es w ere borne by B rahm anas also. e.g. S undarasena. (iii) Svam in-ending nam es were p o p u lar am ong the V aisnavas, E .g., K esavasvam in (530), P rabhusvam in (541)., (iv ) As we have seen above,^ Bhava was assum ed as an honorific title by the Saiva teachers. D a m o d arag u p ta refers to a P asu p atacarya nam ed S uddha who bore the title Bhava (538). T.

C L th e H in d i p r o v e r b , ‘ Sir badd saradcTra kd, P a h a baddgariivdra kd,

i.e. . a leader has a big. head, a fool has a a m urderer has big hands. 2. K 538, 540, 745. 3. Ib id ., 36, 38, 320, 326, 337, 348, 350-51, 360, 366. 4 . Supra, p. 68. Hatha badd hatydre kd ’

big foot, and:

(v) O f the B rahm ana surnam es cu rren t during the period m ention is m ade of two only, viz., D iksita (3 8 )a n d M is ra (566). (vi) B h atta was em ployed as an ep ith et of respect for the learn ed B rahm anas; it could be used bo th before (529, 5 6 3 ,5 6 5 ) or after (365) the p ro p er name.^ T h e words B h a tta putra {Z T ,7 5 ,1 9 ),B h a tta -s u n u ( 5 9 ) ,B h a tta -su ta (6 0 ,8 0 ), B h a tta tanaya (8 8 ) a n d B hatta-dayada (138) denoted the son o f a learned B rahm ana and, like B h atta, were used as titles o f honour.^ W hile it is difficult to classify all the personal nam es found in the poem in a system atic m anner, the following observations will be of some interest. A m ong courtesans nam es containing words in d icatin g lasciviousness w ere very com m on. W e come across, for exam ple, nam es like M adanasena (36, 350, 351), K am asena (360), M an m ath asen a (537), A nangadevi (539), S uratadevi (356), S u ratasen a (366), S m aralila (357), K eli (345), D ayitika (346) an d M adiraksi (747)®. S im ilar nam es w ere borne by m en also, e.g., M ad an ak a (344), K a n d arp ak a (347), V ilasaka (348), M a tta (357), K allola (334), V ib h ram a (351) and L ilo d ay a (352). Some nam es referred to physical charm s, e.g., L a lita (362 ),S a sip ra b h a ( 285,343) in the case o f wom en and A bhiram a (363) in the case o f m en, an d others to auspiciousness or hu m an virtues, e.g., Subhadeva (38) an d G u n ap alita (210). A few nam es, bo th m ale, e.g., V isesaka (343) an d M anik an th a (560), an d fem ale, e.g., H a ra la ta (277), H a ra (355) an d K u v alay am ala (352), are indicative o f In d ia n s’ proverbial love o f ornam ents. N am es connected w ith the vegetal w orld w ere very po p u lar am ong w om en, e.g., M alati (20) or M alatik a (129), M anjari (37, 736) or M an jarik a (810), K esarasena (38), K esara (349), T ilak am an jari (353), M ukula (361), K usum adevi (363), K etaki, (403), kusum alata (525), K u n d a m a la (523), K am ala1. T he title Bhatta is frequently applied to Brahmanas in inscriptions. See E l , xxii, pp. io8, 137, 151, 156, 159, 189, 191, etc.; xxiii, pp.^ 32, 77, 80, 129, etc. T he title appears for the first tim e in a Y upa inscription from B arnala, dated K rta year 335-A.D. 279. Vide ibid ., xxvi, p. 173, text line i. 2. For epigraphical references, see ib id ., xxii, p p . 156, 158; xxiii, p p . 16, 78, 266, 268, 269; xxvi, p . 167, etc.; SivcaT, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 52. Vide also supra, p. 18. 3. According to the Natya-sastra (xix-33), names of courtesans usually ended in datta, mitrd an d send.

devi (522), K ad am b ak a (563), C itra la ta (699), K um udini (750). S im ilar nam es w ere also ad o p ted by m en though not s o com m only, e.g., K injalkaka (346), In d iv arak a (353), M akara n d a k a (354), K ad am b ak a (565) an d K us'akarna (748). Nam es derived from fauna w ere also borne bo th by m ales a n d females, e.g.,K alahariisaka (3 4 5 ),M rg a d ev i (5 2 5 ),K u ra n g i (745) a n d H a rin i (746). We also come across the nam e o f a riv er borne by a w om an, viz., N a rm ad a (35, 540). Nam es derived from those o f deities w ere in vogue bo th am o n g m en an d wom en. T hus, we have nam es like V asudevab h a tta (3 6 5 ),K esavasvam in (5 3 0 ),R am asena (5 4 0 ),N an d isen a (538), R avideva (542), B haskaravarm an (561) an d V asusena (745) in th e case o fm en an d In d ralek h a (3 5 9 ), Sivadevi (538), M ad h av asen a (526), S ankarasena (520) an d S uradevi (744) fo r wom en. Som etim es nam es of divinities them selves w ere used as personal nam es, e.g., P u ra n d a ra (193), N arasiriiha (37, 562), V asudeva (365), M ad h u su d an a (5 3 6 ),V isn u (563), V am ad ev a (564) an d N ilak an th a (566). O th e r nam es are o f a m iscellaneous ch aracter an d need n o t be discussed here. I t follows from the above th a t in nam ing a boy or g irl’ some of the rules laid down by D harm asastra w riters w ere not only n o t followed b u t flagrantly violated. T hus we have some m ale nam es containing an uneven num ber o f letters an d fem ale nam es com prising an even num ber of letters w hich is against the injunctions o f the D h arm asastra works.^ Likewise nam es borrow ed from the vegetal w orld an d rivers go co u n ter to M an u w ho disapproves for m arriage girls nam ed after asterism s, trees and rivers.^ V II.

F O O D AND D R IN K S

T h e stories an d the subject-m atter of the poem gave D am o d arag u p ta no oppo rtu n ity to offer a system atic account of co n tem porary practices ap p e rtain in g food and drinks. T he 1. Asvaldyana-grhyasutra, i.i^.ii-io;Baiidh(iyana-TRr i

T u y =i et I c |+

"*) alone, an d (ii) mUra or m ixed w hich com bines recitatio n , m usic bo th vocal and in stru m en tal, an d dance w ith one o f them p rep o n d eratin g over the rest (805).® T h e a tric a l a r t is styled bodily (M rira) as its constituents like m usic a n d dance depend on th e body ; it is said to have three sources {tri-pram dna), to w it, loka or world, veda and adhyatma ov m eta.ph ys{cs (940).'* M ention is also m ade o f the various vrttisQT styles o f dram atic com position which are known to be four, viz., Waraiff, kaiH ki, sa tv a ti &nd drabhati.^ A d ram a was to be staged w ith ten d er and en tertain in g actions an d expression of various transitory feelings.® P a th ita or text was an im p o rtan t constituent o f d ra m a ; it was in a variety of languages, generally speaking in Sanskrit an d P ra k rit.’ A text recited w ithout leaving ap p ro p riate places, viz., h eart, th ro a t an d h ead, an d in conform ity w ith the sentim ent, w ith expressive changes of voice {kdku),^ clear in m eariings an d words, beautifully, flawlessly and w ith o u t unnecessary pause was highly lauded.® F aithful im itatio n o f dress an d m ake u p suitable to .

^

5 T % T ^fiTFT^ir | r 799 is a variantii i b id ., 903.

3.

Vddye

and nadye are variants in place of natye, V ide K aul’s edition'.

4. Of.

srin 'jf

ii

5TTZr> 5-

xx.7

? ric W l

OTT I

ifirig

n , , /Airf., vi.24b-25a. Alsb of. ifctrf,, i.4 1 .'

are variant readings. 7. F or a detailed treatmOTt of/faZAyff. and languages, see J^atya-idstra, ch. xvii. . . . :\ ' I . ;!■ . 8. For various kinds of kaku, see ib id ., xvii. io6ff;

^

11' >S a variant.

A- 943.

various dispositions (e.g., king and jester) and states of m ind is said to be the very basis of the tw in success in acting and recita­ tion.^ G ood characters and a com position couched in pleasing words are also fundam ental to the success of a theatrical p er­ form ance. So is also its criticism by well-versed connoisseurs. An ap p ro p riate em ploym ent o f sandhis or joints also contributed to it.^ As po in ted ou t above,® m usic w ith seven svaras or margas, six qualities, three layas and talas and a variety o f dances also constituted essentials of a dram a. In the praise said to have been bestowed by spectators on M an jari for her excellent acting we get an idea of w hat was reg ard ed as the best m easure of the success of an actor or actress. T h e lau d ab le features o f h er acting were as follows: perform ing a variety o f sthnnakas and m ovem ents of feet, elegance in the m o­ vem ents o f body, m eanings and words distinguished by changes in voice corresponding to changing feelings, the perfection of the sentim ent, the stability o f the feeling o f com plete identity w ith the role perform ed, developm ent of the sattvika bhdvas, perfect im itatio n , application of coloured pastes and adornm ents befitting th e role, and non-violation of the layas in m ixed and unm ixed dram a.* T he greatest criterion of the success of a d ram atic perform ance was indeed the disappearance of the d istinction betw een the im itation an d the role im itated {anukdry-

ii

k

945.

W e prefer K a u l’s reading (verse 944 of his edition). the reading

Tripathi adopts

which does not give good sense.- Also cf. verse 805.

2-

?R'TT^w^3fTf5rgr X T'5T%

ii II

K 947.

K a u l prefers to read the first line as

3.

Supra,

pp. 216-17, 221.

PT«rTfir^

ii j r 804-805.

anukarana-bheda-parimofa, 807). T o show the karuna sentim ent as distin ct from the vipralambha Srngara sentim ent even though th e anubhdvas o f the two are com m on was regarded as a great

feat o f d ra m a tic perform ance.’^ Now as regards the actu al perform ance o f the play. T he staging o f th e p lay p ro p er was preceded by singing accom panied by ap p ro p riate instrum ents. V erse 880 refers to the entry on th e stage o f a sutra-dhara an d in the following stanza an o th er sutra-dhara is said to have ap peared on the stage after the m usic w hich was obviously in the n a tu re o f a benediction (nan di). I t w ould thus follow th a t there w ere actually two sutra-dharas, one o f them was connected w ith purva-ranga or prelude an d recited th e nandi alone or in chorus, w hile the o th er entered the stage after the nandi an d rem ained there till the end o f the prastavana, also called dmukha, i.e., in tro d u cto ry dialogue a t the beginning o f the play betw een the sutra-dhara a n d actress, jester or some o th er ch aracter w hich first gives an accoim t of the d ra ­ m atist and then introduces the audience to the incidents o f the drama.® All th e roles, b o th m ale an d fem ale, in the d ram a were played by a tro u pe o f wom en. These ladiesw ere either ordinary courtesans or tem ple-m aids. T h e role o f princess Sagarika, d au g h ter o f the king o f Sinihala, was done by M an jari who was attac h ed to the tem ple o f K a la sesv ara an d was by far the best actress, w hile others, who have not been nam ed, played the p arts o f th e V atsa king U d ay an a, his friend V asan tak a an d queen V asav ad atta (802-803). I t m ay be noted in this connection th at B h arata allows a w om an to play the role o f a fem ale ch a rac­ ter an d vice versa,^ an d in the th ird act o f th^ PriyadarHka of H a rsav ard h an a we find a w om an acting the V atsa king. As po in ted ou t above,* the play was staged strictly in

^

’fln'OHW r ll

ib id ., Sog.

Tripathi calls the two sutra-dharas nandi-sutra-dhSra and kaihd-sutradhara respectively. For full discussion on this point, vide his commentary on verse 881. 3. Natya-laslra, xii. 197-199. 2.

4.

Supra,

p. 6.

conform ity w ith the directions incorporated in the text o f the d ram a as it has come dow n to us w ith only such m inor m odi­ fications as w ere felt necessary. I t w ould ap p e a r from a perusal of the relevant stanzas th a t th e perform ance was very m uch like an operette w ith plenty m usic a n d dancing. I n the appreciative rem arks of Sam arab h a ta also there is m uch g reater stress on the m usical p a rt of o f th e perform ance th a n on other aspects. H e enters into the technicalities o f m usic an d praises both singing an d accom pani­ m en t. B ut for th e ap p ro p riate changes o f the dress by the actresses a n d faultless delivery he says nothing ab o u t acting as such. I t has consequently been suggested th at the perform ance o f the R atn dvali was n o t m uch rem oved from th a t o f the m odern swangs such as the Rdm a-lUa acted annually all over N orthern In d ia or th a t o f a bhawdi occasionally witnessed in G u jarati villages, an d m ay be regarded as the earliest prototype of bhawdi o r s w d /ig j B ut this observation cannot be accepted in its e n tire ty ; th ere is n o t only a n explicit reference to acting {abhm aya) in connection w ith M a n ja rl’s perform ance (805), b u t th ere is m uch o f it in the actu al description o f the enactm ent of th e d ram a. T h e d ram atic a rt h ad fallen on evil d ay s ; it was cultivated m ainly b y courtesans who attach ed g reater im portance to their filthy profession th a n to dram atic perform ances. T h e ir hearts being set on drinking, m eat an d m en, they could n o t concentrate on this a r t w hich is so very essential for full success (794-799). IV .

O T H E R A R TS

Patra-ccheda-vidhdna or m aking o f various designs by cutting leaves was also a p o p u lar a rt. F ashionable m en m ade a show o f th eir proficiency in this a r t even though they did not actually know it a n d always carried a scissor (patra-kartari) I t was ) I. V id e Tripathi’s commentary on verse802; N .G . Mehta, “ A Dra­ matic Production o f the Eighth Century : the Development of the M odem ,” J B O R S , xiv (1928), pp. 362-365. a.

WT

I

ii

k

74-

reg ard ed as an essential accom plishm ent o f courtesans (124). T his was one o f the arts w hich S undarasena is said to have learn t d u rin g his peregrinations (236). T h ere are only casual allusions to the a rt o f pain tin g {alekhya, 236; citra-kala, 535). I t is said to have been practised by h e ta ra i (124) an d young m en o f fashion (235, 535). M en tio n is also m ade o f fashioning dolls or sculptures w ith a variety o f m aterials (pusta-karma, 124, 235) including bees’wax {siktha-karma, 235). V.

A R C H IT E C T U R E

Residential Architecture

D am o d a rag u p ta furnishes very m eagre inform ation of arch itectu ra l interest. H ow ever, we com e across a few in tere st­ ing term s relatin g to an cien t In d ia n palace arch itectu re. P rdsada (886, 887) was the m ost com m on w ord used to denote a palace. Asthana (921) or assembly h all was a n im p o rtan t p a rt o f th e palace com plex w here the king gave audience to the feudatory chiefs a n d other people.^ D haval-dlaya (22) an d dhavala-grha (539) denoted the p rin cip al residence o f the royal couple inside the palace.^ Itw a s a catuh-Sdla stru ctu re w herein rooms w ere b u ilt on the four sides of an open cou rty ard . H in d i dhaurahara or dharahara is a descendant of S anskrit dhavalagrha. Pragrivaka (587) was one of the front rooms on the u p p er floor of the dhavala-grha used as draw ing room . In the ra in y season it could also be used as a bed-room.® In la te r times it cam e to be em ployed in the sense of a palace as a whole.^ Ve§ma (26). bhavana (26), mandira (331) an d niidnta ( 104:6 ) are used in the sense o f a residential structure in general. I t is likely th at niSdnta, w hich is used w ith reference to the residence o f prince ' S am arab h ata, h ad also som ething to do w ith palace architec1.

T here were two kinds of dslhdnas, viz., bahy-dsihdna and bhuktcorresponding to darbdr dm and darbdr khds of M ughal palaces. For details, vide V.S. Agrawala, Harsa-carita : Eka Sdmskrtika Adhyayana-, p . 205. 2. Harfa-carita i E ka Sdmskrtika Adhyayana, p p . 91-92, 207-208. 3. Bhanuji Diksita, on Amara-kosa, iii. 5. 35, explains/iragrti/a as mukhadsthdna,

said or vdtdyana

4.

(window).

Gf, Tripathi.

1 Kesava, quoted by T .M .

tu re a n d p ro bably corresponded to the nUa-grha m entioned in ^&Ramayana (S u n darakanda,xii. 1) in connection w ith R av an a’s palace.^ A w ell-decorated bed cham ber, variously called vdsak-dgdra { I ' i l ) , vdsaka-sthana { \ 5 \ ) , vdsa-vesma (391), faj-abhavana (357) an d vdsa-grha (625), form ed a constituent p a rt of every w ell-to-do house.^ Houses were provided w ith jd la mdrgas (520) or latticed windows to allow fresh air an d light. O ne o f the m ost interesting arch itectu ral term s found in our work is mattavdrana . I t has a long history and is fre­ qu ently m entioned in the N dtya -id stra in connection w ith the stage.® T h e term has been variously in terp reted by scholars,* the m ost likely one being th a t suggested by H .R . D ivekar, v iz., galleries on the two sides o f the stage.® In the present context it appears to m ean a vardndd or gallery of a m ansion or a large building.® I t is w orthw hile to note in this context th at m ost of the references ap p ertaining architecture are m ade by our au th o r in connection w ith courtesans, showing thereby th a t they led a luxurious life an d lived in p alatial buildings. Town Planning

A n ancient In d ian city was usually surrounded by a ra m p a rt wall {sdla, 10). I t was decorated w ith lofty temples, shining houses, parks an d gardens, an d tanks and step-wells.’ V illages w ere provided w ith wells for drinking w ater. T hey were furnished w ith w ooden footholds on w hich one kept one of the feet w hile welling out w ater (868).

I. а.

But cf. Amara-kosa, ii.2 . 4-5, where it is taken to mean a house. T h e Bxhat-samhitd, lii. 9, 14 , calls it rati-bhavana. Vide my India as seen in the Brhatsamhita o f Varahamihira, p . 374. 3 . m ty a -sa stra, ii. 63-65, 98-99; i. 90-91; iii. 4 1. 4 . P. Subbarao, Mdtya-sdstra, vol. i , second edition, introduction, p. 29; P .S. Sastri in M irashi Felicitation Volume, p. 13 4 ; V .V . M ira shi in K olle Gaurava Grantha (M arathi), pp. 1-8. 5. J O I , X , pp. 435-438. б. Gf. Visva-prakdla cited by Tripathi. 7. See the descriptions o f Varanasi, Abu and Pataliputra. Also f.c v v. 665, 666, 857, 870.

APPENDIX GEOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES Geographical Horizon Physical Features :

233

Mountains Rivers

233 236 236 237

Countries Localities

'

A lthough, as shown above, D am o d arag u p ta, w hile com ­ posing th e K u ttan i-m ata, h a d con tem porary K ashm iri life before him , he d elib erately eschfewed m entioning K ashm ir or any place therein. O n the o th er h an d , the poem contains some interesting topo g rap h ical references in d icatin g the a u th o r’s (and probably K ash m iris’) in tim ate know ledge o f o th er p arts o f In d ia. T h e geog rap h ical horizon o f the K u ttan i-m ata is wide enough to em brace n o t only a larger p a rt o f In d ia b u t even some foreign lands. I t m entions the snow -bound H im alayas in the n o rth a n d th e M alay a m o u n tain in the south, A bu in the west an d P a ta lip u tra in th e east. R eference is also m ade to Geylon an d E astern T u rk istan . T hese a n d o th er allusions have been incidentally noticed earlier in th e book as dem anded by the context, b u t fuller details ab o u t them are o u tlined in the lines th a t follow., I.

PH Y SIC A L FE A T U R E S 1. M ountains

Arbuda

W e get a beau tiful description of the A rb u d a m ountain (m odern A b u ) in connection w ith the travels o f S undarasena an d G u n a p alita (238-257). Possessed o f stream s of cool, clear w ater, A rb u d a was trad itio n ally regarded as the son o f the H im alay a m o u n tain w hich was pleased, as i t w ere, to locate it (A rb u d a) in th e M aru region by taking m ercy upon the people.^ T h e an tiq u ity o f this b elief is in d icated by the fact th a t the T irth a y a tra p a rv a n o f the M ahabhdrata also describes it as the son o f the H im av at an d adds th a t earlier there was a deep cra te r or chasm in th e earth a t this point.^ T h e b elief is also

*•

^5TiRr: II Tfq-sq-f

^

ffsT fe T

AT 240.

II

iii. 82. 55. D r. V .S . Agrawala observes that the description of Abu as Himalaya’s son is borne out by the fact that it represents the highest point between the Himalayas and the N ilg iris, its guru-Sikhara being 5650 feet above the sea-level Mahabhdrata,

m entioned in the U d e p u r P ra ia sti o f the R ulers o f M alwa^ a n d a n A b u inscription recording the construction o f a tem ple of th e J a in tirthankara N em in ath a. T h e la tte r speaks o f the A rb u d a as the son o f the m o u n tain th a t is the father-in-law of the h u sb an d o f G a u ri a n d as the b ro th er-in -law o f the m oonb ea rer (Siva),*® T h ere w ere caves in the m o u n tain (241 ) as also cascades (246 ), ponds a n d rivers (257 ). I t was h au n te d by the m ythical beings called V id y ad h a ra (241 ) a n d was resorted to by ascetics perform ing austerities a n d living on w ild fruits an d w ind striving to secure heaven after d ea th ( 241 , 248 - 249 ) . T h e flora {o?adhi, 245 ) grow ing on it included saptapatra, p a ld ia , madana, tilaka, p ilu , arjuna, bana, mrstaka {v .l m iftaka, m astaka) a n d rohint ( 250 253 ). I t was also rich in fau n a which included the deer (250 ), bears ( 252 ) , ap es or lions {Jiari, 251 ) , a n d the b ir d s p a rro t, hdrita a n d bharadvdja ( 246 ) . I n b eauty, says D a m o d a rag u p ta, it surpassed even the heaven ( 255 ) . I t is so lofty, im agines the poet, th a t in nocent poor ladies took th e stars for flowers on tree-to p s ( 242 ) a n d th e U rsa M ajor ap p eared to b e situ ated close to it (243 ) . O n its top w ere laid o u t stepped wells, ponds, parks a n d tem ples ( 257 ) . T o d ay A bu is reg ard ed as p a rtic u la rly sacred to th e Jain s a n d abounds in num erous J a in m onum ents. B ut as we have seen above,® A bu was a stronghold o f B rah m an ical H induism , p artic u la rly Saivism , from the late G u p ta period to a b o u t the close o f th e first m illennium B.C. T h e construction o f the A s to the second point, he suggests that possibly like the Himalaya, Abu was also thrown up in one o f the tectonic movements o f the earth. V id e h is Foreword to the H oly Abu by M u n i S ri Jayanta V ija y a ji, E n g l. tr. by U .P Shah.

?«rTfr’

g^s^5[T^: E I,

3.

St4>ra,

p. gi

I b id .,

i. p. 234. verse 5.

v iii, p. 210 , verse 30.

V im ala-vasahi in A .D . 1030 ushered in a new era in the history o f th e city w hich now becam e a p rom inent centre of the Ja in s. Himacala

R eferred to as H im acala (180), P raley an ag ad h iraja(1 8 ) and P raley am ah ib h rt (240), it is the celebrated H im alaya m ountain w hich constitutes th e n o rth ern frontier o f In d ia. P arvati, Siva’s spouse, was trad itio n ally regarded as his d au g h ter (18), an d M t. A bu his son (2 4 0 ). I t is said to have been a resort o f th e G an d h arv as (180), an d ascetics aim ing a t attain m en t o f divine statu s also flocked there (966). M a la ya

A llusion to the cool breeze blowing from the M alaya m oim tain is com m onplace in classical Sanskrit literatu re (299). I t denoted th e southern portion o f the W estern G hats from the N ilgiris to C ape Comorin.^ M andara

I t is the m y th ical m ountain said to have been used as the ch u rning stick in the legend o f the churning of the ocean (19 \ M em

I t is said to have been h au n ted by the K iiiipurusas (316). It denotes b o th a fabulous m ountain w hich is the residence of gods and is supposed to be situated in the centre o f Jam budvipa, an d a p o rtio n o f the H im alayas. A ncient texts place it in the n o rth ern division of India.^ A ccording to M onierW illiam s, it is th e h ighland o f T a rta ry , n o rth o f the H im a­ layas.® B.C. Law takes it to be identical w ith the R u d ra H im a­ laya in G arhw al w here the Ganges rises.* O thers take it to denote the P am ir ran g e in C en tral Asia. U dayatata {v.l.-n aga)

I t is the m y th ical m ountain o f the rising o f the moon (926) and the sun. 1 . Pargiter, Marka^deya Pmaryx. E n gl, t r ., p. 285 & note. 2. Brkat-samhitd, x iv . 2/^. A lso vide m y/nrfifl as seen in the B{haisaihhitS o f Vardhamihira, p . 54. 3 . Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s . v. M eru. 4 . B . C . Law, Historical Geography o f Ancient India, p . i i i .

Vindhya

i t is said to have abo u n d ed in m ad elephants (9 ). Al­ though th e nam e is generally applied to the w hole chain of m o u ntains along the N arm ad a, in a restricted sense it referred to its eastern p a rt together w ith the hills standing south o f the N a rm ad a a n d extending as far as the ocean.^ 2.

Rivers

Gangd

T h e cu rren t o f the w a te r o f the G anga is described as taking v aried routes, expanding on the ea rth , breaking through m ou n tain s a n d sacred.® I t is also called N aka-vahinI on the banks o f w hich V aranasi is situated (17). W e also get an allusion to its confluerice w ith the Y am una a t P rayaga (298). Narmada,

R eference is m ade to the swiftness o f its flow (192). II.

C O U N T R IE S

Devardstra

S am arab h ata, son o f king S iriihabhata, is said to have governed a town {mvesana) connected w ith (i.e. situated in ) Devarastra® (737). N othing is known ab o u t Siriihabhata or his son S am arab h ata from any o th er source. T h ey m ay as w ell be fictitious nam es. T h e earliest reference to D evarastra occurs in th e A llahabad p illa r inscription o f S am u d rag u p ta who is said to have defeated an d later reinstated its ru ler K ubera.^ I t was form erly identified w ith M aharastra,® b u t w ith the help o f the K dsim kota plates o f the E astern C alukya king Bhim a I w hich m entions Elam anci-K alinga-(/eia as form ing p a rt of Devara$tra-z)wa;»a® Jouveau-D ubreuil identified it w ith the I.

H .G . R aychaudhuri, Studies in Indian Antiquities, p .

2-

io6.

I m K

776.

an d

?nTFT: II are variants.

3. T rip ath i follows the reading Devardja w hich is a variant. 4. F le e t, C7/ . iii,, p. 7, text line 20. 5. Fleet i n . J R A S , 1898, p . 369; V .A. Sm ith, JSarly History o f India, 1957 reprint, p . 301. For an attem p t to revive this theory, see A B O R I , xxvi. p. 138. 6.

^ /e, i 9 p 8 -P9 , p . 123;

viii, p . 153.

Yellamd,iichili region o f the V isakhapatnam D istrict o f A ndhra Pradesh;^ In th e tim e of' Sam 'udragupta D evarastra and Pistap'ura w ere two separate kingdoms,** b u t later the latter was in clu d ed in th e form er as w ould follow from the Srungav arapukota g ra n t ^6f ‘M ah araja A nantavrm an which refers to P istap u ra as th e adhifthana (c ap ital) of Devarastra.® M am • : T h e A rb u d a m o untain is situated in M aru (240), which corressponds to M arw ar in R ajasthan. Simhala

Sagarika, .the heroine o f H h rsay ard h an ’s Ratnavali, was the d au g h ter,q f the k in g of S im hala (803), m odern Ceylon. Turuska

T h e T u ru sk a country, w hich was famous for its horses (10) and steel-m ade sdles o f shoes (64), is E astern T urkistan. But as shown above,* the nam e was p robably used for the Arabs also. . \ ,

Vatsa

■ i t corresponds to the country round A llahabad w ith K au sam b i, m odernK osam , ortthe'Y am una, as its headquarters. Its king U d ay an a, hero o fH a rs a ’siJafnazJa/i" (802, 807, 882, 886, 916), was a co n teniporary o f G au tam a B uddha. Ill;

L O C A L IT IE S „ W hile describing P ataliputra,;D aniodaraguptasays th a t it resem bled H a rin a g a ra on acpount o f sacrifiicial posts {H ariucLgararh kratu-yupaih, 180). T rip a th i suggests its identification w ith eith er H a rid v a ra or A yodhya, the city o f R am a (H a ri),

H arinagara

r. ; J . D ubreuil, Ancierit History o f the Deccan, p . 6o. , . 2. C I I , iii, p. 7, text lines 19-20, where Pistapura and Devarastra are spoken of as independent principalities. 3. A S I , A R , 1934-35, p. 65; E l , xxiii, p. 57 & text line 2 on p. 60. R.G. M ajum dar suggests th a t D evapura from where A nantavarrnan’s Siripurm grant was issued m ay have been the capital of Devarastra. See ib id ..^ . 58. 4.. Supra, p. 10.

w here in n u m erable sacrifices w ere perform ed by the kings of the S olar lineage. F or w a n t o f decisive evidence on the point none o f these identifications can be regarded as ce rtain . T here is n o th in g to show th a t A yodhya was ever know n as H a rin ag ara. T h e identification w ith H a rd w ar is m ore likely. P atalipvtra

- P a ta lip u tra , also known as K u s u m a p u ra (234, 411, 495), o f w hich we have a graphic account (176-192), was one o f the m ost im p o rtan t cities o f an cien t In d ia . Since the tim e the H ary an k a king U d ay in (fifth century B .C .) m ade it his capital, it becam e a g reat p o litico-cultural centre. I t saw the rise and fall o f some o f the greatest em pires In d ia can boast of. A nd even though after the Im p erial G uptas it ceased to be the im ­ p erial m etropolis o f N o rth In d ia , for a long tim e afterw ards it retain ed its re p u ta tio n as a n im p o rta n t cu ltu ra l centre. D am od arag u p ta describes it as the crest-jewel o f the surface o f the earth {m ah i-tala-tilaka), perm an en t h ab itatio n o f the goddess o f learning, and as a g re at city {mahanagara) th a t h ad p u t In d r a ’s city (A m aravati) to shame.^ I t was so very perfect an d beautiful as to m ake one im agine th a t V isvakarm an, the divine architect, h ad fashioned it as a m odel {varnaka) in ord er to exhibit his skill to god B rahm a w hen the la tte r asked him to prove his ab ility o fp roducing a city o f the th ree w orlds (177). Ite n jo y e d a high re p u ta tio n as a religious centre an d as such h ad a che­ q uered career. I t was a stronghold o f Buddhism d u rin g the S a i'u n a g a an d M au ry a periods; b u t the §ungas a n d G uptas converted it into a p ro m in en t centre of B rahm anical H induism , and one could see there sacrificial posts (180) an d the smoke rising from sacrificial fire floating in the sky (182). A lthough P a ta lip u tra was now u n d er the Palas who were staunch Buddhists themselves and gave lavish patronage to th eir religion, yet the B rahm anical traditions n u rtu re d by the Sungas a n d G uptas were so deep-rooted as to continue u n ab a te d even u n d er adverse conditions. H aving enjoyed the status o f the im perial c ap ital of N o rth In d ia for well over a m illennium , P a talip u tra h ad a ttain ed g reat prosperity, an d our au th o r states th a t it 3 rf^ ffrrq-T

T T f lf r ^ T T iT 1 II

^

176.

resem bled ocean on account of its having heaps of a variety of gems an d w ith its hoarded w ealth rivalled the city of K u b e ra (1 7 9 ) .i Prayaga

T h e confluence o f the twin rivers G anga and Y am una a t P ray ag a has been regarded as highly sacred from a hoary a n tiq u ity , and the m eeting of the w hite current of the former and the blue one o f the la tte r is a sight pleasant enough to strike the im agination o f a poet. D am odaragupta discerns a resem blance betw een the m ixing o f the clear, w hite sw eat-w ater and the collyrium -stinted tears falling on the breasts o f a fair lady on the one h an d and the confluence on the other.® Varanasi

T h e K u ttan i-m ata is composed in the form of a dialogue betw een the courtesan M alati and the old cunning procuress V ik arala, b o th o f whom are represented as residents of the city of V aran asi. T h e scene o f the episode of the courtesan MafijarJ and p rince S am arab h ata is also laid in the same city. We, therefore, n atu ra lly get a vivid description of V aranasi, which is one o f the m ost im portant and holiest places in whole India. D am o d arag u p ta speaks of V aranasi as ‘the ornam ent of the whole surface of the e a rth ’,^ and com pares it w ith the divine city o f A m aravati.^ T he fame of V aranasi as a centre of religion a n d learning h ad very early spread far and wide. From very an cien t times the city has been regarded as a p il­ grim age centre {tirtha-sthdna, 800), and as such it was frequented by crowds o f people hailing from far and near. I t was in the Course o f one such pilgrim age th a t prince S am arab h ata of distan t D e v arastra fell into the clutches o f M an jarl.

I.

For Pataliputra as a centre of learning, see supra, p. 172.

?T^T:

3-

11 ih id .,

4-

K

298.

3.

1 5TTS?qT

11

Ibid.,

17.

Varaniasi is the city o f Siva, an d there are num erous places in it connected w ith Saivite legends in some way or other. O f the Saiva tem ples w hich m ust have existed in legion m ention is m ade o f only three, viz., V rsab h ad h v aja, K a la sesv ara and G am b h iresv ara, Vaisnavism also prevailed side by sid e,an d the religious atm osphere appears to have been characterised by a catholic spirit. V aran asi has been well-know n as a centre o f learning from tim e im m em orial. In pre-B uddhist an d B uddhist times its ed u cational im portance was next only to th a t o f TaksaSila.® A n um ber o f seals and sealings found in archaeological excava­ tions a t R ajg h at also reveal th a t V edic studies were specially cu ltivated here in the G u p ta period.® G ram m ar (12) and poetry. (15) also found favour w ith the people. F ine arts like dance, m usic (10, 14) a n d dram atu rg y (757, 7 9 3 ,7 9 4 ), too, received special atten tio n . V aranasi m ain tin ed its high academ ic traditions in the m edieval period also. A lberuni speaks o f V aranasi an d K ashm ir as ‘high schools of sciences’.^ T h e Ukti-vyakti-prakarana welcome light on the system of education at V aranasi in the 12th century A .D . an d m entions g ram m ar, p artic u la rly the K dlapa o f S arvavarm an as a favourite subject o f study.® A bul F azl also observed th at ‘from tim e im m em orial it has been the chief seat of learning in H in d u stan ’.® T h e Skanda Pur ana also refers to K as! as an abode o f sciences.'^ As a t present, so in the past, V aranasi presented a curious b lending of both the aspects of life, a quest after the spiritual tru th and a gay abandon to m undane, sensual pleasures. I t 1. For religious im portance of V aranasi, see supra, p p . 90-91. 2. Cf. Khuddaka-atthakathd, p . 198; Jdtaka, i, 109, 238, 463; ii, 100; iii. iB ,233; iv. 237. 3. M otichandra, K a il ka Itihasa, p p . 97-98; V .S , Pathak in J M S I, X X , pp. 195-201; xxvi, p p . 214-221. 4. E. Sachau, Alberuni’s India, i, p . 173. 5. Ukti-vyakti-prakarana, 2/7-8; 12/6-7. Vide also M otichandra’s essay on m aterial of Social and Historical Interest published as an introduction to it. 6. Aine-Akbari, ii,p 158. V- f ^ ? T t ^ 1 ^ , Kasi-khonda, xcvi. 121.

was famous for its h e ta ira i (5) and fashionable ladies (7, 8). I t has been know n for its courtesans from quite early times. In the B uddhist lite ra tu re we read of the courtesan Sama,^ w hile S yam ilaka’s P dda-taditaka m entions the courtesan Parakram ika o f V aranasi.^ In the 8th-9th centuries A.D . there was a re g u lar colony o f prostitutes, and our poet affords a vivid account o f th e conversation of courtesans, pim ps and m aids w hich S am ara b h ata is represented to have heard while going to the tem ple (743-754). T he assembly which gathered round S am ara b h ata after the latter h ad offered worship to Siva in ­ cluded prostitutes also (757). I t is interesting to note in this connection th a t the B anaras inscription of P an th a belonging to the eighth century A.D . also notices this peculiar m ixture of the spiritual and the w orldly and refers to streets o f prostitutes a t Varanasi.® T h e prosperity of V aranasi was announced by its lofty, shining buildings (9) and temples on the top of which fluttered flags (6). I t was decorated with parks in which there were groves o f tamala plants (16). I t was surrounded by a ra m p a rt w all (10).^ R em ains o f this ancient surrounding w all have a ctu ally beeri traced from the confluence of the river V arana to the A d am p u r locality.®

1. Jdtaka, iii.40-41. Pali literature also mentions courtesan A ddhakasi of V aranasi who w ent to R ajagrha and charged a fee of 1000 for the night and 500 for the day. See G .P . Malalasekera, Dictionary o f P a li Proper Names, p. 50. 2. Caturbhdni, pp. 187-188. 3. E l , ix, pp. 59 ff., verse 2. D .R . Sahni, who edited this inscription, is wrong in rendering vividha-janapada-iirl as ‘the wives of various inhabitants’. Janapada-stri is well known as a word meaning ‘public woman’. 4. T he Jatakas m ention a m oat (no. 164) and a ram p art wall with four gates round V aranasi which were closed at night (no. 155). Also vide A.S. Altekar, History o f Benares, p. 14. 5. Shering, The Sacred City o f B ew res, London 1868, p. 299; Motichandra, K d si kd Jtilidsap. p p 6-7

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tu te, PooBa, 1927-66; G ita Press E dition, G o rak h p u r, V .S. 20132015. : M dnava-grhyasutra, ed. w ith A stav a k ra ’s com m entary, by R am akrishna H arsh aji S hastri, G .O .S ., B aroda, 1926. : M anu-sm rti, ed. by J . Jo lly , L ondon, 1887; w ith K ulliika’s com m entary, N SP, Bom bay, 1929; Engl. tr. by G . B iihler, SEE, V ol. 25, O xford, 1886. : M arkandeya-purana, tran slated into E nglish by F. E. P arg iter, C alcu tta, 1904. ; M atsya-purdna, ASS, Poona, 1907. : N ilam ata-purana, ed. by R am lal K a n jilal an d J a g a d d h a r Z adav, L ahore, 1924; critically edited b"V K .D ; V reese, L eiden, 1936 (unless otherw ise stated, this edition has been u sed ). : Padma-purana, 4 vols., ASS, Poona, 1893-94. ; Pardsara-sm rti, Bom bay, 1893. : Rdmdyana, w ith T ilak a, Siroma^J.i and Bhusar.a com m entaries, 7 vols. G u jarati Press, Bom bay, 19121918; G ita Press E d., G orakhpur, V .S . 2020. : S iva-pu ran a, V enkateshw ar Press, Bom bay. : Visnu-dharmasdstra, BI, C alcu tta, 1881. : V ism -dharm ottara, V enkateshw ar Press, Bom bay, 1912. ; Vism-purdna, text w ith H indi tran s­ lation, G ita Press, G orak h p u r, V .S. 2009; E ngl. tr. by H .H . W ilson, 5 vols., London, 1864-70.

w ith M itaksara com m entary, 5th ed., NSP, Bombay, 1949. Amara-ko^a, w ith R am asram i com­ m entary, N SP, Bombay, 1944. : Am aru-sataka, ed. w ith K okasam b h av a’s com m entary by G. R . D evadhar, A B O R I, X X X IX , pp. 226-265; X L . pp. 16-55 Dhvanydloka, w ith the Locana com ­ m entary, KSS, V ol. 135, V aranasi, 1940. ; Saundarananda, ed. and translated into English by E .H . Johnston, 2 vols., London, 1932. : H arfa-carita, edited w ith the Sahketa com m entary by Fiihrer, BSS, Bom­ bay, 1909. : K ddam bari, w ith the com m entary of B hanucandra and S iddhacandra, 9th edition, NSP, Bom bay, 1948. : N dtya-sdstra, ed. byM . R am akrishna K avi w ith A bhinavabharati, GOS, Vols. X X X V I, L X V III, G X X IV G XLV , B aroda, 1954-64. : K irdtdrjuniya, w ith M allin a th a ’s G h a n ta p a th a gloss, H aridas Sans­ k rit Series, No. 105, V aranasi, 1939. : M ahdvira-carita, edited by T odarm al and revised by A. A. M acdonell, O xford, 1928. Uttarardma-carita, ed. by S. K . Belvalkar, Poona, 1921. : Vikramdnkadeva-carita, ed. by G. Biihler, BSS, Bombay, 1875. : K uttani-m ata, edited by T ansukharam M anahsukharam T rip a th i w ith his own Sanskrit com m entary, Bom­ bay, 1924 (unless otherwise Tajnavalkya-sm rti,

Am arasiihha Amaruka

A nandavardhana

A lvagh o sa

Bana

Bharata

Bharavi

Bhavabhuti

Bilhana D am odaragupta

D am odara^ arm an

D an d in

H a la

H alay u d h a H arsa

H em acan d ra

Isv a ra d a tta

Ja lh a n a K a lh a n a

K alidasa

Stated, this edition has been used) critically edited by M adhusudan K a u l, B I, C alcu tta, 1944. : U kiivyakti-prakarana, edited by M un Jin av ijay a, Singhi J a in G ra n th a m ala, Bom bay, 1953. ; D aia-kum dra-carita, N SP, Bom bay 1928. G dthd-satta-sai, edited w ith a M arath i in tro d u ctio n a n d tran slatio n by S. A. Joglekar, Poona. Ahhidhana-ratnakara, V aranasi, iSaka 1879. : N a gdn an da,& d .h y'P .W . R am an u jaswami, M adras, 1932. P riyadarsikd, ed. by N arim an, Jackson a n d O gden, Colum bia U niversity Indological Series, No. 10, New York, 1923. R atndvali, 4 th ed., N SP, Bom bay, 1938. Abhidkdna-cintdmani, B havanagar, V ira E ra 2441. Kdvy-dnu§dsana, ed. by R . C. P arikh w ith A lahkara-cudam ani and V iveka, Bom bay, 1938. D hu rta-vita-sam vdda, included in the Srngdra-hdla or Caturbhdni edited w ith a H in d i translation by M otich an d ra an d V . S. A graw ala (Bom­ bay, 1959), pp. 63-120. Sukti-m uktdvali, G O S, B aroda, 1938. R dja-tarangini, ed. by M . A. Stein, D elhi, 1960; Engl, translation by M . A. S tein, D elhi, 1961. Abhijndna-Sdkuntala, w ith R aghavab h a tta ’s com m entary, 12th edition, NSP, Bom bay, 1958. M dlavikdgnim itra, BSS, 2nd edition, Bom bay, 1889.

S EL EC T B IB L IO G R A P H Y

K alidasa

K au tily a

K fsn am isra K sem endra

K slrasvam in

L aksm idhara

M am m ata M ankha

; Raghu-vaM a, w ith M alH natha’s SanjivanI com m entary, 7th ed., N SP, Bom bay, 1916. ; ^tu-sarhhara, 6th ed., N SP, Bombay, 1922. : Vikramorvastya, ed. by H . D . V elank ar,S ah ity aA k ad am i, D elhi, 1961. : Arthasastra, text edited by R . P. K angle, Bom bay, 1960; E ngl, translation by R . P. K angle, Bombay, 1963. : Prabodha-candrodaya, NSP,Bom bay, 1924. : Brhatkatha-manjari, ed. by Sivad a tta and K . P. P arab , 2nd ed., Bombay, 1931. ; K ala-vildsa, included in the K^emendra-laghu-kdvya-sangraha com piled by A ryendra S harm a, H yderabad, 1961. Desopadesa, in c lu d td in the Kfemendralaghu-kdvya-sangraha. Kavi-kanihdbharana, included in the Kfemendra-laghu-kdvya-sangraha. Samaya-mdtrkd, included in the Kfemendra-laghu-kdvya-sangraha. K }ira-tarahgim , ed. by Y udhishthira

M im am saka and R . S. B hattacharya, A m ritsar, V. S. 2014. I n ­ troduction only. Krtya-kalpataru, Vol. V I I I : T irth avivecana-kanda, G O S, N o. X C V III B aroda, 1942. Kdvya-prakdsa, ed. by R . D. K a rm arkar, Poona, 1960. Alatikdra-sarvasva, 2nd ed., TSS, No. X L I, T rivandrum , 1926. M afikha-kosa-tikd, ed. by T .Z a c h a riae, Bombay, 1897.

M ay u raja A n angaharsa Padm asri

Panini P atan jali Rajas ekhara

Sarar.adeva S arn g ad h ara Soddhala Som adeva

Som adevasuri

,

T dpasa-V atsardja, ed. by Y adugiri Y atira ja, B angalore, 1929. N dgara-sarvasva, ed. w ith Jagajjyotirm a lla ’s com m entary by T ansukharam M anahsukharam T rip ath i, B om bay, 1921. A stddhydyi, ed. by S ankaradeva P athak, V rin d av an , V . S., 1996. M ahdbhdsya, V ol. IV , N SP, Bom­ bay, 1942. Karpuram anjari, critically edited by Sten K onow an d translated into English w ith notes by G .R. L anm an, 2nd Issue, D elhi, 1963. Kdvya-mimdrhsd, ed. by G. D. D alai an d R . A. Sastry an d revised and enlarged by K . S. R am asw am i Sastri Sirom ani, 3rd ed., G O S., No. 1, B aroda, 1934. Viddhasdlabhanjikd, ed. by J . B. G haudhuri w ith the G am atkaratarangini and P raiaa-pratistha com ­ m entaries, C alcu tta O rie n ta l Series, No. 10, C alcutta, 1943. D urghata-vrtti, ed. by Louis R enou w ith F rench notes, Paris, 1945. S d rn gadh ara-paddh ati, ed. by P. Peterson,BSS, No. 37,Bombay,1881. Udayasundari-katha, G O S, B aroda, 1920.

ed. by D urga Prasad and K . P. P arab , 4th ed., Bombay, 1930; Engl. T r. b y H . G. Taw ney and Intro d u ctio n , notes, etc. by N. M . Penzer, 10 Vols., L ondon, 1924-28. Ta§astilakacampU, 2 vols., NSP, Bombay, V ol. I I , 1903; Vol. I, 2nd ed., 1916.

K athd-saril-sdgara,

SEL EC T B IB L IO G R A P H Y

S u bandhu

S udraka

S udraka

Syam ilaka V akpati

V allabhadeva V a rah am ih ira

V araruci V ard h am an a V atsyayana

V en id atta V idyakara

Vis a k h a d a tta Vis v av a n ath atrip ath in

Yaska

: Vasavadattd, edited w ith English T ra n sla tio n by H . G ray, In d ian Issue, D elhi, 1962. M rcchakatika, w ith P rth v ld h ara’s com m entary, 7th ed., N SP, Bom­ bay, 1936. Padma-prabhrtaka, included in the Srngara-hata or Catiirbhani edited w ith Intro d u ctio n and H indi re n ­ dering by M o tich an d ra and V. S. A graw ala, pp. 1-61, Bombay, 1959. P ada-taditaka, included in Srngdrahdta or Caturbhdni, pp. 149-259. Gauda-vaho, ed. by S. P. P an d it and re-edited by N. B. U tgikar, BSS, No. X X X IV , Poona, 1927. Subhdsitdvali, ed. by P. Peterson, 2nd ed., Poona, 1961. : Brhatsarhhitd, ed. w ith B h atto tp ala’s com m entary by S udhakara D vivedi, V aranasi, 1895-97. Ubhaydbhisdrikd, included in Srngdrahdta or Caturbhdni, pp. 121-147. Ganaratna-mahodadhi, ed. by J . Eggling, D elhi, 1963. Kdm a-sutra, w ith Y aso d h ara’s Ja y a m angala com m entary, KSS, N o. 29, V aranasi, 1920. Padya-veni, ed. by J . B. G haudhuri, C alcutta, 1944. Subhdfita-ratna-kosa, ed. by D. D. Kosam bi and V. V. G okhale, H O S , V ol. X L I I, 1957. : ed. by K . T . T elang, 3rd ed., N SP., Bom bay, 1900. : P ra sa sti-K d U k d ,c d .h y 'K .'W . S arm a, V ishw eshw aranand Indological Series, No. 39, H o sh iarp u r, 1967. M irukta, critically edited by M ukund

A ltekar, A.S. B anerji, R . D. Buhler, G. B h andarkar, D. R .

J h a Bakshi w ith D u rg a cary a’s com ­ m entary, N SP, Bom bay, 1930. I I . Inscriptions* : B arnala Y upa Inscription, B, K rta Y ear 335, E l , X X V I, p. 123. ' : K ad am b ap ra d ak a g ra n t o f N aravarm an, ib id ., X X , pp. 105 fF. : U d e p u r P rasasti o f the K ings of M alw a, ib id .. I, pp. 222-38. : N adol Inscription of G haham ana Jo jallad ev a, ibid, X I, p. 28. : L is t o f Inscriptions o f Northern India, ibid, X IX -X X I I, A ppendix. : A llah ab ad P illar In scrip tio n of S am udragiipta, Inscriptions o f the

F leet, J . F.

E arly Gupta K ings and their Successors, C II, I I I , pp. 1-17. 99

53

99

55

G hoshal, R . K .

K a ta re, S. L. K ielh o rn , F. 99

99

99

99

Liiders, H .

G angdhar Stone Inscription of V isvavarm an, M alava y ear 481, ib id ., pp . 72-79. A lina Plates of S iladitya V II , Y ear 447, ib id ., pp. 171-191. ; S anta Bom illa Plates o f In d rav arm an, G a n g aY ea r8 7 , £ / , X X V , pp. 194 ff. K a la n ja r Inscription o fV .S . 1147, ib id ., X X X I, p p . 163-66. K h a lim p u r P late o f D h arm ap ala, ib id ., IV , pp. 247-251. P andukeshw ar P late o f L alitas ura, I A , X X V , pp. 178-181. T w enty-one C opper-Plates o f the K ings of K a n au j, E l, IV , p p. 97 ff. J a in a Inscriptions a t the T em ple of N em inatha on M t. A bu, ib id ., I l l , p p . 200 ff.

■"Only such o f the inscriptions as have been specifically mentioned in the text have been listed here.

SELEC T B IB L IO G R A P H Y

M aju m d ar, N. G.

M aju m d ar, R . C.

M irash i, V . V.

R am ganj P late of M aham a 5.dalika Isvaraghosa, Inscriptions o f Bengal, I I I , pp. 149 ff. : G w alior Prasasti o f Bhoja I, E l, X V I II, pp. 99 fr. ; S ringavarapukota G rants o f M aha­ ra ja A nantavarm an, ib id ., X X I I I , pp. 56 fF. : P a tta n Plates o f P ravarasena I I , Inscriptions o f the Vakatakas, CII,

S ahni, D . R . S astri, H ira n an d

S ircar, D. G. )! 35

33

53

33

35

55

V , pp. 57-52. : B anaras Inscription o f P an th a, E l, IX , pp. 59-62 : Brahm i Inscription from a W ooden P illar from K ira ri, ibid, X V III, pp. 152-157. : Select Inscriptions, V ol. I, 2nd ed., G alcutta, 1965. ; G hum li Plates ofB askaladeva,V . S. 1045, £■/, X X X I, pp. 11-16. M odasa Plates of P aram ara Bhoja, V . S. 1067, z m , X X X III, 192-198. M an d a r H ill Inscription, ib id ., X X X V I, p. 305. P andukesvara G ra n t o f P adm atadeva, ib id ., X X X I, p p . 284-290.

A ltekar, A. S.

III. Coins : The Coinage o f the Gupta Em pire,

G unningham , A.

; Coins o f M ediaeval India, V aranasi,

V aranasi, 1957.

Singh, J . P.

1967. O bservations on the So-called K h a d g a -tra ta C oin-type ofK um arag u p ta I, J N S I , X X V , 29-35.

Sm ith, V . A.

Catalogue o f Coins in the Indian Museum, G alcutta, I, O xford, 1906.

Sohoni, S. V.

“ K h a d g a -tra ta ” Coins o f K u m arag u p ta l, J jV 5 /,X V I I I ,p p . 178-186. IV . Foreign Sources.

Beal,

s.

Giles, H . A.

: Si-yu-ki or B uddhist Records o f the Western W orld, 2 vols., L ondon, 1906. : The T ravels o f Fa-hsien (399-414 A .D .) OT Record o f B uddhist Kingdoms,

G am bridge,

1923.

T akakusu, J .

: A Record o f the B uddhist Religion as

W atters, T .

P ractised in India and the M a la y Archipelago, O xford, 1896. : On Yuan Chwang’s T ravels in India,

Y ule, H . A graw al, U rm ila A graw ala, V . S.

A ltek ar, A. S. Boner, A., Sarm a, S. R . an d D as, S, P. G h ak lad ar, H . G.

G h atto p ad h y ay a, S. G houdhury, P. G.

G unningham , A. D asgupta, S.N and De, S.K. De, S.K .

2 vols., L ondon, 1904-05. : T ravels o f M arco Polo. B. M odern Works : Khajuraho Sculptures and their Signi­ ficance, D elhi, 1964. : H arsa-carita: Eka SarhskrtikaAdhyayan a, P atn a, 1953. : K adam bari : Eka Sarhskrtika Adhyaya n a , V a ran asi, 1958. ; H istory o f Benares, V a ran asi, 1937. ; N ew L igh t on the Sun Temple o f Kondrka, V aran asi, 1972. Social L ife in Ancient India, A Study in Vatsydyana’s K am asutra, 2nd ed.,

G a lcu tta, 1924. ; E arly H istory o f Northern India, 2nd ed., G a lcu tta, 1968. : The H istory o f C ivilization o f the People o f Assam to the T w elfth Cen­ tury A. D ., G a u h ati, 1959. : The Ancient Geography o f India, the B uddhist Period, V a ran asi, 1963. : A H istory o f Sanskrit Literature,

Glassical Period, Vol. I, 2nd ed., G alcutta, 1962. : H istory o f Sanskrit Poetics, 2nd ed., G alcutta, 1960. : Ancient Indian Erotics and Erotic Literature, G alcutta, 1959,

Deo, S. B. D u b reu il, J .

G angoli, O . C. H a n d iq u i, K . K . J a in , G okulchandra J a in , J . C. Jam k h ed k ar, A. P.

J a y a n ta V ijay, M uni

Jayasw al, K . P. Joshi, N .P.

: M drkandi Temples, N agpur, 1973. : Ancient H istory o f the Deccan, tran slat­ ed from F rench into English by V.S.S. D ikshitar, Pondicherry, 1920. \ Konark, C alcutta, 1972. : Tasastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholap u r, 1949. : Tasastilaka ka Sdrhskrtika Adhyayana A m ritsar, 1967. : L ife in Ancient India as D epicted in the J a in Canon, Bombay, 1947. : Cultural H istory from the Vasudevahiridi, Ph.D . thesis. U niversity of Poona, (u n p u b lish ed ). : Holy Abu, translated from G ujarati into English with an Introduction by U .P . Shah and a Forew ord by V. S. A graw ala. B havnagar V.S.210. : The Hindu P olity, 2n& ed. Bangalore, 1943. Life in Ancient Uttardpatha, Varanasi

1967. : A Handbook o f the Archaeological and

Kak, R. G.

Numismatic Sections o f the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar, C alcutta, >J

K an e, P. V. 55

55

K angle, R . P. K eith , A. B. 55

5?

K rish n am ach ariar, M . Lai, K anvar

1923. : Ancient Monuments o f Kashmir, London 1933. : H istory o f Dharmasdstra, Vols. I I IV , Poona, 1941-53. : H istory o f SanskritPoetics, D elhi, 1961. : The K au tiliya Artha^dstra : A Study, Bombay, 1965. ; Sanskrit Drama, Oxford, 1924. : A H istory o f Sanskrit Literature, O x­ ford, 1956! : H istory o f Classical Sanskrit Litera­ ture, M adras, 1937. : Immortal Khajuraho, T)e\hi. 1965.

L aw , B.C.

H istorical Geography o f Ancient India,

Paris, 1954. M aju m d ar, G. P. M aju m d ar, R . C. (E d .)

Upavana-vinoda, C alcu tta, 1935. The Age o f Im perial U nity, 2nd ed.,

Bom bay, M aju m d ar, R .G . ( Ed.)

1953.

The Classical Age, Bom bay, 1954. The Age o f Im perial Kanauj, Bom bay,

2nd ed., 1964. M irashi, V . V.

M o tich an d ra

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D elhi, 1973. P andey, K . C. P anigrahi, K . C. P an t, P ratin id hi P ath ak , V . S. Pram od C h an dra P rater, S. H . R ay, S. C.

Abhinavagupta ; An H istorical and Philosophical Study, V aranasi, 1963. Archaeological Remains a t Bhubanes­ war, Calcutta, 1961. A jinthd (M a rath i). Ancient Historians o f India, Bombay,

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Sanskrit Literature and A r t M irrors o f Indian Culture, M A S I, No. 73. ; E arly History o f India, Oxford,

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Srinagar-Jam m u, 1968. V id y a Prakash Vogel, J . Ph.

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T h e Im portance o f N am an in the !P:g^eda, Summaries o f Papers, AllIn d ia O riental Conference, 25th Session (1969), pp. 2-3. A note on the K undarm ala, J R A S , 1924, pp. 663-664. ; A N ote on the T ilaka M ark, J O I , X V IT I, pp. 71-73. A N ote on the T ilaka M ark and K ankana, B D C R I, X X , pp. 300301. O rigin and A ntiquity of the Sanskrit N am e Gina as the N am e of Ghina, 4 5 0 i? /,X L I I (1961), pp. 150-154. T h e T ilaka M ark, J B B R A S , New Series, X X I (1945), pp. 33-37. T apasa-V atsaraja, J A H R S , I, pp. 155 ff. Padam ula, Padam iilika, lA , X X V II (1898), p. 252,

M eh ta, N. C.

M irashi, V . V. Pandey, C handrabali P ath ak , V . S. R ay , S. C. Shastri, Ajay M itra

55

>5

Shastri, B. N.

: A D ram atic Productiop. . in the E ighth C entury, T h e D evelopm ent o f the M odern, J B O R S , X IV (1928), pp. 358 fF. : M attav aran i, D r. KolteGaurava Grantha, A m raoti, 1969, p p . 1-8. : M rcchakatika ka P arivrajaka, N a i D hara, O ctober, 1952j p p . 3-4. _ : R eligious Sealings from R aj ghat, J N S I , X IX , pp. 168-179. . : T h e identity of T o ram an a Coins of K asm ira, ib id ., X IV , pp. 152-157. : H istorical D a ta in the K u ttan im ata o f D am odaragupta, J I H , X L V I, pp. 357-367. : Coins and M edia o f Exchange in the K u ttan i-m ata o f D am o d ara­ gupta, J N S I , X X X ; pp. 118-121'. : R eading an d In terp retatio n o f a Verse in D am o d arag u p ta’s K u tta n im ata in the L ight o f P uranic and A rchaeological Evidence, Purana, X I I , pp. 160-66. : Is B haskaravarm an, the K ing of K am ariipa, referred to in the K u ttan i-m ata of D a in o d a rag u p ta,? Summaries o f Papers, A ll-India Oriental Conference, 23rd Session, p. 17. , ■

S ternbach, L udvik Svam in, B h attan ath a Y un-H ua, J a n

: Ve^ya : Synonyms and Aphorism s, 5 r , I V , p p . 104-114; V ,p p . 115-143. ; M ayuraja, lA , X L ! (1912),, pp;139-143. ; Some Fresh Reflections on Yasovarm a of K an au j and M u k tap id a ofK ash m ir, J / / / , X L V (1967), pp. 161 ff.

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vols., L o n d o n , 1934, 1938. : Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1899. R ad h akantadeva Bahadui' : Sabda-kalpa-druma, 5 vols., Delhi, 1961. Rhys-Davids, T . W . & ;I Pali-English Dictionary, Pali T ext Stede, W illiam Society. Sircar, D. C. : Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Delhi, 1966. M onier W illiam s

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cutta, 1934.

INDEX* Abhidhdna-cintamani, lexicon, 55 dlekhya, painting, 230 Altekar, A . S ., 243n. Abhijndna-Sdkuntala, t ., 133 n ., 14211., 145, 16411., 182 Am ara, lexicographer, 196 Abhimva-bharati, commentary, la n ., Amara-kosa, lexicon, 2n., i7 n ., 8on.,. 186 95n., i36n ., i38 n ., 142,' 143, Abhinavagupta, author, 1 4 , i8n., I45n., i4 7 n ., I5 3 n ., I 9 4 n .,ig 7 n ., 2i8 n ., 230n. 68, 185, 186 Abhiram a, 129 Am aravati, m ythical city, 75, 238, 239 abhisdrikd, 184 Am aruka, poet, 145 A bu, mountain, 20, 41, 50, 91, 114, Amaruka-sataka, t., I47n., 222. See 124, 125, 162, 165, 196, 198, 199, Amaru-saiaka below. 200, 203, 208, 231, 235, 236, 237 Amaru-sataka, t ., I33n. A bu l Fazl, author, 242 amdtya, office, 45 Allahabad Pillar Inscription o f Sarauamisra, kind o f dramatic performance, dragupta, i8 6n ., 238 225 athsuka, 134, 135 A ca, 6on. Acdrdnga-sutra, t . , I3 3 n . Anandavardhana, author, 14, 18 Anangadevi, 129 Acesvara, temple, 6 o n . dcchotana, 155 Anangaharsa, Kalacuri king and Addhakasi, 241 poet, 9, 10, I I , 12, 13, 14, 15, ,23, administration, 46-56 42j i8 g. Vide Matraraja and M ayuadvayavddin, 95 raja below. Anangalekha, queen, g6 A gn i, p d , 77 A gm m itra, Sunga K m g, 163 Anahgabhava Vihara, Buddhist mona­ stery, 96 Agni-purdna, t ., 88, 153 Anahgapida, Kashmir king, 30 Agrajanm an, lo i Agraw ala, U rm ila, i4on. Anantavarman, Siripuram grant of, Agrawala, V . S . , 72n., 73n ., g m ., 239n. io8n., I34n., I36n., i3 7 n .,i4 o n ., Anarghardghava, t ., i4n. I4 3 n ., i44n., i46n., 147, I48 n., Anasuya, 82 Andhaka, demon, 61, 83 I 5 9n., I 73n ., I 9 7 n . , 229n., 2 3 5 n. angas, elements o f state, 45 agriculture, 193-96 anga-vidyds, 133, 138, 179, 181 A halya, 75 aniyata-pumsd, prostitute, 113 A ine-A kbari, t ., 242n. Antaka, god, 77 A iravata, 70 anty-dsrama, Sannyasa order, 104 A jitapida, Kashmir king, 30 anu, variety o f rice, 131, 195 aksa, measure o f policy, 45 anujnd, figure o f speech 33 aksa-patala, accounts office, 53 anvmdna, do., dksepa, figure of speech, 33, 187 anumarana. Suttee custom, log alaka, hair-style, 147 Anuyoga-dvdra-sutra, t ., 134 A laka, m ythical city, 76 apahnuti, figure o f speech, 33 alak-dvali, hair-style, 147, 148. See dpdm ka, drinking bout, 159 aloka above. apasdraka, conclusion o f dance per­ alaktaka, 152 formance, 222 Alankdra-cuddmani, t ,, 2n. , Apastamba-dharmasutra, t ., 88, 95n ., Alankdra-sdra-sangraha t ., 17 _ I75n. Alankdra-sarvasva, , in. Apastamba-grhyasutra, t ., I30n. Alankdra-sutra, t ., :n. ■ aprastuta-prasarhsd, figure o f speech, 32 Alberuni, 242 * T h e following abbreviations have been used in the t. = text.

index : L = locality;

Apsarases, 80, 86 A p te , V . S ., 5511'., I47H. arabhati v rtli, 225 A rb u d a , m ountain, 21, 34, 76 , 81, 91, 173, 198, 199, 200, 235, 236 architecture, 230-31 ' Ardhagaurisvara, S iva’s androgynous form, 60. Also known as A rdhanarisvara Ardoksho, goddess, 212 A rjun a, 71 Arjunavarm adeva, 222 A rth ad atta, 25, 26 Artha-dyotanika, commentary, 182 arthdntaranyasa, figure o f speech, 32, 33 A rthaidslra, t . , 4.511., 46n., 4 7 n ., 95, I33n ., I34n., I43n., i6 3n arthdtisayokti, figure o f speech,. 3 2 ' arthopadhd, test, 46 A run dhatl, 81 A rya, metre, i, 20, 21, 22, 3 1, 32, 34, 176 Aryd-saptasati, t . , 31 A ryendra Sharm'a, in . dsd-karin, 82 asama, figure o f speech, 33 dsana, 46 asangati, figure o f speech., 33 asatsamuccaya, d o,, 33 asceticism, 92-93 ASoka, inscriptions of, 165 A sokika, goddess, 224 Asram as, 104 Astddhydyl, t . , 211 , A su ra-vivara, 83-85 A svagh osa, p oet an d dram atist, 144 Ahaldyana-grhyasutra, t ., i3on. Asvamedha, sacrifice, 75 Asva-sastra, 40 atadguna, figure o f speech, 33 Atapatra-Bharavi (same as B haravi), poet, i i n . Atharvaveda, i., 183 atisayohti, figure o f speech, 32, 33 Atm abhd , god, 74 A tr i, sage, 81 attapati-bhdga, ofiice, 51 avagurithana, v e il, 107, 108 _ avanaddha, kind o f m usical instruments, 217 A vantip u ra, 96, 210 A va n tisva m in , tem ple, 210 Avantivarm an , K ashm ir K in g ,i8 n ., 30. avatamsaka, floral ear-ornament, 149 A vim u k ta, tem ple, 63, 64, 65 Avim uktesvara, d o ., 64 A yod h ya, 239, 240 Ayurveda, 40, 189

Babhravya, author, 180, 181 Baladeva, god, 72, 140 Balakrsna T rip ath in , author, 16211. B ali, demon, 5, 69, 71 b a lih d , finger-ring, 145 Bana, poet, 7, 8, 11, 47n ., 48, 84, 108, 146, 159, 173, 198, 236, B app iyaka, 29 Barbara, 126 Barnala yu p a inscription, I2gn. Baskaladeva, Ghum li plates of, I93n. Baudhdyana-grhyasutra, 88, 8 gn ., i3on. Bauka, Jodhpur inscription of, 101 baw d, 119-122 Beal, S ., 2o6n. beliefs, 93 Bhadrakali, goddess, 224 Bhagavadgltd, t ., 71, 92 Bhdgavata-purdna, t ., 69n., 77 Bhairavacarya, 84 Bhamaha, rhetorician, 17, 3gn. Bhdmaha-vivarana, commentary, 17 Bhandarkar, D . R ., s s n ., 6sn ,, i i g n Bhanuji D iksita, commentator, 23on. Bharadvaja, sage, 81 Bharata, author, 17, 35, 39, 40, 73, 81, 109, 112 , 123, 144, 150, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 218, 220, 223, 224, 228 bhdrati vrtti, 225 Bharavi, poet i i n . Bharga, god, 60 Bhargava [same as Parasurama), 161 _ Bhartrhari, poet, i47n. Bhasa, dramatist, 117 B hdsd-K autiliya (also knov/n a.s Bhasdvydkhydna), commentary, 14311. Bhaskaravarman, 8, 9, 130 bhdtl fee, 118 Bha tta, title, 18, 129 Bhatta, 54 Bhatta, Ratnagopaja, 4 Bhattacharya, R .S ., i7n . bkatta-ddydda, 129 bhatta-grdma, i8n. bhatla-putra, 129 bhatta-sunu, 129 bhatta-suta, 129 bhatta-tanaya, 129 Bhattotpala, author and commentator, 48 Bhdva, title, 68, 128 Bhavabhuti, dramatist, 3n ., 13, 87n. Bhavadeva, 128 Bhdva-prakdsa, t ., i6on. Bhdva-prakdsana, t ., 186 Bhava-Sarvajna, author, 68n. Bhava-lSuddha, 68

Bhava-Vidyesvara, commeatator, 68n. Gataka, literateur, 18 bhavika, figure o f speech, 33 catuhsala, structure, 230 ^ bhawai, 228 catufisasti, 64 erotic arts, 18i n . bhayopadha, test, 46 . Caturbharii, plays, 72n., io 8 n ., 12m bheda, 45 , I 2 2 n ., I 2 4 n ., I 2 6 n ., I 4 3 n ., bhedakdtisayokti, figure o f speech, 32 i4 6 n ., i5 4 n . , ■2 4 3 n . Bhim a I, Eastern Calukya king, 238 Gaiiksa, V a isn ava ascetic, 72, 73 Bhise, U sha R ., 8gn. • caupara, gam e, 155 Bhoja, Parairiara king, 195, I4n., 195 Caura-paficdsikd, t ., I43 n ., 147 causara, game, 155 Bhoja I , Pratihara king, ion. Bhokardan, 140 Ghakladar, H . G ., 166 Bhumi-deva, lOi • • chandah-prastdra, metre-scanning, 176 Bhuta, demi-god, 80, 8 r Ckdndogya Upanisad, t . , i/jn .Bhutesa, Saiva temple, 73 Ghatra-Bharavi (same as Bharavi) poet, I in. B h u yya, 50 Ghaudhuri, J. B ., ign . bibboka, 184 ; . Ghina, 134a. Bilhana, poei, 109, 147, 196, 208 hindu, kiss, 178 Ghoudhury, P .G ., gn. biri, ornament, 140 • Ginabhumi, Ghina, I33n. Brahma, god, 216, 240 ' Clndmhara, C h in a silk, 133 C ina-patta, do;, I33n. Brahma, author, 182 Gintamani, 20, 21, 22, 36, 40, 41,54, Bxhad-desi, 186 63, 120, 122, 123, 139, 140, 141, Brhaspati, 1.0% Brhatkalpabhdsya, t ., I 5 n ., . 2 i i n . 166, 182, 184, 150, 221, 222 Gippata-Jayapida, Kashmir king, 29 Brhat-kathd, t , , 24, 28, 30citra, wrestling trick, 161 Brhat-kathd-im fijarl, t ., 24, 25, 26, extra, movements o f feet in dance, 219 27, 3 °> 87n. Gitrakuta, / 25, 76 Brhat-kathd-Moka-sangraha, t .,. I23n. Gitralata, 130 Brhat-sarhhitd, t ., 4gn ., 72, Qon., coins, 209-13 i3 6 n ., 152, 153, 2 3 m ., 237n. Goksa, Vaisnava ascetic^ 72. Same trothels, 118-19 as Gauksa above Buddha, 19, 95, 96, 223,- 239 commerce, 207 Buddhism, 19, 95-96 correspondence, 162-64 Biihler, G ., 5 5 n ., 2o8n. cowerie-shells, 209-10 Cunningham, A ., j n ., 6n., i6n. 210., 2 i2 n ., 2i3n. ■cakravdka-parisvajana, embrace, 203 customs and manners, 164-65 ■cakra-huundala, earring, i40n. Cakrapanidatta, commentator, 196 Calitak a , Sgn. dala-vitaka, ear-ornament, 139, 140 Calitakasvam in, temple, 6gn. Damailipta, I . , 154 caHt dance, i6on. Dam ila, T a m il country, 148 carhda-sura-mdld, necklace, 146 D am irica, do., 148 G anakya, i8n. ^ . Damodara, author, 2 i7 n ., 242n. CandalDhas, Sun god, 76 ' Dampdara, poet, ign. G andasiihha, I54n. Dam pdarabhatta, poet, ign. candra, ornament, 145 Dam odaragupta : times, sfF.; caste, Gandrabhaga, river, 84 18; religion, 19; asa pofet, 3 iff.; Gandragupta, M aurya emperor, 49, erudition, 3gff. 165 ddna, 45 candra-lekhd , n ecklace, 146 dance, 220-24 ca ndraM khikd, d o ., 146 Candrapida, Kashm ir king, lOn.,. darida, 45 dandaka. Wrestling trick, 161 6gni Danda-niti, 40, 188 Gandraprabha, 21 Dandin, author, 48, 67, 84, 122, 154 C araka-sam hitd, t . , 196 danta-pankti, ear-ornament, 139, 140 ■carana-tra, shoes, 135 carcari, 79, 159, i6on .;-riA ai6on., 219 danta-patra, do., I40n. Dantila, author, log, 186, 187 carl, 22in. ddrikd, 118 cam datta, 117-

Dasa-kumdra-carita, t . , 4811., Syn., 8^n., I22n ., 15411. ddsa-patra, 209 Dasapura, L , 172 Dasaratha, 72, 188 Dasarupaka, t . , I 2 n . D asgupta, S. N ., 6n., 14a., i7n . datta-ending names, 12911. D attaka, author, 40, 109, 112 , 181, 182 D-attaka-sutra, t ., 182

O ayitika,

129

Digam bara monks, 97 ' D iksita, surname, 128, 129 D ilip a, Iksvaku king, 75 dinnara, 17, 2 in . dipaka, figure o f speech, 33 Dipasikha-Kalidasa (same as K a li­ dasa), poet and dramatist, n n . Dipa-varhsa, t ., i65n. disposal o f the dead, 91 Divekar, H . R ., 231 Divy-dvaddna, t ., I33n. dohada-ddna, 187 drama, 224-29 dolls, 161 dramaturgy, 182-87 D ram ida, T a m il country, 147 drafiga, 54, 55 drangika, office, 55n. drdhgika, d o., s s n . D ravida, T a m il country, 126 Dravinapati, god, 76 dress, 133-37 drstdnta, figure o f speech, 33 drula laya, 219 Dubreuil, J . , 239n. duhitr-kridanaka, girls’ games, 154 Durgaprasada, 3, 24n.

D e, S. K ., 6n., I2n ., 14, 1711.,2 in ., 35, i86n. demonology, 82-85 D eo, S. B ., i4on. Deshpande, G . T . , 3511. Desopadesa, t ., 13 1 deva-ddsi, 86, 87 Devadevasvam in, shrine, 64 Devadhar, G . R ., I45n. deva-ganika, 80 Devapura, L , 23gn. Ihvard ja, 238n. Devarastra, country, 19 a., 23, 48, 91, 208, 238, 239, 241 Devarastra-aiVqya, 238 D urghata-vrtti, t . , 1, 2 dem-yatrd, 87, 88, 108, 160 Durlabhaka II Pratapaditya, K ash­ deva-yonis, sem i-divine spirits, 80 mir king, 29, 6gn., 73, 207n., dhaivata, musical note, 126 2 io n ., 213 _. dhdmmilla, hair-style, 147 Durlabhasvam in, Vaisnava shrine,, Dhanada, god, 76 eg n ., dhana-nijukta, officer, 52 Durlabhavardhana, Kashmir king, Dhanapati, god, 76 16, 6gn. D hanurveda, 40 Dusyanta, Iksvaku king, 142, 145 Dharm apala, P ala king, 66 n. d uti, 122 Dharmasastra, I 74"75 Dvddasa-ndmaka-mahdstoira, t . , . 89 dharmobadhd, test, 46 dvaidhibhdva, 46 Dhatr’, god, 74 dvi-padi tune, 160, 176, 219 Dhdlu-patha, t ., I7n. dhaurdhu.ra, s^ructuie, 230 D havaka, playw right, 7 economic conditions, 191-213 dhavala-grha, structure, 230 education, 171-74 dhaval-diaya, d o ., 230 E ggling, J ., an. Dhavalukya, 2i7n . E kayana sect, 73n. Dhekkari, 52, 193 Elam anci-K alinga-deia,238 Dhenuka, . authority on music, 217 E llio t, lo in . dhi-saciva, office, 5, 31, 103, 110 erotics, 176, 82 Dhrtarastra, epic hero, 188 exchange, m edia of, 210-11 D hruva, K . H ., 11 dhruvds, 186, 187, 219 Dhum a-K alidasa (same as K a li­ fa m ily, 105 dasa), poet and dramatist, i i n . fauna, 200-204 dhupa-varti, incense-wick, 152, 153 female education, 108-9 DhUrta-vita-samvdda, t . , 39, 108, I 2 i . female morality, 109-10 125, 177"flora, 196-200 Dhurtila, author, 187 food, 131-32 Dhvanyaloka, t ., I4n., i8n. Fuhrer, A ., 49n. dice, 154-55 furniture, 161-62 D idda, Kashmir queen, 50

Gabhastisvara, shrine, 64 Gahadavalas, Kam auli plates

Gunadhya, author, 24, 28, 30 Gunapalita, 9, 21, 22, 26, 34, 41 i93n. . 4 6 ,1 1 1 ,1 2 9 ,1 7 2 ,2 1 1 ,2 3 5 G a i, G . S ., 15311. gim is, measures o f policy, 45, 46, 188 gala-sutra, neck-ornament, 143 gmmanaka 37n. Garabhiresvara, Saiva shrine, 6 5 ,6 g n ., Guru, 77 80, 242 Guru-gltd, 151 gana, a series o f roots or words belong­ ing to the same rule, 175 gana, letter-group in a metre, 176 Haima-kosa, lexdcon, 55n., 22on. G anapati, god, 66, 89 hair-styles, 146-48 Ganaratna-mahodadhi, t ., 2 • ha la, measure, 194, 195 Gandhdra, musical note, 218 Hala-Satavahana, king and poet, G andharva, semi-divine spirit, 80, 31 , 190 81, 82, 237 Halayudha-koia, lexicon, 55n. gandharva, musician, 217 harhsa-samaslesa, embrace, 203 gandharva, musician, 2 1 7n. Handiqui, K . K . , I02n. Gandharva-veda-sdra, U , 187 Hanum an, 79, i42n. Gane^a, god, 65, 66 Hara, god, 60, 129, 142 G an ga, river, 75, 148^ 152, 195, 208, Haralata, 2, 9, 22, 24, 26, 27, 34, 237, 238, 241 36, 37, 4i» 114, 117, 122= 124, 125, garden-sports, 157-58 126, 129, 144, 164, 184 G atha, metre, 176 Hari, god V isnu, 69, 70, 74 Gdthd-satta-sai (or Gdthd-sapta-sati), H ari, Sun god, 76 / t . , 3 1 , 36n,, i4 3 n ., i47n ., 190 Haricandra, Pratihara king, lo i gatherings, 158-60 H aridvaia, I . , 239 gdtra-rdga, perfumed coloured paste, Harinagara, L , 85, 239, 240 Harini, 130 151 G auda, country, 150 Hari-sdsana, V aisnava scripture, 72 Gaudavaho, U , 5n. H arita, sage, 81 Harivamsa, 43 hetaira, 112-24 Gokhale, V . V . , 2n. hetu, figure o f speech, 33 G okula, 77 hetutpreksa, d o ., 33 go-puccha lay a, 219 Him acala, mountain, 237 gosthis,, 1 2 3 , 158, 159 H im alaya, do, 81, 233, 23 4, Govardhana, poet, 31 G ovinda, commentator, 3n. 237 H im avat, d o., 235 G ovinda, god, 69, 71, 80 HiranyakaMpu, demon, 6 0 ,71, 83 grahanaka, fee, 118 historical data, 6-16 graha-sdnti, 93 Hysikesa, god, 69, 71 graha-yaga 93 hunting, 155-56 grammar 175 Hutasana, Fire god, 77 G uha, god, 62 H utavaha, do., 77 g u lm a , 55 gum ,

175

of,

ideal female form , ia6-a8 Indivaraka, 130 , In d ra, god, 70, 75, 76, 80, 188, 240 indrajdla, 45 Indralekha, 130 Indravarm an, G an g a king, 195. ^ Indu-M urari, p oet, i i n , industries 204 Iram an jari-p u jan a, 132 Isvara, god, 60 ; . Isvaradatta, playw right, ta i Isvaraghosa, king o f D hekkeri, 52,

193

:

_

Isvaravarm an, 25, 26 1-tsing, Chinese traveller, 8 ,1 7

:

Jackson, 6 n ., 8n. Jagadekam alla, author, 186 J agajjyotinnalla, com m entator, 3n . ,4 Jaghana-capala, m etrci. 176 jaghanya-varrta: J03

■

K ailasa, m ountain, 7 7 , r 225: figure of speeph, 33 , ■ . ' , . ^ K a k ,R . G .,9 6 n ., 1441I., ts m . , 2 ig h ., 2 23n. .. kaku, 226 K ala, 66 v ' • K alacuris, 13, 14, 189 , j j K alahainsaka, 130 kalah-dntarita nayikd, 1.84 . 'j kalama, variety o f rice, 131 , K alanjara, 14, 1-93 K d ld pa, t . , 242 ,1 kaldpl, ornam ent, 144 K alap riy an ath a,. 87H. K alasa, K ashm ir king, 223 K alafesvara, slvrine, 65, 66, 67n., 86, 228, 242 ■ Kald-vildsa, t . , 32, 2ion> K alhana, poet-historian, 2, 4, 5, 6, 14, i5 n ., 16, 17, 28, 29j 31, 49> 50, 51. 53, i 03i 109. 137, i 50> ,i55> is6, 175. 194. 195, 2 0 4 ,2 0 5 , 207, 211, 22Dj 283, 225 K alidasa, poet an d playwright, 3n, • I in ., 75, ■: i42n.kaisiki vrtti, kaitavapahnuti, k a jja la , 152

J a in , G .C ., 13611., 13711. " J a in , J . C ., i3 3 n ., i34n.,, i72n. Jainism , gy Jalau k a, M aurya king, .50 Ja lh a n a , poet, 2, i3 n ., i4n. Jam budvlpa, 235 . Jam khedkar, A .P,, i i 6 n „ ii'7 n ., i4 o n ., K allola, 129 kalpitabhrdntimdn, figure a f speech, 33 ' i4 2 n ., i46n. . Jan ak a, 51 . K alyanadevi, queen, 49 . kdya-pdla 29 . , ja m p a d a , 45 K am a, god o f love, 70, 72, 77, 78, J a n Y un-H ua, 6n. ja p a , 102 . 79> 127'. 159 . . K am ala, 28, 30, 8711., 150 Jdtakas, 24an., 243n., jdti-bhojana,, eom m im ity feast,' 132 K am aladevi, 129, , 130. K am alakarabh^ttfi, com m entator, 3n. Jayadevi, ,29 . Jay an ta, In d ra’s son, 75? 76, 188 K am alesvara, 65 J a y a n ta V ija y a ,,9 in ., 236n. K am arupa, country, 9 Jay ap id a V inayaditya, K ashm ir K am a-^astra, 116, 176, 181 , king, 5, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18, 2 8 , 29, K am asena, 129 3 i» 40, 49> 53. 6 o n ., 87n., Kdma-sutra, f., 39, 40, 71, 88n., 109^ 103, n o , 150, 175, 183, 208, 210, i 23> 133, 138, I 5°n .j. 153. i 56n ., i5 7 n ., i58ni, i5 9 n ,, i6 6 n ., 177, 313, ;?ao ■ : . 178, 179, i8on.,^ 182, 2 i8 n . Jayaram a, Gonimentatoj', 8n. , Kdminl-mata, 't., 4. ' ^ Jay asi, poet, i77n. kampita svara, 218 Jayasw al, K ‘ P ., i3 3 n . K aihsa, 71 Jim utavahana, 7 Karhsasuravairin, god, 71 Jyestharudra, 6on ., 73 kanaka-bhdti, 118 kanaka-nddi, earring, 143 kanak-dngada, gold arm let, 144 K aca, 77 kanaka-patra, gold earring, 143 kaca-mani, 138, 139,; 206' kanaka-tddl, do’., 143 K adam baka ,130 K adam bapadraka g ra n t of N ara- kanaka-vaiaya, gold bracelet, 145 K ancanapura, /., 25, 26 varm an, i9 3 n . kdncana-tdla-patra, gold earring, 143. Kddamharl, t . , 83, 84n., i46n. Aa&afta, jacket, 136, 137 K afiristan I33n. K ahla plates of K alacuri Sodhodeva, K andarpa, god o f love, 78 K andarpaka, 129 47n.

K andarpa-m aha-m ahotsava, s g kavyalinga, figure o f speech, 3 2 K andarpa-sastra, 176, 177 Kavya-mimdmsd, t . , 39, 17311. kandhar-dbharatia, 141 Kmiyantdasana, t ., 2, I2 n ., 38 kanduka-kndd, 154 Kavya-prakdsa, t ., in ., 3, 7, sg n . Kanduka-nrtya, ball dance, 154 kavydrthdpatti, figure o f speech, 32, 33 kanduk-otsava, ball festiv al, 154 kdyastha, ofiice, 29 K ane, P .V ., I 7 n ., 45n., 5 m ., I5 3 n ., kedara, coin, 15, 16, 212-13 iSgn.,, i8 6 n ., i8 7 n ., i95n. K eith, A. B ., 6 K angle, R . P ., i3 4 n ., i4 3 n . ' K eli, 129 K arinauj, 7, 208 K erala, 125 kantha-bhu?afia, 142 K esara, 129 kantha-sutrikd, ch.a.in v /o m r o u n d the Kesarasena, 129 > neck, 140 Kesava, god, 69, 70 K antirnkti, 154 K esava, lexicographer, 23on. kapardikd, cowrie-shell, 21m . Kesavasvamin, 128, 130 K apila, sage, 81 K etaki, 129 K apila-hrada, 64 ketara, coin, 2i2 n . karanphul, ear-ornam ent I49n. keyura-sthdna, upper arm , 141 kara-yantra, s y iin g e , 158, 162 K hajuraho, 140 171 K arkota Idngs o f K ashm ir, 5, 6, 28, K halim pur plate o f D harraapala, 66n. ag, 210, 213 ’khai}dana-kupildndyikd, 184 \ karmadhdraya com pound, I94n. khaniitd ndyikd, 184 K arm arkar, R . D ., in . K haragraha II , M aitraka king, 5511. Karnikara-M a:nkha, poet, i i n . AAofafcamuAAaattitude; 150,165,185,221 K arirtarajya, district, 21m . Khuddaka-atthakathd, U , 242n. K arn a, epic hero, 188 K idara, king, 16, 212, 213 karnaphula, ear-ornam ent, i4on. K id ara K u san a s, 16, 2-13* karnikd, do. I40n. • K ielhom , F ., 67n. Karpum -m aiijan, t ., 15211., i6on. kitakificita, 184 K arttikeya, god, 28, 62, 87n., 150 ■Kirapurusas, semi-divine spirits, 80, karuna sentim ent, ii2 n ., iS s n ., 22 7 ' 81, 237 karvaia, township? 55 K injalkaka, 130 K a S i , 64, 125, 15411., 242 K ird t-A rju n iya , t ., i52n. Kdsikd-vrtti, < .,1 5 , 17, 211 K irtip ala, Lucknow Museum plate Kasimkota plates of Eastern Calukyaof, 194 B him a I, 238 • K o W a ,a u th o r,8 1,183,185,220, 224 Kcdmira-janman, saffron, 196 Kohala-rahasya, t ,, 185, i86 kataka, capital, 47 Kohaliya Abhinaya-sdstra, t ., 186 kataka, w ristlet, 141, 144 K ohistan, i3 3 n , katakdmukha attitude, 222 Komala-maia, t ., ^ n . , , Kathd-sarit-sdgara,t., 2^, 2 5 , 26, ay, z o , K onarka, i56n.. 84, 87n., 208 ■koia, 45 kathd-sutra-dhdra, 22811, KoBambi, D . D ., 2n. katUra, 135 K rishnam achariar, M ., in ., i 3 > i4n . K aul,M adhusudan, in ., 4 ,6 5 0 ., 7on., K rsna, deified Vr§ni hero, 69, 71, 78n., I34n., i42n., i8 in ., ig 4 n ., ' 72, 73, 178 . . ig g n ., 202n.,- 225n., 226n. K rsnaiaja, K alacuri king, 211 K auravas, 188 Krtya-kalpataru, t ., 65, 66n. K ausam bi, r,, I I , 239 K^arta, i 59n. kauseya, silken cloth, 205 K satriyas, 103, 104 kaustubha, gem , 69, 76 K sem aklrti, com m entator, 2i2n. K autilya, author, i8 n ., 46, 50, 52,95. K sem endra, poet, 1 , 18, 24, 27, 32; 121, 142, 163, . 51, 67, 84, gon., 108, 120, 131, Kavi, M . R ., 12, 13, 186 I3 5 n ., 143, 194, 204, a n , 212 V Kavi-kanthdbhararm, t , , rn ., 18 K ?ira, author, 17, 175 ^ • K avindra-lacaii-sa’tiucsaya, t ., 2, K sirasvam in, d o ., 2 n ;, I7 n ., Kdvy-dlankdra, 39n. K fira-taraiigini, t . , l y n . Kdvydlankdra-sutra, t . , 17 ksudrd, prostitute, 112, 113 KdvydlankdTa-sutra-vftti, (., 186 K ubera, god, 67, 70, 76, ^238, 241 K dvydlankdra-vrtti, t . , 17 K ubera, king, 238 -

K ucum ara, authority on erotics, 179 kuharita, 218 k u la , land m easure, 52 kula-putra, 4 7 n .; trikd, 47 kulattha, pulse, 131, 195 kula-vadh u, 108 kula-vidyd, 155, 222 K u llukabhatta, com m entator, ig sn . K u m ara, god, 62 K um aragupta I, G upta king, 89 kumdramdtya, ofHce, 48 Kumara-sambhava, 17, 93, I33n. K um rahar, i24n. K uraudika, 27, 28 K um udini, 130 K undam ala 129 K untaka, au th o r, I4n. K u ran g i, 130 K usakarna, 130 kusilavas, 183 K usum adevi, 129 K usum alata, 129 K usum apura, 162, 240 K usum ayudhaparva, festival, 79 K usum ayudha-sastra, 176 kuttani, 119 Kuttani-mata, L , its popularity, loss and re-discovery in m odern times, iff.; historical d ata in , 6ff.; its story; 20 £F.; sources of its story, 2 4 S .; when was it composed ?, 31; as a source of cultural history, 4 if. kuttam ita, 184 K uvalayarnSla, 129

108 Laksm i, goddess, 69, 7,0, 79 laksm idhara, author, 65 la lita , figure of speech, 33 L alita, 129 la lita , lolling, 184 L alitaditya M uktapida, K ashm ir, king, 10, 29, 49, 6 o n ., 73, 87, 96 L alitapida, K ashm ir king, 29,30, 31 L alitasiira, Pandukesvara p late of 66n., 193 L anm an, G. R . , i66n. L ata, country, 126 Law, B. C ., 237,n. layas, 219, 226, 227 lekha, letter, 162 , lekhaja artha, contents of letter, 163 Lekha-paddhati, t ., 163 H id, sportive m im icry, 184 Lilodaya, 129 Linga-purdtfa, t ., 54, 65,, 6 6 n . literature, 174-90 lajjd-pata,

L ohara dynasty, 210 lohita-kambala, 204 L ohitaksa, 83 Lokayata, m aterialistic philosophy, 39 lokokti, figure o f speech, 33 Lolarka shrine, 64 Ludwik Sternbach, I 2 2 n . luptopamd, figure o f speech, 32 M adana, god of love, 78 M adanaka, 129 M adana-m aha, festival, 223 M adanasena, 129 madana-yuddha, 177 M adanodaya, author, 40, 109, 112 182 Madhavasena^ 130 M adhu, dem on, 71 M adhusudana, 130 madhya laya, 219 madhyama svara, 2 18 M adiraksi, 129 M agadha, cpuntry, 84 Mahdbhdrata, t ., 40, 5 0 ,5 2 ,6 4 , 67n., 70., 74, 76 77, 78n., 79n. 13a n ., i8 6 n ., 188, 233 Mahdbhdsya, t ., 16, 67, 175 M ahadeva, god, 181 mahddranga, 54 mahdpurohita-thakkura, 194 &n. mahdpratihdrdpida, oJGce, 49 M ah ap u ru ia, god, 69, & n. M aharastra, 238 M ahasena, god, 62 Mahdmra-carita, t ., 13, i62n. Mahd-vyutpatti, t ., 140 M ahayana sect, 95 M ahesvara, com m entator, sn . M ahim ana festival, 132 M ahism ati 13 mahodranga, 54, 55 M ajum dar, N . G ., s a n ., i9 3 n . M ajum dar, R . G., io n ., lo in ., 23gn. M akarakati, 25 M akarandaka, 130 M alalasekera, G . P ., 243n. M dlavikdgnim itra, ,3 n ., i6 2 n ., i6 4 n ., mdld-Tupaka, figure of speech, 32 M alati, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 34, 35> 36, 41, 63, 75, 106, 112, 113, 114) 119, 120, 122, 126, 136, 184, 241 M alatika, 129 M dlati-M ddhava, t ., 3n. M alaya, m ountain, 235, 237 M alh an a, 6 g n . M alhanasvam in , V isnu tem ple, 69n. M allin ath a, com m entator, i S^n. M am m ata, author, i, 7, i4n. M anikantha, 129

M anikyacandra, com m entator, 311. misra, mixed dram atic performance, kiss, 178 225 M an jari, 9, 23, 24, 26, 28, 30, 34,, M istaka demon, 83 nam e-ending, I 2 g n . 35, 66, 6711., 70, 74, 86, 87, n omitrd, , 112, 113, 114, 117, 122, 126, mitra, ally, 45 M itresvara, Siva-linga, 6on. 129, 165, 184, 227, 228, 241 M an jarik a, 129 M odasa plates of P aram ara Bhoja, M anjubhasini, m etre, 176 194-95 M an k h a, author, i, 2, i i n . , 1411. M onier-W illiams, 55n., iig n ., i3 Jn ., M ankha-kosa, lexicon, 2, 55 i6 2 n ., 23 7n. M an m ath a, god, 78 M otichandra, 64n., 65n., 72n., 73n., n s n . , I3 3 n ., I34n., i4on., 14m ., M anm atha-^astra, 176 i 46n ., 242n ., 24sn. M anm athasena, 129 M an m ath a-tan tra, 177 mottdyita, 184 M anoratha, poet, 18 Mrcckakatika, t ., 72, 117 M rgadevi, 130 M an trag u p ta, 48 M anu, author, 45, 52, 81, 130, 173, mrgaya, hunting, 155 mrgayu, hunter, 206 174 M anu-sm rli, t ., 4511., so n ., g sn ., lO in., mrgi, class of women, 178 i3 o n ,, 17m ., I75n., ig sn . mrndla-valaya, 149 mudrd, figure o f speech, 33 M ara, 78 Mudra-Rdksasa, t ., i6 2 n ., 165 M arco Polo, 131 mudrikd, signet ring, 142 ■margas, 226 M uham mad-ibn-Q,asim, 10 marga-taru, roadside trees, 196 mukha-sdld, 23on. Markandeya-purdna, i . , 237«. mukha-vasaka, mouth-perfume, 153 M arkandi, 140 M ukula, 129 m arriage, 106 M ura, demon, 71 M arshall, Sir Jo h n , 14211. M urari, dram atist, im ., I4n. M aru , M arw ar, 237 M atangam uni, author, 81, 84, 183, M urari, god, 71 M u ra-rip u , i o . , 71 185, 186, 217, 224 music, 217-20 M athura, 27, 144, 181, 208 matta-vdrana, 230 mdtr, bawd, 119, 1 2 1 ;-ia, 121, 176 N adol inscription of C aham ana JojalM a tra ra ja , K alacuri king and poet, ladeva, iig n . 12, 13, 14. ‘ 5, 189 N aga, 51 M atta, 129 Ndgdnanda, t ., 7 M auraja, poet, 13 Nagarddhikrta, ofiice, 50 M aya, demon, 84 nagarddhipa, d o ., 125 Tnayd, 45 nagarddhipaii, d o ., 50 M ayavati, 79 50 M ayuraja, K alacuri king and poet, nagarddhyaksa, do., ndgaraka, 158, 159, 166, 222 12, 13, 14 nagt.ra-prabhu, office, 4g-50, 125 mayura-keywa, arm let, 144, Nagara-sarvasva, t ., 2, 3, 4, 153 M ayiira-mdrjdrika, t ., 3gn. ndgarika, office, 50 M e Crindle, J .W ., 4 g n . Magna, D igam bara Ja in a monk (?), M edhatithi, scholiast 1 7m ., 173 M ed in t, lexicon, 2i9n. 97 Magndcdrya, do., 97 M egasthenes, 49 nagndcdrya, m instrel, 206, 220 M egha-duta, t . , 145 Nagoji, commentator, 8n. M ehta, N . C ., 11, 228 N ahusa, king, 183, 184, 224 M ekala, country, 84 Naisadhiya-carita, t ., I 5 2 n. M eyer, J . G ., 4n. naiskramiki dhruvd,i&4, 219 M ih irad atta, 6gn. naiyogika, office, 52 M im arhsa, 39, 40 N aka-vahini, river, 238 M imam sakas, i8g nakula-parirambha, embrace, 203n. M inaketu-sastra, 177 M irashi, V .V ., I3 n ., 14, 6gn., 2 1m ., N ala, epic hero, 188 N alakubara, K ubera’s son, 76, 81 23m . 12 Ndmalingdnusdsana, M isra, surname, I2g

mani-mald,

N am uci, dem on, 84 nanda, Wrestling trick, 161 nanda, m ovem ent in dance, 221 N andana garden, 75 nandi, 227 N andin, author, 181 N andisena, 130 nandi-sutradhdra, 228n. N arada, sage, 77, 8 i, 83, 183, 185, 186, 217, 224 N araka, dem on, 71 N arakavairin, god, 71 N arasiiiiha, p erso n ^ nam e, 1.30, 97, N arasim ha, m an-lion incarnation, 71 N aravarm an, P aram ara king, ig s n . N arayana, poet, ii n . N arayana, god, 69 N arendraditya, K ashm ir king, i6,213 ' N arendraprabha, 29, 60, 73 N arendravardhtana, 12 N arendresvara, tem ple, 6 o n ., 73 N arim an, 6 n ., 8n. N arm ada, personal nam e, 130 N arm ada, river, 238 nartakdcdcdya, dance m aster, 15, 23, 206, 212, 224 nartahdcdrya, d o ., 206, 221 Xdtya-darpana, t . , i2n . ndtya-prajd, 224 ndlya-prayoga, dram atic ' performance, 224 M tya -sdstra , t .,

17,

3 5 n ..,

s g n .,

40,

7 3 , 1 1 2 , I 23 n - , i 2 0 n . , 1 4 1 , I 4 2 n . , 14 4 ,14 5 ,1 8 2 ,1 8 3 ,18 4 ,18 5 , 1 8 6 n .,

187, 2 i7 n ., 2 i8 n ., 220n., 222n., 225n., 226n., 228n., 230 N atya-veda, 183, 185, 187 N ayadatta, 128 N em inatha, J a in a T irth an k ara, 236 nepathya-prayoga, 133 nepathya-yojana, 133N ewari era, 3-4 nidarsana, figure of speech, 33 nidarsana-kathd, 38 N iljsanka Sariigadeva, author, 186 N ikum bha, demon, 74 N ilakantha, god, 61 N ilakantha, personal nam e, 130 N ilalo h ita, god, 60 M ila-m ata, t ., 59, 63, 69, 73n.,82, 96, 103, 131, 132, 155, 161, I95n., 220, 223, 225 N ilanaga, 82 Nilgiris, 235, 237 J^irukta, t ,, nisada svara, niid-gxha, 230

218

N isa-N arayana, dram atist, ii n . nUdnta, 230

nimsana, 236 niyoga, office, 52 niyoga-niyukta, 52 niyogastha, 52 niyogin, 48, 52 niyukta, 52; -ka,

52 N ona, 29, 207 nrty-dcdrya, dance-m aster, 206, 221 rirty-opadesaka, d o ., 206, 221 Nydya-bhusana, t ., 68n. nyunopamd, figure of speech, 32 occupations, 204 O jha, G . H ., i8 n . O ldenberg, H ., i65n. ornam ents, 137-46 pdda-rkataka, raqab, 156, 201 . pdda-kula, atten d an t, 67n. pdda-mula, d o ., 66n., 6 7 n ,8 6 pdda-m ulattdr, do., 67n. pdda-m ulika, d o ., 66n., 67n., Pdda-tdditaka, 55, 59>6o n ., 62,

68, 6 g n ., 73 n ., 82n., 84n., »7n-, g6 n ., 103, i0 4n ., lo g n .,

12511., i3 2 n ., 13711., 15011., 15411.,, Sabda-kalpa-druma, lexicon, 55 15611., 17511., 19411., 19511., 20511., Sachau, E ., 242n. 2oyn., 2 iin ., 22011., 22311., 225n. .^aci, goddess, 75, 79 R ajavahana, 84 saciva, m inister, 48 rakab, 201 sacrificial ritual, 85 U akkhita, 17211. sadja svara, 218 ^ raksd-sthdna, 55 S ag aiad atta, 128 R am a, 14211., 188, 239 Sagarika, 23, II2 , 228 R dm a-lild, 228 sages and their consorts, 81-82 Ram asena, 130 Sahitya-darpdna, t ., 22 m . Ram afoam i, com m entary, 22on. Sahni, D . R ., 243n. Rdmdydr^a, t ., 12, 13, 5011., 76n.,77, sahokti, figure of speech, 33 83, i4 2 n ., i8 8 n ., 230 Saindhavl, goddess, 70 R am bh a, A p saras,7 6 ,8 o ,8 i, 198,221 Saiva-siddhanta, 39 xam-fight, 156-57 Saivism , 59-68 R am ganj plate of Isvaraghosa, 52, sajjana-gosthi, 158 193 n., Sakyas, Buddhists, 96 R an ad ity a, K ashm ir king, 84 sd li, paddy, 131, 162, 195 R asa-dipika, com m entary, 3 m . sama, figure o f speech, 33 Jiasa-ratna-dipikd, t . , 186, 187 sdma, 45 Rasdrnava-sudhdkara, t . , 185, 186,187 Sama, 243 R asio V alam tem ple, A bu, 91 samadhi, figure of speech, 3 3 rdstra, 45 sdm djika, spectator, 224 rata-sangara, I77n. Sam antadeva, O hind king, 213 R ati, K am a’s spouse, 70, 78 sdmdnyd ndyikd, 187 rati-bhavana, 23on. sama-rata, 177 rati-:nkra, 177 S am arabhata, 23, 24, 26, 28, 30 rati-kalaha, I77n. 34=35. 36, 40= 47>48, 54. 56, 74 R ati-k an ta god, 78; 87, 91. 109= 114, “ 7. 122. 124 Rati-rahasya, t ., 17711. 125, 126, 139, 141, i 5°> 105 R ati-ram an a, god, 78 166, 184, 194, 215, 224 , 228, 230 rati-samara, 238, 241, 243 rati-sangara, l^ ^ n . samdsokti, figure of speech, 33 rati-nlpa-jivikd, prostitute, 113 Sdmaveda, t ., 183 rati-yuddha, R atnak ara, poet, ii n . Samaya-mdtrkd, t ., 32, 5 m ., 67n., 84, R atndvali, t ., 6, 7, 8, g n ., 11, 13, 15 8 5 n .,g o n ., io 8 n ., 120, 122, i2 s n ., 23, 40, 42, 79, 87, 112, i69n. 125x1., I3 3 n ., i3 5 n ., 14311.,iG^n., Iu5, 189, 203n., 219, 224, 225 i9 4 n ., 2 ii n ., 121211. 228, 239 Samayavidya, 39 R atnavarm an, 25 sambandhatisayokti, figure o f speech, R av an a, 76, 77, 188, 228 32 R avideva, 130 S am bara, dem on, 79, 83 R ay, S. G ., 5 m ., i0 3 n ., 2ion. Sam baradhvaihsin, god, 79 R aychaudhuri, H . C ., 2 s 8 n ., Sambhali-mata, in ., 3, 4 recita, 218 sambhdvand, figure of speech, 33 religious conditions, 57-97 Sam bhu, god, 60, 91 religious practices, 85-93 samputaka, 807 R^veda, t ., 180, 183 samSraya, 46 Rhys Davids, T . W ., 67n., i62n. samsr^ti, figure o f speech, 33 romdhca, 184 samuccaya, d o ., 33 rsabha svara, 218 samuccaya, view-point, I04n. R u c ira , m etre, 176 samudgikd, toy, 161 R u d rata, author, 39 S am udragupta, CJupta king, 81, R ukm inI, 78 i8 6 n ., 238, 239 rupaka, figure o f speech, 32, 187 sandamia attitude, 150, 165, 221 rw/iaia, coin, 211, 212 sandeha, figure of speech, 33 rupakdtisayokti, figure of speech, 32, 33 sandhi, 46 R upinika, 27, 28 Sandhim at, poet, 18 Ruyyaka, author, in .

226 Sangam aditya, 68

sandhis,

SangUa-cuddmani, t . , 186 SangUa-Meru, t ., 185-86 Sangita-rarndkara, t . , i6 o ,

i8 6 , ai8 ,

221 figure of speech, 33 Sankara, com m entator, 136 Sankaragana, K alacu ri king, 14 Sankarasena, 130 gankaravarm an, K ashm ir king, 51,

saAkara,

89 Sanketa, com m entary, 8n. sankha-cakra, shell bangle, 141 S ankhadatta, poet, 18 sankha-kaldpi, arm let, 144 Sankhya system, 39, 40, 189 Santa Bommali plates oflndravarm an, Sankata-ndhna-stotra, t .,

195

Singabhupala, author, 185, 186, 187Sinha, S. N ., i8 m . Sircar, D . O ., 5 m ., 52n., 54m, I2cn.„ i 94> i 95n-, s u n . , Siripuram g ran t o f A nantavarm an, 23gn. sisa-patra, ear-ornam ent, 139, 140;. -ka, 140 Sita, 76, I42n., 188 §iva, god, 26, 73, 76,, 78, 84n., 90,, 91, 93, 114, 127 148, 154, i 55> 236, 237, 242, 243 Siva-caturdasi, 223 Sivadatta, 24n. Sivadevi, 130 Siva-dvddasa-ndma-siotra, t. , 90 Siva-purdna, t . , 2gn. Sivaram am urti, C ., 143, 144, 147&iva Sutras, ( .,6 8 Skanda, god, 62, 63, 220 Skandagupta, G upta king, 49 Skanda Furdna, t ., 64, 67, 88, 183, 242. slavery, 209 Slesa, figure o f speech, 32 slesopamd, d o ., 32 Simara, g o d of love, 78 S m aralila, 129 S m ith, V . A ., i6 n ., 2 i o n .,2 i i n .,

68n. Sarajanm an, god, 62, 63 Saranadeva, author, i, 2, 4 Sarasvati, goddess, 79, 136, 172 Sarm a, K . V ., i62n. sarira-raksa, 49 iSarngadeva, author, 186 Sarngadhara-paddhati, t „ a n ., i53n. 2i3n., 238n. Sarva, god, 60 Sarvajnanarayana, com m entator, 195 S m rtis 3.9, 40 social life, 99-167 Sarvananda, do., 12 Sohoni, S. V'., 89 Sarvasva, scholium , in . ^ Som adeva, p o et, 24, 27 iarv av arm an , gram inarian, 242 Somadeva Suri, author, 1O2 sasa, class c»f m en, 177, 178 sasa-plutaka, nail-m ark, 178 S om ananda, 68 Somesvara, C ah atn an a king, 213 Sasipiabha, 129 sotkaritha ndyikd, 184 Sastri, H . P ., 3, 411., 5n. S p an d a school, 68 Sastri, P. S ., 230n. sports an d pastim es, 154-161 Sdsvata-koh, lexicon, 54 srdddha, 88-8g Sati-saras, 62, 82 S rag d h ara, m etre, 176 sdltvika bhdms, 184, 187, 227 sresthin, 167, 207, 224 sdtvaii vrtti, 225 S ri, goddess, 70 saulkika, office, 51, 208 S rid h ara, 27 saulkikadhyaksa do., 51, 122, 208 SrivSra, poet-historian, 2ion. Saundara-M nda, t ., 144, I53n. srngaka, syringe, 160, 162 sekhara, 147; -ka, 179 Srngara-dipika, schcdium, 222 Seleucus, 49 Srngdra-sataka, t ., I47n. send-ending names, 129n Srngdtaka, 220 Sesanaga, 8a sroto-vaha, 219 Shah, U . P ., 236n. Sruiigavarapukota g ran t o f A nan ta­ Shastri, B. N ., 9n. varm an, 239 Shering, 243n. Srutadeva, scholiast, I36n. ,i3 7 n . Shina tribe, i33n. sruti-puraka, ear-o'rnam ent, 149 shoes, 135 stambha, r84 siktha-karma, 228 Stede, W illiam , 67n. Siladitya, Pusyabhuti king, 7 Stein, M . A ., 6 n ., 5 3 n ., 54, 55 ^Iladitya V II, M aitraka king, 55 sthdnaka, movem ent of feet in dance, Sirhhabhata, 23, 238 222, 227 Siihhala, Geylon, H 2, 126, 228 sthdnaka-hddki, 222 Siriihika, 94 Sapta-paddrthi, t .,

5 thanvisvara, I . , 7 sthula-kambala, 204 Subandhu, 76n., 9611. S u b hadeva, 128, 129 Subbarao, P ., 23on.

% am ilaka, dram atist, 72, 124., 146, 154,, 243 tadi-yuga, ear-ornam ent, 143 T akakusu, J . , 711., i7n. Taksasila, I . , 242 Subhdsita-ratna-bhdndagdm, a .n th o \ o g y , iaZaia, beating tim e, 217 2n. Tala-laksaria, 186 Subhasitduali, d o ., 2, 1711., 18, 19 T ala-R atn ak ara, p o e t, i i n . j m , bodily actin g or d ance,i85,22i talas, 219, 226 Sudarsana, 2 in . tamdla-patra, 153 S u d d h a, 128 tdmbula, 149 iSudraka, d ra m a tist, 117, 146, 154 tdm bula-karanka-bhrt,'hetel-hoK-he.uxtr, 49, 150; -vdhin, 141, 150 S u g a ta , 56, 96 tdmbula-patalaka, I49n. S uhm a, country, 154 T am ralipti, 154 Suka, sage, 81 tata, stringed musical instrum ents,2i7 iSukra, 5 tantri-vddya, d o ., 218 Sukti-m uktavali, anthology, 2, I3n, Tanum adhya, m etre, 176 suld, p ro stitu te,, 113 keeper ofbrrfthel, 118 119,324 Tdpasa-Vatsaraja,t., 11,12,13,14, i sulka-sthdna, customis-station, 54-5 tarala, 142, 143 S unda, dem on, 74, 81, 83 tarala-pratibaddha, pearl-necklace, S undarasena, 9, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 142, 143 34 j 36, 37, 40; 4 1 ,7 °) 92, 102 tetania, ear-ornam ent, i40n. 103,105, 111,114, 122,12 4 ,1 2 5 , Tauruskika-khumbhikd, 135 128, 148, 159, 162, 163,. 164, Tawney, O. H ., 24n., 2 5 n ., 84H. te-gin, title, 194 184, 211, 229, 235 T elang, M . R ., jn . Sundari, 25, 26, 28 tem ples, 86, 87 •superstitions, 93 textiles, 131-32 Suradevi, 130, Surasena, country, 126 thakkura, title 193-94 Surastra, country, 125 Thom as, F. W ., 2n. S uratadevi, 129 tilaka m ark, 153, 166 Surata-gosthis, 159, 189 T ilaka-m anjari, 129 T ilottam a, celestial courtesan, 74,80,81 surata-parimarda, Jurata-sammarda, i jy n . tlrtha, 50 surata-sangara, 177n. tirtha-ydird, 90 titles, 128-29 Suratasena, 129 ■sura-ydtrd, 88 tittibhaka, necklace, 141, 166 ^lirparaka. I . , 126 toilette, 148-54 Surya, Sun-god, 76, 91 T oram ana coins, 16, 210, 212 class o f musical instruments, 217 trade, 207 T rip a th i, T . M ., in ., 2 n .,4 , 5 n .,6 n ., susiratodya, 186 Sussala, 51 II, 31, 3 6 n ., 54n ., 5S n., 65n., 66n., 7on., 7 5 ,7 8 n ., 7 9 n .,i3 4 n ., Suvadana, m etre, 176 Suvarnadvipa, 25 135 “ -, 139, i 4 on-> 1 4 m . , 1 5 m - , i8 in ., 19411., I9 7 n .,i9 8 n .,i9 9 n ., Suvasantaka festival, 79 202n., 209n., 2 i8 n ., 2 ig n ., 220n., svabhdvokti, figure of speech, 33 2 2 in ., 222n., 223, 226n., 228n., svdmin, 45 svam in, B hattanatha, I2 n ., 13 23on., 238n., 239 T rip ath i, R . S ., 8n. svara-bheda, 184 T rip u ra, demon, 61, 83 smras, 218 Tribhuvanasvam in shrine, egri. ■svarga-cintakn, 189 T ripurantaka, god, 60, 61 svarupotpreksd, figure of speech, 33 T n p u ra rip u , d o ., 60, 61 sveda, 184, Sveta, sage, 65, 66 T rip u ri, L , 14 T rivikram abhatta, poet, iitt. iSvetaketu, author, 181 Tsin, i33n. iSvetesvara linga, 65 tiild, 207 svlyd ndyikd, 187 T uruska, 10, 135, 208, 239 ■swang, 228 :Syama, deity, 223

la o n ., 121, 125 U ccala, 51 uddtta, figure of speech, 33 Uddtta-RSghava, t ., 12, 13, 189 U dayana, n , 226, 239 Udayusundari-kathd, t ., 13 U dayatata, m ountain, 237 U dayin, H aryanka king, 240 U d b h ata, author, 17 Udbhat-dlankdra, t ., 17 U ddalaka, sage, 181 uddhdra, 54 U d ep u r Prasasti of the Rulers of M alwa, 236 udghrstaka embrace, 178 ndgraha, 54 udgrantha, 54 udranga, 54, 55 U jja y in i, 27, 72, 84, i» 5 , 128

arnilet, 144 Vallabhadeva, poet, 2, 18, 19 V alm iki, poet, 45 Vamfe.dev^, K alacuri king, 14 V am adeva, personal nam e, 130 V am ana, author, sg n ., 186. V antona incarnation, 6gn., 71 vanamdld, 69 vandin, niinstrel, 206, 220 V angi-m 'andala, country, 102 OTmAflfza, jacket, :36, 137 V araham ihira, au th o r, 72, 88, go, 152 V arana, river, 243 V a ra n a si,/., 15, i g n .,2 0 , 23, 26, 28, 40; 41, 48, 63, 64, 65, 73, 86, 87, 90, 91, n o , 114, 118, 124, 125, 165, 172, 208, 217, 225, 231, 238, 241, 242, 243 Ukti-vyakti-praharana, t ., varabanak, 137 n. V ardha'm ana, author, 2 UrnSa, goddess, 62, 223 V arna syste’m-, 101-4 u n m ilita , figure o f speech, 33 vdsa-bhavana, 231 upadhd, 46, 188 vdsa-grha, 231 upam a, figure of speech, 32, 187 U jpam iti-^ va-prapanca-kathd, t . , 133m. vdsak-dgdra, 231 . vdsaka-sajjd nayikd, 184 U p an isad s, 40 vdsaka-sthdna, 231 uparupaka, 221 V asantaka, 228 upasargas, 175 Vasantasena, 117 U p a su n d a , dem on, 74, 81, 83 Vasantotsava, 160 U pavana-It Id, 157 V Ssavadatta, 11, 76n., g6n., 228 Upavana-vinoda, t ., ig6n. vdsa-vesma, 231 upaydcitaka, 88 vaHkarana-yoga, 93 updyas, 45, 188 Vasistha-dharmasutra, t ., i75n. upeksd, 45 vasu, wrestling trick, 161 U p p a , 29 vasv., dance pose, 221 U rv a si, A psaras, 80, 81 Vasudeva K rsna, deified Vrsni hero, U tg ik a r, N . B ., 5 n ., U tp a la , au th o r, 72n. 6g, 72, 89, Vasudeva-hindi,t., I i 6 n . , i i 7 n . , I40n., U tp a la p id a , K ashiriir K ing, 30 I42n, 146 utpreksd, figure o f speech, 33 vasudhd-deva, 101 Uttarddhyayana-tikd, t ,, I72n. V asugupta, philosopher, 68 V asuki N aga, 61 vdoakduptopamd, figure o f speech, 32-33 Vasusena, 130 Vdcaspati-kosa, lexicon, 55 Vdtika, 84 Vdcaspatya, d o . , 5513., 20gn. V atsa, country, 2sg vadana-vdsa, m outh-perfum e, 152 V atsyayana, author, 40, 79, 87, 109, vadavd, class o f w bm en, 178 112, ii6 n ., 121, 123, 133, 138, vadha, 45 156, 157. 158, 159. 166, i77> 178, V aidyanatha, comm entator, 8n, 179, 180, 181, 182 Vatfcsika system, 39 V aiH ka, pornography, 177, 179, 181 Vedas, g6, 102, 124, 172, 183, 225 Vedhas, god, 74 Vaisnavism-; 19, 68-74 Ved K um ari, g6n., I03n., 13 m ., Vaisyas, 103, 104 i6 in ., 22on., 225n. vaitdlika, 48, 206, 220 veil, 107-8, 137 vaimrnya, 184 veni, hair-style, 147 V ajraditya, K ashirtir king, 29 V enidatta, poet, 2 n ., jgn. Bflirofc/i, figure o f speech, 33 vepathu, 184 vakrokti-jivita, t ., 12a . vesa-sannivesa, colony o f prostitutes, vakso-vibhusana, I42n. valaya, 144 Ubhay-dbhisdrikd, t .,

valaya-kaldpl,

figure of speech, 33 V ib h ram a, 129 vibhrama, 184 vicchiiti, 184 , vidagdha-gosthi, 158, 159 Viddhasdlabhanjikd, t ., 13 311. V id h atr, god, 74 V idhi, do., 74 V idyadharas, dem igods, 62, 80, 81, 236 vidyd-gosthl, 159 V idyakara, poet, an. V idyalankar, Atrideva, 411. V idya Prakash, 14011. vihrta, 184 vijndna, 95 V ijnanavada school, 95 Vijayasim ha, 51 V ikarala, 20, 24, 26, 34, 35, 41, 104, 119, 122, 126, 179, 241 V ikram aditya V I, L ater Galukya king, 66n Vikmmankadeva-carita, t ., lo g n ., ig 6 n ., 2o8n. Vikramorvasiya, t ., 27, i6on. vilambila laya, 219 vildsa, 184 V ilasaka, 129 V ira^la-vasahi a t A bu, 91, 237 V indhya, mtountain, 200, 201, 238 V indhya-vasini, goddess, 154 mpralambha srngdra sentim ent, 112, 185, 227 virahotkanthitd ndyikd, 184 Virajoguhasvam in, god, 66n. V irasena, 181 viri, ear-ornam'ent, 140 V irinca, god, 74 virodha, figure of speech, 32 virodh&bhdsa, d o., 32 V isakhila, author, 109, 112, 186 visama; figure of speech, 33 visesaka designs, 153 Visesaka, 129 visesaka-cchedya, 153 V isnu, god; 69, 70, 74, 76, 81, 90, 91, 96, 130, 131, 144, 223 V isnu, personal nam e, 130 V isnudatta, 66n. Visnu-dharmasutra, t ., lO in. Visnu-dharmottara, t ,, 88, 8gn, 2:8n. Visnugupta, author, i8n. Vimii-pnrdna, t ., 83, 88 V ih a - adru, hunting god, 156, 202 V isvakarm an, god, 74, 77, 240 Visva-prakdsa, lexicon, 83on. V isvasrj, god, 74 V isvavarm an, Aulikara king, 83 Visvesvara, shrine, 64, 65 vibkdvand,

vita, 123 -25 vita-khataka, 220 vita-mandapa, 124

V itaputra, author, 40, 182 Vita-sdstra, f., I 2 3 n . Vitasta, river, 62 V itav rtta, author, 40, 182 Viveka, gloss, 2n. Vogel, J . P h ., i44n. vrddki, 175 V rks-ayurveda, 112 vrsa, class o f nien, 177 V rsabhadhvaja tem ple, 23, 28, 60, 61, 64, 65, 87, 114, 124, 125, 225, 242 vrscika, colouring m aterial, 151 vrttyanuprdsa, figure of speech, 32 vyaja-stuti, d o ., 187 vyapeta-yam'aka, do ., 32 Vyasa, sage, 81, 188 vyatireka, figure of speech, 32 W atters, T ., 52n., sg n ., 63n, wife, 106-7 vyine, 132 Yadugiri Y atiraja, n n . Yajiiavalkya, author, 45 Tdjnavalkya,-smrti, t ., 45n., 88, I75n. Tajurveda, t ., 183 Y am a, god, 77 Y araajihva, 25, 26 yamaka, figure of speech, 32 yam akdvali, d o ., 32 ydm ika, night w atchm an, 206 Y amuna, river,, 152, 208, .239, 241, Y am una-T rivikram a, poet, ii n . ydna, 46 Yasaskara, K ashm ir king, 50 Taiastilaka-cam pu,t., 102, i3 6 n ., I37n. Y asodhara, scholiast, I3 3 n ., i8 in ., i8 2 n ., 2 i8 n . y d stika, 48, 52 Y avana, 126 Yoga, 39, 40 Yogacara school, 95 Yogesvara shrine, 64 Y uan Ghwang, 9, 11, 52, 59, 63, 204 Yule, H ., 1 3 m . I y u pa, 85, 129 yuvardja, 48 Zachariae, T . , 2n., 54n.

P. 134, note 1 : A dd “ I t m ay be m entioned, however, th at t h e , w ord pataka, which has probably descend­ ed from patika, is apphed for a waist­ band in H indi and a light head-band in M arathi. According to T ripathi, patika is the same as the m odern khesa, while M otichandra takes it to m ean loin-cloth {Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 105)

But the context seems to favour the use of the word in the sense of a particular textile. However, the possibility of its use in the other senses cannot be alto­ gether ruled out.” P. 135, note 1 : A dd “ M otichandra takes tauruskika to m ean ‘painted w ith storax’ {Costumes, etc., p. 105). But his statem ent that the shoes were em broidered with gold {ibid.) is not borne out by the text.” P. 141 : A dd at the end of line 2 “ I t seems to have been a kind of earring w ith sharp point-like projections along the edge of the ring and is sometimes found represent­ ed in sculpture (PI. X III.2 4 ). Since D am odaragupta clearly describes it as worn on the ears {lamba-havana-niveHta), M otichandra’s suggestion to take it in the sense o f ‘com b’ {;ibid., p. 105) appears untenable.” P. 141 : Add at the end of paragraph 2 “ I t seems to have comprised a large num ber of pen­ dents w ith their shape resembling tit{ibha. T he peculiarity of the tittibha b ird is th at it lies supine with legs raised up. T he pendents appear to have reflected this

peculiarity. M ention m ust in this con­ nection be m ade of a vaikak^yaka w ith pendents ahernatively shaped like goad {ankuSa) an d w hat looks like a bird w ith its legs raised up found depicted in Bharhut sculpture (PL X I I I . 26). M otichandra, however, takes it to refer to a ' . necklace w ith two tittibhaka birds facing each other {ibid., p. 105).” : Add at the end of paragraph 2 “ I t is perhaps represented by a m odern toy m odelled like a cart consisting of a covered terra­ cotta casket ) and a m echanical device attached to the\ axle w hich strikes the cover of the casket and makes sound a t regular intervals as the wheels are in m otion (PI. X X I. 43). I t is very popular ; - ■ am ong children in N orth In d ia and is ■particularly favoured on the M akarasankranti festival.”

P. 161

; 'r,

1. 2.

Clay sealing of K alasesvara, R ajghat K am a with R ati and Prlti, Bhuvaneswar

3.

A ndhakasuravadha, Ellora

4.

Siva and P arvati Playing Chausar, E llora

5. P arv ati w ith Alakavali and D ham m illa hair-styles, A hichchhatra 6. H untsm an on horseback, H arvan

7-8. H unting Scenes, H arvan 9. W ild Boar H unt, K onarka

10

10. W restling Scene. P aunar 11. H unting Scene, H arvan

12.

School Scene, K hajuraho

13.

D ancing School, K hajuraho

14. 15.

N artakacharya (D ance M aster), K onarka M usic Scene, H arvan

t

15

16.

V ita, K u m ra h ar

17. Fem ale figure with m irror, Bhuvaneswar

18

18. Fem ale Ghauri-bearer w earing half-sleevedjacket, Ajanta 19. Fem ale Ghauri-bearer w earing full-sleeved jacket, Ajanta

20-22. 23. 25. 26.

D a lavitak a: Khaj uraho (2 0) j M arkandi ( 2 1 ) ; M odern (22) Sisa-patra, Bhokardan 24. D anta-pankti, M arkandi Figure w earing different kinds o f ear-ornam ents, Ellora F em ale figure w earing vaikaksyaka w ith T ittib h a and Anku^a shaped pendants, Bharhut 2 7 . V alaya-k alap i, Ahichhatra 28. R in g worn at the bottom o f the finger, Khajuraho

30.

L ady tying an anklet, w ith a n a tte n d a n t, K h aju rah o

PI. X IV

31. L ady w ith a veil, A janta 32. L ady w ith two Venis, M ath u ra 33. L ady w ith D ham m ilia h air-sty le, A janta 34. L ady w ith Alakavali hair-style, A janta 35. G anga w ith A lakavali and D ham m ilia hair-styles, P au n ar

36. L ady applying lac-dye to the sole o f h er foot. K hajuraho 37. L ady applying collyrium , K hajuraho

38 39

38-39. L ady playing w ith ball, Sirsa (39) ; K h aju rah o (38)

40.

R am -fight, A janta

PI. XX

41.

Fem ale figure playing w ith a p arro t, M arkandi

42.

Fem ale figure playing w ith a iarika, M arkandi