Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire 9780198827375, 0198827377

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Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Title Pages Jeffrey A. Auerbach

(p.i) Imperial Boredom (p.ii) (p.iii) Imperial Boredom (p.iv) Copyright Page

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Title Pages Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Jeffrey A. Auerbach 2018 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2018 Impression:1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2018939480

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Dedication

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Dedication Jeffrey A. Auerbach

(p.v) For Dalia (p.vi)

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Acknowledgments

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

(p.vii) Acknowledgments Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Second books, I have discovered, can take a long time. This project began at Yale University in 1996 in the most serendipitous and unexpected of ways, when Oxford History of the British Empire. In the midst of that Elisabeth Fairman, Curator of Rare Books and Manuscripts at the Yale Center for British Art, brought to my attention a small diary she had recently acquired, written by a little-known Lieutenant-Colonel in the British Army who had served in southern Africa in the late 1840s, in which he had drawn some sketches and watercolors of the people and scenery around him. It was in the course of reading his account of his time in the Cape Colony that I first encountered

Since then, my research has taken me to, and been funded by, institutions around the globe. These include the Yale Center for British Art in New Haven, Connecticut, and the Henry E. Huntington Library in San Marino, California, both of which offered me research fellowships in 1997, and the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, where I was a Caird Research Fellow in 2004. I am grateful to all three libraries for their assistance, and especially to Amy Meyers, Director of the Yale Center for British Art but formerly Curator of American Art at the Huntington, who let me audit a seminar she was teaching and encouraged me to pursue my interest in early European representations of the East. I must express my appreciation as well to the curators, staff, and archivists at the British Library, the National Archives, the National Army Museum, the Victoria & Albert Museum, and the Wellcome Library, all in London; the State Library of New South Wales and the Australian National Maritime Museum in Sydney; the National Library of Australia in Canberra; and Page 1 of 3

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Acknowledgments the State Library of Tasmania and the Allport Library in Hobart. Special thanks go to David Hansen for deepening my understanding of the art of John Glover and the Australian picturesque with a personalized tour of the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery where he was Senior Curator. My thanks also go to the Library, and to the Honnold Library in Claremont and the Young Research Library at UCLA, both of which granted me borrowing privileges. When it comes to financial support for this project, no one was more generous, over a longer period of time, than Stella Theodoulou, longtime Dean of the College of Social and Behavioral Sciences at California State University Northridge. For a decade, amidst considerable budgetary constraints, she found ways to support faculty research and conference participation. In my case this included the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in Boston 2001; the Australasian Modern British History Association meeting in Canberra (p.viii) State of Mind: Articulations of British Culture in Studies in Berkeley in 2013 and Las Vegas in 2015; and the North American International Interdisciplinary Conference on Boredom in Warsaw, both in 2015. The comments and suggestions from those in attendance helped sharpen my analysis enormously. Likewise for the lectures I delivered at the Humanities Center at the City College of New York in 2001, and the University of Pittsburgh in 2005. I also benefitted immeasurably from a university sabbatical leave fellowship in 2012. There is simply no substitute for uninterrupted time, and creativity is all but impossible without it. In an academic world that is increasingly driven by short-term results, it is reassuring to know, and worth recognizing, that there are those who still support long-term research projects. My gratitude also goes to Matt Cahn, Interim Dean of the College of Social and Behavior Sciences at California State University Northridge, for a summer research stipend to acquire many of the images reproduced in this book. Some of the ideas and evidence presented here first appeared in article form in The British Art Journal The Journal of Australian Colonial History 7 (2005): Common Knowledge indebted to the editorial and production team at Oxford University Press, especially Stephanie Ireland and Cathryn Steele. Page 2 of 3

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Acknowledgments Numerous scholars have referred me to sources, offered suggestions, listened patiently as I worked through arguments, commented on chapters, or in some cases helped me decipher nineteenth-century longhand. They include Jordanna Bailkin, Stephanie Chasin, Paul Deslandes, Nadja Durbach, Michael Fisher (who also very kindly invited me to dinner in London), Doug Haynes, Peter Hoffenberg, Maya Jasanoff, Tom Laqueur, Philippa Levine, John MacKenzie, John McAleer, Susan Matt, Thomas Metcalf, Tillman Nechtman, Erika Rappaport, Romita Ray, Jenni Siegel, Priya Satia, Lisa Sullivan, Michelle Tusan, and Amy Woodson-Boulton. At Scripps College, Eric Haskell encouraged me years ago to think about the relationship between text and image. Several of my colleagues at California State University Northridge offered valuable feedback, including Tom Devine, Richard Horowitz, Nan Yamane, and Chris Magra. Susan Fitzpatrick, Patricia Juarez-Dappe, Miriam Neirick, and Josh Sides offered support and encouragement in other ways. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Adam Phillips, who graciously gave me an hour of his time in his Notting Hill office to discuss the underlying psychology of boredom. And, as has been the case throughout my academic career, my greatest intellectual and professional debts are to Linda Colley and David Cannadine, who have always made time for me, and whose imprint on my work is profound and greatly appreciated. (p.ix) Needless to say, I could not have made it through this process without the support of dear friends. These include, as always, Keith Langston, as well as, more locally, Frank Bright, Jonathan Brown, Hao Huang, Chuck Kamm, Steve Moss, David Myers and Nomi Stolzenberg, Brian Spivack, Mark Taylor, and Larry Weber. I am especially grateful to Linda Bortell, who has been willing to listen to me talk about boredom whenever I have wanted to, and to Andra Becherescu, who never seems to get bored. Finally, my thanks go to my parents for their unwavering support, with special gratitude to my father for his critical reading of several chapters and to my mother who drew on years of editorial experience to flag some infelicitous phrases; to my daughter Dalia, who is never boring; and to Nancy, who, amidst her own academic career, indulged me and my obsession with boredom for many years. (p.x)

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List of Figures

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

(p.xiii) List of Figures Jeffrey A. Auerbach

0.1. A. G. E. Newland, The Long, Long Burmese Day The Journal of the Photographic Society of India Vol. V: 3 (March 1892), after p. 38. © British Library. 2 1.1. Ship Wrecked on a Rocky Coast (c 50). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 13 1.2.

A general chart for the purpose of

West Indies or the Pacific Ocean (London: Charles Wilson, 1852). State Library of New South Wales, Mitchell Map Collection. 34 1.3. Illustrated London News Vol. 4 (13 April 1844): 229. Courtesy of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 35 1.4. Cabin Scene, Man Relaxing in a Chair, with His Feet Up (1820). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. 36 1.5. Ascension Island (c.1815). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, Caird Collection. 37 1.6. Illustrated London News Vol. 14 (20 January 1849): 41. Courtesy of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 39 1.7. Views on the North Coast of Australia (1802). National Library of Australia. 40 2.1. Thomas Sutherland (b. 1785) after Lt.-Col. Charles Ramus Forrest The Taj Mahal, Tomb of the Emperor Shah Jehan, from A Picturesque Tour along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna, in India (London: L. Harrison for Rudolph Ackermann, 1824). © British Library. 45 Page 1 of 3

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List of Figures 2.2. Road, from The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 58 2.3. Mount Misery, Waterkloof, from The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 59 2.4. View of the Keiskama Hoek, from Scenes in Kaffirland (London, 1854). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 60 2.5. c.1814), View across Sydney Cove from the Hospital towards Government House. Natural History Museum, London. 64 2.6. Thomas Watling [attrib.], A Direct North General View of Sydney Cove (1794). Dixson Galleries, State Library of New South Wales. 64 2.7. Country NW of Tableland (c.1846). National Library of Australia. 67 (p.xiv) 2.8.

View from Rose Bank (1840).

National Gallery of Australia. 71 2.9. My Harvest Home (1835). Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery. 72 3.1. Tiger Hunting (1902). 3.2. Garnet Wolseley,

©

The Viceroy Lord and Lady Curzon

British Library. 80

Archibald Constable, 1903). 83 3.3.

(Westminster: Lord Auckland Receiving

the Rajah of Nahun, from Portraits of the Princes & People of India (London: J. Dickinson & Son, 1844). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 88 3.4.

Our

Joint Magistrate, from Curry & Rice (on Forty Plates); or The Ingredients (London: Day & Son, [1859]). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 95 3.5. Vanity Fair (27 March 1875). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 98 3.6. Illustrated London News Vol. 92 (3 March 1888): 222. The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 100 3.7. Sir Frank Swettenham (1904). © National Portrait Gallery, London. 102 4.1. Punch, Vol. 98 (Christmas Supplement); Harvard University Library. 109

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List of Figures 4.2. Pen and Pencil Reminiscences of a Campaign in South Africa (London: Day & Son, 1861). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 115 4.3. Pensioners on Guard (1852). National Library of Australia. 122 4.4. The Delhi Sketch Book Vol. 3, No. 10 (1852): 101. © British Library. 124 4.5. Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer (London: Whitfield, Green & Son, 1865), after p. 18. State Library of New South Wales. 130 4.6. Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer (London: Whitfield, Green & Son, 1865), after p. 24. State Library of New South Wales. 130 4.7. from Scenes in Kaffirland (London, 1854). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 132 4.8. East India Company Recruiting Broadsheet c.1810. Alamy. 135 5.1. Melbourne Punch, 2 February 1860. State Library of New South Wales. 143 (p.xv) 5.2. The Daughter of Gen. Ritherdon, Madras (1863). Hulton Archives/Getty Images. 146 5.3. Anna Jameson (1844). © British Library. 157 5.4. Florishing [i.e. flourishing] State of the Swan River Thing (London: Thomas McLean, 1830). National Library of Australia. 159 5.5. S. T. Gill, The Shepherd. State Library of New South Wales. 161 5.6. Library of Australia. 162 5.7. of Salisbury (J. S. Virtue, 1895). 163

The Life and Times of The Marquis

5.8. Victoria Terminus, Bombay (1887). 169 5.9. Views of Calcutta and its Environs (London, 1826), Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection 170 5.10. A Half-Timbered House in Simla. © British Library. 171 6.1. The Remnants of an Army (1879). © Tate, London. 186 (p.xvi)

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List of Colour Plates

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

(p.xvii) List of Colour Plates Jeffrey A. Auerbach

1.

Life in the Ocean Representing the Usual

Occupations of the Young Officers in the Steerage of a British Frigate at Sea (1837). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. 2. An Interesting Scene, On Board an East Indiaman, Showing the Effects of a Heavy Lurch, after Dinner (1818). Courtesy of the Library of Congress. 3. Indiaman, 1000 Tons (Entering Bombay Harbor) (c.1843). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. 4. Tahiti Revisited (c.1775). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. 5. Tom Raw Forwarded to Headquarters, frontispiece from Tom Raw, the Griffin: A Burlesque Poem in Twelve Cantos (London: R. Ackermann, 1828). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 6. Calcutta from Twenty-Four Views in St. Helena, The Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt (London: William Miller, 1809). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 7. Cape Town, from the Camps Bay Road, from The Kafirs Illustrated (London, 1849). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. 8. View of Port Bowen, Queensland (1802). ©

National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

9. Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery.

(1838),

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List of Colour Plates 10. John Glover, Hobart Town, from the Garden Where I Lived (1832), Dixson Galleries, State Library of New South Wales. 11. Robert Provo Norris (d. 1851), [Landscape with Fort as Seen from Riverbank]. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Fund. 12. Robert Provo Norris, Eno, A Kaffir Chief. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Fund. 13. Poster for Huntley & Palmers Biscuits. Printed by W.H. Smith, 1891. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London. 14. (1842). Wellcome Library. 15. Berhampore, 1863. © British Library. 16. The Entrance of Port Jackson, and Part of the Town of Sydney, New South Wales (London: Colnaghi & Co., 1823). State Library of New South Wales. (p.xviii)

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Introduction

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Introduction Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0001

Abstract and Keywords Burmese Days and its portrait of the boredom and lethargy that characterized British colonial life in the 1930s, the introduction poses the question of when and why the British Empire became so the many and famous tales of glory and adventure, a significant and overlooked feature of the nineteenth-century British imperial experience was boredom and psychological origins, and summarizes the chapters that follow. It asserts that the empire came to be constructed as a place of adventure, opportunity, and picturesque beauty not so much because British men and women were seeking to escape from boredom at home, as has often been surmised, but because the empire lacked these very features. Keywords: British Empire, boredom, ennui, George Orwell, Burmese Days, diaries, adventure, Enlightenment, individualism

In his 1934 novel Burmese Days, George Orwell produced a memorable portrait of the boredom, loneliness, and alienation that characterized life in Burma during the waning days of the British Empire. John Flory, the protagonist who

and drink whisky. When, early in the story, Flory meets the District Page 1 of 22

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Introduction Superintendent of Police, the officer is standing on the steps of the club, rocking

in 1

When did British India, of which Burma was a part, become such a melancholy and monotonous place (Fig. 0.1)? To what extent was the boredom Orwell 2

And if the British imperial experience was so dreary and disappointing, why was it so popular treasure rumored to have been left by King Solomon. Along the way they trek across deserts, climb mountains, hack their way through jungles, and fight for their lives, bravely defeating a ruthless tribal king and narrowly escaping from a dark chamber with enough diamonds to make them all rich. It is the archetypal Robinson Crusoe, to The Man Who Would Be King stories for boys with titles such as By Sheer Pluck: A Tale of the Ashanti War, to The Four Feathers in which a British officer redeems himself through courageous acts of endurance and derring-do in the Sudan, imperial fiction glamorized and romanticized the empire.3 Nor were the heroes only fictitious: real life exemplars include Walter Raleigh, James Cook, Robert Clive, David Livingstone, Cecil Rhodes, T. E. Lawrence, and end-of-empire supermen such as Lord Mountbatten and Edmund Hillary, whose achievements were celebrated and whose stories enthralled a nation.4 Even those historians who nevertheless acknowledged the ubiquity, if not omnipresence, of imperial heroes in literature and the arts.5 (p.2) Empire building has generally been framed in extremes. Some have portrayed it as a bold and glorious mission, designed to carry commerce and civilization to the furthest reaches of the globe. For others, it represents the imposition through military or economic power of a capitalist culture that resulted in the trampling of longstanding local customs and Page 2 of 22

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Introduction structures under the guise of

Fig. 0.1. A. G. E. Newland, The Long, the national interest.6 Scholars Long Burmese Day have tended to describe the The Journal of the men responsible for Photographic Society of India Vol. V: 3 establishing and maintaining (March 1892), after p. 38. © British empire either as courageous Library. heroes charting new lands and amassing great wealth; or, as pathetic misfits whose missions were beset with problems and who imposed culturally-bound norms and values that led to the destruction of indigenous peoples and their ways of life.7 They have characterized the work of colonial women in a similarly dichotomous fashion, emphasizing either their complicity in constructing a racialized view of the world, or their resistance to such stereotyping by subverting and critiquing European claims of superiority and objectivity.8 Even the revisionists, however, while demythologizing many of the same men and women whom the hagiographic approach exalted, have nonetheless taken for granted that imperial travelers lived exciting lives and had an enormous impact on the empire, however much their fame may have derived from the destruction they wrought. In describing the British Empire in such bifurcated terms, scholars have tended to rely on the carefully edited writings of famous explorers such as Henry Stanley (p.3) and John Speke, self-promoting administrators including Lords Cromer and Curzon, renowned generals such as Charles Gordon and Herbert Kitchener, and intrepid women such as Mary Kingsley and Flora Shaw. Yet the distinguished writer James (now Jan) Morris, in Pax Britannica (1968), an Jubilee in 1897, made the important point that men like Rhodes and Curzon millions of settlers, administrators, merchants, soldiers, and housewives.9 What of these men and women? What was it like to be a soldier on the frontier in South Africa, to trek through the jungles along the Zambezi, to accompany a colonial administrator to a hill station in India, or to be employed as a governess in Western Australia? Imperial Boredom argues that despite the many and famous tales of glory and adventure, a significant and overlooked feature of the nineteenth-century British imperial experience was boredom and disappointment. Diaries, letters, memoirs, and illustrated travel accounts, both published and unpublished, demonstrate that all across the empire, British men and women found the landscape monotonous, the physical and psychological distance from home enervating, the routines of everyday life tedious, and their work dull and unfulfilling. After George Bogle, the Scottish adventurer and diplomat who undertook the first British mission to Tibet in 1774, finally met the Panchen Lama, he quickly grew Page 3 of 22

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Introduction

tedious and uniform life I spent at Teshu Lumbo [the fifteenth-century monastery 10

And Mary Kingsley, who traveled to West Africa in the 1890s, carving her way through the Congo with verve and vitality, complained about having to eat the same kind of

11

Perhaps the Daily Telegraph put it best, and certainly most 12 Boredom, in short, was neither peripheral nor incidental to the experience of empire; it was central to it, perhaps even the defining characteristic of it. Boredom is an emotional state that individuals experience when they find themselves without anything particular to do and are uninterested in their surroundings.13 Some of the earliest recorded uses of the word occur in Charles Bleak House Hard Times

there no one knows, but Harriet Martineau, who toured Egypt in the 1840s,

14

Along with its corollary, ennui, boredom is most commonly associated with finde-siècle France.15 the (p.4) greatest fictional portrait of boredom in Madame Bovary, for whom 16

In Les Fleurs du Mal (1857), his contemporary, Charles Baudelaire, characterized boredom as the root of human evil, testifying to its growing influence in European life and literature. Perhaps no fictional character was more thoroughly bored though than Durtal in JorisThe Cathedral condition and coming to the conclusion that his boredom was actually twofold in 17

But the world-weariness that was endemic in late nineteenth-century French literature, as well as in The Picture of Dorian Gray Burmese Days and, it will be seen, in numerous other less well-known writings about the British Empire. Rather, the expressions of imperial boredom reflect a sense of dissatisfaction and disenchantment with the

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Introduction immediate and the particular, and at times with the enterprise of empire more broadly, but not with life itself. Scholars have endeavored to trace the origins of boredom as far back as ancient Greece and Rome, but most of the evidence suggests that boredom is a relatively modern construct that did not exist either as a word or a concept before the mideighteenth century. If people felt bored before then, they did not know it or express it.18 The emergence of boredom has instead been linked to relatively recent historical changes, notably the spread of industrial capitalism and the development of leisure time.19 society work was part and parcel of everyday life and leisure was not a separate 20

But during the eighteenth century work and leisure became distinct pursuits. The Industrial Revolution altered conceptions of time, mechanizing it, speeding it up, and transforming it into something that was always fleeting and must not be wasted.21 Leisure time, especially for a middleclass that began to define itself by its commitment to work, became dangerous and destabilizing, something that had to be filled with meaningful and improving activities.22 Meanwhile, leisure grew increasingly commercialized, as a veritable

23

Boredom, therefore, can be seen in part as a response to the absence of the new, the exciting, and the entertaining.

are, as the American Declaration of Independence proclaimed, fundamental Locke wrote about in his Second Treatise of Government happens if an individual is not happy, since the right to pursue happiness at least hints at the possibility of achieving it? Boredom, in this context, emerges as one of the opposites, however ill defined, of happiness. Closely linked is the rise of individualism, the origins of (p.5) which have been traced to the late-medieval period, but which is also most often associated with the eighteenth century: the push for individual rights, the desire for a more affective marriage, and an increasing interest, particularly evident in Rousseau, in self-awareness and selffulfillment.24 expanding capitalist economy. The crystallization of the concept of boredom in the eighteenth century made possible a new way of relating to the world. By the nineteenth century, however, a variety of more concrete social, cultural, and technological changes, many of them unique to the British Empire, were undermining the sense of novelty and excitement that had characterized earlier imperial activity. These include, ironically, improvements in navigation that Page 5 of 22

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Introduction enabled ships to sail further and out of sight of land longer than ever before; the spread of tourism and the proliferation of guidebooks that heightened expectations about the beauty of imperial landscapes and the grandeur of imperial ruins; and the increasingly bureaucratic and ceremonial nature of British rule, which inundated imperial administrators with paperwork and left them chafing against their diminished autonomy. Also important was the growth of British communities overseas, which grew progressively more isolated from indigenous people and customs. Increasingly, British men and women sought to re-create the very conditions they had left behind in a futile search for the familiarity of home, neither fully embracing nor entirely rejecting the newness and differences they encountered overseas. In settler colonies, such as South Africa and Australia, they built houses and churches to resemble English country villages.25 In the hill stations of India they replicated the same calendar of balls, teas, and parties that were the hallmarks of the London Season.26 And when artists sketched and painted imperial lands, they sought out picturesque landscapes that reminded them of the English Lake District.27 The sixteenthcentury empire may have been, as literary scholar Stephen Greenblatt has argued, about wonder and marvel, both real and imagined, but the nineteenthcentury empire was a far less exciting and satisfying project.28 Boredom also has psychological origins and significance. According to 29

can 30

lead to self-sufficiency and creativity, but also frustration. In this respect boredom sheds light on a profound question that surfaced with great urgency in boredom serves as a defense against the annoyance of waiting, this was something British men and women did a lot of in the nineteenth century: waiting for a ship to arrive, waiting for a military posting, waiting for a meeting to take place. As David Carnegie, a young colonial official who died in Northern Nigeria in 1900 when he and a group of armed men were ambushed while trying to man, but I feel sure he was never on the Niger. The motto for this country ought 31

His annoyance over (p.6) away

country in the Boer War is palpable. Only his confessions of boredom seem to keep his anger or sense of uselessness in check. Boredom can also be seen as a crisis of unfulfilled or unacknowledged desire. In this way, boredom is intimately linked to expectations, which in the imperial context were heightened by propagandistic pamphlets, popular paintings and engravings, and self-serving memoirs. Hunters rarely found big game; diggers rarely struck gold. As it turns out, British men and women in the nineteenth Page 6 of 22

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Introduction

unmet hopes and dreams and their uncertainty about when if ever they were

32

If, as Lars Svendson has pointed out, boredom frequently signals a loss of meaning, then this had enormous ramifications in the imperial context.33

travelers were so bored, why did they write about their experiences at all? The very fact that they kept diaries seems to imply that they regarded their lives as interesting and important. Keeping a diary, however, was a fashion of the age. 34

But more than just a way to fill time, or a method of record keeping, diaries of this sort may be 35

They provided a means and a

need, perhaps, that may have been heightened in the colonial context when, as many scholars have pointed out, identities were being challenged and in flux.36 In this context, diaries were or could be a discourse about the self.37 They were also a means of imposing order on a disorderly world created by new experiences in unfamiliar places.38 It is important to acknowledge, however, that the act of writing a diary can constrain as well as liberate. A diary begs to be existence implies that there is something worth writing on a daily basis. Yet, the diaries discussed in the chapters that follow reveal that there were many days when nothing worth noting occurred. Thus, keeping a diary forced diarists either to find something to write about, or else to acknowledge, in ways that they might not have in a memoir or guidebook, that there was very little of interest taking place. Imperial Boredom explores these and other related issues through five thematic chapters that trace the experience of traversing, viewing, governing, defending, and settling the British Empire from the mid-eighteenth century to the early because that is how the empire began. As Jeremy Black has written, the British 39

This first chapter explores the normalization of ocean travel during the nineteenth century as navigation improved and the routes to South Africa, India, and Australia became more frequently plied. Prior to the (p.7) introduction of steamships in the 1840s and 1850s, the voyage from England to India took anywhere from three to six the small sailing vessels that were tossed about in every storm, the cramped and Page 7 of 22

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Introduction dirty cabins that had to be shared with rats, the two buckets of salt water, one worst part about the journey was the boredom: day after day out on the water with nothing to break up the monotony. At least through the first quarter of the nineteenth century, it was common for ships sailing to India or Australia to stop for fresh water and provisions, and passengers were thankful for the break at St. Helena or the Cape. Similarly, beginning in the 1870s, with the advent of the steamship and the opening of the Suez Canal, the journey not only became shorter; it had to be interrupted for frequent coaling stops. But for most of those traveling during the middle decades from about 1825 to 1875, the voyage was made nonstop and out of sight of land for almost the entire distance. Additionally, whereas in the eighteenth century amateur naturalists had been thrilled to make scientific observations, by the mid-nineteenth century most of what could be easily identified, such as the albatross, had been noted. In short, by the middle of the nineteenth century, ocean travel had indeed become more monotonous: it was less dangerous, routes were better known, there were few if any stops, land was rarely in sight, and there was little novelty in seeing birds and fish that had been seen and described before. Whereas in the seventeenth century a voyage to India was a treacherous journey into the unknown, by the mid-nineteenth century it had become a dreary interlude. Chapter 2 lands, arguing that the picturesque was an aesthetic paradigm that concealed the monotony, hardship, and otherness of imperial places. The increase in travel opportunities in the nineteenth century brought a corresponding proliferation of tourist literature encouraging middle- and upper-class men and women to journey overseas in search of picturesque landscapes and ruins. Ironically, by privileging certain sites and vistas, the picturesque ideal rendered most of the empire boring and uninteresting as even the most impressive sites were rarely as spectacular or novel in person as they were in paintings and engravings.40 Moreover, the visual familiarity of iconic sites meant fewer opportunities to explore the unexplored. Even in India, with its remarkable array of historical and religious sites, the British described much of the terrain as monotonous. In part, this characterization of the landscape can be attributed to a sense of cultural superiority. While British travelers were clearly impressed with cities such as Banaras (Varanasi) and Cairo, they rarely failed to comment on the state of ruin in which they found the more famous buildings. But at least in India and Egypt the British acknowledged that there had once existed a great civilization. In other locations, such as South Africa and Australia, there were no ruins whatsoever, and so, except for a few scattered vistas, there was little that was deemed noteworthy. Thus it is important to analyze the complex interaction of aesthetic theory and perception, and especially the propagandistic qualities of the picturesque idiom employed by amateur and professional artists in both their public and private work. Page 8 of 22

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Introduction (p.8) Chapter 3 the Colonial Office in London to the lived experience of Governors-General and civil servants scattered around the globe, whose lives were increasingly dominated by mind-numbing meetings and dreary dispatches. Although the number of were empire became noticeably more bureaucratic between the 1830s and the 1870s, as the British came to rely less on the support of indigenous rulers and more on their own centralized administrative rule.41 Even before the widespread use of the telegraph and typewriter, the volume of paperwork grew markedly, and governors especially, who relished the active and leisured lifestyle that characterized the aristocratic ideal, complained regularly in their private correspondence about the quantity of deskwork and the frequency of public duties such as hospital visits, school inspections, and state dinners.42 Moreover, numbers of low- and mid-ranking civil servants who were sent to live and work in remote locations performing menial tasks. Historians have amply demonstrated how in the eighteenth century Britain developed a fiscal-military state.43 state are to be found at least as much in the nineteenth-century British Empire as in the Victorian post office, the court system, and the administration of the new Poor Law.44 In this way, Imperial Boredom of the empire, highlighting instead the limits on individual action and the impact

The situation was much the same for soldiers, the subject of Chapter 4. Although the story of the British Empire has often been told in terms of its military 45

although military heroism was part of the lore of the British Empire, by the midnineteenth century soldiers were spending much of their time sitting in tents in the heat with little to do but drink. Many soldiers, in fact, went years, and in some cases decades, without participating in so much as a skirmish. As the empire grew in size, there were more and more British soldiers stationed following the invention of the repeating rifle, battles were shorter and more onesided. These changes in warfare, and the huge increase in references to boredom that resulted from them, also align closely with new definitions of masculinity, suggesting that the boredom soldiers expressed was at least partly related to their inability to demonstrate their bravery and physical prowess in the absence of hand-to-hand combat. In the end, many found themselves deeply disillusioned with imperial service. The well-known saying that war consists of British officer stationed on the Western Front during the First World War, had its figurative origins in the nineteenth-century British Empire. Page 9 of 22

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Introduction Finally, in Chapter 5, Imperial Boredom women who spent significant portions of their lives overseas. Many migrated voluntarily; others, like the Australian convicts, involuntarily. Some settled permanently; others (p.9) gave up and returned home. But time and again, these imperial travelers describe their experiences as not just dreary, but downright disillusioning. Led to believe that life in the empire would be full of opportunity, many of them instead found only the monotony of daily routine. John Henderson, for example, who traveled to Australia to become a pastoralist, 46

Life was particularly difficult for women, whether entertaining friends in the Indian hill stations or whiling away the hours in the Australian outback. The former suffered from vapid social rituals and prohibitions on contact with indigenous people; the latter from extreme isolation and loneliness. With few exceptions, women, regardless of their social class, had lots of leisure time; the difficulty was filling it. They read; they painted; and they gossiped with other women, assuming there were any around. But all the parties in the world could not make up for the boredom, and in remote locations especially, the same people met day after day to eat the same meals and exchange the same tired conversation.47 governesses, from gold diggers to bushwhackers, boredom was omnipresent. To be sure, not everyone found the empire boring. Thus Imperial Boredom attempts to historicize boredom by investigating its contours: Who was bored and who was not? What places and situations were travelers likely to find boring, and was imperial travel different from other forms of travel, such as the European Grand Tour?48 When and why did boredom emerge as a characteristic of the imperial experience, and was there something uniquely boring about the empire, or was boredom such a common emotion (or affectation) for men and women of a certain social class at a particular time and place that anything might be boring?49 To what extent was boredom linked to the shift from an eighteenth-century empire of Nabobs to a more virtuous empire in the nineteenth century?50 This book, in short, attempts to explore the shape, functions, and contradictions of imperial monotony, contributing not just to understandings of the British Empire, but to the history of emotions, a field of inquiry still in its infancy.51 It must also be asked whether the empire was boring for those who were subjects of it: Indians, Maoris, Aborigines, Xhosa. Elspeth Huxley, who grew up

ennui suggested that when the British Empire finally crumbled, its epitaph should be: 52

And Jamaica Kincaid, in A Small Place (1988), her

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Introduction lives a life of overwhelming and crushing banality and boredom and desperation 53

On the other hand, the Aboriginal experience with British settlers in Australia was a story of almost unmitigated pain and hardship.54 The closest this book will come to suggesting that indigenous people were bored by the empire will be to note that many Indians and Africans, especially in rural areas, actually had very little contact with British rule during the nineteenth century. Although important, a thorough analysis of this (p.10) issue is beyond the scope of this people they encountered and ruled. This is not to deny indigenous agency, but instead to recognize its potential uniqueness and difference. Geographically, this book ranges widely, though it focuses most closely on India, Australia, and southern Africa. It has little to say about the British Empire in the Americas, although the experience of Anna Jameson (see Chapter 5), a British writer who traveled to Canada in 1836 to visit her estranged husband, Robert, who had been appointed chief justice of the province of Upper Canada, suggests that Canada could be as boring and disappointing as any other region.55 Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (1838), best known for its descriptions of the indigenous Indian communities near Lake Huron, which Jameson observed with great sensitivity.56 As to whether imperial monotony was characteristic of the French and German empires, that too is a matter for other Instead, this book seeks to offer a history and sociology of boredom as it pertains

One of the benefits of using boredom as a lens through which to view the British imperial experience is to help reintegrate the empire, which one historian has 57

Historians have struggled to conceptualize the British Empire, especially at its height in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To what extent was there a single or did actors on the periphery affect decisions that were made in the metropole?58 Perhaps there were multiple centers, it having been argued, for example, that India functioned as a sort of imperial sub-center within the Indian Ocean arena, with its coinage, labor, legal structures, and architectural styles influencing what the empire looked like from East Africa to South-East Asia.59 Historians have written of networks, connections, crossings, counterflows, fault lines, zones, and 61 webs.60 Imperial Boredom argues emphatically that there was indeed a unifying experience for British men and women across the long nineteenth century, and that the ubiquity of imperial monotony delineates linkages and vectors not

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Introduction wholly disconnected from metropolitan culture, but not entirely related to it either. Above all, Imperial Boredom suggests that the empire was constructed as a place of adventure, excitement, and picturesque beauty not just because men and women were seeking to escape boredom at home, but because the empire so often lacked these very features. There is a marked difference between the way writers and artists depicted the empire in their published works, and how they portrayed it in on-the-spot sketches, letters, and unpublished diaries. It was one thing for Fanny Parkes to write in the published account of her 1822 journey to

England, her happiness would have been complete; quite another when she revealed in a private letter a (p.11) 62

The fantasy and reality of empire were very different things, and therefore many of the sources scholars have traditionally relied on, including published memoirs, hagiographic biographies, illustrated travel narratives, commissioned art, and adventure-filled novels, need to be regarded as propaganda on behalf of empire.63 It is only when these sources are read against the grain, and in conjunction with a variety of unpublished and less well-known writings, that they disclose the monotonous underside of imperialism. Life in the colonies was not by definition boring. There were exciting moments, and seems, as many or as often as the British would have liked. By focusing on the divergence between the fantasy and reality of empire, and by highlighting the propagandistic nature of imperial art and literature, this analysis seeks to help explain both the popularity and longevity of empire, as well as why so many men and women were dissatisfied with it.64 There are hundreds of books about the British Empire that focus on what happened; many of them also explain why. This book, based as it is largely on first-hand accounts, is very much about how people felt. In fact, one of its main contentions is that for countless men and women serving or settling the British Empire in the nineteenth century, very little actually happened. In this respect, Imperial Boredom seeks to revive a kind of biographical history; that is, to use individual stories to trace a historical transition through the prism of lived experience.65 This book is about individuals, but also about the times and places in which they lived, and the broader work of empire in which they were involved. In 1883, J. R. Seeley, Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge, famously remarked in The Expansion of England that the British Empire 66

In the decades since he coined that famous phrase, historians have thoroughly explored the reasons for and motives

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Introduction social, intellectual, or religious.67 It might be better to say, however, that the British Empire developed in a fit of boredom. Notes:

(1.) George Orwell, Burmese Days 29, 32, 70. For a similar portrayal, see Edward Thompson, An Indian Day (London: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927). (2.) Orwell, 41. (3.) See Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London: Routledge, 1994); Robert Dixon, Writing the Colonial Adventure: Race, Gender and Nation in Anglo-Australian Fiction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Richard Phillips, Mapping Men and Empire: Geographies of Adventure (London: Routledge, 1997). (4.) Berny Sèbe, Heroic Imperialists in Africa: The Promotion of British and (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013); John M. Mackenzie, ed., Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986). (5.) Bernard Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists (Oxford: Oxford University

(6.) Compare, for example, Niall Ferguson, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London: Allen Lane, 2002), with Mark Cocker, Rivers of Blood, (London: Jonathan Cape, 1998) and Basil Davidson, Nation State (New York: Random House, 1992). (7.) Those in the first group include Thomas Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa, (New York: Random House, 1991); Peter Hopkirk, The Great Game: The Struggle for Empire in Central Asia (New York: Kodansha International, 1990); Karl E. Meyer and Shareen Blair Brysac, Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia (Washington, DC: Counterpoint, 1999); Kathryn Tidrick, Empire and the English Character (London: Tauris, 1992); Frank McLynn, Hearts of Darkness: The European Exploration of Africa (New York: Carroll and Graff, 1992); and Brian Thompson Imperial Vanities: The Adventures of the Baker Brothers and the Gordon of Khartoum (London: HarperCollins, 2002). Scholars in the second group include Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes (London: Routledge, 1992); Geoffrey Dutton, The Hero as Murderer: The Life of Edward John Eyre, Australian Explorer and (Sydney: Collins, 1967); I. F. Nicolson, The (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969); and Johannes Fabian, Out of Our Minds: Reason and Madness in the Exploration of Central Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, Page 13 of 22

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Introduction 2000). One notable exception is Dane Kennedy, The Highly Civilized Man: Richard Burton and the Victorian World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). (8.) Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1992); Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). (9.) James Morris, Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire (New York: Harcourt, Brace, & World, 1968). There has been very little work on non-elite colonists. Exceptions include Robert Bickers, Empire Made Me: An Englishman Adrift in Shanghai (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003); Nicholas Thomas and Richard Eves, Bad Colonists: The South Sea Letters of Vernon Lee Walker and Louis Becke (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Lucy Frost, No Place for a Nervous Lady: Voices from the Australian Bush, rev. edn. (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1995); Elizabeth Buettner, Empire Families: Britons and Late Imperial India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). (10.) Clements Markham, ed., Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet, and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa (London: Trübner and

(11.) Mary Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (1897; London: Everyman, 1976), 157. (12.) Daily Telegraph, 17 August 1866, quoted in Christine Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971), 143. (13.) See Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety: Experiencing Flow in Work and Play (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1975) and Adam Phillips, On Kissing, Tickling, and Being Bored (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,

(14.) Harriet Martineau, Eastern Life (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1848), 58. (15.) Eugen Weber, France, Fin de Siècle (Cambridge: Cambridge University According to T. C. W. Blanning, French politician Alphonse La France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 241. (16.) Flaubert in Egypt, trans. and ed. Francis Steegmuller (New York: Penguin Books, 1972), 140; Alain de Botton, The Art of Travel (New York: Pantheon Page 14 of 22

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Introduction Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary, trans. Margaret Mauldon (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 252. (17.) J.-K. Huysmans, The Cathedral, trans. Clara Bell, ed., C. Kegan Paul (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1922), 152. (18.) Patricia Meyer Spacks, Boredom: The Literary History of a State of Mind Peter Toohey, Boredom: A Lively History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011). In 1780, for example, boring. See her Diary and Letters, Vol. I (London: Henry Colburn, 1843), 424. (19.) See Spacks, as well as Barbara Dalle Pezze and Carlo Salzani, eds., Essays on Boredom and Modernity (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009); Reinhard Kuhn, The Demon of Noontide: Ennui in Western Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976); Elizabeth Goodstein, Experience without Qualities: Boredom and Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004). There were also expressions of boredom in the United States: see Daniel Paliwoda, Melville and the Theme of Boredom (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 2010). (20.) Stanley Parker, The Sociology of Leisure (London: Allen & Unwin, 1976), 24. See also Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost: England Before the Industrial Age (21.)

35. Past

and Present The culmination of this process came at the turn of the twentieth century: see Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983). In The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), Wolfgang Schivelbusch links boredom to

(22.) The Birth of a Consumer Society, eds. Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb (Bloomington: Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in (London: Routledge, 1978); Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, F. M. L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain

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Introduction (23.) Plumb, 316; id., The Pursuit of Happiness: A View of Life in Georgian England (New Haven: Yale Center for British Art, 1977). (24.) See Lorenzo Infantino, Individualism in Modern Thought: From Adam Smith to Hayek (London: Routledge, 1998); Alan Macfarlane, The Origins of English Individualism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978); Ian Watt, Myths of Modern Individualism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Daniel Shanahan, Toward a Genealogy of Individualism (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992); Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977); Full Revelation of the Self: Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the Birth of Deep Philosophy Now (25.) Elizabeth Johns et al., eds., New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian and American Landscapes (Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 1998). (26.) Dane Kennedy, The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Margaret MacMillan, Women of the Raj (London: Thames & Hudson, 1988). (27.) Giles Tillotson, The Artificial Empire: The Indian Landscapes of William Hodges (London: Curzon, 2000); British Art Journal (28.) Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). See also Reinhold Schiffer, Oriental Panoramas: British Travelers in Nineteenth-Century Turkey (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999). Spacks does not even mention the empire. (29.) Phillips, 77. (30.) Ibid. 69. Susan Sontag has written about the creative purpose of boredom. See 1980, ed. David Rieff (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2012). (31.) David Wynford Carnegie, Letters from Nigeria (Brechin: Black & Johnston, 1902), 18. (32.) Mrs Robert Moss [August E.] King, (London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1994), 261. (33.) Lars Svendson, A Philosophy of Boredom (London: Reaktion Books, 2005), 17.

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Introduction (34.) Peter Gay, Education of the Senses, Vol. 1 of The Bourgeois Experience, Victoria to Freud Scholars former as creative outlets and private channels for women to explore and express their feelings, akin to sanctuaries and confessionals. See Alison Blunt, Gender, Place and Culture Felicity A. Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989);

(35.) Thomas and Eyes; Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984); John Martin, American Historical Review (36.) Simon Gikandi, Maps of Englishness: Writing Identity in the Cultures of Colonialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon, 1991). (37.) According to Walter Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982), language, with its nervous movement between self-as-writer and self-as-

(38.) Biography 25

fear that the past may slide away into uncertainty, leaving the self less solid as it

(39.) Jeremy Black, The British Seaborne Empire (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). (40.) For an insightful analysis of nineteenth-century tourist travel and the relationship between expectation and disappointment, see Cultures of Empire: Colonizers in Britain and the Empire in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (41.) Similarly, In Uganda during the 1890s, twenty-five officials exerted authority over three million people. See Bernard Porter, , 2nd edn. (London: Longman, Page 17 of 22

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Introduction 1984), 46; Ronald Hyam, Empire and Expansion, 3rd edn. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 310. (42.)

Common Knowledge 11 (2005):

(43.) See John Brewer, The Sinews of Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989) and Charles Tilly, (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1990). Philip Harling and Peter Mandler suggest a Journal of British Studies (44.) See Daniel Bivona, Administration of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), and Peter Crooks and Timothy Parson, Empires and Bureaucracy: From Late Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). On the India Civil Service, see Bradford Spangenberg, British Bureaucracy in India: Status, Policy, and the I.C. S. in the Late 19th Century (Columbia, MO: South Asian Books, 1976) and Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the Late-Victorian Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). In The Cash Nexus: Money and Politics in Modern (New York: Basic Books, 2002), Niall Ferguson locates the Charles Richard Perry, The Victorian Post Office: The Growth of a Bureaucracy (Rochester: Boydell Press, 1992); Jill Pellew, Clerks to Bureaucrats (East Brunswick, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1982); English Historical Review 53. (45.) See Byron Farwell,

(New York: W. W. Norton,

1985); Bruce Vandervort, (Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1998); Bruce Collins, War and Empire: (Harlow: Pearson, 2010); Charles Allen, (London: Carroll & Graf, 2001); James Belich, The New Zealand Wars (Auckland: Penguin Books, 1988); Saul David, (New York: Viking, 2006); Donald F. Featherstone, (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1973); Ian Hernon, Massacre and Retribution: Forgotten Wars of the Nineteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1998). (46.) John Henderson, Excursions and Adventures in New South Wales; with pictures of squatting and of life in the bush, 2nd edn. (London: Saunders and Otley, 1854), II. 275.

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Introduction (47.) (London, 1868), 54; The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. Thomas Pinney, Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 76. (48.) See Jeremy Black, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century Brian Dolan, Ladies of the Grand Tour: British Women in Pursuit of Enlightenment and Adventure in EighteenthCentury Europe (New York: HarperCollins, 2001); John Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). (49. of life. Pain, he opined, was for the have-nots, boredom for the haves. It was, he said, a question of affluence, an observation largely though by no means entirely borne out by the men and women who traveled the British Empire in the nineteenth century. Of course, the well-off also tended to be more literate and to have the time and means to put their thoughts on paper and get them published. See The Wisdom of Life, trans. T. Baily Saunders (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1897), 23 and Gertrude Encounter 15 (1960):

(50.) On the empire of the Nabobs, see Tillman Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) and Nicholas B. Dirks, The Scandal of Empire: India and the Creation of Imperial Britain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006). On the move to a more virtuous empire, see 1815 and Thomas R. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995),

(51.) Historians are increasingly finding ways to situate specific modes of feeling and articulations of sentiment within the contours created by particular societies and epochs. William Reddy, for example, has suggested that the very act of exhibiting a feeling may largely create the experience of it. See The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge, 2001), esp. pp. critical turning point towards the adoption of emotional restraint that continued well into the twentieth century. See American Historical Review 107 (2002): Carol Zisowitz Stearns and Peter N. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Page 19 of 22

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Introduction Journal of British Studies (52.) Elspeth Huxley, Four Guineas: A Journey through West Africa (London: Chatto & Windus, 1954), 127. (53.) Jamaica Kincaid, A Small Place (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1988), 18. Similarly, Lady Minto, whose husband served as Viceroy and

observation may reflect a good dose of snobbish frustration. See My Indian Journal (Calcutta, n.p., n.d.), III. 46. On the other hand, Zareer Masani servants of the Raj. See Indian Tales of the Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 107. (54.) See the many books by Henry Reynolds, including Aborigines and Settlers: (North Melbourne: Cassell Australia, 1972), The Other Side of the Frontier (Sydney: NewSouth Books, 1986), and An (Ringwood, Victoria: Viking, 2001), as well as Peter Read, The Stolen Generations: The (Surry Hills, NSW: NSW Department of Aboriginal Affairs, 2006). Also relevant is Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts (London: Verso, 2002). (55.) Robert V. Hine and John Mack Farragher, The American West: A New Interpretive History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), suggest that the spaces of the trans-Mississippi West was filled with hard work, monotony, and the American West

Richard A. Bartlett, Great Surveys of One

particularly well-known account of the monotony of the frontier American West is Eugene F. Ware, The Indian War of 1864 (Topeka: Crane & Company, 1911). (56.) Anna Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1923), 54. See also Wendy Roy, Maps of Difference: Canada, Women, and Travel (57.) G. P. Gooch, Under Six Reigns (London: Longmans, Green, 1959), 123. (58.) John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1961). Ann Laura Stoler and Frederick Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World and Catherine Hall, Civilizing Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), both Page 20 of 22

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Introduction emphasize the importance of putting metropole and colony into a single analytic plane. (59.) Thomas R. Metcalf, Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); Durba Gosh and Dane Kennedy, eds., Decentering Empire: Britain, India, and the Transcolonial World (Hyderabad: Longman, 2006). (60.) In addition to Pratt, see Alan Lester, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain (London: Routledge, 2001); Zoë Laidlaw, and Colonial Government (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005); Damon Ieremia Salesa, Racial Crossings: Race, Intermarriage, and the Victorian British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); Michael H. Fisher, (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004); Jeffrey Cox, Imperial Fault Lines: Christianity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002); Felicity A. Nussbaum, Torrid Zones: Maternity, Sexuality, and Empire in Eighteenth-Century England Narratives (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); Tony Ballantyne, Orientalism and Race: Aryanism in the British Empire (New York: Palgrave, 2002); Alison Games, The Web of Empire: (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Journal of British Studies (61.) Nicholas Thomas, Government (62.) Fanny Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1844), I. 21, 48. (63.) This develops, in a different methodological and broader geographic

Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 7 (1979): Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (64.) In this regard, this study contributes to the recent historiographical trend that has focused on imperial vulnerabilities and weaknesses, rather than imperial strengths. See Linda Colley, Captives (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002); Porter, Absent-Minded Imperialists; Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, Page 21 of 22

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Introduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). (65.) I am indebted to the model work of Maya Jasanoff in Edge of Empire: Lives, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005) and (New York: Vintage Books, 2011). (66.) J. R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (London: Macmillan, 1883), 8. (67.) The most comprehensive survey is William Roger Louis, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire See also David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), and Andrew Porter, European (London: Macmillan, 1994).

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Voyages

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Voyages Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0002

Abstract and Keywords Chapter 1 contends that long-distance voyages became increasingly tedious during the nineteenth century as navigational techniques improved and as the novelty of sailing to India and Australia wore off. Whereas in the eighteenth century ships had made frequent stops for water and provisions and to engage in trade, by the nineteenth century voyages to the East were generally made nonstop and out of sight of land for almost the entire distance. Shipboard diaries make clear that the worst part about these journeys was not the storms or cramped cabins, but the boredom of spending day after day out on the water with nothing to break up the monotony. If in the seventeenth and eighteenth century a voyage to India was a treacherous journey into the unknown, by the mid-nineteenth century it had become a cheerless interlude. Keywords: ocean voyages, long-distance travel, shipboard life, navigation, monotony, diaries, James Cook

back on his years of service in the East India Company during the mid1

seasickness as well as the deaths of three of her four children.2 Indeed, just the year before, Emma Roberts, who spent a decade in India with her sister and brother-in-law, an army officer, had published a guidebook for travelers in which

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Voyages that would recur in letters, diaries, and memoirs throughout the nineteenth century to describe seaborne journeys to India and Australia.3 While clearly not

commented on the boredom they experienced during their months at sea.

distance voyages during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were harrowing and perilous. They could also be thrilling, as sailors encountered people and places, as well as birds and fish, which had never been seen before. But as ships grew in size and safety, navigation improved, and the routes to India and Australia became more frequently traversed during the first half of the nineteenth century, ocean travel became normalized. Scholars have ably described the unpleasant nature of long-distance journeys prior to the introduction of steamships in the third quarter of the nineteenth century: the small ships that pitched and plunged in the waves; the cramped, leaky cabins; the inadequate toilet facilities; the maggot-infested rations.4 But judging from shipboard diaries and memoirs, the worst part of these trips, which could last anywhere from three to six months, was the tedium: day after day on the water with nothing to break up the monotony. At least through the first quarter of the nineteenth century, it was common for ships sailing to India or Australia to stop en route for water, provisions, and even some sightseeing at St. Helena or the Cape of Good Hope. But for most of those traveling during the middle decades of the century, the voyage was nonstop and almost entirely out of sight of land. Additionally, whereas many seventeenth- and eighteenth-century voyagers had enjoyed making natural and scientific observations, by the mid-nineteenth century most of what there was to identify, such as the albatross, had already been written about. If a seventeenth-century voyage to the East was a perilous journey into the (p.13) unknown, by the mid-nineteenth century it had become a cheerless interlude. And while there is clearly a difference between the testimonies of sailors and the experiences of paying passengers and emigrants, the numerous expressions of boredom from a variety of imperial actors across gender, class, and occupational lines makes clear just how pervasive and widely shared the experience was.

i Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century ocean travel was characterized by danger, uncertainty, and hardship (Fig. 1.1). Voyages to India by sail took at least three months but could reach well over six; most averaged around four.5 The small wooden vessels, measuring barely 100 feet long in the seventeenth century, were tossed about in every storm, and the South Atlantic was rife with them. Sometimes the winds were so contrary on the west coast of Africa that ships were blown off course almost to Brazil, where passengers and crew suffered from brutal heat. By the time they approached the Cape of Good Hope, they often found themselves shivering from cold. There was the ever-present danger Page 2 of 45

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Voyages of being dashed against a reef by a sudden shift in winds, or that the winds might die out altogether and the ship would sit becalmed for weeks. The food was dreadful, fresh water was often in short supply, and diseases were rampant.6 The risk of being plundered by pirates was ever-present, and relations with indigenous people were unpredictable.7 Under these conditions, (p.14) ocean travel, even for the most experienced sailors, was not undertaken lightly, and required determination, skill, and good luck. Basic survival was always at stake. The early letters of the East India Company make clear just how arduous and precarious seventeenth- and eighteenthcentury travel could be. Captain Nicholas Downton (c 1615), for example, wrote from Bombay in 1612 about the plight of the sixth voyage of the East India Company, as his small fleet of three ships tried to establish trade around the Red Sea and Indian Ocean on the way to Surat. They were, he

Fig. 1.1. Ship Wrecked on a Rocky Coast (c 50). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

swarms of perplexed thoughts by present view or likelihood of

supplies were running low and the ship was battered and worn. They had been they would be able to engage in sufficient commercial exchange even to repair

8

indignity that ever [a] free nation was abused, they without mercy in chains kept

diligent attendance round about us to destroy and cut off as many of our people their boats, and had refused to let anyone approach the ships with refreshments, Page 3 of 45

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Voyages

our goods, spoiled and took prisoners our people, and continually lay in wait for

9

Downton and his crew finally set sail for England on 3 February 1613. Within

After ten days of commenting on the weather, Downton then wrote with despair,

cook died. On the 27th they were caught by a gust of wind that split their two employment [was] either mending of our poor old sails daily broken, or making

10

(p.15) Although he was not at all sure that they would be able to make the June they spotted St. Helena, a tiny, isolated island a thousand miles off the coast of East Africa that served as a crucial refueling stop for sailing ships on the journey to and from India. Still, as he wrote later that month to the Governor every way thwarted journey where my contents are small, and my hope of profit

was losing one or two men per day, including the gunner, the cooper, and the

spotted the coasts of Wales and Ireland, more than two and half years after they had departed.11 These early letters paint a picture of great fragility and danger. They reflect the observations and fears of men trying to find their way in a largely unknown world, working with imperfect, frequently outdated, and at times incorrect information. They were focused on the business of trade, desperately trying to

Levant who was the chief merchant aboard the first English ship to make direct contact with India, similarly highlights the precariousness of seventeenthPage 4 of 45

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Voyages century voyages, as the men on the three little ships that comprised the third voyage of the East India Company from 1608 to 1610 crisscrossed their way across the Atlantic, trying to find fresh water, struggling against the elements.

Hector. They spotted Tenerife two weeks later, and then stopped briefly in the June the fleet passed Fernando de Noronha, off the coast of Brazil, which not being able to ascertain their longitude, they nearly ran aground, and were

abandoning the voyage and returning to England, they decided instead to sail for Sierra Leone, where none of them had been but which they had read about in Principall Navigations

12

Trade was central to these early voyages: if they could not turn a profit, or at least open up (p.16) new markets, they were unlikely to see their funding renewed.13 This explains why the ships eventually split up, with the Dragon going to the Moluccas and the Hector sailing for Cambay on the west coast of the lead and iron as it could and nearly all the cloth from the Dragon, and giving Hector shall make her voyage at those places, and establish a trade there, to the benefit 14

information about harbors, currents, and routes at a time when geographical knowledge and chart making were still in their infancy. Marlowe wrote from setteth a strong current into the northwest, therefore a ship once past Mayo let her be sure to keep her course so much to the eastward of the south as leaves Forania 40 leagues to the westward, for fear of southeast winds, and the current, put her upon the coast of Brazil, as we in this voyage did to almost the 15 Page 5 of 45

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Voyages

information that would benefit future voyages. The journals were to be surrendered at the conclusion of the voyages, so that the Company could use the data, and were regarded as state secrets. As a result, the promotional rhetoric of writing is rare in the East India Company papers.16 From Sierra Leone the ships crossed the Equator for the third time, and on 17

the importunity of all our men on both ships, and for pity taken of our weak and

17

As with many other early voyages, at a time when the English knew very little about Africa or Asia, reconnaissance and trade went hand-in-hand.

ship, and would plague mariners through the eighteenth century.18 As N. A. M. 19

One of the foremost problems was ascertaining longitude in the absence of accurate chronometers. Longitude was not yet measured from Greenwich (the Prime Meridian would not be agreed upon until 1884), but from landfall to landfall, and thus was only as precise as (p.17) The challenge of estimating distance traveled was magnified on cloudy days when navigators could not use a quadrant, and instead had to rely on inaccurate log-boards that could put them hundreds of miles from where they thought they were.20 Hector reached the latitude of Mozambique by mid-March 1609, eleven months after departing from England, and then steered east for Zanzibar, but, unable to observe either the sun or stars for three days and nights, missed it completely, arriving instead at the island of Pemba thirty miles to the north. They then turned towards Aden, but on 11 May, again unable to gauge their location, they almost ran aground near the island of Socotra. By the time they reached India after fourteen months at sea, half a dozen men had died, plus two more who were lost overboard.21 The mid-eighteenth century development of the Page 6 of 45

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Voyages chronometer, which enabled sailors to accurately calculate longitude, greatly reduced the likelihood of becoming lost.22 As a result, nineteenth-century voyages would have much greater locational certainty, and were consequently much safer.

improvised, as the crew had to manage crises, resolve conflicts, and adjust expectations to changing conditions and circumstances which frequently put them under great stress. The Hector, for example, sprung a leak before it even got out of the English Channel, and only four days after its departure from Plymouth, the fleet lost its first seaman, who was swept overboard. There were disputes among the navigational team over the dangers of proximity to Brazil; a near mutiny; and recurring problems with morale, theft, and insubordination. One of the most disconcerting episodes occurred after their departure from the Hector was seen one night

convened ten days later aboard the Dragon, was tried for his life on the charge of bestiality. Although two witnesses were hesitant about what they had seen in

be whipped at the main mast, and he died soon after they landed in Sierra Leone, probably of suicide.23 The most harrowing incident occurred after Hawkins departed for Agra to meet the Mughal emperor, when Marlowe, who was now in command of the Hector, along with sixteen crewmen, was captured by the Portuguese. They were taken to Goa, where they were imprisoned, and then sent to Lisbon where they were forced to convert to Catholicism. Although they were eventually released, it is not clear if Marlowe was able to return to London.24 As Linda Colley and others have noted, kidnapping was a regular feature of early modern ocean travel, but had largely disappeared by the nineteenth century, at least from the regularly traversed British routes to India and Australia, making long-distance travel by sea significantly less dangerous.25 Seventeenth-century voyages were unpleasant in other ways as well. John Fryer, a Cambridge-educated doctor who was twenty-two years old when he was Gravesend in (p.18) December 1672 with the annual Company fleet on board the Unity, captained by William Cruft who four years later would take Edmond Halley to the island of St. Helena in the southern Atlantic to observe the transit of Mercury across the Sun. Fryer was one of the first scientifically trained Company employees to travel to India, and he produced first-hand reports on the advanced state of science there and in Persia. Fryer also made important observations about the antiscorbutic qualities of oranges and limes that Page 7 of 45

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Voyages 26

His curiosity and delight

phosphorescence, the ability of chameleons to change the color of their skin, and 27

Although the fleet had to wait three weeks after departing before the winds carried them out to sea, once underway they made good progress past Madeira to the Cape Verde Islands, where they went ashore and traded for coconuts, oranges, and limes. After replenishing their supplies, they fought the monsoons parching heat of the torrid zone; whose effects were so much the more outrageous, by as much as the winds shrank upon us from off the coast of Guinea (which we drew nigh to) and had left us at a stand, the usual treatment elements, fire and water; the one assailing us with flashy lightnings and horrid noises, breaking forth the airy region; the other pouring on us whole streams of softest downfall on our bodies is productive of vermin, such as flies, and

28

In mid-April they passed but did not stop at the Cape, because of tensions with the Dutch, sailing instead for Johanna, a small island between Mozambique and Madagascar, which they reached in early May.29 After five months at sea,

drinking water.30

delightful grove, one of which exceeding all the rest, was cooled with two dainty currents, decked with a continual spring, charming the senses with the real 31

The journey from Johanna to Ceylon was less stressful. They spotted two whales, which Fryer found worthy of mention. The only other significant event of note occurred one night when the men on lookout mistook a school of porpoises for

Officers were yelling out commands, and sailors were running in every direction. Fryer wrote (p.19) have ventured a composition for his empty noodle by looking over-board, he Page 8 of 45

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Voyages might have discovered the jig: For at length it was evident that only a chorus of 32

Although his tale was clearly designed to be comic, bordering on picaresque, it points to the very real dangers seventeenth-century sailors faced, not least the ever-present threat of being shipwrecked.33

II If seventeenth-century ocean travel was difficult and dangerous, marked by

by which Britain reached out to all corners of the globe.34 This was the period

Robinson Crusoe (1719) and reached its apex with the epic voyages of James Cook to the Pacific in the 1760s and 1770s. But if storms and shipwrecks were still threats, the stories told during this century were about the

Voyage Round the World (1748) told the gripping, even thrilling, story of how he and his crew, with resolve and fortitude, confronted starvation, sickness, storms, and shipwreck even as they attacked Spanish possessions in the Americas and captured one of the famed Acapulco galleons.35 Nonetheless, it was during the latter decades of the eighteenth century that sailors and other ocean travelers first began to describe their time on board ship as tedious. The boldest and most famous voyages of the eighteenth century were those of James Cook, covering some 60,000 miles.36 These were journeys of great purpose and discovery: the first to observe the transit of Venus from Tahiti, enabling scientists to calculate the distance between the Earth and the Sun; the

whether a southern continent existed;37 and the third fatal voyage, marred by these expeditions introduced Europeans to new lands, new people, new species, and new cultural practices, radically transforming how Europeans viewed themselves and their world. There was so much to see and describe that when the Endeavour words.38 Only on the rarest of occasions, out of thousands of journal entries, did 39 In short, almost every single 40

Not even on the return journey, when Cook was exhausted and his men were sick

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Voyages and dying; only the daily (p.20) recording of the weather, his position, and the 41

sailors, one for leaving his post and attempting to desert, the other for abusive 42

When there was a

43

In short, there were always things to keep Cook occupied and help him pass the time, although it is the product of a great deal of rewriting that included numerous additions and deletions that were clearly the result of extensive thought and consideration. Still, and in contrast to the second and third voyages, it seems that on the first voyage Cook could have had no idea that he might be writing for a larger public, or that he was doing anything more than compose the usual document that any naval commander would have been directed to prepare for his superiors.44

differently. Johann Reinhold Forster, Prussian-born but of Scottish descent, studied languages, natural history, and theology in Berlin and Halle before moving to England where he made a modest living as a translator. When Joseph George were appointed to fill the position, and both kept detailed diaries of the voyage which served as the basis for their Voyage Round the World (1777),

approval. Since George had been a minor when they had agreed to join the expedition, he was under no such restriction.45 Whereas Cook, the consummate great precision and factual detail in his Voyage Towards the South Pole and Round the World appear dull and tedious, and seemed to be distressing to many who were not used to a uniform recluse life on board a ship, without any refreshments or disagreeable, if it had not supplied us with employment from time to time, and nursed the hope of making many interesting discoveries relative to the science 46

There were other occasions too when the Forsters referred to wearying stretches. As the Resolution sailed east from New Zealand in July 1773, Page 10 of 45

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Voyages

contrary winds, and the total want of interesting incidents united to make this 47

His admission was echoed by midshipman George Gilbert, who wrote rather (p.21) poignantly on the last page of the diary he kept on board the Resolution 48

Shorter journeys across the Atlantic also began to produce suggestions, if not yet overt expressions, of boredom. When the twenty-year-old Benjamin Franklin returned to Philadelphia in 1726 after several years in London working as a 49

Indeed it must have been,

some variant. After waking up in the morning he would often read, but confessed (checkers) and cards, but that too became wearing. Moreover, he complained, 50

Never one to waste time, though, Franklin put his days at Autobiography, for having been

51

Franklin thus became one of the first ocean travelers to use a

on him by his journey to engage in a discourse about the self at a moment of transition and uncertainty. Most travelers were not as industrious. When Catherine Green Hickling crossed

and drink and sleep, good friends what then, why then I eat and drink and sleep 52

Hickling was just one of more than 300,000

between 1700 and 1775.53 54

Historians have emphasized that the

ships that plied its waters played an important role in this process.55 The observations of Franklin, Hickling, and others make clear that the ocean was not just a scenic backdrop to human events, but actively shaped the human experience, helping to produce feelings of boredom that had never been felt before, as well as the time and space to write about them. Page 11 of 45

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Voyages The journey down the coast of Africa and around the Cape became increasingly dull and predictable during this period as well. This may have been partly attributable to changes in long-distance ocean travel. As passage-money became take on paying passengers who often had no work to perform on board. For these travelers, monotony became a frequent complaint. They could fish when the ship was becalmed, and there were games, music, conversation, and dancing. Crossing the (p.22) Equator always proved exciting, and dinner at the 56

But with little or no involvement in the running of the ship, the days were long and uneventful. As Anna Maria Falconbridge, who accompanied her husband on a relief mission to ship ploughing the trackless ocean, in a few days became quite familiar to me; 57

Moreover, as ships increased in size and the sea routes to India became better known and more frequently traversed, vessels began to make fewer stops, which meant that there were fewer breaks in the journey and less to see. Ships sailing to India in this period typically called at Madeira to resupply and take on profitable fortified wine, and Cape Town, where travelers often complained about the poor quality of the Dutch food and the profiteering of local merchants, but could also walk about and enjoy the view of Table Mountain.58 Edward Ives, for example, a naval surgeon who traveled to India in 1754, suffered through many of the same hardships that earlier travelers had experienced: delays dead and 160 on the sick list. But amidst all these adversities, what stands out is

met with on those seas; such as great flights of different sorts of birds, near the 59

Already by the 1750s, this part of the

journey had become banal. Still, there was much that fascinated him, not least the people he encountered on Madagascar. Like so many Europeans before him, the first thing he noticed over their shoulder, made of a certain grass growing on the island, which they

making it possible to engage in trade. Clearly steeped in Enlightenment thought about the progress of people, races, and civilizations, Ives speculated that many Page 12 of 45

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Voyages

contempt, on the rude simplicity and unpolished manners of the people now

unacquainted with the polite arts, and quite as barbarous and uncivilized as the impediment to them becoming civilized.60 The fact that he could observe and interact with indigenous people clearly energized Ives and gave him material to think and write about. Ives also made careful notes about the potential commercial uses of the flora kinds, abounds also with a variety of shrubs, and succulent plants. The sugarcanes are as (p.23) of them in length will weigh two pounds, being much larger and finer than in the 61

comparison was clear: there was money to be made in Madagascar. Ives also appreciated that there were numerous shells to be found on the island, which made it a good starting point for collectors since, he said, shells had become 62

For him, simply being able to gather shells helped alleviate the monotony of the journey. But as travel accounts began to appear with greater frequency, writers began to make allowances for the increasingly routine nature of the voyage to the East. John Henry Grose, a civil servant in the East India Company, sailed to Bombay in 1750. Upon his return, he published A Voyage to the East Indies (1757), a onevolume account with extensive descriptions of India. A subsequent two-volume edition featured etchings by his brother Francis, who had studied art at William description of the voyage after his ship passed the Sussex Downs on 30 March familiarity with travel literature. He differentiated between two types of readers:

63

devoted multiple pages to flying fish, albacore, dorado, dolphin, shark, sucking

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Voyages

although he was quickly rescued. The island of Johanna, as it had been for Fryer

treatment in a tent made out of sails. The scene surrounding the ship as it lay at the many canoes scrambling to sell them local products. Grose was able to go hunting with a man from one of the other ships and two native guides. They

64

Already by the mid-eighteenth century the voyage to India had become little more than a humdrum event to be quickly glossed over.

(p.24) iii Not until the first half of the nineteenth century did long-distance ocean travel become truly monotonous. Seafarers not only began to express that sentiment more directly, but also so frequently that writers began to complain about how monotonous expressions of monotony had become. Henry Keene, the East India Company civil servant who suggested that nothing could be duller than a long 65

Although he implied that it was possible to describe the voyage in such a way as to make it interesting, the tediousness of the passage to India had become such a

66

This process of

has been largely overlooked. Feelings of patriotism and duty may also have led memoirists to downplay the extent to which imperial travel could be boring. Expressions of monotony begin to emerge even from those whose chosen career was the navy, despite the best efforts of the admiralty to keep its men occupied at all times. Life at sea in a man-of-war was arduous. Navy ships demanded unceasing labor, at least from the common seamen who spent their days on the tops loosing and furling sails, or who pulled the heavy ropes, looked after the livestock, and pumped bilge water. According to one historian, new recruits

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Voyages the new industrial labor discipline that was beginning to characterize the factory system.67 Since warships had many more men on board than similarly sized merchantmen, they were over-manned in nearly all situations except for battle, which led to concerns about how the men would spend their time. Thomas Hodgskin, who spent more than a decade in the navy before becoming a political economist and journalist, explained in An Essay on Naval Discipline (1813) that a pestilence. As the real duties of the ship can never occupy the time of half of the men employed, the captain has recourse to his invention to find seamen 68

And work they did. A typical day began at 4 a.m. with the scrubbing of the decks, and continued virtually unabated, except for meals, until 8 or 9 p.m. In between was all sorts of make-work including endless drills and maintenance, Life in the Ocean Representing the Usual Occupations of the Young Officers in the Steerage of a British Frigate at Sea (1837) (Colour Plate 1 the Americas and the Caribbean as well as India, Australia, and New Zealand, suggests that there were opportunities for leisure and camaraderie in the (p. 25) cramped quarters below decks. Nevertheless, several of the men, including the standing sailor with the blue scarf tied loosely around his collar, seem at a loss as to how to deal with feelings of boredom The monkey in the right foreground, and the parrot near the center of the canvas, imply symbolically that too much leisure time can lead to disorder and disruption, a theme reinforced by the surveillance of the officer in the back left of the painting and by the marine whose head is popping up from the lower deck.69 It was during these early decades of the nineteenth century when sailors first began to express their feelings of boredom. This may have been a consequence of improved conditions on board ships, including marginally more spacious quarters, better food, and fewer floggings.70 It was surely also due to increased literacy, which had been very poor, even among officers.71 Samuel Leech, for example, who spent thirty years at sea and fought for both Britain and the

relieve me, four long, tedious hours, on the royal yard, or the top-gallant yard, dreamy, compelled to stand on these crazy elevations, when half dead with sea72

Nicol was a Scotsman who spent a quarter of a century in the Royal Navy, during which time he fought in the Napoleonic Wars, twice circumnavigated the globe, and even found time to marry a convict woman bound for Australia, although he Page 15 of 45

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Voyages lost contact with her when he was compelled to ship out, leaving her and their newborn child behind, never to be seen again. In his 1822 autobiography, he wrote about having read Robinson Crusoe and 73

Jackson, despite falling in love and enjoying a rousing crossing-the-line ceremony in advance of which some of the men caught a porpoise which they 74

Bouts of boredom affected all ranks, not just those below deck. John Morshead, who entered the Royal Navy in 1821 as a volunteer and worked his way up to commander before retiring in 1848 after having served in the Ashanti War, the East Indies, and in China, kept a diary covering a decade of his service. A typical occurred during the following week excepting that on Thursday we picked up 75

Likewise, Frederick Bedford, who came from a naval family and spent fifty years in the navy before being appointed Governor of Western Australia in 1903, commented on the daily routine of eating, watch,

(p.26) gales of wind etc., but that is the 76

77

hopes and fears incident to the changes of wind and weather in a sailing ship did

only reply that it never occurred to me to be bored or tired with the daily

made matters worse: He found cruising in and out of harbor under steam Page 16 of 45

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Voyages

78

Naval doctors also struggled to find ways to pass the time, despite regulations that sought to keep them working constantly.79 For Edward Cree, almost every leg of his 1839 journey to the East was boring or disappointing. He complained 80

The

for theft.81 By the time they approached the Cape two months after having left provisions all gone, reduced to salt junk and biscuits and short allowance of 82

A hundred years earlier their dwindling supplies might have imperiled the ship; by the mid-nineteenth century, it was just another dreary

83

The increasingly routine nature of the journey to the Cape is also evident in the reminiscences of Thomas Lucas, an army officer who fought in the Eighth

simply premise that being appointed to the Cape Mounted Rifle Regiment, serving at the Cape of Good Hope, I took my passage in one of the fine vessels belonging to the (p.27) flowers and confitures perpendicular paved roads, which lead to the top of the mountain, and were 84

As for the voyage

board. First-class passengers looking down on second ditto; who again thought 85

86

87

makes clear his perception that all of this had been done and described before. Page 17 of 45

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Voyages Of course, there were numerous sailors who seem not to have found their time at sea monotonous. They were used to life at sea; they did not have high expectations for what they would see; or they saw their time at sea as work, not leisure. George Bayly, for example, who was born in 1808 in Rotherhithe, near the London docks, came from a ship-making and ship-sailing family on both his and after signing on as an apprentice when he turned sixteen, spent the next twenty-five years on board ships, rising to captain and eventually owner of his own vessel.88 Nothing seemed to faze him at sea: not bad weather, not leaks, not the occasional slow progress of whatever ship he was on. The only time he ever expressed disappointment was when he was on land: about St. Helena, which

89

Whether it was he who found the details uninteresting, or whether he thought his readership would, is not clear, but the point remains the same, that imperial travel was becoming banal.

IV Nineteenth-century voyages also differed from earlier travel in that British women began to journey to the East in significant numbers. The early charters of the East India Company had forbidden women on its posts, but while this directive seems to have been largely ignored, the number of women who sailed to India during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries remained small. By the nineteenth century, (p.28) with the growing stigma against British men taking Indian wives and with improvements in ship design and navigation, the number of women sailing overseas increased dramatically.90 For many of them, the voyage could be dreadful (Colour Plate 2). The Reverend Hobart Caunter related during a particularly unpleasant storm in the 1830s, as hurricane force winds fastenings. Just as they were trying to secure their possessions for the night, a

cabin, and its fair occupant was borne head foremost into the cuddy, dripping 91

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Voyages Accommodations were cramped and dirty, with a bucket of salt water for a washtub and another to use as a toilet.92 When Mary Sherwood, who later husband to India, she had to sleep in a hammock strung so high above a cannon that she could hardly sit up in bed, while filthy water from the bilges ran across the floor beneath.93 can never conceive the hundredth part of the horrors of a long voyage to a 94

visit, coming on deck from the side of the ship, and the passengers gave them a 95

Still, through the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the voyage out seemed to have remained largely enjoyable, even as it was becoming more familiar and, for a growing number of tourists, rather luxurious. By the time Emma Roberts wrote The East India Voyager, or Ten Minutes Advice to the Outward Bound (1839), which The New Monthly Magazine

96

This new female readership not only attests to an increase in the number of women traveling to India, but also hints at another major shift in the travel experience. As Roberts wrote, The East India Voyager 97

Sailing conditions had certainly improved by this time, although the voyage cabins, which were light and airy and comparatively secluded, although they could be noisy, with sailors stationed above their heads, and with the chicken easy chair, footrest, and washing table, all of which, Roberts reassured, would be useful in India. Also required was a mattress, blankets, extra pillows, and a small

also listed various stores that the conscientious traveler should acquire, including perfume, soap, (p.29) service performed by the artisans of the vessel in the manner most acceptable to

mentioned that some extra coffee might be handy, along with soda water, a case of portable soup, preserved milk, biscuits, cases of liquors, confectionery, and

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98

The East India Voyager of less exciting times. In a section on shipboard theatricals, she informed her readers that there was generally more gaiety on the outward-bound journey, since there in spirit, and enjoying the freshness of youth, usually endeavor to beguile the

99

Lucie Duff-Gordon experienced both the highs and the lows of ocean travel during her voyage to South Africa in 1861. Born in 1821 to John and Sarah (Taylor) Austin, her father was a renowned jurist and legal theorist who had

the bar. Her mother was a talented translator and the principal wage earner Harriet Martineau. Lucie, who would become a well-respected writer and Westminster, across the way from the seventy-year-old Jeremy Bentham, and next door to James Mill, who had just completed his monumental History of British India, and his son John, whom her father tutored. After marrying the young baronet Alexander Duff-Gordon just before her nineteenth birthday, Lucie and her husband enjoyed a lively social life, entertaining such luminaries as

health reasons after having contracted tuberculosis.100 Her voyage began with the usual tossing and turning. As she wrote to her husband off the coast of Cornwall, after her ship had run into a gale that had

Biscay, off the coast of France, the weather had grown so cold that she could not

breakfast at 9 till dinner at 4, and then again till it gets cold, and then to 101

Most of what there was to write about was gossip, and (p.30) even

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Voyages

positively dislike one another, but the stock of anecdotes which each was 102

but for the most part the journey was monotonous, although Lucie never used

103

As Margaret Macmillan

put it in Women of the Raj reality, for all the privilege, was generally slow, dirty, uncomfortable, and 104

Fanny Parkes similarly described how a voyage could begin with great promise and excitement, before devolving into misery and disappointment. Born in Wales in 1794, Fanny Archer married Charles Parkes, a clerk with the Bengal Civil Service, and in June 1822 sailed for Calcutta where she arrived some five months later. She and her husband lived in India until 1845, mostly in and around Allahabad. She wrote her diary, she said, which was subsequently published as Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque (1850), as a record for her mother; it includes descriptions of her daily activities as well as her observations of Indian religion, society, and customs. Although Parkes presents her account as authentic and based on her own eyewitness experiences, it is widely seen as a deeply Orientalist tract, complicit with British colonial imperatives in its depictions of India and Indians.105 insatiable curiosity and voracious appetite for new experiences leap off the pages of her book. Her voyage began well. She was bursting with enthusiasm, and wrote of the

albatross. Several weeks later, at the southernmost point in their journey, near

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Voyages small size. In mid-October they were caught in terrible heat for eleven days, and arrived in the Bay of Bengal and soon thereafter in Calcutta.106 Despite her best efforts to narrate her journey as a Romantic adventure, nothing could mask what 107

(p.31) One of the reasons why women found themselves prone to boredom was that they were under so many restrictions. In 1821, Peter Cherry, a well-known resident of Madras and formerly paymaster to the forces that had stormed Seringapatam in 1799, wrote to his three daughters upon hearing of their intent to join him in India, listing the items that they would need for their comfort on board ship, and providing guidelines for their conduct. They were not to drink more than two glasses of wine, and when they drank beer, they were not to drink any wine at all. He recommended moderation in the eating of fruit, and to avoid them not to attend divine service on deck unless there was a regular clergyman explained. On no account were they to accept an invitation to play cards or backgammon. If they wanted to exercise on deck, they were to take the arm of a

conversation be general, and always [to] have one of your sisters on your other arm, and the third sister must 108

Nor was there anything unusual about this advice. Eliza Fay brought three young women passage owing to a previous arrangement with the captain and me, to guard 109

These sorts of restrictions greatly reduced the number of activities that women could engage in while on board ship, leaving them with little recourse but to stay in their cabins and read or knit.

V Of all the nineteenth-century voyages, the journey to Australia was the most arduous.110 Its extraordinary length, as well as the enormous number of people who could be crammed onto convict and emigrant ships and the wide range of climatic conditions they experienced, put travelers under considerable strain. The distance to Sydney by the route laid down by the Admiralty in the late eighteenth century was over 13,000 nautical miles, although it included a number of stops. This route remained in use from the founding of New South Wales in 1788 until the Gold Rush in the 1850s. It took ships to Tenerife and the Cape Verde Islands, and then followed the trade winds towards Brazil, crossing the Equator and passing through the notorious calms of the doldrums. From Rio, ships would head south in search of the westerly winds that would carry them Page 22 of 45

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Voyages back across the South Atlantic to Cape Town. From there, captains were advised to follow the thirty-ninth parallel to Australia. When Rio fell out of favor following the Napoleonic Wars, the Cape remained the one certain port of call, at the midpoint of the journey. Still ahead lay 7,000 miles of ocean with no landmass closer than India to the north and Antarctica to the south. (p.32) The earliest accounts of the passage to Australia, from the late eighteenth century, tend either to highlight the privation and hardship that convicts experienced, or to gloss over the journey almost entirely in order to focus on life in the fledgling settlement.111 One convict, Thomas Milburn, in a letter to his parents which was subsequently printed as a broadsheet in England, the brutal conditions below deck: We were chained two and two together and confined in the hold during the quantity of victuals to keep us alive, and scarcely any water; for my own part I could have eaten three or four of our allowances, and you know very chained to us died, we kept it a secret as long as we could for the smell of the dead body, in order to get their allowance of provision, and many a time have I been glad to eat the poultice that was put to my leg for perfect hunger.112 Similarly, Newton Fowell, midshipman and lieutenant on board HMS Sirius, the flagship of the First Fleet which sailed from Portsmouth in 1787 to establish a British settlement in New South Wales, mentioned matter-of-factly that their other than the sighting of several albatross and the loss of seventeen convicts, including two babies.113 Arthur Phillip, who captained the Sirius and became the first Governor of New South Wales, also had difficulty finding words to describe the long voyage, although his comments suggest an experience verging on boredom, though not yet labeled as such. He wrote, some four months after departing Portsmouth: A prosperous course by sea, like a state of profound peace and tranquility in civil society, though most advantageous to those who enjoy it, is unfavorable to the purposes of narration. The striking facts which the writer exerts himself to record, and the reader is eager to peruse, arise only from difficult situations: uniform prosperity is described in very few words. Of this acceptable but unproductive kind was the passage of the Botany Bay fleet from Rio de Janeiro to the Cape of Good Hope; uniformly favorable, and not marked by any extraordinary incidents.114

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Voyages

Canary Islands, Rio, and the Cape provided ample material. So too did the early days of the colony, which were difficult, chaotic, and busy, in contrast to the voyage from the Cape to Botany Bay, which lasted fifty-one days and about which Phillip wrote nothing. However long and uneventful the early settlers found the crossing of the southern Indian Ocean from Cape Town to Sydney, it was relatively mild compared to the shorter but even more isolated route that came into use in the mid-nineteenth century. On the Mercator projection, the thirty-ninth parallel looked to be the shortest route to Australia; it also had the advantage of offering navigators a single straight course to steer. But its apparent directness was an illusion. Because the Earth is spherical, the shortest distance between any two points is actually a curve. In the 1840s, John Towson, a watchmaker and scientific writer, calculated the benefits of what was called the Great Circle route to Australia, although it was impossible to follow since it would take ships (p.33) break up the curved route into a series of straight-line chords, going as far south as the ice would allow. Such a course cut out the Cape entirely, leaving it hundreds of miles to the north, and eliminating the last scheduled stop on the journey (Fig. 1.2). The captains had reduced the average length of the voyage from about 120 days to less than 90.115 This new route, however, meant that passengers had to sail out of sight of land for almost three months. Unless the lives of those on board were threatened by a shortage of water or provisions, epidemic disease, mechanical difficulties, or a mutinous crew, most vessels did not stop between Britain and Australia.116 The most frequently used ships on the mid-nineteenth-century Australia route, called East Indiamen, were basically warships adapted for dual passenger and cargo use (Colour Plate 3). They were deep and narrow, averaging 175 feet long and 33 feet wide, and were typically fitted with three decks. They could carry several hundred passengers on the voyage out (Fig. 1.3), after which the temporary partitions between the decks would be removed to make way for wool or other colonial products on

Fig. 1.2. 1843), A general chart for the purpose of laying England to the East or West Indies or the Pacific Ocean (London: Charles Wilson, 1852). State Library of New South Wales, Mitchell Map Collection. This large projection, was first published in 1833. It

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Voyages the return.117 Although parliamentary bills established 1842 Act, for example, legislated a basic diet, raised the minimum height between decks to six feet, and required that shippers allot at least nine square feet per adult for experienced by steerage passengers fell somewhere between uncomfortable and abysmal: two-tiered sleeping berths with as little as 30 inches of space between them;

was used to plot the track of ships Vimeira, Walter Hood, La Hogue, and George Marshall in 1851, 1855, 1857, and 1868. During the early nineteenth century, emigrant ships traveling to Australia sailed into the Bay of Biscay (off the coast of France) before heading south to the Equator. Stopping for supplies either at Cape Town or Rio de Janeiro, ships could often spend weeks in the doldrums waiting for wind. Great Circle sailing, using the route developed by Towson in the 1840s and delineated in this chart, took ships well south of the Cape south the Roaring Forties, where travelers faced freezing conditions and the risk of icebergs, before heading back

compartments; inadequate toilet facilities; and poor

up towards the Australian coast. While shorter, this route meant that passengers

lighting and ventilation, to say nothing of spoiled rations,

were out on the open water with no land in sight for almost the entire journey.

water leakage, and vermin.118 Those who could afford private percent of the total number of passengers carried, making the voyage to Australia different from the India trip.119 The introduction of steam technology would eventually have a dramatic effect on the Australian passage, but not until the end of the nineteenth century. Although steam engines were used in water transport in Britain from the 1780s, steamships did not begin to appear on the Australian route until the 1850s.120 The great advantage of steam was that it offered a more dependable service, because the ships were relatively unaffected by tides and winds. But at least in the early

Fig. 1.3. Illustrated London News Vol. 4 (13 April 1844): 229. Courtesy of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Life accommodation in steerage on the emigrant ship St. Vincent bound for Sydney. Once used as a convict ship, the St. Vincent sailed from Deptford on 8

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Voyages decades, steamships also April 1844 with 165 emigrants, most of required frequent stops for rewhom had received government grants coaling, which is why they came that subsidized their settlement. The late to the far longer Australia route. Not until the 1880s, when steamships had been between the ages of eighteen and thirty fitted with both screw propeller who had been in domestic or farm and compound engine, would service. they significantly reduce the length of the Australian journey and usher in the age of the ocean liner, when there seem to have been far fewer complaints about boredom, perhaps because passengers had become used to the idea of long voyages, but surely also because the voyages were indeed shorter and more luxurious.121 Thus the middle decades of the nineteenth century, the period of mass migration widespread use of steamships, when more than half a million British and Irish men and women made the journey, were the most challenging for travelers to Australia. During that time they faced several months on the ocean almost entirely out of sight of land, generating for many emigrants feelings of overwhelming, unremitting boredom (Fig. 1.4).122 complained George Moore, about his 1830 voyage.123 (p.34) (p.35) second-class passage to Australia in 1864.124 125

later.126 127

Her yearning not just for birds and fish, but for new birds and fish, underscores the importance of novelty and variety to the satisfying travel experience. Both were absent on the Australian route. For some emigrants, the boredom was so relentless that it had to be expressed over and over again. William and Lawrence Kennaway, who in 1851 sailed to the recently established Canterbury settlement in New Zealand where their father had bought land for them, wrote in early July, two weeks after leaving Page 26 of 45

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Voyages and I really cannot tell you anything worth telling you

Towards the end of August they arrived at the comfortless and they wrote, perhaps with a touch of levity. A few days later they switched the focus from themselves to their fellow

And then on 23 September, after more than three months at

Fig. 1.4. 1848), Cabin Scene, Man Relaxing in a Chair, with His Feet Up (1820). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. This drawing comes from a sketchbook of shipboard scenes providing a humorous glimpse of life on board ship. In this cabin scene, a man stares vacantly in the opposite direction from the window where his feet are propped, perhaps because there was nothing to see outside. In fact, none of the drawings in the sketchbook feature a coastline. Next to him, in the sparsely appointed cabin, a canvas-covered sea chest, with several books sitting on top of it, appears to be lashed either to the deck or the bulkhead.

128

(p.36) pass away the 129

For Kate Lambert, it was the sighting of a French ship bound for Buenos Aires and the communal dinner that 130

The days

1.5).131 These travelers inhabited what literary scholar Paul Carter has 132

In the absence of external stimuli, some of them focused on the weather.133 Edward Cornell, before noting, was bright and clear is today changeable and 134

J. R. Waight

nothing to remark the last week, except that the weather

Fig. 1.5. 1836), Ascension Island (c.1815). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, Caird Collection. After months at

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Voyages has been changeable sometimes 135

sea, even barren islands could become objects of interest.

But sometimes even the weather was not variable enough. George Kershaw, a working man who immigrated to Sydney with his wife and children in 1841, wrote the following (using the nineteenth-century abbreviation

[Sept] 13 Very fair still hot all well

136

(p.37) Whereas in the seventeenth and eighteenth century the weather had been a source of danger and discomfort, by the mid-nineteenth century it was barely worth mentioning. Other travelers focused on the routine of daily life on board ship, although that too could lead to feelings of boredom. Annie Gratton, who sailed in the relative comfort of cabin accommodation, outlined her morning activities during her

sweeping] out her own berth. Then we take it in turns for cleaning out the the week swept and rubbed with a stone and with sand, all done before 137

Similarly, in 1883 Margaret Hinshelwood, bound for Rockhampton, Queensland, wrote about how quickly she and her family adapted to their shipboard regimen: rising before six, bathing the children and readying them for their lessons, eating breakfast at eight, washing the dishes with the other women while their husbands swept the floor, and then up on deck for the day by nine, where they had access to a library where they could read and chat until dinner at one, and then again until teatime at five, before getting the little ones ready for bed. Still, no amount of chores could overcome the monotony of

138

As Anna Cook noted not once but (p.38) three times in the letter she wrote to her mother during her 1883 voyage to Rockhampton with

139

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Voyages Emigrant ships were among the most controlled and regulated environments of the Victorian period. Once on board emigrants found that almost all their activities were organized for them, although there was time for reading, writing, smoking, playing games, singing, and dancing, along with regular meals and the required cleaning.140 structured,141 the routine foisted on steerage passengers, which contrasts with the relative freedom given to middle- and upper-class passengers traveling during the first half of the century, may actually have helped alleviate tedium. More likely is that a three- to four-month voyage to Australia in the middays were structured. It was not easy to sustain a diary on a voyage lasting three or four months with so little to see. Once the routine of life at sea had been established and the strangeness of the shipboard environment had worn off, there was generally 142

traveling with his parents that same year.143 As Richard Sheraton, reflecting on very useless way of spending time and paper for it is utterly impossible with the routine on ship-board to find something day by day for 140 days which would 144

As a result, many travelers who clearly hoped to

145

Perhaps for this reason, the a helpful template of what to write:

(1850) provided

26th July 1850

146

In fact, the narration of the voyage had become so banal by the 1840s that one 147

Other travelers seem to have done little more than copy into their diary the basic

which, in the absence of any visible landmarks, was difficult to discern (Fig. 1.6). Page 29 of 45

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Voyages As Andrew Hassam has observed, it seems unlikely that his purpose for keeping such a record would have been to share this information with friends or family (p.39) structure and keep track of the endless days on board the ship.148 Indeed, under 149 although the importance of doing so on a lengthy voyage should not be underestimated. 150

If nothing else, daily entries, however brief or banal, could help pass the time, and mark the passage of time. As if the journey was not monotonous enough, some emigrants even found their arrival anticlimactic. William

in Sydney in 1842 that he 151

And although an 1863 article in the Illustrated Times claimed that the Australian coastline was Fig. 1.6. Illustrated London News Vol. 14 (20 Smith thought otherwise. Despite barely being able to contain his excitement after more than three months at sea exclaimed when they finally

disappointed by its monotonous (p.40) outline, regularity of shape in the hills, and especially the unvarying color of the vegetation, than I could well

January 1849): 41. Courtesy of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. A group of emigrants below deck peer at a map spread out on the table by the dim light of a safety lantern, presumably trying to figure out where their ship is in the vast expanse of ocean en route to Australia. There is a certain irony in the suggestion that looking at a chart below deck might give passengers as good as, if not an even better, sense of where they are than being on deck during the day, when, as so many of them wrote, there was nothing to see except water and sky.

1.7).152 Even Charles Darwin

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Voyages

saw or heard would compel him to emigrate.153 At least during the second half of the nineteenth century voyages to Australia were relatively safe. Although a number of ships carrying government-assisted immigrants ran aground, only two were wrecked between 1831 and 1872, and only five more from 1873 to 1914, two with no loss of life. This puts the survival rate at around 99.8 percent. And although popular literature and sensational

Fig. 1.7. Views on the North Coast of Australia (1802). National Library of Australia.

journalism made much of the carried Irish immigrants escaping the Great Famine across the Atlantic, most voyages to Australia buried fewer than six emigrants at sea.154 Put simply: midnineteenth-century voyages were neither life-threatening nor terrifying, and were therefore less exciting than earlier voyages had been.

VI Mayflower and determination in the face of innumerable obstacles including storms, shipwrecks, (p.41) privation, and fatal encounters with indigenous people.155 But for all the discomforts and dislocations, by the mid-nineteenth century the predominant feature of long-distance ocean journeys was the monotony. And it was not just that the voyages themselves had become more boring; it was that travelers were experiencing them in new ways, and expressing their feelings more personally, frequently, and directly. Paul Carter has suggested that diaries are not so much records of the land- or

dependent on moments of stasis, when travelers can put pen to paper, and that

156

although numerous travelers on land also found time

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Voyages to write. Nonetheless, his point, that in the absence of stimuli it is possible to write, is an important one.157 Taking up his lead, other scholars have suggested that the sorts of letters and diaries discussed here may have helped to define and redefine the narrators of them, perhaps at the very moment when the self was in the greatest danger of being lost.158 For immigrants to Australia in particular, the voyage constituted a state of limbo, when they were out of touch with everyone but their shipmates, no longer belonging to the old world but not yet part of the new.

159

This, however, is the perspective of the literary critic, not the historian, for while it was surely the case that diaries played an important role on board ship, they also reveal significant changes in the experience of traveling, and that when, how, and why one sailed to South Africa, India, or Australia had a huge impact on how one experienced that journey. Many emigrants to Australia, for example, were neither eager nor experienced travelers. And, insofar as they were participants in the expansion of empire, many did so unwittingly, if not reluctantly. They were traveling to Australia not because they loved to sail or were interested in making scientific discoveries, learning about new cultures, or becoming rich, like so many diarists in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but because they were forced to, either as convicts, or because they were desperate to find work or to join loved ones. For them, the long journey was neither leisure nor pleasure, nor an experience to be enjoyed on its own, but rather an interminable interregnum between one life and another. Mary Louise Pratt, in an influential essay on late-eighteenth- and earlywriting: the informational and the experiential. In the former, explorers endeavored to make their accounts seem scientific by incorporating aesthetic, geographic, mineralogical, botanical, agricultural, economic, ecological, and ethnographic information.160 Adopting a stance that tried to efface the self, explorers attempted to portray what they were seeing from an objectivist viewpoint. In contrast, the experiential mode derived its authority less from the informational data it provided than from the active participation of the narrator. If the first was typified by descriptions of landscape largely devoid of people (see Chapter 2), the latter was frequently marked by (p.42) tales of heroic 161

Nineteenth-century shipboard diaries in fact blend the two approaches, providing raw information about the ship, the journey, and what few sights there were, while at the same time offering reflections on the

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Voyages The expressions of boredom that materialize in the nineteenth century were also a consequence of the emergence of the idea of the self that a number of scholars have dated to the late eighteenth century.162 William Reddy, for example, has traced a shift from eighteenth-century sentimentalism, which involved externalized emotions, to nineteenth-century Romanticism, characterized by 163

Put differently, Romanticism constituted an

Confessions (1782).164 Feelings of boredom were surely also related to the Enlightenment pursuit of individual happiness, enshrined so famously in the American Declaration of Independence. In this context, boredom

and view happiness as a constitutive element of human existence, could boredom emerge as an emotional state. While boredom did not emerge solely in an imperial context, the long distances that were involved, in conjunction with high expectations for novelty and variety and the surfeit of leisure time, made the empire fertile ground for its development. Finally, it needs to be recognized that the market for written accounts of imperial voyages had evolved considerably by the nineteenth century. Ever since Principall Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation was first published in 1589, there had been a robust demand for with its numerous tales of failure and disaster, was not just as a record of

165

Purchas His Pilgrims

inspirational and influential New Voyage Round the World (1697), which provided riveting accounts of sea battles against Spanish treasure ships combined with detailed observations on biology, zoology, geology, and indigenous people in Central America and the Pacific.

first voyage, which netted the author the largest literary advance of the eighteenth century and quickly sold out its first edition of 2,000 sets, there was editions between 1777 and 1784, as well as numerous unofficial accounts by those who had sailed with Cook and sought to profit from the widespread public interest in his voyages.166 One of those was by Swedish naturalist Anders Sparrman, a student of (p.43) Carl Linnaeus, who was in the Cape Colony when the Resolution Page 33 of 45

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Voyages voyage to the Pacific as a naturalist. The preface to the second English edition of (1786) voyages and travels have at all times, and in all ages, since the invention of letters, been favorably received by the public: but, perhaps in no age so well as

167

In the late eighteenth century, there was clearly an eager and extensive reading public for tales of exploration, especially for those, such

which only a very small number of people ever traveled overseas.168 Yet by the had changed: voyages were not only being described as tedious; they were increasingly excised from travel accounts altogether. The fact is, the experience of overseas travel became markedly more monotonous between the early modern period and the mid-nineteenth century. 169

natural and scientific observations produced during seventeenth- and eighteenth-century voyages served a valuable purpose, both on the voyages themselves and for subsequent travelers. These journeys were also terrifying explorations into the unknown, where starvation, shipwreck, and kidnapping were always a possibility. And, they produced a raft of new sights and experiences. But by the mid-nineteenth century, the nature of long-distance ocean travel had changed considerably: voyages were less dangerous and, put simply, less interesting, as ships made fewer stops, increasingly sailed out of sight of land which might have relieved the flatness of the sea, and offered fewer birds and fish that had not been seen or described before. And whereas early modern sailors often had little idea where they were or where they were going, by the mid-nineteenth century routes were much better known and well traveled. Finally, if much of the thrill of early ocean travel was the experience of there was not only less to see, but little that had not been described before. In this context, not even the keeping of a diary could relieve the boredom. Notes:

(1.) H. G. Keene, 1897), 48.

(London: W. Thacker & Co.,

(2.

Kevin Brown, Passage to the (Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing, 2013) and Dale Spender, Writing a New World: Two Centuries of Australian Women Writers (London: Pandora, 1988).

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Voyages (3.) Emma Roberts, The East India Voyager, or Ten Minutes Advice to the Outward Bound (London: J. Madden & Co., 1839), 9. (4.) Evan Cotton, MacMillan, Women of the Raj

, Nathaniel Philbrick, Mayflower (New York: Siân Rees, The Floating Brothel (London:

(5.) Jean Sutton, Lords of the East: The East India Company and its Ships (London: Conway Maritime Press, 1981), 105. (6.) Ibid. Basil Greenhill and Ann Giffard, Travelling by Sea in the Nineteenth Century Peter Kemp, The British Sailor: A Social History of the Lower Deck (London: J. M. Dent, 1970); Black, The British Seaborne Empire, 48. (7.) In addition to Colley, see Martin Daunton and Rick Halpern, eds., Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999); Anne Salmond, The Trial South Seas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). (8.) Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East, Marston & Co., 1896), 155. (9.) Ibid. (10.) Ibid. (11.) Ibid. unusually high. The first fleet of the East India Company, which sailed to Sumatra, lost 182 out of 400 men (40 percent) in two and a half years. See Brian Gardner, The East India Company (New York: McCall Publishing Company, 1971), 27. (12.) Letters Received by the East India Company Library Quarterly

Richmond Barbour, Huntington John Keay, The Honourable Company

(13.) Philip Lawson, The East India Company: A History (London: Longman, 1993), 20, 23. (14.) Letters Received by the East India Company, 13.

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Voyages (15.) Ibid. (16.

Marvelous Possessions; Jonathan P. A. Sell, (Aldershot: Ashgate,

2006). (17.) Letters Received by the East India Company (18.) Navigation

Journal of

(19.) N. A. M. Rodger, The Wooden World: An Anatomy of the Georgian Navy (London: Collins, 1986), 51. (20.) John Fryer, A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters (London: R. Chiswell, 1698), 2, 10. (21.) Ibid. (22.) Dava Sobel, Longitude (New York: Walker and Company, 1995). (23.) Barbour, 260, 262, 264. (24.) Ibid. 263, 268. (25.) In addition to Colley, see Marcus Rediker, Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Gold Age (Boston: Beacon Press, 2004); Kris E. Lane, Pillaging the (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1998); Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). (26.) Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (27.) John Fryer, 427. (28.) Ibid. (29.) Geoffrey Fryer, 177. (30.) John Fryer, 16. (31.) Ibid. 18. (32.) Ibid. 23. (33.) Between 1700 and 1818, at least 160 Indiamen were lost to wreck, fire, or capture. See Cotton, 127. Page 36 of 45

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Voyages (34.) Felicity A. Nussbaum, ed., The Global Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003). See also Philip Edwards, The Story of the Voyage: Sea-Narratives in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) and Jonathan Lamb, Preserving the Self in the South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). (35. Oceans (New York: Viking, 1999).

Glyn Williams, The Prize of All the

(36.) Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century 91. The best introduction Nicholas Thomas, Cook: The Extraordinary Voyages of Captain James Cook (New York: Walker & Company, 2005). (37.) James Cook, A Voyage Towards the South Pole and Round the World (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777), 30 January 1774. (38.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook (39.) J. C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery 392, 376. (40.) Ibid. Botany Bay and along the Queensland coast. (41.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook men died of scurvy. (42.) (43.) Ibid. (44.) Ibid. (45.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook (46.) George Forster, A Voyage Round the World, ed. Nicholas Thomas and Oliver Berghof, Vol. I (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 43. (47.) Ibid. 137. (48. 38530. (49.) John Bigelow, ed., The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. I (New York: G. P.

(50.) Ibid. 118, 121, 123, 125. Page 37 of 45

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Voyages (51.) Ibid. 103. (52.) Quoted in Stephen R. Berry, A Path in the Mighty Waters: Shipboard Life and Atlantic Crossings to the New World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015), 172. (53.) Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22

(54.) Bernard Bailyn, The Peopling of British North America: An Introduction (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 5, 8. (55.) See Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concepts and Contours (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005); American Historical Review Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); American Historical Review (56. (57.) Deidre Coleman, ed., Travel Narratives of the 1790s (London: Leicester University Press, 1999), 51. (58.) Percival Spear, The Nabobs: A Study of the Social Life of the English in Eighteenth Century India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 42. (59.) Edward Ives, A Voyage from England to India, in the Year 1754 (London: Edward and Charles Dilley, 1773), 5. (60.) Ibid.

On eighteenth-century ideas of race, see Ivan Hannaford, Race:

The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Roxann Wheeler, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Difference in Eighteenth-Century British Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000); David Bindman, Ape to Apollo: Aesthetics and the Idea of Race in the 18th Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002); Kathleen Brown,

(61.) Ives, 14. (62.) Ibid. (63.) John Henry Grose, A Voyage to the East Indies, 2nd edn. (London: S.

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Voyages (64.) Ibid. (65.) Keene, 48. (66.) The Private Journal of the Marquess of Hastings, ed. Sophia Rawdon-

(67.) International Review of Social History 54 (2009): 76; Kemp, 70. See

(68.) Thomas Hodgskin, An Essay on Naval Discipline (London: n.p., 1813), 44. (69.

Dudley Pope, Kemp.

(Annapolis: Naval

(70. (71.) Gregory Fremont-Barnes,

(Oxford: Osprey

Publishing, 2007), 92. (72.) Samuel Leech, Thirty Years from Home, or, A Voice from the Main Deck (Boston: Tappan & Dennet, 1843), 206, (73.) The Life and Adventures of John Nicol, Mariner (Edinburgh: William

(74.) The Life and Adventures of John Nicol (75. (76.) F. G. H. Bedford, The Life and Letters of Admiral Sir Frederick George Denham Bedford (Newcastle upon Tyne: Andrew Reid & Company, [1960]), 29. (77.) Ibid. 40. (78.) Time Magazine, 25 February 1929; Edmund Robert Fremantle, The Navy as 120, 144. (79.) Joan Druett, Rough Medicine: Surgeons at Sea in the Age of Sail (New York: Routledge, 2000),

(80.) Ibid. (81.) Michael Levien, The Cree Journals: The Voyages of Edward H. Cree, (Exeter: Webb & Bowler, 1981), 39. Page 39 of 45

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Voyages (82.) Ibid. (83.) Ibid. (84.) Thomas J. Lucas, Camp Life and Sport in South Africa: Experiences of Kaffir Warfare with the Cape Mounted Rifles (85.) Ibid. 3. (86.) Ibid. 5. (87.) Ibid. 18. (88.) Pamela Statham-Drew and Rica Erickson, eds., A Life on the Ocean Wave: (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1998). (89.) Ibid. 83, 145, 151, 156, 158. (90. Durba Ghosh, Sex and the Family in Colonial India: The Making of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Katie Hickman, Daughters of Britannia: The Lives and Times of Diplomatic Wives (New York: HarperCollins, 1999). (91.) William Daniel and Hobart Caunter, The Oriental Annual, or Scenes in India

(92. (93.) F. J. Harvey Darton, ed., (London: Wells Gardner, Darton & Co., 1910), 228. (94.) The Monthly Packet 97 (January 1899): 55. (95. (96.) The New Monthly Magazine and Humorist 57 (Oct. 1839): 241. (97.) Emma Roberts, The East India Voyager, p. x. (98.) Ibid. (99.) Ibid. 9. (100.) Katherine Frank, A Passage to Egypt: The Life of Lucie Duff Gordon

(101.) Ibid. Page 40 of 45

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Voyages (102.

Louisa

(103. (104.) MacMillan, 71. (105.) Farah Ghaderi, Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya, and Shivani Sivagurunathan, Wanderings of a Pilgrim Studies in Literature and Language Indira Ghose and Sara Mills, eds., Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque Sara Suleri, The Rhetoric of English India(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Writing Women and Space: Colonial and Postcolonial Geographies, eds. Alison Blunt and Gillian Rose

(106. (107.) Fanny Parkes, I. 14. (108.) Charles Minchin, The Annals of an Anglo-Indian Family, ed. Malcolm A.

(109.) Eliza Fay, Original Letters from India, ed. E. M. Forster (New York: The New York Review of Books, 2010), 231. (110.) The voyages of slave ships were far more brutal and deadly, but of shorter duration. See Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002); Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Viking, 2007); Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade: The (New York: Touchstone, 1997). (111.) See Robert Hughes, The Fatal Shore (New York: Random House, 1986), 143; Thomas Keneally, A Commonwealth of Thieves (New York: Random House, 2007). (112.

(113.) Nancy Irvine, ed., The Sirius Letters: The Complete Letters of Newton Fowell (114.) The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay, 3rd edn. (London: John Stockdale, 1790), 42. (115.) Don Charlwood, The Long Farewell Journal of Navigation

Andrew Hassam, Sailing to

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Voyages Australia: Shipboard Diaries by Nineteenth-Century British Emigrants (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), 8; Helen R. Woolcock, Rights of Passage: Emigration to Australia in the Nineteenth Century (London: The celebrated clipper ships, on which only

(116.) Woolcock, 76. Less than 2 percent of ships sailing to Queensland from

(117.) Ibid. See also David Divine, These Splendid Ships: The Story of the Peninsular and Orient Line (London: Frederick Muller, 1960); Alfred Fell, (Exeter: James Townsend & Sons, 1926). (118.) Ibid. It is ironic that those condemned to transportation as convicts were less likely to die of illness (four per voyage) than emigrants (as many as five times that number). See Charlwood, 1. Shipboard conditions were also far worse on the Atlantic routes, even though they were shorter. See Terry Coleman, Passage to America: A History of Emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (London: Hutchinson, 1972). (119.) Charlwood, 105. (120.) Anna Sproule, Port Out, Starboard Home: The Rise and Fall of the Ocean Passage Douglas Burgess, Engines of Empire: Steamships and the Victorian Imagination (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). (121.) Charlwood, 17; Woolcock, 57, 60; Burgess. (122.) The most thorough and insightful analysis of these shipboard diaries is Hassam, Sailing to Australia, from which much of the analysis that follows has been drawn. (123.) George Fletcher Moore, Settler in Western Australia (124.) 20. (125. M2116. (126.

Sea Breezes 21 (1956): 251,

Albion

Scotia

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Voyages (127.) Quoted in Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), 142. (128.) R. C. Lamb and R. S. Gormack, eds., Shipboard Fare (129.

21, 30, 51, 57, 74.

City of Brisbane

(130.) Kate Lambert, The Golden South: Memories of Australian Home Life from 1843 to 1888 (131.

Morning Light

(132.) Carter, 141. (133.) Hassam, Sailing to Australia, 99. (134.

Red Jacket

(135.

Patriarch

(154.) Robin Haines, Life and Death in the Age of Sail: The Passage to Australia 74; Woolcock, 329. (136.) George Kershaw, Notebook, SLNSW MLMSS 624. (137.

Conway

Charlwood, 217. (138.)

Nevo, Glasgow to Port of Melbourne Quarterly

(139.

Scottish Hero

(140.) Woolcock, 105. (141. (142. (143. (144. NLA MS 4061. (145.

Wimera Conflict Duke of Wellington

Heart of Oak

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Voyages (146.) W. H. G. Kingston, Saunders, 1850), 23.

(London: Trelawney

(147. (148.) Hassam, Sailing to Australia, 75. (149.) Ibid. 98. (150.) Regenia Gagnier, Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in (London: Oxford University Press, 1991), 31. (151.

Louisa

(152.) Rod Fisher, Boosting Brisbane: Imprinting the Colonial Capital of Queensland (153.) Charles Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries Visited during the Voyage of the H. M. S. Beagle Round the World (155.) See Nicholas Thomas, Cook Alison Games, Migration and the Origins of the English Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 192; Marcus Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea Philbrick, 31. (156.) (157.) Ibid. (158.) ARIEL: A Review of International English Literature (159. (160.) Critical Inquiry 12:1 (1985): 125. (161.) Ibid. 131. (162.) In addition to Wahrman, see Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Jerrold Siegel, The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience in Western Europe since the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). (163.) Reddy, 208. Page 44 of 45

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Voyages (164. (165.) Quoted in Krishan Kumar, The Making of English National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 93. (166.

An (1773); James Cook, A Voyage Toward the South Pole and Around the World (1777); and James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (1784). Among the more important unofficial accounts are George Forster, Voyage Round the World (1771); Sydney Parkinson, Journal of a Voyage to the South Seas, in His (1773); Johann Forster, Observations Made during a Voyage round the World (1778). (167.) Andrew Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Arctic , 2 vols., 2nd

(168.) James Johnston Auchmuty, ed., The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1970), p. ix. (169.

Access brought to you by:

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Landscapes

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Landscapes Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0003

Abstract and Keywords Chapter 2 looks at how travelers drew and described imperial landscapes, arguing that the picturesque was an aesthetic paradigm that concealed the monotony, hardship, and otherness of foreign lands. It analyses the complex interaction of aesthetic theory and perception, and highlights the propagandistic qualities of the picturesque that emerge in contrasts between the work of amateur and professional artists. By privileging certain sites, the picturesque ironically made much of the empire seem boring as even the most impressive views were rarely as spectacular in person as they were in paintings and engravings. Moreover, the visual familiarity of iconic sites meant fewer opportunities to explore the unexplored. Even in India, with its remarkable array of historical and religious sites, the British described much of the terrain as monotonous. In other locations, such as South Africa and Australia, where there were no ruins to enjoy, there was even less that was deemed noteworthy. Keywords: landscapes, picturesque, Richard Burton, William Hodges, Thomas Watling, John Glover, Australia, India, South Africa, exploration

In March 1815, a little over a year after he had arrived in Madras as GovernorGeneral of India, the Marquess of Hastings and his entourage left the massive walled city of Agra and the nearby Taj Mahal for the neighboring town of saw the Taj (Fig. 2.1

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Landscapes He even went a third time, to see it by moonlight.1 But after leaving Agra, he found the surrounding countryside much less memorable. For five days, in 2

Even the Ganges, which had enraptured so many previous travelers to India, including the famous artist William Hodges whose sumptuous oil paintings and widely reproduced aquatints helped popularize the more agreeable in the imagination of those who have not experienced it, than a 3

landscape did not always captivate him was echoed by other British travelers around the empire during the nineteenth century. Captain Robert Elliot, whose Views in the East was published in 1833 with engravings of India, Canton, and the Red Sea, wrote, to Calcutta by way of the new road to Benares is nearly 650 miles 4

Fig. 2.1. Thomas Sutherland (b. 1785) after Lt.-Col. Charles Ramus Forrest

In South Africa, Thomas Bowler,

The Taj Mahal, Tomb of the Emperor Shah Jehan, from A Picturesque

a British emigrant who produced several albums of

Tour along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna, in India (London: L. Harrison for Rudolph

engravings documenting colonial life in the Cape during

Ackermann, 1824). © British Library. Lt.Col. Charles Ramus Forrest was an East India Company official who was part of the British delegation sent to negotiate with Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the leader of the Sikh Empire in the Punjab, in the early nineteenth century. Along the way, they stopped at Delhi and Agra, where Forrest visited several monuments and buildings, including the Taj Mahal. He

the British wars against the Xhosa, complained that the coastline near Port Elizabeth

traveller to the frontiers 5

In

Australia, explorer Charles impossible for me to describe the kind of country we were now traversing, or the

from nature, and in many instances colored on the spot, and always while the magic effects of the scenes represented

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Landscapes dreariness of the view it

were still impressed on [his] mental

6

Even China failed to excite: When John Barrow accompanied Lord Macartney to Peking in 1793 and took a two-hour tour of the great northern capital, he saw 7

Although there were isolated sights and customs that piqued his interest, his 8

(p.45) From the earliest days of the empire, artists and writers had extolled the watercolors of Roanoke, memorably engraved by Theodor de Bry for the Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (1590), to the refined and widely reproduced lateeighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century picturesque paintings of William Hodges, Thomas and William Daniell, David Roberts, and many others, image and text constructed the empire as a place of variety, curiosity, and otherness. 9

So too is the notion that the picturesque,

the emptiness of lands in order to encourage settlement, their fecundity so as to promote cultivation, and their suitability for picturesque treatment which subjected them visually to British (p.46) control and methods of improvement.10 Left unchallenged, however, has been the widely held belief that the empire was a place of beauty and novelty.11 A careful reading of the writings of imperial travelers, however, especially in conjunction with any accompanying images, suggests instead that imperial landscapes were often uninspiring, and that picturesque views were much more difficult to find than the many illustrated volumes with titles like A Picturesque Tour along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna in India (1824), Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque (1850), and Australasia (1890) would indicate.12 The picturesque not only made the appropriation of land, labor, and resources seem aesthetically pleasing, as many scholars have demonstrated;13 it also concealed the monotony, hardship, and disorienting otherness of imperial places. The picturesque, therefore, was very much about power. The disappointing nature of many imperial landscapes, albeit largely hidden by the rhetoric of picturesque, can be explained by reference to several factors. The proliferation of guidebooks and travelogues about imperial lands, and the broad circulation of engravings following the development of lithography in the 1790s, meant that by the early nineteenth century men and women who were touring Page 3 of 54

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Landscapes the empire had developed high expectations about what there was to see and what it would look like.14 The reality, however, was that all too often imperial sites paled in comparison to the glowing treatment they received at the hands of well-compensated writers and artists whose careers depended on making India, South Africa, and Australasia as attractive as possible. Even the most picturesque sites were rarely as spectacular or novel in person as they were in paintings and engravings.15 Travelers also became so focused on seeing the most famous and popular sights, such as the Taj Mahal, that they paid less attention to what lay in between. Put another way, the visual familiarity of iconic sites meant that there was less willingness to explore the unexplored. And, by privileging certain views, the picturesque ideal made irrelevant landscapes that did not fit its formal requirements, rendering much of the empire uninteresting and uninviting. Finally, by refracting diverse imperial landscapes through a single aesthetic lens, the picturesque diminished the uniqueness and otherness of imperial lands, both in relation to each other and to Britain. As a consequence, by the mid-nineteenth century, traveling the British empire had become, for many men and women, a surprisingly boring and disappointing experience.

I The picturesque was a literary and visual aesthetic that was developed during the second half of the eighteenth century, most famously by English artist and essayist William Gilpin in relation to the English Lake District. Although the 16

be organized when it was painted. Picturesque artists, frequently using a Claude glass, a small convex mirror that (p.47) brought every scene within the compass of a picture, employed a formulaic method of composition that was based on certain rules of classical proportion, and which produced images with an identifiable picturesque structure, composition, and tint. The picturesque, which William Hodges famously employed when he painted Tahiti Revisited (Colour Plate 4) around 1776, divided the landscape into three distances: a darkened and detailed foreground, a strongly lit and deep-toned middle-ground, and a hazy background. Features such as trees and ruins were to be positioned so as to create a balanced composition that provided a sense of harmony and a typical picturesque scene there is a winding river; two coulisses, or side screens, which are the opposite banks of the river and, in conjunction with some hills, mark the perspective; a front screen which points out the winding of the river; and a hazy, rugged, mountainous background. There was also an identifiable picturesque tint, the soft golden light of the Roman Campagna, which artists transposed first onto the English landscape, and then carried to the furthest reaches of the empire.17 The picturesque was, in short, a way of Page 4 of 54

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Landscapes

18

generally focused on its English origins, especially the writings of Richard Payne Knight and Uvedale Price, whose Essay on the Picturesque (1794) distinguished the picturesque from the Sublime, with its emphasis on the vastness and awesome power of the natural world, and the Beautiful, which was generally associated with smoothness, regularity, and order. But many of the foremost empire as from the English Lake District. Hodges, for example, was a student of Richard Wilson, the Welsh painter who was strongly influenced by Claude Lorrain and one of the founders of the English landscape school, but instead of completing his art education with a Grand Tour to Italy as his teacher had done, bringing tropical ideas of light and vegetation to India in addition to English models of picturesque composition.19 This explains many of the tensions in Tahiti Revisited.20 The painting illustrates combine classical idealism, scientific accuracy, and the sort of exoticism popularized by Louis-Antoine de Bougainville in his Voyage Round the World (1771), which depicted Tahitian society as an earthly paradise where men and women lived in blissful innocence away from the corrupting influences of

Tahitian girls, who are bathing near the water.21 But in the interest of empirical recording, he painted them not as idealized beauties, but with their characteristic tattoo markings.22 And, the clouds around the mountaintops are

and cultures, his (modest and occasional) questioning of the supremacy of classical prototypes, and his concern for what Europeans were (p.48) increasingly referring to as scientific truth, were always in conflict with the picturesque principles demanded of contemporary landscape artists. But Hodges

captured the tropical light and feel of the South Pacific, transforming Tahiti into a sensual and even sexual paradise, while simultaneously subsuming that difference and exoticism beneath the familiar structure of the picturesque. From the South Pacific, Hodges carried the imperial picturesque to India, where he worked for the East India Company under the patronage of Governor-General Warren Hastings from 1778 to 1783, becoming the first professional British Page 5 of 54

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Landscapes landscape painter to visit that part of the world.23 Following his return to London, Hodges received widespread recognition as a landscape painter and was elected to the prestigious Royal Academy. His collection of forty-eight aquatints, which he engraved himself based on his own original on-the-spot sketches and published in twelve parts between 1785 and 1788 as Select Views in India, created a sensation, as Indian scenery had never before been seen in Britain on this scale. The great naturalist Alexander von Humboldt in fact Views with inspiring his own travels.24 Hodges also produced a narrative account of his trip, Travels in India, published in 1793.25 It essentially mapped out a tourist route that almost all British visitors to northern India would take for the next half-century. After arriving at a coastal port city such as Calcutta, travelers would then navigate up the Ganges or, as Emily Eden, who in 1836 sailed to India where her brother, Lord Auckland, was 26

For several decades, this itinerary became, as one scholar has

land along the river.27 When English landscape painter Thomas Daniell and his fourteen-year-old nephew William visited India just a few years after Hodges, they followed their predecessor so closely that many of the drawings they made, some of which were published in their magnificent six-volume Oriental Scenery exact same location and angle that Hodges had used.28 Select Views in India also paved the way for a flood of fine prints and illustrated books made from pictures by British artists in India. Many were professional painters; some were attached to a geographical survey, military campaign, or diplomatic mission; others were amateur artists for whom drawing was a favored pastime. Collectively, they produced thousands of sketches, watercolors, and oil paintings, many of which reflected the contemporary picturesque style of English landscape painting, iterations of which they found in the luxuriant features and exotic architecture of the Indian countryside visible to them from the Ganges.29 Critical to the success of these artists and the popularity of these Repository of Art located on the Strand, just a few miles away from East India (p.49) produced books and prints, but also ran a drawing school that contained a gallery, circulating library, and showroom where artists could purchase instruction manuals and supplies.30 In short, an entire industry arose to produce and promote picturesque views of the Bahamas, Guiana, Ceylon, and South Africa.

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Landscapes Views and Travels were clearly designed to increase public knowledge about and interest in India, where the British were expanding their presence Battle of Plassey in 1757.31 In the preface to his Travels, Hodges expressed 32

Not only was he traversing new and in his eyes exotic lands; he was attempting to fill the gap of information about what he and subsequent travelers referred to endeavors.33 For Hodges and many other early travelers, India was a place of

34

By emphasizing

relationship between curiosity and the picturesque.35

to contemplate the ruins of this grand and venerable city, without feeling the 36

Similar comments structure his descriptions of Lucknow, Oudh, and Allahabad. Elsewhere he indicated that he direct line, the whole of which is flat, and filled with ruins of ancient 37

the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were obsessed with signs of the country could only be redeemed by a modernizing British colonial presence. George Forster, a civil servant in the East India Company based in Madras who in 1782 undertook a two-year overland journey from Calcutta through Kashmir and Afghanistan to Russia (and from there by merchant vessel to England), repeatedly characterized India and Indians as decayed and decrepit. When he passed through Mooreshedabad (Murshidabad), the Mughal capital of Bengal, 38 39

But in addition to the sense of cultural superiority that Forster conveyed with his remarks came an admission of a gap between expectation and experience. As he appearance of a barren country; the reverse of what I expected to see in the 40

Here Forster was hinting at the propagandistic power of the picturesque to transform a landscape.

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Landscapes (p.50) For Hodges, India was a place of immense beauty as well. While scholars

emptiness and barrenness, then attributed allegorical meaning to this wastage something beautiful.41 his Travels 42

Later, sailing up the Hooghly, a tributary of the Ganges, Hodges made a similar comment about his first view of Calcutta, which was situated in

43

In framing India in terms of the picturesque,

the region.

descriptions of India with those of John Grose, an East India Company civil servant who sailed to Bombay in 1750, several decades before Hodges. Grose 44

He was more enthusiastic about the caves of Elephanta with their famous rock-cut more 45

Grose may have been expressing his disapproval for

a dark and gloomy place could inspire any kind of religious reverence.46 But for Grose in the 1750s, unlike Hodges three decades later, India was a place of commerce, not colonization, a transformation reflected in and facilitated by the increasingly widespread use of the picturesque.

transform the landscape through written word and painted image. On the route

hardly possible for the imagination to figure any thing so dismal, dusky, and Page 8 of 54

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Governor of Bengal. By focusing (p.51) 48

Just as significantly, and notwithstanding his earlier comments, Hodges insisted that he was passing through attractive country. At the top of a pass between the meandering of the river Ganges through the flat country, and glittering through an immense plain, highly cultivated, as far as the extent of the 49

And from the heights down to the plains, past the ghats of Patna, the

observe, describe, and sketch50 satiated the British search for the picturesque and also restricted British travelers to the picturesque, the view from the river where people, cities, and ruins could be seen from a distance, the preferred picturesque perspective.51 Imperial landscapes always looked better from afar than they did up close.

II For Hodges, the picturesque was redemptive, making beautiful a flat, barren topography uninteresting or dull; it was merely land to be transformed, and even in the midst of barrenness, there were always novelties and curiosities. But from the 1820s onwards, travelers began to express disappointment at the absence of the picturesque in their journeys up the Ganges. Between Bengal and Simla, for 52

In part this change in perception may reflect the introduction of steam-powered

defense purposes, beginning in the 1820s.53 These boats increased the speed at which travelers could make their way along the Ganges and its tributaries, but may also have made it more difficult to gaze at the passing sights in a leisurely fashion, much the same effect that railways were having.54 As Emily Eden sailed

55

monotony of a voyage up the Ganges in his comical 1828 portrait of a 5). Tom Raw, as the

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more stable and traditional land-based perspective of India, underscoring the to the native Indians on the bajra, (p.52) or passenger boat, floating by. In fact, rather longingly from the confines of the cruiser, while another servant stands at

that is going on around him.56 There were also many places where steamboats were not used which had at one time been regarded as picturesque but by the 1820s were found to be lacking in such qualities. Even Calcutta, despite its seemingly splendid buildings and river views, began to lose its allure. The reason, according to Charles Forrest, who had served as a British army officer in New Orleans and Canada before making a

57

Captain Francis Bellew,

author of the picaresque

58

His

The Indian picturesque served other purposes as well, occluding both the unpleasant climate and the difficulty of travel. Henry Salt was a twenty-twoyear-old artist when he left England in 1802 to serve as the official draughtsman and secretary to George Annesley, Viscount Valentia, on a tour of the East that included the Cape of Good Hope, Abyssinia, Egypt (where he accumulated a huge collection of artifacts and sponsored the excavations of Thebes and Abu Simbel), India, and Ceylon. The paintings Salt produced were printed in Voyages and Travels to India Twenty-Four Views in St. Helena, The Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt, both published in 1809. Most were engraved by Daniel Havell, whose family was among the foremost practitioners of aquatint in the early nineteenth century (his Birds of America), and had a long association with Indian art and culture. The engraving process began a Oriental Scenery work was modeled upon it.59 His magnificent view of Calcutta, however, with the Page 10 of 54

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Landscapes Hooghly River in the distance behind the British residences with their carefully planted gardens (Colour Plate 6 otherwise solidly built houses.60 He was one of numerous travelers who complained about the extremes of the Indian climate, which he endeavored to soften with the smooth, even sheen of the picturesque. And while many artists referred to the difficulty of imperial travel, there were few signs of these hardships or inconveniences in their paintings. Thomas Anburey, a British officer who was captured at the Battle of Saratoga during the American (p.53) revolutionary war and held for several years in prison camps in North America, was serving with the Bengal Engineers when he went on a 500-mile surveying expedition from Seringapatam in southern India to Hyderabad, during which he made a number of sketches.61 While the views illustrate the progress of the journey, their picturesque qualities convey nothing to on the title page of the published collection.62 In fact, all methods of travel in India at this time were onerous. Passage by river was slow and tiresome, and overland routes meant riding on horseback or being carried three or four miles a day in a palanquin or covered sedan chair (litter), which an Indian Army officer described in the 1840s as bordering on unbearable: Between your head and the glowing sun, there is scarcely half an inch of plank, covered with a thin mat, which ought to be, but never is, watered. monotonous, melancholy, grunting, groaning chaunt, when fresh, or their jolting, jerking, shambling, staggering gait, when tired. In a perpetual state of low fever you cannot eat, drink, or sleep; your mouth burns, your head throbs, your back aches, and your temper borders on the ferocious.63

experience.64 During the early decades of the nineteenth century, the experience of traveling in India also changed in that as sightseers became ever more focused on the cities and ruins highlighted by Hodges and the Daniells, they also increasingly

the

never able, to publish.65 Smith was a talented painter who had taken art lessons from George Chinnery in Dacca from 1808 to 1812. During his journey from Calcutta to join his regiment in Cawnpore (Kanpur), he wrote that Chinsura,

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66

In fact, almost every time Smith left a major 67

ghauts [sic remains of the old fort which forms rather a picturesque object overhanging the 68

In this way, the picturesque, even as it made India interesting, could also make it boring wherever travelers could not find scenery that fit its aesthetic requirements. The slow pace of travel also contributed to Ganges impeded the progress of the boat he was on and required that it be 69

(p.54) traveler, Richard Burton. Adventurer, explorer, soldier, linguist, scholar, and Orientalist, Burton is perhaps best known for having been one of the first Europeans to enter Mecca and for his translation of Arabian Nights and the Kama Sutra. He gained even greater fame when he and fellow countryman John Speke located the source of the Nile in 1858. If there was anyone who exulted in the excitement of empire, it was Burton, and yet the account he gave of his experiences traveling from Sindh down the west coast of India and then overland to the Ootacamund hill station in the Nilgiri hills where he went to recuperate from an apparent bout of cholera in 1847, presents a starkly different picture. Although Goa, and the Blue Mountains; Or, Six Months of Six Leave (1851) was clearly designed to be sardonic, it reveals a deep disappointment with India as a tourist site.70

many British travelers felt when they arrived at their Indian destination, hopeful about what they would see after their long ocean journey. There was, he discerned, a disjuncture between how imperial lands were described in published travel accounts and how they seemed in person. Burton poked fun at

production is a competitive environment in which new entrants seek to usurp the hegemony of earlier products, Burton fumed that because each successive century the Bay of Bombay was commonly believed to outshine even the Bay of Naples. Burton countered sarcastically that if one wanted to turn the Bay of

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bright Naples, with its rows of white palazzi, its romantic-looking forts, its and still they would fall short. In short, there was nothing picturesque about the Bay of Bombay, the accounts of travelers notwithstanding.71

distinguish any of its picturesque features.72 Nor did the view improve as Burton

73

There were many reasons why Burton might have found Goa disappointing. British writers had long disparaged the Portuguese empire for not bringing (p. 55) prosperity to colonies such as Goa, denigrating the Portuguese as lazy, incompetent, backward, and idolatrous.74 But it also needs to be recognized that devalued, over the centuries. When the Dutch merchant Jan Huygen van Linschoten journeyed there in 1583, he described it as the largest and most magnificent city in India, with villas as big as palaces.75 A century later Goa was magnificent houses, and bustling bazaars featuring precious jewels, fine silks, and rare spices.76 But by the time Scottish merchant Alexander Hamilton visited perceptions. Hamilton remarked on the drunkenness, bigotry, and poverty of the inhabitants and on the poor state of trade.77 Whereas in the sixteenth century Goa had seemed to European travelers to be a cornucopia of riches, by the mideighteenth century it had fallen into decline, and by the mid-nineteenth century it had lost its novelty entirely.

become tiring, as he noted following a night-time tour of Goa. Although his setting sun was pouring a torrent of crimson light along the Rio as the prow of

loveliness, and the dull gray piles of ruined or desolate habitations, the shortthe

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and called it a night.78

79

From there he proceeded

80

boredom, which he sometimes referred to as tedium. As he drew closer to alternative route to see the Khaity Falls. To his dismay, however, Khaity was

he traversed (p.56)

81

daisy for the first time since leaving England. But after a month, he found

mountains. The Nilgiris, lacking the height or grandeur of the Himalayas, were, there was to do all day without hunting, a theater, a concert room, or a 82

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Landscapes Burton in fact found India altogether disappointing. The well-traveled sights were too familiar from the tourist literature to be exciting, but taking alternative routes could be even worse. Like many other travelers, Burton also found that the pleasure he derived from famous sites was often greatly diminished by the hours and sometimes days of hot, dusty roads he had to traverse in order to reach them. Even allowing for crankiness and hyperbole (not to mention

explaining why he subsequently pursued adventures in Africa and Arabia.

III The idea of the picturesque, which Hodges first employed in the South Pacific and India, spread throughout the British Empire during the nineteenth century.83 the globe, structures (Colour Plate 7), by George French Angas. Angas was a British-born artist and naturalist whose father, a prominent Baptist businessman, ship owner, and banker with interests in the West Indies, helped establish the colony of South Australia.84 He spent become the material for The Kafirs Illustrated (1849) in which this engraving appears.

85

Cape Town illustrates the picturesque use of the foreground, with the steps, stone building, (p.57) and tiny figure in the left corner functioning as staffage and creating an impression of grandiosity; the towards the middle-ground, which is Cape Town; the rich blue tone of the water, contrasting with the greens and browns of the landscape; and, in the distance, the faded grey mountains and the pale blue sky. The scene is in perfect harmony in terms of perspective, color, and the relationship between the human and natural worlds. Angas has also included, in the foreground, several kniphofia, commonly known as red hot pokers, perennials which have striking red flowers in the winter and are native to South Africa, although they have become identified with English cottage gardens and were also widely imported to Australia and New Zealand. They provide a touch of local color, but without threatening the formal elements of the picturesque, exemplifying what one 86

Angas, like many other imperial artists, had compelling professional reasons for depicting Cape Town as an established and appealing place for settlement. He produced this lithograph for commercial publication at a time of growing British interest in its South African colonies.87 There were also personal reasons, in

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Landscapes as a child he had dreamed of Africa, and that looking back over his travels to Greece, Turkey, and elsewhere, he thought Africa the most glorious of them all. 88

He was indeed a man of empire: he had dreamed of it; he had traveled through it; and he was now in the business of promoting it. Hodges in Tahiti Revisited and Angas in Cape Town used similar techniques to turn the distant and unfamiliar into the knowable and the familiar, to make a foreign landscape with unusual flora and fauna resemble the landscapes to which they and their audiences would have been accustomed. There are, of course, important differences between the two paintings. Hodges presented Tahitian society as pristine and untouched by Europeans; nowhere is there 89

Angas did the opposite: His painting carefully maps

Yet both images reflect particular imperial interests that were prevalent at the time they were produced. In the late eighteenth century, educated Europeans became fascinated with undiscovered, Edenic lands that seemed ripe for exploration and exploitation.90 By the mid-nineteenth century, as emigration and present regions of the empire as safe and familiar for potential European settlers.91 Thus within the context of imperial art, the picturesque served changing strategic purposes. The effect of the picturesque, though, was always to make landscapes as beautiful as possible. In The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa, a series of twenty colored lithographs published in 1865, Thomas Bowler, a selftaught British landscape painter who lived at the Cape for thirty years beginning in 1834, and South-African-born journalist William Thomson, who wrote the accompanying letterpress, framed South Africa explicitly in terms of the picturesque, noting (p.58) with vivid and variegated tints of foliage; the dangerous coasts; [and] the many

impression was pretty general in England and elsewhere that no greater part of the colonial territory was as dreary and monotonous as those vast deserts which 92

In

other words, their intention was to turn Africa from a dreary desert into an attractive, picturesque destination that would be of interest not just to travelers, but also to the British public generally.93 Page 16 of 54

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Landscapes With this underlying agenda, Bowler and Thomson glossed over areas of lesser interest, despite hinting at their existence in the accompanying text. Since the

until finally arriving at a bend in the road which presented a magnificent view of 2.2). In this way Bowler and Thomson constructed an appealing image of what was clearly an only intermittently

wooded spot with deer grazing nearby (Fig. 2.3). In short, Bowler and Thomson were not just artists and writers, but publicists for (p.59) the idea of empire, repackaging a difficult and dangerous place into a world of picturesque beauty. In this regard, and perhaps combatting homesickness as well, the picturesque provided relief by offering the comfort of the familiar. The two men were also well compensated, with Bowler writing to his benefactor in England about his 94

Fig. 2.2. 69), , from The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

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Landscapes This process of making the landscape interesting and picturesque represents a marked departure from earlier depictions of Africa. John Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798 (1801) was essentially a compendium of topographic facts, cataloguing and describing the main features of

Fig. 2.3. Joseph Needham after Thomas Mount Misery, Waterkloof, from The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

miles to the northeastward of Compassberg; and here a port or pass through them opens upon a plain extending to the northward, without a swell, farther than the eye could

95

strong, the bottom rocky, and the water deep. Some fine trees of the willow of Babylon, or a variety of that species, skirted the river at this place. The opposite side presented a very beautiful country, well wooded and watered, and plentifully covered with grass, among which grew in great abundance, a species 96

(p.60) the erasure of indigenous people.97 But by the midnineteenth century, artists and writers were making a concerted effort to make the land seem attractive and hospitable. This approach is evident in the work of lieutenants Lumley Graham and Hugh Robinson, whose Scenes in Kaffirland (1854) focuses on the Eighth Frontier (or illustrate the lengths to which artists and writers went to re-frame landscapes in

shapes, with bare and rugged tops, but sides covered with splendid evergreen View of the Keiskama Hoek (Fig. 2.4), for example, is a typically Page 18 of 54

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Landscapes

does feature the requisite threefold division with a darkened and detailed foreground complete with minuscule figures, middle-ground, and mountainous

colonization, and economic development. The work of Angas, Bowler and Thomson, and Graham and Robinson illustrates the powerful hold of the picturesque on British artistwriters in southern Africa during the mid-nineteenth century, as they followed the aesthetic paradigm laid out by earlier English landscape artists and theorists. While it is fairly well accepted (p.61) that the

Fig. 2.4. Dickinson Brothers after Lumley

picturesque was not just a neutral aesthetic but instead a

View of the Keiskama Hoek, from Scenes in Kaffirland (London,

politicized discourse that served important economic, national,

1854). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

and imperial purposes, the conflict between what travelers the picturesque also glossed over many of the less pleasant aspects of empire, notably the frequently monotonous and often uninviting landscape, and instead presented regions such as the Cape Colony as paradisiacal. It follows that the artists who produced these works should be thought of as publicists for the idea of empire, turning a difficult, dangerous, and often dreary place to be into a world of picturesque beauty.

IV British artists struggled even more to fit the Australian landscape into the picturesque formula. The earliest accounts of Australia were largely descriptive: of bays and coves, flora and fauna, the weather, and the customs of the Jackson consistently eschews the first-person narrative point of view in favor of a

98

account is almost entirely about possibility and potential, with no emotional Page 19 of 54

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Landscapes response, no indication that he did not like what he was seeing, and no consideration of whether it might be possible to describe the topography in terms of the picturesque. On the contrary, there was important information to be gathered, and practical, necessary work to be done including laying out streets, building barracks, and finding food.

essential elements of the picturesque. In part, their willingness and ability to frame Australia in picturesque terms was linked to their socio-economic position in the colony, albeit in complicated ways. In 1792, a young artist named Thomas Watling was transported to Sydney after being convicted of forgery in Dumfries, Scotland. He was assigned to work for the Surgeon General, John White, an amateur naturalist who was collecting specimens and commissioning drawings of the fledgling colony. White had already produced a book of natural history illustrations, Journal of a Voyage to New South Wales (1790), which was a great success, and probably had in mind a second volume. He worked Watling very hard drawing the flora and fauna of the settlement, prompting Watling to call

managed to produce several picturesque views of Australia, despite complaining to his aunt that the penal colony lacked typically picturesque features.99 account of his own experiences and impressions of Australia in 1794, though without illustrations, titled Letters from an Exile at Botany Bay to his Aunt in Dumfries, a thirty-two-page octavo volume of which only three original copies are known to exist. (p.62) Letters from an Exile makes clear that Watling felt trapped, unhappy, vice versa

and large insects, among the grass and on the trees, during the spring, summer, 100

Watling was miserable.

The enormous differences between the Scotland he knew and the Australia where he was forced to live produced in him a pronounced feeling of melancholy, 101

He wrote

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102

Melancholy, however, does not exist in a cultural vacuum. More than just an expression of personal angst, it can also convey a social or ideological position, at times even serving a redemptive purpose, enabling those afflicted by it to manage their loss 103

the picturesque who was unable to reinscribe Australia in terms of the familiar.104 If the notion of escape, of crossing the boundary from the ordinary and routine to the exciting and extraordinary, is an essential element of the 105

reflects his struggle as a convict and an exile to resolve his liminal status by embracing the pleasures of travel and tourism. Many other colonial authors also invoked the melancholy in their descriptions of the Australian landscape.106 Robert Dawson, who lived in the Port Stephens area north of Sydney from 1826 to 1828 as chief agent of the Australia Agricultural

107

There was

draw aside the veil that conceals the colony, so that future calamitous 108

109

So did

not scruple to pronounce that in the world there is not a worse country than what we have yet seen of this. All that is (p.63) contiguous to us is so barren and 110

circumambient windings, and romantic banks of the narrow arm of the sea that

111

Translating the Australian landscape into the picturesque, however, proved challenging because of the absence of favored features such as clumps of trees, winding mountain paths, and peasant cottages. Page 21 of 54

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painter may in vain seek here that kind of beauty that arises from happyopposed off-scapes. Bold rising hills, or azure distances would be a kind of phenomena. The principal traits of the country are extensive woods, spread over 112

Watling knew, though, that picturesque paintings were

113

In the end, that is what Watling did. His convict status, and perhaps his need for remunerative work, militated against his ability to escape the confines of the picturesque and paint the landscape as he described it. A comparison of two views of Sydney Cove illustrates the process of trying to reframe the Australian landscape in terms of the picturesque. The first is a pen and wash sketch signed by Watling (Fig. 2.5); the second is an oil painting that

debate about whether it might instead have been painted by Edward Dayes, a professional artist based on London with more experience in oils, using sketches which White brought back to England in 1794 (Fig. 2.6).114 The drawing, for example, contains a horizon line that curves evenly in a single arc, of the sort that William Gilpin condemned as unpicturesque because of its lack of variety.115 For the oil painting, however, the artist, whether Watling or Dayes, altered the horizon line by transforming it into a gentle serpentine curve and the artist also darkened the foreground, which in the drawing is bathed in an settlement, the subject of the painting.116 Absent from the oil painting are also several foreground details that appear in the drawing, which have been replaced by two important pictorial embellishments that help typify the locality of the scene: a naval and military officer conversing, and a group of Aborigines seated around a campfire amid the bushes to the left. Finally, whoever made the oil painting completed the picturesque treatment by adding a large tree of indeterminate species on the left, and a clump of eucalypts on the right, forming a coulisse in the typical manner of a picturesque landscape. (p.64) (p.65) In melancholy, and transformed it into a burgeoning settlement that resembled any number of English villages. In so doing, he was helping to promote the colonization of Australia.

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however, suggest that he had reservations about the colonization process. In addition to his dissatisfaction with the climate, Watling was critical of the development that was taking place in New South Wales, pointing out that Sydney, only about one-third as large as Dumfries, and that none of the houses except for the in height.117 In fact, he seems to have thought that the whole idea of a new colony was a

Fig. 2.5. c.1814), View across Sydney Cove from the Hospital towards Government House. Natural History Museum, London.

waste of time, writing about mis-employed, that might be of service, and not burdensome to

at all to government; and that neither this, nor the ensuing century will see us able to subsist ourselves, much less to retaliate what has been lavished upon so very wild an 118

Fig. 2.6. Thomas Watling [attrib.], A Direct North General View of Sydney Cove (1794). Dixson Galleries, State Library of New South Wales.

Watling, therefore, harbored serious concerns about how colonization was proceeding, implying that the colony might not even survive, though it is possible to discern this only from his written account, and not from the paintings, which fit comfortably within the bounds of the late-eighteenth-century picturesque and highlighted the beauty rather than the hardships of imperial lands. Many other artists during the early nineteenth century also had difficulty translating the Australian landscape into the picturesque. William Westall, who accompanied Matthew Flinders on his circumnavigation of Australia from 1801 to 1803, was disappointed by his search for scenery from which to make oil paintings to be displayed in London after the fashion of his colleague William Page 23 of 54

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Landscapes Daniell, who had successfully shown his views of India at the Royal Academy. The coastline did not yield the exotic subject matter Westall had hoped to find, and he considered Australia to be pictorially unpromising. Shortly after leaving experience, and expressed pessimism about the drawings he had made, writing,

especially illuminating because they are at odds with his written descriptions of the landscape. In his 1811 View of Port Bowen, Queensland (Colour Plate 8), he

119

Here then is an artist who initially was unable to find the picturesque in Australia, yet ended up depicting Australia as a land very different from his native England, but using familiar picturesque devices.120 Few travelers worked harder to re-frame the Australian landscape in terms of the picturesque than Charles Sturt. Born in Bengal, the son of an East India Company judge, Sturt was educated at Harrow, and then joined the army, serving with the Duke of Wellington during the Napoleonic Wars. In 1827, having been promoted to captain, he escorted a shipment of convicts to New South Wales, where he (p.66) became interested in exploration. He made two epic journeys into the interior of southern Australia from 1828 to 1831, at one point traversing 1,500 miles of the Murray River in just three months. After returning to England on sick leave, he published an account of his experiences, Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia (1833), which sold well enough to merit a second edition. Sturt then returned to Australia in 1835, having agreed to give up his army pension in return for a 5,000-acre land grant near present-day Canberra, which he began to farm. After briefly serving as surveyor-general, in 1844 Sturt again set out into the interior, in the hopes of Australia. This second round of expeditions, which he described in Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia (1849), produced even greater hardships, including being trapped for five months in the Australian desert, where the heat and drought forced Sturt and his men to dig an underground cave to shelter them from the blistering sun.121 Sturt occasionally found places that were aesthetically pleasing, such as the area around the aptly named Mount Remarkable, north of present-day Adelaide, any value it may possess as a mineral survey, it possesses both agricultural and 122

On the other side of the

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Landscapes

123

Sturt

2.7).124 Sturt managed, however: The 125

Sturt was particularly concerned that anyone making the journey to the city of Adelaide would be of the country through which he

126

Not even the nearby mountain range could improve the setting, because it extended

Fig. 2.7.

Country NW

of Tableland (c.1846). National Library of Australia. Gill was an English-trained Sturt did his best to make the approach seem appealing. He mentioned two villages on the outskirts of town that he found interesting; he extolled the park lands that separated North and South Adelaide, which

and he pointed out the unique features of the bridges over the river that ran through the valley. He also had great praise for the city itself, which was

watercolorist and print-maker who arrived in Australia in 1839. He painted this view while accompanying the small six-man expedition of John Ainsworth Horrocks to find arable land in the desert beyond the southern Flinders Ranges. The expedition came to an abrupt end when Horrocks accidentally shot himself pack. This painting captures the vastness and unpicturesque flatness of the Australian interior, as well as the explorers who sought to conquer it.

127

He

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Landscapes (p.67) since its founding.128 By putting a positive spin on the region, he had effectively become a salesman for empire.

desert interior, which stretched thousands of miles before them like a vast 129

The best that Sturt could do

like an island from the midst of an ocean, and as I looked upon it from the plains below, I could without any great stretch of the imagination, picture to myself 130 131

In describing the central Australian desert as a flat, unending ocean, Sturt was essentially declaring that it lacked beauty and was unsuitable for picturesque treatment.132

feelings of isolation from his homeland and perhaps from community more broadly, which may explain why he wrote so admiringly about Adelaide. Social friends but from a familiar landscape, meaning, a landscape that could be characterized as (p.68) Landscapes are not simply settings that humans react and respond to; they can also produce and reinforce feelings. In short, landscapes need to be thought about in multi-layered ways in that they can induce emotions and psychological states. The picturesque helped to ameliorate boredom and homesickness by 133

unpicturesqueness bolstered, and perhaps even generated, feelings of isolation and despair.

Heart of Darkness regard the blank upon its surface, and then let me ask him if it would not be an 134

But when it came to writing up his journeys, Sturt offered a very different sort of motivation. He warned in the introduction to Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia 135

fundamental dullness of his expeditions, coupled with his assurance that this could be overcome by a lively account of the most arresting incidents, hints at an alternative public and a professional agenda. Unlike exploration journals consisting mainly of transcriptions from field-books, which tended to be Page 26 of 54

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Landscapes structured around uncensored day-to-day reports, his are more retrospective, and fall into a genre in which authors and editors generally sought to minimize the monotony of imperial travel and conceal any mistakes in order to assert the success and importance of an expedition. This was done to boost sales and to secure future funding.136 Yet, his descriptions of the Australian landscape, like

V Just a few years after Sturt made his forays into the Australian interior, and a Glover, an English landscape artist who immigrated to Australia in 1831, finally resolved the tensions between the Australian landscape and the picturesque, but only by re-imagining the idiom.137 Born in 1767 near Leicester, England, the son of a small farm owner, Glover had only a rudimentary education but managed to gain an appointment as writing master at a local school at the age of nineteen. Soon thereafter he started to travel to London to take painting lessons and attend art exhibitions. Glover familiarized himself with the landscapes of Claude, Gainsborough, Wilson, and Salvator Rosa, and his early sketchbooks, filled with detailed studies of trees, cows, and country people going about their daily occupations, reflect a love and understanding of the landscape. Glover first exhibited at (p.69) the Royal Academy in 1795, but was never a regular at the annual exhibitions, and tried in vain throughout his career to gain acceptance into the Academy. In the 1820s Glover finally achieved some financial success after opening an exhibition of his own on Old Bond Street, but his work continued to be criticized as derivative and passé.138 After his three younger year with his wife, his eldest son John, and their servant, arriving in Hobart in

measure of curiosity and sense of adventure as well as a desire for financial security.139 In contrast to Watling, who, though frustrated by the lack of picturesque features in Australia, nonetheless ended up employing its stylistic elements, Glover did the opposite. He produced a number of views of the area around Launceston where he settled, a picturesque region his son likened to the English Lake District.140 But in paintings such as (1838) (Colour Plate 9), Glover challenged the confines of the picturesque, depicting colonial Australia as a land ripe for settlement and development in unique and original ways.141 Cawood was a much-admired nineteenth-century estate, originally a 1,000-acre land grant that became one of the most extensive sheep Page 27 of 54

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Landscapes

large family mansion, with extensive outbuildings, the whole substantially built

arable land, the whole substantially fenced in and subdivided into convenient depicts a half-dozen or so of these paddocks stretching before the house planted with grain crops, and several more dotted with cattle. Another paddock contains a shepherd and his dogs with a flock of sheep, and close to the house is a bullock wagon, suggestive of hay making. In the foreground, two felled trees are evidence of a vigorous clearing campaign.142

impressive assets, than in what David Hansen has characterized as its 143

Instead of employing the classical, concave, bowl-like structure with trees spreading up the sides of the canvas like coulisses, Glover defined his foreground by means of a convex ridge marked by eucalypts and acacias which form a barrier between the viewer and the middle distance. Instead of a lower border of rich, deeply colored foliage, the frontal plain consists almost entirely of naked grass, varied only by the felled trees and

although the central plain of the painting is suitably pastoral, the background 144

) dotted with little bushes. Glover has (p.70) endowed his painting with a sense the slightly convex amphitheater quality, especially in the foreground, creates a is very little that is structurally picturesque about it. On the contrary, he challenged the confines of the picturesque in order to capture the uniqueness of the Australian landscape and to embrace the possibilities of European settlement and cultivation, perhaps indicative of having truly left England behind. Glover also pushed against the usual boundaries of the picturesque in Hobart Town, from the Garden Where I Lived (1832) (Colour Plate 10), a painting that 145

One of the first pictures Glover sent back to England, it was painted from the garden in front of Stanwell Hall, where he lived, a two-storey stone structure that had been built in 1828 in the Georgian style, featuring the plain and symmetrical façade found in many middle-class dwellings in England at the time. The house and garden overlook the prosperous colonial town, a thriving settlement of some 10,000 that was Page 28 of 54

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Landscapes second in size only to Sydney, with the Derwent River, named after its Derbyshire counterpart, beyond, dotted with sailing vessels. Also visible is a white church, with Government House just to its left and the Barracks to its right, suggesting that beyond the boundaries of personal property implied by the dominant features of the colonial world. The picture marks the achievements and expansion of the colonial settlement, with the landscape flattened and several viewpoints incorporated simultaneously so that the whole of the town could be shown in an almost panoramic, more than picturesque, style.146 Hobart Town also illustrates the European refashioning of the Australian landscape to look like the English countryside, a process which Alfred Crosby 147

Geraniums and roses, painted in meticulous

Geraniums were especially popular in the new colony because they could thrive on very little water. Several varieties were indigenous to Australia, but others arrived with the First Fleet in 1788, and additional strains, native to southern Africa, were unwittingly carried to Australia in seed form on the coats of animals taken on board ships that called at Cape Town.148 By the time Glover arrived in European vegetables, and the Glovers brought with them a range of northern hemispheric seedlings, although not all survived the journey.149 In this painting, the flowers create an impression of hominess, familiarity, and connectedness between the regions of the British Empire. Not only did immigrants import English vegetation in order to acclimatize their environment; they refashioned English landscape.150 151

Many other artists painted Australia to look like England, perhaps none more so than Conrad Martens, who arrived in New South Wales in 1835 after having sailed on the Beagle with Charles Darwin. His View from Rose Bank (Fig. 2.8), painted for commodities merchant Robert Campbell, shows a garden piazza looking over the (p.71) newly established villas surrounding Woolloomooloo Bay. Martens has skillfully rendered the houses of the wealthy colonists as though they were Italian villas (which is how they were often described in contemporary literature), but he gives no hint that these houses lacked antiquity; in fact, none of the houses that could be seen from the terrace at Rose Bank in 1840 when Martens produced this work was more than a decade old.

paintings put it, but rather of creating old worlds from new.152 Settlers tried to

claim to the land, and artists sought out the picturesque and attempted to rePage 29 of 54

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Landscapes frame the Australian landscape in terms of the picturesque, for colonialist reasons as well as for aesthetic and personal reasons, whether to help pass the time, to help them feel connected, or to make familiar the unfamiliar. Elsewhere in Hobart Town, however, Glover made concessions to a vastly different environment. He toned down the rich greens of the English countryside, and drew the trees as distinct entities, befitting the sparser Australian forests, rather than as part of the dense foliage that characterized European forests. And, the large areas of greenery in Hobart Town constitute a marked departure from the closely packed villages and

Fig. 2.8. View from Rose Bank (1840). National Gallery of Australia.

towns of rural England.153 In 154

Still, this painting also Cape Town in terms of its overall picturesque structure; its reproduction of (p.72) familiar English elements such as the Georgian Stanwell Hall, the roses and geraniums, and the river Derwent; and, its incorporation of indigenous (in this case Australian) features, but subsumed within the picturesque. It simultaneously replicates and repudiates the English picturesque in both content and structure. The early development of Australia that Glover portrayed so gloriously was, of course, made possible by convict labor. Glover was assigned a number of convicts, some of whom he depicted in My Harvest Home (1835) (Fig. 2.9), an autobiographical statement about his life in Australia, although the harvest scene, with its comforting ideal of communal labor and productivity, was a staple of British landscape painting in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.155 A fully loaded hay wagon dominates the painting; overhead the dazzling lateafternoon sun irradiates the sky and casts deep shadows. Certainly the use of the possessive pronoun in the title endows the work with a sense of personal good fortune and veracity. There are, however, no obvious visual clues that he is depicting convicts. They have been assimilated into his family in a triumphant celebration of colonial redemption.

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Landscapes In contrast, convicts are absent this was not unusual for convict artists.156 He may have been erasing, intentionally or unintentionally, all signs of the

were being painted for the consumption and legitimation of a ruling class, or out of Fig. 2.9. My embarrassment. Perhaps Harvest Home (1835). Tasmanian Watling, who was unusually Museum and Art Gallery. literate for a convict, belonged to a special class of welleducated artisans, more ideologically attuned to the values of their masters than their fellow convicts. It is worth noting, however, insofar as some scholars have suggested that convicts (p.73) as non-elite, subaltern could indeed speak, at least in this context.157 Whatever the reason, assuming Sydney Cove positions within the new colony. If on the other hand Sydney Cove was painted by Dayes, then it fits comfortably within the purview of imperial art, projecting a comforting vision of Englishness around the globe.158 Watling and Glover clearly arrived in Australia under different circumstances, viewed the settlement and development of the colony quite differently, and consequently had different relationships with the picturesque. Watling was never at home in Australia. He did not journey there willingly, he disliked the colony and the form colonization was taking, and when his years of servitude were ended by an early pardon, he returned to his native Scotland, where, remarkably, he was arrested and charged with forgery again in 1805, although this time the jury found the charge not proven and he was freed.159 His Australian art reflects his sense of alienation: his use of the picturesque transforms the landscape, but only pictorially. Glover, on the other hand, moved to Australia voluntarily, and embraced both it and the broader idea of empire. His paintings, in turn, emphasize settlement, development, and cultivation; in short, the transformation of the landscape physically as well as pictorially. The irony is that Watling, who did not see the picturesque in Australia, ended up portraying Australia in picturesque ways, despite the fact that the picturesque was the visual language of the colonizers, used by any number of other colonial Page 31 of 54

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Landscapes empire. Glover, on the other hand, pushed against the boundaries of the picturesque frame, but still managed to achieve the aims of the picturesque, namely, to make Australia attractive and appealing, and to conceal the hardships and difficulties of colonial life. Moreover, Watling was arguably liberated by the picturesque, because his work got him pardoned in 1797. Glover, on the other hand, who challenged picturesque conventions in order to depict the Australian landscape in new and original ways, never escaped his characterization as merely a good artist doing largely derivative work. Neither Watling nor Glover, however, for all their aesthetic struggles with the strangeness of the Australian landscape, described it as monotonous, as Charles water, and one description of bird, fish, or animal prevails alike for ten miles and 160

Robert Westmacott, who lived in Sydney from 1832 to 1837 as aide-de-camp to Governor Bourke before resigning his army post and moving to nearby Illawarra, also struggled to find Sketches in Australia, published in 1848 in three parts of six plates each at five shillings per part, was clearly intended to introduce British men and women to the recently established colony in New South Wales. The accompanying text provides a history of the discovery and settlement of Port Jackson, and offers unfailingly flattering descriptions of (p.74) appearance much superior to many of our large country But amidst the picturesque views of the harbors and coves are admissions that much of the surrounding landscape was not so beautiful. He wrote, for example,

161

The text, therefore, offers a very different view of the Australian countryside than the engravings, a conflict between word and image that recurs in nineteenth-century imperial art. Complaints about the Australian landscape emerge most explicitly in first-hand accounts by men and women with no artistic experience or commercial interest. For these observers, there was seemingly no attempt whatsoever to try to improve Australia through the lens of the picturesque. Kangaroo Island, stretching more than one hundred miles long at the mouth of the harbor leading E. 162

Another traveler that same year, after expressing elation at the sight of land after a long journey, quickly switched to 163

The problem with Kangaroo Island was

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Landscapes that it had no tall mountains, thick forests, meandering rivers, plunging waterfalls, or fertile fields, nor were there any signs of human habitation such as cottages that so frequently dotted picturesque landscapes. Kangaroo Island simply could not be appreciated in terms of European landscape aesthetics.

164

Despite the best efforts of artists whose professional livelihood depended on their ability to portray the Australian landscape in picturesque ways, and of professional explorers whose publishers and ability to sell books required that they emphasize novelty, variety, and excitement, the Australian landscape remained, for many travelers, uninteresting and uninviting.

VI British travelers during the first half of the nineteenth century repeatedly characterized imperial landscapes and the process of traveling through them as monotonous. While famous sites such as the Taj Mahal, and picturesque vistas such as Table Mountain, garnered lavish praise and were depicted and described by numerous artists and writers often and at great length, much of the empire was not nearly so appealing; traveling from site to site was frequently a tedious experience; and even the most celebrated locations, which generated such great expectations, could be disappointing. So much so, in fact, that the unpleasant nature of imperial travel (p.75) often overwhelmed the power of the picturesque as an ideological aesthetic to mask and re-frame the experience of the colonial landscape. The expressions of monotony that emerge during the second quarter of the that preceded it. Arthur Bowes, surgeon on the First Fleet, reported that the

165

166

These early travelers were thrilled to have arrived; they relied on familiar European prospects. Similarly, for painters such as Hodges and Watling, who were among the first professional artists to travel to India and Australia respectively, colonial Page 33 of 54

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Landscapes landscapes were visually new and striking, often unlike anything they had seen before. For them and for so many others, the picturesque was not only a way of capturing on paper what they were seeing; it also helped make the empire more attractive and appealing by beautifying it, making it seem ripe for settlement and economic development, and providing an illusion of and invitation to British 167

But within just a few decades, the picturesque also began to homogenize the empire by smoothing out its rough edges and suppressing the novelty, uniqueness, and otherness of imperial locales. Moreover, by privileging certain views and sites at the expense of others, and by raising expectations for tourists and travelers about what they would see, the picturesque also made traveling through imperial lands an increasingly monotonous experience.168 To be sure, there was imperial art, especially in the settler colonies, that conveyed great fascination with the beauty of indigenous landscapes. The

examples. Significantly, however, both of these artistic movements were nationalistic, not imperial, in orientation, attempting to break away from European styles and influences and to craft unique, postcolonial identities that captured the distinctiveness of their respective regions.169 The enormous output of English artist Thomas Baines, who served as the official war artist during the Eighth Frontier War in the Cape Colony in the early 1850s and subsequently accompanied David Livingstone along the Zambezi River to Victoria Falls, makes clear his genuine aesthetic engagement with the South African scene. He traveled, though he was both personally and professional invested in promoting exploration and empire, and his work is not generally seen as within the parameters of the picturesque.170 The apogee of the picturesque, at least in India, occurred during the 1830s, when expensively produced publications such as The Oriental Annual, with engravings and lithographs of Indian monuments and landscapes, were in great demand.171 (p.76) This was, not uncoincidentally, the exact historical moment when British travelers began to express feelings of boredom with what they were seeing, not just in India but elsewhere around the empire as well. In part, the monotony of imperial landscapes can be attributed to a sense of cultural superiority. While British travelers were clearly impressed with cities like Banaras and Agra, they rarely failed to comment on the state of ruin in which acknowledged that there had once been a great civilization. In other regions, such as South Africa and Australia, there were no ruins whatsoever, and thus except for a few picturesque vistas, there was little that was deemed noteworthy. Moreover, by the 1830s less and less of the empire was new and exciting. This may help explain the mania for exploration during the second half of the Page 34 of 54

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Landscapes nineteenth century, as a move away from well-trod and easily accessible terrain in Asia, and towards the unfamiliar African interior. But the increasing expressions of monotony also had to do with the picturesque itself, which played a critical role in normalizing the empire. The colonial and reordering the foreign to look very much like England.172 The exotic was still present in the picturesque, but largely stripped of its otherness. And as famous sites became more familiar, they not only became less interesting, but so too did the lands in between, which were deemed unsuitable for picturesque treatment and through which tourists had to travel to get to their desired location. Whereas in the late eighteenth century the picturesque had made India more attractive, by the second quarter of the nineteenth century it was actually making much of India less interesting. And although photography would keep the picturesque alive during the second half of the nineteenth century, the historical sites and religious ruins that had at one time been exotic novelties which artists would travel hundreds of miles to see had been transformed into disappointing picturesque interludes in an otherwise difficult and dreary journey through the Indian countryside. The picturesque idiom nonetheless played a vital role in helping to link together the many and varied regions of the empire with Britain itself, although this would eventually have the effect of making imperial regions less interesting as well. Victorians constructed their empire through a variety of cultural forms, including maps, popular literature, photography, and advertisements.173 Art too was critical in helping British men and women construct and visualize their empire.174 This was especially true of the picturesque, which for the better part of a century beginning around 1775 was the dominant mode through which British artists constructed imperial views, in the process presenting regions as diverse as South Africa, India, Australia, and the Pacific Islands in remarkably similar ways.175 In this way it also integrated the far-flung regions of the empire, providing a measure of coherence and control that were clearly lacking on the ground at a time when it could take anywhere from three to six months to travel from London to Calcutta, an impediment which delayed the circulation of news and made even the most basic execution of government policy a challenge.176 Although there was, within the picturesque framework, some freedom to capture and convey local differences, (p.77) everywhere it was deployed it concealed hardships and beautified the frequently unpleasant surroundings that characterized life in the imperial zone, refracting local conditions through a single, formulaic lens.177 The picturesque also had the effect of making regions of the empire appear remarkably similar to places in Britain. In part this was by design: British settlers sought out imperial lands where they could graze their sheep and grow their seeds, and where the climate, at least in places and at times of the year, Page 35 of 54

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Landscapes reminded them of home. But insofar as the picturesque had initially been used to represent the English landscape, depicting imperial landscapes in these same terms meant that British artists traveling overseas ended up portraying the colonial periphery as similar to, rather than different from, the imperial metropole, lessening its otherness, blurring the boundaries between them, and visually integrating them into a cohesive imperial unit.178 In short, the picturesque was about the creation of sameness rather than difference.179 It needs to be underscored, however, that the picturesque was not simply carried from England overseas, but developed as much overseas as in Britain. Hodges traveled through the South Pacific before he went to India; the Daniells were in South Africa before their journey to India; and Angas moved several times between England, South Africa, and Australia. The vectors of empire did not always move unidirectionally from the imperial center to the colonial periphery, but frequently circulated around the periphery. This in turn suggests

between colonial sites, regions, experiences, and cultural products.180 Although writers and artists at the time, and numerous scholars since, have constructed the British empire as a place of excitement, a close analysis of the textual and visual record suggests that the experience of traveling through India, Australia, and South Africa was often disappointing. The early empire may have been about wonder and marvel, both real and imagined, but the nineteenth-century empire was a far less exciting and satisfying project. Notes:

(1.) (2.) Ibid. (3.) Ibid. II. 201. (4.) Robert Elliot, Views in the East, 2 vols. (London: H. Fisher, 1833), II. 4. (5.) T. W. Bowler and W. R. Thompson, The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). (6.) Charles Sturt, Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia, 2 vols. (London: Smith, Elder, 1833), II. 59. (7.) John Barrow, Travels in China (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1804), 6,

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Landscapes (8.) Eighteenth-Century Studies 33

(9.)

A , ed. Kim Sloan (Chapel Hill: John E. Crowley, Imperial (New Haven: Yale

(10.) Beth Fowkes Tobin, Picturing Imperial Power: Colonial Subjects in Eighteenth-Century British Painting (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), 2, and (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 129; Pratapaditya Pal and Vidya Dehijia, 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 16; Field of the Picturesque: Contested Identities and Empire in Sydney-Cove 1794 in Art and the British Empire, ed. Tim Barringer, Geoff Quilley, and Douglas Fordham (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), 26. More broadly, see John Barrell, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972). (11.) See Benjamin Schmidt, Inventing Exoticism: Geography, Globalism, and (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015); G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter, eds., Exoticism in the Enlightenment (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999); Bruce McLeod, The (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Richard Neville, A Rage for Curiosity: Visualizing (Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1997); Pramod K. Nayar, Colonial Voices: The Discourses of Empire (Chichester: John

(12.) Charles R. Forrest, A Picturesque Tour along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna in India (London: R. Ackermann, 1824); Fanny Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1850); E. E. Morris, ed., (London: Cassell & Company, 1890). There is also the military picturesque: see James Hunter, Picturesque Scenery in the Kingdom of Mysore from Forty Drawings Taken on the Spot by James Hunter (London: William Bulmer and Co. for Edward Orme, 1805). (13.) Stephen Copley and Peter Garside, eds., The Politics of the Picturesque: Literature, Landscape and Aesthetics since 1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); John Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

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Landscapes (14.) The British Abroad since the Eighteenth Century, ed. Martin Farr and Xavier Guégan, Vol. II, Experiencing Imperialism (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 18. In The East India Voyager

visitors and residents (p. 47). (15.) For an insightful analysis of nineteenth-century tourist travel and the relationship between expectation and disappointment, see Cultures of Empire: Colonizers in Britain and the Empire in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (16.) Copley and Garside, 1; Vidya Dehijia, Impossible Picturesqueness: Edward (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989). (17.) Malcolm Andrews, The Search for the Picturesque (Stanford: Stanford Pheroza Godrej and Pauline Rohatgi, Scenic Splendours: India through the Painted Image (London: The Mildred Archer, British Drawings in the India Office Library, Vol. I (London: HMSO, 1969), 19. Christopher Hussey in The Picturesque: Studies in a Point of View Kim Ian Michasiw, Representations 100; Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, It should be emphasized that the picturesque was never a stable or unitary aesthetic, and that its definition was hotly contested in the eighteenth century, and has been debated by scholars ever since. In fact, its very malleability made it so useful as an ideology of empire. (18.) Ron Broglio, Technologies of the Picturesque: British Art, Poetry, and (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2008), 15. (19. (20. Tahiti Revisited does not fall exclusively or perfectly within the picturesque tradition. Especially in the context of the other paintings he made for the Admiralty after his return from the South Seas, there is a historicizing quality to his work that narrated the

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Landscapes voyage and contributed to the Enlightenment debate over the meaning of civilization. (21.) Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2nd edn. (New

(22.) Painting and , ed. John Barrell

(23.) Oxford Art Journal 12 (1989): 36. Travels, especially in his comparisons between Europe and Asia. (24.) Roderick Cavaliero, Strangers in the Land: The Rise and Decline of the British Indian Empire (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002), 114; Andrea Wulf, The (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015), 19. (25.) William Hodges, Travels in India, during the Years 1780, 1781, 1782, & 1783 (London: J. Edwards, 1783). (26.) Emily Eden, Up the Country: Letters Written to Her Sister from the Upper Provinces of India, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1866). (27.) Nitin Sinha, Communication and Colonialism in Eastern India: Bihar, Tillotson, p. 61, makes the same point. See also Swati Chattapadhyay, who writes in Representing Calcutta: Modernity, Nationalism, and the Colonial Uncanny (New York: Routledge, 2005) with their lavishly illustrated travel memoirs (p. 42). On the literary aspects of the development of tourism in Europe, see James Buzard, The Beaten Track: (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). Reginald Heber, Bishop of Calcutta, promised that India Narrative of a Journey through the , 4th edn. (London: John Murray, 1829), I. 314. (28.) Under the Indian Sun: British Landscape Artists, ed. Pauline Rohatgi and Pheroza Godrez(Bombay: Marg Publications, 1995), 61; Mildred Archer and Ronald Lightbown, (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1982), 57. Henry Salt, who sailed up the Page 39 of 54

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Landscapes Hooghly with Viscount Valentia from Calcutta in 1803, complained about same sites from the same spots. See Godrej and Rohatgi, 52; George Valentia, Voyages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt, 4 vols. (London: F., C., and J. Rivington, 1811), I. 58, (29.) Godrej and Rohatgi, 23. (30.) Ibid. John Ford, Ackermann, 1983).

(London:

(31.) On the ongoing nature of this project after 1757, see C. A. Bayly, Imperial (London: Longman, 1989); Lawrence James, Raj: The Making and Unmaking of British India (New

(32.) Hodges, p. iii. (33.) Ibid.

Thomas and William Daniell, A Picturesque Voyage to India,

by the Way of China (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1810), similarly level face of the country is a defect abundantly compensated [for] by the variety Forrest wrote almost the same thing to justify his work, that he too was trying to excite the interest of those who were not well acquainted with India. See A Picturesque Tour along the River Ganges, p. iii. (34.) Hodges, 10, 16, 27, 28, 59. More broadly, see Romita Ray, Under the Banyan Tree: Relocating the Picturesque in India (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). (35.) Uvedale Price, An Essay on the Picturesque as Compared with the Sublime and the Beautiful Vivien Jones, Copley and Garside, 128. More broadly, see Nigel Leask, Curiosity and the (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). The desire for the curious was also present in Australia. See Neville. (36.) Hodges, 119. See also Sarah Tiffin, Southeast Asia in Ruins: Art and Empire in the Early 19th Century (Singapore: NUS Press, 2016), 49. (37.) Hodges, 123. (38.) George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, through the Northern Part of India, Kashmire, Afghanistan, and Persia and into Russia by the CaspianSea For a summary of his trip, see James

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Landscapes Augustus St. John, The Lives of Celebrated Travellers, Vol. II (New York: Harper

(39.) Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, 29. Allahabad, similarly, had

(40.) Ibid. 94. (41.) 1850: Ideas, Aesthetics, and Inquiries in the Early Modern Era 106. (42.) Hodges, 1. (43.) Ibid. (44.) (45.) Ibid. (46.) Ibid. (47.) (48.) Ibid. 17, 20, 23. (49.) Ibid. 24. (50.

Ketaki Kushari Dyson, A Various

Universe: A Study of the Journals and Memoirs of British Men and Women in the (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 135. (51.) In 1854 John Henderson opened the second edition of his Excursions and Adventures in New South Wales (London: Saunders and Otley, 1854), with a

(52.) Eden, 12, 19, 148. (53. The Correspondence of Lord William Cavendish Bentinck, ed. C. H. Philips, 2 vols. G. A. Prinsep, An Account of Steam Vessels and of Connected Proceedings with Steam Navigation in British India (Calcutta, 1830); Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 251.

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Landscapes (54.) See Schivelbusch. This is the argument made by Sinha in Communication and Colonialism travel at speeds of five to ten miles per hour, much slower than railways could. See Montgomery Martin, The Progress and Present State of British India (London: Sampson Low, Son, & Co., 1862), 252; Frederic Penfield, East of Suez: Ceylon, India, China, and Japan (New York: The Century Co., 1907), 205; Sidney Laman Blanchard, Yesterday and To-Day in India (London: W. H. Allen, 1867), 24.

these days of rapid traveling, the journeys which, to our elder brothers were serious undertakings, have become to us, their younger sisters, mere pleasure-

(55.) Eden, 15. (56. (57.) Forrest, 123. See also Hugh F. Rankin, ed., The Battle of New Orleans, A British View: The Journal of Major C. R. Forrest (New Orleans: Huaser, 1961). (58.) Captain [Francis John] Bellew, in India, 2 vols. (London: Wm. H. Allen & Co., 1843), I. 84. (59. (60.) Henry Salt, Twenty-Four Views in St. Helena, The Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt (London: William Miller, 1809), Plate III. (61.) Colley, 222. (62.) Thomas Anburey, Hindoostan Scenery, consisting of twelve Select Views in India, drawn during the Campaign of the Marquis of Cornwallis, showing the (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1799). (63.) Richard F. Burton, Goa, and the Blue Mountains (Santa Barbara: The Narrative Press, 2001), 173. (64.) On the difficulties and unpleasant nature of Indian travel, see MacMillan, Pramod K. Nayar, Days of the Raj: Life and Leisure in British India (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2009), 4. (65.

as a captain in the Bengal Engineers from 1805 to 1830. Eight of his watercolors

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Landscapes

watercolors date from 1814. See Archer, British Drawings in the India Office Library Pauline Rohatgi and Graham Parlett, Indian Life and Landscape by Western Artists: Paintings and Drawings from the Victoria and Albert Museum (66.)

49.

(67.) Ibid. (68.) Ibid. 116, 188. (69.) Ibid. 76, 114. (70.

The Highly Civilized Man focuses largely on

British drew from the Portuguese imperial experience. (71.) Burton, 4; The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, ed. Randal Johnson (New York: Columbia University Press,

(72.) Burton, 9. (73.) Ibid. 30. (74.) M. N. Pearson, The New Cambridge History of India: The Portuguese in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 131, 150; Maria Clara

(75.) Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Discourse of Voyages into ye East & West Indies (London: John Wolfe, 1598) and Itinerario (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1955). See also Arthur Coke Burnell and P. A. Tiele, eds., The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1885), and Charles McKew Parr, Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964). (76.) John D. Fryer, A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters (London: R. Chiswell, 1698). (77.) Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, being the Observations and Remarks of Capt. Alexander Hamilton, who Spent his Time There from the Year 1688 to 1723, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: John Mosman, 1727); Marguerite Eyer Wilbur, The East India Company and the British Empire in the Page 43 of 54

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Landscapes Far East Goa through the Ages, Vol. II, ed. Teotonia R. de Souza (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1989), 176, 183. (78.) (79.) Ibid. 93, 118. (80.) Ibid. 170. (81.) Ibid. 186. (82.) Ibid.

Similarly, Henry Keene called the hill station he visited near

(83.) For British North America, see Journal of Canadian Studies (84.) John Treganza, 1886 (Adelaide: Art Gallery Board of South Australia, 1980). (85.) George French Angas, The Kafirs Illustrated (London: J. Hogarth, 1849). (86.) Intrepid Women: Victorian Artists Travel, ed. Jordanna Pomeroy (Aldershot: Ashgate: 2005), 3. (87.) See Lester. (88. (89. Pacific. Notable exceptions include A View of Matavai Bay in the Island of Otaheite (1776), View in Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky Bay, New Zealand (c.1773), and The Landing at Erramanga (1776). (90.) Barbara Maria Stafford, Voyage into Substance: Art, Science, Nature, and (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1984). (91.) The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, ed. P. J.

(92.) Bowler and Thomson. Although largely unknown outside South African art history circles, Bowler was an accomplished artist who produced over 800 works Page 44 of 54

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Landscapes including 14 oil paintings. See Apollo (93.) That Bowler did not always depict his scenes faithfully is discussed in F. R. Bradlow, Thomas Bowler: His Life and Work (Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1966), 46. (94. 96. Bowler and Thomson were not the only artists and writers to characterize the Cape landscape as monotonous. William Ross King, who served as a lieutenant with the 74th Highlanders during the Eighth Xhosa (or Frontier) War

Campaigning in Kaffirland, (London: Saunders and Otley, 1853), 7. (95.) John Barrow, Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798 (96.) Ibid. (97.) Pratt, Imperial Eyes (98.) The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay

Richard White,

Australia in the World: Perceptions and Possibilities, ed. Don Grant and Graham Seal (Perth: points out how important it was for the founders of the Australian settlement to attract London capital, which was achieved both negative image of Australia as a hell on earth. (99.) Thomas Watling, Letters from an Exile at Botany Bay to his Aunt in Dumfries (Penrith: Ann Bell, [1794]); all quotes and page numbers are from the reprint edition, intro. George Mackaness (Sydney: D. S. Ford, 1945), 36. Many other early travelers also commented on how different everything was in Australia. See, for example, A. W. H. Humphrey, Narrative of a Voyage to Port , ed. John Currey (Melbourne: The Colony Press, 1984). (100. (101.) George Cheyne, The English Malady: Or, a Treatise of Nervous Diseases of All Kinds (London, 1733). See also Tiffin, 49; Andrews, 42. Page 45 of 54

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Landscapes (102.) Watling, 18. (103.) Double Vision: Art Histories and Colonial Histories in the Pacific, ed. Nicholas 8; Smith, European Vision, 227, 233. (104.) McLean, 145; Island in the Stream: Myths of Place in Australian Culture, ed. Paul Foss (Leichhardt: Pluto Press, 1988), 4. (105.) The Making of Modern Tourism: The Cultural , ed. Hartmutt Berghoff et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002), 168, 171. (106.) McLean, 136; Tim Bonyhady, Images in Opposition: Australian Landscape

(107.) Robert Dawson, The Present State of Australia; A Description of the Country, its Advantages and Prospects, with reference to Emigration, 2nd edn. 109, 110, 144. See also John Dixon, (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1839), 18. (108.) Dawson, 4. See also W. C. Wentworth, A Statistical, Historical, and Political description of the Colony of New South Wales, 2nd edn. (London: G. and W. B. Whittaker, 1820), 14, 16, 23. (109.) Quoted in A. H. Chisholm, ed., Australia: Land of Wonder (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1979), 16. (110.) Quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Dancing with Strangers: Europeans and Australians at First Contact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 77. (111.) (112.) Ibid. (113.) Ibid. 9; Bernard Smith,

(Melbourne: Oxford and European Vision and the South Pacific

5. (114.) Tim McCormick first raised the issue of whether the oil painting belongs to Watling in (Chippendale, NSW: David Ell Press, 1987), 274. Paula Dredge and Steward Laidler also questioned the

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Landscapes that these were probably lacking in the colony in the late eighteenth century. The Articulate Surface, ed. Sue-Ann Wallace, Jacqueline Macnaughton, and Jodi Parvey (Canberra: Humanities Research Australian and New Zealand Journal Sydney Cove 1794

of Art

suggests that Edward Dayes, who reworked other drawings by Watling to illustrate An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (London, 1798), Art and the British Empire, ed. Barringer, Quilley, and Fordham. Australian Journal of Art pointing out that Dayes generally signed his work, whereas Sydney Cove 1794 is unsigned; that the original inscription on the back of the painting is most likely produced the oils he needed by mixing available materials. (115.) William Gilpin, Observations, relative chiefly to picturesque beauty, made in the year 1772, on several parts of England; particularly the mountains, and lakes of Cumberland, and Westmoreland, 2 vols. (London: R. Blamire, 1786), I. 83. (116.) William Gilpin, sketches: the other on the principles on which they are composed (London: T.

(117.) Watling, 26, 33. (118.) Ibid. 33. (119.) Westall to Joseph Banks, 13 January 1804, quoted in Smith, Australian Painting, 13. (120.) beauty include Barron Field, ed., Geographical Memoirs on New South Wales (London: John Murray, 1825). See Bernard Smith, ed., Documents in Art and (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1975), 36. (121.) Dane Kennedy, The Last Blank Spaces: Exploring Africa and Australia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013).

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Landscapes (122.) Charles Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia, 2 vols. (London: T. and W. Boone, 1849), II. 175. On only two other occasions did Sturt use the word picturesque. See II. 171, 200. (123.) Ibid. (124.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, II. 59. (125.) Ibid. I. 144, II. 59. (126.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition, I. 197. (127.) Ibid. (128.) Ibid. (129.) Ibid. 252. (130.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, I. 80. In Narrative of an Expedition, he wrote a had been so many small islands, off the point of the larger one. They rose in detached groups from the midst of the plains, as such islands from the midst of the sea, and their aspect altogether bore such a striking resemblance to many of the flat-topped islands round the Australia continent described by other 248). (131.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition (132.) Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye: How Explorers Saw Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 119. (133.) Allaine Cerwonka, Native to the Nation: Disciplining Landscapes and Bodies in Australia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 66, 69. (134.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition, II. 1. (135.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, II. 4. (136.) Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye (137.) The biographical details that follow are drawn principally from John McPhee, The Art of John Glover David Hansen, John Glover and the Colonial Picturesque (Hobart: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, 2003). (138. (139.) Hansen, 80. Page 48 of 54

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Landscapes (140.) J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 20 February 1831, Mitchell Library, Sydney. (141.

European Vision and the South Pacific

Tasmania from sketches he had brought with him (White Aborigines: Identity Politics in Australian Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 39). Robert Hughes, Art of Australia (Harmondsworth: Bonyhady, Images in Opposition (142. (143.) Hansen. See also Johns, 124. (144.) J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 8 September 1833, Mitchell Library, Sydney. (145.) Hansen, 200. (146.) McPhee, 27. On the relationship between the picturesque and the panorama, see Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye Australian Journal of Art (147.) Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). See also Southern Review 29 (1996): 53. (148.) Arthur Bowes Smyth, the surgeon aboard the Lady Penrhyn, one of the in the cabin geraniums in full blossom and some grapevines which flourish very much, there are also myrtles, bananas and other sort of plant brought from Rio P. G. Fidlon and R. J. Ryan, eds., The Journal of Arthur Bowes (Sydney: Australia Documents Library, 1979). (149. although enough of their plants survived that the Land Board, in endorsing Sharon Morgan, Land Settlement in Early Tasmania (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 99. Foreign Page 49 of 54

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Landscapes W. W. Spicer took his weed census in 1878 more than one hundred exotic species Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania (Hobart, 1878), 64; J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 8 September 1833, Mitchell Library, Sydney; Land Board Report 753, 11 May 1831, Archives Office of Tasmania. (150.) Tim Bonyhady, The Colonial Earth (Melbourne: Melbourne University

(151. (New Haven: Yale

(152.) Sayers, 59. (153.) Johns, 122. (154. (155.) Michael Rosenthal, British Landscape Painting (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982). (156.) Jocelyn Hackforth-Jones, The Convict Artists (South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1977), 10. (157.) See

Marxism

and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg Reading Subaltern Studies: Critical Meaning, Contested Meaning and the Globalization of South Asia, ed. David Ludden (New Claire Anderson, Subaltern Lives: (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Lucy Frost and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, eds., Chain Letters: Narrating Convict Lives (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2001). (158. Empire

Art and the British

(159.) Watling, 11. (160.) John Oxley, Journals of Two Expeditions to the Interior of New South (London: John Murray, 1820), 113. See also 15, 63, 107, 257. (161.) Richard Westmacott, Sketches in Australia (Exeter: W. Spreat, [1848]). Page 50 of 54

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Landscapes (162. Adelaide, NLA MS 3272.

Symmetry

(163.) N. C., Journal of a Voyage from England to Port Adelaide (London: George Mason, 1849). See also Sophy under Sail, ed. Irene C. Taylor (Sydney: Holder & Stoughton, 1969). (164. Albany, NLA MS 2009.

S. S. Pathan

(165.) Bernard Smith, European Vision, 134, 179; Bonyhady, Colonial Earth, 70, 77. (166.) Lieutenant John Murray, quoted in Robert Dundas Murray, A Summer at Port Phillip (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1843), 70; Peter Cunningham, Two Years in New South Wales, Vol. I (London: Henry Colburn, 1827), 132. More broadly, see Richard White, (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1981). (167.) Crowley, Imperial Landscapes Hermione de Almeida and George H. Gilpin, Indian Renaissance: British Romantic Art and the Prospect of India (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 153;

(168.) E. H. Gombrich explored the interplay between expectation and observation in Art and Illusion, 5th edn. (London: Phaidon, 1995), 53, 187, 253, 331, arguing that the ability to observe and represent the world is inseparable from prior knowledge and representations on the one hand, and the available arsenal of visual or verbal means that can be deployed on the other hand. (169.) See e.g.

Australian

Impressionism, ed. Terence Lane (Melbourne: National Gallery of Victoria, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 44 For Canada, see Beyond Wilderness: The Group of Seven, Canadian Identity and Contemporary Art ); Marilyn J. McKay, Picturing

(170.) See Leila Koivunen, Visualizing Africa in Nineteenth-Century British Travel Accounts (New York: Routledge, 2009); David Livingston and the Victorian Encounter with Africa, ed. John M. MacKenzie (London: National

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Landscapes Journal of War & Culture Studies Maurius and Joy Diemont, The Brenthurst Baines: A Selection of the Works of Thomas Baines in the Oppenheimer Collection, Johannesburg (Johannesburg: The Brenthurst Press, 1975); Jane Carruthers, Thomas Baines: Eastern Cape Sketches, 1848 to 1852 (Houghton: The Brenthurst Press, 1990). (171.)

Images The Raj: India and the

(172.) David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (London: Penguin, 2001), p. xix. On the complex intersections of the domestic and the exotic, see Guest. (173.) The scholarly literature on this point is voluminous, but in addition to Suleri, and Pratt, Imperial Eyes, see The Victorian Vision: Inventing New Britain (London: V&A Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978); Deirdre David, Rule Britannia: Women, Empire, and Victorian Travel Writing (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995); Inderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996); Nancy L. Paxton, Writing under the Raj (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1999). On photography, see James R. Ryan, Picturing the Empire: Photography and the Visualization of the British Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), and Maria Antonella Pelizzari, Traces of India: Photography, Architecture, and the Politics of (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2003). On advertising, see Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England Stephen Imperialism and Popular Culture Buy & Build: The Advertising Posters of the Empire Marketing Board (London: HMSO, 1986); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge,

(174.) The most comprehensive overview of the field of imperial art is Jeffrey Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. V, ed. See also Barringer and Crowley. (175.) One limitation of many recent studies, especially those preoccupied with imperial lands (as opposed to the people of the empire), has been their focus on either a single artist or a single geographic area. One exception, though it makes no attempt to articulate a unified imperial vision, is Michael Jacobs, The Painted Page 52 of 54

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Landscapes (London: British Museum Press, The Victorian Vision, ed. John M. MacKenzie comparative lens, however, there can be no comprehensive analysis of British imperial art, and therefore no understanding of how that empire was constructed pictorially. (176.) On the difficulties of administering the empire from London, see D. M. Young, The Colonial Office in the Early Nineteenth Century (London: Longmans, 1961); John W. Cell, British Colonial Administration in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970). On the challenges of running the empire from the periphery, see William Denison, Varieties of Vice-Regal Life, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1870); James Pope-Hennessy, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964). (177.) On the sanitizing effects of the picturesque in British India and elsewhere, Art in America 71 (1983):

(178. Julie F. Codell and Dianne Sachko Macleod, Orientalism Transposed: The Impact of the Colonies on British Culture (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998). Hall, Civilising Subjects, wrote about the

(179. number of different meanings. In the late eighteenth century, Richard Payne Knight and Uvedale Price challenged the fashionable style of landscape gardening exemplified by the work of Capability Brown, accusing him of creating

details to break up otherwise smooth vistas. See Price, 9, 20; Richard Payne Knight, The Landscape: A Didactic Poem in Three Books (London, 1794), 23, 31. Here, however, sameness is intended as an antonym not of roughness but of strangeness. The issue is complicated because most artists who travelled to India or the South Seas were instructed to report on difference, but as Tillotson

empire, see Daunton and Halpern. (180. Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 3. Recent work Richard Grove, Page 53 of 54

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Landscapes Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) and S. B. Cook, Imperial Affinities: Nineteenth Century Analogies and Exchanges between India and Ireland (Newbury, CA: Sage Publications, 1993). On the Thomas Martin Bunton, and Ralph Croizier, eds., Colonialism and the Modern World

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Governors

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Governors Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0004

Abstract and Keywords Chapter 3 focuses on the administration of empire, from the Colonial Office in London to the experiences of governors and civil servants around the globe, whose lives were increasingly dominated by tedious meetings and dull dispatches. It shows that the empire became more bureaucratic during the nineteenth century, as the British implemented a system of centralized bureaucratic state. The volume of paperwork grew dramatically, and high-level officials, who relished the leisured lifestyle that characterized the aristocratic ideal, complained regularly about the quantity of deskwork and the frequency of ritualized public duties. Moreover, there were increasing numbers of officials who had to work in remote locations performing menial tasks. This chapter thus

Keywords: Lord Curzon, Garnet Wolseley, William Denison, durbar, district officer, routine, bureaucracy, John Pope-Hennessy, work, hunting

In the early decades of the nineteenth century, the young poet and novelist Thomas Love Peacock, who was working as a clerk at the London headquarters of the East India Company, wrote an amusing little rhyme about the idleness of his daily routine: From ten to eleven, ate a breakfast at seven;

From one to two, found nothing to do; Page 1 of 43

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Governors From two to three, began to foresee That from three to four would be a damned bore.1

While it might be tempting to dismiss this indifferent approach to the imperial

India from 1828 to 1835.2 year-old Winston Churchill in 1896 after only a month in India.3 Leonard Woolf in his diary for 10 November 1908, an entry he repeated each day for four straight days and numerous other times while serving a three-year appointment as a government agent in the Hambantota district in Ceylon.4 Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, British imperial administrators at all levels were bored by their experience serving king or queen and country. Imperial service had not always been boring. During the eighteenth century, East India Company employees and merchants who were stationed in India had little difficulty keeping busy.5

the dockside warehouses, inspecting goods, preparing cargo for export, and opening shipments from Europe.6 They had come as traders, not rulers, and enterprise they were engaged in, amply filled their days. Appointments to India were highly coveted, and provided abundant opportunity for enterprising young men, especially the younger sons of merchants and lesser nobility, to amass a fortune within a few years and return home to a comfortable and gentlemanly, if occasionally vilified, life back in England.7 This pattern of busy engagement continued into the early nineteenth century. The Marquess of Hastings found himself so inundated with work during his tenure (p.79) in India from 1813 to 1823 that he occasionally went months at a

8

Although Hastings occasionally found traveling in India tedious, his work seems not to have been. His meetings with Indian princes required diplomatic skill; he exercised close supervision of the he dealt with numerous pressing issues from petty crime to flood relief.9 He also many architectural marvels and unfamiliar creatures (Hastings described the badger as the ugliest animal he had ever seen).10 There were also unforgettable thrills, such as the day Hastings and several associates went searching for and were attacked by lions.11 Overall, he seems to have been a dedicated and Page 2 of 43

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Governors engaged administrator who found his experiences occasionally fascinating and almost always fulfilling.12 Certainly Lord Curzon, who as Viceroy of India presided over the extravagant 1903 Delhi Durbar and personified the power and pageantry of the British Empire, never seems to have been bored.13 14

Not that Curzon, who as early as 1890 had admitted at a House of Commons dinner that becoming Viceroy and Governor-General of India was his greatest ambition, objected: he had been enchanted by India during his first trip there as a young man; his months as Undersecretary of State for India had been among the happiest of his life; and he found Calcutta, its people, and even its climate exhilarating.15 Although bureaucratic routine robbed many senior officials of reforming zeal, and his love of hard work sustained his enthusiasm. He claimed that during his first six months in India not a single day passed in which he 16

The most emblematic image of Curzon, if not of the British Empire itself, was the famous photograph taken by Lala Deen Dayal of the Viceroy tiger-hunting with his wife Mary (Fig. 3.1 India as well.17 which no one who has enjoyed them would willingly have missed, or can ever 18

Tiger-hunting, however, was rarely so successful. On one occasion he and his wife sat in a tree for hours and saw nothing bigger than a frog, while on an eight-day expedition to the princely state of Rewa he fired his rifle only once.19 Nor was this unusual. A century earlier, Lord Hastings complained that 20

Similarly, Emily Eden reported that her brother George, Lord Auckland, who served as Governor21

Although the thrill of the hunt was part of the lore of empire, the pursuit of big game was often tedious and disappointing.22

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Governors (p.80) In between Hastings and Curzon, during the middle decades of the nineteenth century, imperial service was far less stimulating, and at times almost unbearable. sic] is the central characteristic of an Indian Dufferin, who resigned a year before his term was up in 1888. It was not just the lack of companionship, but the work itself, which he described as 23

The transition from the thrill of conquest to the day-to-day routine of governance (p.81) was neither easy nor exciting. The bureaucratization of imperial administration during

Fig. 3.1.

the nineteenth century led to a dramatic increase in regulations

Hunting (1902). © British Library.

The Viceroy Lord and Lady Curzon Tiger

and paperwork, and as the administration of the empire grew more diffuse higher-level officials had less and less influence and autonomy.24 Communication problems were legendary, especially in the pre-telegraph age when the time lag between letters sent and received often meant months of waiting around for instructions. And, there were fewer opportunities to interact with indigenous people. As a result, imperial officials found themselves consumed by mind-numbing meetings; drowning in memos and dispatches; desperately alone, if they were in rural areas, or desperate to be alone if they were in one of the imperial capitals; and frustrated by the monotony of what many of them clearly thought would be a great adventure. Imperial administrators have typically fallen into two groups: the heroes, reaches of the globe; and the villains, castigated for imposing their culture, values, religion, and economic systems on indigenous peoples and their ways of Pax Britannica (1968), for example, glorified a number of

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Governors

the slavers, established a series of stations from the coast to the Nile, ended the while serving as administrator of Uganda from 1890 to 1892. Another colonial single-handedly saved Egypt from bankruptcy, launched ambitious irrigation projects such as the Aswan Dam, reformed the courts, abolished forced labor, rebuilt the railways, and disciplined the army.25

26

More recent attacks have

arrogance, jingoism, racism, genocidal capitalism, and duplicitous one-sided treaties as for his dream of a Cape to Cairo Railway and the university fellowships that bear his name.27 This revisionist approach, however, while lacerating many of the same officials that earlier accounts exalted, has nonetheless largely accepted at face value that the British Empire was directed by influential men who lived exciting lives.

28

While there have been numerous studies of the backgrounds, careers, and accomplishments of imperial officials, historians have paid much less attention to what it (p.82) was like to be an imperial official, or how the experience of administering the empire changed over time.29 For a variety of overlooked or downplayed the pervasiveness of imperial boredom.30 This is partly the result of relying on official biographies, government documents, and articles in the popular press, many of them self-serving and some akin to propaganda.31 Even when scholars have consulted more confessional writings, their efforts have at times been hampered by the practice of excising, as one

were often the most important elements of imperial lives.32 Only by reading against the grain of published memoirs, and in conjunction with private diaries and letters that might never have been intended for publication, can the extent to which monotony and melancholy characterized imperial service be grasped.

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Governors There is, in short, a gap between private confessions and public propaganda that an analysis of representative nineteenth-century British imperial officials reveals. These include Garnet Wolseley, Governor of Natal and the Transvaal Pirates of Penzance

Rawdon-Hastings and George Eden (Lord Auckland), who served from 1813 to

important role in one or more regions of the empire; had careers that spanned the nineteenth century, thus illustrating how the experience of empire changed over time; and reflected upon and wrote about their travels and travails as they struggled against the tedium of imperial service. Collectively, they suggest that the British imperial experience across many regions and at a variety of levels was boring and banal.

I Vying for the title of most famous and distinguished imperial figure in the late nineteenth century was Garnet Wolseley, commander-in-chief of the British army (Fig. 3.2

any ambitious young officer, he thought, was to try to get himself killed, and he certainly did his best, fighting in the Burma War of 1852, the Crimean War, the India Mutiny, the China War of 1860, the Red River or Riel Rebellion of 1869, the Ashanti War of 1873, and the Zulu War of 1879. His best-known achievements were his 1882 defeat of Arabi Pasha, leader of an Egyptian army revolt, which established a British presence in Egypt, and his attempt to relieve General 33

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Governors (p.83) But if his military administrative work as Governor of Natal was far less engaging, although there was no shortage of important issues for him to deal with following the discovery of gold and diamonds in the region. These included the influx of native labor that brought Natal to the brink of an all-out race war, and the need for constitutional reform to resolve recurring conflicts between the imperial and local governments.34 began inauspiciously: Of his journey from the Cape in 1875 weary you by recording the dullness of each day but will reserve anything I have to say Despite his eagerness to turn his governorship into a generalship, his typical day

Fig. 3.2. Garnet Wolseley, The Story of A (Westminster: Archibald Constable, 1903).

consisted of an executive frustration), a visit to a hospital or an inspection of a school in the afternoon, and perhaps a ball in the evening. On more than one occasion he groused about

Perhaps his most honest assessment came on his forty-second birthday, when he wondered where he would be the following year and hoped that he would be

(p.84) months were up, he returned to London as quickly as possible.35 Although there were many instances when Wolseley wrote in his diary that 36

blue sheets of War Office minute-paper which he would dispatch in weekly Page 7 of 43

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Governors bundles to his wife. His Natal diary is especially significant because it was the first mission for which Wolseley kept a complete account of his thoughts, actions, and observations. He may have kept the journal partly to satisfy the fashion of the age, or as proof that he was engaged in important work, but most likely as a record of his experiences in a distant land, a confessional upon which he could draw for his memoirs. There is an anecdotal quality to his diary, a sharing of experiences, both personal and professional; it is not a precise and balanced recording of all decisions, motives, plans, and policies. Moreover, his speaking, correct. There are many references to important matters, even if the detail he provided did not always conform to the significance of the policy to which he was referring. Still, the diary reveals that for a man of action such as

Wolseley was aware that his letters and diaries did not make for scintillating

before it goes to you, and think how you must yawn over it and hate having to endeavored to read my Narrative of the China War and how you failed to get through more than a few pages of it. This diary is still duller, for anything that could possibly interest you, I put in my letters to you, and I [am] fully sensible of 37

Although he was in part deprecating his own

acknowledging that even as he was undertaking what would become one of the most famous rescue missions in history, the day to day events themselves were matters of routine.

II

Nottingham estate, Denison attended the Royal Military Academy in Woolwich and became an engineer. He helped oversee the construction of the Rideau Canal in Canada from 1827 to 1831, before returning to England to take charge of the Woolwich dockyards. In 1846 he was knighted and appointed Lieutenantgovernorship of New South Wales, where he consolidated the colonial system of public works and (p.85) education and oversaw the implementation of the Constitution Act in 1855. In 1861 he became Governor of Madras, a position he held until 1866.

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Governors

these were, suggesting that his work was so routine as to not merit description or that the work was not central to his identity. During his time in Hobart, his 38

This was an important assignment, of a sort undertaken throughout the settler

were mundane and gave him little satisfaction. After he was appointed Governor-

who had borrowed money and run up the debt for years until his creditor finally demanded repayment and the judge refused, citing judicial immunity from 39

His predecessor, Ralph Darling, who served as Governor of New South Wales from 1825 to 1831, had also found his work mundane. He made valiant attempts to systemize the governance of the nascent colony that had been founded just thirty years earlier, attacking what he saw as laxity in the observance of government regulations. He reminded civil officers, for example, that only members of the executive council were authorized to wear uniforms; he required that proper requisitions be submitted for office supplies; and he ordered department heads to communicate with each other in writing instead of arranging business orally. His effort to reform the office of the colonial secretary is especially revealing of the minutiae that could consume colonial officials. In busywork: preparing muster rolls, approving convict marriages, and compiling colony.40 A century later, when Lord Minto was serving as Viceroy in India, he

thousand rupees should be spent on building an official bath-room in a remote station in Madras, or whether a man at Nagpur may have leave to go to Bombay 41

what is absent from, or only hinted at, in his narrative. A trip he took in early 1847 to

take these sorts of excursions more frequently. He hoped that by the following 42

Denison, like

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Governors most diarists, wrote about what was unusual, and it is only by paying attention to the ordinary and the (p.86) station such a treat; the fact that a year into his post he still felt like a stranger understood.

dinner parties and the occasional dance. Within a few months of his arrival in Hobart, Denison and his wife had established a routine of hosting several large dinners a week, though these were often fraught with disputes about protocol.

councilors.43 It was not long, however, before the parties became repetitive, and

hung on their walls underscores their boredom with their surroundings.44

if anything, it was both busier and more tedious. In early 1863 William wrote that he was laboring on a revenue survey, reorganizing the public-works department, and reforming the army. Later that year he was so preoccupied with 45

Not long

before six, usually to ride around the esplanade. After returning home, he would read and (if he had any time before breakfast) write letters. From ten until five,

46

would go for a walk or another ride.47 48

One of the problems Denison and other officials faced was that imperial administration became considerably more bureaucratic during the nineteenth century, although it still remained a relatively small-scale operation.49 In India, neither the Marquess of Hastings nor Lord Auckland had much in the way of desk work during their tenures as Governors-General in the 1820s and 1830s; Page 10 of 43

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Governors they spent most of their days meeting with princes, surveying troops, and traveling through British-controlled areas. At times, though, even Hastings found being Governor tedious. Like Denison, his time was so consumed by public

public affairs in his private journal because everything of significance was already in the official minutes.50 But whereas (p.87) for Denison it was the continual stream of paperwork that made his days so dreary, the cause of 51

In short, the emotional response remained much the same from the 1830s to the 1860s, but the cause subtly altered. Earlier in the century, imperial administrators complained about not having enough (interesting) work; later on, they complained about having too much (uninteresting) work. The frequency and formality of official ceremonies contributed greatly to feelings of boredom, especially as the durbars held during the first half of the nineteenth century were not nearly as compelling as the grand and showy set pieces staged by Lord Curzon in the early twentieth century.52 was this truer than in India, where almost from the moment they arrived

maintaining imperial authority.53 Both Hastings and Auckland had to meet often with local princes, and the novelty of prescribed pleasantries quickly faded. Governor-General and kept a detailed and thoughtful journal of her experiences, described a visit by a Sikh delegation to their summer residence in Simla,

friendship, and the nightingales had sung in the bowers of affection even 54

On

3.3).55 Similarly, Hastings wrote about which the natives were enabled to pay on news just received from Poonah [of a 56

Whereas the durbars that followed in the wake of the 1857 Mutiny were largely symbolic, designed to re-establish political order and mark Indian submission to the British, those that took place during the first third much more substantive.57 They were stylized meetings between high-ranking officials trying to establish mutually beneficial relationships. The complaints about monotony suggest that etiquette and formality won out over substance, Page 11 of 43

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Governors leaving the Governors-General frustrated in their attempts to conduct important state business. The crux of what made them boring was the discrepancy between expectation and actuality. Being able to tolerate ceremony was an essential component of described what it was like to see William head off in the morning to meet the Hobart

behind the scenes of these little actings of grandeur; to see what a great show may be made with little means, and after all, how much more of show than of 58

Every time Hastings and Auckland entered a new city, they had to

Fig. 3.3. L. Dickinson after Emily Eden Lord Auckland Receiving the Rajah of Nahun, from Portraits of the Princes & People of India (London: J. Dickinson & Son, 1844). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection. All

review the troops, meet the officers, and be saluted, a

this formal kind is generally confined to a

process that typically went (p.

after health, routes of march, places of

59

88) on for several days. Occasionally, these attempts to keep up appearances became

assurances of devotion on the part of the chiefs, and expressions of kindness and goodwill on the part of the Governor

private secretary estimated that at one particular reception the Viceroy would have to bow 60

All ceremony aside, being a colonial governor could be a lonely, isolating experience, ironically made worse by the constant presence of aides-de-camp. It was against etiquette to go outside without one, so whenever Denison went

61

62

And from Calcutta, in 1863, Denison

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Governors

much like Calcutta, and was pleased when he was relieved of his post there and could return to Madras, where he had a bit more freedom. Denison thought (p.89) between these so-called palaces, and the river, but a large green plot, on which I

lungs.63 Rather than opening up new worlds, being Governor in this imperial capital was a stifling experience that left Denison feeling alone, bored, and helpless. Some governors did not even want to be in India in the first place. Lord Lytton the Governor-Generalship arrived in 1875; he was the fourth choice, and was resign from the diplomatic service, retire to his family estate, and devote himself to writing poetry, and just the previous year had declined an invitation to become Governor of Madras on grounds of health.64 Yet he went anyway, as did Lord Lansdowne, who had previously served as Governor-General of Canada but needed the money, and whose letters home from 1888 to 1894 are full of the discomforts, tedium, and absurdities of viceregal life.65 Lytton complained that 66 This was true even in the hill station of Simla, where the work went on just as it did in the letters that arrived daily, and some days he had as many as forty government 67

Although the Viceroy was not a political appointment, and therefore not responsible to Parliament, he was accountable to the Secretary of State for India, and every step he took had to be approved by his own council as well as by the Indian Council in London, requiring him to write detailed weekly dispatches in addition to the long private letters he wrote for each mail shipment to the Foreign Secretary and the Queen. Like Denison, he too complained about never being able to be alone. There were private sentinels standing guard over him in his own private room. There were footmen at the threshold. If he went up or down stairs an aide-de-camp and he tried to sneak out of the house by the back door, he would immediately find 68

He was so miserable

our present institutions. Either the empire must go, or the institutions. Very 69

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Governors There were also fewer opportunities to interact with Indians during the nineteenth century than there had been in the eighteenth. While the British always viewed Indian culture and customs as inferior to their own, for much of

doing business in India to develop close relationships with Indians.70 Intermarriage and concubinage were not uncommon, and helped facilitate cultural connections.71 British and Indian men socialized with each other as well, often attending nautches (Indian dance performances) together.72 But the spread of Evangelical Christianity inflamed Anglo-Indian relations, and prompted British residents to eschew social contact with (p.90) Indians, whom they increasingly and contemptuously viewed as depraved and in need of reform.73 Already by the 1830s, one observer noted the European tendency to

74

This was even more pronounced after 1857,

salaaming one feels a little awkward. But the feeling soon wears off, and one moves among them with perfect indifference, treating them, not as dogs, because in that case one would whistle to them and pat them, but as machines with which one can have no communion 75

life in nineteenth century India was the distance between the two races, distance 76

As a consequence, British ruling elites were increasingly isolated from the people over whom they exercised authority, reducing the likelihood and depth of face-to-face interactions that had proved so energizing during the early years of empire. There is no question that British governors, especially in India, believed they were engaged in important work. They abolished social and religious customs that they regarded as barbaric; they reorganized land tenure; they oversaw the construction of roads and railways; they laid the foundations for democratic selfgovernance; and they reformed the educational system in the wake of single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of 77

But their efforts proceeded slowly; most of the day-to-day work was mundane, not grandiose; and change occurred gradually if at all.

III As bureaucratic and monotonous as the work could be for Governors-General, it

bad weather had ruined their crops and that they should therefore be excused from paying rent. His job was to examine afflicted tracts and submit a written Page 14 of 43

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Governors much

almost uneventful. In the hot weather you were left to yourself in your own share 78

The 1857 Mutiny

79

Finally, in 1868, Keene, by this time a judge, was transferred to Azimgarh (in Uttar Pradesh, which had been one of the centers of (p.91) of whom

80

Fatehpore, where he 81 He finished his service in Agra, where he was employed as a judge until 1879 when 82

British India in the mid-nineteenth century was divided into 250 districts, some of which contained three or four sub-divisions. Districts were grouped together into divisions, headed by commissioners, and then into provinces (such as Bengal, which contained eight divisions and forty-eight districts), but the district was the primary administrative unit, and the District Officer, or DO, was the key administrative official. Smaller district stations might contain half a dozen British officials, including the DO, a couple of magistrates, and a district judge, all of them generally members of the Indian Civil Service (ICS), and perhaps one or two others such as a surgeon or an engineer. The DO was responsible for almost everything in his district except the railway and the army. In addition to his primary responsibilities as revenue collector and chief magistrate, he was also in charge of the police, the jail, the courts, and the treasury, as well as forests, roads, schools, hospitals, fences, canals, and agriculture. It was, one 83

The rapid bureaucratization of imperial rule began during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, in no small part as a consequence of the massive expansion in the size of the empire that took place during the Napoleonic Wars.84 In 1816, the Colonial Office in London had only nine clerks, a librarian, and a translator, besides its three political positions: the secretary of state, the undersecretary, and a private secretary. According to Lord Carnarvon, when he served as undersecretary the office did not even have maps that were fit to be consulted.85 As a result, many colonies were neglected, with some receiving only one or two letters per year, and many memoranda simply went unanswered. Page 15 of 43

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Governors When the meticulous, methodical James Stephen took over as undersecretary in 86

Under Stephen, the Colonial Office started to solicit and disseminate information in a more thorough and systematic manner, especially through the use of doubled in size.87 This was the decade when complaints about the sort of work involved in colonial affairs start to surface with increasing frequency and minutes on all subjects and his private and military secretaries were employed all day in copying them and sending them to the departments to be officially 88

undersecretary was to review all colonial legislation, which he described as pure 89

Still, it was the hyperorganized, bureaucratic-minded Stephen who initiated the practice of keeping (p.92) drafts of all outgoing letters. This had a huge impact on the work of Colonial Office clerks, who could easily spend their first ten or fifteen years in looking up precedents. Only occasionally would clerks even have the opportunity to draft a dispatch, which might amount to nothing more than copying the minutes of a higher official.90 By 1871, the empire was run by a staff of sixtyseven, of whom one-quarter were copyists. The previous year some 26,000 dispatches, letters, and telegrams had been received or sent out from the Colonial Office, at least three-quarters of which had been personally reviewed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies.91 During the early nineteenth century the East India Company also began to issue more exacting regulations that not only prescribed extensive record keeping, but also specified the frequency with which those records were to be transmitted to

which were printed in a volume of Regulations and Instructions for the General Government of the Several Commissioned and Other Officers of the Marine on the Bombay Establishment (1824), captains were to submit on the first of every month to the Superintendent of Marine an account of the region according to a form provided in the appendix. They were also to keep a journal of all daily transactions and occurrences registered in the logbook, which was to be submitted annually, and to ensure that their lieutenants recorded in the logbook 92

Warrant officers were to keep a similarly exact accounting of any and all stores that were issued; these books were to be examined and signed by both the senior lieutenant and the captain, who was to seal and transmit them quarterly along with the muster roll, statement book, and expense books for the gunner, boatswain, carpenter, Page 16 of 43

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Governors and steward.93 94

Not that any of this was new. The East India Company had been keeping records since its founding in 1600, but the quantity of paper that accumulated over the committee minutes and memoranda; 1,600 volumes of general correspondence, subdivided into commercial, ecclesiastical, financial, judicial, legal, legislative, marine, military, and political subjects. The Company also generated 2,889 volumes of Board of Control records, 1,555 volumes of factory records, even 127 volumes relating to Haileybury, the company college in Hertfordshire that was founded in 1806 as the training establishment for company officials. This 95

also contains tens of thousands of volumes, boxes, and files of department records including abstracts of registers of cash receipts, records of leaves and pensions, trigonometric and topographical surveys, and

Proceedings of Legislative Bodies, Administration Reports, Government Gazettes, Statistical Serials, Census Reports, and Department Annual Reports. The index to the collection alone comprises 2,500 volumes.96

just of military dominance, but of administrative control. Notwithstanding (p. 97 93) there was no single person or department responsible for administering the empire, but rather a

labyrinth of parallel and overlapping institutions including the Foreign Office, the Colonial Office, the East India Company, and the Board of Trade. All around the globe, the British produced information about their colonies, although they could often do little other than collect and collate, for any measure of exact control was out of the question. The British Empire was indeed, as Richards put 98

In a similar vein, Robert Darnton has described the British effort to catalogue every book published in India after 1867.99 The authorizing Act was part of the

copyright protection, the government of Bengal sought to keep a record of every book published in the province as ICS librarians filled out sixteen-column forms listing not only author, title, and publication data, but also notes about content. The catalogue entries from 1868 to 1905, encompassing millions of words, cover some 200,000 titles in fifteen enormous volumes, each containing at least five 100

As

including human beings, who appeared in the first Indian census in 1872, Page 17 of 43

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Governors divided neatly into castes, sub-castes, and dozens of other categories carefully mapped out on the printed forms.

empire was perhaps best embodied in the effort to photograph the many religions, castes, and social ranks of Indians in The People of India eight-volume monolith of such impossible proportions that it collapsed under the weight of its enormity and absurdity. The People of India, one of the most ambitious late-nineteenth-century surveys of racial types, began as the private collection of Lord Canning, Governor-General from 1856 to 1858, but was transformed after the 1857 rebellion into an official project of the India Office. Edited by J. Forbes Watson and John William Kaye, the collection was intended photographs, however, were not gathered in any systematic way, but were instead amassed from the wide-ranging portrait work of a number of different photographers for a variety of purposes. Moreover, the terms of the racial classifications varied, frequently confusing race, tribe, and caste, often relative 101

As

102

What began as an attempt at information gathering and surveillance ended up a bureaucratic impossibility. The increasing bureaucratization of the empire could be crushing. Although one young magistrate, and although historians have often claimed that Indian 103

at least a selective reading (p.94) of the evidence. Meadows Taylor, for example, arrived in Aurungabad in 1824 at the age of fifteen to work for a economic slump following the Napoleonic Wars. When his hopes of becoming a partner did not come to fruition, a relative procured an army commission for him, which kept him occupied for several years until he gained civil employment after teaching himself surveying, law, botany, and geology. In 1839 he briefly returned to England to marry and to publish a best-selling novel, Confessions of a Thug, which laid bare the practices of the Thuggee cult, famous for murdering travelers for money and other valuables. From 1840 to 1853 he was employed as a Times correspondent in India, while doubling as an administrator in Shorapore and Berar. Although he was never directly employed by the East India Company, his work, especially as Superintendent of Bazaars in a district near Hyderabad, was similar to that of an equivalent company official: regulating grain prices, inspecting meat, punishing breaches of the peace, and making daily reports. Page 18 of 43

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Governors

104

105

On another occasion he

In his case though it was

he regularly worked twelve or more hours a day. It was instead that this work

106

Robert Carstairs had a similar set of experiences after he entered the Indian Civil Service in 1872 and arrived in Bengal two years later. After improving his

his greatest complaints was about the distance between him and those he was

month, out of the dark, back into the dark; themselves, and even, except in a few

that he saw people for just one day, learning nothing about them, their homes, or their surroundings.107 A year later, Carstairs expressed his feeling of being

work I kept feeling for a way. How could we get down among the people, instead

Heart of Darkness see; but all beyond was obscurity. When I shifted my ground, obscurity covered 108

(p.95) Still, there was a lot of work for Carstairs in his position as a District

district councils as well.109 Carstairs was essentially a bureaucrat trying to build a modern, complex, Weberian governing structure. He dreamed that every neighborhood should have a local authority to assess, collect, and administer the various rate funds; to manage local rights of way and public pastures; to care for village drains, roads, water-supply sources, and schools; and to try local 111 disputes.110 Most of his work was more mundane: After he was transferred to a small sub-district near Page 19 of 43

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Governors the terminus of the Eastern Bengal Railway, 150 miles north of Calcutta, he spent much of his time hearing appeals of the newly instituted license tax on trade, which every trader with an income of at least £10 a year had to pay.112 Nor did his work ever get appreciably more exciting (Fig. 3.4). After several career of every Indian Civilian, the intermediate state, when he moves on from month as a Joint Magistrate (Chief Assistant to the DO) in Alipore, the headquarters of the original (p.96) territory of the East India Company in

returned to India, to Midnapore, one hundred miles south-west of Calcutta, cases, supervising the police, and inspecting various local institutions including

113

When he finally became a District Commissioner, he headed a staff that included a hundred or so clerks and subinspectors, 200 messengers, hundreds of police (civil and military), 3,000 village watchmen, and 8,000 village

114

Even looking

opening and initialing letters alone took up half an hour or more of his time every day. He also had to write drafts of letters going out, and read and sign the finished copies before they were issued. And, he had to ensure that letters were 115

Fig. 3.4. George McCullock after George Our Joint Magistrate, from Curry & Rice (on Forty Plates); or The Ingredients of Social Life (London: Day & Son, [1859]). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

Although Carstairs wrote little about what he hoped to

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Governors see or accomplish in India, it is clear that within a few years of arriving he had become little more than a paper-pusher. By the time Evan Maconochie wrote about his experiences in the ICS in 1926, he 116

If anyone should know, it would be Maconochie, who was born into a family that for more than a century had been involved in Indian affairs,

117

Collecting his outfit for 118

While he loved India, his descriptions of the work involved paint a less romantic picture.

a phrase that aptly sums up what the empire had become.119 Things were no better in Africa, where DOs became critically important in the early twentieth century.120 There is no question that their work could be difficult and time-consuming: the endless traveling, the long hours in court or in village meetings.121 On the other hand, when A. W. Cardinall arrived in Sunyani in the western province of Ashanti after joining the colonial service as an ADC in 1914,

official was stationed, he could go months without seeing another European.122 As a (p.97) result, Cardinall had time to study the Colonial Office pamphlet delineating the duties that he was expected to perform. These included serving as magistrate, political officer (in charge of maintaining relations between locals and the central colonial administration), police officer, accountant, superintendent of prisons, supervisor of road construction, inspector, and settler of disputes.123

annual reports but also consumed numerous hours. Perhaps for this reason, Administration in Tropical Africa (1914) usefully featured 124

Martin Kisch, who served as Assistant Resident in Northern Nigeria in 1908

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Governors 125

In 1912, Hugh Clifford, Governor of the Gold Coast, after admitting that he felt as cut off from what was happening in Ashanti as if he were in England, asked his provincial commissioners to keep to him monthly. This diary requirement was then passed on to the district commissioners. As Thora Williamson has pointed out in her study of Gold Coast

126

IV There were any number of issues and problems that contributed to the sense of boredom and disappointment that colonial officials felt, and to the dullness and banality of their work. Many of these are evident in the life of John Pope3.5), who served as Governor of Labuan, Sierra Leone, the Bahamas, the Windward Islands (Barbados), Hong Kong, and Mauritius during more than two tempestuous decades overseas. Born into a Catholic landholding family in Cork, Pope-Hennessy trained as a doctor before deciding Ecclesiastical Titles Act of 1851, and an admirer of Disraeli, he joined the Conservative Party, becoming the first Roman Catholic Conservative MP in 1859. His support for Polish liberty in the 1860s cost him his seat in Parliament, but, after an appeal from Disraeli, he was offered the Labuan governorship, which Pope-Hennessy reluctantly accepted only after agitating for a better post.127

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Governors A flat island of forty-five square miles off the north-eastern coast of Borneo, and some 700 miles away from Singapore, Labuan was hardly an enviable assignment. The Sultan of Brunei had ruled the island until it was acquired by James

it to Britain in 1848. There had been opposition to its acquisition, not least from William Gladstone, the Colonial (p.98) Secretary, who had multiplication of colonies at the 128

When Pope-Hennessy arrived, the Labuan community consisted of thirty Europeans,

Fig. 3.5.

several thousand Borneans, Chinese, and Malays, and a

Vanity Fair (27 March 1875). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

detachment of Madras infantrymen. It was, according

steamship service. With only occasional visits from sailing vessels carrying a few crates of merchandise, precious bags of mail, and a smattering of out-of-date 129

greet the newcomer with torrential rain, grey skies, a fierce dank heat, and every night. It has [even] been known to rain without stopping for two long during these months his offices were unusable because there was so much water puddled on the floorboards, and the roads along the harbor front, which were

(p.99) and jungle, according to the

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Governors surgeon aboard the first British vessel to arrive there in 1847, all contributed to unhealthy and unpleasant living conditions.130

131

Although he arrived in Sarawak in 1841 as a private citizen aboard his own ship, his self-confidence and aura of authority bolstered his claim that he was an envoy of the British government. Brooke proved to be a skillful opportunist who masterfully played different sections of Sarawak society against each other until he had insinuated himself as the ruler of Sarawak. But there is a world of difference between the daring adventurism of conquest and the dreary busywork of governance. After Brooke turned Labuan over to the British government, keeping Sarawak for himself and his sons, Pope-Hennessy tried to put the best face on the situation. He reminded himself that Labuan was larger in size than Hong Kong, and steadfastly maintained that the climate bore a vague resemblance to that of the warm summer months in southern Ireland.

132

Pope-Hennessy did his best to keep busy by trying to

school for the Chinese community, as well as a wharf for the harbor. He imported lamps to light the silent streets of Victoria, the main town, at night. He received visitors at Government House every morning, and occasionally threw evening parties as well. His hopes rose with each mail delivery, only to fall when he found that the Colonial Office bag had not brought release from his island purgatory.133 Labuan never flourished as a British colony (Fig. 3.6). Its only potential, apart from its meager seams of coal, was as an entrepôt for merchants trading along the north Borneo coast, but as Sarawak grew in prosperity, Labuan lost its favorable position. Although Pope-Hennessy arranged for a new managerial team to take over the running of the coal mines, production remained paltry and plying the China trade.134 on Labuan became even more insipid. In its heyday, British travelers compared

more than a hundred carved posts, its dining room large enough to seat forty, and its polished redwood walls and finely wrought brass door handles. But when Governor-to-be F. J. Callaghan arrived in the late 1860s, he reported that the him £100 to spend on additional couches and chairs, chintz for the sofas, and ten

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Governors hanging lamps.135 For many governors, such mundane matters became their primary focus and their only source of hope. In 1870, Pope-Hennessy was finally liberated from the remote island, having been promoted to the governorship of the Bahamas. It too was a small, insular post, but more lucrative and with a healthier climate. On his way through England, however, he agreed to defer his assignment and go instead to

Sierra Leone, and Lagos), to oversee the transfer of Dutch (p.100) (p.101) settlements to the British. Tragically, one month after he arrived his only child contracted dysentery and died. After the funeral, PopeHennessy immersed himself in sanitation reform, important work despite the fact that very few people in Britain were paying much attention to the

Fig. 3.6.

West African settlements, which

News Vol. 92 (3 March 1888): 222. The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Colonial Labuan, Malaysia, showing The Market (top left), Government House (second row, right), and Government Offices (third row, right), as well as native huts and houses.

list of priorities. Perhaps his signature achievement, given the high death rate, was to put the cemeteries in order.136 Life in Sierra Leone was lonely, though, just as it had been in

Illustrated London

137

more civil staff there were, and therefore the less for a governor to do. As a more banal features of the British presence was the £70,000 per year that the government spent on salutes fired in Victoria Harbor to welcome distinguished guests, an indication of the centrality of the ceremonial aspects of the empire.138 Page 25 of 43

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Governors South-East Asia proved challenging for other British officials as well. Frank Swettenham had a long imperial career, beginning as a cadet in the civil service of the Straits Settlements (Singapore, Malacca, and Penang Island). He learned to speak Malay, and was influential as an intermediary during the period of British intervention in the 1870s; the Sultan of Selangor held him in particularly high regard. In 1882, he was appointed Resident (advisor) to the Malay state of Selangor, where he focused on developing coffee and tobacco estates and oversaw the construction of a railway from Kuala Lumpur to the port of Klang. From 1896 to 1901 he served as Resident-General of the Federated Malay States, and from 1901 to 1904 as Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Straights Settlements (Fig. 3.7 139

and he certainly experienced moments of both danger and excitement during his decades in the region. One of these occurred in 1875 after the first British resident in Perak, James Birch, was murdered. Swettenham, who was upriver at the time, had to endure a hazardous overnight boat journey to evade the Malays waiting downstream to murder him as well. Yet his own journals tell a very different story, particularly of his early years in the region. In 1874, the Governor of Malaya, Andrew Clarke, sent Birch, who had not yet been chosen to serve as British Resident, to Perak to persuade Raja Ismael to give up his sultanate. Swettenham, who was at this time Collector of Land Revenue in Penang, was ordered to join Birch and accompany him through Perak. Although Swettenham arrived late after a four-day journey by steamer, Birch was nowhere to be found, nor the next day, nor the next:

Swettenham wrote. He tried to put his time to good use, taking several long walks, one of which was to explore the possibilities for cultivation, about which he was not particularly optimistic.

Fig. 3.7. 1925), Sir Frank Swettenham (1904). ©

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Governors After several nights sleeping in the police station, and still

hike, this time behind the bay, but was disappointed to find that even at the top he could not see anything but trees. Still,

commented that he was beginning (p.102) to feel a bit like Robinson Crusoe, spending day after day looking for a ship that would never come. He

National Portrait Gallery, London. Commissioned by the Malay Straits Association of London, this enormous, almost life-sized portrait shows the longtime colonial administrator surrounded by accessories evoking his Eastern career, including a huge globe just visible in the top left-hand corner which hovers over a chair draped with the magnificent Malaysian brocades that he collected. Sargent presents Swettenham, dressed in his white uniform, as the archetypical imperial servant, but with almost royal trappings.

Wednesday, only four days, four days of complete, I had almost said gross

140

(p.103) were waiting to learn whether their attempts to persuade the rajah to give up

days, they saw nothing more exciting than a pig and some jungle fowl before the

more than provoking because we know that these people are doing it on purpose to try and make us so tired of the place that we shall go. We have no beer, nor brandy, nor sherry, only two or three bottles of claret, no rice, no biscuit, nothing 141

On a subsequent outing they again returned empty-handed and

few months later, as the negotiations with the rajah continued to drag on, junglyness [sic

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Governors

be observed in importing and exporting goods and produce into and from

142

Although there was clearly important work to be done, Swettenham spent a lot of time just waiting around, doing nothing; his attempts to break up the monotony by hiking or hunting proved disappointing; the weather was abysmal; and even the work he did end up doing seemed boring and bureaucratic. In the end, Swettenham had very little good to say about his time in Malaysia.

V Boredom is not a simple emotion, but rather a complex constellation of reactions. Whereas ennui implies a sense of anxiety and a judgment on the universe, boredom is much more a response to the immediate.143 The boredom that afflicted nineteenth-century colonial officials was largely the product of the increasingly bureaucratic and ceremonial nature of imperial service, combined with unmet expectations about the landscape and the routinization of travel. Imperial governance changed markedly between 1783, the date often used to of 144

This was the period, most crucially, during which the British established their global hegemony, relying less and less on the support of indigenous rulers, capital, and military personnel, and moving increasingly to establish centralized administrative rule.145 Although the Colonial Office remained a relatively sleepy, humdrum (p.104) place in the days before the widespread use of the telegraph and typewriter, the volume of paperwork increased dramatically during the 1830s and 1840s. As a result, imperial administration became more institutionalized, routinized, time-consuming, and monotonous. There were also fewer opportunities for contact with indigenous people, and those that did exist were more formal and mediated. When combined with the disappointments of imperial travel, especially the decreasing opportunities to explore the unexplored, the empire became a far less enjoyable

Changing ideas about work also seem to have played a role in the increasingly frequent complaints of imperial boredom.146 Although Thomas Carlyle wrote in Past and Present countered in

147

Like the Utopian

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Governors 148

On the other hand, Thomas Arnold, headmaster of Rugby from 1828 to 1841, brought up his 149 Work This did not mean the Victorians never relaxed and enjoyed recreation. Indeed they did, from the Crystal Palace to the music hall, from seaside resorts to country

sports.150 But work was regarded as a virtue, and idleness was generally scorned.151 This created problems in the empire, where there were very few organized leisure activities, especially in the nineteenth century, and particularly outside of the major cities. Riding, walking, painting and drawing, and dancing if there were enough Europeans around were about the only options, as sports did not become prevalent until the end of the century.152 For many imperial officials during the nineteenth century, therefore, the only alternative to work was idleness, which is what many of them may have meant when they wrote that they were bored or that their lives were dull and monotonous. The issue of work might have been particularly acute for imperial officials from landed backgrounds. Obviously most imperial officials were not from aristocratic families, but a number of the Governors-General were, including Bentinck, Hastings, Auckland, and Wolseley, while many others came from the gentry. Younger sons and the offspring of the more distant branches of the nobility regularly sought jobs in imperial administration to supplement their inherited income or to stave off creditors by taking a comfortable but lucrative post in imperial service.153 154

The men who ruled India and the other desirable dominions during the nineteenth century were a select group. Many of them were, as Lawrence James put it, 155

They believed in the civilizing mission and the idea of imperial service, notwithstanding any pecuniary rewards that might come their way.156 But they may also have (p.105) have traced back at least as far as the medieval period, if not antiquity.157 If nothing else, many aristocrats, however hard they might have worked at supervising the management of their estates, would not have spent much time behind a desk, as they were increasingly required to do in the colonies, let alone for eight or more hours a day.158 In fact, it is not at all clear that they envisioned of them, which may be why so many of them found it tedious. It may also have been unclear to many nineteenth-century imperial officials, especially those in the higher echelons, whether they were professionals or 159

On the other hand, the English aristocracy practiced a cult of amateurism, which rested on a belief in untrained aptitude and general service. As M. L. Bush has Page 29 of 43

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Governors

160

The nature of imperial administration also changed considerably during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The challenge that Governor Wellesley faced when he arrived in India in 1797 was to among the would-be Nabobs.161 By 1805, Wellesley had turned the governance of India into a vocation of the elite, which, along with the church, the armed services, and the law, could be pursued by gentlemen without loss of dignity or status.162 All of which meant that many of the officials discussed above may well have entered imperial service out of a sense of duty, or perhaps looking forward to a colonial sinecure that offered status and adventure as well as a generous salary, but instead found themselves inundated by a volume of paperwork and official obligations that they had never anticipated, and which they found to be, quite frankly, boring. As for lower-level administrators, although Curzon claimed that imperial

163

Men went into the colonial service for reasons of family tradition, or because they were persuaded to do so at school or university, or because it was regarded as socially acceptable. Escapism and a desire for adventure also played a role: Many DOs testified as to how their imaginations were fired by reading Kipling, Henty, or Haggard.164 For others the empire was the last frontier, a place to gain fame, glory, or profit.165 Rarely, however, did those who entered imperial service do so because they yearned to do imperial work. As one young engineer wrote to horses, and a good deal harder, none of your old Company and no work. One has to work

166

167

seem to have been the nadir in terms of

satisfaction. (p.106) Given that nineteenth-century fiction played such a crucial role in helping to promote the empire as a place of excitement and adventure, it is not surprising that the greatest challenge to the heroic image of the imperial official On Trial for My Country (1966), a historically based examination of the clash between Cecil Rhodes and Matabele King Lobengula, is especially insightful on the subject of

fellowship at All Souls. Samkange describes Maguire as erudite, cultured, and Page 30 of 43

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Governors elegant drawing rooms of England than in the role of a pioneer envoy and

Lobengula that would enable Rhodes to extend the Cape Colony into Central Africa. Their dealings with Lobengula proceeded slowly. As Maguire bathed in the river, played whist, backgammon or chess until we were worn concession, turning over all minerals in his kingdom for £100 per month, 1,000 rifles, and 100,000 rounds of ammunition. For a brief period Lobengula remained on good terms with his British advisors, until a Boer delegation convinced him that he had sold out his country, at which point Maguire and the other remaining advisor found themselves under threat, and decided that they

smell the stink and stench of the royal kraal, Maguire slipped away from 168

Such was the life of an imperial official.

Life in the colonies was not by definition boring. There was important work to do. But the reality simply could not live up to the expectations. As a consequence, notwithstanding some famous exceptions, nineteenth-century colonial officials were deflated by the dreariness of their imperial lives, eager to escape the tedium of the empire they had built. Notes:

(1.) Quoted in H. V. Bowen, The Business of Empire: The East India Company and (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 144; Young, 27. See Thomas Love Peacock, Biographical Notes from 1785 to 1862, ed. Henry Cole [London, 1874], 21. (2.) Bentinck, p. xxii. (3.) Norman Rose, Churchill: The Unruly Giant (New York: Free Press, 1994), 45. (4.) Leonard Woolf, 28.

(London: Hogarth Press, 1963),

(5.) See e.g. Anthony Webster, The Richest East India Merchant: The Life and (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), 42, 57. (6.) Spear, 6; Holden Furber, John Company at Work (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1948); 1667, Vol. II, ed. Richard Carnac Tempe (London: Hakluyt Society, 1914), li.

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Governors (7.) In addition to Nechtman, see , ed. A. Das Gupta and M. N. Pearson (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1987), 303; Søren Mentz, The English Gentleman Merchant at Work: Madras and the City of (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2005), 18. (8.) Hastings, I. 39, 66. (9.) Ibid. James, Raj served as Governor-General from 1828 to 1835, was similarly busy and, as he wrote to Hugh Lindsey, one of the East India Company directors, on 20 Holden Furber, ed., The Private Record of an Indian Governor-Generalship: The Correspondence of Sir John Shore, Governor(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1933). (10.) (11.) Ibid. (12.) Ibid. II: 168. See also Paul David Nelson, Francis Rawdon-Hastings, Marquess of Hastings: Solider, Peer of the Realm, Governor-General of India

(13.) On Curzon and the Delhi Durbar, see David Gilmour, Curzon: Imperial Statesman David Aspects of Aristocracy: Grandeur and Decline in Modern Britain (New Haven: Yale University Press, BRANCH: Britain, Representation and Nineteenth-Century History, ed. Dino Franco Felluga. Extension of Romanticism and Victorianism on the Net (Web); , ed. Vidya Deheija Bernard S. Cohn, The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric. Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

(14.) Quoted in Gilmour, Curzon, 218. (15.) Ibid. (16.) Ibid. 143, 145, 154, 156.

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Governors (17.) James Ryan, Picturing Empire

Anand S. Pandian, Journal of Historical Sociology John M. MacKenzie, The Empire of Nature: Hunting, Conservation and British Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); Greg Gillespie, Hunting for Empire: (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007); The Western Historical Quarterly 32:3 (2001): Journal of British Studies (18.) G. N. Curzon, British Government in India: The Story of the Viceroys and Government Houses (London: Cassell and Company, 1925), I. 258. (19.) Gilmour, Curzon, 214. (20. (21.) Eden, 112. See also

New Writing 2

(1936), repr. in Shooting an Elephant and Other Essays (London: Secker and Warburg, 1950). (22.) See F. C. Selous,

(London: Richard Bentley

& Son, 1881) and Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa (London: Rowland Ward and Co., 1893); John G. Millais, A Breath from the Veldt (London: H.

(23.) Penny and Roger Beaumont, Imperial Divas: The Vicereines of India (London: Haus Publishing, 2010), 175; Mark Bence-Jones, The Viceroys of India (London: Constable, 1982), 147. (24.

well as Studies Historical Journal

Henry George Grey, The Colonial Policy of Lord , 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley 1853), I. 19, as Journal of British and

(25.) Morris, Pax Britannica Roger Owen, Lord Cromer: Victorian Imperialist, Edwardian Proconsul (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). Other examples of the heroic view of empire not previously cited include Anthony Kirk-Greene,

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Governors (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000) and Tim Jeal, Livingstone (New York: Putnam, 1973). (26.) Lytton Strachey, Eminent Victorians (London: Chatto & Windus, 1918; repr.

(27.

Slate, 11 January 1998.

(28. (29.) See e.g. Philip Mason, The Men Who Ruled India (London: Jonathan Cape, 1954), and, more recently, David Gilmour, The Ruling Caste: Imperial Lives in the Victorian Raj (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005). (30.) See e.g. Stephanie Williams, Running the Show: The Extraordinary Stories of the Men who Governed the British Empire (London: Viking Penguin, 2011). (31.) See John M. MacKenzie, ed., Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984) and David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003). (32.) Lily Wolpowitz, ed., (Cape Town: Friends of the South African Library, 1990

(33.) Morris, Pax Britannica, 236. (34.) Adrian Preston, ed., The South African Diaries of Sir Garnet Wolseley, 1875

(35.) Ibid. 130. (36.) Ibid. 13 and 20 August 1875. (37.) Adrian Preston, ed., (London: Hutchinson, 1967), 84. (38.) Denison, I. 172. (39.) Ibid. I: 73, 75, 172, 304. (40. (41.) Minto, I. 47. (42.) Denison, I. 42. Page 34 of 43

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Governors (43.) Ibid. I. 33, 35. (44.) Ibid. (45.) Ibid. II. 236, 239, 292, 302. (46. 1962), 24.

(London: Macmillan and Co.,

(47.) Denison, II. 304. (48.) Ibid. II. 50. Alfred Lyall had a similar experience in his capacity as in Allahabad, where he found the dinner parties extremely boring, the situation the mountain top for five months of the year. Life there, he wrote, was parochial and uninteresting compared to his prior work in the Foreign Office. See Gilmour, Ruling Caste Outram in India: The Morality of Empire (Bloomington: AuthorHouse, 2007), 153. (49.) In addition to Young and Cell, see William Parker Morrell, British Colonial Policy in the Mid-Victorian Age: South Africa, New Zealand, the West Indies (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969). Most of the work on the bureaucratization of the empire has focused on the twentieth century and on information gathering. See Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); and C. A. Bayly, Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). (50.) Hastings, I. 66. (51.) Ibid. (52.) Mark Francis, Governors and Settlers: Images of Authority in the British (London: Macmillan, 1992); Peter H. Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display: English, Indian, and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War Cannadine, Ornamentalism (53.) Jan Morris, The Spectacle of Empire: Style, Effect, and the Pax Britannica (London: Faber and Faber, 1982), 11; Orientalism, 18. (54.) Eden, 131.

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Governors (55.) Eden, 368. (56. his governorship in India from 1847 to 1856. See J. G. A. Baird, ed., Private Letters of the Marquess of Dalhousie (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 20, 104, 110, 147. (57. (58.) Denison, I. 47. (59. (60.)

(London: Chiswick Press, 1899), 33.

(61.) Denison, II. 315. (62. (63. (64.) Mary Lutyens,

(65.) Lord [Thomas Wodehouse Legh] Newton, Lord Lansdowne: A Biography (London: Macmillan and Co., 1929); Bence-Jones, 150. (66.) Lady Betty Balfour, ed., Personal & Literary Letters of Robert First Earl of Lytton, Vol. II (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1906), 185. (67.) Lutyens, 43. (68.) Lytton to Frederick Harrison, 2 April 1878, in Balfour, 24. (69. (70.) John Keay, India Discovered: The Recovery of a Lost Civilization (London: Bayly, Empire and Information (71.) In addition to Ghosh, see William Dalrymple, White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India (New York: Viking Penguin, 2002). (72.) Emma Roberts, Scenes and Characteristics of Hindostan, with Sketches of Anglo-Indian Society de Almeida and

(73.) E. M. Collingham, Imperial Bodies: The Physical Experience of the Raj (Cambridge: Polity, 2001);

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Governors Modern Asian Studies

(74.) Frederick John Shore, Notes on Indian Affairs, 2 vols. (London: John W. Barker, 1837), 127. (75.) Theodore Walrond, ed., Letters and Journals of James, Eighth Earl of Elgin,

(76.) Francis G. Hutchins, The Illusion of Permanence: British Imperialism in India See also Pramod K. Nayar, India 1857: The Great Uprising (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2007), 37. (77.) Thomas Babington Macaulay, Speeches: With his Minute on Indian Education, ed. G. M. Young (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), 349. See, among many, Rozina Visram, Ayahs, Lascars, and Princes: Indians in Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1986), 6. (78.) (79.) Ibid. 153. (80.) Ibid. (81.) Ibid. 260. (82.) Ibid. 281. (83.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 91. (84.) Bayly, Imperial Meridian; Transactions of the Royal Historical Society The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Vol. III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

(85. (86. British Colonial Government after the American Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1933), 90, 475. See also Henry Taylor, 1875, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1885), I. 62; Charles Greville, The Greville Memoirs: A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV, ed. Henry Reeve, 2 vols. (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1886), I. 439. (87. Page 37 of 43

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Governors (88.) Bentinck, xxxviii. (89. (90. complexity of the paperwork and the regulations associated with a large bureaucracy. See Gregory Anderson, Victorian Clerks (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 111. (91.) Pope-Hennessy, 132. (92.) Regulations and Instructions for the General Government of the Several Commissioned and Other Officers of the Marine on the Bombay Establishment (Bombay: Courier Press, 1824), 4, 19, 21. (93.) Ibid. (94.) Ibid. 43. The 1914 of standing orders, rules, and regulations.

included 150 pages

(95.) The phrase comes from Thomas Richards, The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire (London: Verso, 1993). Said, Orientalism, has likewise described the incredible information gathering of European scholars, writers, and travelers. (96.) Martin Moir, A General Guide to the India Office Records (London: The British Library, 1988). (97.) Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1961). (98.) Richards, Imperial Archive (99.)

The New York Review of Books (12 Book History

(100. (101.) James Ryan, Picturing Empire (102.) Suleri, 104. (103.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 103. (104.) Meadows Taylor, The Story of My Life (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and

(105.) Ibid. 183. Page 38 of 43

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Governors (106.) Ibid. 183, 239, 263. (107.) Robert Carstairs, The Little World of an Indian District Officer (London:

(108.) Ibid. 161. (109.) Ibid. (110.) Ibid. (111.) Ibid. 170. (112.) Ibid. (113.) Ibid. (114.) Ibid. 279. (115.) Ibid. 280. (116.) Evan Maconochie, Life in the Indian Civil Service (London: Chapman and Hall, 1926), 1. (117.) Ibid. (118.) Ibid. 15. (119.) Ibid.

The Ruling Caste, David Gilmour offers a different gloss

the constant change of scenery and faces, the nature of the work and the feeling that you are doing something for the people about you even if it is in a very small

(120.) Henrika Kuklick, The Imperial Bureaucrat: The Colonial Administrative (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1979). (121.) According to Anthony Kirk-Greene, Symbol of Authority: The British District Officer in Africa (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006), at least for the period

(122.) Thora Williamson, Gold Coast Diaries: Chronicles of Political Officers in , ed. Anthony Kirk-Greene (London: The Radcliffe Press, 2000), 26. (123.) A. W. Cardinall, Ashanti and Beyond

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Governors (124.) C. H. Stigand, Administration in Tropical Africa (London: Constable &

(125.) Martin S. Kisch, Letters and Sketches from Northern Nigeria (London:

(126. voluminous reports and returns, both about our work and on any other subject concerning which curiosity was felt in higher quarters. A report had to be full,

(127.) (128.) Ibid. 61; Gerald S. Graham, The Politics of Naval Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 60; Richard Gott, Resistance, Repression and Revolt (129.) (130.) Ibid. (131.) Nigel Barley, White Rajah: A Biography of Sir James Brooke (London: Little, Brown, 2002), 27, 31, 43. (132.) Pope-Hennessy, 74. (133.) Ibid. 109, 124. (134.) Ibid.

; Steven Runciman, The White Rajahs: A History of

Sarawak from 1841 to 1946 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960),

(135.)

In 1879, the Colonial Office put out a circular

soliciting feedback from governors about expenses and furnishings, which generated a litany of complaints about inadequate lighting, living rooms that

(136.) Ibid. (137.) Ibid. 142, 172. (138.) Ibid. 228, 259. (139. 2004.

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Governors (140.) P. L. Burns and C. D. Cowan, eds.,

(141.) Ibid. 80. (142.) Ibid. (143. (144.) See Bayly, Imperial Meridian, and Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of the

(145.) Despite the increased size and bureaucratization of the empire, the number of colonial officials remained relatively small. See Porter, Share, 46, and Hyam, , 310. (146.) General histories of work include Richard Donkin, The History of Work (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Herbert Applebaum, The Concept of Work (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992); and P. D. Anthony, The Ideology of Work (London: Tavistock, 1977). (147.) Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, ed. Richard D. Altick (New York: New York University Press, 1965), 201; Eugene R. August, ed., The Nigger Question: The Negro Question (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1971), 43; John Stuart Mill, Autobiography (New York: Henry Hold and Company, 1887), 36. (148.) Robert Owen, The Rational System of Society (London: Effingham Wilson, 1836), 67. (149.) Thomas Arnold, Passages in a Wandering Life (London: Edward Arnold, 1900), vi. (150.) See Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978); Hugh Cunningham, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution (London: Croom, Helm, 1980); Judith Flanders, Consuming Passions: Leisure and Pleasure in Victorian Britain (New York: Harper, 2006); Pamela Horn, Pleasures and Pastimes in Victorian Britain (Stroud: Amberel Publishing, 2011). There is relatively little in the scholarly literature about leisure activity among the aristocracy, or about leisure and recreational activities in the empire apart from sports and hunting. (151. St. Benedict wrote in the sixth century that idleness was the enemy of the soul. The aristocracy was particularly subject to attack by the burgeoning English

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Governors noble Carlyle, 180. (152.) Brian Stoddart and Keith A. P. Sandiford, The Imperial Game: Cricket, Culture, and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Timothy J. L. Chandler and John Nauright, Making Men: Rugby and Masculine Identity (New York: Routledge, 1996); Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, (Manchester: Manchester

(153.) Aspects of Aristocracy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994),

(154.) A. J. P. Taylor, Books, 1975), 226.

(Harmondsworth: Penguin

(155.) James, Raj, 151. (156.) K. D. Reynolds, Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain (157.) Keith Thomas, ed., The Oxford Book of Work (Oxford: Oxford University

(158.) Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society (159.) Geoffrey Holmes, 1730

John Brewer, The Sinews (New York: Alfred A.

(160.) M. L. Bush, The English Aristocracy: A Comparative Synthesis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), 75. See also Lawrence James, Aristocrats: Power, Grace, and Decadence 353. (161.) The Earl of Mornington to Henry Dundas, 24 October 1799, in The Despatches, Minutes, and Correspondence of the Marquess Wellesley, ed. Montgomery Martin, 2 vols. (London: Wm. H. Allen, 1836), II. 132. (162.) James, Raj, 154. (163.)

The Nineteenth Century and After Kuklick, 19, 153.

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Governors (164.) See e.g. Bryan Sharwood Smith, Recollections of British Administration in (Durham, NC: Duke University

(165.) Kirk-Greene, Symbol of Authority,

L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan,

(166.) Barbara Kerr, The Dispossessed: An Aspect of Victorian Social History (London: John Baker, 1974), 179. (167.) Michael Edwardes, Bound to Exile: The Victorians in India (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1969), 173. (168.) Stanlake Samkange, On Trial for My Country (London: Heinemann, 1966).

Access brought to you by:

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Soldiers

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Soldiers Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0005

Abstract and Keywords Although the story of the British Empire has often been told in terms of its military campaigns, and although military heroism was part of the lore of empire, Chapter 4 shows that by the mid-nineteenth century soldiers were spending much of their time sitting in tents in the heat with little to do but drink. Many soldiers, in fact, went years without participating in a single skirmish. In invention of the repeating rifle, battles were shorter, more one-sided, and increasingly described as banal. The increase in references to boredom align with new definitions of masculinity, suggesting that the boredom soldiers expressed was at least partly related to their inability to demonstrate bravery and physical prowess in the absence of hand-to-hand combat. In the end, many soldiers found themselves deeply disillusioned with imperial service. The well-

origins in the nineteenth-century British empire. Keywords: war, Robert Norris, Xhosa, isolation, routine, heat, alcoholism, propaganda

Fanny Parkes, an otherwise enthusiastic travel writer whose father and husband

the intensely hot barrack-rooms; heat produces thirst, and idleness discomfort. He drinks arrack If anyone should have known, it was Parkes, who spent twenty-four years in

1

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Soldiers India with her husband, a low-level East India Company employee stationed in Allahabad whose job was to make ice.2 Her contemporary, Julius Jeffreys, a staff surgeon in Cawnpore in the 1830s and the

3

and hopeless, with ennui

Half a century later, a twenty-three-year-old Winston Churchill, who had been serving as an army officer in India but had wrangled his way into General correspondent for the Morning Post, wrote about a very different sort of boredom which British gunners experienced at the Battle of Omdurman in 1898. General Charles Gordon, retake Khartoum, and safeguard the Suez Canal, the army of desert tribesmen against the full military might of the biggest empire in 4

It was also one of the most lopsided battles in history. In just five hours, a considerably outnumbered force of British regulars and Egyptian and 16,000 more while suffering only forty-eight casualties of their own.5 As the poet 6

It was here on the west bank of the Nile that Churchill first witnessed the horror of modern war, a theme to which he would return

7

Decades later, Hannah Arendt would refer to this sort of mechanization of death and 8

(p.108) Fighting, however, was not how most British soldiers in imperial service spent their time, despite almost constant conflict with indigenous

9

From the Opium, Afghan, and Sikh Wars of the 1840s, to the Crimean War and Indian Mutiny in the 1850s, the Maori Wars of the 1860s, the Ashanti and Zulu Wars of the 1870s, the Sudanese and Burmese Wars of the 1880s, and the Boer War in the late 1890s, the story of the nineteenth-century British Empire has often been told in terms of its military campaigns.10 Yet many soldiers and regiments experienced lengthy gaps between periods of active service. The Royal Lincolnshire, for example, after serving in India for almost a decade from 1846 to 1858, did not fight again until Page 2 of 50

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Soldiers

it went to the Sudan in 1898. And the Cheshire Regiment, which fought in the Sind War of 1843, was essentially at rest for forty-five years afterwards until it saw action in Burma in the late 1880s. In other words, British soldiers, even those stationed in the empire, could go decades without participating in so much as a skirmish.11 As a consequence, for many British troops stationed overseas, there was very little martial achievement to write home about.12

defeats ever inflicted on the British army, is notable for its elaborate descriptions 13

14

Drift in 1879, when 150 British and colonial troops successfully defended a warriors.15 encountered in their many engagements, especially the 1857 India Rebellion and imperial complacency and control.16

The Pirates of Penzance suggests a kind of bumbling incompetence and illpreparedness.17 So too did Albert Baker, the attorney who represented the firm that brought Mohandas Gandhi to South Africa and was the first person to meet with him after he was thrown off the whites-only first-class carriage of the train he was taking from Durban to Pretoria to commence his employment.18 In A South African Boy: Schoolboy Life in Natal 1870s and 1880s, Baker wrote about how unimpressed he was with the British

enemy, being a sad awakening for the colonial schoolboy fresh from the glowing 19 accounts of British valor on other (p.109) And this was before the disastrous Anglo-Boer War. Punch, too, was merciless in poking fun at the army,

cigar, being served by higher-ranking officers (Fig. 4.1).20

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Soldiers Between the Scylla of bravery and the Charybdis of buffoonery lies the banality of boredom. It has often been said that war punctuated by moments of British officer stationed on the Western Front during the First World War.21 Too often, though, military boredom has been asserted and accepted, rather than explored and explained.22 The link between military service and boredom can be traced at least to the mideighteenth century, when

Fig. 4.1. Punch, Vol. 98 (Christmas Supplement); Harvard University Library.

Samuel Johnson wrote in The Idler who desire it most are neither prompted by malevolence nor patriotism; they neither pant for laurels, nor delight in blood; but long to be delivered from 23

But by the

with boredom that was neither incidental nor peripheral to their imperial experience. Rather, it was omnipresent, at least among the officer class.24 Moreover, studies suggest that the condition persists to the present day, especially among enlisted men.25 (p.110) As with imperial travelers and administrators, military boredom was partly a function of unmet expectations, as recruiting posters and popular accounts of past military endeavors implied that soldiers would spend their time fighting, not marching, drilling, or sitting around doing nothing, and that for officers, camp life would afford ample opportunity for activities such as hunting. Isolation, which many men in the more remote locations experienced, certainly contributed. Expressions of boredom also seem to have been informed by changing notions of manliness during the nineteenth century, as men began to look for new ways to assert their physical strength in an urbanizing,

26

But since skirmishes, let alone full-fledged battles, were sporadic, opportunities for young men to test their mettle and demonstrate their bravery were rare. Page 4 of 50

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Soldiers Changes in the scale and scope of the British Empire, which resulted in more men being stationed overseas but with less to do, influenced imperial soldiering as well. The eighteenth-century empire, even before the loss of the American colonies, was tiny: a handful of islands in the Caribbean including Bermuda, Jamaica, and the Bahamas; the thirteen North American colonies (where only about 8,500 British regulars were stationed); and eastern Canada, which Britain acquired from France in 1763. Often forgotten is that the Battle of Plassey in would continue for a hundred years. By the mid-nineteenth century, Britain had pushed the Canadian frontier to the Pacific Ocean; added most of South Asia, Australia, southern Africa, and Egypt; and was on the verge of conquering thousands of square miles in eastern and Central Africa. Whereas in the 1750s Britain was supervising, formally or informally, more than 20 percent, encompassing some 400 million people. It was truly an empire on which the sun never set, and with it came massive administrative responsibilities as governing and policing supplanted conquest and annexation.27 By the second half of the nineteenth century, therefore, more British troops were required than had been a century earlier, but they were being used differently.

but the army remained relatively small, comprising around 40,000 men in 1793, briefly ballooning to 250,000 by 1813, and then quickly downsizing to around 90,000 by 1838. In the West Indies, the perennial problem for the army was the undersupply of British soldiers, and in India, there were only about one-fifth as many British soldiers as Indian Sepoys at the time of the 1857 rebellion.28 But as 235,000 by the time of the Second Boer War, even though soldiers in many locations were fighting less frequently.29 Moreover, when these soldiers fought, they did so very differently than their predecessors had a century earlier, and the changing nature of colonial warfare 30 face (p.111) Most land-based British military engagements up through the Sikh Wars involved infantry regiments conducting carefully choreographed maneuvers, prominent use of cavalry, and extensive reliance on short-range volleys by muzzle-loading field artillery. In contrast, the African campaigns of the nineteenth century tended to feature long-distance patrols marching for days over hills and savannah, with only occasional short skirmishes

in the bush and very few extended confrontations in open battle.31 Additionally, machine gun, gave British troops an enormous advantage in firepower. As a result, confrontations between Europeans and Africans after 1870, according to 32

Whereas eighteenth-

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Soldiers century battles generally took place between armies that were evenly matched, in firepower if not in size, by the nineteenth century the British army could, with few exceptions, quickly obliterate any opponent, thus avoiding the sorts of protracted conflicts that had characterized earlier warfare. In 1896, for when three British warships compelled the Sultan of Zanzibar to surrender after only thirty-eight minutes of artillery fire.33 The result, however, was that soldiers had less to do, and found their experiences less satisfying. Finally, the proportion of soldiers engaged in front-line combat relative to those involved in other forms of military work began to decrease during the nineteenth century as well, as the British began to build a modern army sustained by a network of logistical support staff.34 This meant that a much smaller portion of enlisted men actually fought.35 Estimates are that at the time of the Napoleonic wars close to three-quarters of all soldiers were engaged in combat, with the remainder training, convalescing, or providing support. By the time of the First World War, however, European soldiers may have spent only about 10 percent of their enlistment time in the trenches.36 With more men overseas, in more remote locations, engaging in shorter battles, with fewer opportunities to fight, British soldiers on the imperial frontiers found themselves increasingly bored, leading some to question the basic purpose of the empire they were serving.

I Robert Provo Norris was born in Broome, a small village in Norfolk, the eldest son of an Anglican vicar. In 1846, at the age of twenty-one, he joined the army, and soon thereafter was sent with his regiment, the 6th Foot, to the Cape of Good Hope. The Dutch colonists who lived there, many of them farmers, were increasingly coming into conflict with local tribes, especially the Xhosa, and as the British settler population grew during the nineteenth century, the British became embroiled in a succession of frontier wars, both for political reasons and to safeguard their growing economic interests. Among them were the War of the 1877 to 1878; and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. In fact, Richard Price has made the case that the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony was where the British laid the (p.112) foundations of their African empire during the first half of the nineteenth century.37 was stationed at Fort Peddie, but from 1847 to 1850 his regiment was in Cape Town, where Norris found time for recreation, socializing, and drawing, a skill he had probably learned while training to become an officer. While he was there he also fell in love with a young woman from a well-established family of Dutch origin. In June 1850, his regiment returned to the Eastern frontier, and in October of the following year Norris was killed in battle while leading his men in an attack on a Xhosa stronghold near Fort Beaufort.

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Soldiers Norris had some noteworthy experiences during his three years in Africa. He was excited the day Xhosa Chief Mgolombane Sandilli came to Fort Peddie.

38

daily life, reflected in the brevity, matter-of-factness, and repetitiveness of his entries. As he wrote during the first week of August 1848, a typical stretch: Wednesday, 2nd: Drill as usual. Thursday, 3rd: Parade at 10. Saturday, 5th: Heavy marching order parade. Sunday 6th: Church parade as usual.

of guns had misfired. Occasionally Norris played racquets. In the evenings, when Pickwick Papers and Richard School for Scandal mentioned in his diary), listened to the band, or went dancing. In one entry he gets no fresh books, seldom sees a fresh face, but quietly vegetates away his

did not, because it resulted in his own death. For the most part, Norris was not unhappy, just bored.39 One of the very few leisure activities that kept Norris occupied was painting, but even his watercolors, although he was a reasonably talented artist, suggest a (p.113) Colour Plate 11), while structured with the typical

staffage such as figures, ruins, or exotic plants or animals that would add interest to the Page 7 of 50

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Soldiers scene. In fact, Norris was very frank in his journal about how boring it was to be

on the frontier, but that is not saying much, all of them being the dullest holes a 40

His sketches of the Xhosa, of which there are several, also suggest a straightforward, unemotional, engagement with the world around him. Although Norris occasionally came into contact with local tribesmen during his excursions 41

His undated 12) shows the elderly African man wearing a leopard skin wrap, with a string of beads around his neck and an earring in his left ear. He has high cheekbones and a broad nose, and beneath his furrowed brow his eyes gaze firmly off into the distance. The sketch is simple and plain, with no trees, bushes, or animals in the background that would associate the figure with the natural world, in contrast to many contemporary images of Africans which highlight their nakedness and show them engaged in dances or holding weapons.42 It is a personal, intimate drawing, not of a generic type, but of a human being who has been recognized, even memorialized, rather than sexualized, feminized, or infantilized. Whereas many scholars have emphasized the role of knowledge and information in the establishment, maintenance, and justification of colonial power, Norris seems to savage 43

His lack of interest in writing about indigenous people may be indicative of a number of things, but it also suggests a measure of indifference to his role within the imperial framework. He did not 44

of military service, and the only other means he had of alleviating his idleness, Tancred 45

During wartime he assumed the role of soldier in combat, but nowhere does his writing suggest a sense of moral purpose or superiority. As he reflected on his experience at the Cape at the end of 1848, including, as always,

46

What Norris valued was not his role or responsibility as an imperial participant, but the happy times he could spend with his girlfriend. Page 8 of 50

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Soldiers In contrast, the life of the British soldier in the eighteenth century has been 47

though (p.114) relatively rare, tend to focus on military operations, interspersed with impressions of the countryside and its people. John Peebles, for example, a thirty-six-year-old lieutenant in the 42nd (Royal Highland) Regiment, says nothing about marching or drilling, let alone feelings of monotony, in his unusually detailed record of his experiences in the Middle Colonies during the American War for Independence, when he participated in Island, and the effort to relieve Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown.48 In the West Indies, the 49

not boredom, and death from the cumulative effects of heat, neglect, alcohol consumption, and disease was a daily occurrence. West Africa, solders in the Royal Africa Corps stationed in the Gambia and the Gold Coast between 1819 and 1836 died of disease.50 Dysentery, yellow fever, and typhoid all contributed to the high death rate, but the main killer was malaria, at least until the 1850s when the large-scale use of quinine as a prophylaxis began, enabling Europeans to survive the African jungle for the first time.51 Eighteenth-century troops were also kept extremely busy, and not just fighting wars. Although this partly depended on where they were located, many eighteenth-century soldiers were subjected to constant drilling out of the belief fight.52 There was target practice, mock maneuvers, and bayonet work, as well as all sorts of other tasks such as cutting wood, hauling supplies, and garrison maintenance.53 British soldiers in the West Indies during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars also spent a significant portion of their time policing a very restive local population in small tactical units.54 In these circumstances, expressions of boredom were virtually nonexistent. By the 1830s and 1840s, however, most regimental drilling was limited to nine hours per week, leaving soldiers with a lot of unstructured time, and little to fill it.55 For those soldiers stationed in South Africa and India especially, drilling also had little relevance to their combat experience, leaving many feeling like the ritual morning parade was purposeless.

company of grenadiers that had to turn in their blankets just as the wet weather was setting in, leaving them with nothing but their grey coats to lie down on at

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However he had imagined army life, it did not involve roughing it in the bush or being bored. William Ross King, who served in southern Africa during the Eighth Frontier War

bending (p.115) thatch, crazy doors, and ill-fitting windows, which exclude the light and admit, in 57

Nor was it only the barracks: On campaigns he was always too hot or too cold, and there was never enough water. He also complained about the difficulty of trekking around anthills and over loose rocks.58 He clearly went to Africa with lofty expectations about the comforts that he, as an officer, would enjoy, a sentiment that Thomas Lucas, who served in the Cape Mounted Rifleman, would mock in his lively and humorously illustrated account of army life during the Xhosa War (Fig. 4.2). There was nothing glamorous about army service; it was unpleasant, disappointing, and even humiliating. Widespread drunkenness and occasional acts of desertion reflect the corrosive impact of idleness, disillusionment, and discontent. Inebriation was a was throughout the empire.59 In 1835, for example, the 674 customers of the 49th canteen in India drank 7,216 gallons of arrack, 177 gallons of brandy, and 144 gallons of gin, or almost eleven gallons of

Fig. 4.2. Pen and Pencil Reminiscences of a Campaign in South Africa (London: Day & Son, 1861). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

alcohol per man.60 There were numerous deaths from alcoholism, as well as debilitating liver disease and other related ailments that left many soldiers incapacitated, ineffective, or unavailable for duty. According to one sergeant, there were times when as many as 15 percent of his regiment were being punished for drunkenness.61 As one 62

Excessive drinking was such a problem that in 1823 the British army cut its alcohol ration in half, although it was still the equivalent (p. 116) of four double whiskeys per day. In 1850, after officially drawing a connection between alcohol and lack of discipline, the army cut its ration again, Page 10 of 50

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Soldiers this time to one-eighth of a pint of rum per day.63 Although Lord Curzon surmised that soldiers drank so much because they were overpaid, it is likely that they were just bored.64 Soldiers stationed near cities such as Cape Town would also sometimes go missing, searching for simple and transitory pleasures that might alleviate their monotony. According to Norris, several men deserted every day. One man was

65

James McKay, a sergeant in the 74th Highlanders, recalled that Colonel John Fordyce, who died while commanding the Highlanders at Waterkloof in 1851, gave strict orders that his men, except when they were on duty, were not to leave camp to go into

soldiers going into town in disguise.66 McKay also witnessed the punishment of 67 All of this suggests the extreme measures British soldiers would pursue in a seemingly desperate effort to escape the crushing monotony of their lives in the service of empire.

II If anything, India was even more enervating, except for those soldiers who served during the 1857 Mutiny, a moment of great action and terror. But during British might even have become complacent, a likely synonym for or consequence of boredom68 be excruciatingly monotonous. Despite the trauma wrought by the events of 1857, on a daily basis, boredom seems to have been a much heavier burden to bear.69

as well as how challenging it was to write about it. John William Mudge, who served in the Second Burmese War, wrote in October 1852 for the first time in

70

For Allen Bayard Johnson, who served in the Bengal Carbineers from sic

he played billiards. On one occasion he wrote that he had gone to bed early

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would never find (p.117) a wife; and he was full of despair that he had another 71

George Hennessy, a lieutenantcolonel with the 15th (Ludhiana) Regiment of the Bengal Native Infantry who served during the Second Afghan War, did not feel quite the same sense of hopelessness, but confessed in 1879, while he was serving in Kandahar, that it

72

Where a soldier was stationed could have a significant impact on his military experience, although the fact that so many young men, in so many different parts of the empire, across so many decades, expressed feelings of boredom underscores the pervasiveness of this experience. Thomas Seaton, who had a long and distinguished career as a military officer that included service during the Afghan War and the Sepoy Rebellion, claimed to have enjoyed drilling, marching, and parade when he was stationed in Barrackpoor, just twenty miles up the Hooghly River from Fort William in Calcutta. But when he was transferred to Ludhiana, Punjab, which the British had taken in 1809 as a bulwark against the Sikh empire, he complained that there was nothing to read society, without the aid of books or literature of any kind, men should have resorted to drinking, gambling, and several more debasing vices, as antidotes to 73

He also found

particularly annoyed that although it was beyond the range of inspecting generals, the colonel nonetheless made sure that the regiment was always 74

Long marches from one location to another could be especially tedious, as Seaton found out when his regiment had to get from Ferozepur and Bahawalpur in the Punjab. Most of the march was along the Sutlej River, the banks of which 75

The annual treks to the hill stations were no better. Soon after Lord Auckland and his sister Emily Eden began their

76

can never make out why they have any names; there is nothing to give a name 77

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Soldiers 78

In fact, the boredom of the march was so legendary that accounts of them were already being mocked by the 1830s when Elizabeth Smith wrote The East India Sketch Book progress with the usual (p.118) are obliged to consult the route to know that time is really travelling onward at 79

Traveling through India was clearly none too exciting.

Another leading cause of monotony among soldiers in India was isolation. When Gordon Casserly was posted in 1908 to the tiny outpost of Buxa at the base of the Himalayas, which was to be his home for the next two years, he arrived,

confessed that he and the three other men who served there with him felt hour train ride away. The fort was little more than an irregular square of onewood huts and several brick houses for the merchants who traded grain, salt, and cloth with the Bhutanese across the border. There were barely thirty natives 80

And Buxa was not even the loneliest location where Casserly had been quartered. As a subaltern he had been stationed at Asirgarh in central India, 300

81

82

He

had not signed up for any of these, and they did not do much to keep him

other officers drilled their men, watched them practice at the rifle range, or trained for mountain warfare on the steep slopes nearby. His office work took several hours a day, and he would also go on hospital visits and inspect the newspaper, which arrived by post every afternoon, did not occupy him for very long, and the English journals, which were sent from regimental headquarters, tried Page 13 of 50

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Soldiers to make a miniature golf course around the fort, but gave up after losing six balls in the jungle during the first game. They also tried to get a tennis game going by turning a level field into a court, but were unable to remove all the rocks. It was all much less glamorous than he had been led to believe it would

rooms and whitewashed walls of our mess, furnished only with a few rickety cot borrowed (p.119) from the hospital, a kitchen table, a dilapidated chair, a tin bath, and an iron basin on an old packing case.83 There were several moments that stood out for Casserly. One of them was his meeting the man who was to relieve him and enable him to quit a most

84

Another poignant

was in reality loneliness that killed him; for, depressed by the solitude, he had no 85

86

87

It was paradise because it reminded him of home. Moreover, the cool, brisk, refreshing mountain air was a welcome relief from the so many other British men and women in India, found the weather in India

88

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Soldiers One of the other enjoyable features of Darjeeling, and many other hill stations,

busy mortals, and perhaps the hardest-worked individuals in the dominions they 89

In other words, many of the upper-echelon British officials in India did not expect to have to work so hard, and it was the work itself that led them to feel bored and that made them boring.90

thriving social life, with men and women out riding, making courtesy calls, or 91

Of course,

sameness of tennis in the afternoons, the vapid conversation (p.120) of the tea92

Imperial

boredom, then, was omnipresent.

were portrayed from Britain, which contrasted with his own experience:

one long round of social gaieties, of polo, sport, races and balls, realize the tragedies of loneliness of many who serve the Empire. Of the dreary solitude of a military police post in the jungles of Burma, of a fort on the Indian frontier, where a young subaltern lives for months, for years, alone. A boy brought up in the comfort of an English home, used to the pleasant fellowship of a regimental mess, is therefore condemned to isolation from his kind, to food that a pauper would reject, and a lodging a cottager would scorn.93

94

Although

were clearly difficult and dreary years, however formative and memorable the experience.95 Australia could be dull as well, although many soldiers found Sydney and its environs to be pleasant enough. According to George Winton, who entered the army in 1841 at the age of seventeen and embarked for Hobart Town two years Page 15 of 50

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most of the year, as well as balls, dinners, picnics, yachting, riding parties to 96

He recalled an old saying that it was better to be a private in Sydney than a general in India. Even a pleasant society, and a good and inexpensive mess constitute an agreeable

relatively inexpensive and available in abundance, but what he liked best was 97

Young men clearly pursued the military life for a variety of reasons, employment, perhaps, first and foremost. But during much about basic comforts. In fact, in 1839 it was estimated that more than one-quarter of regimental officers went on half pay, sold their commissions, or transferred to other 98

And, urban desertion rates for troops in Australia in the 1840s reached 4 percent per year for some divisions.99 As far as one officer was concerned,

and giddy with excitement. The (p.121) drawing room, the ball-masquerade,

100

In short, boredom.

detachment he commanded had gone to Port Macquarie, 200 miles north of

and the commissariat officer, plus a few scattered settlers, was hardly enough to keep him entertained.101 4.3).102 The lack of meaningful work and fulfilling recreations led many young soldiers astray. Winton recounted the case was sent to Bathurst, a small outpost one hundred miles west of Sydney with an

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variation, this tale may be told of not a few officers who served in the Australian 103

corrupting influence of Australia itself, their corroboration by numerous soldiers elsewhere around the empire suggests that this was not a local or isolated phenomenon.

III For many officers, it was not just the loneliness and isolation of the small and circumscribed worlds in which they operated, but also the repetitiveness of their daily lives and the fact that for many of them their work took up only a few hours of each day. This was frequently compounded by unbearably hot temperatures much of the year, especially in India. John Mercier MacMullen, a staff sergeant in the 13th Light Infantry based in Sukkur, several hundred miles up the Indus River from Karachi, complained at length

corporal in the regimental office in the early 1840s, although at least he did not have to drill in

Fig. 4.3.

Pensioners

on Guard (1852). National Library of Australia.

the blistering heat, which was how he spent his first five months at the garrison. He rose at eight in the morning, ate breakfast, and then read until it was time to get dressed to go into always occupied by me, and my work too was nearly ever of the same boyish (p.122) he fell asleep. In the evenings, he would walk to the river, after which he would

104 away without producing an event (p.123) After fifteen months he was given leave to return home, and soon thereafter requested and

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Soldiers was granted his discharge from the army, having clearly found his Indian service unfulfilling.

similar, although he was even more depressed by it. As he wrote of a typical day in Dinapore:

with two other officers to Sherepore. Came back too late to bathe. Went to

mess. Read. Bed [at] 9:30 after the most wearisome slow useless day I have ever spent.105

106

As these admissions suggest, there were numerous soldiers serving in India during the nineteenth century whose primary responsibilities did not involve fighting. George Kenneth Scott-Moncrief, whose father had fought against the

including a number of massive irrigation works. His first posting was in Roorkee, the headquarters of the Royal Engineers in India and adjacent to the Solani River aqueduct, part of the Ganges Canal project in Uttar Pradesh, which brought water to over half a million hectares of agricultural land and is estimated to have fed in excess of two million people during the Bengal famine 107

to support the public works department, along with seven native companies, and visit field works once or twice per week, but the rest of the time he could do as he pleased. He spent his first six months studying the local languages (Fig. 4.4 108

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Soldiers His next assignment was at the Surat River Canal, as an assistant engineer in the Punjab Irrigation Department overseeing the construction of nine miles of canal, work that in the midst of the Afghan War charge of shoring up the British citadel of Bala Hissar in Kabul, Fig. 4.4. The Delhi Sketch

that he and other engineers spent most of their time in

Book Vol. 3, No. 10 (1852): 101. © British Library.

idea of our being on active service was often treated as an

109

As for MacMullen, he found his military experience to be boring from beginning to end. Born and raised in Dublin, he decided to enlist after his friend and (p. 124) business partner sustained heavy trading losses in their mercantile enterprise, prompting MacMullen to join the army as a means of supporting himself. This was not unusual: many officers chose to serve in India for pecuniary reasons, and it was said that five years in India was worth ten years anywhere else.110 111

Royal Marines trained, was wearisome, with drilling all day except for meals and one hour for recreation in the afternoon, which MacMullen spent strolling around the garrison grounds or reading books from a circulating library. He 112

that when he wrote Camp and Barrack-Room; or, the British Army as It Is (1846) about his years in India, MacMullen excused his brevity by pointing out that 113

His contemporary, Henry Fane, nephew of General Henry Fane, commander-in-chief of the British Army in India, expressed Page 19 of 50

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(p.125) visited when they crossed the Equator, but this,

114

For some soldiers, interesting landscapes could relieve the monotony, but

without the occurrence of a single event worth noting, and the beginning of half-ruined fort situated on a limestone island in the middle of the Indus River, 115

Moreover, for half the year the heat restricted him and the other men to their

did not consider books as valuable as he did while he was stationed at Sukkur, 116

Many other soldiers also commented on the debilitating heat, which imprisoned them in their barracks for hours at a stretch and kept them from engaging in activities that might otherwise have staved off the boredom. Captain Robert documented his second tour of duty in India from 1828 to 1833, complained Cawnpore, especially as temperatures began to rise. Already by mid-May the to sleeping under a punkah

December the infantry commenced six weeks of exercises on a nearby plain that Page 20 of 50

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Soldiers was so arid from the lack of rain that dust clouds filled the tents and made it near impossible to see more than a few yards ahead of him during company marches.117 The British army was aware that the extreme heat posed a problem. Montesquieu had theorized about the influence of climate on human behavior in The Spirit of the Laws (1748). So too did British surgeon and writer James Johnson, who asserted in 1813 that any moral and mental laxity leading to vice was due entirely to the (p.126) hot climates.118 Julius Jeffreys, a physician who first traveled to northern India in 1824 to study the climate and sanitary properties of the Himalayas, was one of the few scientists at the time who sought to analyze the effects of heat on the human body.119 His early research led to the publication of an essay recommending the construction of British stations at higher elevations, and he 120

It was not just the direct effect of the sun on the physical body, Jeffreys believed, but state of mind. For this reason Jeffreys believed that the best antidote was

were gradually undermining their constitutions during the monotonous routine 121

In the wake of the 1857 rebellion, Jeffreys, like many other former soldiers and officials who had served in India and rushed to publish their memoirs, wrote his own set of recollections and recommendations, under the grand title The British Army in India (1858). Originally focused on the dress of British troops in India, the events of 1857 prompted him to add sections on developing the resources

and unfamiliar heat. He recommended the use of verandas in lodgings, the

soldiers, he claimed, had been village laborers and artisans unaccustomed to intellectual pursuits, and desperately needed other means of relaxation, and not just games such as bowling or cricket, but activities that could improve employment conditions in India, such as setting up joint workshops and agricultural enterprises that would bring together Europeans and Indians. Such

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Soldiers a plan would keep British soldiers occupied, and also help improve the quality of life for Indians.122 Alcoholism was also a problem in India. Although MacMullen seems to have resisted the temptation to drink, many of his fellow soldiers found no other way to relieve the monotony, with predictable consequences. High among them was disability, which may have been the goal, since medical leave was one of the only ways out of military service. There were, according to MacMullen, many causes

for drunkenness to a lack of self-respect on the part of soldiers, who were 123

Though perhaps harboring a not-so-hidden teetotaling agenda, MacMullen succinctly articulated at least one facet of the loss of self under colonialism. (p.127) According to MacMullen, both a cause and consequence of the debilitating monotony that many soldiers experienced was a loss of motivation he opined, and while a few of them might have been ambitious when they 124

Elizabeth Smith went

even further in The East India Sketch Book

since it came into our hands? In truth, little compared with our power, and the

125

Henry Fleming, who served in the British Army in India from 1840 to 1852,

that Karachi is the best place in Sind and that is as barren as it is possible to

at the newspapers occasionally to see what we are doing in Sind; at present could only leave the house from six to eight in the morning and from five to sixthirty in the evening. The situation was a little better in Peshawar, which he said

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126

Calcutta, where the young Henry Fane arrived in 1836. Despite being in the assignment. Most days he rose before sunrise, rode his horse, and then ate

disperse themselves to their rooms, and amuse themselves as best they may till 127

According to Thomas Seaton, when he arrived in Fort William as an infantry care of us. We were neither sent to drill, nor taught our duty, nor encouraged to 128

The consequences were quite predictable, he said, as hordes of young men, just released from the constraints of school or

Accompanying his uncle on an inspection tour of troops in the Upper Provinces was not much of an improvement for Fane. As they steamed their way up the uninteresting (p.128) After briefly reviewing the regiment in Berhampore, they went to Murshidabad,

described a meeting with Ranjit Singh near Amritsar, with nearly seventy elephants between the two forces and an evening party with eighty dancing girls that was clearly a memorable event.129 In late 1838 and early 1839, Fane finally experienced preparations for war on the North-West Frontier, as the First Anglo-Afghan War broke out. But just as the British were preparing to attack Hyderabad, the Emir, Dost Mohammad Khan, submitted, so Fane and the other soldiers were forced to make their return Page 23 of 50

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months later, when, after a brutal march over the Bolan Pass and along the northern front towards Kabul, the tribal chiefs in Kandahar again retreated, 130

Not until mid-1839, three years after he arrived in India, did Fane finally get the opportunity to fight, in the Battle of Ghazni in central Afghanistan, one of

500 Afghan soldiers dead and another 3,500 taken prisoner, along with a bounty

mere nothing considering the strength of the place and the resistance we first 131

When Fane left India six months later in early 1840, he wrote, in what can only be interpreted as an act of remarkable self132

He was the rare exception

who framed his life in such terms. At least he got to fight. Captain Albert Hervey, who came from a family with several generations of Indian service to boast about, became a cadet in 1832 at the age of eighteen, and joined the Madras Native Infantry the following year. he never had the (p.129) 133

IV For some officers, such as R. B. Cumberland, who spent twenty-five years in the Bengal Army during the 1830s and 1840s and who also made two trips to unstructured time, the absence of opportunities to fight, and the inability to dislocation. It was a life of emptiness. After arriving in Calcutta, Cumberland was sent 150 miles south-west to Balasore, the site of one of the earliest English settlements in India, and a trading port for British, French, and Dutch ships until its bay proved to be too shallow and the port was abandoned, leaving behind only a small European community that in 1828 was incorporated as a district within the Bengal Presidency. Situated on the Bay of Bengal, temperatures in Balasore can reach Page 24 of 50

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Soldiers well over 100 degrees from April to June, with upwards of a foot of rain per

dolce-far-niente the Hindoostannee [sic glad to get rid of him, and away to the billiard-room to knock the balls about 134

4.5) depicts an officer reclining in a chair, his feet propped upon a table, smoking a cigar, a bottle of liquor in front of him. It was, Cumberland wrote, the custom among bachelors in India to sit with their legs on the table after meals. It might not have been elegant, he acknowledged, but it was

commanding officer, who even let a young ensign smoke a cigar during morning 135

4.6), another officer also leans back in his chair, on the verandah in front of his house, a cigar dangling in his hand, blowing smoke into the air, feet in slippers, one leg propped up on a chair, as two other men on horses head off to hunt with their dogs following behind. It too provides a powerful commentary on the pervasiveness of colonial lassitude.

Fig. 4.5. Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer (London: Whitfield, Green & Son, 1865), after p. 18. State Library of New South Wales.

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Soldiers The gender politics of caricatures are also important. It is, after all, the bachelor who puts his feet on the table after lunch, and India, where British men greatly outnumbered British women, was very much (p.130) (p.131) While unmarried men in Britain often lived with female relatives, bachelors in India usually had their own households, or shared an establishment called a

Fig. 4.6. Fellow Left Behind on a Hunting Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer (London: Whitfield, Green & Son, 1865), after p. 24. State Library of New South Wales.

situated young men.136 The overly mannered, carefree pose of the reclining officers, reinforced by the cigar or cheroot that each is smoking, was therefore not just a manifestation of boredom or ennui, but an assertion of male freedom and independence, as well as helping to construct the image of India.137

whiskers or beards were more inclined to be bald, and if so, whether it was 138

There was, in

the social margins inhabited by artists and Chartists into the respectable 139

before, as a response to a crisis of masculinity engendered by the industrial age which raised questions about what sort of work was honorable and appropriate, and how a man could remain a patriarch in a home that was increasingly separated from his place of work. Beards became signs of masculine health and vitality, and markers of independence, hardiness, decisiveness, and manly work.

industrializing society.140 hints at the challenges of asserting and upholding a kind of martial masculinity in the absence of any real military work. Page 26 of 50

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Soldiers Cumberland was optimistic when, after four months in Balasore, he was sent to join the 47th Native Infantry regiment at Cuttack, one hundred miles south,

141

At the end of 1836, he requested and was granted a transfer to Puri, a small but much-coveted station fifty miles south and right on the coast where there was a famous twelfth-century Hindu temple. There, however, his primary assignment was to collect rocks and soil specimens in order to write a topographical and statistical account of the district. After a brief sojourn on the island of Mauritius, where he was sent for health reasons, he returned to Puri, where he enjoyed the jugglers and snake charmers but filled 142

In January 1846 Cumberland sailed to Sydney to recover from another bout of ill cottage within an easy ride of Sydney and its magnificent harbor, but here too he (p.132) so that I might have something to break the monotony of my daily rides in trying

he gave up and instead spent his time entertaining, visiting friends, and riding into Sydney to visit the library and, after they met, his fiancée. Cumberland imperial existence.143 The theme of losing oneself that Cumberland identified was common around the Scenes in Kaffirland offered both a sober commentary and a serious warning

same individuals who at home are as smooth, well shorn, pipe-clayed, stiff and 144

4.7) is less about the proud, triumphant officer than about the de-civilizing effects of the frontier and the harsh reality of the march, (p.133) because mingled together in this image are cavalry, infantry, and artillery, a motley mix of African tribes, cattle for slaughter, and packhorses in a disorganized, frenetic mess. Page 27 of 50

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Soldiers After Cumberland married, he and his wife sailed for Calcutta, where they enjoyed balls, concerts, and dinner parties, until at last they declared said, refused to go out more than three times a week. They

regiment was stationed, but a few months after that he was sent to Banaras, often regarded

sacred cities. As Mark Twain, a renowned Indophile, quipped

Fig. 4.7. Dickinson Brothers after from Scenes in Kaffirland (London, 1854). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

after stopping there in 1897 on tradition, older even than legend, and looks twice as old as all of them put 145

Ganges that took the lives of ninety men in his regiment and left them

he wrote that the heat in the tents reached 117 degrees.146 Finally, after months of being shuttled around and feeling disoriented and adrift, he landed in Etawah, on the banks of the Jumna River, which had been one of the centers of the 147

There he spent the

148

Cumberland eventually resigned from service, and, in view of the land grants that the British government was offering former military officers, decided in 1852 to move to Australia.149 Having grown up in rural England, Cumberland

discovered, however, that the Gold Rush had adversely affected the quality of life in Sydney: prices were high, the city was overrun with drunkards, and he gave brief thought to Hobart, the cost of living was too high, so he rented a small cottage about eight miles from Sydney on twenty acres of bush that turned 150

The poverty of the land, and the threats from fires, pests, and bushrangers, was just too much to bear, and eventually he and his wife decided to move back to England after almost thirty years away. He Page 28 of 50

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handle a spade, or those who have four or five thousand pounds to invest in

151

Australia, like India, was a disappointment.

V The late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century British Empire was sustained by political, economic, and strategic imperatives, as well as by propaganda.152 Official (p.134) purveyors included the Imperial Institute and the Royal Anthropological Institute in London, which encouraged the study of colonial people, and numerous exhibitions, beginning with the Great Exhibition of 1851 and continuing almost unabated at the Sydenham Crystal Palace.153 Private groups dedicated to supporting the empire included the Primrose League, the Royal Colonial Institute, and the British Empire League. The church promoted the empire through missionary societies and by encouraging popular admiration for Christian heroes of the empire such as David Livingstone.154 Schools, too, promulgated imperialistic values through their curricula.155 Much of this propaganda was produced privately, and included commercial material such as music hall songs and skits, commemorative memorabilia, and juvenile literature, as well as pamphlets and tracts promoting colonial settlement. Leading cultural figures whose work highlighted imperial themes included writers such as Rudyard Kipling and H. Rider Haggard, and composer Edward Elgar.156 As John 157

One of the most potent vehicles for imperial propaganda was visual material, which played a prominent role in bolstering the image of the empire beginning in the late eighteenth century.158 This included oil paintings by leading artists such as Benjamin West and Elizabeth Butler that were exhibited at prominent venues like the Royal Academy, many of which celebrated military endeavors; popular engravings in journals such as The Illustrated London News and The 159 Graphic Ideas of empire also flourished in British popular culture through advertisements for products such

components of British imperial rule, and even biscuits, which Huntley & Palmers suggested were a vital accompaniment to a tiger hunt (Colour Plate 13).160 Abolitionist propaganda also played a role, and while it generally focused on the barbaric practices of slave traders, anti-slavery images also showed European men firing on natives and charging over swamps on horseback, making clear that the empire was a place of daring and adventure.161

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Soldiers Although it is impossible to know exactly what soldiers expected when they enlisted, early-nineteenth-century recruiting posters offer a glimpse of what they were being offered (Fig. 4.8). One placard, designed for the 7th Light Dragoons,

regularly be able to hunt. And, an 1825 poster for the 66th Foot (2nd Berkshire 162

As a volunteer force until the early twentieth century, the British army had to attract recruits. Groups of soldiers were sent to markets, fairs, and public houses: a drummer would attract interest, while the others would carry ribbons or other recruiting favors to give to men as they enlisted. As recruiting sergeants could earn good money for their efforts, up to £2 per recruit, they promised adventure as well as escape from civilian toil and the prospect of ample food.163 Later in the nineteenth century, a generation of boys grew up on Boys of England, Young Men of , and other adventure magazines that (p.135) promoted military life. In combination with the volunteer movement that took off in the 1860s, and the Boys Brigades that were set up from the 1880s which used semimilitary discipline and order to estimates are that by the end of

Fig. 4.8. East India Company Recruiting Broadsheet c.1810. Alamy.

decade before the establishment of the Boy Scouts

or quasi-military experience in youth organizations, auxiliary forces or the army 164

And, of course, for every young man who experienced military service directly, there were the brothers, cousins, and nephews who gained knowledge and appreciation vicariously. There is no question that all this imperial sentiment shaped the expectations of British officers who enlisted in the army, and helped create the palpable sense of disappointment that undergirded many of the expressions of boredom. The empire, put simply, did not live up to its hype. R. B. Cumberland, for example, was quite blunt in his memoir about the power and pervasiveness of the Page 30 of 50

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to lead astray the imagination of those who have never visited or resided in the 165

(p.136) Captain Francis Bellew expressed similar disillusionment but with considerably more humor in his India

of military service in the decades following the Napoleonic Wars.166 Although his

beginning to characterize the British imperial experience in India. There was, for example, the multi-generational, at times almost inbred nature of 167

The maternal father and grandfather of the semi-autobiographical hero had served in the East

168

For Bellew, India was

an Orientalist fantasy. All of this, though, was a set-up for the massive disillusionment that would set in.

own identity, he went straight to the navy tavern, which he was disappointed to see resemble a typical English suburban pub. There, he began to consume bowl after bowl of fruit, which he had been deprived of during the long voyage out,

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Egyptian plague of flies, and a burning sun beating through the single cloth of 169

imaginings have led them to expect in the first view of Indian land some lovely the long, low line of dismal sunderbund and swamp must not be a little 170

Bellew was similarly disabused of any lingering fantasies when he arrived (p.137) at his military base, where he was mentored by an

171

After an uneventful first year

women and children that would take place there during the 1857 rebellion.

service in India.172

173

The increased references to boredom during the middle decades of the nineteenth century also closely align with new definitions of masculinity and manliness.174 Several significant social changes coalesced at the exact moment when imperial soldiering became boring. By 1850, dueling had all but disappeared from British society.175 a phrase that Charles Darwin used in the fifth edition of his influential On the Origin of Species combative competition, whether economic or military, national or international. And, as British society grew more urban and industrial, gentlemen had to find new ways to demonstrate manliness without the physical shows of strength and dexterity that accompanied riding and hunting. The army was a means of

Adrian de Wiart, for example, who served in the Boer War as well as both world

blood.

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tough and full of bitter experience, and I did not appreciate dangling around for 176

Adrian eventually got to go to South Africa, where his first job was cleaning latrines until he was sent to base camp at Maitland where he was assigned to

Orange River region he had contracted a fever and was sent to the hospital. He 177

Although his father encouraged him to return to Oxford, Adrian successfully persuaded him to let him pursue soldiering as a career, and so he sailed back to South Africa, this time with the Imperial Light Horse, (p.138) and was soon made an officer.178 He recalled the weeks

179

His longing for combat testifies to what Graham Dawson has called the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny.180 Accounts of heroic military feats, such as that of Charles Napier, who led the military conquest of Sind, together with the stream of memoirs about the Napoleonic Wars, such as the five-volume account captured the popular imagination and helped romanticize that conflict, ensured that the theme of men performing acts of valor in military situations never completely disappeared from public consciousness or private fantasy.181 Also published in and then reprinted as The Subaltern (1825). It not only describes the fighting which led to the ousting of the French from happiest moments of his life; it also charts the passage from boyhood to manhood.182

novels were career soldiers. War for most of them was a rite of passage. Henty learn from tales like this that determination and enthusiasm can accomplish St. George for England generally accompanied by magnanimity and gentleness, and that if not in itself Page 33 of 50

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Soldiers the very highest of virtues, it is the parent of almost all the others, since but few The Young Colonists (1885), which was set against the background of the Zulu 183

But through the 1840s, soldiers were not generally viewed with much respect. standing army, but also arose from popular portrayals of the licentious lifestyle of soldiers, drinking and swearing and seducing unwary women.184 The Crimean

185

War was increasingly seen as a moral force and, 186

Karl

Pearson, an influential mathematician and proponent of eugenics, similarly

impossible.187 (p.139) Militarism, hero-worship, and masculinity went hand in hand.188 In the case of the 1857 rebellion, the emergence of the soldier-hero, such as Henry Havelock, who died during the Relief of Lucknow and was immortalized by a statue in Trafalgar Square, was closely linked to narratives about women and children having been endangered.189 All of these historical threads came together during the second half of the nineteenth century, prompting soldiers to ask what it meant to be a man in the absence of warfare. If they had gone into imperial service, at least in part and however unconsciously, to become manly, to test their mettle against a dark-skinned enemy, or to demonstrate their physical strength in an industrial age that increasingly relied on machines, then their expressions of boredom at being closeted in their barracks with nothing to do begin to make sense.

polo. It was a great blow to him to be sent to Changla Gali in the Murree Hills in present-day Pakistan, about thirty miles south-east of Abbottabad, which was the headquarters of the Northern Command School of Musketry. From there he went only

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Soldiers

back.190

popular in the army during the second half of the nineteenth century was that officers, many of whom had grown up in military and middle-class families in rural communities, increasingly saw them as a way to alleviate boredom.191 memoirs and regimental histories contain more information about sport than battles.192 As one officer in the Royal Hampshire Regiment blithely wrote in 193

And in his diary of the Second Boer War, Lieutenant Edward Longueville of the Coldstream Guards recorded hunting fowl, buck, antelope, and buffalo while serving at the Cape. He also hunting three days, and a shoot on Sundays, I managed to keep myself pretty 194

Wellington but popularized by Matthew Arnold in the 1880s.195 It should not be surprising that one of the criticisms of the Victorian army following the poorly training and tactics, it was still hampered by an officer corps that came overwhelmingly from the landed class, for whom social status and wealth were more important than professional expertise. It was also claimed that officers had too much time on their hands, which many of them spent in non-military pursuits.196 (p.140) To be sure, there were many soldiers in the colonial service who were not bored. Military life in the empire could be quite varied, and the experiences of officers in the Indian Army, drastically reorganized after 1858, surely differed

could be arduous, especially being committed to battle after a long and exhausting march during which a column might have been harassed constantly.197 It also appears that expressions of boredom diminished in frequency in the twentieth century, perhaps as expectations, as well as the conditions of service, changed. Henry Cubitt-Smith, who was born in Tanjore where his father was working in the Public Works Department, joined the

the isolation that many nineteenth-century officers experienced was in fact a Page 35 of 50

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Soldiers major cause of their boredom.198 Ralph Verney, who fought in the Boer War in the Rifle Brigade before becoming military secretary to Lord Chelmsford when the latter was appointed Viceroy of India in 1916, kept extremely busy supervising a staff of 4,000 and being responsible for all arrangements concerning the work and social life of the Viceroy and his family. It was, he He also felt well paid, and both his residential accommodations and his office 199

Keeping busy and having a sense of purpose obviously made a difference, as did a certain level of material comfort. But for many of those who served in the nineteenth century, the monotony of imperial soldiering was all-consuming and had real consequences. Many of the young men who enlisted as officers were at a loss as to what to do with their lives, beset with personal or spiritual crises, or uncertain about their career path and prospects. Historians have long posited that some may even have pursued colonial adventure to escape from boredom at home.200 But to their surprise and dismay, imperial military service, which for many consisted of seemingly pointless marching and drilling followed by hours baking in the barracks with nothing to do and no one to see, left them feeling just as bored as they had been. Others, who came from families in which generations of men had pursued imperial careers or who were just keen on the military life, found themselves equally misled about a profession that they expected to bring heroism and adventure. One after another, they ended up bored, many of them deeply

Notes:

(1.) Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, I. 149. (2.) The Guardian, 8 June 2007 and Begums, Thugs and Englishmen: The Journals of Fanny Parkes (London: Penguin, 2002). See also Writing Women and Space: Colonial and Postcolonial Geographies, ed. Alison

(3.) Julius Jeffreys, The British Army in India: Its Preservation by an Appropriate Clothing, Housing, Locating, Recreative Employment, and Hopeful Encouragement of the Troops (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts, 1858), 175. (4.) Ferguson, Empire (5.)

History Today 48:9 (1998): 39. C. E. Small Wars. Their

Principles and Practice

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Soldiers (6.) Hilaire Belloc and Basil Temple Blackwood, The Modern Traveller (London: Edward Arnold, 1898), 41. (7.) Winston Spencer Churchill, The River War: An Historical Account of the Reconquest of the Sudan, ed. Col. F. Rhodes (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1899), II. 119. (8.) Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Viking Press, 1963). Her first book, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1951), argued for a direct link between late-nineteenth-century European imperialism, eliminationist racism, and totalitarianism. (9.) Farwell,

, 1.

(10.) See Introduction, n. 45. (11.) David Nelson, The Victorian Soldier (Princes Risborough: Shire Publications, 2000), 10. (12.) Frank Emery, Marching over Africa: Letters from Victorian Soldiers (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986), 19, 52. (13.) Lady Florentia Sale, A Journal of the First Afghan War, ed. Patrick Macrory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 7, 21, 32, 55. (14.) Edward Spiers, The Victorian Soldier in Africa (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 20; The Historical Journal

Michael

Asher, Khartoum: The Ultimate Imperial Adventure (London: Viking Penguin, 2005). (15.) Spiers, The Victorian Soldier in Africa, 43;Ian Knight, Zulu Rising: The Epic (London: Macmillan, 2011). (16.) See Emery, Miller, and Allen, Soldier Sahibs. For military accounts of the India Mutiny, see Saul David, The Indian Mutiny (London: Penguin Books, 2002) and Christopher Hibbert, The Great Mutiny: India 1857 (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1980). For the Boer War, see Thomas Pakenham, The Boer War (New York: Random House, 1979) and Denis Judd and Keith Surridge, The Boer War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). (17.) Gayden Wren, A Most Ingenious Paradox: The Art of Gilbert and Sullivan

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Soldiers (18.) J. T. F. Jordens, (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1998), 20; Charles R. DiSalvo, M. K. Gandhi, Attorney at Law: The Man Before the Mahatma (19.) [Albert Baker], A South African Boy: Schoolboy Life in Natal (London:

Surridge. (20.)

Punch Vol. 99 (1890), Punch 28 (14 April

1855): 145. (21.) The New York Times Current History (New York: The New York Times Company, 1915), I. 979. Siegfried Sassoon wrote in Memoirs of an Infantry Officer been described as the greatest event in history, it could be tedious and

(22.) A notable exception is Bård Mæland and Paul Otto Brunstad, Enduring Military Boredom (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). (23.) Samuel Johnson, The Idler No. 21, 2 September 1758, in The Works of Samuel Johnson, ed. Arthur Murphy, Vol. VII (London: G. Walker, 1820), 80. (24.) There are very few diaries by working-class soldiers. One exception is Carolyn Steedman, (London: Routledge, 1988). Although Pearman was critical of military life and colonial warfare, he did not express feelings of boredom, perhaps because the working day in the army in the 1840s stretched from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. (25.) In addition to Mæland and Brunstad, see Anthony Swofford, Jarhead: A (New York: Scribner: 2003), 18, 137, 239; Sebastian Junger, War (New York: Twelve, 2010), 24, 103, 165, 199, 208. (26. (27.) See David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991). (28.) Roger Norman Buckley, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and the Military in the Revolutionary Age (Gainsville: University Press of Florida,

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Soldiers 1998), 86; Kaushik Roy, The Army in British India: From Colonial Warfare to (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 36. (29.) Harold E. Raugh, Jr., British Military History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005), 51. (30.) John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme (London: Jonathan Cape, 1976). While Keegan writes about the drinking on both the English and French sides (pp. 88, 112), this seems not to have led to any expressions of boredom, perhaps because waiting was a normal occurrence in medieval battle and in line with contrast, an assistant surgeon with the 15th Hussars, a cavalry regiment, at

(31. (32.) Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 115. See also Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 136; Tools of War: , ed. John Lynn (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990), 120; and Randolf G. S. Cooper, International History Review 11 (1989): 38. For an alternate view, suggesting that the British succeeded not so much because of the inability of the Indians to adapt to European styles of warfare, but because the British were able to adapt to the changing military situation in India, see Journal of Military History (33.) Jeremy Paxman, Empire (London: Penguin, 2011), 175. (34.) See Jay Luvaas, 1940 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), and The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army, ed. David Chandler and Ian Beckett (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

(35.) Harry Turney-High, Primitive War: Its Practice and Concepts (Columbia, See also Donald Morris, The Washing of the Spears (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965); Ian Knight, Anatomy of the Zulu Army (London: Greenhill, 1995). (36.) Joanna Bourke, An Intimate History of Killing: Face to Face Killing in 20th Century Warfare (New York: Basic Books, 1999). Among US troops deployed to Page 39 of 50

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Soldiers Dave Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society (Boston: Little, Brown, 1995), and Lawrence H. Keeley, War Before Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 35. More recently, a 2010 US Defense Business Board report found that 40 percent of all active duty soldiers had never even been deployed to a combat zone. See Time (16 March 2012); Other End of the Spear: The Tooth-to Tail Ratio (T3R) in Modern Military

(37.) Richard Price, Making Empire: Colonial Encounters and the Creation of Imperial Rule in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). (38.) Robert Provo Norris Diary, Yale Center for British Art, 22 October 1847, 7 March 1848, 1 August 1848. (39.) Ibid. 15 September 1847, 29 September 1847, 25 December 1847, 12 January 1848, 25 January 1848. (40.) Ibid. 3 September 1847. (41.) Ibid. 11 September 1847. (42.

(43.) See Said; Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge; Bayly, Empire and Information; The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998

; Thomas R. Metcalf, The (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1964). (44.) The scholarship on imperialism and otherness is voluminous, but in addition to Said, Daunton and Halpern, and Suleri, see Indira Ghose, The Power of the Female Gaze: Women Travellers and Colonial India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998); Esme Cleall, Missionary Discourses of Difference: Negotiating Otherness in the British Empire (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). For a very different view, arguing that British army personnel played an important role in contributing to the stereotyping of their African adversaries, see Journal of Military History (45.) Said, Orientalism, 5. Page 40 of 50

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Soldiers (46.) Norris, 31 December 1848. (47.) Buckley, 69. See also Richard Holmes, Redcoat: The British Soldier in the Age of Horse and Musket (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001); Michael N. McConnell, 1775 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004); Christopher Duffy, The Military Experience in the Age of Reason (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987). (48.) Ira D. Gruber, ed., (Stroud: Sutton Publishing for the Army Records Society, 1997). (49.) Buckley, 71. (50.) Philip D. Curtin, Vol. 2 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), 362; Timothy H. Parsons, (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), 12; F. Harrison Rankin,

,

Sierra Leone, in 1834, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1836). In his chapter on slaves aboard the Portuguese slaver Donna Maria who were held in limbo for months while the legality of their transport across the Atlantic was being

(51.) Lucile H. Brockway, Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic Gardens Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 94. (52.) J. A. Houlding, Buckley, 327. (53. (54. (55.) Raugh, 176. (56.) Norris, 3 January 1848, 3 February 1848, 10 February 1848, 18 February 1848. (57.) King, Campaigning in Kaffirland, 40. (58.) Ibid. 96. (59.) Norris, 25 September, 2 October 1847. More broadly, see Erica Wald, Vice 1868 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). Page 41 of 50

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Soldiers (60.) James, Raj

Calcutta Review 40

(61.) George Carter Journal, BL MS Eur. 262, fos. 7, 50. (62.) [George Robert Gleig], Harper, 1829), 161.

, 2 vols. (New York: J. & J.

(63.) Michael S. Neiberg, ed., Century (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006), 64. (64.) Curzon to Godley, 13 March 1902, BL MS Eur. F 111/161, no. 21. (65.) Norris, 27 April 1848. (66.) James McKay, Reminiscences of the Last Kafir War (Cape Town: C. Struik, 1970), 2. (67.) Ibid. 5. (68.) See e.g. Procida, Married to the Empire, 112, 144; Gregory FremontBarnes, (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2007), 19; Peter Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 89; Kim A. Wagner, The Great Fear of 1857: Rumors, Conspiracies, and the Making of the Indian Uprising (Bern: Peter Lang, 2010), xxii; Stephen Wade, Spies in the Empire: Victorian Military Intelligence (London: Anthem Press, 2007), 33. (69.) See Christopher Hibbert, War of No Pity: The Indian Mutiny and Victorian Trauma (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). (70.) John William Mudge,

Wellcome Library MS 7454.

(71.) Allen Bayard Johnson Diary, BL MS Eur. A101. (72.) George Robertson Hennessy Diary, National Army Museum. (73.) Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel: The Record of a Life of Active Service (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1866), 13, 25, 28, II. 51. See also Mrs Eliot [Mary Carmichael] Montauban, A Year and a Day in the East; or, Wanderings over Land and Sea 9. (74.) Seaton, 26. (75.) Ibid. 110. (76.) Eden, 5. Page 42 of 50

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Soldiers (77.) Ibid. 34. (78.) Ibid. 342. (79.) Smith, The East India Sketch Book, I. 144. (80.) Gordon Casserly, Life in an Indian Outpost (London: T. Wermer Laurie, [1914]), 7, (81.) Ibid. 30. (82.) Ibid. (83.) Ibid. has garnered scholarly attention was his attendance at one of the great durbars of Nripendra Narayan, Maharaja of Cooch Behar (Koch Bihar); see James, Raj,

(84.) Casserly, 6. (85.) Ibid. 17. (86.) Joseph Hooker, Himalayan Journals, 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1854), I. 109. The Calcutta Review 28 (1857): 209. (87.) (88.) Ibid. 209. (89.) Ibid. 267. (90.) Edward Cecil, who served as undersecretary of war and finance in Egypt The Leisure of an Egyptian Official (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1929), 24. (91.) (92.) Ibid. 275. (93.) Ibid. 32. (94.) Ibid. (95.) Ibid. 318. (96.) (97.) Ibid. 41.

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Soldiers (98.) The United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magazine (1839), Part 2,

(99.) Maurice Austin, Years (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1979), 160. (100. United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magazine (1847), Part 2, 84. (101.) (102.) Ibid. 53. (103.) Ibid. (104.) John Mercier MacMullen, Camp and Barrack-Room; or, the British Army as it is

(105.) Allen Bayard Johnson Papers, BL MS Eur. A101, fo. 18. (106.) Ibid. fos. 29b, 56. (107. Coolies, Capital, and Colonialism: Studies in Indian Labour History, ed. Rena P. Behal and Marcel van der Linden Daniel R. Headrick, The 1940 (108. (109.) Ibid. (110.) Douglas M. Peers, Between Mars and Mammon: Colonial Armies and the

(111.) Charles Allen, (London: Michael Joseph, 1988), vii. (112.) (113.) Ibid. 46. (114.) Henry Edward Fane, Five Years in India, 2 vols. (London: Henry Colburn,

(115.) Page 44 of 50

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Soldiers (116.) Ibid. 155. (117.

(118.) James Johnson, The Influence of Tropical Climates, More Especially the Climate of India, on European Constitutions (London: Stockdale, 1813), 479. (119.) Vladimir Jankovic, Confronting the Climate: British Airs and the Making of Environmental Medicine (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). (120. Andrew and Judith Marshall, Striving for the Comfort Zone: A Perspective on Julius Jeffreys (Dallas: Windy Knoll Publication, 2004). (121.) Jeffreys, 3. (122.) Ibid. (123.) (124.) Ibid. 145. (125.) Smith, The East India Sketch Book, I. 17; II. 33, 46. (126.) Henry Mackenzie Fleming Papers, BL MS Eur. C260. (127. Thankappan Nair, ed., (Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1983). See also John Pemble, ed., Miss Fane in India (128.) (129.) (130.) Ibid. II. 48, 121. (131.) Ibid. (132.) Ibid. II. 262. (133.) Albert Hervey, Ten Years in India; the Life of a Young Officer, 3 vols. (London: William Shoberl, 1850), I, viii. (134.) [R. B. Cumberland], Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer

(135.) Ibid. 19. Page 45 of 50

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Soldiers (136.) C. H. Forbes-Lindsay, India Past and Present (Philadelphia: Henry T. Coates & Co., 1903), I. 223; Procida, Married to the Empire, 103. (137.) Mrinalini Sinha, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995). (138.) Cumberland, 28. (139.) Victorian Studies 48:1 (2005): 7. (140.) Ibid. George Macaulay Trevelyan, English Social History (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1942), 549. (141.) Cumberland, 11. (142.) Ibid. 38, 212. (143.) Ibid. (144.) Graham and Robinson. (145.) Mark Twain, Following the Equator: A Journey around the World (Hartford: The American Publishing Company, 1898), 480. (146. (147.) A. S. Dudi, Modern History of India (New Delhi: Neha, 2012); Bayly, Empire and Information, 174. (148.) Cumberland, 246. (149.) See N. G. Butlin, James Belich, Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Angloworld (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 263; T. A. Gochlan, Labour and Industry in Australia (150.) (151.) Ibid. 292. (152.) The best book on the subject is MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire, but see also Imperialism and Popular Culture as well as Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists Selling of the Empire: British and (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1985). On the whole, propaganda during the nineteenth century has received very little attention from historians, and most of it concerns the last two decades and the Page 46 of 50

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Soldiers Boer War. One exception is 2010. Other useful starting points include John Springhall, Youth, Empire, and (Hamden: Archon Books, 1977), and The Journal of Military History 69:3 (2005): For non-British material, see Matthew Stanard, Selling the Congo: A History of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012). (153.) Exhibiting Empire, ed. John McAleer and John

(154.) Review

Victorian Periodicals

(155.) Peter Warwick (London: Longman, 1980), 203.

The South African War, ed.

(156.) See e.g.

Journal of Imperial

and Commonwealth History

and Jeffrey Richards, Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001).

(157.) MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire, 3. (158.) See Beth Fowkes Tobin, Picturing Imperial Power: Colonial Subjects in Eighteenth-Century British Painting (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Joan Coutu, Persuasion and Propaganda: Monuments and the EighteenthCentury British Empire and Holger Hoock, Empires of the Imagination: Politics, War, and the Arts in the (London: Profile Books, 2010). (159.) See Alan McNairn, Behold the Hero: General Wolfe and the Arts in the Eighteenth Century ); Brian Apollo Daily Mail The Press in English Society from the Seventeenth Century to the Nineteenth Centuries, ed. Michael Harris and Alan Lee (Rutherford, NJ: Associated J. M. W. Hichberger, Images of the Army: (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); Peter Harrington, British Artists and War: The Face of Battle in (London: Greenhill Books, 1993); and Alison

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Soldiers Journal of Historical Geography photography, see Ryan, Picturing Empire. (160.

On

Commodity Culture

(161.) Critical Inquiry (162.) Byron Farwell,

(W. W. Norton & Co. 1981), 84.

(163.) A. R. Skelly, The Victorian Army at Home: The Recruitment and Terms and (London: Croom Helm, 1977), 245. (164.) Ian Beckett, The Victorians at War (London: Hambledon, 2003), 222. (165. (166.) Bellew, vii. (167.) David Sunderland, Managing the British Empire: The Crown Agents, (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 33. See also Buettner, Empire Families; Hall, Civilising Subjects Distances: Family and Empire between Britain, British Columbia and India,

(168.) (169.) Ibid. (170.) Ibid. I. 84. (171.) Ibid. I. 120. (172.) Ibid. II: 211. (173.) Ibid. I: 241. (174.) See John Tosh, Manliness and Masculinities in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2005) and Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997). (175.) Social History

Robert B.

The Historical Journal V. G. Kiernan, The Duel in European History: Honour and the Reign of Aristocracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). Page 48 of 50

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Soldiers (176.) Adrian Carton de Wiart, Happy Odyssey (London: Jonathan Cape, 1950),

(177.) His experience was by no means unique. See Stephen Morris, Letters India (178.) (179.) Ibid. 24. (180.

Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of (London: Reaktion Books, 2000).

(181.) Susan Walton, Imagining Soldiers and Fathers in the Mid-Victorian Era (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Group, 2010), 30. (182.) Gleig, 105. (183.) G. A. Henty, St. George for England (London: Blackie & Son, 1885), 3; id., The Young Colonists, new edn. (London: Blackie & Son, 1897). (184.) See Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research Nineteenth-Century Literature Book of Snobs

W. M.

(185.) Walton, 35, 38. (186.) J. A. Cramb, Reflections on the Origins and Destiny of Imperial Britain (London: MacMillan and Co., 1900), 129. See also The Lessons of History (New Haven: Yale

(187.) Quoted in Bernard Semmel, Imperialism and Social Reform: English Social and Imperial Thought 1895 Press, 1960), 41. See also Popular Imperialism and the Military , ed., John M. MacKenzie (Manchester: Manchester University Press, and id., ed., Imperialism and Juvenile Literature (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 81. (188.) Heather Streets, Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). (189. Jane Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian Mutiny (London: Penguin, 1996). Page 49 of 50

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Soldiers (190.) de Wiart, 27, 33. (191.) British Journal of Sociology

One soldier

See Tony Mason and Eliza Riedi, Sport and the Military: The British Armed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 33. (192.) Farwell, 208; James D. Campbell, (Abingdon: Ashgate Publishing Group, 2012), 12. (193.) Farwell, 203. (194.) Quoted in Edward M. Spiers, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 97. (195.) Campbell, 11, 137. (196.) Judd and Surridge, 64. (197.) Anthony Clayton, The British Officer (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2007), 96. (198.) Henry Cubitt-Smith, Yadgari: or, Memories of the Raj (Saxlingham, Norfolk: n.p., 1987). (199.) Ralph Verney, Verney (Padstow, Cornwall: Tabb House, 1994).

, ed. David

(200.

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Settlers

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Settlers Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0006

Abstract and Keywords Chapter 5 focuses on settlers, the men and women who spent significant portions of their lives overseas. Many migrated voluntarily; others, like the Australian convicts, involuntarily. Some settled permanently; others gave up and returned home. But time and again, these imperial travelers describe their experiences as dreary and disillusioning. Led to believe that life in the empire would be full of opportunity, many of them instead found only the monotony of daily routine. Life was particularly difficult for women, whether entertaining friends in the Indian hill stations or whiling away the hours in the Australian outback. The former suffered from vapid social rituals and prohibitions on contact with indigenous people; the latter from extreme isolation and loneliness. diggers to bushwhackers, boredom was omnipresent, and as a result many settlers were disappointed and depressed by their imperial experience. Keywords: Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Australia, hill stations, governesses, India, Emily Innes, Anna Jameson, Sydney, Gold Rush, squatters

In 1863 Janet Millett arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia, with her husband, who had taken a position as chaplain at the Anglican church in the nearby town of York in the hope that the warmer climate would be good for his health. Although it was not, and the Milletts returned to England five years later, Janet

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Settlers

She was particularly concerned about the young people living in the region, who 1

Nor were her experiences unique. Alexander Harris wrote in 1847 about the

2

Harriet Daly, whose father served as the first Government Resident of 3

Meanwhile, Penelope Selby, who in 1841 was living out in the bush on the Yarra Yarra River near Melbourne, reported that 4

Cities were not appreciably better. John Henderson was disappointed that Sydney, half a century after it was founded, still had no places of amusement other than a single theater, and Henry Bunbury, an army officer who had served 5

In contrast, the men and women who sailed to Australia on the First Fleet in years. Never before had a colony been founded so far away from an imperial metropole, and never had a state been so ignorant of the land it was attempting to settle. Few of the convicts knew how to farm; the ships that carried them brought neither plows nor draft animals; and the soil around Sydney Cove was poorly suited to agricultural production. Food and building materials were in short supply, and for two years the colony was completely cut off from Britain and perilously close to starvation. It was dystopia, not utopia; one woman wrote 6

Although the colony eventually became self-supporting after an American ship arrived with essential (p.142) supplies (and 7,500 gallons of rum), these were years not of boredom, but of privation and desperation, to say nothing of great violence.7 And yet there was always the promise of a better, happier life. No one promoted the Antipodean Arcadia more zealously than Edward Gibbon Wakefield, a mid-

personal and professional priorities. During his time in prison Wakefield became fascinated by the colonies and their potential to alleviate overpopulation and prospects following their release, Wakefield embraced the principle of colonial emigration. His Sketch of a Proposal for Colonizing Australasia, which he wrote Page 2 of 53

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Settlers from his prison cell, was published anonymously in 1829 and reprinted in the Morning Chronicle, and A Letter from Sydney outlined a rosy vision of a democratic and prosperous colony.8 In A Letter from Sydney France if only an equivalent amount of agricultural labor were employed. He

cattle of all sorts thrive, and multiply with astonishing rapidity; every fruit that flourishes in Spain and Italy comes to the highest perfection; and Nature fully performs her best in bestowing upon man the necessaries, comforts, and chaotic system of land grants, and the high cost of housing, but Wakefield was convinced that a sensible emigration policy could raise Australia to the level of North America.9 His mobilization of public opinion in favor of colonization was remarkably effective: By the late 1840s, newspapers, journals, and parliamentary debates were no longer discussing whether colonization should occur, but what form it should take, and thousands of men and women, inspired by penny pamphlets and shilling handbooks, were leaving Britain annually in the 10

The reality of settlement, however, at least in the nineteenth century, was often markedly different from the fantasy (Fig. 5.1). It could still be hard, but career soldiers, civil servants, and their female companions, many of whom lived

Britain.11 Settlers are fascinating for a variety of reasons: they complicate national boundaries and identities; they illuminate the vectors of British imperial relations, especially between the metropolitan center and the colonial periphery; they played a vital role in British economic growth; and, they frequently helped promote a vision of white superiority.12 In the case of Australian emigrants, historians have insightfully explored how these men and women, once classed as Page 3 of 53

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Settlers failures, came to be represented (p.143) as heroes and heroines triumphing over long odds and elemental forces.13

Fig. 5.1. Melbourne Punch, 2 February 1860. State Library of New South Wales.

bound up as they so often are with national origin stories, have often been told in terms of pluck and perseverance, hardships could not always be overcome. In were not travelers or tourists just passing through), were often monotonous and melancholy, filled with routine rather than adventure, disappointment rather than delight. As a result, many of them returned to Britain greatly disillusioned by their imperial experience, having discovered that the empire was not as exciting or fulfilling as they had been led to believe. There were many reasons why settlers and sojourners, both in Australia and elsewhere, were bored. Some were situational, such as the small size and isolation of British communities overseas, the enervating heat of the tropics, or the absence of familiar recreational activities. Others were more personal, in that feelings of boredom were often linked to, and served as expressions of, individual dissatisfactions, such as an unhappy marriage, or the absence of a clear career path or sense of life purpose. In other instances, boredom could be gendered: women in India, for example, who found themselves confined to their boredom; women living in the (p.144) bush in Australia, or in the frontier lands of southern Africa, also expressed feelings of boredom as well. Collectively, these individual stories not only chart the emergence of boredom as a pervasive personal problem in the nineteenth century; they also illuminate a widespread disenchantment that lay just beneath the surface of the nineteenth-century British imperium.

I Historians have long recognized that living overseas was especially challenging for women. This was certainly true in India, where women started to spend significant amounts of time from the 1830s, when they began to accompany 14

After the 1857 rebellion, in the aftermath of which the British government took over the governance of India from the East India Company (which had discouraged British women from living overseas) and started to build a larger administrative regime, British women began to travel to India in even greater numbers to serve as resident wives and empire builders.15 Although they were not technically settlers, for the women who lived in India for many years and in some cases for decades, boredom was one of their most frequent complaints. In the 1860s,

16

She eventually returned to

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Settlers England without her husband, whom she subsequently divorced. And Ellen Thornhill, who should have known what to expect because she had been born in India, sent a friend a long description of her routine in a small British outpost 17

Perhaps no one was more famously bored than Emily Eden, who spent six years in India accompanying her bachelor brother, Lord Auckland, while he served as Governor-General from 1836 to 1842. She referred to her time there as down and rest; for, during the last four years my life has been essentially an 18

Having been born into a distinguished Whig family, and

was repelled by what she saw as the philistinism and aristocratic aspirations of predominantly middle-class Anglo-Indian society.19

should have been here so long, and yet are kept here still. Something must be 20

presence in India: (p.145) Twenty years ago no European had ever been here, and there we were [at

were too tight according to the overland fashions for March, &c.; and all this in the face of those high hills, some of which have remained untrodden since the creation, and we, 105 Europeans, being surrounded by at least 3,000 mountaineers, who, wrapped up in their hill blankets, looked on at what we call our polite amusements, and bowed to the ground if a European came near them. I sometimes wonder they do not cut all our heads off, and say nothing more about it.21

reasonable fear about the consequences of being vastly outnumbered by Indians hints at both the effectiveness and perils of boredom as a protective shield against the perceived dangers of living in India.22

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Settlers Women in India did not usually start out bored, although the journey there was often tedious. In fact, many women, like Augusta King who accompanied her husband, Robert, to India in 1877, when he became Collector in Meerut, greeted the country with excitement and enthusiasm. After disembarking in Bombay, the Kings had to travel thirty-seven hours by train to Allahabad, though not before taking time to see the famed Elephanta Caves, which Augusta found most impressive.23 She also enjoyed Meerut, despite its notoriety as the location where the 1857 rebellion broke out and where some brutal massacres had taken place.24 wide tree-lined road along which the British residents took their evening 25

But after several months of travel while her husband made his required district rounds, she settled into a far more unvaried routine, which prompted her to complain about the slow passage

thereof, and the heat and the fatigue; but as the next day will be like unto it, and the next, and the next, there is no particular desire to get over it, only to make it 5.2).26 Every morning she ate her breakfast

27

The problem, as the popular writer and proto-feminist Flora Annie Steel pointed out in her autobiography, The Garden of Fidelity majority of European women in companions of [their] own sex 28

Steel certainly knew India well, having lived there for twentyFig. 5.2. The Daughter of Gen. two years with her husband, Ritherdon, Madras (1863). Hulton who served in the Indian Civil Archives/Getty Images. Service. She was unusual in that she developed a strong interest in Indian life: She was particularly active on behalf of educational reforms, and became an inspector of government schools in the Punjab. She also (p.146) wrote several novels and Page 6 of 53

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Settlers collections of short stories about India, as well as The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook (1888), a detailed guide for European women on household management in India that encouraged memsahibs, as married upperclass Englishwomen were called, to replicate British domestic practices as much as possible despite the foreignness of the country and climate.29

professional path.30 For these women, there was little to keep them occupied. Although they were portrayed as fragile victims of lustful Indian savagery in the aftermath of the Mutiny, and have at other times been viewed as tragic exiles, they were by no means passive participants in an imperial project. They wielded enormous power, not least in the discursive realm by helping to construct ideologies of racial superiority, but also with their rigid adherence to European dress and by using ritual and manners to maintain the social distance between Europeans and Indians.31 In fact, the apparent banality of their lives both masks and derives from the important role they played in the otherwise male-centered system of colonial domination. Still, many of them did not want to be living in India in the first place. They generally traveled there not for work or tourism, but to be wives or companions, and would surely have preferred to remain in Britain surrounded by family, friends, and the familiar comforts of home. As the Earl of Dalhousie, who served as Governor-General of India from 1848 to 1856, wrote about his wife: What woman of rank and position in her own country can by possibility do otherwise than dislike a banishment which separates her from her children during the bud (p.147) and where she has heavy ceremonial duties to perform, which she is physically unable to bear without bodily suffering, severe and frequent? But she does not dislike India for itself, nor does she ever express such a feeling.32 Although by the late nineteenth century increasing numbers of British women had begun to engage in social, political, medical, and missionary work, and were representing themselves as working women and devoted agents of empire, the vast majority of women who went to India did so to accompany their husbands, and had no official role or responsibilities themselves.33 Housekeeping customs topped the list of cultural practices that kept women from leading active lives, because the sheer number of servants Anglo-Indian households employed left very little for British women to do. As Maud Diver, who nil 14).34 This was one of the features that most differentiated British lives in India from those in Britain. David Gilmour has estimated that the wife of an Assistant Under-Secretary in Page 7 of 53

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Settlers Whitehall would have enjoyed the services of three or four servants; in India, however, she would have employed about forty.35 General Henry Fane, who retained sixty-eight servants to wait on him and his twenty-nine-year-old 36 reckoned a small Anne Wilson, whose husband was a District Officer in the Punjab, lived a comfortable life in India even though she only had thirteen servants, including a groom, a waterman, a sweeper, and a milkman in addition to various house servants. Still, she

milking the cows, feeding the chickens, making butter, and dusting the furniture. 37

In short, women were bored when they did not have work to do, but also complained when they did. Perhaps they were unaccustomed to it, or viewed it as beneath them, or found it too repetitive, or expected that in India, with so many servants, they would not have to work at all. Fearful that women might grow lax, conduct manuals such as The Complete Indian Housekeeper, which went through ten editions between 1888 and 1921, repeatedly emphasized the importance of routine. According to one historian, her lethargic and sloppy. It was also a way of ensuring that the dirt and disorder 38

Latenineteenth-century writers often drew an analogy between running a home and 39

According to The Complete Indian Housekeeper household can no more be governed peacefully, without dignity and prestige, (p.148) young brides to go on regular inspections around the compound, perform showing yearly receipts and expenditure, and manage the servants with a 40

There is, then, considerable similarity in the lives of colonial officials and their wives, as the latter were encouraged to approach their Indian days and duties like the former. It is not surprising, then,

With few professional responsibilities, and little to do around the house, painting 41

Reading was also a possibility (Colour Plate 15), but books and magazines were in short supply.42 Except in big cities, there were no theaters or concert halls, 43

Women could

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Settlers enjoy familiar social rituals such as morning calls and garden parties that were imported from Britain, but the small size of the European community meant that social life was limited, with few opportunities to meet new people. By the late nineteenth century women were also participating in sports such as tennis, riding, and archery, but in hot weather almost all such activity came to a standstill.44 Although upper-middle- and upper-class British women were accustomed to living a life of leisure, unstructured time was a particular problem in India where hot temperatures for months on end could make even gentle pastimes ennui is the lot of the majority

punkah, the swinging ceiling fan operated thorough a series of cords and pulleys by a native servant who squatted in the corner and whose sole job it was to keep the contraption moving. Even tending the garden was out of the question between sunrise and sunset.45 For Isabella Fane, the weather greatly limited the social activities she could enjoy. She wrote in March 1836, as the temperatures were beginning to of duty, I went to, but quite against my inclination, for in this warm climate to be 46

Although the heat had a particularly deleterious effect on women, it of course did not affect them alone. Sidney Blanchard, a poet and journalist who began his professional career as private secretary to Benjamin Disraeli and then moved to Calcutta in 1854 to become a newspaper editor, suggested that there were only two defenses again themselves to cheroots [cigars] and brandy-panee [brandy and water], or take to

47

Because of the unrelenting heat, women spent a lot of their time writing letters

done nothing (p.149) 48

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Settlers dinner parties, though she added that this would not have made much of a difference.49 There were broader reasons why British women in India were bored as well. On the whole, British women learned very little about India while they were there. They rarely, for example, learned to speak an Indian language apart from a few 50

Isabella Fane confessed that during her three years in the country she had very little contact with Indians, apart from her

why, on one occasion, she dismissively referred to an Indian prince she had met 51

And Julia Maitland, who sailed to India in 1839 with her

52

The largely selfimposed language barrier made it very difficult for British women to interact with India and Indians. British society in India was also extremely homogeneous, being overwhelmingly

53 54

Most of those who went to India did so in their early twenties to work (or to accompany husbands who were working), and then typically left by the time they reached their fifties to retire in Britain. There were young children around, but boys and girls in their teens generally returned to Britain for uninspired by the imagination of youth nor softened by the sentiment of old 55

According to Wilson, Anglo-Indian society was much more homogeneous

observed.56 Not surprisingly, women grew bored seeing the same faces day after day and listening to the same gossip about children and servants.57 According to J. W. Kaye, a longtime officer in the Bengal Artillery who also served in the East India Company civil service and succeeded John Stuart Mill as secretary of the

marriages and no-marriages, and (p.150) would-be marriages and ought-to-be 58

Gossip serves many functions: it can circulate information, it can blur the boundary between public and private, it can challenge those in power,

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Settlers and it can build personal intimacy and create community.59 It can also help stave off boredom. Anglo-Indian society was also insular, out of both fear and contempt. During the eighteenth century mixing between British men and Indian women had been tolerated, if not encouraged.60 The rise of evangelical Christianity, however, began to influence the attitudes of a new generation of East India Company encouraged Europeans doing business in South Asia to withdraw from social contact with locals and to spurn Indian dress and food.61 The nineteenth century, then, was marked by an imperial culture increasingly rooted in racial difference and aloofness, although there remained a substantial Eurasian mixed-race community.62 As early as 1810, when Maria Graham visited Calcutta and 63

Fanny Parkes,

attendance as servants in European family, the low caste wives of petty 64 shopkeepers, and And Elizabeth Fenton, who toured India in the 1820s, shared the increasingly widespread disgust at physical contact with Indians, describing her feelings of revulsion at their smell and the

sic

paan, a combination of

betel leaf and areca nut chewed for its stimulative effects] they eat, renders 65

These were the

the minds and bodies of Anglo-Indians.66 As one historian has succinctly 67

Women not only lived in a separate physical and cultural space, but in a distinctly gendered domain as well, especially in the hill stations where the British retreated for the hot summer months. Most of the women who spent time in the hills in the early years were the wives of civil and military officers stationed in nearby districts. Emily Eden observed during her visit to Simla in 1839 that women outnumbered men by a ratio of almost 4:1.68 Women were especially segregated during the decades following the 1857 rebellion, when

public world outside the home which was viewed as the combative and competitive arena of men.69 Whereas British and Indian men continued to interact regularly for business and occasionally for sport, memsahibs were Page 11 of 53

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Settlers 70

living in very circumscribed social worlds. According to

The Calcutta Review ladies of the families having intercourse of any kind with the (p.151) a view that Anne Wilson affirmed in a letter from India, drawing a parallel between the Indian practice of purdah and white female segregation. She

referring to the sections of Hindu and Muslim houses which were reserved for the women of the household.71 By the latter third of the nineteenth century the segregation of Anglo-Indian women was so complete that the only Indians they interacted with were domestic servants. In the smaller outposts especially, the same women met day after day to eat the same meals and exchange the same banal pleasantries. As a consequence, visitors found British society in India to be unbearably dull. As Julia Maitland 72

Amelia FitzClarence Cary, who was in Bombay from 1848 to 1853 while her husband, Lord Falkland, was serving as Governor, complained

73

According to Lady Dufferin, whose husband was Viceroy in the 1880s, Simla was it was impolite to talk about politics, literature, or the arts.74 These restrictions must have been excruciating, given that during one season at Simla in the 1880s, she and her husband hosted twelve large dinners, twenty-nine small evening parties, and a charity fete.75 Still, both Dufferin and Maitland engaged in charitable activities that occupied their time and intellects. In 1885, Dufferin founded the National Association for Supplying Female Medical Aid to the Women of India, later known as the Countess of Dufferin Fund, to recruit and train female doctors, midwives, and nurses to improve the health situation for Indian women who were sick or pregnant. She also fundraised for and established hospitals and clinics, some of which still bear her name, and there are medical colleges and midwifery schools named after her as well.76 77

She and her husband ran a Christian school for boys of different castes, and she also set up a multilingual reading room and assisted in starting up several other schools as well. Her Letters from Madras (1843) ends with a plea for a national system of education in India as the route to modernization. She was also actively involved in famine relief, and investigated and condemned the South Indian

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Settlers slave trade. For these two women at least, it was their social life in India that was dull, not India itself. Collectively though, boredom, heat, isolation, and routine took their toll on the mental health of British women in India, especially in combination with the constant fear of a second mutiny and the omnipresent Indian crowds. In 1864 George Otto Trevelyan, who spent several years in the India Civil Service, 1885 The Calcutta Review 78

Flora Annie (p.152) cases of neurasthenia and anemia 79

Later still, the novelist Maud Diver, who was born and raised in India while her father served as an officer in the army, suggested that the frequent incidence of restlessness, irritability, and fatigue could be attributable to the dislocations that accompanied residence in 80

Psychological problems including nervous disorders, mental breakdowns, depression, and hysteria were all regarded as particularly gendered problems in the colonial context, and attest to the

II It was not only in India that women were bored, however, which suggests that the phenomenon was not a localized one, but a broader imperial one. Although women such as Emily Innes, whose husband James was Collector and Magistrate in Kuala Langat, Selangor, in the Malay States, from 1876 to 1882, might be described as residents more than settlers, in that their intent was always to return to Britain, they nonetheless spent years overseas, and their relationship to the empire was different from that of most tourists and travelers, who moved frequently from place to place. And yet these long-term residents also suffered from imperial boredom. The British became involved in Malay politics in the late eighteenth century, when East India Company officials attempted to set up a trading post in Penang, which they subsequently occupied under the guise of providing Sultan Abdullah of Kedah with military assistance for his fight against Siam. The British founded Singapore in 1819, and the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 transferred Malacca to the British as well. Together, Penang, Singapore, and Malacca constituted the Straits Settlements, which were governed by the East India Company from Calcutta until 1857, then briefly by the Crown, and then after 1867 by the Colonial Office as a Crown Colony. (A fourth territory, Labuan, was ceded to the British in 1846 by the Sultan of Brunei and became part of the Straits Settlements in 1907.)81 James Innes had previously served as Treasurer in Sarawak under Charles Brooke (nephew of British adventurer James Brooke, the Page 13 of 53

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transferred to Selangor, a position worth a very respectable £2,400 per year, he seems to have had some difficulty getting along with his superiors, and ended up resigning his post, costing him his pension and close to six years of back pay, and plunging his family into financial insecurity. As for Emily, she had a miserable time in South-East Asia, which she was quite candid about in The Chersonese with the Gilding Off (1885), written partly to 82

But her book was also a riposte

glowing account of the Malay Archipelago, The Golden Chersonese (1883), which consisted of letters Bird wrote while traveling through the Malay States in 1879.83 (p.153)

mosquitoes and ants. Still, even she felt compelled to acknowledge that

no politics, little crime, rarely gets even two lines in an English newspaper, and

84

is that my life was dull and gloomy to a degree which can hardly be 85

daughter of a church canon and the wife of a junior colonial official. But the

86

Still, the contrasts between the two accounts

are striking.

low that she could not see the banks of the river, and that the view in front of her Page 14 of 53

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pairs of greasy brown shoulders, the property of the boatmen, each of whom was great trial to be deprived of three daily baths necessary to keep one cool in this shortly thereafter by her banal complaint about her own hygiene, makes clear afternoon, evening, and night succeeded each other, and were succeeded in

was often a coping mechanism for imperial anxieties.87 The house assigned to Emily and James was even worse than she had anticipated, and her expectations had already been lowered by a colonial official nothing to eat, and no society.88 When she arrived she found an ordinary attap, made of palm trees on a wood foundation raised about four feet off the ground. the only way to keep (p.154) out the rain was to close the shutters, which shut out the light as well, so that when there was a storm she had to choose between sitting in darkness and letting their furniture and belongings get soaked. Her husband used the main area as his courtroom; there were also several smaller bathroom. After touring what passed for the village the afternoon they arrived, 89

books from the circulating library in Singapore, but because they were the only Europeans in the district, there was no regular communication between Langat

hundreds which swarmed over the food and my clothing and completed my

were still many hours during which we either had nothing to do, or could do 90

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best to obtain familiar foods, lamenting when an order for condensed milk and biscuits resulted in a delivery of milk biscuits. On at least one occasion she tried

discover at the last minute that her invited guests were not coming. The impossibility of maintaining her familiar existence led her to equate her 91

tailorless, cobblerless, doctorless, bookless, milkless, postless, and altogether 92

93

The worst stretch, though, involved the four months that she was all alone while her husband was in Klang, the former capital of the state of Selangor, filling in for a British colonial official who had taken ill and been sent to Hong Kong. Although her husband visited her every

94

As for her views of the Malays, they were complicated, vacillating, one critic has 95

(p.

155)

96

Her most harrowing experience occurred when she was confronted in a village shop by a crowd eager to catch its first glimpse of a European lady. Innes wrote:

were abated; but I think if the original dove had been mobbed at the ark window by as motley and unpleasant a crowd of animals as the population of Klang, she would have flown away very fast.97

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Settlers

98

seems to be a general impression in England that the Malay nature is

99

Still, The Chersonese with the Gilding Off is very much a confession of imperial anxiety, often disguised as boredom, which was the product of an insurmountable sense of displacement and dislocation. Innes was 6,500 miles from home, completely isolated in the Malaysian jungle, surrounded by strangers whose language she did not speak, with virtually nothing to do and her

walls and an attached bathroom might have provided at least a sense of security, Innes had no such comforts in Selangor. This may help explain why Innes viewed the Malay landscape that surrounded her as a harsh, impenetrable frontier, insect-ridden, and devoid of natural beauty.100 Although she tried desperately to 101

the Malay States, I am inclined to think that the only persons protected by it are policy of indirect rule, served as advisors to the sultans, who seldom heeded their advice.102 presence was not a state at all, or rather it worked on the pretense that it was 103

(p.156) whether any human being is qualified to exercise with discretion and justice such unlimited power as this system

104

She also felt sorry for the elderly sultan of Selangor, Abdul Samad, whose dignity had been diminished by being forced to allow his revenue to be collected and his laws altered and administered by British officials. Innes 105 106 Page 17 of 53

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Settlers

her complicity with British imperialism in South-East Asia, as well as an acceptable means of expressing her resistance to it.107 For other women, expressions of boredom reflected even deeper personal despair. The story of Anna Jameson (Fig. 5.3), a young writer who married a London barrister in 1825, is particularly heart-wrenching. She and her husband Robert seem never to have gotten along well, and temporarily separated when he took an appointment in Upper Canada (present-day Ontario, established as a colony in 1791 to accommodate loyalist refugees from the United States), where he eventually became Speaker of the House of Assembly.108 In 1836 she sailed across the Atlantic to visit him, but he failed to meet her at the dock in New York, leaving her to find her way, by herself, to Toronto in the middle of winter. on low land, at the bottom of a frozen bay, with one very ugly church, without tower or steeple; some government offices, built of staring red brick, in the most tasteless, vulgar style imaginable; three feet of snow all around; and the gray, sullen, wintry lake, and the dark gloom of the pine forest bounding the 109

I feelings, with which I entered the house which was to be called my home

110

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Settlers She was obviously depressed.

be beautiful, but I take no

society, are so detestable to me, my own domestic position so painful and so without remedy or hope, that to remain here explained that not only was

fifth rate provincial town, with the pretensions of a capital oligarchy, [and] a selfconstituted aristocracy, based

advantages of a high state of

Fig. 5.3. Anna Jameson (1844). © British Library.

111

(p.157) wrote.112 She whiled away the long winter by reading and writing, and openly 113

She was so despondent that when a colonial official offered to drive her to times twenty-four hours of frost and snow without, and monotonous solitude 114

When Charles Dickens visited Niagara Falls, he was spellbound. 115

Jameson saw things

rather differently: Well! I have seen these cataracts of Niagara, which have thundered in my

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for my utter disappointment.116

117

The climate, the topography, the weather, and the isolation all had a corrosive effect on her and many other residents as well.118 (p.158) In 1837, after eight months in Canada, she decided it was useless to prolong a life so removed from family and professional opportunities for a 119

remarkable journey into the heart of Indian country, exploring Lake Huron and witnessing an aboriginal lifestyle that was at the time unknown to colonial travelers. Here she finally rid herself of the boredom that had been so 120

She spent time with First Nations people, and showed them great sympathy, arguing that driving them off their lands and 121

Although eager to learn about the condition of women in what she called 122

Her protofeminist journey was also clearly an effort at self-discovery, abandoning her husband in favor of an adoptive Indian family she met along the way, and leaving behind the crushing boredom and sense of purposelessness that had 123

Even missionary women, whose sense of purpose presumably kept them inspired, could find themselves bored. Elizabeth Lees Price, who spent most of her life among the Bantu-speaking Tswana people in Bechuanaland, was a daughter of the well-known Scottish Congregationalist missionary, Robert Moffat, and sister-in-law to David Livingstone. Although born in Cape Town in 1839, she lived in England from the age of eight until she was fifteen, so that when she returned to Africa in 1854, it was effectively as a settler. Her mission

students. She also offered a sewing class two afternoons each week, and creeps 124

125

In

There were also

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In 1865, Price moved to the Makololo station of the Zambesi mission, where, despite helping to run three schools for 30,000 increasing frequency.127 Clearly not even missionary work was enough to stave off the boredom that afflicted women all across the empire.

III In Australia, expressions of boredom were closely linked to the sense of disappointment and despair that many British immigrants experienced when they arrived (p.159) (Fig. 5.4), especially given the optimism so many of them

Founding Fathers for his advocacy of Australian Federation, as he prepared to 128

Born in a small town near Coventry to a tenant farmer, he worked in a rope factory and brickyard while educating himself through the Birmingham Political Union. After struggling to establish a business of his own, and following the death of two young children, Parkes and his wife decided to move to New South Wales, with its fertile soil, inexpensive land, and high wages, arriving in 1839 with only a few shillings between them. 129

His first letter from Sydney, however, conveyed his disenchantment. He began by apologizing to his sister for having put off writing for so

unwilling to sadden your hearts

day, and from month to month, hoping to be able to give a cheering account of this country, but it is a sad one I write at last. I have been disappointed in all my

Fig. 5.4. Florishing [i.e. flourishing] State of the Swan River Thing (London: Thomas McLean, 1830). National Library of Australia.

discovered that basic goods were expensive and in short supply, and that there was nowhere for emigrants to stay while they searched for work. Only after

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(p.160) brass foundry, he eventually found a decent position as a Customs House officer involved, which he whiled away by writing poetry. Not until early 1842 did he

130

Ever the optimist, though, and perhaps desperate to 131

Many narratives of discontent date from the Gold Rush in the 1850s. The anonymous author of Chips by an Old Chum; or, Australia in the Fifties (1893) large family and a small income. When an uncle in Melbourne invited him to join

discover that his uncle had sailed for England two weeks earlier. He nonetheless secured a position as a clerk in the offices of the solicitors who had bought his overseer on a sheep station in the Wimmera district, a large flat plateau of sparsely settled dry pastoral land west of Melbourne. Some days he had to or shearing. His primary amusements were shooting wild duck and turkey and 5.5).132 After sixteen months on the sheep station, he returned to Melbourne, where, unable to find regular work, he decided to join the throngs digging for

5.6). There was,

would gather around a fire, discuss prospects and politics, and sing songs.133 Although he made decent money, fever and dysentery forced him back to Melbourne where he found a letter from his father Page 22 of 53

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Settlers urging him to return home with Fig. 5.5. S. T. Gill, The Shepherd. State the promise of an appointment Library of New South Wales. in the army, the Crimean War being at its height. And so, in 1855, he sailed for Britain, leaving behind unfulfilled hopes amidst the realization that Australia was not the paradise it was claimed to be. David Carnegie had a similarly disappointing experience in the

Spinifex and Sand, his memoir about looking for gold in

adventure, no record heads of rare game, no exciting escapades with dangerous Fig. 5.6. Library of Australia. Carnegie was the fourth son of a Scottish Earl, struggling to find his place in the world. Although he attended Charterhouse and 134

the Royal Indian Engineering College, which trained civil engineers for service in the Indian Public Works Department, he did not graduate from either. After a brief and unhappy stint on a Ceylon tea planation,135 he and his friend Percy Western Australia in 1892 to join the gold rush. They worked for various mining companies over the next few years, with Carnegie leading several (p.161) unsuccessful prospecting expeditions. He then undertook a grueling 1,000-mile, thirteen-month trek from Coolgardie north across the unmapped Great Sandy as well as to make a name for himself as an explorer. He was determined, he wrote, 136

Although he found no land of value, he received a medal from the Royal Geographical Society when he returned to England in 1897. Two years later, in 1899, he went to Northern Nigeria as an assistant resident under Lord Lugard, but was killed the following year by a poisoned arrow in a minor skirmish. He was twenty-nine years old. Despite traveling with several other men, Carnegie described searching for gold be as wearing to the reader as they were to ourselves, a mere monotonous Page 23 of 53

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from (p.162)

find a few bits of the precious metal, but the mining company for which they were prospecting deemed the site too remote, and therefore unprofitable. Even

an emu that had strayed too close to camp. One of his most banal diary entries

137

It was a sad summation of an

imperial life.

for an explanation. Clearly he was disillusioned by his experience, which was not 138

Perhaps, having returned to London without having struck it rich, he was simply trying to parlay his adventures into book sales with a rollicking account of his adventures.139 In this respect, he was following the model established by many famous African explorers including Livingstone, (p.163) Stanley, Burton, Speke, and Grant. But Carnegie also seems to have had a broader political point to make, one that draws on Imperialism (1902) by just a few years: Think of us, picture us, ye city magnates, toiling and struggling that your capacious pockets may be filled by the fruits of our labor: think of us, I say, and remember that our experiences are but as those of many more, and that hardly a mine, out of which you have made all the profit, has been found without similar hardships and battles for life! Not a penny would you what do we get for our pains? A share in the bare sale of the mine if lucky; if not, God help us!

140

empire that was very much a product of his own experiences. Few occupations have been as mythologized in Australian history as the squatter (Fig. 5.7).141 Although originally a derogatory term referring to ex-convicts who illegally occupied land for pastoral purposes, by the 1840s it had come to imply Page 24 of 53

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Settlers an independent, hardy, entrepreneurial attitude. The increase in emigration and the boom in the wool export market in the 1820s and 1830s had transformed the usage of Crown land for raising sheep and cattle into a lucrative and celebrated enterprise, and government policy had shifted from opposition to regulation, with the term squatter increasingly applied to those who occupied grazing land (p.164) under a government lease or license, with few of the negative connotations of earlier times. By the mid-nineteenth century squatters had become some of the wealthiest men in New South Wales, and, as many of them had come from middle- and upper-class English and Scottish families, they were occupations or lifestyles that were more monotonous. Edward Curr was born in Hobart in 1820, the son of a Sheffield mercantile clerk who with a cargo of merchandise in 1819 in return for a grant of one thousand acres of land. Edward and two brothers were sent back to England for their education, but he returned to Tasmania in 1839 to take over the management of an estate his father had purchased near

Fig. 5.7. Jeyes, The Life and Times of The Marquis

Melbourne with about 2,300 sheep. When Edward arrived on

of Salisbury (J. S. Virtue, 1895).

the land, which his father had

There were two huts, one of which was for the overseer whom Edward needed to

142

sheep alive. But the most searing moment was the departure of the overseer at the end of three months, leaving Edward alone in the bush for the first time. Although he eventually got used to the solitude, at the time he felt overwhelmed by loneliness and anxiety, and was able to do little more than fill his days with

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Settlers 143

The image of him pacing back and forth, like a caged animal, is an evocative indication of how bored he must have been. Recollections of Squatting in Victoria (1883) focuses on sights and activities that were exciting and new, because, as he

landscape reflect the monotony of his daily life. On one of his sheep runs, he altogether a somber, desolate aspect, which somehow or other had a depressing

144

These years, he

145

(p.165) of the 146

In his final accounting, the best he could say about 147

For John Henderson, who emigrated to Australia in 1838 at the age of nineteen, 148

149

He grumbled

with little to hunt. One of the most difficult aspects for Henderson was being

150

He lasted only a few years before returning to England to join the army.

more existential doubts. He was especially concerned that would-be emigrants did not know what they were getting into, and that when they actually drought and cattle disease that were devastating the herds; and with rampant Page 26 of 53

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they would lose heart and become disgusted, not only with everything around Inferno Harbor.151 often represented as being.152 Bush life was just as dreary for women. Louisa Georghesan, a governess sent by the Female Middle-Class Emigration Society, which arranged passage and lent money to help indigent but respectable women find employment in Australia, then traveled two hundred miles west to Benyeo near the coastal city of Portland

Australia could offer, Georghesan found her life to be much more limited, 153

(p. 166) much in the way of positive feelings. She had to travel three hundred miles in a

154

Rosa Payne, a governess who arrived in 1869, also expressed a deep sense of

is a vast amount of wretchedness and poverty in the colony and men of talent nothing improving Page 27 of 53

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Settlers

there are times when I must think, and I am weary of life, and everything, and balance sheet of life in the bush. The principal advantage, she wrote, was that

155

One of the most wrenching stories of boredom and failure in Australia is that of Mary Braidwood Mowle, whose diary covers six months in 1851 when she lived at Limestone Plains (now Canberra), and intermittently from 1853 to early 1855 when she was in the small town of Eden on the south coast of New South Wales. Mary was born in Durham in 1827, and was brought to New South Wales at the age of nine by her parents, Thomas Braidwood Wilson, a Scottish Royal Naval surgeon who made a record nine voyages on convict ships, and his wife. Thomas had been granted land in Tasmania, which he exchanged for a plot in New South Wales that eventually grew to 13,000 acres. His fortunes fell, however, amid the drought of the 1830s and the collapse of the wool market in the 1840s. By the time he died, when Mary was sixteen, she had already met her future husband, Stewart Mowle, who had arrived in New South Wales from Kent in 1836, the same year as the Wilsons, staying with his uncle, who was a partner in a London merchant firm and a director of the Bank of Australia. After the uncle died, Stewart and Mary married, and made their home in a bark hut with a dirt floor along the upper Murray River, where he pursued farming and grazing. They tried to bring the piano that Mary had inherited from her parents, but it and several crates of china were ruined when (p.167) they tumbled out of their cart. After a few years Mary and Stewart moved back to the Limestone Plains where they settled on a 2,560-acre estate, which is where Mary began her diary.156 Their life was hard. She was twenty-three, he twenty-eight, and they had three children under the age of four, with two more to follow. Stewart struggled to make a living after his flock of sheep was wiped out by disease. It was, Mary

of most bush women in the nineteenth century: cooking, churning butter, jarring jam, keeping fowl, and sewing, although she found time to read. Still, what clearly expected more. On the day she began her diary, Sunday, 30 December

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Settlers work till sunset, feed chickens, stroll about till dusk, play for an hour (my chief solace), work till eleven, go to bed and rise [the] next morning to recommence 157

As her biographer has noted, Mary and Stewart had been brought up with the expectation that they would lead comfortably middle-class lives.158 Mary mused

all of us. We had no wood, no tea, no meat, and no flour and we could not

159

In 1852 Stewart was offered a government position as a Customs Sub-Collector at Twofold Bay on the south-east coast of New South Wales at £200 per year, so the family moved to the nearby town of Eden. Mary started a new diary in 1853

160

She stopped writing her diary, and a few years later they moved to Sydney where, in 1857, not long after giving birth to her eighth child, Mary died, having just turned thirty. It was a sad end to a disappointing, unfulfilling, colonial life.

of bush life is strikingly different from the invigorating stories Australian men

161

In fact, bush life was unimaginably lonely for both men and women, producing (p.168) feelings of boredom that were made worse by the unvaried quality of the landscape and, depending on where one lived, the unrelenting heat, which was, according to one woman in Adelaide in 1840, so 162

And while work in Australia might not have been more monotonous than the equivalent work would have been in Britain, there were fewer recreational activities, and for many, expectations were higher.

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Settlers IV One of the reasons why would-be settlers and longtime residents found so many of the colonies boring was that all across the empire, the British constructed buildings, towns, and gardens to look like those they had left behind. Doing so helped them create, as William Denison put it, when he served as Lieutenant163

but it also concealed the novelty and uniqueness of imperial lands that is such an essential component of a satisfying overseas touristic experience.164 Environmental historian Alfred Crosby has pointed out that European colonists generally chose locations for their settlements that were ecologically and topographically similar good reasons for this: European seeds and livestock could thrive in familiar climates and latitudes.165 But whereas the portage of architectural styles and preferences might have been just as vital to the cultural survival and identity of the British, it also helped denude foreign lands of their otherness. As historian and travel writer Jan Morris has observed, among the great empires in history, the British was neither the most imaginative nor the boldest in terms

Britain.166 Still, when the British went about constructing their own buildings, they generally drew on the distinctly British forms with which they were most familiar, although at times they adopted and adapted local styles and traditions

along with turrets, arches, and ironwork more commonly associated with the High Gothic Revival (Fig. 5.8).167 Nevertheless, Calcutta was dotted with, if not dominated by, replicas of English buildings, including Government House itself (Fig. 5.9), built by Lord Wellesley between 1799 and 1803 as a copy of Kedleston Hall, the Curzon family seat in Derbyshire. As Rudyard Kipling exclaimed upon

168

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Settlers This process of remaking India to look like Britain began during the early decades of the nineteenth century, when the British started to settle in Indian cities in increasing numbers. According to Captain Robert Smith, during his first visit to Calcutta in 1825, there were no hotels, nor would they have been of use, since the (p. 169) only Europeans who traveled there were military and civil officials. The former could stay at one of the forts, and the latter generally carried letters of introduction to families with

Fig. 5.8. Victoria Terminus, Bombay (1887). Designed by Frederick William Railway Terminus in Bombay combined with turrets and arches more commonly

whom they stayed until they found a place of their own. The

Revival, such as those featured in Gilbert

increasing prevalence of hotels was just one of a number of

St. Pancras railway station in London.

transformations that took place during the 1830s, but over the

transforming Calcutta. Smith English every year, both in language and dress; the former is almost universally spoken, and in respect to the latter, many are actually beginning to Fig. 5.9. Robert Havell Jr. after James with English-made shoes and stockings on.169 As H. R. Panckridge wrote in his short history celebrating the centennial of the elegant and

Views of Calcutta and its Environs (London, 1826), Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

the practice of European peoples to reproduce as far as possible in their settlements and colonies in other continents the characteristic social features of Page 31 of 53

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suggested, than the social club. It appealed to men who, he asserted, were

170

Much the same was true of the Singapore Cricket Club, just a (p.170) member of the club complained

of British clubs were antidotes to numerous ills including loneliness, isolation, and cultural disorientation, but replicating the very culture they had left behind, and increasing their segregation from indigenous people, made colonial life boring and banal.171 The Indian hill stations in particular, where British government officials and their retinues decamped for the hot summer months, were designed to replicate English villages, with Gothic-revival churches and half-timbered Tudor cottages (Fig. 5.10).172 The most famous was Simla, an inconvenient 1,200 miles from Calcutta across the Gangetic plain, first by rail and then by bullock cart, mail carriage, and tonga (a two-wheeled cart drawn by ponies) up a winding road. rhododendrons, and residences with names like Rosebank, Cedar Cottage, and Willowdale that evoked the quiet comfort and distinctive vegetation of English country life.173 Indeed, the hill stations were promoted for their resemblance to English towns and landscapes: an Eastern Bengal State Railway brochure 174

[that] bring back to memory the hills and dales and shady nooks and lanes of the 175

Everywhere the British went, as Dane Kennedy has observed, (p.171) to familiarize the

unfamiliar, [and] to model these highland spaces in the likeness of favored 176

she described the small Punjab station of Murree that she was reminded of her 177

Elsewhere, Lord Lytton described Ootacamund, the summer home of the Madras Government and generally regarded as the loveliest of the 178

Isabel Savory thought Ootacamund more like the Sussex Downs, but the effect was the Try

179

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response to Ootacamund, which he visited in 1834 soon after he was appointed to the Governorbut much more complicated and psychologically revealing. To

vegetation of Windsor Forest or Blenheim spread over the 180

while nonetheless complaining, Fig. 5.10. A Half-Timbered House in 181

Yet his otherwise innocuous, if ambiguous, comment masks a terrifying

Simla. © British Library.

incident that occurred right before he left the hill station, which he recounted as a theatrical tale (revealingly described as a latter-day Othello) to his sister (p. 172)

found himself fending them off with a swordstick until a group of police officers arrived and marched the rioters off to prison. Although Macaulay tried to reassure his sister that this sort of thing rarely occurred, he nonetheless vilified

not understand, fearful that the English might be attacked at any time. And yet he claimed he was bored, a statement of extraordinary occlusion in the face of 182

harsh climate as well as from the social and psychological toll of an alien activities.183 When Emily Eden visited Simla in 1838, she estimated the European summer population at no more than 150, and pronounced the time she the Himalayas were only a continuation of Primrose Hill or Penge Common, I

such as Lord Elgin, the quieter and more wooded Mashobra, six miles away,

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Settlers balls, dinners, and charity functions that left many Simla residents exhausted.184 185

The hill stations certainly reinforced the isolation of Anglo-Indian society. This was a particular concern of Wilfrid Blunt, an English poet and writer who traveled extensively in the Middle East and India and became known for his anti-

conversing with so much as a single representative of its thoughts in opposition to the official views, nor had I caught more than a glimpse of the skeleton figures of the starving ryots [tenant farmers] as we passed rapidly by railway 186

His distance from India and Indians clearly influenced his view about the British Empire. Moreover, the retreat of the British community to the hills during the summer months turned cities such as Calcutta into virtual ghost towns for the few Overland Calcutta Star

few matters of local interest, there has been nothing to engage public attention, (p.173) 187

my love of regularity that enforces me to the task of writing about nothing; 188

but I found that, excepting a few verandahs, and the lofty and stately Norfolk 189

Constance Gordon-Cumming, a prolific travel writer and painter from a wealthy Scottish family who was generally filled with excitement when she traveled to all the attractions which have hitherto delighted me in foreign lands are here

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Settlers even to the ploughman riding his horses home at night, and the four-horse 190

flowers in them, are so exactly like those of a country town in England, that it is 191

Whereas in the early years British settlers had lived in tents, huts, and rudimentary shelters, by the 1820s, as The Entrance of Port Jackson, and Part of the Town of Sydney, New South Wales (Colour Plate 16) attests, the British were constructing neoclassical stone houses encircled by oaks, elms, and other foliage to civil society, this detailed aquatint, based on watercolors made by an army produced for a Leicester Square panorama illustrating Sydney and its environs. On the left, docile convicts are quarrying stone; a wood picket fence separates them from a settler, or perhaps an ex-convict, tilling a vegetable garden. Another fence line demarcates the foreground, where two military officers guarantee the security of the lady with the parasol standing at the front door of her house. She is a symbol of domesticity, as is the laundry hanging out to dry near the barn. In the center of the yard, a kangaroo provides a touch of antipodal curiosity, though it is as tame and domesticated as the spaniel and the chickens nearby, which are comforting reminders of English country life. It is a utopian vision demonstrating the safety and ease with which English society could be transplanted overseas.192 But while this familiarity could be reassuring, it also made it difficult for colonists to conceive of themselves as being in a foreign country.

from one of the capitals of Europe. Its streets are as well paved, as well channeled, as well lighted, and as well watered as those of London, Paris, or (p.174) were also seven rowing clubs, fifteen cricket clubs, a boat club, several football clubs, bowling, lacrosse, baseball, tennis, and rifle clubs, and associations for anglers, pigeon fanciers, and bicyclists, as well as missionary and temperance societies.193 As J. W. Reeves wrote in 1857, 16,000 miles from home. English people, houses, shops and good wide streets, 194

Social life also replicated British norms and customs. As Georgiana Lowe, wife of the famous British politician and journalist Robert with regard to society and manner of living, that I never feel as if removed from 195

Three years later, as she described their daily routine, she again 196

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Settlers This was also true for New Zealand. Mary Ann Broome recalled what it was like to accompany her husband to his sheep station on the Canterbury Plains in 197

ever seen, and she been to more than a few. Born in Jamaica where her father held an administrative post, Lady Broome, as she came to be called, had already crossed the Atlantic five times by the time she married her first husband in 1852, whom she followed to India where he died in 1861. Four years later she married the Canadian-born Frederick Napier Broome, eleven years her junior, and, leaving behind her two sons, sailed with him for New Zealand where he had already established himself as a pastoralist. Although Lady Broome claimed in

by tragedy. Their first-born son died in 1866 at the age of two months, and two years later floods destroyed their farm and forced them back to England. There, Lady Broome took up a writing career, publishing a book about her colonial experiences, Station Amusements in New Zealand (1873), under the pseudonym Lady Barker, as well as a book for children and a cookbook. Still, she never forgot how English in appearance Christchurch was. Although the famous Gothic revival Anglican cathedral had not yet been built when she was there, she remembered well-paved streets with good sidewalks, gas lamps, and even red 198

Perhaps because it was

199

The replication of English culture overseas also extended to place names. In Sydney, as in London, one can stroll through Hyde Park and admire the Albert Memorial, or go shopping on Oxford Street. And all over the world one can visit places named Victoria, from Argentina and Australia to Malaysia and Malta. There is a Victoria Bay in South Africa, a Victoria Beach in Manitoba, Victoria Falls on the border between Zambia and Zimbabwe, several Victoria harbors (in Ontario, Canada, and Hong Kong), a Victoria Hill on San Salvador Island in the Bahamas, a Victoria Island in Chile, and a number of Lake Victorias, as well as Victoria mountains, Victoria parks, Victoria rivers, Victoria straits, and a Victoria valley (in New Zealand). This is a tribute to the extraordinary reach of the nineteenth-century British Empire and to the queen who oversaw it, and also a powerful reminder of the utter banality of that global institution.

(p.175) v Roughing it in the Bush; or, Life in Canada

200 Page 36 of 53

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combining both fiction and non-fiction in which Moodie both describes and distances herself from her fellow immigrants and pioneers, and seeks acceptance for her portrayal of Canada while simultaneously trying to remain a self-identified British woman.201 Nonetheless, her narrative was also conceived in, and expressed, the boredom of her imperial life. She began to write her book

202

distress, colonial dissatisfaction, and imperial boredom. Her father, after suffering financial ruin, died when she was only fifteen. In her late twenties, she experienced an emotional and religious crisis that led her to leave the Church of England and become a Dissenter. Her Scottish husband was a half-pay army officer whose family had lost its land. In Canada, the couple were unable to find happiness in any of the locations where they tried to establish residency, and for at least two years they were forced to live apart, leaving Susanna to take care of five young children by herself. They never achieved either financial stability or social acceptance.203 For Moodie, boredom was an expression of dismay, a palatable way of expressing her disenchantment with the empire: with a landscape that was not picturesque; with financial opportunity that never arrived; and with her own personal, cultural, and national identities that were being thrown into disarray.

twentieth century that produced a vast, socially and culturally connected Anglophone world stretching from Argentina to Australia.204 Recent historical research has examined the backgrounds of these settlers, and their reasons for leaving their homelands and establishing residences overseas. Dane Kennedy, for example, has labeled the first white settlers in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia from well-to-do families or were retired civil servants or military officers who were drawn to the outdoor life; those in Southern Rhodesia were more likely to have come from the lower ranks of society.205 Every place was different; every place was the same.206 Less well understood is how these settlers responded to the alien people and conditions they encountered, although in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, as in so many other locales, the unfamiliarity and unpleasantness of the climate, (p.176) fears about darker-skinned people, and articulations of So too was boredom.207

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Settlers Imperial boredom emerged and developed during the nineteenth century as a polyvalent expression of dissatisfaction. At times it reflected disenchantment with the immediate: Many settlers and long-term residents wrote about having

it boring: the emphasis on routine, the replication of architectural styles, the isolation from indigenous people, all of which became prominent characteristics of the empire during the nineteenth century. In other instances boredom was an expression of a deeper, more existential angst: orphans with uncertain prospects; women in unhappy marriages; young men experiencing personal or spiritual crisis, or trying to carve out a place for themselves and provide for their families.208 While much of imperial scholarship has rightly focused on issues of race, gender, class, sexuality, power, violence, and dominance, the empire was also riven with anxiety and failure, both at the personal and the national levels.209 The frequent admissions of boredom convey the emotional pain and insecurity that resulted, and expressed the sense among many would-be settlers that the empire was no longer working for them in the ways that they hoped and had been led to believe it would. In her study of novels by Charles Dickens and Thomas Hardy, Jane Mattison has suggested that there was a change in how the British Empire was perceived during the nineteenth century, not just as a consequence of increased knowledge about the colonies, but as the result of the possibility of return from the colonies. During the early decades of the century, the British knew relatively little about

many of those who went did not go voluntarily. In David Copperfield (1850), for example, Mr Micawber, feckless and unappreciated in Britain, emigrates to Australia where he becomes a successful bank manager and government magistrate, though how he did so remains a mystery. Dickens himself was a great advocate of emigration as a means of escaping poverty and social disgrace, and encouraged his own sons to emigrate to Australia. By the second half of the nineteenth century, however, knowledge of the empire was more widespread, and return had become a viable, and at times even preferable, option.210 In Jude the Obscure (1895), Arabella, upon her return to England, tells and that her mother had died of dysentery due to the hot weather.211 To a considerable degree, return was made possible by some of the very same transformations that had given rise to expressions of boredom in the first place, notably improvements in navigation and communication which made longdistance journeys shorter, safer, and more affordable, and which kept would-be settlers in closer contact with family and friends. Imperial boredom, it seems, became much more pervasive when settlers began to have choices about where Page 38 of 53

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Settlers

increasingly began to express that boredom when they finally possessed the means to do something about it. It was their boredom that informed them that the empire was no longer working. Notes:

(1.) Mrs Edward [Janet] Millett, An Australian Parsonage; or, the settler and the savage in Western Australia (2.) Alexander Harris, Labour in the Australian Backwoods (London: C. Cox, 1847), 166, 304; David W. Carnegie, Exploration in Western Australia (London: C. Arthur Pearson, 1898), 62. (3.) Harriet W. Daly, Digging, Squatting, and Pioneering Life in the Northern Territory of South Australia (London: Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle &

(4.) Quoted in Frost, 117. (5.) Henderson, I. 68; Early Days in Western Australia: Being the Letters and Journal of H. W. Bunbury, ed. W. St. Pierre Bunbury and W. P. Morrell (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), 26. (6.) Hughes, The Fatal Shore, 102;Geoffrey Blainey, The Tyranny of Distance

(7.) See Irvine. It was much the same for the 1820 Settlers in South Africa. See John Robert Wahl, ed., Thomas Pringle in South Africa (Cape Town: Longman The literature on frontier violence is voluminous: see Henry Reynolds, An Indelible Stain? The Question of Genocide (Melbourne: Viking, 2001), and A. Dirk Moses, Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004). (8.) Paul Bloomfield, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Builder of the British Commonwealth (London: Longmans, 1961); Ten Books that Shaped the British Empire: Creating an Imperial Commons, ed. Antoinette

(9.) Edward Gibbon Wakefield, A Letter from Sydney, The Principal Town of Australasia 27.

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Settlers (10.) The Social Science Journal colonial promotion literature include Frederic Algar, A Handbook to the Colony of South Australia (London: Australian & New Zealand Gazette, 1863) and A Handbook to the Colony of New South Wales (London: Australian & New Zealand Gazette, 1863); Samuel Butler, Hand-Book for Australian Emigrants (Glasgow: W. R. McPhun, 1839); and W. H. Leigh, Reconnoitering Voyages and Travels, with Adventures in South Australia (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1839). (11.) Marjory Harper, ed., Emigrant Homecomings: The Return Movement of (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 2; Dudley Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy: Emigration and Internal (Cambridge, 1985), 279. (12.) For a broad overview of the settler experience, see Robert Bickers, ed., Settlers and Expatriates: Britons over the Seas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), along with Robert D. Grant, Representations of British Emigration, (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); David Lambert and Alan Lester, eds., Colonial Lives across the British Empire: Imperial Careering in the Long Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Brinley Thomas, Migration and Economic Growth: A Study of the Great Britain and the Atlantic Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973); and Hall, Civilising Subjects. (13.) See Belich, Replenishing the Earth and John C. Weaver, The Great Land (Montreal: McGillQueens University Press, 2006). For a recent, revisionist study, see Angela Woolacott, Settler Society in the Australian Colonies: Self-Government and Imperial Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). For a historiographical overview, see Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

The

(14.) MacMillan, Women of the Raj; Pat Barr, The Memsahibs: The Women of Victorian India (London: Secker & Warburg, 1976); Joanna Trollope, Daughters: Women of the British Empire (London: Hutchinson, 1983). (15.) The Calcutta Review Indrani Sen, Woman and Empire: Representations in the Writings of British India ( (Hyderabad: Orient

(16.) Marryat, 54. (17. (18.) Eden, 284, 337. Page 40 of 53

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Settlers (19.

J. K. Stanford, (London: Galley Press, 1962), which criticizes Eden for giving a frivolous impression of Anglo-Indian Society. (20.) (21.) Ibid. (22.) Angela Poon, Enacting Englishness in the Victorian Period: Colonialism and the Politics of Performance (23.) King, (24.) David, The Indian Mutiny (25.) King, , 29; Edwin T. Atkinson, Statistical, Descriptive and Historical Account of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. III (Allahabad: North-Western Provinces Government Press, 1876), 409. (26.) King,

, 261.

(27.) Ibid. (28.) Flora Annie Steel, The Garden of Fidelity (London: Macmillan and There were, of course, exceptions. The irrepressible Fanny Parkes wrote in Wanderings of a Pilgrim in India has nothing to do. For myself, I superintend the household, and find it difficult at times to write even letters, there is so much to which it is necessary

(29.) Violet Powell, Flora Annie Steel, Novelist of India (London: Heinemann, 1981

(30.) See Barr, The Memsahibs and The Dust in the Balance: British Women in (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989); Mary Ann Lind, The 1947 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988

Barbara N.

(31.) See Margaret Strobel, European Women and the Second British Empire as well as Sen, Suleri, Ballhatchet, and Sinha. On the other hand, in colonial Nigeria white women Helen Page 41 of 53

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Settlers Callaway, Gender, Culture and Empire: European Women in Colonial Nigeria (London: Macmillan, 1987). (32. (33.) Mary Carpenter, Six Months In India, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, 1868), 26. See also Chaudhuri and Strobel; Procida, Married to the Empire; Burton, Burdens of History Journal of British Studies 97; Rhonda Anne Semple, Missionary Women: Gender, Professionalization, and the Victorian Idea of Christian Mission (Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2003); Margaret Balfour and Ruth Young, The Work of Medical Women in India (London: Milford, 1929); and Cox. (34.) Maud Diver, The Englishwoman in India (Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1909), 16, 128. (35.) Gilmour, The Ruling Caste, 297. (36.) Pemble, ed., Miss Fane in India, 101; emphasis in the original. (37.) Anne C. Wilson, Letters from India (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and

(38.) Macmillan, 143. (39.) Dawson, 365. (40.) Flora Annie Steel and Grace Gardiner, The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook (41.) Macmillan, 14; Paxman, 138. (42.) There were also concerns that reading novels could be dangerous to women. See Nineteenth-Century Gender Studies 3:1 (2007); Kate Flint, The (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); Sally Mitchell, Victorian Studies Jacqueline Pearson, Britain: A Dangerous Recreation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). (43.) Quoted in Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 37. (44. (45.) Roberts, Scenes and Characteristics of Hindustan

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Settlers (46.) Quoted in Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 66. (47. (48.) Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 80. (49.) Eden, 144. (50.) Edwardes, 18. Very few European men spoke Indian languages with any real fluency either. (51.) Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 7. (52.) Julia Maitland, John Murray, 1846), 26.

(London:

(53.) Wilson, Letters from India, 292. (54.) Maitland, 25. (55.) R. D. Macleod, Impressions of an Indian Civil Servant (London: H. F. & G. Witherby, 1938), 136. (56.) Wilson, Letters from India, 107. (57.) Macmillan, viii, xxii, 44; Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 121. (58.) J. W. Kaye, Peregrine Pultaney; or, Life in India, 3 vols. (London: John

(59.) Kathleen A. Feeley and Jennifer Frost, eds., When Private Talk Goes Public: Gossip in American History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). (60. C. J. Hawes, Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British India (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996). (61.) Bayly, Imperial Meridian Sudipta Sen, Distant Sovereignty: National Imperialism and the Origins of British India (New York: Routledge, Dalrymple, White Mughals, 36; Ainslee Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962); P. J. Marshall, ed., The British Discovery of Hinduism in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 42. (62.) In addition to Ghosh and Hibbert, War of No Pity, see Dennis Kincaid, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), and, more recently, Valerie Anderson, Race and Power in British India: Anglo-Indians, Class and Identity in the Nineteenth Century (London: I. B. Page 43 of 53

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Settlers Tauris, 2015). In Cawnpore, 3rd edn. (London: Macmillan and Co., 1866), George

(63.) Graham, Journal of a Residence in India, 136. (64.) Parkes, I. 59. (65.) Bessie Knox Fenton, The Journal of Mrs Fenton: A Narrative of her Life in (London: Edward Arnold, 1901), 15. (66.) Ann Laura Stoler, Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995), 149. (67.) Macmillan, 46. (68.) Eden, 278. (69.)

Sesame and Lilies: Three Lectures

(1865; repr. George Allen, 1899), 17. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, argues that

as rigid in practice. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: (Chicago: University of Spheres? A

Chicago Press, 1987); Historical Journal

The and Clare Midgley, Feminism and (London: Routledge,

2007). (70.) Sen, Women and Empire

Economic

and Political Weekly (71.) Dawson, 353; Wilson, Letters from India (72.) [ The Monthly Review II (1843): 103; Letters from Madras During the Years (London: John Murray, 1861), 24. (73.) Viscountess Falkland, Chow-Chow; Being Selections from a Journal Kept in India, Egypt, and Syria, 2 vols. (London: Hurst and Blackett, 1857), 3.

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Settlers (74.) Lady Dufferin, Our Viceregal Life in India Sons, 1891), 34. (75.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 110. (76.) Harold Nicolson,

(New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company,

History Review (77.) Maitland, Letters from Madras, 47. (78.) G. O. Trevelyan, The Competition Wallah, 2nd edn. (London: Macmillan, 1866), 205; Dawson, 137. (79. (80. (81.) C. M. Turnbull, Crown Colony (London: Athlone Press, 1927); T. N. Harper, The End of Empire and the Making of Malaya 18. (82.) Monica Anderson,

(Madison,

NJ: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 2006), 96; Eddie Tay, Colony, Nation, and Globalization: Not at Home in Singaporean and Malaysian Literature (Hong J. M. Gullick, Glimpses of 191; Emily Innes, The Chersonese with the Gilding Off, intro. Khoo Kay Kim (London: Richard Bentley & Sons, 1885; Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1993). (83.) Isabella L. Bird, The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither (London: John Murray, 1883); Gillian Whitlock, Autobiography (London: Cassell, 2000), 118. (84. (85.) Innes, II. 243. (86.) Ibid. (87.) Ibid. I. 14; Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (New York: Praeger, 1966), and Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire. (88.) Innes, I. 4. Page 45 of 53

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Settlers (89.) Ibid. I. 19. (90.) Ibid.

bored. See Laura Boyle, 1968).

(Oxford: Alden Press,

(91.) Innes, II. 21, 25, 32, 35, 244. (92.) Ibid. I. 73, II. 176. (93.) Ibid. (94.) Ibid. I. 230. (95.) Tay, 38. See also South East Asia Research (96.) (97.) Ibid. (98.) Ibid. (99.) Robert Heussler, British Rule in Malaya: The Malayan Civil Service and its (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981), 67. (100.) Tay, 39. (101.) Ibid. 4. (102.) J. M. Gullick, Rulers and Residents: Influence and Power in the Malay (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992). (103.) Harper, 18. (104.) (105.) Ibid. I. 39, 44. (106.) Ibid. I. 39.

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Settlers (107.) See Sara Mills, Writing and Colonialism (London: Routledge, 1991), 18; Christine Doran, Asian Studies Review (108.) Clara Thomas, Love and Work Enough: The Life of Anna Jameson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967). (109.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 2. (110.) Ibid. (111.) Ibid. (112.) Ibid. 13, 18, 29. (113.) Ibid.; Gerardine Macpherson, Memoirs of the Life of Anna Jameson (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1878), 125, 128. (114.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 37. (115.) Charles Dickens, American Notes for General Circulation, 2 vols. (London:

(116.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 82. (117.) Ibid. 86. (118.) Ibid. 76. (119.) Ibid. 30. (120.) Ibid. 26. (121.) Ibid. (122.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, II. 273;Beatrice Strong Erskine, ed., (London: T. F. Unwin, 1915), 154. (123.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, II. 211. See also Judith Johnston, Anna Jameson: Victorian, Feminist, Woman of Letters (Aldershot: Scholar Press, 1997). (124.) Una Long, ed., The Journals of Elizabeth Lees Price Written in (London: Edward Arnold, 1956), 135. (125.) Ibid.

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Settlers (126.) Ibid. (127.) Ibid. 227, 237. (128.) Henry Parkes,

(Sydney: Angus & Robertson,

(129.) Ibid. (130.) Ibid. (131.) Ibid. (132.) Chips by an Old Chum; or, Australia in the Fifties (London: Cassell,

(133.) Ibid. (134.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand, ix. (135.) His experience was not unusual. See George M. Barker, Life in Assam (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1884) and F. A. Heatherington, The Diary of a Tea Planter (Sussex: Book Guild, 1994). (136.) Quoted in William J. Peasley, In the Hands of Providence: The Desert Journeys of David Carnegie (Perth: St. George Books, 1995), 43. (137.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand 433. (138.) Ibid. 102. (139.) Geographical Journal (140.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand, 101. (141.) See The Oxford Companion to Australian History, ed. Graham Davidson, John Hirst, and Stuart MacIntyre (Oxford University Press, 1998); The American Historical Review Stephen H. Roberts, History of Australian Land

(142.) (143.) Ibid.

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Settlers (144.) Ibid. 218. (145.) Ibid. (146.) Ibid. 365. Losing track of time was a common complaint. Annie Baxter, lieutenant on a convict transport, wrote, after she and her husband had settled

(147.) Curr, 369. (148.) Henderson, II. 293. (149.) Ibid. (150.) Ibid. (151.) Ibid. (152.) Ibid. II. 243, 291. See also Frank Fowler, Southern Lights and Shadows

(153.) Frost, 153; Daly, 62. (154.) Ibid. (155.) Ibid. 165, 168. (156.) Patricia Clarke, A Colonial Woman: The Life and Times of May Braidwood (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986). (157.) Ibid. 97, 110, 112. (158.) Ibid, 3. (159.) Ibid. 110, 125, 128, 131. (160.) Ibid. 143, 146, 171. (161.) Frost, 3. See e.g. George Boxall, History of the Australian Bushrangers (Melbourne: George Robertson & Co., 1902), and Evan McHugh, Bushrangers: (Camberwell, Victoria: Penguin Books, 2011). (162. (163.) Denison, I. 32. Page 49 of 53

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Settlers (164.) Alain de Botton, The Art of Travel (New York: Pantheon, 2002). (165.) Crosby. (166.) Jan Morris, ed., Architecture of the British Empire (London: Weidenfeld & Thomas R. Metcalf, An Imperial Vision: India 9. (167.) On the role of Indians in its construction, see Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011). On British views of Indian art, see Partha Mitter, Much Maligned Monsters: A History of European Reactions to Indian Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). (168.) Rudyard Kipling, The City of Dreadful Night (New York: Alex. Grosset & Co., 1899), 5, 8. (169. (170.) Panckridge, 11. For a similar process in a different location, see Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion, (171.) Lisa Sharp, Club, 1985), 13, 22.

(Singapore Cricket

(172.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains Consuming Architecture: On the Occupation, Appropriation, and Interpretation of Buildings, ed. Daniel Maudlin and Marcel Vellinga (New York:

(173.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 227; Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 103. (174.) From the Hooghly to the Himalayas (Bombay: Times Press, 1913), 47; Journal of the Statistical Society 44 (1881): 532. (175.

The Calcutta Review 28 (1857): 209.

(176.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 51. (177.) Elizabeth Muter, China, and New Zealand (178.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 118.

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Settlers (179.) Isabel Savory, A Sportswoman in India (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1900), 331. (180.) George Otto Trevelyan, The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, 2 vols. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1876), 326. (181.) Thomas Babington Macaulay, The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. Thomas Pinney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), III. 76. (182.) Macaulay, Letters Catherine Hall, Macaulay and Son: Architects of Imperial Britain More broadly, see The Collected Papers of Otto Fenichel, ed. Hannah Fenichel and David Rapaport, Vol. I Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association Phillips, On Kissing, Tickling, and Being Bored, 77. (183.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 1. (184.) Eugenia W. Herbert, Frederick Sleigh Roberts, Forty-One Years in India (London: Macmillan and Co., 1902), 277, 293. (185.) Pat Barr, Simla: A Hill Station in British India (New York: Scribner, 1978), 39. (186.) Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, India under Ripon: A Private Diary (London: T.

(187.) Letters to Friends at Home from June 1842, to May 1843. By an Idler

(188.) Ibid. 117. (189. fancy yourself 16,000 miles from home. English people, houses, shops and good Queen of the West February 1857, NLA MS 6442. (190.) C. F. Gordon Cumming, At Home in Fiji, 5th edn. (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1885), 14. (191.

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Settlers (192.) Fermor-Hesketh, 20, 23; Journal of Historical Geography

Bull.

(193.) Hellen Vellacott, ed., Colonial Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995), 6. (194.

Queen of the West

(195.) 5100, p. 31. (196.) Ibid. 64. (197.) Lady [Mary Ann] Broome, Colonial Memories (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1904), 2. (198.) Ibid. 4. (199.) Ibid. 6. (200.) Susanna Moodie, Roughing it in the Bush; or, Life in Canada (London: Richard Bentley, 1857), p. vi. (201.) See Roughing it in the Bush

Imperial Objects:

Experience Roughing it in the Bush as Pioneering North America: Mediators of European Culture and Literature, ed. Klaus Martens (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2000), The Compass John Thurston, The Work of Words: The Writing of Susanna Strickland Moodie University Press, 1996). (202.) Moodie, 29, 114, 224. (203.) John Thurston, ed., Voyages: Short Narratives of Susanna Moodie (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991), (204.) Belich, Replenishing the Earth. (205.) Dane Kennedy, Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1987), 31, 77.

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Settlers (206.) Bickers, Settlers and Expatriates. (207.) Kennedy, Islands of White See also Doris Lessing, The Grass is Singing (1950) and The Golden Notebook (1962), as well as Karen Blixen, Out of Africa (1937). (208.) See e.g. Bernard Bergonzi, A Victorian Wanderer: The Life of Thomas Arnold the Younger (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Thomas Arnold was one of hundreds of thousands of British men and women who intended to settle overseas but, experiencing loneliness or hardship, ended up returning home to Britain. (209.) See Cooper and Stoler; Thomas, Bad Colonists; and Bickers, Empire Made Me. (210. David Copperfield and Great Expectations Obscure Nordic Journal of English Studies

Jude the

(211.) See also Ethel Turner, The Wonder-Child: An Australian Story (London: Religious Tract Society, 1902), a widower in England.

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Conclusion

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Conclusion Jeffrey A. Auerbach

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198827375.003.0007

Abstract and Keywords The Conclusion links the emergence of boredom to the modernist construction of the individual as the producer of meaning in his or her own life. It explains how imperial boredom differed from domestic forms of boredom, and not only reflected changes in the empire, but was also the product of unmet expectations about personal happiness, professional fulfillment, and financial security. It asserts that expressions of boredom were veiled confessions of discontent with the empire. And, it locates imperial boredom in the ongoing debate about regarded as a force for good in the world, suggesting, as Hannah Arendt did, that the imperial experience was fundamentally banal. It calls into question key assumptions about the British Empire, not least that it was glamorous, glorious, and filled with adventure, excitement, and opportunity. It also hints at the broader applicability of the notion of imperial boredom to empire building in the twenty-first century, as well as to the challenges of finding meaning and engagement in a world increasingly orientated around rapid stimulation. Keywords: boredom, modernity, Hannah Arendt, happiness, imperial nostalgia, hero

In his biography of Goldie Dickinson, longtime professor of Political Science and Greek Philosophy at Cambridge University and one of the leading promoters of the League of Nations as well as a fellow member of the Bloomsbury Group, E. bore

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Conclusion

1

But it was not just that the English and the Indians bored each other; the entire

2

Boredom was a recurring topic of interest for Forster. It surfaces in several of his novels, including Passage to India (1924), which focuses on whether the English and Indians could be friends. When Aziz, the warmhearted, exuberant Indian doctor who is torn between the traditional East and the modernizing West, meets the kind, respectful Mrs Moore for the first time, at a mosque, she explains that she has just arrived in India and is already bored by the European club. But when she invites him to step into the club with her, after he has escorted her there, he informs her that he is not allowed inside, delineating the remark. Upon re-entering the club, Mrs Moore is greeted by Adela Quested, her future daughter-in-law, who reveals that she too is bored with the club and the want to see the real whom it concludes. By the 1920s, British India had indeed become boring for numerous men and women, and the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that it had been that way for at least a century, ever since the Marquess of Hastings complained in 1815 that

who groused about (p.178) remembered how they read the same books over and over again and tried to find

and on the plains, in the tropics and in the desert, in summer and in winter, for men and for women. Even parliamentary debates about the empire were boring.3 Boredom was ubiquitous.

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Conclusion Imperial boredom, like boredom more generally, arose alongside and in tandem with modernity. In fact, they are inextricably linked.4 Like modernity itself, boredom was born in the eighteenth century, flowered in the nineteenth, and reached its apotheosis in the twentieth. While modernity is a slippery term and notoriously difficult to define, nineteenth-century thinkers were obsessed with what it meant to live in a rapidly changing society in which, as Karl Marx 5

Modernity describes an uncertain world in which industrial capitalism and political revolutions were creating new social and physical environments, speeding up the tempo of life, and producing dynamic new linkages and forms of communication that were binding together diverse people around the globe. It also reflects the increasingly powerful and prominent role played by bureaucratic nation states striving to expand their influence both locally and globally, and the broad secularization that left many Europeans searching for meaning and purpose in their lives. And, modernity refers to the experience and awareness of living in a modern age characterized by isolation and alienation.6 Max Weber defined it as 7

Modernity is often said to have begun with Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the incomparably introspective French philosophe who struggled to come to terms with how the individual could live amidst a maelstrom of political, social, and cultural upheaval. He was intensely concerned about boredom, which he viewed as the antithesis of pleasure, liberty, and discovery, and the product of consumerism and estrangement from nature.8 A century later, surrounded by the din of railroads and steam engines, disoriented by teeming cities and the constant stream of stories from daily newspapers, and disillusioned by the

characterized the decadence of the European fin-de-siècle. All around him he abundance. He fretted in particular about the proliferation of possibilities; how, he asked, could modern man (or woman) cope with so many choices. He worried that in such an environment, mediocrity was the only morality that made sense.9 He saw boredom as endemic among those who regarded work as a means, not an end, caring only that it provided them with a comfortable living, as well as among those who embraced industriousness as an antidote to idleness. work; only the rare, creative individual, he claimed, could turn boredom into

to try to alleviate their imperial boredom.10 (p.179) In between Rousseau and Nietzsche, Søren Kierkegaard became one of the first philosophers to articulate a theory of boredom, which he described in Page 3 of 23

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Conclusion Either/Or omnipresence: The gods were bored; therefore they created human beings. Adam was bored because he was alone; therefore Eve was created. Since that moment, boredom entered the world and grew in quantity in exact proportion to the growth of population. Adam was bored alone; then Adam and Even were bored together; then Adam and Eve and Cain and Abel were bored en famille. After that, the population of the world increased and nations were bored en masse. To amuse themselves, they hit upon the notion of building a tower so high that it would reach the sky. This notion is just as boring as the tower was high and is a terrible demonstration of how boredom had gained the upper hand. Then they were dispersed around the world, just as people now travel abroad, but they continued to be bored.11

Fleurs du Mal (1857) Baudelaire 12

Notes from Underground (1864), boredom was a

13

One could even say that the nineteenth century was the Madame

Bovary, in which boredom is an excuse for adultery, to the confining boredom of Uncle Vanya. Boredom is complex, subjective, and situational. At a minimum, it is a state of being in which one has nothing to do that one wants to do, leading to the feeling 14

There are multiple theories about its causes. Some emphasize transitory situational factors that

traits to claim that boredom is primarily about the difficulty certain individuals have finding meaning in their lives.15 There are also those who emphasize the importance of the interaction between the person and the situation, especially the moments of incongruity when individual expectations are high and environmental stimulation is low.16 It is clear though that boredom is not merely the experience of tedium or monotony, but the emotional response, the sense of frustration, emptiness, and even despair that results. In this respect, boredom

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Conclusion represents the moment when the barrier between the self and the world has broken down, when the subjective and the objective align.17 Without the modernist idea of the individual as the producer of his or her own meaning, there is no boredom. At the core of the Enlightenment was the belief that (p.180) individuals first experience the world through sensations, and subsequently develop their own individual ideas and judgments about those experiences. In other words, to be bored, individuals must first perceive

themselves struggling to do so in a given situation. To be sure, boredom is not always a bad thing. Both Gertrude Stein and F. Scott Fitzgerald viewed it as an essential part of the creative process.18 Nevertheless, a recent study has found that many people prefer self-administering electric shocks to doing nothing, making clear how unbearable boredom can be.19 Although boredom is often identified as a European phenomenon, especially in its origins, boredom was not confined to Europe, nor did it develop exclusively in Europe as an affect of the aristocracy, a manifestation of the plight of the cloistered middle-class woman, or a pose of the fin-de-siècle dandy.20 It was emphatically an imperial phenomenon as well, hence the imperative of putting metropole and colony in the same global analytical frame.21 To a considerable extent, imperial boredom developed in tandem with other manifestations of boredom, growing out of many of the same underlying social and cultural shifts that were taking place during the nineteenth century. These include the expanding capitalist economy; new ideas about work and opportunities for leisure activities; the increasingly bureaucratic quality of governance; and improvements in transportation that altered conceptions of time. But imperial boredom was also unique. The weather, in the form of unrelenting heat and torrential rains, greatly limited opportunities for outdoor activities in many regions of the empire in ways that it did not in Britain. Average temperatures in Calcutta, for example, hover around 90 degrees for six months of the year, with little respite, in contrast to Britain where temperatures are both moderate and extremely variable.22 This not only made it difficult for the men and women who were living in the empire to go for walks, play sports, or visit neighbors; it also meant that there was less variety in their daily lives. Imperial boredom was also particularly concerned with time, especially psychological 23

This was the result of the months spent on board ships; the weeks traveling up rivers or across plains; and the years of separation from family and friends. Imperial distances were vast, roads were poor (if they existed at all), and travel conditions unpredictable, all in contrast to the situation in Britain, which had the most advanced highway and railway systems in the world. If European rail travel Page 5 of 23

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Conclusion 24

imperial travel was, in effect, the opposite: men and women being annihilated by time and space. And whereas in London, with its efficient, regular mail service, there were latenineteenth-century grumblings about receiving the mail too frequently, in most of the empire one could wait months for a letter, if it arrived at all.25 Imperial boredom was also very much the product of unmet expectations about personal happiness, professional fulfillment, and financial security. Many young men went overseas to advance their careers, pursue economic riches, or seek adventure. They had been promised jobs, tiger hunts, and skirmishes with savage tribesmen; (p.181) what they often found was poverty, fruitless days hacking through the jungle, and interminable hours sitting in tents or marching across dusty plains, all of which led them to express feelings of boredom with their lives, and with the disappointing, unsatisfying situations in which they found themselves. As for women, many of them, particularly in India, had fewer domestic duties than they would have had in Britain; memsahibs were thus often at a loss as to what to do to fill their days or give meaning to their lives.26 As George Trevelyan summarized the predicament in a collection of essays he wrote while serving as a civil servant in India in the 1860s: Without plenty of work, India is unbearable. That alone can stave off languor and a depth of ennui of which a person who has never left Europe can form no conception. In a climate which keeps every one within doors from eight in the morning till five in the evening, it is, humanly speaking, impossible to make sufficient occupation for yourself, if it does not come to you in the way of business. After a prolonged absence from home, reviews and newspapers become uninteresting. Good novels are limited in number, and it is too much to expect that a lady should read history and poetry for 27

trope to India, where private lives were always on public display and where the home often served as an arena for political discussion and administrative action, women nonetheless frequently found themselves isolated from men, and even from each other, for weeks on end.28 Imperial boredom, therefore, was closely linked to the sense of discontent and disenchantment that many men and women felt with their overseas experiences. It was worse, or perhaps just more frequently expressed, than boredom in Britain because expectations were higher and opportunities more limited. There were fewer jobs, fewer neighbors, fewer

not be said of Hobart, Port Elizabeth, or Calcutta.

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Conclusion The increasing isolation of British communities overseas during the nineteenth century was important as well. It was not just that the British tried desperately, and often futilely, to re-create the lives and customs they had left behind through architecture, landscaping, diet, sport, and social activities. This alone made it difficult to embrace and enjoy the strangeness of imperial lands, turning them into places of sameness rather than difference. The British also segregated themselves socially. Whereas interracial conjugality had been commonplace and even tolerated in the late eighteenth century, it had become forbidden by the early twentieth century as, in India at least, a semi-collaborative Raj had become much more coercive, discouraging even friendships between Anglos and Indians.29 As segregation and isolation increased, so did boredom.30 Time and again, and in a range of locations, British men and women complained about seeing the same people day after day, about the smallness of their social circles. This was, of course, a problem significantly of their own making; there were few such complaints in the eighteenth century.31 But there is no question that British society in India, Australia, and the Cape was more limited than it was in Britain, where there were always new people to meet. (p.182) Perhaps above all, those who experienced imperial boredom seemed convinced that it was its own unique feeling. It was not associated with hysteria, for example, nor was it linked to a sense of philosophical nihilism.32 It was,

only had I lost much of my wonted energy, but a kind of lethargy seemed to have crept over me; a most undefinable reluctance to move about had imperceptibly Europeans call ennui which I experienced, for that sensation can always be shook off by a little moral courage and energy; but it was a state bordering on 33

In

that increasing numbers of men and women were experiencing.34 Although

shipboard diaries, to wordlessly signify the passage of time. They were not necessarily depressed, a clinical and psychiatric diagnosis, nor were they signaling a sense of angst about the world. Instead, they were suffering from extreme dissatisfaction with their immediate situation, as well as from a deficiency of meaning and purpose in their lives. In this respect, expressions of boredom were very much veiled confessions of discontent with the empire itself. Although there were occasional scandals that precipitated public critiques of empire, such as the trial of Warren Hastings and the Morant Bay Rebellion, rarely did ordinary men and women criticize the Page 7 of 23

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Conclusion empire directly or confess their loss of faith in the imperial mission, although more than a few declared quite bluntly that Australia was not the El Dorado it was often claimed to be. But they repeatedly expressed their boredom, palpably revealing their profound dissatisfaction with the imperial project with which they were involved. Boredom is a stance towards, and gauge of, what is valued and meaningful, and thus an important register of engagement with and attitudes toward the empire. Boredom can also be political: expressions of boredom often function as a form of dissent, and boredom has been viewed as a structural response on the part of social groups whose lack of public significance and feelings of alienation have inhibited their action, leaving them bored.35 Certainly many of the men and women discussed here felt marginalized in British society, even those who would normally be regarded as elites, but who still eagerly and at times pathetically sought better postings and career advancement and felt sidelined and disregarded. Imperial boredom was also an indicator of stress, which arose from multiple 36

Madame de Staël is reported

the imperial context, however, boredom and suffering were directly related. There was misery from the heat and dust and rain; disgust and frustration with the swarms of insects; lack of intellectual stimulus; and the constant pressure of confronting the unfamiliar. For soldiers, there was also the stress of battle, which boredom helped (p.183) alleviate by creating the space to nurture an inner life or to cope with the emotional and psychological damage done by the constant danger of death.37 Perhaps above all, there was stress from extreme Maritime Customs Service for almost fifty years and was separated from his wife alone friend or confidant 38 spasms of loneliness Likewise, Ethel Berry, who had followed her husband to a remote outpost in the British Yukon during the

Klondike Gold Rush, wrote that she felt so lonely and bored that she ached. All she could do, day after day, was sit at home and stare out of the window,

dead.39 According to Richard Winstedt, who spent thirty-two years in Malaya as district officer, schools inspector, and director of education, he personally knew fourteen Europeans who had shot themselves. All of them, he said, had been of sound mind when they had gone out.40 No less an imperial icon than Rudyard Kipling recognized the devastating effects of loneliness on the psyche of British officials, who often found themselves isolated and lost amid unfamiliar and disorienting surroundings. In his short Page 8 of 23

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Conclusion

of four colonial officials working alone in remote parts of India, Kipling challenges the image of the phlegmatic Englishman abroad proudly maintaining

whiteness, their isolation, and their desperation for social connection. They were

behavior worried the doctor, Spurstow, who agreed to stay behind to keep him company. Hummil, who was now on the brink of a nervous breakdown from the heat and isolation, begged Spurstow to give him some morphine to help him

The story ends with Spurstow posing a rhetorical question that neither of the 41

In this bleak portrayal of the impact of isolation, Kipling lays bare the fallacy of the myth of the stoic empire-builder. his final descent into insanity and (p.184) powerlessness to do anything about it, are all indicators of a colonial regime gone awry.

empire. He has even been credited with recasting the Anglo-Indian story of the British Empire, putting to rest the terror of 1857 and transforming India into a place of masculine achievement and national celebration.42 According to Andrew the [Indian] continent which was a bore as an enchanted land, full of marvels 43

44

Yet even as Kipling was romanticizing the period of heroic male conquest and painting a vivid picture of a timeless, picturesque India teeming with people and religions that has been branded an Orientalist fantasy,45 he was also exposing the fundamental boredom of imperial lives, especially of the common soldier and the housebound memsahib. Not surprisingly, Kipling himself had grown bored of India in the late 1880s when he returned to Lahore from the hills and found Page 9 of 23

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Conclusion

46

constructing a mythology of imperialism on the one hand while simultaneously revealing a darker side characterized by loneliness, misery, self-doubt, and boredom.47 To be sure, there have been, especially in the wake of decolonization, those voices that have denied that the empire was boring. English journalist and historian Iris Butler, who was born in Simla and whose father served as Governor of the Central Provinces from 1925 to 1933, insisted in the preface to

fact, memories of India and my Indian friends have lightened hours of acute

homesickness because home-making, motherhood, security, and the comfort of were seldom bored for they had interesting work to do, marvelous sport, and 48

While she may have been correct about women, although the reasons for their widespread and oppressive boredom were much more complex than Butler acknowledged, she was quite wrong about the men, who were bored on ships, bored traveling through imperial lands, bored governing the empire, bored fighting for the empire, and bored settling the empire.

found it boring in retrospect, illustrates how imperial nostalgia can serve as a beginning with The Jewel in the Crown (1966) about the final years of British Plain Tales from the Raj (1974), a BBC Radio oral history project (p.185) that compiled memories of colonial India; and M. M. The Far Pavilions (1978), which tells the story of a British century, and which was turned into a successful television miniseries. All of them enthusiastically catalogue reminiscences and Anglo-Indian lore, emphasizing the hardships of imperial service and the unfailing devotion and courage of the men and women who lived overseas during the waning decades of British rule. Recalling his motives for undertaking the BBC project, Allen, who was born in Cawnpore and was the son of a British civil servant, emphasized what he claimed was the misrepresentation of those who ran the British Empire, whose hard work was being ignored, whose good intentions were being mocked, and who were being decried as accomplices to oppression. His goal, he said, was to Page 10 of 23

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Conclusion family separations, the boredom of remote postings, the poverty of the not only misconceived but evil.49 There are actually several different kinds of imperial nostalgia. It has been 50

In the form of

51

In this respect it is a kind of It also generates big profits, both in Britain and in India, where majestic Edwardian hotels in Simla still serve roast lamb, bread 52

pudding, and Pimms.53 Imperial nostalgia can also take the form of historical amnesia, in declarations that the British Empire was about good government and economic progress, despite the difficulty of reconciling these claims with the millions of Indians who perished in late-nineteenth- and twentieth-century famines even as British administrators were insisting on the export of Indian grain, or with the impoverishment of the region now known as Bangladesh, which had been one of the richest parts of the world before the British destroyed its cotton industry and introduced a plantation economy based on tea and jute production.54 One of the most visible manifestations of Raj nostalgia are tours of colonial cemeteries, like the South Park Street Cemetery in Kolkata, which has become an object worthy of historical interest and preservation in part because it memorializes one of the greatest hardships of empire, the notoriously high mortality rates from disease among Europeans in India. Many Europeans who embarked for India prior to the nineteenth century never returned to their lands year period that became the standard means of describing their abbreviated life expectancy.55 These cemeteries give the empire a veneer of nobility, serving as a tribute to the many European lives cut short in the service of empire. This glorification of the dead dates back at least to the early twentieth century, when Calcutta, Old and New (1907) plaintively described cemeteries 56

Tellingly though, most of the graves Cotton describes date from the late eighteenth (p.186) and early nineteenth centuries, when the empire was truly perilous. He says little about the graves of those who, from the 1830s on, were much less likely to die 57

but they are selective ones. There are no memorials

to the bored.

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Conclusion Regardless of its form, imperial nostalgia denies the fundamental boredom of Remnants of an Army (1879) heroic endurance (Fig. 6.1 repackaged imperial hardship as a moral duty, so does Raj nostalgia transform dreary, disenchanted lives characterized by unmet expectations and debilitating isolation into misty-eyed stories of luxury, leisure, and affection. In Plain Tales from the Raj 58

To

say otherwise would mean calling (p.187) into question centuries of British rule and suggesting that all those lives lost and lived overseas had been in vain. But of course the empire has always been about propaganda, from exaggerated claims about Virginia in the sixteenth century, to larger-than-life portraiture and colossal stone monuments in the eighteenth, to print advertisements for soap and tea and exhibitions in the nineteenth, all long before the government established the Empire Marketing Board in the 1920s.59 Raj nostalgia is just the latest iteration. One of the oft-repeated claims about the empire is that Victorian men pursued imperial adventure because they were bored in Britain. In Allan Quatermain (1887), H. Rider successful Mines, it is boredom that drives the eponymous hero to Africa. And in An Adventurer of the North (1895) by Canadian-born novelist and politician Gilbert Parker, the protagonist Dick

undertook his perilous journey civilization 60

But while boredom may have been one of the factors motivating men to look overseas for excitement, what they so often found, to their dismay and profound disappointment, was even more

Fig. 6.1. The Remnants of an Army (1879). Tate. Lady Butler was the most famous battle artist of the nineteenth century, and, befitting someone born into a family whose fortunes had been made from West Indian sugar plantations, and whose husband had served in India and Africa, she was an indefatigable supporter of empire. She was known especially for her large somber pictures commemorating the experiences of ordinary soldiers which sought not so much to glorify as to elicit sympathy for their plight. This painting depicts the catastrophic retreat of British forces from Kabul in 1842

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Conclusion boredom. In fact, boredom was endemic to the imperial experience, even constitutive of it. The very fact that so many nineteenth-century imperial novels warn of the dangers of boredom suggests its very presence, if not omnipresence.61 At the heart of the British Empire lies a contradiction. The empire has, from its inception, been told as a story of heroes.62 Yet it has also been castigated for its violence, rapaciousness, and racist claims of superiority.63 This polarized debate is very much about

during the First Afghan War, when thousands of British and European soldiers, Indian Sepoys, and camp followers were subjected to constant attack along the route through the mountains, so that by the time Dr. William Brydon, assistant surgeon in the Bengal Army, arrived alone at the gates of the British garrison at Jellalabad, he was painting shows the wounded doctor clinging to his saddle to prevent himself from collapsing, while a rescue party rides out to meet him. His horse, with knees buckling and parched tongue hanging out, reinforces the message of heroic endurance and redemption.

politics, whether the British Empire should be regarded as a force for good in the world.64 It certainly was the largest empire in history, encompassing almost railroads; they disseminated industrial and agricultural techniques and technology; they established educational institutions that taught boys and girls how to read and write; they provided medical services; they also introduced their well-developed legal and judicial systems. Niall Ferguson, among others, has lauded the empire for spreading the English language, English forms of land tenure, English and Scottish banking practices, representative assemblies, even the very idea of liberty.65 Along with these, of course, came death, enslavement, imprisonment, famine, alienation from land and resources, distortion of colonial economies, erosion if not elimination of local cultures and traditions, and decades of poverty and instability almost everywhere the British ruled, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe.66 Even by its own metrics the British Empire was a failure. As Richard Casey, the Governor of Bengal, wrote shortly before Indian medieval system of agriculture, no roads, no education, no cottage industries, 67

When the British left India in 1947 after 200 years of imperial rule, adult literacy was still only 13 percent, life expectancy was a mere thirty-four years, and the economy was one of the poorest in the world, a far cry from what it had been in the early eighteenth century when India accounted for almost one-quarter of world GDP.68

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Conclusion (p.188) Any analysis of the British Empire is therefore, by extension, also about

69

James Bryce, the well-known jurist and Liberal politician who authored the 1915 report on German atrocities in Belgium, claimed in his comparative study of the British 70

On the other hand, anthropologist Johannes Fabian

opiates, alcohol, sex, fever, and fatigue.71 What if, however, many of the individuals involved in the empire, whether administrators, travelers, soldiers, or 72

What if they were not heroes or villains, builders or destroyers, but merely unexceptional men and women, young and old, rich and poor, struggling, often without success, to find happiness and economic security in an increasingly alienating world? What if the men of empire were not so much great men as bored men? Recognizing the pervasiveness of imperial boredom has implications not just for our understanding of the British Empire, but for how we conceive of empirebuilding more broadly. To highlight the pervasive and unrelenting boredom of the empire is also to suggest that the imperial experience was fundamentally banal, to use the term made famous by Hannah Arendt in Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), her analysis of the Holocaust.73 controversial,74 some of her claims about the Nazis are surprisingly applicable to British imperialists, despite the moral difficulties of equating the two.75 Most of the men responsible for the empire were not brave explorers or visionary politicians, but unexceptional civil servants and ordinary soldiers, many of them younger sons without an inheritance or obvious place in society. Overseas, their jobs consisted largely of bureaucratic minutiae, including endless hours responding to trivial letters and officiously collecting information. And, at the organizational level, there was no single governmental department responsible for administrating the empire, but rather a myriad of parallel institutions, and numerous officials wrote about the inefficiencies and lack of central planning overseeing the empire. There is then, an underlying banality to the British imperial experience, in which boredom played a significant role. Imperial boredom, therefore, calls into question many assumptions about the British Empire, not least that it was glamorous, glorious, and filled with adventure, excitement, and opportunity. Time and again men and women expressed their feelings of boredom to indicate the absence of these very things. These admissions came from soldiers and settlers who felt estranged from any sense of imperial mission, and from administrators who struggled to reconcile their sense of imperial duty and responsibility with the mundane nature of their Page 14 of 23

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Conclusion daily lives. The numerous and varied confessions of boredom provide overwhelming evidence that the British Empire was much less satisfying in its heyday than accounts have suggested. Indeed, (p.189) they illuminate a widespread disenchantment with the empire. The empire, it seems, was not often a very happy or satisfying place for the colonizer, let alone for the colonized. It was, put simply, dull and disappointing. According to Harry Frankfurt, longtime professor of philosophy at Princeton University, boredom results not just from not being interested in whatever one is doing, but from not caring.76 During the nineteenth century, the British Empire was increasingly traveled by men and women who found it difficult to care about that empire, in the sense that the empire did not fulfill them in the way or to the extent that they hoped. The rampant expressions of imperial boredom suggest the inability empire in which they were participating. It has been argued, controversially, that the British in the late nineteenth and Britons their empire did not have everyday relevance, and that they frequently did not pay attention to it.77 If so, it may also be because the British were, quite simply, bored by their empire. And while the monotony of the long overseas journey, or the boredom from traipsing through uninteresting landscapes, or the mind-numbing tasks of a provincial district officer, or the debilitating isolation of a squatter, or the years of inaction that many soldiers experienced, could be accommodated for a while by notions of patriotic or matrimonial duty or a desire for wealth or adventure, they eventually took their toll. It may well be that the expressions of boredom that flourished during the nineteenth century laid the emotional foundation for the British to leave their empire behind in the twentieth. (p.190) Notes:

(1.) Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography (London: Bodley Head, 1936), 28. (2.) Stanley A. Wolpert, Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 29. (3. Edinburgh Review 144 (1840): 331. (4. Allison Pease, Modernism, Feminism and the Culture of Boredom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

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Conclusion (5.) Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Penguin, 1988); Stuart Hall et al., eds., Modernity: An Introduction to Modern Societies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996); Gerard Delanty, Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. George Ritzer (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007). (6.) Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992). (7.) From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), See also Gilbert G. Germain, A Discourse on Disenchantment: Reflections on Politics and Technology (Albany: State University of New York Twentieth-century social theorists, such as Walter Benjamin, have likewise identified boredom as one of the salient symptoms of modernity, but none of them has investigated the relationship between boredom and empire. (8.) Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile: Or, On Education, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1979); Berman, 17. (9.) Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, ed. Rolf-Peter Horstmann and Judith Norman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 160. (10.) Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science, trans. Walter Kauffmann (New York: Random House, 1974), 93, 108; Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits, trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 120, 125, 151, 194, 241, 294. (11.) The Essential Kierkegaard, ed. Edward V. Hong and Edna Hong (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 51. Hegel also touched on the problem of boredom, relating it to a decline in religiosity in the late Roman Empire and in

12:

The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. , ed. Ellis Sandoz (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Possessed

Humanitas

(12.) Dalle Pezze and Salzani, 7. (13.) Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from Underground, trans. and ed. Michael Katz

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Conclusion (14.) Perspectives on Psychological Science 7 (2013): 482. See also Personality and Individual Differences (15.) The former include D. E. Berlyne, Conflict, Arousal, and Curiosity (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960), 187, and Acta Psychological The best example of the latter is Viktor Frankl, , 4th edn. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992). (16.) Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1975), and Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience (New York: Harper & Row, 1990). (17. (18.

The New York Times, 19 April

2015. See also Business Review, 9 September 2014;

Harvard Creativity Research Journal 26 (2014):

(19. Science (20.) Flora Tristan, London Journal: A Survey of London Life in the 1830s, trans. Dennis Palmer and Giselle Pincetl (London: George Prior, 1980), 5; Lee Anna Maynard, Beautiful Boredom: Idleness and Feminine Self-Realization in the Victorian Novel (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 2009); Deborah L. Parsons, Streetwalking the Metropolis: Women, the City and Modernity (21.) See Hall, Civilising Subjects, 9, building on the earlier work of Cooper and Stoler. For a study of late-colonial and postcolonial fiction and the relationship between boredom and modernity, see Saikit Majumdar, Prose of the World: Modernism and the Banality of Empire (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2013). (22.) Average temperatures in London range from 45 from 65 degrees, and high temperatures rarely exceed 75 degrees, and then not for very long. In Calcutta, on the other hand, average temperatures from April to September approach 90 degrees, with rainfall during the monsoon months that is five times as much as in London. See www.holiday-weather.com.

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Conclusion (23. The Fundamental Concepts of Metaphysics, trans. William McNeill as well as Kern. (24. (25.) On the former, see Max Nordau, Degeneration (New York: D. Appleton and On the challenges of establishing an imperial mail service, see Robert E. Forrester, (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014); James Onley, The Arabian Frontier of the British Raj: Merchants, Rulers, and the British in the Nineteenth-Century Gulf (Oxford:

(26.) Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj (27.) Trevelyan, The Competition Wallah (28.) Procida, Married to the Empire (29.) In addition to Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, Ghosh, and Cox, see Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex and Class under the Raj 1980), and Shompa Lahiri, Indians in Britain: Anglo-Indian Encounters, Race and (London: Routledge, 2013). For a different and more complicated trajectory focusing on New Zealand, see Damon Ieremia Salesa, Racial Crossings: Race, Intermarriage, and the Victorian British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). (30.) There are many modern parallels, not least in contemporary Afghanistan, where women are veiled and Western women are encouraged to do likewise, Barbara Bick, Walking the Precipice: Witness to the Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan (New York: The Feminist Press at The City University of New York, 2009), ix. Other examples include college campuses and prisons: see Wilson R. Palacios, Cocktails and Dreams: Perspectives on Drug and Alcohol Use (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2004), and K. C. Carcarel, Prison, Inc. A Convict Exposes Life inside a Private Prison, ed. Thomas J. Bernard (New York: New York University Press, 2006). (31.) This was true not only in India, but in British North America as well. See Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great (New York: Cambridge University Press), 1991. (32.) See e.g. Elaine Showalter, The Female Malady: Women, Madness and (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985); Josef Breuer and

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Conclusion Sigmund Freud, Studies on Hysteria, trans. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 2000). (33.) Emmeline Lott, The English Governess in Egypt, 4th edn. (London: Richard

(34.) The phrase is from Goodstein, 1. (35.) Wolf Lepenies, Melancholy and Society, trans. Judith N. Shklar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). (36. National Post, 3 November 2012. (37.) Amanda Laugesen, Imaginative Lives of Australian Soldiers in the Great War and Beyond (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012). (38.) J. K. Fairbank, K. F. Bruner, and E. Matheson, eds., The I. G. in Peking: (Cambridge, MA: 1975), II. 1078, as well as Buettner, Empire Families. (39. sic San Francisco Examiner Sunday Magazine, 1 August 1897, quoted in Frances Backhouse, ed., Women of the Klondike (North Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 1995), 38. (40.) Richard Winstedt, Start from Alif: Count from One, an Autobiographical Memoire are surely numerous examples of imperial suicide, even if the phenomenon itself has not received scholarly treatment. See the example of Major-General Hector Macdonald in Ceylon in 1903 after allegations of sex with Sinhalese boys, discussed in Ronald Hyam, Understanding the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 440. (41.)

Life Handicap (Edinburgh: R.

(42.) Imperial Desire: Dissident Sexualities and Colonial Literature, eds. Philip Holden and Richard R. Ruppel (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 67, 86. (43.) Andrew Lang, Essays in Little 200.

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Conclusion (44. 1895), 140.

The Bookman 7 (February

(45.) Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), For a critique of this position see Journal of World History 328. (46.) Quoted in David Gilmour, The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002), 72. (47.) Zohreh T. Sullivan, Narratives of Empire: The Fictions of Rudyard Kipling

(48.) Iris Butler, (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1969), 13. (49.) Martin Thomas, Fight or Flight: Britain, France, and their Roads from Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 367; Buettner, Empire Families,

(50.) Renato Rosaldo, Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis

(51.) British Culture and the End of Empire, ed. Stuart Ward (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 169. One example is Simon Winchester, Outposts: Journeys to the Surviving Relics of the British Empire (New York: HarperCollins, 2003). Antoinette Burton has pointed

British Culture, 217, as well as Elizabeth History & Memory (52.) Paul Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006). (53. The Guardian, 19 March 2015; Hugh Purcell, After the Raj: Plain Tales of Those Who Stayed on After Independence (Stroud: The History Press, 2008); Irish Times, 25 June 2004.

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Conclusion (54.

Le Monde diplomatique (May Foreign Affairs, 19 August 2015.

(55. Theon Wilkinson, Two Monsoons: The Life and Death of Europeans in India, 2nd edn. (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1976). (56.) H. E. A. Cotton, Calcutta Old and New: A Historical and Descriptive Handbook to the City (57.) The term comes from Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). (58.) Charles Allen, ed., Plain Tales from the Raj (London: Futura Macdonald & Co., 1976), 21, 24, 174. (59.) In addition to Tobin, Hoock, and Meller, see Said, Culture and Imperialism; MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire; Anandi Ramamurthy, Imperial Persuaders: Images of African and Asia in British Advertising (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); John McAleer and John M. MacKenzie, eds., Exhibiting the Empire: Cultures of Display and the British Empire (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015); Imperial Defense: The Old World Order and Stephen Constantine, Buy and Hold: The Advertising Posters of the Empire Marketing Board (London: HMSO, 1986). (60.) Gilbert Parker, An Adventurer of the North (London: Methuen, 1895), 250, 294. (61.) Laurence Kitzan, Victorian Writers and the Image of Empire: The RoseColored Vision (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001), 42. (62.) The heroic version of empire is particularly evident in Paxman. Other recent examples include Sarah Rose, For All the Tea in China (London: Penguin, 2010 replete with pirates, hardship, and narrow escapes; Janet Wallach, Desert Queen Into Africa: The Epic Adventures of Stanley and Livingstone Andrew Marshall, The Trouser People: A Story of Burma in the Shadow of Empire (London: Penguin, 2002), about George Scott, Page 21 of 23

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Conclusion

(63.) Criticism of the empire goes back at least to J. A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (New York: James Pott, 1902). More recently, see Caroline Elkins, Imperial (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2005); Kwasi Kwarteng, the Modern World (London; Bloomsbury, 2011); Richard Gott, Resistance, Repression and Revolt (London: Verso, 2011); Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Nino Famines and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso, 2001); Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar (London: Bloomsbury, 2006); and, more humorously, Steven A. Grasse, The Evil Empire: 101 Ways that England Ruined the World (Philadelphia: Quirk Books, 2007). (64.) See, among many, History Today The Wall Street Journal, 14 June 2005; Niall Ferguson, The New York Times Magazine Walter Russell Mead, God and Gold: Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 2007 Daily Mail, 21 July 2015. (65.) Ferguson, Empire, xxv. (66. The Guardian, 6 April 2011. (67.) Richard Gardiner Casey,

(New York:

McKay, 1962), 210. (68.) Ian Copland, (London: Routledge, 2001), 78; Robert Marks, The Origins of the Modern World, 2nd edn. Neil Charlesworth, British (London: Macmillan, 1982), 14. (69. Daily Mail, 18 April 2012; Bertrand Russell, (London: Routledge, 2001), 415. (70.) Studies in History and Jurisprudence, Vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1901), 59. (71.) Johannes Fabian, Out of Our Minds: Reason and Madness in the Exploration of Central Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).

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Conclusion (72.) Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: Harper Collins, 1992). Somerset Maugham

Collected Short Stories, Vol. 4 (New York: Penguin, 1978), 8. (73.) Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem. Majumdar provides one recent foray in this direction, focusing on the modernist Anglophone fiction of James Joyce and Katherine Mansfield. (74.) See Bettina Stangneth, Eichmann before Jerusalem: The Unexamined Life of a Mass Murderer (New York: Knopf, 2014 Encounter Western Society after the Holocaust, ed. Lyman H. Legters (Boulder: Westview Press, 1983); Richard J. Bernstein, Hannah Arendt and the Meaning of Politics, ed. Craig Calhoun and John McGowan (Minneapolis: University of

(75.) Elkins hints at a similar line of analysis. (76.) Harry G. Frankfurt, Necessity, Volition, and Love (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). See also The Importance of What We Care About (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). (77.) Bernard Porter, Absent-Minded Imperialists.

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Notes

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

(p.191) Notes Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Abbreviations ANMM Australian National Maritime Museum, Sydney BL British Library, London NLA National Library of Australia, Canberra NMM National Maritime Museum, Greenwich PRO National Archives, Kew SLNSW State Library of New South Wales, Sydney

Introduction (1.) George Orwell, Burmese Days 29, 32, 70. For a similar portrayal, see Edward Thompson, An Indian Day (London: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927). (2.) Orwell, 41. (3.) See Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London: Routledge, 1994); Robert Dixon, Writing the Colonial Adventure: Race, Gender and Nation in Anglo-Australian Fiction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Richard Phillips, Mapping Men and Empire: Geographies of Adventure (London: Routledge, 1997).

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Notes (4.) Berny Sèbe, Heroic Imperialists in Africa: The Promotion of British and (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013); John M. Mackenzie, ed., Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986). (5.) Bernard Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists (Oxford: Oxford University

(6.) Compare, for example, Niall Ferguson, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London: Allen Lane, 2002), with Mark Cocker, Rivers of Blood, (London: Jonathan Cape, 1998) and Basil Davidson, Nation State (New York: Random House, 1992). (7.) Those in the first group include Thomas Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa, (New York: Random House, 1991); Peter Hopkirk, The Great Game: The Struggle for Empire in Central Asia (New York: Kodansha International, 1990); Karl E. Meyer and Shareen Blair Brysac, Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia (Washington, DC: Counterpoint, 1999); Kathryn Tidrick, Empire and the English Character (London: Tauris, 1992); Frank McLynn, Hearts of Darkness: The European Exploration of Africa (New York: Carroll and Graff, 1992); and Brian Thompson Imperial Vanities: The Adventures of the Baker Brothers and the Gordon of Khartoum (London: HarperCollins, 2002). Scholars in the second group include Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes (London: Routledge, 1992); Geoffrey Dutton, The Hero as Murderer: The Life of Edward John Eyre, Australian Explorer and (p.192) (Sydney: Collins, 1967); I. F. Nicolson, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969); and Johannes Fabian, Out of Our Minds: Reason and Madness in the Exploration of Central Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). One notable exception is Dane Kennedy, The Highly Civilized Man: Richard Burton and the Victorian World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). (8.) Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1992); Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). (9.) James Morris, Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire (New York: Harcourt, Brace, & World, 1968). There has been very little work on non-elite colonists. Exceptions include Robert Bickers, Empire Made Me: An Englishman Adrift in Shanghai (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003); Nicholas Thomas and Richard Eves, Bad Colonists: The South Sea Letters of Vernon Lee Walker and Page 2 of 89

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Notes Louis Becke (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Lucy Frost, No Place for a Nervous Lady: Voices from the Australian Bush, rev. edn. (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1995); Elizabeth Buettner, Empire Families: Britons and Late Imperial India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). (10.) Clements Markham, ed., Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet, and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa (London: Trübner and

(11.) Mary Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (1897; London: Everyman, 1976), 157. (12.) Daily Telegraph, 17 August 1866, quoted in Christine Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971), 143. (13.) See Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety: Experiencing Flow in Work and Play (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1975) and Adam Phillips, On Kissing, Tickling, and Being Bored (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,

(14.) Harriet Martineau, Eastern Life (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1848), 58. (15.) Eugen Weber, France, Fin de Siècle (Cambridge: Cambridge University According to T. C. W. Blanning, French politician Alphonse La France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 241. (16.) Flaubert in Egypt, trans. and ed. Francis Steegmuller (New York: Penguin Books, 1972), 140; Alain de Botton, The Art of Travel (New York: Pantheon Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary, trans. Margaret Mauldon (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 252. (17.) J.-K. Huysmans, The Cathedral, trans. Clara Bell, ed., C. Kegan Paul (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1922), 152. (18.) Patricia Meyer Spacks, Boredom: The Literary History of a State of Mind Peter Toohey, Boredom: A Lively History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011). In 1780, for example, boring. See her Diary and Letters, Vol. I (London: Henry Colburn, 1843), 424. (19.) See Spacks, as well as Barbara Dalle Pezze and Carlo Salzani, eds., Essays on Boredom and Modernity (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009); Reinhard Kuhn, The Demon of Noontide: Ennui in Western Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976); Elizabeth Goodstein, Experience without Qualities: Page 3 of 89

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Notes Boredom and Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004). There were also expressions of boredom in the United States: see Daniel Paliwoda, Melville and the Theme of Boredom (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 2010).

(p.193) (20.) Stanley Parker, The Sociology of Leisure (London: Allen & Unwin, 1976), 24. See also Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost: England Before the Industrial Age 35. (21.) Past and Present The culmination of this process came at the turn of the twentieth century: see Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983). In The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), Wolfgang Schivelbusch links boredom to

(22.) The Birth of a Consumer Society, eds. Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb (Bloomington: Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in (London: Routledge, 1978); Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, F. M. L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain

(23.) Plumb, 316; id., The Pursuit of Happiness: A View of Life in Georgian England (New Haven: Yale Center for British Art, 1977). (24.) See Lorenzo Infantino, Individualism in Modern Thought: From Adam Smith to Hayek (London: Routledge, 1998); Alan Macfarlane, The Origins of English Individualism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978); Ian Watt, Myths of Modern Individualism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Daniel Shanahan, Toward a Genealogy of Individualism (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992); Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977); Full Revelation of the Self: Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the Birth of Deep Philosophy Now

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Notes (25.) Elizabeth Johns et al., eds., New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian and American Landscapes (Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 1998). (26.) Dane Kennedy, The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Margaret MacMillan, Women of the Raj (London: Thames & Hudson, 1988). (27.) Giles Tillotson, The Artificial Empire: The Indian Landscapes of William Hodges (London: Curzon, 2000); British Art Journal (28.) Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). See also Reinhold Schiffer, Oriental Panoramas: British Travelers in Nineteenth-Century Turkey (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999). Spacks does not even mention the empire. (29.) Phillips, 77. (30.) Ibid. 69. Susan Sontag has written about the creative purpose of boredom. See 1980, ed. David Rieff (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2012).

(p.194) (31.) David Wynford Carnegie, Letters from Nigeria (Brechin: Black & Johnston, 1902), 18. (32.) Mrs Robert Moss [August E.] King, (London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1994), 261. (33.) Lars Svendson, A Philosophy of Boredom (London: Reaktion Books, 2005), 17. (34.) Peter Gay, Education of the Senses, Vol. 1 of The Bourgeois Experience, Victoria to Freud Scholars former as creative outlets and private channels for women to explore and express their feelings, akin to sanctuaries and confessionals. See Alison Blunt, Gender, Place and Culture Felicity A. Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989);

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Notes (35.) Thomas and Eyes; Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984); John Martin, American Historical Review (36.) Simon Gikandi, Maps of Englishness: Writing Identity in the Cultures of Colonialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon, 1991). (37.) According to Walter Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982), language, with its nervous movement between self-as-writer and self-as-

(38.) Biography 25

fear that the past may slide away into uncertainty, leaving the self less solid as it

(39.) Jeremy Black, The British Seaborne Empire (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). (40.) For an insightful analysis of nineteenth-century tourist travel and the relationship between expectation and disappointment, see Cultures of Empire: Colonizers in Britain and the Empire in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (41.) Similarly, In Uganda during the 1890s, twenty-five officials exerted authority over three million people. See Bernard Porter, , 2nd edn. (London: Longman, 1984), 46; Ronald Hyam, Empire and Expansion, 3rd edn. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 310. (42.)

Common Knowledge 11 (2005):

(43.) See John Brewer, The Sinews of Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989) and Charles Tilly, (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1990). Philip Harling and Peter Mandler suggest a Journal of British Studies

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Notes (p.195) (44.) See Daniel Bivona, Administration of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), and Peter Crooks and Timothy Parson, Empires and Bureaucracy: From Late Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). On the India Civil Service, see Bradford Spangenberg, British Bureaucracy in India: Status, Policy, and the I.C. S. in the Late 19th Century (Columbia, MO: South Asian Books, 1976) and Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the Late-Victorian Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). In The Cash Nexus: Money and Politics in Modern (New York: Basic Books, 2002), Niall Ferguson locates the Charles Richard Perry, The Victorian Post Office: The Growth of a Bureaucracy (Rochester: Boydell Press, 1992); Jill Pellew, Clerks to Bureaucrats (East Brunswick, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1982); English Historical Review 53. (45.) See Byron Farwell, 1985); Bruce Vandervort,

(New York: W. W. Norton,

(Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1998); Bruce Collins, War and Empire: (Harlow: Pearson, 2010); Charles Allen, (London: Carroll & Graf, 2001); James Belich, The New Zealand Wars (Auckland: Penguin Books, 1988); Saul David, York: Viking, 2006); Donald F. Featherstone,

(New

(Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1973); Ian Hernon, Massacre and Retribution: Forgotten Wars of the Nineteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1998). (46.) John Henderson, Excursions and Adventures in New South Wales; with pictures of squatting and of life in the bush, 2nd edn. (London: Saunders and Otley, 1854), II. 275. (47.) (London, 1868), 54; The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. Thomas Pinney, Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 76. (48.) See Jeremy Black, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century Brian Dolan, Ladies of the Grand Tour: British Women in Pursuit of Enlightenment and Adventure in EighteenthCentury Europe (New York: HarperCollins, 2001); John Pemble, The

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Notes Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). (49. of life. Pain, he opined, was for the have-nots, boredom for the haves. It was, he said, a question of affluence, an observation largely though by no means entirely borne out by the men and women who traveled the British Empire in the nineteenth century. Of course, the well-off also tended to be more literate and to have the time and means to put their thoughts on paper and get them published. See The Wisdom of Life, trans. T. Baily Saunders (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1897), 23 and Gertrude Encounter 15 (1960):

(50.) On the empire of the Nabobs, see Tillman Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) and Nicholas B. Dirks, The Scandal of Empire: India and the Creation of Imperial Britain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006). On the move to a more virtuous (p.196) empire, see , ed. and Thomas R. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj (51.) Historians are increasingly finding ways to situate specific modes of feeling and articulations of sentiment within the contours created by particular societies and epochs. William Reddy, for example, has suggested that the very act of exhibiting a feeling may largely create the experience of it. See The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge, 2001), esp. pp. critical turning point towards the adoption of emotional restraint that continued well into the twentieth century. See American Historical Review 107 (2002): Carol Zisowitz Stearns and Peter N. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Journal of British Studies (52.) Elspeth Huxley, Four Guineas: A Journey through West Africa (London: Chatto & Windus, 1954), 127. (53.) Jamaica Kincaid, A Small Place (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1988), 18. Similarly, Lady Minto, whose husband served as Viceroy and Page 8 of 89

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Notes

observation may reflect a good dose of snobbish frustration. See My Indian Journal (Calcutta, n.p., n.d.), III. 46. On the other hand, Zareer Masani servants of the Raj. See Indian Tales of the Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 107. (54.) See the many books by Henry Reynolds, including Aborigines and Settlers: (North Melbourne: Cassell Australia, 1972), The Other Side of the Frontier (Sydney: NewSouth Books, 1986), and An (Ringwood, Victoria: Viking, 2001), as well as Peter Read, The Stolen Generations: The (Surry Hills, NSW: NSW Department of Aboriginal Affairs, 2006). Also relevant is Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts (London: Verso, 2002). (55.) Robert V. Hine and John Mack Farragher, The American West: A New Interpretive History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), suggest that the spaces of the trans-Mississippi West was filled with hard work, monotony, and the American West

Richard A. Bartlett, Great Surveys of One

particularly well-known account of the monotony of the frontier American West is Eugene F. Ware, The Indian War of 1864 (Topeka: Crane & Company, 1911). (56.) Anna Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1923), 54. See also Wendy Roy, Maps of Difference: Canada, Women, and Travel (57.) G. P. Gooch, Under Six Reigns (London: Longmans, Green, 1959), 123. (58.) John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1961). Ann Laura Stoler and Frederick Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World and Catherine Hall, (p.197) Civilizing Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), both emphasize the importance of putting metropole and colony into a single analytic plane. (59.) Thomas R. Metcalf, Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); Durba Gosh and Dane Kennedy, eds., Decentering Empire: Britain, India, and the Transcolonial World (Hyderabad: Longman, 2006).

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Notes (60.) In addition to Pratt, see Alan Lester, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain (London: Routledge, 2001); Zoë Laidlaw, and Colonial Government (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005); Damon Ieremia Salesa, Racial Crossings: Race, Intermarriage, and the Victorian British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); Michael H. Fisher, (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004); Jeffrey Cox, Imperial Fault Lines: Christianity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002); Felicity A. Nussbaum, Torrid Zones: Maternity, Sexuality, and Empire in Eighteenth-Century England Narratives (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); Tony Ballantyne, Orientalism and Race: Aryanism in the British Empire (New York: Palgrave, 2002); Alison Games, The Web of Empire: (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Journal of British Studies (61.) Nicholas Thomas, Government (62.) Fanny Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1844), I. 21, 48. (63.) This develops, in a different methodological and broader geographic

Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 7 (1979): Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (64.) In this regard, this study contributes to the recent historiographical trend that has focused on imperial vulnerabilities and weaknesses, rather than imperial strengths. See Linda Colley, Captives (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002); Porter, Absent-Minded Imperialists; Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). (65.) I am indebted to the model work of Maya Jasanoff in Edge of Empire: Lives, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005) and (New York: Vintage Books, 2011). Page 10 of 89

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Notes (66.) J. R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (London: Macmillan, 1883), 8. (67.) The most comprehensive survey is William Roger Louis, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire See also David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), and Andrew Porter, European (London: Macmillan, 1994).

(p.198) Chapter 1. Voyages (1.) H. G. Keene, 1897), 48.

(London: W. Thacker & Co.,

(2.

Kevin Brown, Passage to the (Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing, 2013) and Dale Spender, Writing a New World: Two Centuries of Australian Women Writers (London: Pandora, 1988). (3.) Emma Roberts, The East India Voyager, or Ten Minutes Advice to the Outward Bound (London: J. Madden & Co., 1839), 9. (4.) Evan Cotton, MacMillan, Women of the Raj

, Nathaniel Philbrick, Mayflower (New York: Siân Rees, The Floating Brothel (London:

(5.) Jean Sutton, Lords of the East: The East India Company and its Ships (London: Conway Maritime Press, 1981), 105. (6.) Ibid.

Basil Greenhill and Ann Giffard, Travelling by

Sea in the Nineteenth Century Peter Kemp, The British Sailor: A Social History of the Lower Deck (London: J. M. Dent, 1970); Black, The British Seaborne Empire, 48. (7.) In addition to Colley, see Martin Daunton and Rick Halpern, eds., Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999); Anne Salmond, The Trial South Seas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). (8.) Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East, Marston & Co., 1896), 155. (9.) Ibid. Page 11 of 89

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Notes (10.) Ibid. (11.) Ibid. unusually high. The first fleet of the East India Company, which sailed to Sumatra, lost 182 out of 400 men (40 percent) in two and a half years. See Brian Gardner, The East India Company (New York: McCall Publishing Company, 1971), 27. (12.) Letters Received by the East India Company

Richmond Barbour, Huntington John Keay, The Honourable Company

Library Quarterly

(13.) Philip Lawson, The East India Company: A History (London: Longman, 1993), 20, 23. (14.) Letters Received by the East India Company, 13. (15.) Ibid. (16.

Marvelous Possessions; Jonathan P. A. Sell, (Aldershot: Ashgate,

2006). (17.) Letters Received by the East India Company (18.)

Journal of

Navigation (19.) N. A. M. Rodger, The Wooden World: An Anatomy of the Georgian Navy (London: Collins, 1986), 51. (20.) John Fryer, A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters (London: R. Chiswell, 1698), 2, 10. (21.) Ibid.

(p.199) (22.) Dava Sobel, Longitude (New York: Walker and Company, 1995). (23.) Barbour, 260, 262, 264. (24.) Ibid. 263, 268. (25.) In addition to Colley, see Marcus Rediker, Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Gold Age (Boston: Beacon Press, 2004); Kris E. Lane, Pillaging the (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1998); Page 12 of 89

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Notes Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). (26.) Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (27.) John Fryer, 427. (28.) Ibid. (29.) Geoffrey Fryer, 177. (30.) John Fryer, 16. (31.) Ibid. 18. (32.) Ibid. 23. (33.) Between 1700 and 1818, at least 160 Indiamen were lost to wreck, fire, or capture. See Cotton, 127. (34.) Felicity A. Nussbaum, ed., The Global Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003). See also Philip Edwards, The Story of the Voyage: Sea-Narratives in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) and Jonathan Lamb, Preserving the Self in the South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). (35.

Glyn Williams, The Prize of All the

Oceans (New York: Viking, 1999). (36.) Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century 91. The best introduction Nicholas Thomas, Cook: The Extraordinary Voyages of Captain James Cook (New York: Walker & Company, 2005). (37.) James Cook, A Voyage Towards the South Pole and Round the World (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777), 30 January 1774. (38.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook (39.) J. C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery 392, 376. (40.) Ibid. Botany Bay and along the Queensland coast. (41.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook men died of scurvy. Page 13 of 89

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Notes (42.) (43.) Ibid. (44.) Ibid. (45.) Nicholas Thomas, Cook (46.) George Forster, A Voyage Round the World, ed. Nicholas Thomas and Oliver Berghof, Vol. I (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 43. (47.) Ibid. 137. (48. 38530. (49.) John Bigelow, ed., The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. I (New York: G. P.

(p.200) (50.) Ibid. 118, 121, 123, 125. (51.) Ibid. 103. (52.) Quoted in Stephen R. Berry, A Path in the Mighty Waters: Shipboard Life and Atlantic Crossings to the New World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015), 172. (53.) Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22

(54.) Bernard Bailyn, The Peopling of British North America: An Introduction (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 5, 8. (55.) See Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concepts and Contours (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005); American Historical Review Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); American Historical Review (56.

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Notes (57.) Deidre Coleman, ed., Travel Narratives of the 1790s (London: Leicester University Press, 1999), 51. (58.) Percival Spear, The Nabobs: A Study of the Social Life of the English in Eighteenth Century India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 42. (59.) Edward Ives, A Voyage from England to India, in the Year 1754 (London: Edward and Charles Dilley, 1773), 5. (60.) Ibid. On eighteenth-century ideas of race, see Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Roxann Wheeler, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Difference in Eighteenth-Century British Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000); David Bindman, Ape to Apollo: Aesthetics and the Idea of Race in the 18th Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002); Kathleen Brown,

(61.) Ives, 14. (62.) Ibid. (63.) John Henry Grose, A Voyage to the East Indies, 2nd edn. (London: S.

(64.) Ibid. (65.) Keene, 48. (66.) The Private Journal of the Marquess of Hastings, ed. Sophia Rawdon-

(67.) International Review of Social History 54 (2009): 76; Kemp, 70. See

(68.) Thomas Hodgskin, An Essay on Naval Discipline (London: n.p., 1813), 44. (69.

Dudley Pope, Kemp.

(Annapolis: Naval

(70. (71.) Gregory Fremont-Barnes, Publishing, 2007), 92.

(Oxford: Osprey

(72.) Samuel Leech, Thirty Years from Home, or, A Voice from the Main Deck (Boston: Tappan & Dennet, 1843), 206, Page 15 of 89

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Notes (73.) The Life and Adventures of John Nicol, Mariner (Edinburgh: William

(74.) The Life and Adventures of John Nicol

(p.201) (75. (76.) F. G. H. Bedford, The Life and Letters of Admiral Sir Frederick George Denham Bedford (Newcastle upon Tyne: Andrew Reid & Company, [1960]), 29. (77.) Ibid. 40. (78.) Time Magazine, 25 February 1929; Edmund Robert Fremantle, The Navy as 120, 144. (79.) Joan Druett, Rough Medicine: Surgeons at Sea in the Age of Sail (New York: Routledge, 2000),

(80.) Ibid. (81.) Michael Levien, The Cree Journals: The Voyages of Edward H. Cree, (Exeter: Webb & Bowler, 1981), 39. (82.) Ibid. (83.) Ibid. (84.) Thomas J. Lucas, Camp Life and Sport in South Africa: Experiences of Kaffir Warfare with the Cape Mounted Rifles (85.) Ibid. 3. (86.) Ibid. 5. (87.) Ibid. 18. (88.) Pamela Statham-Drew and Rica Erickson, eds., A Life on the Ocean Wave: (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1998). (89.) Ibid. 83, 145, 151, 156, 158.

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Notes (90. Durba Ghosh, Sex and the Family in Colonial India: The Making of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Katie Hickman, Daughters of Britannia: The Lives and Times of Diplomatic Wives (New York: HarperCollins, 1999). (91.) William Daniel and Hobart Caunter, The Oriental Annual, or Scenes in India

(92. (93.) F. J. Harvey Darton, ed., (London: Wells Gardner, Darton & Co., 1910), 228. (94.) The Monthly Packet 97 (January 1899): 55. (95. (96.) The New Monthly Magazine and Humorist 57 (Oct. 1839): 241. (97.) Emma Roberts, The East India Voyager, p. x. (98.) Ibid. (99.) Ibid. 9. (100.) Katherine Frank, A Passage to Egypt: The Life of Lucie Duff Gordon

(101.) Ibid. (102.

Louisa

(103. (104.) MacMillan, 71. (105.) Farah Ghaderi, Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya, and Shivani Sivagurunathan, Wanderings of a Pilgrim Studies in Literature and Language Indira Ghose and Sara Mills, eds., Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque Sara Suleri, The Rhetoric of English India (p.202) (Chicago: University of Chicago Writing Women and Space: Colonial and Postcolonial Geographies, eds. Alison Blunt and

(106. Page 17 of 89

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Notes (107.) Fanny Parkes, I. 14. (108.) Charles Minchin, The Annals of an Anglo-Indian Family, ed. Malcolm A.

(109.) Eliza Fay, Original Letters from India, ed. E. M. Forster (New York: The New York Review of Books, 2010), 231. (110.) The voyages of slave ships were far more brutal and deadly, but of shorter duration. See Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002); Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Viking, 2007); Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade: The (New York: Touchstone, 1997). (111.) See Robert Hughes, The Fatal Shore (New York: Random House, 1986), 143; Thomas Keneally, A Commonwealth of Thieves (New York: Random House, 2007). (112.

(113.) Nancy Irvine, ed., The Sirius Letters: The Complete Letters of Newton Fowell (114.) The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay, 3rd edn. (London: John Stockdale, 1790), 42. (115.) Don Charlwood, The Long Farewell Journal of Navigation Andrew Hassam, Sailing to Australia: Shipboard Diaries by Nineteenth-Century British Emigrants (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), 8; Helen R. Woolcock, Rights of Passage: Emigration to Australia in the Nineteenth Century (London: The celebrated clipper ships, on which only

(116.) Woolcock, 76. Less than 2 percent of ships sailing to Queensland from

(117.) Ibid. See also David Divine, These Splendid Ships: The Story of the Peninsular and Orient Line (London: Frederick Muller, 1960); Alfred Fell, (Exeter: James Townsend & Sons, 1926). (118.) Ibid. It is ironic that those condemned to transportation as convicts were less likely to die of illness (four per voyage) than emigrants (as many as five times that number). See Charlwood, 1. Shipboard Page 18 of 89

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Notes conditions were also far worse on the Atlantic routes, even though they were shorter. See Terry Coleman, Passage to America: A History of Emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (London: Hutchinson, 1972). (119.) Charlwood, 105. (120.) Anna Sproule, Port Out, Starboard Home: The Rise and Fall of the Ocean Passage Douglas Burgess, Engines of Empire: Steamships and the Victorian Imagination (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). (121.) Charlwood, 17; Woolcock, 57, 60; Burgess.

(p.203) (122.) The most thorough and insightful analysis of these shipboard diaries is Hassam, Sailing to Australia, from which much of the analysis that follows has been drawn. (123.) George Fletcher Moore, Settler in Western Australia (124.) 20.

Sea Breezes 21 (1956): 251,

(125.

Albion

M2116. (126.

Scotia

(127.) Quoted in Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), 142. (128.) R. C. Lamb and R. S. Gormack, eds., Shipboard Fare (129.

21, 30, 51, 57, 74. City of Brisbane

(130.) Kate Lambert, The Golden South: Memories of Australian Home Life from 1843 to 1888 (131.

Morning Light

(132.) Carter, 141. (133.) Hassam, Sailing to Australia, 99. (134.

Red Jacket

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Notes (135.

Patriarch

(136.) George Kershaw, Notebook, SLNSW MLMSS 624. (137. Charlwood, 217.

Conway

(138.)

Nevo, Glasgow to Port of Melbourne Quarterly

(139.

Scottish Hero

(140.) Woolcock, 105. (141. (142.

Wimera

(143.

Conflict

(144.

Duke of Wellington

NLA MS 4061. (145.

Heart of Oak

(146.) W. H. G. Kingston, Saunders, 1850), 23.

(London: Trelawney

(147. (148.) Hassam, Sailing to Australia, 75. (149.) Ibid. 98. (150.) Regenia Gagnier, Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in (London: Oxford University Press, 1991), 31. (151.

Louisa

(152.) Rod Fisher, Boosting Brisbane: Imprinting the Colonial Capital of Queensland (153.) Charles Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries Visited during the Voyage of the H. M. S. Beagle Round the World

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Notes (154.) Robin Haines, Life and Death in the Age of Sail: The Passage to Australia 74; Woolcock, 329.

(p.204) (155.) See Nicholas Thomas, Cook Alison Games, Migration and the Origins of the English Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 192; Marcus Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea Philbrick, 31. (156.) (157.) Ibid. (158.) ARIEL: A Review of International English Literature (159. (160.) Critical Inquiry 12:1 (1985): 125. (161.) Ibid. 131. (162.) In addition to Wahrman, see Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Jerrold Siegel, The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience in Western Europe since the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). (163.) Reddy, 208. (164. (165.) Quoted in Krishan Kumar, The Making of English National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 93. (166.

An (1773); James Cook, A Voyage Toward the South Pole and Around the World (1777); and James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (1784). Among the more important unofficial accounts are George Forster, Voyage Round the World (1771); Sydney Parkinson, Journal of a Voyage to the South Seas, in His (1773); Johann Forster, Observations Made during a Voyage round the World (1778).

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Notes (167.) Andrew Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Arctic , 2 vols., 2nd

(168.) James Johnston Auchmuty, ed., The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1970), p. ix. (169.

Chapter 2. (1.) (2.) Ibid. (3.) Ibid. II. 201. (4.) Robert Elliot, Views in the East, 2 vols. (London: H. Fisher, 1833), II. 4. (5.) T. W. Bowler and W. R. Thompson, The Kafir Wars and the British Settlers in South Africa (London: Day and Son, 1865). (6.) Charles Sturt, Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia, 2 vols. (London: Smith, Elder, 1833), II. 59. (7.) John Barrow, Travels in China (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1804), 6,

(8.) Eighteenth-Century Studies 33

(p.205) (9.)

A , ed. Kim Sloan (Chapel Hill: John E. Crowley, Imperial (New Haven: Yale

(10.) Beth Fowkes Tobin, Picturing Imperial Power: Colonial Subjects in Eighteenth-Century British Painting (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), 2, and (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 129; Pratapaditya Pal and Vidya Dehijia, 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 16; Field of the Picturesque: Contested Identities and Empire in Sydney-Cove 1794 in Art and the British Empire, ed. Tim Barringer, Geoff Quilley, and Douglas Fordham (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), 26. More broadly, Page 22 of 89

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Notes see John Barrell, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972). (11.) See Benjamin Schmidt, Inventing Exoticism: Geography, Globalism, and (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015); G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter, eds., Exoticism in the Enlightenment (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999); Bruce McLeod, The (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Richard Neville, A Rage for Curiosity: Visualizing (Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1997); Pramod K. Nayar, Colonial Voices: The Discourses of Empire (Chichester: John

(12.) Charles R. Forrest, A Picturesque Tour along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna in India (London: R. Ackermann, 1824); Fanny Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in Search of the Picturesque, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1850); E. E. Morris, ed., (London: Cassell & Company, 1890). There is also the military picturesque: see James Hunter, Picturesque Scenery in the Kingdom of Mysore from Forty Drawings Taken on the Spot by James Hunter (London: William Bulmer and Co. for Edward Orme, 1805). (13.) Stephen Copley and Peter Garside, eds., The Politics of the Picturesque: Literature, Landscape and Aesthetics since 1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); John Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). (14.) The British Abroad since the Eighteenth Century, ed. Martin Farr and Xavier Guégan, Vol. II, Experiencing Imperialism (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 18. In The East India Voyager

visitors and residents (p. 47). (15.) For an insightful analysis of nineteenth-century tourist travel and the relationship between expectation and disappointment, see Cultures of Empire: Colonizers in Britain and the Empire in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (16.) Copley and Garside, 1; Vidya Dehijia, Impossible Picturesqueness: Edward (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989).

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Notes (17.) Malcolm Andrews, The Search for the Picturesque (Stanford: Stanford Pheroza Godrej and Pauline Rohatgi, Scenic Splendours: (p.206) India through the Painted Image (London: Mildred Archer, British Drawings in the India Office Library, Vol. I (London: HMSO, 1969), 19. Christopher Hussey in The Picturesque: Studies in a Point of View Kim Ian Michasiw, Representations 100; Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, It should be emphasized that the picturesque was never a stable or unitary aesthetic, and that its definition was hotly contested in the eighteenth century, and has been debated by scholars ever since. In fact, its very malleability made it so useful as an ideology of empire. (18.) Ron Broglio, Technologies of the Picturesque: British Art, Poetry, and (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2008), 15. (19. (20. Tahiti Revisited does not fall exclusively or perfectly within the picturesque tradition. Especially in the context of the other paintings he made for the Admiralty after his return from the South Seas, there is a historicizing quality to his work that narrated the voyage and contributed to the Enlightenment debate over the meaning of civilization. (21.) Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2nd edn. (New

(22.) Painting and , ed. John Barrell

(23.) Oxford Art Journal 12 (1989): 36. Travels, especially in his comparisons between Europe and Asia. (24.) Roderick Cavaliero, Strangers in the Land: The Rise and Decline of the British Indian Empire (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002), 114; Andrea Wulf, The (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015), 19.

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Notes (25.) William Hodges, Travels in India, during the Years 1780, 1781, 1782, & 1783 (London: J. Edwards, 1783). (26.) Emily Eden, Up the Country: Letters Written to Her Sister from the Upper Provinces of India, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1866). (27.) Nitin Sinha, Communication and Colonialism in Eastern India: Bihar, Tillotson, p. 61, makes the same point. See also Swati Chattapadhyay, who writes in Representing Calcutta: Modernity, Nationalism, and the Colonial Uncanny (New York: Routledge, 2005) with their lavishly illustrated travel memoirs (p. 42). On the literary aspects of the development of tourism in Europe, see James Buzard, The Beaten Track: (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). Reginald Heber, Bishop of Calcutta, promised that India Narrative of a Journey through the , 4th edn. (London: John Murray, 1829), I. 314. (28.) Under the Indian Sun: British Landscape Artists, ed. Pauline Rohatgi and Pheroza Godrez (p.207) (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1995), 61; Mildred Archer and Ronald Lightbown, 1860 (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1982), 57. Henry Salt, who sailed up the Hooghly with Viscount Valentia from Calcutta in 1803, complained about same sites from the same spots. See Godrej and Rohatgi, 52; George Valentia, Voyages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt, 4 vols. (London: F., C., and J. Rivington, 1811), I. 58, (29.) Godrej and Rohatgi, 23. (30.) Ibid. John Ford, Ackermann, 1983).

(London:

(31.) On the ongoing nature of this project after 1757, see C. A. Bayly, Imperial (London: Longman, 1989); Lawrence James, Raj: The Making and Unmaking of British India (New

(32.) Hodges, p. iii. (33.) Ibid. Thomas and William Daniell, A Picturesque Voyage to India, by the Way of China (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1810), similarly

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Notes level face of the country is a defect abundantly compensated [for] by the variety Forrest wrote almost the same thing to justify his work, that he too was trying to excite the interest of those who were not well acquainted with India. See A Picturesque Tour along the River Ganges, p. iii. (34.) Hodges, 10, 16, 27, 28, 59. More broadly, see Romita Ray, Under the Banyan Tree: Relocating the Picturesque in India (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). (35.) Uvedale Price, An Essay on the Picturesque as Compared with the Sublime and the Beautiful Vivien Jones, Copley and Garside, 128. More broadly, see Nigel Leask, Curiosity and the (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). The desire for the curious was also present in Australia. See Neville. (36.) Hodges, 119. See also Sarah Tiffin, Southeast Asia in Ruins: Art and Empire in the Early 19th Century (Singapore: NUS Press, 2016), 49. (37.) Hodges, 123. (38.) George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, through the Northern Part of India, Kashmire, Afghanistan, and Persia and into Russia by the CaspianSea For a summary of his trip, see James Augustus St. John, The Lives of Celebrated Travellers, Vol. II (New York: Harper

(39.) Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, 29. Allahabad, similarly, had

(40.) Ibid. 94. (41.) 1850: Ideas, Aesthetics, and Inquiries in the Early Modern Era 106. (42.) Hodges, 1. (43.) Ibid. (44.) (45.) Ibid. (46.) Ibid. (47.) Page 26 of 89

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Notes

(p.208) (48.) Ibid. 17, 20, 23. (49.) Ibid. 24. (50. Ketaki Kushari Dyson, A Various Universe: A Study of the Journals and Memoirs of British Men and Women in the (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 135. (51.) In 1854 John Henderson opened the second edition of his Excursions and Adventures in New South Wales (London: Saunders and Otley, 1854), with a

(52.) Eden, 12, 19, 148. (53. The Correspondence of Lord William Cavendish Bentinck, ed. C. H. Philips, 2 vols. G. A. Prinsep, An Account of Steam Vessels and of Connected Proceedings with Steam Navigation in British India (Calcutta, 1830); Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 251. (54.) See Schivelbusch. This is the argument made by Sinha in Communication and Colonialism travel at speeds of five to ten miles per hour, much slower than railways could. See Montgomery Martin, The Progress and Present State of British India (London: Sampson Low, Son, & Co., 1862), 252; Frederic Penfield, East of Suez: Ceylon, India, China, and Japan (New York: The Century Co., 1907), 205; Sidney Laman Blanchard, Yesterday and To-Day in India (London: W. H. Allen, 1867), 24.

these days of rapid traveling, the journeys which, to our elder brothers were serious undertakings, have become to us, their younger sisters, mere pleasure-

(55.) Eden, 15. (56. (57.) Forrest, 123. See also Hugh F. Rankin, ed., The Battle of New Orleans, A British View: The Journal of Major C. R. Forrest (New Orleans: Huaser, 1961). (58.) Captain [Francis John] Bellew, in India, 2 vols. (London: Wm. H. Allen & Co., 1843), I. 84. Page 27 of 89

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Notes (59. (60.) Henry Salt, Twenty-Four Views in St. Helena, The Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt (London: William Miller, 1809), Plate III. (61.) Colley, 222. (62.) Thomas Anburey, Hindoostan Scenery, consisting of twelve Select Views in India, drawn during the Campaign of the Marquis of Cornwallis, showing the (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1799). (63.) Richard F. Burton, Goa, and the Blue Mountains (Santa Barbara: The Narrative Press, 2001), 173. (64.) On the difficulties and unpleasant nature of Indian travel, see MacMillan, Pramod K. Nayar, Days of the Raj: Life and Leisure in British India (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2009), 4. (65.

as a captain in the Bengal (p.209)

See Archer, British Drawings in the India Office Library

Pauline Rohatgi

and Graham Parlett, Indian Life and Landscape by Western Artists: Paintings and Drawings from the Victoria and Albert Museum (London: Victoria & Albert

(66.)

49.

(67.) Ibid. (68.) Ibid. 116, 188. (69.) Ibid. 76, 114. (70.

The Highly Civilized Man focuses largely on

British drew from the Portuguese imperial experience. (71.) Burton, 4; The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art Page 28 of 89

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Notes and Literature, ed. Randal Johnson (New York: Columbia University Press,

(72.) Burton, 9. (73.) Ibid. 30. (74.) M. N. Pearson, The New Cambridge History of India: The Portuguese in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 131, 150; Maria Clara

(75.) Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Discourse of Voyages into ye East & West Indies (London: John Wolfe, 1598) and Itinerario (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1955). See also Arthur Coke Burnell and P. A. Tiele, eds., The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1885), and Charles McKew Parr, Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964). (76.) John D. Fryer, A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters (London: R. Chiswell, 1698). (77.) Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, being the Observations and Remarks of Capt. Alexander Hamilton, who Spent his Time There from the Year 1688 to 1723, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: John Mosman, 1727); Marguerite Eyer Wilbur, The East India Company and the British Empire in the Far East Goa through the Ages, Vol. II, ed. Teotonia R. de Souza (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1989), 176, 183. (78.) (79.) Ibid. 93, 118. (80.) Ibid. 170. (81.) Ibid. 186. (82.) Ibid.

Similarly, Henry Keene called the hill station he visited near

(83.) For British North America, see Journal of Canadian Studies (84.) John Treganza, 1886 (Adelaide: Art Gallery Board of South Australia, 1980). Page 29 of 89

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Notes

(p.210) (85.) George French Angas, The Kafirs Illustrated (London: J. Hogarth, 1849). (86.) Intrepid Women: Victorian Artists Travel, ed. Jordanna Pomeroy (Aldershot: Ashgate: 2005), 3. (87.) See Lester. (88. (89. Pacific. Notable exceptions include A View of Matavai Bay in the Island of Otaheite (1776), View in Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky Bay, New Zealand (c.1773), and The Landing at Erramanga (1776). (90.) Barbara Maria Stafford, Voyage into Substance: Art, Science, Nature, and (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1984). (91.) The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, ed. P. J.

(92.) Bowler and Thomson. Although largely unknown outside South African art history circles, Bowler was an accomplished artist who produced over 800 works including 14 oil paintings. See Apollo (93.) That Bowler did not always depict his scenes faithfully is discussed in F. R. Bradlow, Thomas Bowler: His Life and Work (Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1966), 46. (94. 96. Bowler and Thomson were not the only artists and writers to characterize the Cape landscape as monotonous. William Ross King, who served as a lieutenant with the 74th Highlanders during the Eighth Xhosa (or Frontier) War

Campaigning in Kaffirland, (London: Saunders and Otley, 1853), 7.

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Notes (95.) John Barrow, Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798 (96.) Ibid. (97.) Pratt, Imperial Eyes (98.) The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay

Richard White, Australia in the World: Perceptions and Possibilities, ed. Don Grant and Graham Seal (Perth: points out how important it was for the founders of the Australian settlement to attract London capital, which was achieved both negative image of Australia as a hell on earth. (99.) Thomas Watling, Letters from an Exile at Botany Bay to his Aunt in Dumfries (Penrith: Ann Bell, [1794]); all quotes and page numbers are from the reprint edition, intro. George Mackaness (Sydney: D. S. Ford, 1945), 36. Many other early travelers also commented on how different everything was in Australia. See, for example, A. W. H. Humphrey, Narrative of a Voyage to Port , ed. John Currey (Melbourne: The Colony Press, 1984). (100.

(p.211) (101.) George Cheyne, The English Malady: Or, a Treatise of Nervous Diseases of All Kinds (London, 1733). See also Tiffin, 49; Andrews, 42. (102.) Watling, 18. (103.) Double Vision: Art Histories and Colonial Histories in the Pacific, ed. Nicholas 8; Smith, European Vision, 227, 233. (104.) McLean, 145; Island in the Stream: Myths of Place in Australian Culture, ed. Paul Foss (Leichhardt: Pluto Press, 1988), 4. (105.) The Making of Modern Tourism: The Cultural , ed. Hartmutt Berghoff et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002), 168, 171.

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Notes (106.) McLean, 136; Tim Bonyhady, Images in Opposition: Australian Landscape

(107.) Robert Dawson, The Present State of Australia; A Description of the Country, its Advantages and Prospects, with reference to Emigration, 2nd edn. 109, 110, 144. See also John Dixon, (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1839), 18. (108.) Dawson, 4. See also W. C. Wentworth, A Statistical, Historical, and Political description of the Colony of New South Wales, 2nd edn. (London: G. and W. B. Whittaker, 1820), 14, 16, 23. (109.) Quoted in A. H. Chisholm, ed., Australia: Land of Wonder (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1979), 16. (110.) Quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Dancing with Strangers: Europeans and Australians at First Contact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 77. (111.) (112.) Ibid. (113.) Ibid. 9; Bernard Smith,

(Melbourne: Oxford and European Vision and the South Pacific

5. (114.) Tim McCormick first raised the issue of whether the oil painting belongs to Watling in (Chippendale, NSW: David Ell Press, 1987), 274. Paula Dredge and Steward Laidler also questioned the that these were probably lacking in the colony in the late eighteenth century. The Articulate Surface, ed. Sue-Ann Wallace, Jacqueline Macnaughton, and Jodi Parvey (Canberra: Humanities Research Australian and New Zealand Journal Sydney Cove 1794

of Art

suggests that Edward Dayes, who reworked other drawings by Watling to illustrate An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (London, 1798), Art and the British Empire, ed. Barringer, Quilley, and Fordham.

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Notes (p.212) Australian Journal of Art generally signed his work, whereas Sydney Cove 1794 is unsigned; that the and that it would have been possible for Watling to have produced the oils he needed by mixing available materials. (115.) William Gilpin, Observations, relative chiefly to picturesque beauty, made in the year 1772, on several parts of England; particularly the mountains, and lakes of Cumberland, and Westmoreland, 2 vols. (London: R. Blamire, 1786), I. 83. (116.) William Gilpin, sketches: the other on the principles on which they are composed (London: T.

(117.) Watling, 26, 33. (118.) Ibid. 33. (119.) Westall to Joseph Banks, 13 January 1804, quoted in Smith, Australian Painting, 13. (120.) beauty include Barron Field, ed., Geographical Memoirs on New South Wales (London: John Murray, 1825). See Bernard Smith, ed., Documents in Art and (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1975), 36. (121.) Dane Kennedy, The Last Blank Spaces: Exploring Africa and Australia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013). (122.) Charles Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia, 2 vols. (London: T. and W. Boone, 1849), II. 175. On only two other occasions did Sturt use the word picturesque. See II. 171, 200. (123.) Ibid. (124.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, II. 59. (125.) Ibid. I. 144, II. 59. (126.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition, I. 197. (127.) Ibid. (128.) Ibid.

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Notes (129.) Ibid. 252. (130.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, I. 80. In Narrative of an Expedition, he wrote a had been so many small islands, off the point of the larger one. They rose in detached groups from the midst of the plains, as such islands from the midst of the sea, and their aspect altogether bore such a striking resemblance to many of the flat-topped islands round the Australia continent described by other 248). (131.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition (132.) Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye: How Explorers Saw Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 119. (133.) Allaine Cerwonka, Native to the Nation: Disciplining Landscapes and Bodies in Australia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 66, 69. (134.) Sturt, Narrative of an Expedition, II. 1. (135.) Sturt, Two Expeditions, II. 4. (136.) Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye (137.) The biographical details that follow are drawn principally from John McPhee, The Art of John Glover David Hansen, John Glover and the Colonial Picturesque (Hobart: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, 2003).

(p.213) (138. (139.) Hansen, 80. (140.) J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 20 February 1831, Mitchell Library, Sydney. (141.

European Vision and the South Pacific

Tasmania from sketches he had brought with him (White Aborigines: Identity Page 34 of 89

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Notes Politics in Australian Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 39). Robert Hughes, Art of Australia (Harmondsworth: Bonyhady, Images in Opposition (142. (143.) Hansen. See also Johns, 124. (144.) J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 8 September 1833, Mitchell Library, Sydney. (145.) Hansen, 200. (146.) McPhee, 27. On the relationship between the picturesque and the panorama, see Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye Australian Journal of Art (147.) Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). See also Southern Review 29 (1996): 53. (148.) Arthur Bowes Smyth, the surgeon aboard the Lady Penrhyn, one of the in the cabin geraniums in full blossom and some grapevines which flourish very much, there are also myrtles, bananas and other sort of plant brought from Rio P. G. Fidlon and R. J. Ryan, eds., The Journal of Arthur Bowes (Sydney: Australia Documents Library, 1979). (149. although enough of their plants survived that the Land Board, in endorsing Sharon Morgan, Land Settlement in Early Tasmania (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 99. Foreign W. W. Spicer took his weed census in 1878 more than one hundred exotic species Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania (Hobart, 1878), 64; J. R. Glover to M. Bowles, 8 September 1833, Mitchell Library, Sydney; Land Board Report 753, 11 May 1831, Archives Office of Tasmania. (150.) Tim Bonyhady, The Colonial Earth (Melbourne: Melbourne University

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Notes (151. (New Haven: Yale

(152.) Sayers, 59.

(p.214) (153.) Johns, 122. (154. (155.) Michael Rosenthal, British Landscape Painting (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982). (156.) Jocelyn Hackforth-Jones, The Convict Artists (South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1977), 10. (157.) See Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg Reading Subaltern Studies: Critical Meaning, Contested Meaning and the Globalization of South Asia, ed. David Ludden (New Claire Anderson, Subaltern Lives: (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Lucy Frost and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, eds., Chain Letters: Narrating Convict Lives (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2001). (158.

Art and the British

Empire (159.) Watling, 11. (160.) John Oxley, Journals of Two Expeditions to the Interior of New South (London: John Murray, 1820), 113. See also 15, 63, 107, 257. (161.) Richard Westmacott, Sketches in Australia (Exeter: W. Spreat, [1848]). (162. Adelaide, NLA MS 3272.

Symmetry

(163.) N. C., Journal of a Voyage from England to Port Adelaide (London: George Mason, 1849). See also Sophy under Sail, ed. Irene C. Taylor (Sydney: Holder & Stoughton, 1969). Page 36 of 89

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Notes (164. Albany, NLA MS 2009.

S. S. Pathan

(165.) Bernard Smith, European Vision, 134, 179; Bonyhady, Colonial Earth, 70, 77. (166.) Lieutenant John Murray, quoted in Robert Dundas Murray, A Summer at Port Phillip (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1843), 70; Peter Cunningham, Two Years in New South Wales, Vol. I (London: Henry Colburn, 1827), 132. More broadly, see Richard White, (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1981). (167.) Crowley, Imperial Landscapes Hermione de Almeida and George H. Gilpin, Indian Renaissance: British Romantic Art and the Prospect of India (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 153;

(168.) E. H. Gombrich explored the interplay between expectation and observation in Art and Illusion, 5th edn. (London: Phaidon, 1995), 53, 187, 253, 331, arguing that the ability to observe and represent the world is inseparable from prior knowledge and representations on the one hand, and the available arsenal of visual or verbal means that can be deployed on the other hand. (169.) See e.g. Australian Impressionism, ed. Terence Lane (Melbourne: National Gallery of Victoria, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 44 For Canada, see Beyond Wilderness: The Group of Seven, Canadian Identity and Contemporary Art ); Marilyn J. McKay, Picturing

(p.215) (170.) See Leila Koivunen, Visualizing Africa in Nineteenth-Century British Travel Accounts (New York: Routledge, 2009); David Livingston and the Victorian Encounter with Africa, ed. John M. MacKenzie (London: National

Journal of War & Culture Studies Maurius and Joy Diemont, The Brenthurst Baines: A Selection of the Works of Thomas Baines in the Oppenheimer Collection, Johannesburg (Johannesburg: The Brenthurst Press, 1975); Jane Carruthers, Thomas Baines: Eastern Cape Sketches, 1848 to 1852 (Houghton: The Brenthurst Press, 1990). Page 37 of 89

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Notes (171.)

Images The Raj: India and the

(172.) David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (London: Penguin, 2001), p. xix. On the complex intersections of the domestic and the exotic, see Guest. (173.) The scholarly literature on this point is voluminous, but in addition to Suleri, and Pratt, Imperial Eyes, see The Victorian Vision: Inventing New Britain (London: V&A Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978); Deirdre David, Rule Britannia: Women, Empire, and Victorian Travel Writing (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995); Inderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996); Nancy L. Paxton, Writing under the Raj (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1999). On photography, see James R. Ryan, Picturing the Empire: Photography and the Visualization of the British Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), and Maria Antonella Pelizzari, Traces of India: Photography, Architecture, and the Politics of (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2003). On advertising, see Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England Stephen Imperialism and Popular Culture Buy & Build: The Advertising Posters of the Empire Marketing Board (London: HMSO, 1986); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge,

(174.) The most comprehensive overview of the field of imperial art is Jeffrey Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. V, ed. See also Barringer and Crowley. (175.) One limitation of many recent studies, especially those preoccupied with imperial lands (as opposed to the people of the empire), has been their focus on either a single artist or a single geographic area. One exception, though it makes no attempt to articulate a unified imperial vision, is Michael Jacobs, The Painted (London: British Museum Press, The Victorian Vision, ed. John M. MacKenzie comparative lens, however, there can be no comprehensive analysis of British

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Notes imperial art, and therefore no understanding of how that empire was constructed pictorially.

(p.216) (176.) On the difficulties of administering the empire from London, see D. M. Young, The Colonial Office in the Early Nineteenth Century (London: Longmans, 1961); John W. Cell, British Colonial Administration in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970). On the challenges of running the empire from the periphery, see William Denison, Varieties of Vice-Regal Life, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1870); James Pope-Hennessy, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964). (177.) On the sanitizing effects of the picturesque in British India and elsewhere, Art in America 71 (1983):

(178.

Julie F. Codell and Dianne Sachko

Macleod, Orientalism Transposed: The Impact of the Colonies on British Culture (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998). Hall, Civilising Subjects, wrote about the

(179. number of different meanings. In the late eighteenth century, Richard Payne Knight and Uvedale Price challenged the fashionable style of landscape gardening exemplified by the work of Capability Brown, accusing him of creating

details to break up otherwise smooth vistas. See Price, 9, 20; Richard Payne Knight, The Landscape: A Didactic Poem in Three Books (London, 1794), 23, 31. Here, however, sameness is intended as an antonym not of roughness but of strangeness. The issue is complicated because most artists who travelled to India or the South Seas were instructed to report on difference, but as Tillotson

empire, see Daunton and Halpern. (180. Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 3. Recent work Richard Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) and S. B. Cook, Imperial Affinities: Nineteenth Century Analogies and Page 39 of 89

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Notes Exchanges between India and Ireland (Newbury, CA: Sage Publications, 1993).

Gregory Blue, Martin Bunton, and Ralph Croizier, eds., Colonialism and the Modern World

Chapter 3. (1.) Quoted in H. V. Bowen, The Business of Empire: The East India Company and (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 144; Young, 27. See Thomas Love Peacock, Biographical Notes from 1785 to 1862, ed. Henry Cole [London, 1874], 21. (2.) Bentinck, p. xxii. (3.) Norman Rose, Churchill: The Unruly Giant (New York: Free Press, 1994), 45. (4.) Leonard Woolf, 28.

(London: Hogarth Press, 1963),

(5.) See e.g. Anthony Webster, The Richest East India Merchant: The Life and (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), 42, 57.

(p.217) (6.) Spear, 6; Holden Furber, John Company at Work (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1948); 1667, Vol. II, ed. Richard Carnac Tempe (London: Hakluyt Society, 1914), li. (7.) In addition to Nechtman, see , ed. A. Das Gupta and M. N. Pearson (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1987), 303; Søren Mentz, The English Gentleman Merchant at Work: Madras and the City of (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2005), 18. (8.) Hastings, I. 39, 66. (9.) Ibid. James, Raj served as Governor-General from 1828 to 1835, was similarly busy and, as he wrote to Hugh Lindsey, one of the East India Company directors, on 20 Holden Furber, ed., The Private Record of an Indian Governor-Generalship: The Correspondence of Sir John Shore, Governor(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1933). (10.) Page 40 of 89

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Notes (11.) Ibid. (12.) Ibid. II: 168. See also Paul David Nelson, Francis Rawdon-Hastings, Marquess of Hastings: Solider, Peer of the Realm, Governor-General of India

(13.) On Curzon and the Delhi Durbar, see David Gilmour, Curzon: Imperial Statesman David Aspects of Aristocracy: Grandeur and Decline in Modern Britain (New Haven: Yale University Press, BRANCH: Britain, Representation and Nineteenth-Century History, ed. Dino Franco Felluga. Extension of Romanticism and Victorianism on the Net (Web); , ed. Vidya Deheija Bernard S. Cohn, The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric. Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

(14.) Quoted in Gilmour, Curzon, 218. (15.) Ibid. (16.) Ibid. 143, 145, 154, 156. (17.) James Ryan, Picturing Empire

Anand S. Pandian, Journal of John M. MacKenzie, The Empire of

Historical Sociology

Nature: Hunting, Conservation and British Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); Greg Gillespie, Hunting for Empire: (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007); The Western Historical Quarterly 32:3 (2001): Journal of British Studies (18.) G. N. Curzon, British Government in India: The Story of the Viceroys and Government Houses (London: Cassell and Company, 1925), I. 258. (19.) Gilmour, Curzon, 214. (20.

(p.218)

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Notes (21.) Eden, 112. See also New Writing 2 (1936), repr. in Shooting an Elephant and Other Essays (London: Secker and Warburg, 1950). (22.) See F. C. Selous, (London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1881) and Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa (London: Rowland Ward and Co., 1893); John G. Millais, A Breath from the Veldt (London: H.

(23.) Penny and Roger Beaumont, Imperial Divas: The Vicereines of India (London: Haus Publishing, 2010), 175; Mark Bence-Jones, The Viceroys of India (London: Constable, 1982), 147. (24.

Henry George Grey, The Colonial Policy of Lord , 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley 1853), I. 19, as well as Studies

Journal of British and

Historical Journal (25.) Morris, Pax Britannica Roger Owen, Lord Cromer: Victorian Imperialist, Edwardian Proconsul (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). Other examples of the heroic view of empire not previously cited include Anthony Kirk-Greene, (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000) and Tim Jeal, Livingstone (New York: Putnam, 1973). (26.) Lytton Strachey, Eminent Victorians (London: Chatto & Windus, 1918; repr.

(27.

Slate, 11 January 1998.

(28. (29.) See e.g. Philip Mason, The Men Who Ruled India (London: Jonathan Cape, 1954), and, more recently, David Gilmour, The Ruling Caste: Imperial Lives in the Victorian Raj (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005). (30.) See e.g. Stephanie Williams, Running the Show: The Extraordinary Stories of the Men who Governed the British Empire (London: Viking Penguin, 2011). (31.) See John M. MacKenzie, ed., Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984) and David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Page 42 of 89

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Notes Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003). (32.) Lily Wolpowitz, ed., (Cape Town: Friends of the South African Library, 1990

(33.) Morris, Pax Britannica, 236. (34.) Adrian Preston, ed., The South African Diaries of Sir Garnet Wolseley, 1875

(35.) Ibid. 130. (36.) Ibid. 13 and 20 August 1875. (37.) Adrian Preston, ed., (London: Hutchinson, 1967), 84. (38.) Denison, I. 172. (39.) Ibid. I: 73, 75, 172, 304. (40.

(p.219) (41.) Minto, I. 47. (42.) Denison, I. 42. (43.) Ibid. I. 33, 35. (44.) Ibid. (45.) Ibid. II. 236, 239, 292, 302. (46. 1962), 24.

(London: Macmillan and Co.,

(47.) Denison, II. 304. (48.) Ibid. II. 50. Alfred Lyall had a similar experience in his capacity as in Allahabad, where he found the dinner parties extremely boring, the situation the mountain top for five months of the year. Life there, he wrote, was

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Notes parochial and uninteresting compared to his prior work in the Foreign Office. See Gilmour, Ruling Caste Outram in India: The Morality of Empire (Bloomington: AuthorHouse, 2007), 153. (49.) In addition to Young and Cell, see William Parker Morrell, British Colonial Policy in the Mid-Victorian Age: South Africa, New Zealand, the West Indies (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969). Most of the work on the bureaucratization of the empire has focused on the twentieth century and on information gathering. See Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); and C. A. Bayly, Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). (50.) Hastings, I. 66. (51.) Ibid. (52.) Mark Francis, Governors and Settlers: Images of Authority in the British (London: Macmillan, 1992); Peter H. Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display: English, Indian, and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War Cannadine, Ornamentalism (53.) Jan Morris, The Spectacle of Empire: Style, Effect, and the Pax Britannica (London: Faber and Faber, 1982), 11; Orientalism, 18. (54.) Eden, 131. (55.) Eden, 368. (56. his governorship in India from 1847 to 1856. See J. G. A. Baird, ed., Private Letters of the Marquess of Dalhousie (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 20, 104, 110, 147. (57. (58.) Denison, I. 47. (59. (60.)

(London: Chiswick Press, 1899), 33.

(61.) Denison, II. 315. (62. Page 44 of 89

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Notes (63. (64.) Mary Lutyens,

(p.220) (65.) Lord [Thomas Wodehouse Legh] Newton, Lord Lansdowne: A Biography (London: Macmillan and Co., 1929); Bence-Jones, 150. (66.) Lady Betty Balfour, ed., Personal & Literary Letters of Robert First Earl of Lytton, Vol. II (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1906), 185. (67.) Lutyens, 43. (68.) Lytton to Frederick Harrison, 2 April 1878, in Balfour, 24. (69. (70.) John Keay, India Discovered: The Recovery of a Lost Civilization (London: Bayly, Empire and Information (71.) In addition to Ghosh, see William Dalrymple, White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India (New York: Viking Penguin, 2002). (72.) Emma Roberts, Scenes and Characteristics of Hindostan, with Sketches of Anglo-Indian Society de Almeida and

(73.) E. M. Collingham, Imperial Bodies: The Physical Experience of the Raj (Cambridge: Polity, 2001); Modern Asian Studies

(74.) Frederick John Shore, Notes on Indian Affairs, 2 vols. (London: John W. Barker, 1837), 127. (75.) Theodore Walrond, ed., Letters and Journals of James, Eighth Earl of Elgin,

(76.) Francis G. Hutchins, The Illusion of Permanence: British Imperialism in India See also Pramod K. Nayar, India 1857: The Great Uprising (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2007), 37. (77.) Thomas Babington Macaulay, Speeches: With his Minute on Indian Education, ed. G. M. Young (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), 349. See,

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Notes among many, Rozina Visram, Ayahs, Lascars, and Princes: Indians in Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1986), 6. (78.) (79.) Ibid. 153. (80.) Ibid. (81.) Ibid. 260. (82.) Ibid. 281. (83.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 91. (84.) Bayly, Imperial Meridian; Transactions of the Royal Historical Society The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Vol. III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

(85. (86.

British Colonial

Government after the American Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1933), 90, 475. See also Henry Taylor, 1875, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1885), I. 62; Charles Greville, The Greville Memoirs: A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV, ed. Henry Reeve, 2 vols. (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1886), I. 439. (87. (88.) Bentinck, xxxviii. (89.

(p.221) (90. complexity of the paperwork and the regulations associated with a large bureaucracy. See Gregory Anderson, Victorian Clerks (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 111. (91.) Pope-Hennessy, 132.

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Notes (92.) Regulations and Instructions for the General Government of the Several Commissioned and Other Officers of the Marine on the Bombay Establishment (Bombay: Courier Press, 1824), 4, 19, 21. (93.) Ibid. (94.) Ibid. 43. The 1914 of standing orders, rules, and regulations.

included 150 pages

(95.) The phrase comes from Thomas Richards, The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire (London: Verso, 1993). Said, Orientalism, has likewise described the incredible information gathering of European scholars, writers, and travelers. (96.) Martin Moir, A General Guide to the India Office Records (London: The British Library, 1988). (97.) Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1961). (98.) Richards, Imperial Archive (99.)

The New York Review of Books (12 Book History

(100. (101.) James Ryan, Picturing Empire (102.) Suleri, 104. (103.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 103. (104.) Meadows Taylor, The Story of My Life (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and

(105.) Ibid. 183. (106.) Ibid. 183, 239, 263. (107.) Robert Carstairs, The Little World of an Indian District Officer (London:

(108.) Ibid. 161. (109.) Ibid. (110.) Ibid. Page 47 of 89

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Notes (111.) Ibid. 170. (112.) Ibid. (113.) Ibid. (114.) Ibid. 279. (115.) Ibid. 280. (116.) Evan Maconochie, Life in the Indian Civil Service (London: Chapman and Hall, 1926), 1. (117.) Ibid. (118.) Ibid. 15. (119.) Ibid.

The Ruling Caste, David Gilmour offers a different gloss

the constant change of scenery and faces, the nature of the work and the feeling that you are doing something for the people about you even if it is in a very small

(p.222) (120.) Henrika Kuklick, The Imperial Bureaucrat: The Colonial Administrative (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1979). (121.) According to Anthony Kirk-Greene, Symbol of Authority: The British District Officer in Africa (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006), at least for the period

(122.) Thora Williamson, Gold Coast Diaries: Chronicles of Political Officers in , ed. Anthony Kirk-Greene (London: The Radcliffe Press, 2000), 26. (123.) A. W. Cardinall, Ashanti and Beyond (124.) C. H. Stigand, Administration in Tropical Africa (London: Constable &

(125.) Martin S. Kisch, Letters and Sketches from Northern Nigeria (London:

(126. voluminous reports and returns, both about our work and on any other subject Page 48 of 89

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Notes concerning which curiosity was felt in higher quarters. A report had to be full,

(127.) (128.) Ibid. 61; Gerald S. Graham, The Politics of Naval Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 60; Richard Gott, Resistance, Repression and Revolt (129.) (130.) Ibid. (131.) Nigel Barley, White Rajah: A Biography of Sir James Brooke (London: Little, Brown, 2002), 27, 31, 43. (132.) Pope-Hennessy, 74. (133.) Ibid. 109, 124. (134.) Ibid.

; Steven Runciman, The White Rajahs: A History of

Sarawak from 1841 to 1946 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960),

(135.)

In 1879, the Colonial Office put out a circular

soliciting feedback from governors about expenses and furnishings, which generated a litany of complaints about inadequate lighting, living rooms that

(136.) Ibid. (137.) Ibid. 142, 172. (138.) Ibid. 228, 259. (139. 2004. (140.) P. L. Burns and C. D. Cowan, eds.,

(141.) Ibid. 80. (142.) Ibid. (143.

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Notes (144.) See Bayly, Imperial Meridian, and Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of the

(145.) Despite the increased size and bureaucratization of the empire, the number of colonial officials remained relatively small. See Porter, Share, 46, and Hyam, , 310. (146.) General histories of work include Richard Donkin, The History of Work (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Herbert Applebaum, The Concept of Work (Albany: State (p.223) University of New York Press, 1992); and P. D. Anthony, The Ideology of Work (London: Tavistock, 1977). (147.) Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, ed. Richard D. Altick (New York: New York University Press, 1965), 201; Eugene R. August, ed., The Nigger Question: The Negro Question (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1971), 43; John Stuart Mill, Autobiography (New York: Henry Hold and Company, 1887), 36. (148.) Robert Owen, The Rational System of Society (London: Effingham Wilson, 1836), 67. (149.) Thomas Arnold, Passages in a Wandering Life (London: Edward Arnold, 1900), vi. (150.) See Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978); Hugh Cunningham, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution (London: Croom, Helm, 1980); Judith Flanders, Consuming Passions: Leisure and Pleasure in Victorian Britain (New York: Harper, 2006); Pamela Horn, Pleasures and Pastimes in Victorian Britain (Stroud: Amberel Publishing, 2011). There is relatively little in the scholarly literature about leisure activity among the aristocracy, or about leisure and recreational activities in the empire apart from sports and hunting. (151. St. Benedict wrote in the sixth century that idleness was the enemy of the soul. The aristocracy was particularly subject to attack by the burgeoning English

noble Carlyle, 180. (152.) Brian Stoddart and Keith A. P. Sandiford, The Imperial Game: Cricket, Culture, and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Timothy J. L. Chandler and John Nauright, Making Men: Rugby and Masculine Identity (New York: Routledge, 1996); Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, (Manchester: Manchester

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Notes (153.) Aspects of Aristocracy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994),

(154.) A. J. P. Taylor, Books, 1975), 226.

(Harmondsworth: Penguin

(155.) James, Raj, 151. (156.) K. D. Reynolds, Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain (157.) Keith Thomas, ed., The Oxford Book of Work (Oxford: Oxford University

(158.) Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society (159.) Geoffrey Holmes, 1730

John Brewer, The Sinews (New York: Alfred A.

(160.) M. L. Bush, The English Aristocracy: A Comparative Synthesis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), 75. See also Lawrence James, Aristocrats: Power, Grace, and Decadence 353. (161.) The Earl of Mornington to Henry Dundas, 24 October 1799, in The Despatches, Minutes, and Correspondence of the Marquess Wellesley, ed. Montgomery Martin, 2 vols. (London: Wm. H. Allen, 1836), II. 132.

(p.224) (162.) James, Raj, 154. (163.)

The Nineteenth Century and After Kuklick, 19, 153.

(164.) See e.g. Bryan Sharwood Smith, Recollections of British Administration in (Durham, NC: Duke University

(165.) Kirk-Greene, Symbol of Authority,

L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan,

(166.) Barbara Kerr, The Dispossessed: An Aspect of Victorian Social History (London: John Baker, 1974), 179.

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Notes (167.) Michael Edwardes, Bound to Exile: The Victorians in India (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1969), 173. (168.) Stanlake Samkange, On Trial for My Country (London: Heinemann, 1966).

Chapter 4. (1.) Parkes, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, I. 149. (2.) The Guardian, 8 June 2007 and Begums, Thugs and Englishmen: The Journals of Fanny Parkes (London: Penguin, 2002). See also Writing Women and Space: Colonial and Postcolonial Geographies, ed. Alison

(3.) Julius Jeffreys, The British Army in India: Its Preservation by an Appropriate Clothing, Housing, Locating, Recreative Employment, and Hopeful Encouragement of the Troops (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts, 1858), 175. (4.) Ferguson, Empire (5.)

History Today 48:9 (1998): 39. C. E. Small Wars. Their

Principles and Practice (6.) Hilaire Belloc and Basil Temple Blackwood, The Modern Traveller (London: Edward Arnold, 1898), 41. (7.) Winston Spencer Churchill, The River War: An Historical Account of the Reconquest of the Sudan, ed. Col. F. Rhodes (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1899), II. 119. (8.) Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Viking Press, 1963). Her first book, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1951), argued for a direct link between late-nineteenth-century European imperialism, eliminationist racism, and totalitarianism. (9.) Farwell,

, 1.

(10.) See Introduction, n. 45. (11.) David Nelson, The Victorian Soldier (Princes Risborough: Shire Publications, 2000), 10. (12.) Frank Emery, Marching over Africa: Letters from Victorian Soldiers (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986), 19, 52.

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Notes (13.) Lady Florentia Sale, A Journal of the First Afghan War, ed. Patrick Macrory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 7, 21, 32, 55. (14.) Edward Spiers, The Victorian Soldier in Africa (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 20; The Historical Journal Michael Asher, Khartoum: The Ultimate Imperial Adventure (London: Viking Penguin, 2005).

(p.225) (15.) Spiers, The Victorian Soldier in Africa, 43;Ian Knight, Zulu Rising: The Epic (London: Macmillan, 2011). (16.) See Emery, Miller, and Allen, Soldier Sahibs. For military accounts of the India Mutiny, see Saul David, The Indian Mutiny (London: Penguin Books, 2002) and Christopher Hibbert, The Great Mutiny: India 1857 (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1980). For the Boer War, see Thomas Pakenham, The Boer War (New York: Random House, 1979) and Denis Judd and Keith Surridge, The Boer War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). (17.) Gayden Wren, A Most Ingenious Paradox: The Art of Gilbert and Sullivan

(18.) J. T. F. Jordens,

(Houndmills:

Macmillan, 1998), 20; Charles R. DiSalvo, M. K. Gandhi, Attorney at Law: The Man Before the Mahatma (19.) [Albert Baker], A South African Boy: Schoolboy Life in Natal (London:

Surridge. (20.)

Punch Vol. 99 (1890), Punch 28 (14 April

1855): 145. (21.) The New York Times Current History (New York: The New York Times Company, 1915), I. 979. Siegfried Sassoon wrote in Memoirs of an Infantry Officer been described as the greatest event in history, it could be tedious and

(22.) A notable exception is Bård Mæland and Paul Otto Brunstad, Enduring Military Boredom (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). Page 53 of 89

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Notes (23.) Samuel Johnson, The Idler No. 21, 2 September 1758, in The Works of Samuel Johnson, ed. Arthur Murphy, Vol. VII (London: G. Walker, 1820), 80. (24.) There are very few diaries by working-class soldiers. One exception is Carolyn Steedman, (London: Routledge, 1988). Although Pearman was critical of military life and colonial warfare, he did not express feelings of boredom, perhaps because the working day in the army in the 1840s stretched from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. (25.) In addition to Mæland and Brunstad, see Anthony Swofford, Jarhead: A (New York: Scribner: 2003), 18, 137, 239; Sebastian Junger, War (New York: Twelve, 2010), 24, 103, 165, 199, 208. (26. (27.) See David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991). (28.) Roger Norman Buckley, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and the Military in the Revolutionary Age (Gainsville: University Press of Florida, 1998), 86; Kaushik Roy, The Army in British India: From Colonial Warfare to (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 36. (29.) Harold E. Raugh, Jr., British Military History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005), 51. (30.) John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme (London: Jonathan Cape, 1976). While Keegan writes about the drinking on both the English and French sides (pp. 88, 112), this seems not to have led to any expressions of boredom, perhaps because waiting was a normal occurrence in medieval battle and in line with (p.226)

139). (31. (32.) Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 115. See also Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 136; Tools of War: , ed. John Lynn Page 54 of 89

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Notes (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990), 120; and Randolf G. S. Cooper, International History Review 11 (1989): 38. For an alternate view, suggesting that the British succeeded not so much because of the inability of the Indians to adapt to European styles of warfare, but because the British were able to adapt to the changing military situation in India, see Journal of Military History (33.) Jeremy Paxman, Empire (London: Penguin, 2011), 175. (34.) See Jay Luvaas, 1940 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), and The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army, ed. David Chandler and Ian Beckett (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

(35.) Harry Turney-High, Primitive War: Its Practice and Concepts (Columbia, See also Donald Morris, The Washing of the Spears (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965); Ian Knight, Anatomy of the Zulu Army (London: Greenhill, 1995). (36.) Joanna Bourke, An Intimate History of Killing: Face to Face Killing in 20th Century Warfare (New York: Basic Books, 1999). Among US troops deployed to Dave Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society (Boston: Little, Brown, 1995), and Lawrence H. Keeley, War Before Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 35. More recently, a 2010 US Defense Business Board report found that 40 percent of all active duty soldiers had never even been deployed to a combat zone. See Time (16 March 2012); Other End of the Spear: The Tooth-to Tail Ratio (T3R) in Modern Military

(37.) Richard Price, Making Empire: Colonial Encounters and the Creation of Imperial Rule in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). (38.) Robert Provo Norris Diary, Yale Center for British Art, 22 October 1847, 7 March 1848, 1 August 1848. (39.) Ibid. 15 September 1847, 29 September 1847, 25 December 1847, 12 January 1848, 25 January 1848. (40.) Ibid. 3 September 1847. (41.) Ibid. 11 September 1847. Page 55 of 89

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Notes (42.

(43.) See Said; Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge; Bayly, Empire and Information; The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998 ; Thomas R. Metcalf, The (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964).

(p.227) (44.) The scholarship on imperialism and otherness is voluminous, but in addition to Said, Daunton and Halpern, and Suleri, see Indira Ghose, The Power of the Female Gaze: Women Travellers and Colonial India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998); Esme Cleall, Missionary Discourses of Difference: Negotiating Otherness in the British Empire (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). For a very different view, arguing that British army personnel played an important role in contributing to the stereotyping of their African adversaries, see Journal of Military History (45.) Said, Orientalism, 5. (46.) Norris, 31 December 1848. (47.) Buckley, 69. See also Richard Holmes, Redcoat: The British Soldier in the Age of Horse and Musket (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001); Michael N. McConnell, 1775 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004); Christopher Duffy, The Military Experience in the Age of Reason (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987). (48.) Ira D. Gruber, ed., (Stroud: Sutton Publishing for the Army Records Society, 1997). (49.) Buckley, 71. (50.) Philip D. Curtin, , Vol. 2 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), 362; Timothy H. Parsons, (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), 12; F. Harrison Rankin, Sierra Leone, in 1834, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1836). In his chapter on

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Notes slaves aboard the Portuguese slaver Donna Maria who were held in limbo for months while the legality of their transport across the Atlantic was being

(51.) Lucile H. Brockway, Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic Gardens Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 94. (52.) J. A. Houlding, Buckley, 327. (53. (54. (55.) Raugh, 176. (56.) Norris, 3 January 1848, 3 February 1848, 10 February 1848, 18 February 1848. (57.) King, Campaigning in Kaffirland, 40. (58.) Ibid. 96. (59.) Norris, 25 September, 2 October 1847. More broadly, see Erica Wald, Vice 1868 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). (60.) James, Raj

Calcutta Review 40

(61.) George Carter Journal, BL MS Eur. 262, fos. 7, 50. (62.) [George Robert Gleig], Harper, 1829), 161.

, 2 vols. (New York: J. & J.

(63.) Michael S. Neiberg, ed., Century (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006), 64. (64.) Curzon to Godley, 13 March 1902, BL MS Eur. F 111/161, no. 21.

(p.228) (65.) Norris, 27 April 1848. (66.) James McKay, Reminiscences of the Last Kafir War (Cape Town: C. Struik, 1970), 2. (67.) Ibid. 5. Page 57 of 89

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Notes (68.) See e.g. Procida, Married to the Empire, 112, 144; Gregory FremontBarnes, (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2007), 19; Peter Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 89; Kim A. Wagner, The Great Fear of 1857: Rumors, Conspiracies, and the Making of the Indian Uprising (Bern: Peter Lang, 2010), xxii; Stephen Wade, Spies in the Empire: Victorian Military Intelligence (London: Anthem Press, 2007), 33. (69.) See Christopher Hibbert, War of No Pity: The Indian Mutiny and Victorian Trauma (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). (70.) John William Mudge,

Wellcome Library MS 7454.

(71.) Allen Bayard Johnson Diary, BL MS Eur. A101. (72.) George Robertson Hennessy Diary, National Army Museum. (73.) Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel: The Record of a Life of Active Service (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1866), 13, 25, 28, II. 51. See also Mrs Eliot [Mary Carmichael] Montauban, A Year and a Day in the East; or, Wanderings over Land and Sea 9. (74.) Seaton, 26. (75.) Ibid. 110. (76.) Eden, 5. (77.) Ibid. 34. (78.) Ibid. 342. (79.) Smith, The East India Sketch Book, I. 144. (80.) Gordon Casserly, Life in an Indian Outpost (London: T. Wermer Laurie, [1914]), 7, (81.) Ibid. 30. (82.) Ibid. (83.) Ibid. has garnered scholarly attention was his attendance at one of the great durbars of Nripendra Narayan, Maharaja of Cooch Behar (Koch Bihar); see James, Raj,

(84.) Casserly, 6. Page 58 of 89

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Notes (85.) Ibid. 17. (86.) Joseph Hooker, Himalayan Journals, 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1854), I. 109. The Calcutta Review 28 (1857): 209. (87.) (88.) Ibid. 209. (89.) Ibid. 267. (90.) Edward Cecil, who served as undersecretary of war and finance in Egypt The Leisure of an Egyptian Official (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1929), 24. (91.) (92.) Ibid. 275. (93.) Ibid. 32. (94.) Ibid. (95.) Ibid. 318. (96.) (97.) Ibid. 41. (98.) The United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magazine (1839), Part 2,

(p.229) (99.) Maurice Austin, Years (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1979), 160. (100. United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magazine (1847), Part 2, 84. (101.) (102.) Ibid. 53. (103.) Ibid. (104.) John Mercier MacMullen, Camp and Barrack-Room; or, the British Army as it is

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Notes (105.) Allen Bayard Johnson Papers, BL MS Eur. A101, fo. 18. (106.) Ibid. fos. 29b, 56. (107. Coolies, Capital, and Colonialism: Studies in Indian Labour History, ed. Rena P. Behal and Marcel van der Linden Daniel R. Headrick, The 1940 (108. (109.) Ibid. (110.) Douglas M. Peers, Between Mars and Mammon: Colonial Armies and the

(111.) Charles Allen, (London: Michael Joseph, 1988), vii. (112.) (113.) Ibid. 46. (114.) Henry Edward Fane, Five Years in India, 2 vols. (London: Henry Colburn,

(115.) (116.) Ibid. 155. (117.

(118.) James Johnson, The Influence of Tropical Climates, More Especially the Climate of India, on European Constitutions (London: Stockdale, 1813), 479. (119.) Vladimir Jankovic, Confronting the Climate: British Airs and the Making of Environmental Medicine (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). (120. Andrew and Judith Marshall, Striving for the Comfort Zone: A Perspective on Julius Jeffreys (Dallas: Windy Knoll Publication, 2004). (121.) Jeffreys, 3. (122.) Ibid. Page 60 of 89

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Notes (123.) (124.) Ibid. 145. (125.) Smith, The East India Sketch Book, I. 17; II. 33, 46. (126.) Henry Mackenzie Fleming Papers, BL MS Eur. C260. (127. Thankappan Nair, ed., (Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1983). See also John Pemble, ed., Miss Fane in India (128.)

(p.230) (129.) (130.) Ibid. II. 48, 121. (131.) Ibid. (132.) Ibid. II. 262. (133.) Albert Hervey, Ten Years in India; the Life of a Young Officer, 3 vols. (London: William Shoberl, 1850), I, viii. (134.) [R. B. Cumberland], Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer

(135.) Ibid. 19. (136.) C. H. Forbes-Lindsay, India Past and Present (Philadelphia: Henry T. Coates & Co., 1903), I. 223; Procida, Married to the Empire, 103. (137.) Mrinalini Sinha, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995). (138.) Cumberland, 28. (139.) Victorian Studies 48:1 (2005): 7. (140.) Ibid. George Macaulay Trevelyan, English Social History (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1942), 549. (141.) Cumberland, 11. Page 61 of 89

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Notes (142.) Ibid. 38, 212. (143.) Ibid. (144.) Graham and Robinson. (145.) Mark Twain, Following the Equator: A Journey around the World (Hartford: The American Publishing Company, 1898), 480. (146. (147.) A. S. Dudi, Modern History of India (New Delhi: Neha, 2012); Bayly, Empire and Information, 174. (148.) Cumberland, 246. (149.) See N. G. Butlin, James Belich, Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Angloworld (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 263; T. A. Gochlan, Labour and Industry in Australia (150.) (151.) Ibid. 292. (152.) The best book on the subject is MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire, but see also Imperialism and Popular Culture as well as Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists Selling of the Empire: British and (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1985). On the whole, propaganda during the nineteenth century has received very little attention from historians, and most of it concerns the last two decades and the Boer War. One exception is 2010. Other useful starting points include John Springhall, Youth, Empire, and (Hamden: Archon Books, 1977), and The Journal of Military History 69:3 (2005): For non-British material, see Matthew Stanard, Selling the Congo: A History of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012).

(p.231) (153.) Exhibiting Empire, ed. John McAleer and John

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Notes (154.) Review

Victorian Periodicals

(155.) Peter Warwick (London: Longman, 1980), 203. (156.) See e.g. and Commonwealth History

The South African War, ed.

Journal of Imperial and Jeffrey Richards, Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001).

(157.) MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire, 3. (158.) See Beth Fowkes Tobin, Picturing Imperial Power: Colonial Subjects in Eighteenth-Century British Painting (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Joan Coutu, Persuasion and Propaganda: Monuments and the EighteenthCentury British Empire and Holger Hoock, Empires of the Imagination: Politics, War, and the Arts in the (London: Profile Books, 2010). (159.) See Alan McNairn, Behold the Hero: General Wolfe and the Arts in the Eighteenth Century ); Brian Apollo Daily Mail The Press in English Society from the Seventeenth Century to the Nineteenth Centuries, ed. Michael Harris and Alan Lee (Rutherford, NJ: Associated J. M. W. Hichberger, Images of the Army: (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); Peter Harrington, British Artists and War: The Face of Battle in (London: Greenhill Books, 1993); and Alison Journal of Historical Geography

On

photography, see Ryan, Picturing Empire. (160.

Commodity Culture

(161.) Critical Inquiry (162.) Byron Farwell,

(W. W. Norton & Co. 1981), 84.

(163.) A. R. Skelly, The Victorian Army at Home: The Recruitment and Terms and (London: Croom Helm, 1977), 245. (164.) Ian Beckett, The Victorians at War (London: Hambledon, 2003), 222. (165.

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Notes (166.) Bellew, vii. (167.) David Sunderland, Managing the British Empire: The Crown Agents, (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 33. See also Buettner, Empire Families; Hall, Civilising Subjects Distances: Family and Empire between Britain, British Columbia and India,

(168.) (169.) Ibid. (170.) Ibid. I. 84. (171.) Ibid. I. 120. (172.) Ibid. II: 211. (173.) Ibid. I: 241.

(p.232) (174.) See John Tosh, Manliness and Masculinities in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2005) and Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997). (175.) Social History The Historical Journal

Robert B. V. G. Kiernan,

The Duel in European History: Honour and the Reign of Aristocracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). (176.) Adrian Carton de Wiart, Happy Odyssey (London: Jonathan Cape, 1950),

(177.) His experience was by no means unique. See Stephen Morris, Letters India (178.) (179.) Ibid. 24. (180.

Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of (London: Reaktion Books, 2000).

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Notes (181.) Susan Walton, Imagining Soldiers and Fathers in the Mid-Victorian Era (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Group, 2010), 30. (182.) Gleig, 105. (183.) G. A. Henty, St. George for England (London: Blackie & Son, 1885), 3; id., The Young Colonists, new edn. (London: Blackie & Son, 1897). (184.) See Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research Nineteenth-Century Literature Book of Snobs

W. M.

(185.) Walton, 35, 38. (186.) J. A. Cramb, Reflections on the Origins and Destiny of Imperial Britain (London: MacMillan and Co., 1900), 129. See also The Lessons of History (New Haven: Yale

(187.) Quoted in Bernard Semmel, Imperialism and Social Reform: English Social and Imperial Thought 1895 Press, 1960), 41. See also Popular Imperialism and the Military , ed., John M. MacKenzie (Manchester: Manchester University Press, and id., ed., Imperialism and Juvenile Literature (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 81. (188.) Heather Streets, Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). (189.

Jane Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian

Mutiny (London: Penguin, 1996). (190.) de Wiart, 27, 33. (191.) British Journal of Sociology

One soldier

See Tony Mason and Eliza Riedi, Sport and the Military: The British Armed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 33.

(p.233)

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Notes (192.) Farwell, 208; James D. Campbell, (Abingdon: Ashgate Publishing Group, 2012), 12. (193.) Farwell, 203. (194.) Quoted in Edward M. Spiers, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 97. (195.) Campbell, 11, 137. (196.) Judd and Surridge, 64. (197.) Anthony Clayton, The British Officer (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2007), 96. (198.) Henry Cubitt-Smith, Yadgari: or, Memories of the Raj (Saxlingham, Norfolk: n.p., 1987). (199.) Ralph Verney, Verney (Padstow, Cornwall: Tabb House, 1994).

, ed. David

(200.

Chapter 5. (1.) Mrs Edward [Janet] Millett, An Australian Parsonage; or, the settler and the savage in Western Australia (2.) Alexander Harris, Labour in the Australian Backwoods (London: C. Cox, 1847), 166, 304; David W. Carnegie, Exploration in Western Australia (London: C. Arthur Pearson, 1898), 62. (3.) Harriet W. Daly, Digging, Squatting, and Pioneering Life in the Northern Territory of South Australia (London: Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle &

(4.) Quoted in Frost, 117. (5.) Henderson, I. 68; Early Days in Western Australia: Being the Letters and Journal of H. W. Bunbury, ed. W. St. Pierre Bunbury and W. P. Morrell (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), 26. (6.) Hughes, The Fatal Shore, 102;Geoffrey Blainey, The Tyranny of Distance

(7.) See Irvine. It was much the same for the 1820 Settlers in South Africa. See John Robert Wahl, ed., Thomas Pringle in South Africa (Cape Town: Longman Page 66 of 89

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Notes The literature on frontier violence is voluminous: see Henry Reynolds, An Indelible Stain? The Question of Genocide (Melbourne: Viking, 2001), and A. Dirk Moses, Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004). (8.) Paul Bloomfield, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Builder of the British Commonwealth (London: Longmans, 1961); Ten Books that Shaped the British Empire: Creating an Imperial Commons, ed. Antoinette

(9.) Edward Gibbon Wakefield, A Letter from Sydney, The Principal Town of Australasia 27. (10.) The Social Science Journal colonial promotion literature include Frederic Algar, A Handbook to the Colony of South Australia (London: Australian & New Zealand Gazette, 1863) and A Handbook to the Colony (p.234) of New South Wales (London: Australian & New Zealand Gazette, 1863); Samuel Butler, Hand-Book for Australian Emigrants (Glasgow: W. R. McPhun, 1839); and W. H. Leigh, Reconnoitering Voyages and Travels, with Adventures in South Australia (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1839). (11.) Marjory Harper, ed., Emigrant Homecomings: The Return Movement of (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 2; Dudley Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy: Emigration and Internal (Cambridge, 1985), 279. (12.) For a broad overview of the settler experience, see Robert Bickers, ed., Settlers and Expatriates: Britons over the Seas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), along with Robert D. Grant, Representations of British Emigration, (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); David Lambert and Alan Lester, eds., Colonial Lives across the British Empire: Imperial Careering in the Long Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Brinley Thomas, Migration and Economic Growth: A Study of the Great Britain and the Atlantic Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973); and Hall, Civilising Subjects. (13.) See Belich, Replenishing the Earth and John C. Weaver, The Great Land (Montreal: McGillQueens University Press, 2006). For a recent, revisionist study, see Angela Woolacott, Settler Society in the Australian Colonies: Self-Government and Imperial Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). For a historiographical Page 67 of 89

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Notes overview, see Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

The

(14.) MacMillan, Women of the Raj; Pat Barr, The Memsahibs: The Women of Victorian India (London: Secker & Warburg, 1976); Joanna Trollope, Daughters: Women of the British Empire (London: Hutchinson, 1983). (15.) The Calcutta Review Indrani Sen, Woman and Empire: Representations in the Writings of British India ( (Hyderabad: Orient

(16.) Marryat, 54. (17. (18.) Eden, 284, 337. (19.

J. K. Stanford,

(London: Galley Press, 1962), which criticizes Eden for giving a frivolous impression of Anglo-Indian Society. (20.) (21.) Ibid. (22.) Angela Poon, Enacting Englishness in the Victorian Period: Colonialism and the Politics of Performance (23.) King, (24.) David, The Indian Mutiny (25.) King, , 29; Edwin T. Atkinson, Statistical, Descriptive and Historical Account of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. III (Allahabad: North-Western Provinces Government Press, 1876), 409. (26.) King,

, 261.

(27.) Ibid. (28.) Flora Annie Steel, The Garden of Fidelity (London: Macmillan and There were, of course, exceptions. The irrepressible Fanny Parkes wrote in Wanderings of a Pilgrim in India has nothing to do. (p.235)

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Notes For myself, I superintend the household, and find it difficult at times to write

(29.) Violet Powell, Flora Annie Steel, Novelist of India (London: Heinemann, 1981

(30.) See Barr, The Memsahibs and The Dust in the Balance: British Women in (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989); Mary Ann Lind, The 1947 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988

Barbara N.

(31.) See Margaret Strobel, European Women and the Second British Empire as well as Sen, Suleri, Ballhatchet, and Sinha. On the other hand, in colonial Nigeria white women Helen Callaway, Gender, Culture and Empire: European Women in Colonial Nigeria (London: Macmillan, 1987). (32. (33.) Mary Carpenter, Six Months In India, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, 1868), 26. See also Chaudhuri and Strobel; Procida, Married to the Empire; Burton, Burdens of History Journal of British Studies 97; Rhonda Anne Semple, Missionary Women: Gender, Professionalization, and the Victorian Idea of Christian Mission (Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2003); Margaret Balfour and Ruth Young, The Work of Medical Women in India (London: Milford, 1929); and Cox. (34.) Maud Diver, The Englishwoman in India (Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1909), 16, 128. (35.) Gilmour, The Ruling Caste, 297. (36.) Pemble, ed., Miss Fane in India, 101; emphasis in the original. (37.) Anne C. Wilson, Letters from India (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and

(38.) Macmillan, 143. (39.) Dawson, 365.

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Notes (40.) Flora Annie Steel and Grace Gardiner, The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook (41.) Macmillan, 14; Paxman, 138. (42.) There were also concerns that reading novels could be dangerous to women. See Nineteenth-Century Gender Studies 3:1 (2007); Kate Flint, The (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); Sally Mitchell, Victorian Studies Jacqueline Pearson, Britain: A Dangerous Recreation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). (43.) Quoted in Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 37. (44. (45.) Roberts, Scenes and Characteristics of Hindustan (46.) Quoted in Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 66. (47. (48.) Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 80. (49.) Eden, 144.

(p.236) (50.) Edwardes, 18. Very few European men spoke Indian languages with any real fluency either. (51.) Pemble, Miss Fane in India, 7. (52.) Julia Maitland, John Murray, 1846), 26.

(London:

(53.) Wilson, Letters from India, 292. (54.) Maitland, 25. (55.) R. D. Macleod, Impressions of an Indian Civil Servant (London: H. F. & G. Witherby, 1938), 136. (56.) Wilson, Letters from India, 107. (57.) Macmillan, viii, xxii, 44; Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 121.

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Notes (58.) J. W. Kaye, Peregrine Pultaney; or, Life in India, 3 vols. (London: John

(59.) Kathleen A. Feeley and Jennifer Frost, eds., When Private Talk Goes Public: Gossip in American History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). (60. C. J. Hawes, Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British India (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996). (61.) Bayly, Imperial Meridian Sudipta Sen, Distant Sovereignty: National Imperialism and the Origins of British India (New York: Routledge, Dalrymple, White Mughals, 36; Ainslee Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962); P. J. Marshall, ed., The British Discovery of Hinduism in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 42. (62.) In addition to Ghosh and Hibbert, War of No Pity, see Dennis Kincaid, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), and, more recently, Valerie Anderson, Race and Power in British India: Anglo-Indians, Class and Identity in the Nineteenth Century (London: I. B. Tauris, 2015). In Cawnpore, 3rd edn. (London: Macmillan and Co., 1866), George

(63.) Graham, Journal of a Residence in India, 136. (64.) Parkes, I. 59. (65.) Bessie Knox Fenton, The Journal of Mrs Fenton: A Narrative of her Life in (London: Edward Arnold, 1901), 15. (66.) Ann Laura Stoler, Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995), 149. (67.) Macmillan, 46. (68.) Eden, 278. (69.) Sesame and Lilies: Three Lectures (1865; repr. George Allen, 1899), 17. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, argues that

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Notes

as rigid in practice. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); (p.237) The Historical Journal

and Clare Midgley, (London:

Routledge, 2007). (70.) Sen, Women and Empire and Political Weekly

Economic

(71.) Dawson, 353; Wilson, Letters from India (72.) [ The Monthly Review II (1843): 103; Letters from Madras During the Years (London: John Murray, 1861), 24. (73.) Viscountess Falkland, Chow-Chow; Being Selections from a Journal Kept in India, Egypt, and Syria, 2 vols. (London: Hurst and Blackett, 1857), 3. (74.) Lady Dufferin, Our Viceregal Life in India Sons, 1891), 34. (75.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 110. (76.) Harold Nicolson,

(New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company,

History Review (77.) Maitland, Letters from Madras, 47. (78.) G. O. Trevelyan, The Competition Wallah, 2nd edn. (London: Macmillan, 1866), 205; Dawson, 137. (79. (80. (81.) C. M. Turnbull, Crown Colony (London: Athlone Press, 1927); T. N. Harper, The End of Empire and the Making of Malaya 18. (82.) Monica Anderson, (Madison, NJ: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 2006), 96; Eddie Tay, Colony, Nation, and Globalization: Not at Home in Singaporean and Malaysian Literature (Hong Page 72 of 89

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Notes J. M. Gullick, Glimpses of 191; Emily Innes, The Chersonese with the Gilding Off, intro. Khoo Kay Kim (London: Richard Bentley & Sons, 1885; Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1993). (83.) Isabella L. Bird, The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither (London: John Murray, 1883); Gillian Whitlock, Autobiography (London: Cassell, 2000), 118. (84. (85.) Innes, II. 243. (86.) Ibid. (87.) Ibid. I. 14; Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (New York: Praeger, 1966), and Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire. (88.) Innes, I. 4. (89.) Ibid. I. 19. (90.) Ibid.

(p.238) Laura Boyle, Wife (Oxford: Alden Press, 1968). (91.) Innes, II. 21, 25, 32, 35, 244. (92.) Ibid. I. 73, II. 176. (93.) Ibid. (94.) Ibid. I. 230. (95.) Tay, 38. See also South East Asia Research

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Notes (96.) (97.) Ibid. (98.) Ibid. (99.) Robert Heussler, British Rule in Malaya: The Malayan Civil Service and its (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981), 67. (100.) Tay, 39. (101.) Ibid. 4. (102.) J. M. Gullick, Rulers and Residents: Influence and Power in the Malay (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992). (103.) Harper, 18. (104.) (105.) Ibid. I. 39, 44. (106.) Ibid. I. 39. (107.) See Sara Mills, Writing and Colonialism (London: Routledge, 1991), 18; Christine Doran, Asian Studies Review (108.) Clara Thomas, Love and Work Enough: The Life of Anna Jameson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967). (109.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 2. (110.) Ibid. (111.) Ibid. (112.) Ibid. 13, 18, 29. (113.) Ibid.; Gerardine Macpherson, Memoirs of the Life of Anna Jameson (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1878), 125, 128. (114.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 37. (115.) Charles Dickens, American Notes for General Circulation, 2 vols. (London:

(116.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, I. 82.

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Notes (117.) Ibid. 86. (118.) Ibid. 76. (119.) Ibid. 30. (120.) Ibid. 26. (121.) Ibid. (122.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, II. 273;Beatrice Strong Erskine, ed., (London: T. F. Unwin, 1915), 154. (123.) Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada, II. 211. See also Judith Johnston, Anna Jameson: Victorian, Feminist, Woman of Letters (Aldershot: Scholar Press, 1997).

(p.239) (124.) Una Long, ed., The Journals of Elizabeth Lees Price Written in (London: Edward Arnold, 1956), 135. (125.) Ibid. (126.) Ibid. (127.) Ibid. 227, 237. (128.) Henry Parkes,

(Sydney: Angus & Robertson,

(129.) Ibid. (130.) Ibid. (131.) Ibid. (132.) Chips by an Old Chum; or, Australia in the Fifties (London: Cassell,

(133.) Ibid. (134.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand, ix. (135.) His experience was not unusual. See George M. Barker, Life in Assam (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1884) and F. A. Heatherington, The Diary of a Tea Planter (Sussex: Book Guild, 1994).

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Notes (136.) Quoted in William J. Peasley, In the Hands of Providence: The Desert Journeys of David Carnegie (Perth: St. George Books, 1995), 43. (137.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand 433. (138.) Ibid. 102. (139.) Geographical Journal (140.) Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand, 101. (141.) See The Oxford Companion to Australian History, ed. Graham Davidson, John Hirst, and Stuart MacIntyre (Oxford University Press, 1998); The American Historical Review Stephen H. Roberts, History of Australian Land

(142.) (143.) Ibid. (144.) Ibid. 218. (145.) Ibid. (146.) Ibid. 365. Losing track of time was a common complaint. Annie Baxter, lieutenant on a convict transport, wrote, after she and her husband had settled

(147.) Curr, 369. (148.) Henderson, II. 293. (149.) Ibid. (150.) Ibid. (151.) Ibid. (152.) Ibid. II. 243, 291. See also Frank Fowler, Southern Lights and Shadows

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Notes (153.) Frost, 153; Daly, 62. (154.) Ibid. (155.) Ibid. 165, 168.

(p.240) (156.) Patricia Clarke, A Colonial Woman: The Life and Times of May Braidwood (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986). (157.) Ibid. 97, 110, 112. (158.) Ibid, 3. (159.) Ibid. 110, 125, 128, 131. (160.) Ibid. 143, 146, 171. (161.) Frost, 3. See e.g. George Boxall, History of the Australian Bushrangers (Melbourne: George Robertson & Co., 1902), and Evan McHugh, Bushrangers: (Camberwell, Victoria: Penguin Books, 2011). (162. (163.) Denison, I. 32. (164.) Alain de Botton, The Art of Travel (New York: Pantheon, 2002). (165.) Crosby. (166.) Jan Morris, ed., Architecture of the British Empire (London: Weidenfeld & Thomas R. Metcalf, An Imperial Vision: India 9. (167.) On the role of Indians in its construction, see Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011). On British views of Indian art, see Partha Mitter, Much Maligned Monsters: A History of European Reactions to Indian Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). (168.) Rudyard Kipling, The City of Dreadful Night (New York: Alex. Grosset & Co., 1899), 5, 8. (169.

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Notes (170.) Panckridge, 11. For a similar process in a different location, see Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion, (171.) Lisa Sharp, Club, 1985), 13, 22.

(Singapore Cricket

(172.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains Consuming Architecture: On the Occupation, Appropriation, and Interpretation of Buildings, ed. Daniel Maudlin and Marcel Vellinga (New York:

(173.) Gilmour, Ruling Caste, 227; Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 103. (174.) From the Hooghly to the Himalayas (Bombay: Times Press, 1913), 47; Journal of the Statistical Society 44 (1881): 532. (175.

The Calcutta Review 28 (1857): 209.

(176.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 51. (177.) Elizabeth Muter, China, and New Zealand (178.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 118. (179.) Isabel Savory, A Sportswoman in India (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1900), 331. (180.) George Otto Trevelyan, The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, 2 vols. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1876), 326. (181.) Thomas Babington Macaulay, The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. Thomas Pinney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), III. 76.

(p.241) (182.) Macaulay, Letters Catherine Hall, Macaulay and Son: Architects of Imperial Britain More broadly, see The Collected Papers of Otto Fenichel, ed. Hannah Fenichel and David Rapaport, Vol. I Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association Phillips, On Kissing, Tickling, and Being Bored, 77. (183.) Kennedy, Magic Mountains, 1. Page 78 of 89

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Notes (184.) Eugenia W. Herbert, Frederick Sleigh Roberts, Forty-One Years in India (London: Macmillan and Co., 1902), 277, 293. (185.) Pat Barr, Simla: A Hill Station in British India (New York: Scribner, 1978), 39. (186.) Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, India under Ripon: A Private Diary (London: T.

(187.) Letters to Friends at Home from June 1842, to May 1843. By an Idler

(188.) Ibid. 117. (189. fancy yourself 16,000 miles from home. English people, houses, shops and good Queen of the West February 1857, NLA MS 6442. (190.) C. F. Gordon Cumming, At Home in Fiji, 5th edn. (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1885), 14. (191. (192.) Fermor-Hesketh, 20, 23; Journal of Historical Geography

Bull.

(193.) Hellen Vellacott, ed., Colonial Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995), 6. (194.

Queen of the West

(195.) 5100, p. 31. (196.) Ibid. 64. (197.) Lady [Mary Ann] Broome, Colonial Memories (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1904), 2. (198.) Ibid. 4. (199.) Ibid. 6. Page 79 of 89

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Notes (200.) Susanna Moodie, Roughing it in the Bush; or, Life in Canada (London: Richard Bentley, 1857), p. vi. (201.) See Roughing it in the Bush

Imperial Objects:

Experience Roughing it in the Bush as Pioneering North America: Mediators of European Culture and Literature, ed. Klaus Martens (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2000), The Compass John Thurston, The Work of Words: The Writing of Susanna Strickland Moodie University Press, 1996).

(p.242) (202.) Moodie, 29, 114, 224. (203.) John Thurston, ed., Voyages: Short Narratives of Susanna Moodie (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991), (204.) Belich, Replenishing the Earth. (205.) Dane Kennedy, Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1987), 31, 77. (206.) Bickers, Settlers and Expatriates. (207.) Kennedy, Islands of White See also Doris Lessing, The Grass is Singing (1950) and The Golden Notebook (1962), as well as Karen Blixen, Out of Africa (1937). (208.) See e.g. Bernard Bergonzi, A Victorian Wanderer: The Life of Thomas Arnold the Younger (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Thomas Arnold was one of hundreds of thousands of British men and women who intended to settle overseas but, experiencing loneliness or hardship, ended up returning home to Britain. (209.) See Cooper and Stoler; Thomas, Bad Colonists; and Bickers, Empire Made Me. (210. David Copperfield and Great Expectations Obscure Nordic Journal of English Studies

Jude the

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Notes (211.) See also Ethel Turner, The Wonder-Child: An Australian Story (London: Religious Tract Society, 1902), a widower in England.

Conclusion (1.) Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography (London: Bodley Head, 1936), 28. (2.) Stanley A. Wolpert, Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 29. (3. Edinburgh Review 144 (1840): 331. (4. Allison Pease, Modernism, Feminism and the Culture of Boredom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). (5.) Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Penguin, 1988); Stuart Hall et al., eds., Modernity: An Introduction to Modern Societies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996); Gerard Delanty, Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. George Ritzer (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007). (6.) Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992). (7.) From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), See also Gilbert G. Germain, A Discourse on Disenchantment: Reflections on Politics and Technology (Albany: State University of New York Twentieth-century social theorists, such as Walter Benjamin, have likewise identified boredom as one of the salient symptoms of modernity, but none of them has investigated the relationship between boredom and empire. (8.) Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile: Or, On Education, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1979); Berman, 17. (9.) Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, ed. Rolf-Peter Horstmann and Judith Norman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 160.

(p.243) (10.) Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science, trans. Walter Kauffmann (New York: Random House, 1974), 93, 108; Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits, Page 81 of 89

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Notes trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 120, 125, 151, 194, 241, 294. (11.) The Essential Kierkegaard, ed. Edward V. Hong and Edna Hong (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 51. Hegel also touched on the problem of boredom, relating it to a decline in religiosity in the late Roman Empire and in

The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. , ed. Ellis Sandoz (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State

12:

Possessed

Humanitas

(12.) Dalle Pezze and Salzani, 7. (13.) Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from Underground, trans. and ed. Michael Katz

(14.) Perspectives on Psychological Science 7 (2013): 482. See also Personality and Individual Differences (15.) The former include D. E. Berlyne, Conflict, Arousal, and Curiosity (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960), 187, and Acta Psychological example of the latter is Viktor Frankl, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992).

The best , 4th edn.

(16.) Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1975), and Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience (New York: Harper & Row, 1990). (17. (18. 2015. See also Business Review, 9 September 2014;

The New York Times, 19 April Harvard Creativity Research Journal 26 (2014):

(19. Science Page 82 of 89

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Notes (20.) Flora Tristan, London Journal: A Survey of London Life in the 1830s, trans. Dennis Palmer and Giselle Pincetl (London: George Prior, 1980), 5; Lee Anna Maynard, Beautiful Boredom: Idleness and Feminine Self-Realization in the Victorian Novel (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 2009); Deborah L. Parsons, Streetwalking the Metropolis: Women, the City and Modernity (21.) See Hall, Civilising Subjects, 9, building on the earlier work of Cooper and Stoler. For a study of late-colonial and postcolonial fiction and the relationship between boredom and modernity, see Saikit Majumdar, Prose of the World: Modernism and the Banality of Empire (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2013). (22.) Average temperatures in London range from 45 from 65 degrees, and high temperatures rarely exceed 75 degrees, and then not for very long. In Calcutta, on the other hand, average temperatures from April to September approach 90 degrees, with rainfall during the monsoon months that is five times as much as in London. See www.holiday-weather.com.

(p.244) (23. The Fundamental Concepts of Metaphysics, trans. William McNeill as well as Kern. (24. (25.) On the former, see Max Nordau, Degeneration (New York: D. Appleton and On the challenges of establishing an imperial mail service, see Robert E. Forrester, (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014); James Onley, The Arabian Frontier of the British Raj: Merchants, Rulers, and the British in the Nineteenth-Century Gulf (Oxford:

(26.) Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj (27.) Trevelyan, The Competition Wallah (28.) Procida, Married to the Empire (29.) In addition to Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, Ghosh, and Cox, see Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex and Class under the Raj 1980), and Shompa Lahiri, Indians in Britain: Anglo-Indian Encounters, Race and (London: Routledge, 2013). For a different and more complicated trajectory focusing on New Zealand, see Damon Ieremia Salesa,

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Notes Racial Crossings: Race, Intermarriage, and the Victorian British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). (30.) There are many modern parallels, not least in contemporary Afghanistan, where women are veiled and Western women are encouraged to do likewise, Barbara Bick, Walking the Precipice: Witness to the Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan (New York: The Feminist Press at The City University of New York, 2009), ix. Other examples include college campuses and prisons: see Wilson R. Palacios, Cocktails and Dreams: Perspectives on Drug and Alcohol Use (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2004), and K. C. Carcarel, Prison, Inc. A Convict Exposes Life inside a Private Prison, ed. Thomas J. Bernard (New York: New York University Press, 2006). (31.) This was true not only in India, but in British North America as well. See Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great (New York: Cambridge University Press), 1991. (32.) See e.g. Elaine Showalter, The Female Malady: Women, Madness and (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985); Josef Breuer and Sigmund Freud, Studies on Hysteria, trans. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 2000). (33.) Emmeline Lott, The English Governess in Egypt, 4th edn. (London: Richard

(34.) The phrase is from Goodstein, 1. (35.) Wolf Lepenies, Melancholy and Society, trans. Judith N. Shklar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). (36. National Post, 3 November 2012. (37.) Amanda Laugesen, Imaginative Lives of Australian Soldiers in the Great War and Beyond (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012). (38.) J. K. Fairbank, K. F. Bruner, and E. Matheson, eds., The I. G. in Peking: (Cambridge, MA: 1975), II. 1078, as well as Buettner, Empire Families. (39. sic San Francisco Examiner Sunday Magazine, 1 August 1897, quoted in Frances Backhouse, ed., Women of the Klondike (North Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 1995), 38.

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Notes

(p.245) (40.) Richard Winstedt, Start from Alif: Count from One, an Autobiographical Memoire are surely numerous examples of imperial suicide, even if the phenomenon itself has not received scholarly treatment. See the example of Major-General Hector Macdonald in Ceylon in 1903 after allegations of sex with Sinhalese boys, discussed in Ronald Hyam, Understanding the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 440. (41.)

Life Handicap (Edinburgh: R.

(42.) Imperial Desire: Dissident Sexualities and Colonial Literature, eds. Philip Holden and Richard R. Ruppel (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 67, 86. (43.) Andrew Lang, Essays in Little 200. (44. 1895), 140.

The Bookman 7 (February

(45.) Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), For a critique of this position see Journal of World History 328. (46.) Quoted in David Gilmour, The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002), 72. (47.) Zohreh T. Sullivan, Narratives of Empire: The Fictions of Rudyard Kipling

(48.) Iris Butler, (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1969), 13. (49.) Martin Thomas, Fight or Flight: Britain, France, and their Roads from Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 367; Buettner, Empire Families,

(50.) Renato Rosaldo, Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis

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Notes (51.) British Culture and the End of Empire, ed. Stuart Ward (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 169. One example is Simon Winchester, Outposts: Journeys to the Surviving Relics of the British Empire (New York: HarperCollins, 2003). Antoinette Burton has pointed

British Culture, 217, as well as Elizabeth History & Memory (52.) Paul Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006). (53. The Guardian, 19 March 2015; Hugh Purcell, After the Raj: Plain Tales of Those Who Stayed on After Independence (Stroud: The History Press, 2008); Irish Times, 25 June 2004. (54.

Le Monde diplomatique (May Foreign Affairs, 19 August 2015.

(55. Theon Wilkinson, Two Monsoons: The Life and Death of Europeans in India, 2nd edn. (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1976).

(p.246) (56.) H. E. A. Cotton, Calcutta Old and New: A Historical and Descriptive Handbook to the City (57.) The term comes from Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). (58.) Charles Allen, ed., Plain Tales from the Raj (London: Futura Macdonald & Co., 1976), 21, 24, 174. (59.) In addition to Tobin, Hoock, and Meller, see Said, Culture and Imperialism; MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire; Anandi Ramamurthy, Imperial Persuaders: Images of African and Asia in British Advertising (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); John McAleer and John M. MacKenzie, eds., Exhibiting the Empire: Cultures of Display and the British Empire (Manchester: Page 86 of 89

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Notes Manchester University Press, 2015); Imperial Defense: The Old World Order and Stephen Constantine, Buy and Hold: The Advertising Posters of the Empire Marketing Board (London: HMSO, 1986). (60.) Gilbert Parker, An Adventurer of the North (London: Methuen, 1895), 250, 294. (61.) Laurence Kitzan, Victorian Writers and the Image of Empire: The RoseColored Vision (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001), 42. (62.) The heroic version of empire is particularly evident in Paxman. Other recent examples include Sarah Rose, For All the Tea in China (London: Penguin, 2010 replete with pirates, hardship, and narrow escapes; Janet Wallach, Desert Queen Into Africa: The Epic Adventures of Stanley and Livingstone Andrew Marshall, The Trouser People: A Story of Burma in the Shadow of Empire (London: Penguin, 2002), about George Scott,

(63.) Criticism of the empire goes back at least to J. A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (New York: James Pott, 1902). More recently, see Caroline Elkins, Imperial (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2005); Kwasi Kwarteng, the Modern World (London; Bloomsbury, 2011); Richard Gott, Resistance, Repression and Revolt (London: Verso, 2011); Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Nino Famines and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso, 2001); Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar (London: Bloomsbury, 2006); and, more humorously, Steven A. Grasse, The Evil Empire: 101 Ways that England Ruined the World (Philadelphia: Quirk Books, 2007). (64.) See, among many, History Today The Wall Street Journal, 14 June 2005; Niall Ferguson, The New York Times Magazine Walter Russell Mead, God and Gold: Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 2007 Daily Mail, 21 July 2015. Page 87 of 89

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Notes (65.) Ferguson, Empire, xxv. (66. The Guardian, 6 April 2011.

(p.247) (67.) Richard Gardiner Casey, McKay, 1962), 210.

(New York:

(68.) Ian Copland, (London: Routledge, 2001), 78; Robert Marks, The Origins of the Modern World, 2nd edn. Neil Charlesworth, British (London: Macmillan, 1982), 14. (69. Daily Mail, 18 April 2012; Bertrand Russell, (London: Routledge, 2001), 415. (70.) Studies in History and Jurisprudence, Vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1901), 59. (71.) Johannes Fabian, Out of Our Minds: Reason and Madness in the Exploration of Central Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). (72.) Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: Harper Collins, 1992). Somerset Maugham

Collected Short Stories, Vol. 4 (New York: Penguin, 1978), 8. (73.) Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem. Majumdar provides one recent foray in this direction, focusing on the modernist Anglophone fiction of James Joyce and Katherine Mansfield. (74.) See Bettina Stangneth, Eichmann before Jerusalem: The Unexamined Life of a Mass Murderer (New York: Knopf, 2014 Encounter Western Society after the Holocaust, ed. Lyman H. Legters (Boulder: Westview Press, 1983); Richard J. Bernstein, Hannah Arendt and the Meaning of Politics, ed. Craig Calhoun and John McGowan (Minneapolis: University of

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Notes (75.) Elkins hints at a similar line of analysis. (76.) Harry G. Frankfurt, Necessity, Volition, and Love (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). See also The Importance of What We Care About (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). (77.) Bernard Porter, Absent-Minded Imperialists. (p.248)

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Index

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

(p.289) Index Note: Illustrations, Maps and Plates are indicated in bold Abdul Samad, Sultan of Selangor 156 Aborigines 9, 61, 63, 64, 65, plate 8 Ackermann, Rudolph 45, , 52, plate 5 Adelaide 66, 67, 74, 168 Aden 17 Administration in Tropical Africa 97 Admiralty 20, 24, 31, 33, 48, 206 n. 20 advertising 76, 134, 187, plate 13 Afghan Wars 108, 117, 123, 128, 186 Africa 3, 9, 16, 21, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 76, 81, , 99, 101, 106, , , 158, 177, 178, 187, 188 Agra 17, 44, 45, 49, 76, 91, 128 albatross 7, 12, 30, 32, 125 alcohol 8, 29, 31, 55, 103, 107, 114, 115, 116, 117, 120, 123, 126, 129, 130, 133, 136, 138, 141, 148, 188 Allahabad 10, 30, 49, 53, 107, 133, 145, 177, 207 n. 39, 219 n. 48 Allen, Charles 184, 185 American War of Independence 110, 114 Anburey, Thomas 53 Angas, George French 56, 57, 60, 71, 77, plate 7 see Boer War animals 7, 12, 18, 22, 23, 30, 35, 43, 103, 124, 125, 128, 136, 160, 162, 173, plate 16 52 Anson, George 19 Antarctica 31, 32 Antigua 9 architecture 10, 48, 50, 79, , 176, 181 Arendt, Hannah 107, 188 aristocracy 104, 105, 144, 180 Page 1 of 20

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Index army 8, 79, 81, 86, 91, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 152, 160, 165, 175, 186 Arnold, Matthew 139 Arnold, Thomas 104 artists 5, 7, 10, 11, 24, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, , 60, 61, , , 75, 112, 134, 186 Ascension Island 27, 37 Ashanti 96, 97 Ashanti War 25 Asirgarh 118 Assam 170 Aswan Dam 81 Atkinson, George Francklin 95 Atlantic Ocean 13, 15, 18, 21, 31, 156, 174 Auckland, Lord (George Eden) 48, 79, 82, 86, 87, 88, 104, 117, 144 Austin, John 29 Austin, Sarah (Taylor) 29 Australia 5, 9, 10, 12, 56, 57, 77, 110, 129, 177, 178, 182 governesses landscape 44, , 64, , 67, , 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76 , 122, , 133 settlers , 143, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, , , voyage to 6, 7, 9, 12, 17, 24, , 34, 35, , 39, 40, 41 Azimgarh bachelors 129, 131, 134 Bahamas 97, 99, 101 Bailyn, Bernard 21 Baines, Thomas 75 Baker, Albert 108 Bala Hissar 123 Balasore 129, 131 banality 9, 85, 97, 107, 109, 131, 136, 146, 174, 188 Banaras 7, 49, 51, 76, 127, 133 Banbury, Henry 141 Banda 209 n. 82 Bangalore 136 Bangladesh 185 Bank of Australia 166 Banks, Joseph 20 banyan tree 49 Barbados 97 Barrackpore 51, 117 Barrow, John 44, 59 Bathurst 121 Baudelaire, Charles 4, 179 Baxter, Annie 239 n. 146 Bay of Bengal 30, 129 Bay of Biscay 27, 29 Bay of Bombay 54 Page 2 of 20

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Index Bayly, George 27 BBC 184, 185 Bedford, Frederick Bellew, Francis 52, Belloc, Hilaire 107 Bengal 49, 94, 96, 119, 127, 187 Bengal Carbineers 116, 123 Bengal Civil Service 30 Bengal Club 169 (p.290) Bengal Engineers 53 Bengal famine 123 Bentham, Jeremy 29 Bentinck, William 29, 51, 78, 91, 104, 126, 177 Benyeo 165 Berry, Ethel 183 bestiality 17 Birch, James 101, 103 Bird, Isabella Birmingham Political Union 159 Black, Jeremy 6 Blanchard, Sidney 148 Blasdall, Mark 35 Blunt, Wilfrid 172 Board of Trade 93 Boer War 6, 108, 109, 110, 137, 138, 139, 140 Bogle, George 3 Bombay 14, 23, 50, 54, 96, 145, 151 books 4, 36, 112, 117, 121, 122, 124, 125, 148, 154, 164, 165, 166, 178 boredom 103, 179, 187 alleviated by sports 139 and writing 6 bored to death 3, 4, 9, 117 causes of 3, 6, 143, 149, 154, 156, 158, , 178, 179, 189 characteristics 179 early use in literature expression of discontent 153, 182 gendered imperial boredom, uniqueness of 5, military boredom , , 118, 121 origins rhetoric of 182 Botany Bay 32, 120 47 Bourdieu, Pierre 54 Bovary, Madame 4, 179 Bowes, Arthur 75 Bowler, Thomas 44, 57, 58, 59 Boys of England 134 bravery 8, , 138 Page 3 of 20

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Index Brazil 15, 16, 17, 31 British Empire 6, 8, 9, 11, 105, 140, 172, 177, 184, 185, 186 administration of , 96, 104, 147, 156 ceremonial aspects 79, 101 connections between regions 10, 70, , 168, 174 criticism of discontent with , , 5, 89, 155, 163, 175, 176, 182, 189 expansion of 41, 81, 91, 103, 110 promotion of , 106, , 143 British Empire League 134 Brooke, Charles 152 Brooke, James 97, 99, 152 Brooking, Charles 13 Broome, Frederick Napier 174 Broome, Mary Ann (Lady Barker) 174 Bryce, James 188 Brydon, William 186 Buenos Aires 36 bureaucracy 5, 8, 80, 85, 86, 89, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 103, 104, 105, 172, 178, 188 Burma 1, 2, 108, 116, 119, 120 Burmese Days 1, 4 Burney, Fanny 192 n. 18 Burton, Richard , 163 bush life 9, 96, 114, , 141, , 160, , 175, 178 Bush, M. L. 105 Butler, Elizabeth 134, 186 Butler, Iris 184 Buxa 118, 119 Cairo 7, 81 Calcutta 48, 50, 52, 53, 76, 79, 88, 118, 127, 129, 133, 136, 147, 148, 149, , 170, 172, 173, 180, 181, 185, plate 6 Calcutta Review Calicut 55 Callaghan, F. J. 99 Cambay 16 Canada 10, 89, 110, , 175, 183 Canary Islands 32 Canberra 166 Canning, Charles 86, 93 Canterbury (New Zealand) 35 Cape Colony 43, 75, 111 Cape of Good Hope 7, 12, 13, 16, 18, 21, 26, 31, 32, 33, 52, 111 Cape Mounted Rifles 26 Cape Town 22, 31, 56, 57, 112, 114, 116, 158, plate 7 Cape Verde Islands 15, 17, 18, 31 Cardinall, A. W. 96, 97 Carlyle, Thomas 104 Carnarvon, Earl of (Henry Herbert) 91 Carnegie, David 5, 141, Page 4 of 20

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Index Carstairs, Robert 94, 95, 96 Carter, Paul 36, 41 Casey, Richard 187 Casserly, Gordon 118, 119, 120 caste 93, 147, 150, 151 Catholicism 17 Caunter, Rev. Robert 28 Cawnpore 53, 107, 125, 133, 137, 185 Cawood 69, plate 9 cemeteries 100, 119, 183, Ceylon 18, 52, 78, 160 Charterhouse 160 Chatham 124 Chekhov, Anton 179 Chelmsford, Lord (Frederic Thesiger) 140 (p.291) Cherry, Peter 31 China 44, 183 China War 82, 84 Chinnery, George 53 Chinsura 53 Chips by an Old Chum 160 cholera 54 Christchurch 174 Christmas 27, 88, 112, 162 Churchill, Winston 78, 107 Clarke, Andrew 101 Clarke, Arthur 38 Claude glass Claude (Lorrain) 68, 69 Clifford, Hugh 97 Clive, Robert 1 coastline 36, 39, 40, 44, 50, 54, 58, 65, 74 coffin ships 40 Colley, Linda 17 Colonial Office 8, 91, 92, 93, 97, 99, , 152, 222 n. 135 colonization 50, 60, 65, 70, 73, 142 Compassberg 60 Complete Indian Housekeeper 146, Congo 3 Conrad, Joseph 68, 94 convicts 25, 32, 72, 85, 86, 141, 163, 166, 173, plate 16 Cook, Anna 37 Cook, James 1, 18, 19, 20, 21, 40, 42, 43, 47, 57 Cornell, Edward 36 Cotton, Evan Cramb, J. A. 138 Cree, Edward 26 Crimean War 26, 82, 108, 131, 134, 138, 160 Crockett, S. R. 184 Page 5 of 20

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Index Cromer, Lord (Evelyn Baring) 3, 80 Crosby, Alfred 70, 168 crossing-the-line ceremony 25, 28, 124 Cruft, William 18 Cruikshank, George plate 2 Crystal Palace 104, 134, 179 Cubitt-Smith, Henry 140 Cumberland, R. B. 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135 Curr, Edward 164 Curr, Henry 36 Curry & Rice on Forty Plates 95 Curzon, Nathaniel 3, 79, 80, 87, 105, 116 Dacca 53, 133 Daily Telegraph 3 Dalal, Lala Deen 79, 80 Dalhousie, Earl of 88, , 219 n. 56 Daly, Harriet 141 Dampier, William 42 dancing 21, 31, 38, 104, 112, 128, 150 Daniell, Thomas and William 45, 48, 52, 53, 65, 77 Dante 165 Darjeeling 119, 170 Darling, Ralph 85 Darnton, Robert 93 Darwin (Australia) 141 Darwin, Charles 40, 70, 137 David Copperfield 176 Dawson, Graham 138 Dawson, J. E. 147 Dawson, Robert 62 Dayes, Edward 63 de Bry, Theodor 45 de Staël, Madame 182 de Wiart, Adrian , 139 Declaration of Independence 4, 42 decolonization 184 Defoe, Daniel 1, 19 Delhi Sketch Book 124 Denison, William 82, , 88, 89, 168, 173, 177 diaries 6, 10, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 82, 84, 85, 86, 97, 112, 113, 117, 124, 127, 148, 167, 194 n. 34 Dickens, Charles 3, 29, 112, 157, 176 Dickinson Brothers 60, 88, 132 Dickinson, Goldie 177 disappointment 54, 55, 56, 73, 77, 97, 103, 104, 128, 133, 135, 136, 137, 140, 143, 158, 159, 166, 173, 177, 181, 187 disease 13, 33, 91, 114, 119, 120, 154, 185 Disraeli, Benjamin 89, 97, 113, 148 District Officers 91, 95, 96, 97, 105, 147 Page 6 of 20

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Index Diver, Maud 147, 152 divorce 144 doctors 26, 107, 125, 126, 166, 183, 186 51, plate 5 Dostoevsky, Fyodor 179 Douglas, Percy 160 Downton, Nicholas 14 Drake 40 Duff-Gordon, Lucy 29, 30 Dufferin, Marchioness of 151 Dufferin, Marquess of 80 durbar 79, 87, 88 Dutch 18, 22, 53, 55, 101, 111, 112, 129 Dutton, Thomas Goldworthy plate 3 Earle, Augustus 24, plate 1 East India Company 12, , 23, 24, 27, 45, 48, 49, 50, 65, 78, , 96, 105, 107, 127, 135, 136, 144, 149, 150, 152 East Indiaman 34, plates East India Voyager 28, 29 Eden (New South Wales) 166, 167 Eden, Emily 28, 51, 79, 87, 88, 117, , 148, 150, 172 see Lord Auckland (p.292) Egypt 3, 7, 10, 52, 76, 81, 110, 182 Elephanta Caves 50, 145 Elgar, Edward 134 Elgin, Earl of (James Bruce) 88, 90, 172 Elliot, Robert 44 38 emigration 31, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 57, 68, 69, 142, 159, 163, 165, 175, 176 Empire Marketing Board 187 Endeavour 19 Englishness 5, 73, 145, 146, , 176, 181, 183, 241 n. 189 Enlightenment 4, 22, 42, ennui 3, 9, 103, 107, 126, 148, 154, 164, 181, 182 Equator 16, 18, , 25, 28, 31, Etawah (Uttar Pradesh) 133 Evangelical Christianity 89, 150, 151 exile , 141, 160, 166, 169 explorers , , 43, 44, 54, 66, 67, 68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 119, 158, , 188 Fabian, Johannes 188 Falconbridge, Anna Maria 21 Falkland, Lady (Amelia FitzClarence Cary) 151 Fane, Henry 124, , 147 Fane, Isabella 147, 148, 149 Farwell, Byron 108 Fatehpore 91 Fay, Eliza 31 Female Middle-Class Emigration Society 165 Fenton, Elizabeth 150 Page 7 of 20

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Index Fenton, Roger 134 Ferguson, Niall 187 Fernando de Noronho 15 Fernando Forania 16 First Fleet 32, 40, 62, 70, 75, 141 First Nations People 158 First World War 8, 109, 111 Fitzgerald, F. Scott 180 Flaubert, Gustav , 10, 179 Fleming, Henry 127 Flinders, Matthew 65 Fordyce, John 116 Foreign Office 93, 219 n. 48 Forrest, Charles 45, 52, 207 n. 33 Forster, E. M. 177 Forster, Johann and George 20, 49 Fort Peddie 112, 114 Fort William 127 Four Feathers 1 Fowell, Newton 32 Frankfurt, Harry 189 Franklin, Benjamin 21 Fraser, James Baille 170 Freemantle, Edward 26 Fremantle 141 Frontier Corps 140 Frontier Wars 26 Frost, Lucy 167 Froude, J. A. 42 Fryer, John 17, 18, 23 Gandhi, Mohandas 108 Ganges 44, 48, 50, 51, 53, 123, 133, 177 Gay, Peter 6 General Steam Navigation Company 27 Georghesan, Louisa 165 Ghazni, Battle of 128 Gilbert, George Gilbert and Sullivan 82, 108 Gill, S. T. 67, 122, 161, 162 Gilmour, David 147 Gilpin, William 46, 63 Gladstone, William 97 Gleig, G. R. 138 Glover, John , 213 n. 141, plates Goa 17, 54, 55 gold 6, 15, 141, , 177 Gold Coast 97, 99, 114 Gold Rush 31, 133, 160, 162, 183 Gordon, Charles 3, 81, 82, 107 Page 8 of 20

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Index Gordon-Cumming, Constance 173, 208 n. 54 gossip 9, 29, 149, 150 Gothic Revival 168, 169, 170, 174 Governesses 3, 9, , 178, 182 Government House (Calcutta) 168, 170, 172 Government House (Victoria, Labuan) 100 Graham, Lumley 60, 132 Graham, Maria 150 58 Grand Tour 9, 47 Grant, James 163 Graphic 134 Gratton, Annie 37 Gravesend 17 Great Circle Route , 34 Greenblatt, Stephen 5 Greenwich 16 Grose, John Henry 23, 50 Group of Seven (Algonquin) School 75 guidebooks 5, 12, 28, 46, 170, 173 Guinea 18, 22 Haggard, H. Rider 1, 105, 134, 187 Haileybury 92 Hakluyt, Richard 15, 42 Halley, Edmund 18 Hamilton, Alexander 55 Hansen, David 69 happiness 4, 10, 42, 104, 113, 116, 126, 128, 166, 174, 175, 180, 188 Harbottle, William 35 Hardy, Thomas 176 Harper, T. N. 155 Harris, Alexander 141 Hart, Robert 183 Hassam, Andrew 38 (p.293) Hastings, Marquess of 44, 78, 79, 86, 87, 104, 177 Hastings, Warren 48, 182 Havell, Daniel 52, plate 6 Havell, Robert Jr. 170, plate 16 Havelock, Henry 139 Hawaii 19 Hawkesworth, John 42 Hawkins, William 15, 17 Headrick, Daniel 110 Heart of Darkness 86, 94 Heath, William 159 Heber, Reginald 206 n. 27 Hegel, G. W. F. 243 n. 11 Heidegger, Martin 244 n. 23 75 Page 9 of 20

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Index Henderson, John 9, 141, 165, 166, 173 Hennessy, George 117 Henty, G. A. 1, 105, 110, 138 Hervey, Albert Hickling, Catherine Green 21 Hillary, Edmund 1 hill stations 3, 5, 9, 117, 119, 126, , 170 Himalayas 56, 118, 126, 172 Hindustani 94, 117, 129, 149 Hinshelwood, Margaret 37 Hobart 69, 70, 71, 85, 87, 120, 121, 133, 164, 173, 181, plate 10 Hobson, J. A. 163 Hodges, William 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53, 56, 57, 75, 77, plate 4 Hodgskin, Thomas 24 homesickness 27, 59, 151, 166 Hong Kong 26, 97, 99, 101, 154 Hooghly 50, 52, 117, 127, 207 n. 28, plate 6 Hooker, Joseph 119 Horrocks, John Ainsworth 67 hotels 119, , 185 Hull 12 Humboldt, Alexander von 48 hunting 6, 79, 80, 103, 110, 111, 112, 120, 129, 130, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 160, 165, 180 Huntley & Palmers 134, plate 13 Hutchins, Francis 90 Huxley, Elspeth 9 4 Hyderabad 128 idleness 101, 102, 104, 107, 223 n. 151 172 Illustrated London News 35, 39, 134 Illustrated Times 39 Imperial Institute 134 imperial nostalgia India 1, 3, 7, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 126, 155, 168, 181, 186 British life in , 183, 184 British rule 91, 95, 127, , 187 Views of 10, 50, 51, 54, 76, 79, 89, 139 India Mutiny (Sepoy Rebellion) 8, 54, 82, 87, 90, 93, 105, 108, 110, 116, 117, 126, 129, 137, 138, 139, 144, 145, 146, 150, 184 Indian Civil Service 91, 93, 94, 96, 145, 151 Indian Ocean 14, 32 indigenous people, interactions with 5, 8, 9, 13, 22, 23, 41, 42, , 60, 81, , 94, 96, 103, 104, 107, 113, 118, 146, 149, 150, 151, 158, 169, 170, 172, 173, 181, plate 14 industrialization 4, 24, 110, 131, 137, 139, 178, 193 n. 21 Innes, Emily 152, 153, 154, 155, 156 Innes, James 152, 154 Irish Famine 40 Page 10 of 20

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Index islands 36, 37 isolation 9, , 110, 114, 118, 121, 138, 140, 143, 150, 151, 157, 170, 172, 176, 178, 181, 183, 186, 189, 196 n. 55, 244 n. 30 Ives, Edward 22, 23 Jamaica 27, 110 James, Lawrence 104, 188 Jameson, Anna 10, 156, 157, 158 Jameson, Robert 10 Jeffreys, Julius 107, 126 Jewel in the Crown, The 184 Johanna Island 18, 23 Johnson, Alan Bayard 116 Johnson, Allen 123 Johnson, James Johnson, Samuel 27, 109, 181 Jude the Obscure 176 Kabul 123, 128, 186 Kandahar 117, 128 Kangaroo Island 74 Karachi 127 Kaye, John William 93, 149 Kaye, M. M. 185 Kedleston Hall 168 Keegan, John 110 Keene, Henry 12, 24, 90 Kennaway, William and Lawrence 35 Kennedy, Dane 170, 175 Kenya 9, 175 Kershaw, George 36 Khaity Falls Khan, Dost Mohammad 128 Khartoum 8, 83, 84, 107, 108 Kierkegaard, Søren 179 Kincaid, Jamaica 9 King, Augusta 6, 145 King, Robert 145 King, William Ross 114, 210 n. 94 (p.294) Kingsley, Mary 3 Kipling, Rudyard 1, 81, 105, 110, 134, 168, 183, 184, 186 Kisch, Martin 97 Kitchener, Herbert 3, 107 Klang 101, 103, 154 Knight, Richard Payne 47 Kniphofia 57 Kuril Islands 26 Labuan 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 152 Lahore 184 Lake District 5, 46, 69 Page 11 of 20

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Index Lambert, Kate 36 Landsdowne, Marquess of 89 Lang, Andrew 184 Langat 152, 153 Lawrence, T. E. 1 Lear, Edward 46 Leech, Samuel 25 leisure 4, 9, , 27, 41, 104, 112, 148, 180 Letter writing 96, 103, 148, 173 Levant 15 Linnaeus, Carl 43 Lisbon 17 Livingstone, David 1, 58, 75, 81, 134, 158, 162 Locke, John 4 London 17 loneliness 1, 9, 81, 88, 89, 101, 118, 119, 120, 121, 156, 164, 167, 169, 170, 183, 184 longitude 15, 16, 17 Longueville, Edward 139 Lott, Emmeline 182 Low, Hugh 152 Lowe, Georgiana 174 Lowe, Robert 174 Lucas, Thomas 26, 115 Lucknow 8, 49, 50 Lugard, Frederick 81, 161 Lyall, Alfred 219 n. 48 Lytton, Earl of 88, 89, 171, 172 Macarthur, Elizabeth 75 Macartney, George, Lord 44 Macauley, Thomas Babington 90, MacKenzie, John 134 Macmillan, Margaret 30 MacMullen, John Mercier , 123, 126, 127 Maconochie, Evan 96 Madagascar 16, 18, 22, 23 Madeira 18, 22, 27 Madras 26, 28, 31, 44, 49, 82, 85, 88, 136, 146, 149, 151 mail 87, 98, 99, 117, 127, 154, 180 Maitland, Julia 149, 151 Malacca 152, 153 Malay States , 100, 101, 102, 103, 140, 152, 155, 183 Manning, Helen Taft 81 Maori Wars 108 Marlowe, Anthony 15, 16, 17 Marryat, Florence 144 Martens, Conrad 70, 71 Martineau, Harriet 3, 29 Marx, Karl 178 masculinity 110, 129, 131, 135, 136, 138, 139, 167, 184 Page 12 of 20

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Index Mason, A. E. W. 1 Matabeleland 106 Mattison, Jane 176 Mauritius 97, 131 Maxim gun 107 Mayflower 40 McKay, John 116 Meerut 145 melancholy 1, 35, 49, 53, 62, 65, 82, 90, 143, 156, 185 Melbourne (Port Phillip) 75, 160, 164, 165, , 241 n. 189 Melbourne Punch 143 memsahibs 146, 150, 181, 184 Midnapore 96 Milburn, Thomas 31 Mill, James 29, 150 Mill, John Stuart 29, 104, 149 Millett, Janet 141 Minto, Countess Mary Caroline 196 n. 53 Minto, George Elliot, Earl 85 Minute on Indian Education (1835) 90 missionaries 158 modernity 178 Moffat, Robert 158 Moger, Ellen 12 monotony 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 18, 53, 68, 84, 178, 192 n. 18 American West 196 n. 55 Australia 132, 140, 141, 143, 145, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 242 n. 211 Burmese Days 1, 4 Canada 157, 175 Egypt 182 imperial administration , 84, 86, 87, 90, 94, 103, 104, 237 n. 90 landscape 3, 44, 67, 73, 74, 75, 210 n. 94 long-distance voyages 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 43, 160, 189 Malay States 153 New Zealand 174 picturesque 46, 58, 61, 65, 66, 76 ruins 55 sailors 21, 24, 26, 27 slave ships 227 n. 50 (p.295) social life in the empire 99, 170, 175 soldiers 112, 116, 117, 118, 124, 126, 127, 140 Moluccas 16 Montesquieu, Baron de 125 Moodie, Susanna 175 Moore, George 33 Morant Bay Rebellion 182 Morris, James (Jan) 3, 81, 87, 168 Morshead, John 25 Page 13 of 20

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Index Moorshedabad (Murshidabad) 49, 128 Mountbatten, Louis 1 Mount Misery 58, 59 Mount Remarkable 66 Mowle, Mary Braidwood Mowle, Stewart Mozambique 17, 18 Mudge, John 116 Mughals 17, 49, 50, 168 Murray River 166 Murree 171 Mutta 139 Muttra (Mathura) 90 Mynpooree (Mainpuri) 44 Nabobs 9, 105 Napier, Charles 138 Napier, William 138 Napoleonic Wars 25, 31, 65, 91, 94, 110, 111, 114, 136, 138 Natal 82, 83, 108 Native Americans 158 Navigation 6, 12, 16, 17, 20, 28, 34, 38, 43 navy 24, 25, 26, 48, 136 Nayar, Pramod 50 Nehru, Jawaharlal 177 Newfoundland 25 Newland, A. G. E. 2 newspapers 118, 127, 142, 153, 154, 172, 178, 181 New South Wales 31, 32, 48, 61, 64, 65, 70, 71, 73, 84, 85, 104, 120, 159, 164, 165, 166, 167, 173, 174 New Zealand 20, 35, 56, 174 Niagra Falls 157 Nicol, John 25 Nietzsche, Friedrich 178 Nigeria 5, 97, 160 Nilgiri Mountains 56 Norrie, John William 34 Norris, Robert Provo 111, , 116, plates Northwest Passage 19 Oliver, M. A. Omdurman, Battle of 107 Ootacamund 54, 55, 56, Opium Wars 108 Orientalism 30, 135, 136, 173, 184 Orwell 1, 4, 177 Othello 171 Overland Calcutta Star 172 Owen, Robert 104 Oxley, John 73 Pacific Ocean 19, 34, 47, 48, 56, 76, 77, 110 Page 14 of 20

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Index Panchen Lama 3 Panckridge, H. R. 169 panorama 70 Parker, Gilbert 187 Parker, Stanley 4 Parkes, Fanny , 30, 107, 150 Parkes, Henry 159, 160 Parliament 178 Passage to India 177 Patna 49, 51, 53 Payne, Rosa 166 Peacock, Thomas Love 78 Pearson, Karl 138 Peebles, John 114 Peking (Beijing) 44 Pemba 17 Penang 152 Persia 18 Perth 25, 141 Peshawar 127 Philip, Arthur 32, 61 Phillips, Adam 5 photography 2, 76, 79, 93, 134, 146 piano 148, 166 picaresque 19 picturesque 5, 10, 30, 44, 175 Australia definition of function of 7, 45, 52, 53, 57, 59, 61, 68, 75, 76, 77 India 44, , 128, 136, 184 South Africa , 113 pirates 13 Plain Tales from the Raj 184, 186 Plassey, Battle of 8, 49, 110 Plumb, J. A. 4 Pocock, William Innes 36 Pope-Hennessy, John 97, 98, 99, 100 porpoises , 124 Port Bowen 65, plate 8 Port Elizabeth 44, 58, 181, 210 n. 94 Port Jackson 25, 40, 61, 73, 75, 173, plate 16 Port Macquarie 121 see Melbourne Portsmouth 26 Portugal 12 Portuguese 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 54, 55 Pratt, Mary Louise 41, 43 Price, Elizabeth Lees 158 Price, Richard 47, 111 Page 15 of 20

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Index Price, Uvedale 49 Primrose League 134 (p.296) propaganda 6, 7, 11, 45, 49, 58, 67, 75, 82, 110, , 142, 187 Prout, John Skinner 39 Punch 109 Punjab 105, 117, 145, 147, 171 Purchas, Samuel 42 Puri 131 Queensland 37, 65, 199 n. 40, 202 n. 116, plate 8 quinine 114 race 90, 93, 146, 150, 153, 172, 176, 177, 181, 187 railways 51, 91, 95, 101, 118, 145, 170, 172, 180, 187, 193 n. 21, 208 n. 54 rain 14, 62, 98, 102, 103, 115, 129, 133, 154, 180, 182 Raleigh, Walter 1 Rawdon-Hastings, Francis 24, 82 Rawdon-Hastings, Sophia 24 Ray, Romita 51 reading 9, 21, 25, 26, 37, 38, 102, 112, 117, 122, 124, 125, 126, 132, 145, 148, 154, 157, 164, 165, 166, 178, 181, plate 15 Reddy William 42 Reed, W. T. 109 Reeves, J. W. 174 religion 14, 50, 70, 89, 97, 105, 134, 135, 141, 150, 175, 178 Resolution 20, 21, 43 Rhodes, Cecil 1, 3, 81, 106 Rhodesia 175 Richards, Thomas 92, 93 Rideau Canal 84 Rio de Janeiro 20, 25, 31, 32 Ritherdon, Augustus 146 Roberts, David 45 Roberts, Emma 12, 28, 29, 148, 205 n. 14 Roberts, S. E. 74 Robinson Crusoe 1, 19, 25, 102 Robinson, Douglas 100 Robinson, Hugh 60, 132 Rodger, N. A. M. 16 Romanticism 42, 63, 75 Ronald, Byron 38 Roorkee 123 8, 108 Ross, Robert 62 Rousseau 5, 42, 178 routine 3, 9, 37, 38, 79, 80, 85, 86, 97, 104, 107, 118, 121, 127, 143, 144, 145, 147, 166, 174, 176, 177 Royal Academy 23, 48, 65, 68, 134 Royal Africa Corps 114 Royal Anthropological Institute 134 Royal Geographical Society 161 Page 16 of 20

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Index Royal Engineers 123 Royal Military Academy (Woolwich) 84 ruins 5, 7, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 76, 113 Russell, Bertrand 188 Saldanha Bay 16 Sale, Lady Florentia 108 Salt, Henry 52, 207 n. 28, plate 6 Samkange, Stanlake 106 Saratoga, Battle of Sarawak , 152 Sargent, John Singer 102 Savory, Isabel 171 Schopenhauer, Arthur 195 n. 49 Scott, Gilbert 169 Scott, Paul 184 Scott-Moncrief, George Kenneth 123 seasickness 12, 15, 22, 25, 29, 121 Seaton, Thomas 117, 127 Seeley, J. R. 11 Selangor 101, 152, 154, 155, 156 Selby, Penelope 141 self 6, 42, 132 sentimentalism 42 separate Spheres 150, 181, 236 n. 69 see India Mutiny Seroda 55 servants 1, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 196 n. 53, plate 14 settlers 32, 77 settler colonies 75 110 Sharapoor 94 Shaw, Flora 3 Sheep herding 160, 161, 163, , 174 Sheraton, Richard 38 Sheridan, Richard 112 Sherwood, Mary 28 Shigatse 3 Shillong 170 shipboard life 12, 20, 21, plate 2 Australia, Journey to 33, 35, , 39 convicts 32 sailors , plate 1 women , Shipley, William 23 shipwreck 13, 19, 40, 43 Sierra Leone 15, 17, 22, 97, 99, 100 Sikhs 87 Sikh Wars 108, 111, 123 Simla 87, 89, 117, 150, 151, 170, 171, 172, 184, 185 Page 17 of 20

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Index 26 Sind 127, 138 Singapore 26, 27, 99, 101, 152, 154 Singapore Cricket Club Singh, Ranjit 45, 127 Sirius 32 Sitapur 117 Smith, Elizabeth 117, 127 Smith, Robert 53, 125, (p.297) Smith, William 39 Smyth, Arthur Bowes 213 n. 148 Socotra 17 soldiers 8, 115, 132 boredom of 107, 109, 127, 130, 140 daily life 112, 114, 116, 117, 118, , 122, 123 drunkenness , 126 eighteenth century expectations of 135, 136, 139, 140 fighting, lack of 108, , hot weather , 129 loss of identity 132 loss of motivation 127 recruitment of 134, 135 routine South Africa 3, 5, 7, 10, 29, 44, , 58, 59, 60, 108, 132, 137, 139 South Seas 42, 43, 48 Spanish galleon 19 Sparrman, Anders 42, 43 Speke, John Hanning 3, 163 Spencer, Herbert 137 sports 104, 118, 119, 120, 126, 131, 137, 139, 148, 170, 174, 180, 181, 184 squatters 163, 164, 165, 178, 189 St. Helena 7, 12, 15, 18, 27 Stanley, Henry 2, 81, 163 steamships 7, 12, 26, 27, 33, 98, 101 Steel, Flora Annie 145, Stein, Gertrude 180 Stephen, James 91 Stevens, Frederick William 168, 169 Strachey, Lytton 81 Straits Settlements 101, 152 Streatfeild, Rev. Thomas 36 Sturt, Charles 44, 65, 66, 67, 68, 73 sublime 47, 57 Sudan 1, 107 Suez Canal 7, 26, 107 suicide 17, 120, 154, 245 n. 40 Sukkur 125 Suleri, Sara 93 Page 18 of 20

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Index Sultan of Brunei 97 Surat 14, 17 Sussex Downs 23 Sutherland, Thomas 45 Svendson, Lars 6 Swan River Colony (see also Western Australia) 159 Swettenham, Frank 101, 102 Sydney 31, 39, 63, 64, 65, 70, 73, 85, 120, 131, 133, 141, 159, 165, 167, 173, 174, plate 16 Table Bay 56 Table Mountain 22, 74, 112 Tahiti 19, 47, 57, plate 4 Taj Mahal 44, 45, 46, 74, 127 Tasmania 69, 164, 166; see also Taylor, A. J. P. 104 Taylor, James plate 16 Taylor, Meadows 93 Taylor, William plate 14 Tenerife 15, 31 Times (London) 94 Thompson, James 19 Thompson, William 57 Thornhill, Ellen 144 Thuggee 94, 133 Tibet 3 Toronto 156 Towson, John , 34 trade 14, 15, 16, 18, 78, 95, 99, 118, 124, 129, 172 travel, experience of 53, 54, 74, 76, 79, 83, 103, 104, , 124, 145, 153, 180 travel literature 23, , 43 Trevelyan, George Macaulay 131, 181 Trevelyan, George Otto 151 Trinidad 22 Turks 14 Turner, Isabella 38 Twain, Mark 133 Uganda 222 n. 145 69, 70, 82, 84, 86, 120, 164, 168 Van Linschoten, Jan Huygen 55 Verney, Ralph 140 Victoria (Australia) 164, 165 Victoria Queen 3, 81, 89, 174 Victoria Harbor (Hong Kong) 101 Victoria Terminus (Bombay) 168, 169 Virginia 187 Waight, J. R. 36 Wakefield, Edward Gibbon 141 Walpole, Margaret 74 war 108, 109, 110 Page 19 of 20

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Index Watling, Thomas , 64, 65, 69, 72, 73, 75 Watson, J. Forbes 93 Watt, Richard 33 weather 16, 17, 20, 25, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 52, 62, 77, 86, 90, 99, 100, 120, 123, 128, 136, 141, 153, 156, 164, 167, 172, 175, 180, 181, 243 n. 22 heat 3, 13, 18, 22, 30, 66, 91, 107, 114, 119, 121, 125, 126, 127, 129, 132, 133, 143, 145, 148, 151, 168, 183 rain 14, 18, 91, 98, 102, 103, 115, 129, 133, 154 Weber, Max 8, 178 Wellesley, Marquis of (Richard Colley) 105, 168 Wellington, Duke of 138, 139 (p.298) West, Benjamin 134 West Indies 23, 110, 114 Westall, William 40, 65, plate 8 Western Australia 3, 160, 163 Westmacott, Richard 73, 74 White, John (c c.1593) 45 White, John (c 61, 62, 63 Widdowson, Henry 35 Wilde, Oscar 4 Williamson, Thora 97 Wills, William 30, 39 Wilson, Anne 147, 149, 151 Wilson, Richard 47, 68 Wilson, Thomas Braidwood 166 Winstedt, Richard 183 Winter, Jay 186 Winton, George 120, 121 Winward Islands 101 Wolseley, Garnet 82, 83, 84, 104, 108 women 2, 3, 9, , 35, 37, 129, 131, 139, 142, 143, , , 173, 175, 176, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, plates Woolf, Leonard 78 Woolloomooloo Bay 71 work 3, 4, , 83, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 119, 123, 147, 161, 164, 168, 177, 178, 181 Xhosa 9, 26, 44, 111, 112, 113 60, 75, 111, 114, 115, plate 12 Yukon 183 Zambezi 3 Zanzibar 17, 111 Zulu War 82, 108, 111, 138

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Plates

Imperial Boredom: Monotony and the British Empire Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780198827375 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827375.001.0001

Plates Jeffrey A. Auerbach

Plate 1. Life in the Ocean Representing the Usual Occupations of the Young Officers in the Steerage of a British Frigate at Sea (1837). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

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Plates

Plate 2. An Interesting Scene, On Board an East Indiaman, Showing the Effects of a Heavy Lurch, after Dinner (1818). Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Plate 3. Thomas Goldworthy Dutton East Indiaman, 1000 Tons (Entering Bombay Harbor) (c.1843). © National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

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Plates

Plate 4.

Tahiti ©

Revisited (c.1775). National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

Plate 5. Tom Raw Forwarded to Headquarters, frontispiece from Tom Raw, the Griffin: A Burlesque Poem in Twelve Cantos (London: R. Ackermann, 1828). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

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Plate 6. Daniel Havell after Henry Salt Calcutta from Twenty-Four Views in St. Helena, The Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt (London: William Miller, 1809). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

Plate 7. Joseph Needham after George Cape Town, from the Camps Bay Road, from The Kafirs Illustrated (London, 1849). Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

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Plates

Plate 8. View of Port Bowen, Queensland (1802). ©

National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

Plate 9. (1838), Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery.

Plate 10. John Glover, Hobart Town, from the Garden Where I Lived (1832), Dixson

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Plates Galleries, State Library of New South Wales.

Plate 11. Robert Provo Norris (d. 1851), [Landscape with Fort as Seen from Riverbank]. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Fund.

Plate 12. Robert Provo Norris, Eno, A Kaffir Chief. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Fund.

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Plates

Plate 13. Poster for Huntley & Palmers Biscuits. Printed by W.H. Smith, 1891. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Plate 14.

The (1842). Wellcome

Library.

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Plate 15. Drawing Room at Her Residence in Berhampore, 1863. © British Library.

Plate 16. Robert Havell after James The Entrance of Port Jackson, and Part of the Town of Sydney, New South Wales (London: Colnaghi & Co., 1823). State Library of New South Wales.

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