Euripides: Bacchae (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics) 1108844553, 9781108844550

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CAMBRIDGE

GREEK

AND

LATIN

CLASSICS

EURIPIDES BACCHAE

EDITED BY WILLIAM ALLAN AND LAURA SWIFT

CAMBRIDGE

GREEK

AND

GENERAL

LATIN

CLASSICS

EDITORS

P. E. EASTERLING Regius Professor Emeritus of Greek, University of Cambridge PuiLiP

HARDIE

Fellow, Trinity College, and Honorary Professor of Latin Emeritus,

University of Cambridge

T NriL

HOPKINSON

RicHARD HUNTER Regius Professor Emeritus of Greek, University of Cambridge S. P. OAKLEY

Kennedy Professor of Latin, University of Cambridge OrivER

THOMAS

Associate Professor in Classics, University of Nottingham CHRISTOPHER

WHITTON

Professor of Latin Literature, University of Cambridge FouNDiNG

EprTORS

P. E. EASTERLING T E. J. KENNEY

EURIPIDES

BACCHAE EDITED

BY

WILLIAM ALLAN Professor of Greek, University of Oxford Fellow and Tutor in Classics University College, Oxford LAURA

SWIFT

Associate Professor in Classical Languages and Literature, University of Oxford Fellow and Tutor in Classics Magdalen College, Oxford

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY

PRESS

| CAMBRIDGE

UNIVERSITY PRESS

Shaftesbury Road, Cambridge CB2 8EA, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 2oth Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia

314-321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi — 110025, India 103 Penang Road, #05-06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467 Cambridge University Press is part of Cambridge University Press & Assessment, a department of the University of Cambridge. We share the University's mission to contribute to society through the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108844550 DOI: 10.1017/9781108951708 O Cambridge University Press & Assessment 2024 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press & Assessment. First published 2024 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data NAMES: Euripides, author. | Allan, William, 1970- editor. | Swift, Laura, 1979- editor. TITLE: Bacchae / Euripides ; edited by William Allan, Professor of Greek, University of Oxford, Fellow and Tutor in Classics, University College, Oxford ; Laura Swift, Associate Professor of Classical Languages and Literature, University of Oxford, Fellow and Tutor in Classics, Magdalen College, Oxford. DESCRIPTION: Cambridge ; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2024. |

SERIES: Cambridge Greek and Latin classics | Includes bibliographical references and index.

IDENTIFIERS: LCCN 2023050856 | 1SBN 9781108844550 (hardback) | 1sBN 9781108948388 (paperback) | 1sBN 9781108951708 (ebook) SUBJECTS: LCSH: Pentheus, King of Thebes (Mythological character) - Drama. | Dionysus (Greek deity) - Drama. | Bacchantes — Drama. | Euripides.

Bacchae. | LcGFT: Drama. | Literary criticism.

CLASSIFICATION: LCC PA3973 .B2 2024 | DDC 882/.01-dc23/eng/20231204 LC record available at https:/ /1ccn.loc.gov/2023050856

ISBN 978-1-108-84455-0 Hardback ISBN 978-1-108-94838-8 Paperback Cambridge University Press & Assessment has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

For Oliver

ὅτι καλὸν φίλον αἰεί

CONTENTS Preface List of abbreviations Key to metrical symbols

page ix xii

Introduction 1 Euripides 2 The production (a)

Date and performance

(c)

Structure and dramatic technique

(b) Setting and staging 3 4

(d) Relationship to other plays in the trilogy Myth and innovation The play (a) Bacchae and Dionysiac religion (b) Characters and beliefs

5

(c) Dionysus' revenge 'Immediately the whole land shall sing and dance' (a)

6

Song, music, metre

(b) Language and style Text and transmission

Symbols and sigla

53

EYPITTIAOY BAKXAI

59

Commentary

101

Bibliography

314 314 314 315 344 344 349

1 Editions of Bacchae 2 Editions and commentaries

3 Works cited Indexes Subject Index Greek Index

vii

PREFACE The Bacchae is an exceptionally important and influential Classical text: it is one of the most widely read and performed Greek tragedies and the text that is perhaps most formative of modern ideas of Greek religion as a whole. Yet there has been no large-scale commentary in English on the play since E. R. Dodds' edition, first published in 1944 and revised in 1960. The quality of Dodds' work, especially in its approach to the psychological and anthropological aspects of Dionysiac ritual, remains exemplary, but scholarly thinking on the central themes of the play (e.g. gender and sexuality, or the tragic chorus and ritual song) and on many of the fundamental categories of Greek religion (e.g. the separation of belief and practice, or the distinction between myth and ritual) has changed considerably in the past sixty years. There is therefore a real scholarly and teaching need for an up-to-date re-examination of Euripides' final masterpiece. Plus, the Bacchae is, in our perhaps biased opinion, Euripides' best surviving play, and it has been a pleasure to work on it for this series. We are immensely grateful to Richard Hunter, Oliver Thomas, and the late Neil Hopkinson, general editors of the series, whose wise and

penetrating

comments

led to numerous

improvements,

and

to Katie

Idle, Michael Sharp, and Sarah Starkey at Cambridge University Press for

their expertise and care in the production of the book. We owe particular thanks to Alwyn Harrison for his learned and meticulous copy-editing. We

dedicate this book to Oliver Taplin, whose

teaching, scholarship,

and friendship have meant so much to us over the years.

ABBREVIATIONS Abbreviations of ancient authors and works follow those used in the Oxford Classical Dictionary (4th edn, online at https://oxfordre.com/classics/). Note also: ARV Beekes

J. D. Beazley, Attic red-figure vase-painting (2nd edn, Oxford 1963) R. Beekes, Etymological dictionary of Greek (Leiden 2010)

CA CGCG

Collectanea Alexandrina, ed. J. U. Powell (Oxford 1925) The Cambridge grammar of Classical Greek, ed. E. van

Emde Boas, A. Rijksbaron, L. Huitink, and M. de Bakker (Cambridge 2019) Collard-Stevens

Dar.-Sag.

DK FGrH GP KG

C. Collard, Colloquial expressions in Greek tragedy. Revised and enlarged edition of P. T. Stevens's Colloquial expressions in Euripides (Stuttgart 2018) C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités

grecques et romaines d apres les textes el les monuments (Paris 1877-1919) H. Diels and W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (6th edn, Berlin 1951-2) F. Jacoby, ed., Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin and Leiden 1923-58) J. D. Denniston,

The Greek particles (2nd edn, Oxford

1954)

R. Kühner and B. Gerth, Ausführliche Grammatik der

griechischen Sprache, zweiter Teil: Satzlehre (Hanover 1898-1904) (references are to volume and page number)

Laks-Most

A. Laks and G. W. Most, Early Greek philosophy

LIMC

Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae (Zurich and Munich 1981-2009) E. Lobel and D. L. Page, Poetarum Lesbiorum fragmenta (Oxford 1955) Lois sacrées des cités grecques, ed. F. Sokolowski (Paris

LP

LSCG

LSJ

(Cambridge, MA 2016)

1969)

H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, and H. S. Jones, A Greek-English lexicon (9th edn, Oxford 1940)

LIST

OF

ABBREVIATIONS

PCG

Poetae comici Graeci, ed. R. Kassel and C. Austin (Berlin

PMG Smyth

Poetae melici Graeci, ed. D. L. Page (Oxford 1962) H. W. Smyth, Greek grammar, rev. G. M. Messing

TrGF TrGFS

1983-2001)

(Cambridge, MA 1956)

Tragicorum Graecorum fragmenta, ed. B. Snell, R.

Kannicht, and S. Radt (Góttingen 1971-2004) Tragicorum Graecorum fragmenta selecta, ed. J. Diggle (Oxford 1998)

xi

KEY

TO

METRICAL

|

¢

short syllable long syllable

K

short syllable in the strophe, matched by a long sylla-

a

ble in the antistrophe long syllable in the strophe, matched by a short syllable in the antistrophe a long syllable or two short ones two short syllables or a long one anceps: an element that can be implemented by either a short or a long syllable

— υ X >

indicates that the metrical unit is catalectic (i.e. the

last two elements are substituted by a long element) period-end

ll

1K ΙΠΡ

period-end marked by brevis in longo period-end marked by hiatus

Ill -

end of stanza or lyric sequence in responsion with change of singer/speaker

adonean Aeolic hexasyllable Aeolic heptasyllable Aeolic octosyllable anacreontic anapaest ar (aristophanean) asclepiad ba (baccheus)

—oo—X XX—vovo— X—X—vu— Χ-χ-υυ---Vi-—— UO VM U w --ὑοὐ-----Ἃὧ-ὧὐ-----οὐ-τυ-υ--

chor (choriamb) cr (cretic) da (dactyl) enneasyllable

-συ—_— --ὧὖ Χχ-υύς-ου--

glyconic hagesichorean hipponactean hypodochmiac ia (iamb)

XX—vvo—u— X—uv—u—— XX—uv—u—— SAZ V υ MM Χχ-τυ--

dochm

SYMBOLS

(dochmiac)

iambelegus

X u w X vy

χ----χ-υς-τυυ--

xii

KEY

io (ionic metron) kaibelianus

lekythion ph (pherecratean) reizianum tr (trochee) wil (wilamowitzian)

TO

METRICAL

υυ-X—o—o— --ο.---ο--ὦ.-

XX—oo—— X—o

—X

——X

XX—X—oo—

SYMBOLS

xiii

INTRODUCTION 1 EURIPIDES Euripides appears to us as one of the most vivid and distinct poets of the fifth century Bc. In comparison to Aeschylus and Sophocles, more than twice as many of his plays have survived complete, while the greater quantity both of quotations in ancient authors and of sizeable papyrus fragments of the lost plays (reflecting his popularity throughout antiquity) gives us a more detailed picture of his dramatic oeuvre.' In addition, we possess a variety of sources purporting to chronicle the life of the poet, who even appears as a character in three extant comedies of Aristophanes (Acharnians, Women at the Thesmophoria, Frogs).* Yet the very abundance of ancient 'evidence' for Euripides' life and character has had a paradoxically confusing impact on the interpretation of his works

(on which

more below). For with the exception of a few details securely based on the Athenian didascalic records, all the surviving evidence is of dubious reliability? and the bulk is little more than anecdote based on ‘inference’,

whether from the plays themselves! or from the absurd caricatures generated by comic poets.5 In fact, we have little reliable evidence for Euripides'

dramatic career

and know almost nothing about his life. He was evidently dead by the first

' Fora complete collection of the fragments of Euripides, see 7YGFV

(abbrevia-

tions are listed above); also Jouan and Van Looy 1998-2003 with translations and notes (in French) and the Loeb edition of Collard and Cropp 2008. The more substantial fragments are edited in 7rGFS, and translated with introductions and

commentaries by Collard, Cropp, and Lee 1995 and Collard, Cropp, and Gibert 2004. * The five major sources for the life of Euripides are edited by Kannicht, ZYGFV (Testimonia

1—5): these are the l'évos koi Bíos Εὐριπίδου transmitted in some medi-

eval manuscripts of the plays; a chapter (15.20) in Aulus Gellius' Attic Nights (published ¢. AD 180); an entry s.v. Εὐριπίδης in the medieval encyclopedia known as the Suda; a sketch of the poet’s life by Thomas Magister (thirteenth-fourteenth century); and papyrus fragments of a longer Life of Euripides in dialogue form by Satyrus, a grammarian

of the third century Bc. For these texts with English trans-

lation, see Kovacs 1994: 2-29. 3 The variety of anecdote and fiction in the ancient lives of the poets is explored by Fairweather 1974; see Lefkowitz 1981: 88-104, Gregory 2005: 252—4, Hanink 2016, Scodel 2017, and Tyrrell 2020 on Euripides. * Cf. e.g. the notion (related in the l'évos: 7TrGFVT 1 111.2) that Euripides wrote his first Hippolytus as a response to his wife's infidelity. 5 Thus the plot of Ar. Thesm. is treated as biography by both the l'évos and Satyrus, with each claiming that the women of Athens conspired to kill Euripides during the Thesmophoria

( TrGFV T 1 IV.2, T 110).

2

INTRODUCTION

production of Aristophanes' Frogs at the Lenaea of 405 Bc, and the Marmor Parium (a marble stele from Paros inscribed c. 264/3 BC with various dates from Greek history) puts his death in 407/6 and his birth in 485/4, dates which are as reasonable as any preserved.® Like his father Mnesarchides (or Mnesarchus), Euripides belonged to the Attic deme of Phlya (part of the

Cecropid tribe and to the north of Mt Hymettus). The musical and poetic training necessary for Euripides' career implies a wealthy background, and itis clear from the range of contemporary intellectual issues handled in his plays that he was a man of great learning and curiosity. The biographical tradition deduced from Euripides' broad cultural interests that he must have been a pupil or friend of nearly every major philosopher, rhetorician,

and sophist of his day (TrGFV T 35-48). The image of Euripides the rad-

ical, even alienated intellectual has had a major

(and often misleading)

influence on the subsequent interpretation of his works.? Using the public records of the City Dionysia at Athens, ancient scholars calculated that Euripides had competed twenty-two times (- eightyeight plays) and seventy-eight plays survived until the Hellenistic period. It is possible that Euripides staged new plays elsewhere, including the large deme

theatres of Attica, and that he died in Macedonia while writ-

ing plays for king Archelaus (see §2a below). Nevertheless, the bulk of his work was intended for Athenian audiences at the City Dionysia, and it 15 their world view we must try to reconstruct as we interpret the plays. Euripides won first prize at the Dionysia four times during his lifetime and once posthumously, when his son or nephew, also called Euripides, produced Bacchae together with Iphigenia at Aulis and Alemeon in Corinth (see §2d below). Euripides' four victories (compared to Aeschylus' thirteen and Sophocles’ eighteen) have often been taken to show that the

Athenians were uneasy with his plays. This, however, is hardly plausible,

since Euripides was chosen twenty-two times by the eponymous archon to be one of the three tragic competitors at the city's greatest dramatic festival

(indeed

there is no evidence

that he ever failed to be chosen),

and a playwright under such a cloud would not be repeatedly selected to vie for first prize.?

5 For the conflicting and suspiciously synchronizing dates of Euripides' birth and death (including, for example, the tradition of his birth on the island of Salamis on the very day of the great battle in 480 BC), see TrGFV T 10a-17c. 7 See Poli-Palladini 2001, Allan 2005: 74—5, Meltzer 2006: 1-32, Scodel 2020. * If one assumes that a tragedian could compose four plays every two years on average, then Euripides' twenty-two productions over a forty-seven-year career suggest that he was selected for the Dionysia every time he wanted to be; so too with Aeschylus (ninety plays or c. twenty-three productions over forty-one years)

1 EURIPIDES

3

Of Euripides' seventeen surviving tragedies (not including the spurious Rhesus or the satyr-play Cyclops) we have fairly secure production dates for eight plays

(Alcestis, Medea,

Hippolytus,

Trojan

Women,

Helen,

Orestes,

Iphigenia at Aulis, Bacchae) . The remaining nine plays can be dated in relation to these on stylistic grounds,

the most important criteria being the

rate and type of resolution (i.e. substitution of two short syllables for a long) found in the iambic trimeters, since Euripides' plays show a gradual increase over time in the rate and variety of resolved positions.? The cumulative evidence allows us to reconstruct Euripides' theatrical career as follows (extant works are in bold):'?

455

Euripides competes for the first time at the City Dionysia

441 438

first victory at the Dionysia Alcestis (fourth play in tetralogy with Cretan Women, Alcmeon in

431

Medea (first play in tetralogy with Philoctetes, Dictys, and satyr-

C. 430

Children of Heracles

428 C. 425

Hippolytus; wins first prize Andromache

C. 424 . 428 C. 420

c. 416 415

(plays included Peliades)

Psophis, Telebhus) ; wins second prize play Theristae); wins third prize

Hecuba Suppliant Women Electra

C. 414

Heracles Trojan Women (third play in tetralogy with Alexandros, Palamedes, and satyr-play Sisyphus); wins second prize Iphigenia in Tauris

C. 419

Ion

412 411—409

Helen (other plays included Andromeda) Phoenician Women

and Sophocles (123 plays or c. thirty-one productions over sixty-two years): cf. Stevens 1956: 92, Netz 2020: 209. 9 The rate of resolutions in Bacchae confirms its lateness in Euripides' career. There are approximately 402 resolutions in 918 iambic trimeters, or in 43.8 per cent of trimeters, compared to 6.7 per cent for Alcestis in 438 (only the Orestes of 408 has a higher resolution rate, with 49.3 per cent). For the play's other metres, see 85a below and the relevant sections of the commentary. " For a survey of Euripides' surviving plays, with discussions of dating, see Matthiessen 2002, Gregory 2005, Mastronarde 2010: 28-43, McClure 2017: 61-364, Markantonatos 2020: L49-491; on the metrical criteria used to date Euripides' plays, see Cropp and Fick 1985, Devine and Stephens 1981, Stinton 1990: 349-50-

4

INTRODUCTION

408 c. 408 408/7 407/6

Orestes Cyclops Archelaus (performed in Macedonia) Euripides dies in Macedonia

C. 405

Iphigenia at Aulis, Alcmeon in Corinth, and Bacchae, produced by Euripides' son or nephew of the same name;'' wins posthumous first prize 2 THE

PRODUCTION

(a) Date and performance

After competing at the Dionysia in 408 with plays that included Orestes, Euripides went to Macedonia as guest of the ‘Hellenizing’ king Archelaus, who had seized power by murder in 413 and would rule until his own assassination by two male lovers in 399.'* Besides the money and prestige, Euripides may well have been tempted by the prospect of a break from a city at war. Euripides died in 407/6, having composed the Archelaus (a play about the king's probably invented eponymous ancestor) for performance in Macedonia's and the three other tragedies for first performance upon his planned return to Athens.'* Some modern scholars have disputed the tradition of Euripides' visit to Macedonia and his death and burial there, but there is no good reason to doubtit.'» Though probably composed in Macedonia, Bacchaeand its companion plays differ from the Archelaus in having no obvious Macedonian material

or focus,

and

there

is no cause

to think that Euripides wrote

them for performance there or intended to leave Athens permanently. Nonetheless, it is possible that Euripides envisaged reperforming the Bacchae " Son: scholiast to Ar. Ran. 67; nephew: Suda ε 3695 Adler ( TYGFV T3). " The

sculptor

Zeuxis,

tragedian

Agathon,

epic

poet

Choerilus,

and

lyric

poet Timotheus also accepted invitations to work for Archelaus. Though the Macedonians were ethnically Greek in terms of their ancestry, language, religion, and customs, their rulers used artistic patronage to counter other Greeks' perception of them as somehow less civilized: cf. Hall 2001, Hatzopoulos 2011. '3 For Euripides'

visit to Macedonia,

see

7rGF V T

112-20;

for the surviving

fragments of the Archelaus itself, see Harder 1985: 125-272. The play told how the king's mythical ancestor and namesake killed the double-crossing Cisseus of Thrace and founded the Macedonian city of Aegae. ^ Euripides the younger presumably found no fourth play among his father’s or uncle's effects to complete the tetralogy typically entered into the dramatic competition. '5 See Hammond and Griffith 1979: 149-50; Scodel 2017: 37-9; Csapo and Wilson 20202: 585: ‘the evidence is overwhelming that Euripides did spend his last days there [i.e. in Macedonia]'. For the sceptical case cf. Scullion 2003.

2 THE

PRODUCTION

5

(if not the two other plays) in Macedonia, after a first performance in Athens, since two of the chorus’ songs include positive descriptions of the region (409-11, 565-75nn.). (b) Setting and staging Bacchae was first performed in or shortly after 405 Bc at the City Dionysia in Athens. Unfortunately the archaeological evidence for the theatre in this period is scanty; subsequent rebuilding throughout antiquity has destroyed or obscured earlier layers,'® and the extant fifth-century remains are controversial.' The wooden theatre building, or skene, had been in use since the production of the Oresteia in 458 at the latest.'? In Bacchae the skene represents the palace of Pentheus in Thebes, described by the chorus as an imposing structure complete with columns, lintels, and triglyphs (591-3, 1214).'? It is possible that the stage building was decorated to resemble such a palace: scene-painting (skenographia) could be managed by (for example) fixing painted panels to the front of the skene, though these panels would often need to be changed between plays (in Iphigenia at Aulis the skene represents the tent of Agamemnon in the Greek camp at Aulis, in Alemeon in Corinth it probably stood for the palace of Creon, king of Corinth); however, it is surprising that such physical scene-setting is not exploited for ludicrous effect in Old Comedy. In any case, given the size of the theatre, much of the audience would be unable

to see any great level of detail in scene-painting, making verbal scene-setting all the more important.*? The play 15 set before the royal palace on the acropolis of Thebes.*' In his opening speech Dionysus draws attention to the still-smouldering tomb of his mother Semele (6-12). Where was the tomb located — on the stage (if it existed) close to the skene or further forward in the per-

formance space, the orchestra? The existence of a low raised stage in the

'* A monumental stone theatre was built in the time of Lycurgus (330s BC): cf. [Plut.] X orat. 841c—e, Pickard-Cambridge 1946: 134—-74. " For discussion of the surviving archaeological evidence, with further bibliography, see Csapo and Slater 1995: 79-88, Moretti 1999-2000, Davidson 2005: 195-203, Goette 2007, Papastamati-von Moock 2014, Csapo and Wilson 2020a: 466. 8 Cf. Taplin 1977: 319-20, 458-9; Raeburn and Thomas 201 1: xlvi. '? For the staging of the palace's destruction, see 576-603n. ?* On the ancient evidence for skenographia, see Small 2013.

? Of Euripides' seventeen surviving tragedies, three other plays are set, like Bacchae, in Boeotia (HF, Phoen., IA), two in or near Troy (Hec., Tro.), four in the Peloponnese (Med., Hipp., El., Or), three in central/northern Greece (A/c., Andr, Ion), two in Attica (Heracl., Supp.), and one each in Tauris and Egypt (/T, Hel.).

6

INTRODUCTION

fifth-century theatre of Dionysus seems on balance unlikely (though, given the state of the evidence, it cannot be ruled out).** If Semele’s tomb

was a portable painted prop that stood close to (or up against) the skene, it would have to be to one side of the main door lest it interfere with the movement and visibility of the actors as they enter and exit the palace. Alternatively, the tomb may have been placed in a more central position

in the orchestra.*® It is tempting to suggest that the tomb of Semele was represented by the altar of Dionysus in the orchestra, creating a fitting link

between mother and son, and one that exploited the dramatic focus and power of that space. Unfortunately, however, there is no evidence that a

permanent altar of Dionysus existed at the centre of the orchéstra in the fifth-century theatre.** The likeliest scenario is one where Semele’s tomb was simply represented by a painted panel on the skene (1—63n.).*5 The eisodoi, or 'entrance ways’, on either 5146 of the performance space have an identity that is created specifically for, and used consistently in, each drama.*? In Bacchae, one

eisodos (let us simply call it A, rather than

specify left or right) leads to various Theban locations, and the other (B) via the city (352, 434, 855, 971) to Mt Cithaeron and more distant places. Eisodos B predominates, especially from 660 onwards, as events on Mt Cithaeron take a more prominent role in the audience's imagination.*7 The original production featured three male actors, fifteen male chorus members, and several mute extras (servants of Pentheus and Cadmus,

and Theban women attending Agave). All speaking parts in Attic tragedy were divided between

three actors, which

meant

not only that an actor

often played more than one role, but also that the same role occasionally

** Cf. Taplin 1977: 441 n. 2; Csapo and Slater 1995: 64, 268. ?5 'Though not necessarily at the centre of a circle, since there is no irrefutable evidence of a circular orchestra before Epidaurus ¢. 330 Bc, and the earliest the-

atres, including the Attic deme theatres, have orchéstrai that are more or less recti-

linear in shape: Csapo and Slater 1995: 79, 83; Moretti 1999-2000: 392-6; Paga 2010; Powers 2014: 13-23. ^ See Poe 1989, Rehm 2002: 41. *5 Free-standing structures would be required when they were dramaturgically important, as with the places of refuge that feature in many suppliant scenes or full-blown suppliant dramas

(e.g. Heracl., Andr., Supp., Hel.). By contrast, the tomb

of Semele is addressed by Dionysus to stress his coming home to Thebes but does not play a major role in the subsequent action (596-9n.). ** [n a production by the fourth-century tragedian Carcinus, Amphiaraus was returning from a shrine but entered from an inappropriate direction and the work was hissed off the stage (Arist. Poet. 1455a25-8). Thus the poet will have taken care in the staging of entrances and exits and these will have been rehearsed with basic logic and suitability in mind. ^ On the play's use of theatrical space, see Oranje 1984: 143-55, Rehm 2002: 200-14, Powers 2014: 23-8, Konstantinou 2018: 116-24.

2 THE

PRODUCTION

7

had to be divided between two or more actors (both practices were made easier because each figure had a characteristic costume and mask). The

importance of the actor's art is clear from the fact that a prize for best actor was established at the City Dionysia in 449 BC, and this also shows that audiences and judges were able to tell actors apart, despite their masks

and multiplicity of roles.*® Using

masks,

costume,

vocal delivery,

and gesture, an actor would change his identity from scene to scene (as

would a chorus from play to play). Acting was, then, a highly skilled profession, and also one that could bring wealth and celebrity (increasingly so as the fifth and fourth centuries progressed).*9 Assuming (as seems likely) that the protagonist and deuteragonist took

the major roles of Dionysus/stranger and Pentheus, the speaking parts of Bacchae can be divided as follows:

Actor I: Actor II: Actor III:

Dionysus (1-63, 494-518, 576-861, 912—76, 1330-51), Teiresias (170-369) — Pentheus (210-369, 434-518, 642-846, 918—70), Agave (1165-1387)

Cadmus (178-369), servant (484-518), herdsman/ first messenger (657-774), attendant/second messenger (1024-1152)

The first actor played both the stranger/Dionysus and Teiresias (religious authorities and supporters of the god, the latter of whom is the only Theban to escape punishment); the second actor both Agave and Pentheus (mother and son, killer and victim, and the two primary opponents of the god); and the third actor four figures who all counsel or imply

that Pentheus should accept (or should have accepted) the god, includ-

ing all three lower-class characters (servant, herdsman, attendant).*? The

versatility required of the two leading actors is particularly clear: the first plays an attractive foreigner, a frail old prophet, and a powerful god, while the second plays in succession two characters who are similar in some *5 Only protagonists could win the prize for acting, and the prize did not always go to the main actor of the successful group of plays: in 418 Bc, for example, the victorious tragic production at the Lenaean festival had Lysicrates as protagonist, but the prize for acting went to Callipides ( TYGFI DID A 2b.77-83). ?? This culminated in Aristotle's complaint that ‘in dramatic contests actors are now more important than poets' (Rh. 3.1403b33); on the rise of the actor, cash prizes, and the development ofa theatrical star circuit, see Easterling 2002: 331—2,

Csapo 2010a: 83-116. 3 For a single actor taking parallel or directly antithetical roles, see Damen 1989: 321—-9.

8

INTRODUCTION

respects (both resist the god and are punished with madness) but strikingly different in others, and distinct in age and gender. An actor’s costume and mask covered his entire body and head, which

facilitated the changing and sharing of roles and the impersonation of

female, foreign, and even divine figures. Costumes seem to have been elaborate and formal, suiting the aristocratic status of the central heroic characters, but differences in gender, class, and ethnicity will have been visible too (the details remain obscure, since no depictions of tragic act-

ors survive on fifth-century Attic vases).?' The chorus of Asian Bacchants enter in full Dionysiac regalia, beating orgiastic drums (tympana: 58-9, 124, 156), and costume was one of the key ways in which a dramatist could evoke other peoples and places.?* Thus, the actor playing Dionysus disguised as a Lydian acolyte will have been immediately recognizable as non-Greek:

his costume

(with pale arms and legs) and mask

(also pale-

skinned, with long hair attached) will have reflected Pentheus' contemptuous descriptions (235-6, 453-9nn.).? The same actor was then re-masked and re-costumed for Dionysus' final epiphany in fully divine form (1330—-51n.). Bacchic regalia (fawnskin, thyrsus, ivy crowns) are exploited for comic effect when Teiresias and Cadmus don them in a rush of Dionysiac enthusiasm (170-369n.). Maenadic costume is redeployed in mocking fashion when Pentheus dons actual female dress as well as the fawnskin and thyrsus (925-44n.). Euripides often utilizes clothing's deceptive potential,*! and in Bacchae costuming takes centre stage as the unwitting Pentheus believes he is assuming a clever disguise by dressing as a Bacchant (821—43). But his disguise convinces no one (854-6), and all the while, *?' On costume in tragedy, see Pickard-Cambridge 1968: 177—-209, and for its role in Bacchae, see Wyles 2011: 67-9, 99-100. Tragic masks seem to have been fairly conventionalized (contrast the exaggerated masks of comedy), allowing the

audience

to project their emotions

(or impressions of the characters'

emotions)

onto the mask. In a large outdoor theatre the nuance of facial movements would

be lost, so a mask can be more effective and expressive: for the Greek tragic mask,

see Halliwell 1993, and on the expressive potential of masks in many cultures, see Stewart 2002: 55-7. ? Whereas the female Greek choruses of Iphigenia at Tauris, Helen, and Andromeda highlight the plight of endangered Greek women in distant lands, the

Bacchaestages the seemingly dangerous incursion of foreign women into the Greek world (cf. 13-22, 511—14, 556—75). On the play of near and far in Euripides, see Lightfoot 2021: 110-11, 119-37, 150-3. ?5 The popular idea that the stranger wore a ‘smiling mask’ throughout 15 untenable: see 439n. 31 E.g. Alc. 1087-1120, where Admetus unwittingly accepts the veiled Alcestis; Hel. 1204-1300, where Helen and Menelaus use the latter's bedraggled appearance, dressed in pieces of torn sailcloth, to deceive Theoclymenus.

2 THE

PRODUCTION

9

ironically, he is himself deceived by Dionysus, disguised as a mortal. And

there is ἃ moment of stunning theatricality when the actor who played

Pentheus disguised as a maenad re-enters as an actual female devotee, his deranged mother Agave, carrying the mask he had worn earlier, which

now represents the head of Pentheus triumphantly impaled on Agave's thyrsus (1141—2n.).?» (c) Structure and dramatic technique

The basic structural elements of a Greek tragedy are episodes of spoken dialogue and the choral songs that come in between them.?? Yet the general pattern was flexible, allowing the dramatist to vary the length and complexity of an episode (by increasing the number of internal 'scenes', distinguished by the entrance and exit of speaking characters: 576-861n.), or to modify an episode's emotional register (by introducing songs and chanted verses, delivered by actors or chorus: 576-603, 1168-99nn.). With twelve tragedies and satyr-plays produced each year at the City Dionysia alone, audiences will have been familiar with such basic narrative patterns as recognition and revenge, and will have appreciated a poet’s ability to compose variations upon them, as seen, for example, in Euripides' various uses of the popular motifs of disguise and deception (Alc., El., IT, Hel., Or; cf. Soph. EL, Phil.). But the Bacchaeis almost unique in that here disguise is donned by a god,*” and the audience's knowledge

of the stranger's identity magnifies their sense of Pentheus' arrogance as well as the certainty of his destruction (4, 53-4nn.). Revenge is one of the most productive story patterns in Greek literature from the Iliad and Odyssey onwards, and half of all surviving tragedies

culminate in revenge killings (Eur. Med., Heracl., Hipp., Andx, Hec., EL, HF, Ion (attempted), Or, Bacch., Aesch. Ag., Cho., Soph. Aj., Trach., El.). As Bacchae makes clear, the differences between human and divine venge-

ance are significant, since whereas humans must face the consequences of their actions, which in the heroic society of tragedy means the certainty

of further personalized violence, gods can punish their mortal enemies with impunity (compare, for example, Athena in Sophocles’ Ajax or Hera

in Euripides' Heracles). Euripides' Hippolytus most resembles Bacchae in

?5 On the use of Pentheus' mask and other props in the play, e.g. the stretcher bearing Pentheus' dismembered body (1216-20), see Chaston 2010: 179-237. 3 See Jens 1971; Taplin 1977, 1978; Halleran 1985; Mastronarde 2002: 74-80. 37 The only other tragic example also involves Dionysus, who takes on human form to punish Lycurgus in Aeschylus' fragmentary Edonians, an important influence on the Bacchae (see 83 below).

10

INTRODUCTION

its stark portrayal of divine vengeance directed at a human Aphrodite's vengeance

provokes Artemis

(Hippolytus'

patron

opponent. goddess)

to retaliate, but this will lead only to further Ahuman suffering 1416-22).

(Hipp.

As well as being a revenge drama, Bacchaeis a gripping example of what

one might call the ‘someone digs their heels in' plot. The audience know from the start that Pentheus is making a disastrous mistake and will be punished for it, and they see various opportunities where he could have

changed his mind - in response to the uncanny escape of the maenads (443-50) and the stranger (616—41) or the herdsman's awestruck description of the maenads' miracles (677—774) - but each time Pentheus sticks to his futile resistance and brings his own ruin closer. Here he perhaps most resembles Creon in Sophocles' Antigone, who similarly rejects wise advice from his son Haemon and the prophet Teiresias, and only decides to release Antigone and bury Polynices when it is too late (1118-21n.). Like Antigone, Bacchae is a powerful example of ‘late learning', a leitmotif of tragedy, as Pentheus' moment of recognition (anagnorisis) comes only as he faces death (1111-13n.), Agave's after she has murdered her son (1296), and Cadmus' after the god's punishment of him has been decreed (1344-5). Thus, in its use of disguise, revenge, and too-late recognition, Bacchae displays Euripides' ability to manipulate and combine various typical plot structures, and to do so in a way that expresses the individuality of each play's tragic scenario, yet also maximizes the psychological and emotional impact of the drama. It is often claimed that Bacchae displays *archaism' in its relatively simple linear plot, integrated and prominent chorus, lack of monody and agon scene, and extensive use of narrative (from the servant, stranger, and two messengers).3* However, ‘archaizing’ suggests something that has not

been seen for a long time and which is intended to seem old-fashioned (as if a dramatist today were to write a play in iambic pentameters). While it is true that Bacchae lacks some features found in Euripides' later plays, such

as actor's monody (see 85a below) or longer and more complex episodes

with many characters (cf. Hel., Phoen., Or., IA), these are choices made for

dramatic reasons: the former suits the play's foregrounding of an active chorus, while the latter derives from its continuous structure, especially its

shaping as a revenge tragedy. In any case, Bacchae does not reject all of the stylistic trends of the later plays, as can be seen in its high rate of iambic

resolution (n. 9 above) and its use of the trochaic tetrameter (604-41n.).

55 See Dodds 1960: xxxvi-xxxviii; Michelini 1987: 278-9; Rutherford 218, 276—7; Weiss 2018: 241—3; Billings 2020: 389-91.

2012:

2 THE

Moreover, for all we know

PRODUCTION

11

(given that we possess less than 4 per cent of

the tragedies produced at the City Dionysia in the fifth century), it 15 quite possible that many of the tragedies staged in the late fifth century were more like Bacchae in being ‘traditional’ or formally ‘austere’ than they were like the ‘avant-garde’ Helen, Phoenician Women, and Ovrestes.

(d) Relationship to other plays in the trilogy Bacchae was produced together with Iphigenia at Aulis and Alcmeon in Corinth.*? IÀ dramatized the sacrifice of Iphigenia, with Agamemnon luring his daughter to Aulis under the pretence of marriage to Achilles. We see the tragic impact of his decision upon his family, a crisis only resolved by Iphigenia's willing acceptance of death, which she justifies as necessary for Greek freedom (1384, 1400-1). In Alemeon in Corinth the eponymous hero has entrusted his two children, Amphilochus

and Tisiphone,

to Creon, king of Corinth, but Creon's wife Merope has become jealous of Tisiphone and has sold her into slavery. Having unwittingly bought his own daughter and kept her as a slave, the action begins with Alcmeon returning to Corinth to reclaim his children: Tisiphone's true identity is eventually revealed, Amphilochus' future glory as founder of Amphilochian Argos is predicted, and Creon flees in disgrace.*' Unlike Aeschylus, who produced at least four connected tetralogies, Sophocles and Euripides preferred to produce independent plays, the sole Euripidean exception being the grouping of Alexandros, Palamedes, and Trojan Women at the City Dionysia of 415 Bc.** The dramatization of distinct cycles of myth, as in the performance of Iphigenia at Aulis, Alcmeon

39 Thirty-one tragedies survive (excluding Rhesus as a fourth-century work) from a minimum of goo production slots (three dramatists, producing at least three

tragedies each year, for 100 years).

** [A has suffered considerable interference by ancient actors and producers, though the extent of interpolation is disputed: see Collard and Morwood 2017: 1.55-62. Very few certainly identifiable fragments of Alcmeon in Corinth survive (frs. 73a-7), but Apollodorus' mythological handbook, written in the second century AD, records the plot in some detail ( Bibl. §.7.7). *

The

play's

use

of mistaken

identity,

loss

of status,

and joyful

reunion

of

long-lost relatives overlaps with many other Euripidean tragedies (e.g. /on, Helen, Cresphontes, Alexander, Hypsipyle, Antiope, Auge, Danae). Euripides' earlier Alcmeon in Psophis, produced with Alcestis in 438 BC, dealt with a later stage in the hero's adventures,

as he

sought

purification

for

the

murder

of his

mother

Eriphyle

(frs. 65—72). Alcmeon was a popular subject for tragedy (cf. Aeschylus’ Epigoni, Sophocles' A/cmeon, Epigoni, Eriphyle) and Aristotle mentions him as a quintessentially tragic figure along with Oedipus, Orestes, and others (Poet. 1453a20-1). * On these plays as a connected trilogy, see Scodel 1980, Kovacs 2018: 24—48.

12

INTRODUCTION

in Corinth, and Bacchae (assuming they were staged in the order cited by the scholiast to Ar. Ran. 67), had its own particular appeal, allowing for a greater range of location, incident, and character. It is a testament to

Euripides' creative energy that his last set of tragedies contains not only such a variety of theme and plot, but also one of his greatest surviving plays. Nonetheless, despite the many differences between the three dramas (including formal features such as the /A's extensive use of actor's song), the original audience will have encountered them as a holistic theatrical

experience, and it is possible to trace some suggestive connections (albeit to a limited extent with the fragmentary Alcmeon in Corinth). Both Bacchae

and /A culminate in the death of a central young character, Pentheus and Iphigenia, and in each case the royal family's suffering is balanced by communal gain, as Thebes will benefit from the resulting introduction of Dionysiac religion, and Greece will be able to fight and win the Trojan War. Bereaved mothers are central to each play, but whereas Clytemnestra struggles to save her daughter, Agave murders her son in Bacchic frenzy. It is not clear whether Manto, the unmarried mother of Amphilochus and Tisiphone, appeared in A/cmeon in Corinth, but her maternal misery 15 recalled by Apollo in the prologue (fr. 73a).4 All three plays stage a family tragedy based on misapprehension — as seen, for example, in Clytemnestra's embarrassing encounter with her would-be son-in-law Achilles, Alcmeon's

treatment of his own daughter as a slave, or Agave's deranged entry holding aloft the head of her son - but in Alemeon the climactic recognition is joyful and leads to the family's restoration and a happy ending.* 3 MYTH

AND

INNOVATION

Although Pentheus is not mentioned in extant literary sources before the tragedies of Aeschylus in the fifth century,*^ tales of the destruction of

Dionysus' enemies are as old as the /liad. According to Homer, Lycurgus,

?* Manto is the daughter of Teiresias, creating a further tangential link to Bacchae. Like Dionysus, in Alemeon Apollo may have delivered an epilogue as well as the prologue (cf. fr. 76). Ἢ For further discussion of the interaction between the three plays, see Michelakis 2006: 85—7, Caspers 2012, Hall 2016: 14-25, Karamanou 2016, Wright 2019: 150-1. 55 Art takes us back a little earlier: a red-figure psykter by Euphronios of around 510 BC shows Pentheus being torn apart by two women, one of them named Galene (Boston MFA 10.221, LIMCVIL1 s.v. Pentheus 39). Several vase-paintings predating the Bacchae depict Pentheus' σπαραγμός, but none can be said unequiv-

ocally to depict the daughters of Cadmus as the assailants (March 1989: 50-2, Weaver 2009: 29-31). For an overview of Theban myth in early Greek literature and art, see Gantz 1993: 11.467—530.

3 MYTH

AND

INNOVATION

13

son of Dryas, attacked the young god and his nurses on Mt Nysa (5569n.), was blinded by Zeus, and died soon after (. 6.130—40).1° Aeschylus' tetralogy known as the Lycurgeia (Edonians, Bassarids, Youths, and satyr-play Lycurgus) elaborated upon Lycurgus' punishment, which was exacted by

Dionysus himself, and was an important influence on Euripides' depiction of Pentheus.*? Lycurgus (like Pentheus) mocks Dionysus, who is disguised as a mortal, for his effeminate Lydian appearance (frs. 59, 61-2; cf. 4, 53-4. 235-6, 453-9nn.); he seeks to imprison the stranger and the Bacchants in the palace, only to be thwarted when Dionysus appears as a manifest god, shakes

the palace with an earthquake,

and releases the

prisoners (fr. 58; 443-8, 576-603, 726—7nn.); and Lycurgus too 15 finally driven mad by the god, so that he slaughters his son Dryas with an axe in the belief that he is cutting off a vine branch. In Euripides, by contrast,

Pentheus' divinely induced madness leads to his own murder at the hands of his family.+* Even more pertinent to the Bacchae, however, is Aeschylus' composition of a tetralogy on the downfall of Pentheus

himself (TYGF III F 22,

168—72, 183, 221—4, 246): Semele or Hydrophoroi ( Water-Bringers) was about Semele's seduction by Zeus, her punishment by the jealous Hera (2-3n.), disguised as a wandering priestess, and the double birth of Dionysus; Xantriae (Wool-Carders) dramatized the newly returned god's transformation of the wool-working women

of Thebes

(the chorus)

into maenads

and included Lyssa, goddess of madness, as a speaking character (fr. 169; 977n. below); Pentheus (or Bacchae, probably alternative titles for the same play) depicted the god's destruction of his enemy; and the satyr-play Nurses of Dionysustold how the eponymous nymphs and their satyr husbands, who protected Dionysus as a baby, were rewarded with rejuvenation by being boiled in a cauldron by Medea at the request of the god.:? Aristophanes of Byzantium's

hypothesis (or introductory note) to Euripides' Bacchae states

1 The Homeric Hymn to Dionysus (7), probably of the late sixth century, also explores the disastrous consequences of failing to believe in the divinity of Dionysus (cf. 4n., Jaillard 2011). 5 On Aeschylus’ Lycurgeia (TrGF IIl F 23—5, 57-67, 124—6, 146-9), see West 1990: 26-50, Bednarek 2021: 28-120; and for its influence on Euripides, see

Lamari 2018: 190-6, Xanthaki-Karamanou 2020, 2022: 1-119. 55 Like the three Theban daughters of Cadmus (Agave, Ino,

Autonoe),

the

three daughters of Minyas of Orchomenus in Boeotia and the three daughters of Proetus of Argos rejected Dionysus, were driven mad, and either killed one of

their own children or induced other women to kill theirs. However, our sources for the Minyads and Proetids as infanticides are later than Euripides (Plut. Mor.

299e-300a, Apollod. Bibl. 2.2.2) and these versions may well have been shaped by

the Bacchae (1184n.).

?? For an alternative reconstruction, see Sommerstein 2016: 30-3.

14

INTRODUCTION

that similar storytelling was to be found in Aeschylus' Pentheus () μυθοποιία κεῖται Trap' Αἰσχύλωι £v Πενθεῖ), so it 15 all the more galling that only one

fragment of Pentheus has survived, especially as that fragment may show

Euripides reworking Aeschylean material: und’ αἵματος πέμφιγα πρὸς πέδωι βάληις (‘and do not spill a drop of blood on the ground', fr. 183) sug-

gests a scene where Pentheus was warned against an armed conflict with the maenads,

an idea central

to the stranger's persuasion

of Pentheus

in Euripides' version (cf. 804, 837). The military version of the conflict, in which Pentheus was defeated by the god and his maenadic ‘army’, is also alluded to in Aeschylus' Eumenides (25—6 ἐξ οὗτε Βάκχαις ἐστρατήγησεν θεὸς | λαγὼ δίκην Πενθεῖ καταρράψας uópov), and this scene of armed con-

flict (also familiar to vase painters)?? is repeatedly evoked by Euripides to underline the novelty of his own account (e.g. 50-2, 778-86, 810-16, 916, 1095-1110nn.).? Their previous experience of art, poetry, or drama meant that many in the original audience of Euripides’ Bacchae would have had some general expectations about the conflict between Dionysus and Pentheus, and would certainly have been in no doubt as regards its outcome (the θεομάχος is always defeated: 45-6n.). The challenge for Euripides was to create a new angle on a familiar story. Mythical innovation and even explicit disagreement with previous versions are standard features of Greek poetry. Yet even when doing something novel, as Euripides does in the Bacchae, the poet remains aware that the audience must be able to link his

new version to the accounts they already know.

Thus, Euripides takes over several features from previous accounts of

mortal resistance to Dionysus. But there are also previously unattested elements that may well be innovations by Euripides.

Firstly, rather than

5 [n the ten or so Attic paintings, all earlier than the Bacchae, as in the eleven later pictures from Sicily and southern Italy, Pentheus 15 painted as a ‘heroic nude’ with sword or spears in hand, reflecting the traditional scene of military force

(LIMC VIL1 s.v. Pentheus 2, 6-16, 24—5, 39-44); cf. Dodds 1960: xxxv, March 1989: 36—7, Carpenter 1997: 104-18, Weaver 2009: 37. ?' There were other dramatic treatments of the Pentheus myth after Aeschylus (and possibly before, if Thespis' Pentheus ever existed:

TrGFI

1 T 1 and 8, F 1c):

Sophocles' son Iophon is credited with plays entitled Bacchae and Pentheus ( TrGF 1 22 T 1a, F 2), and Xenocles' Bacchae was part of a production that defeated Euripides' Trojan trilogy in 415 Bc (TYGF1 33 F 1). Unfortunately, we do not know enough about these plays to say what (if any) influence they had on Euripides, though Cropp 2019: 124 suggests that in Iophon's Bacchae, Agave ‘may have mocked acceptance of divine mysteries in much the same way as Pentheus in the first episode of Euripides' play’. For fourth-century treatments, cf. Diogenes' Semele (TrGF 1 45 F 1), Carcinus' Semele ( IYTGF 1 70 F 2-3), Chaeremon's Dionysus (TYGF

1 71 F 4-7), and Cleophon's Bacchae ( TrGF 1 777 T 1), Cropp 2021: 78-9, 102-3.

4 THE

PLAY

15

going out well-armed to war, Pentheus goes out dressed as a woman to spy on the maenads (50-2, 787-861, 810-16, 821—46nn.).5* Secondly,

he is torn apart not by anonymous Bacchants but by his own mother and aunts (848-7, 1125-36nn.). These two central changes greatly enhance the humiliation and horror of Pentheus' punishment. Other likely novelties are the inclusion of Teiresias and Cadmus as advocates of the god (170-369, 266-342nn.), the play's closing focus on Cadmus' and Agave's realization of what they have done and the punishment that awaits them (1165-1392, 1344, 1377-8nn.), and finally the choice of Asian Bacchants as the chorus, which creates a hostile witness to Pentheus' rejection of the new god (64-169, 556—75nn., §4b below). 4 THE

PLAY

(a) Bacchae and Dionysiac religion The Bacchae stages the triumph of Dionysus over those who would deny his divinity.5* But how does its presentation of the god and his followers relate to the deity honoured by fifth-century Greeks, especially in Athens?5t Firstly, it is important to note that the way ancient Greeks perceived their gods depended on the context in which they were encountered, and that the conventions of tragedy differed from those of other genres (e.g. lyric, philosophy, oratory), focusing to a greater extent on the gods' negative potential as agents of human suffering.5» So while the Bacchae naturally draws on the audience's familiarity with Dionysus as a ? The likely influence of Euripides' version of the myth can be detected in later iconography, where Pentheus is shown dressed as a maenad: LIMC VII.1 s.v. Pentheus 19, VIL.2 g, British Museum F139; cf. Taplin 2004, 2007: 156-8, Mimidou 2013. 55 For a survey of modern trends in scholarship on the Bacchae, all with further bibliography, see Segal 1997: 349-93, Matthiessen 2002: 238—49, Mills 2006: 80-102,

Hose

2005,

2008:

200-18,

Bernabé

et al. 2013, Isler-Kerényi

Mastronarde

2010:

15-25,

Thumiger

2014,

Pucci 2016: 142-90, Reitzammer 2017: 300-3, Billings 2020: 376—7, and the various perspectives collected in Stuttard 2016. Dodds 1960* (first edition 1944) and Winnington-Ingram 1948 remain fundamental; their achievement and influence on subsequent scholarship are well discussed by Easterling 1997 and Oakley 2015. 5! Among numerous studies of Dionysus, see in particular Burkert 1985: 161-7, Versnel 1990, Carpenter and Faraone 1993, Seaford 2006, 2021, Schlesier 2011, 2021,

Henrichs

2022;

and for the god in art,

Gasparri 1986, Carpenter 1986, 1997, Moraw 1998, 2011, Isler-Kerényi 2007, 2015. For the tragedians themselves as agents of religious thought, cf. Parker 2005:

136: ‘The theatre, it can be argued, was the most important arena in Athenian life

in which reflection on theological issues was publicly expressed.’ 55 R. Parker 1997, Mastronarde 2010: 156—7, Swift 2016a: 53-65, below.

and

84c

16

INTRODUCTION

god of everyday cult, it also tailors his depiction to suit the dramatic ends of tragedy. Secondly, we must take care not to obscure the god’s different regional identities, for if Euripides created the drama for a largely Athenian audience (see §2a), it is from their conception of Dionysus that

his play must work.>® The god's importance to them is vividly illustrated by Pindar's dithyramb for the Athenians (fr. 75), where all the Olympian gods are summoned to Athens in early spring to join in choral song and dance for Dionysus, creating a scene of ‘cosmic integration'?? as gods,

Athenians, and nature unite in celebration of him.

Bacchae condenses many quintessentially Dionysiac experiences, from epiphany and miracles to ecstasy and liberation. Nearly all of the god's

primary concerns — wine, revelry, madness, sex, song and dance, even the-

atre itself — are used both to power the conflict between Dionysus and his opponents and to enhance his bond with his worshippers. The god's influence in these spheres is repeatedly praised not only by the chorus and the stranger, but also by Teiresias, Cadmus, and both messenger figures, yet they are decisively condemned by Pentheus, creating a religious and political crisis. Thus,

wine

and

its effects

are variously

celebrated:?

Teiresias

hails

Dionysus' gift as the only cure for human misery, and his identification of the god himself with wine enables him to praise Dionysus as a supreme benefactor of mortals (278-85). The chorus, meanwhile, stress

the joy and relaxation of communal drinking by men (381—5) and praise Dionysus' egalitarianism in giving the benefits of wine to rich and poor alike (421—3). For Pentheus, by contrast, wine fuels the maenads'

illicit

sex (221—5, 260-2) and the stranger is nothing more than a ‘wine-faced’ seducer (235-6; cf. 487, 957-8). However, as the herdsman insists, the maenads are in fact neither drunk nor engaged in sex (686-8; cf. 317-

18), and he links the two (wine and sex) as pleasures that pose no threat

at all to the social order (769—74). In this way the play exploits Greek ambivalence

about

the

effects

of wine,

both

‘joy and

burden'

(x&ppa

xai ἄχθος, Hes. fr. 239.1), and its particular danger if ever consumed by women, but crucially it presents the Bacchant chorus as approving only 35 There

was,

however,

sufficient overlap

between

the Athenian

god

and

his

functions elsewhere as to make reperformances of the play beyond Attica no less appealing or powerful. On the interplay of unity and diversity in Greek religion (Panhellenic

gods,

together with

local custom

and

ritual variation),

see Parker

2011: 70-3, Kindt 2012: 123-54, Osborne 2015, Beck 2020: 121-61. 57 Anderson 2018: 220. 55 Of Dionysus' five major Athenian festivals, two were connected to the annual vintage (Anthesteria, Oschophoria): cf. Parker 2005: 211-17, 290-326. For the god's theatrical festivals (Lenaea, Rural Dionysia, City Dionysia), see further below.

4 THE

PLAY

17

male drinking and asserts the Theban maenads' sobriety and chastity.5 Moreover, Dionysus himself is depicted using the grapevine for a solemn religious purpose, enhancing the sacredness of his mother's tomb at Thebes (11-12). Similarly, the stranger's sensuous, effeminate, and seductive appear-

ance fuels 453-9).* aries, and tions, his their

Pentheus' mistaken suspicions of orgiastic sex (233—41, 353, Here the play exploits Dionysus' ability to blur gender boundalthough Pentheus is wrong about the stranger's sexual intenandrogyny and the chorus' use of erotic imagery to describe

ideal

ritual

space

(402-16n.)

encourage

the

audience

to

think

about Dionysus' perceived threat to normative male gender identity and female sexual morality?' Pentheus reflects traditional belief in a clear binary opposition between *male' and 'female' roles and attitudes, while Dionysus

challenges

this and presents a spectrum

of gender identities,

a concept threatening to Pentheus' vision of how a society should be ordered. Already in Aeschylus' Edonians, Dionysus is mocked for his effeminate Lydian appearance (frs. 59, 61—2; see 83 above), and in art from the 430s onwards images of the god as a beardless, effeminate, and partially or fully nude youth become more common (as opposed to the mature, bearded, clothed adult of Archaic and early Classical art).% Euripides draws on this

59 In Archaic and Classical Greek art the god holds various drinking vessels and maenads ladle or pour wine, but neither the god nor his female followers are ever shown actually drinking. Athenian public festivals such as the Anthesteria excluded citizen women from the communal drinking, as did private symposia. Female drunkenness is frequently derided in Attic Old Comedy (e.g. Ar. Lys. 194— 208; Thesm. 630-1, 735-7). Antiquity’s double standard regarding drunkenness (whereby alcohol enhanced the virility of noble men, but threatened to destroy the honour of all women) remains prevalent in many modern societies. *v For Dionysus' ability to inflict the *madness' of erotic desire (which he often stimulates in his capacity as god of wine) cf. Anacreon PMG 357, where the god is asked to make Cleobolus accept the speaker's love (Bernsdorff 2020: 11.434—53). 9' Just as he refrains from drinking (n. 59), so Dionysus is never depicted having sex. Jameson 1993: 62—4 well argues that the god's sexual detachment and gentleness were likely to be especially important to his female worshippers, who were all too familiar with aggressive phallic imagery. As Parker 2005: 323 n. 114 observes, *The obvious parallel for Dionysus as embodiment of a gentle sexuality attractive to women is Adonis.” However, the regular presence of satyrs and silens (naked men with equine features and large phalloi) in the god's entourage, and their frequent depiction in Dionysiac art pursuing nymphs or women, associates Dionysus with the threat of sexual violence and disgrace (cf. Cyc. 175-87, where the leader of the satyr chorus takes pleasure in imagining the gang rape of Helen).

** Dodds 1960: 133-4, Carpenter 1993, 1997: 104-18. The effeminate and cowardly nature of Dionysus is a running joke throughout Aristophanes' Frogs (e.g. 42-51, 460-500).

18

INTRODUCTION

contemporary iconography, as well as the audience’s cultural stereotypes about effeminate foreigners (cf. 353 τὸν θηλύμορφον ξένον), to enhance

Pentheus' prejudice (453-9n.). The intoxication of wine alters the drinker's self-perception and behav-

iour, and so too does Dionysus' ability to possess people, to inspire them with pavía. The play depicts the god's association with pavía in a vari-

ety of senses, including mantic inspiration (298-301) and battlefield panic (302—5), and its plot is built around a fundamental contrast in the ways pavía is experienced by the god's followers and deniers: the former

embrace it as liberating 'ecstasy', while the latter suffer it as punishing 'madness'.^! Thus, the chorus, as willing worshippers, evoke their own past ecstatic behaviour, including wild dancing and snake-handling (101--

4, 126-9, 862—76), and praise the satyrs who attend the god as μαινόμενοι (130). As for his opponents, the god drives the women

of Thebes out of

their minds (32—3, 36, 1295-6), induces a ‘mild frenzy' in Pentheus so that he dresses as a woman (£veis ἐλαφρὰν λύσσαν; 850—3n.), and has Agave kill her own son in a paroxysm of madness (1122—4). Similarly, the chorus invoke the goddess Frenzy herself against Pentheus (977-81) and accuse him of spying on the maenads *with maddened mind and deranged will’

(μανείσαι πραπίδι | παρακόπωι τε λήματι, 99971000). However, the chorus also reveal the potential for violence inherent in

fanatical religious devotion, as they revel in Agave's infanticide (11634). Thus, while the play illustrates the benefits of Dionysiac ecstasy for both the worshipper and the wider community - this idea is a leitmotif of the chorus' songs (e.g. 73-82, 105-14, 152-69, 556—75, 862—76) and 15 endorsed by Cadmus and Teiresias (188—-9, 195-6, 206-9, 300-1, 312193) — it also underlines the importance of achieving a balance between order and liberation, so that ecstasy does not veer off into insanity or mass

emotion into irrational violence.% Pentheus' contrasting error - of failing % The first description of Dionysus in Greek literature identifies him as μαινόμενος (/I. 6.132). On Dionysiac povío, see Dodds 1951: 76-7, Burkert 1985: 161-7, Henrichs 1994a: 41—7, Leinieks 1996: 71-85, Seaford 2006: 105-10, Thumiger 2007: 59-106, Ustinova 2018: 169-216. ^: Transgressive women in tragedy are typically accused of *madness' (ἄνοια: 566 Gerolemou

2011); although

the literal madness

of Agave and the other Theban

women is caused by Dionysus, it marks them as deviant and a threat to civic order in the eyes of Pentheus. % Winnington-Ingram 1948, working in the shadow of fascism (his book was essentially complete by 1938, but publication was delayed by the Second World War), was particularly alert to the dangers of group emotion: cf. pp. 153, 161, and esp. 178: 'Indeed, all history is full of the Dionysiac reaction of the crowd ... This, then, is the subject of the play: the Dionysiac group and its disastrous potentialities ... the exclusive and undiscriminating cult of emotion.’

4 THE

PLAY

19

to see the personal or social value of Dionysiac pavía — is compounded by his refusal to learn from events. For all his vaunted good sense in the face of his opponents' ‘foolishness’ (cf. 252, 268—9, 311-12, 344, 483), it is clear that his is not a rational response to the ecstatic and beneficial behaviour inspired by Dionysus.*^? The maenadic behaviour portrayed in the play is a typically poetic elaboration of real-life Dionysiac worship,

though

the nature and extent of

this transformation is much debated.*7 In the case of the maenads' tearing

apart (σπαραγμός) of animals (734-47) - let alone of humans (112536) — and the eating of raw flesh (ὠμοφαγία), it seems clear that these

are imaginary and extreme versions of much tamer cultic acts, whereby

worshippers

offered

pieces

of raw meat

(cut with

a knife

rather

than

rent by hand from an animal) for notional consumption by the god.^* Equally controversial is the extent of Athenian women's participation in maenadic worship. Some have argued that ritual maenadism was never practised at Athens;?? yet even if this were true, some Athenian women

did go to Delphi every two years to worship Dionysus there (see 130-4n.). However, there is in fact strong artistic evidence that during the fifth century ecstatic female worship of Dionysus was an accepted part of Athenian religious life.”” Moreover, as well as the Lenaea and Anthesteria, official *5 On ‘rationality’ versus 'irrationality' in ancient Greek thought, see Tor 2017: 10-35. 57 On the apparent differences as well as overlaps between the maenadic worship imagined in poetry and art, on the one hand, and Greek (especially Athenian) religious practice on the other, see Dodds 1951: 270-82, 1960: xi-xxv; Henrichs 1978, 1990: 257-8; Bremmer 1984; Versnel 1990: 135-49; Osborne 1997; Parker 2005: 306-12, 324-6; Parker 2011: 165-6, 212, 249; McGlashan 2022: 147-51. For the important role played by male fantasy in ancient sources on maenadism, see Humphreys 2004: 71-2. 55 A Milesian inscription of 276/5 Bc speaks of worshippers (both male

and

female)

who

are ὠμοφάγιον

ἐμβαλεῖν, lit. ‘to throw in a raw bite

[of meat]’

(Sokolowski 1955, no. 48 - Jaccottet 2003, no. 150). Dodds 1951: 276-7, 1960: xvi-xvii famously took this as evidence of ecstatic maenads ripping apart live animals and eating them raw, but his tendency to elide the distinction between cultic and mythic maenadism has embellished a more humdrum reality: see Henrichs 1978: 150-2, Parker 2011: 166. The chorus' evocation of snake-handling, by contrast, 15 probably grounded

in historical maenadism

(see

101—4n.), while the

Theban women's invulnerability to fire and weapons (757-64) may be seen as a mythical extension of the insensibility to pain potentially induced by maenadic ecstasy. % E.g. Henrichs 1978: 152-5. 7* See Osborne 1997: 188-90, 193—4, who shows that, in reacting against the excesses of Dodds, some scholars have denied the evidence for ecstatic women in Athenian cult, relegating the scenes in vase-painting to a simplistic realm of pure myth. For ecstasy as an experience of historical maenads, cf. Bremmer 1984: 281; Versnel 1990: 135, 142, 145; Kindt 2012: 24. The so-called ‘Lenaea vases' (seventy

20

INTRODUCTION

state festivals, there were opportunities for Athenian women to worship Dionysus in privately organized celebrations: Aristophanes' Lysistrata pictures the eagerness of Athenian women to accept an invitation ‘to a Bacchic revel ... and the streets would be impassable, with all their kettle drums' (Lys. 1-3). Thus, in Athens, as elsewhere in Greece, there was a wide spectrum of female behaviour in honour of Dionysus, from the calm and controlled to the joyously ecstatic. Tragedy, like other forms of mythical narrative, takes the more extreme variant of historical maenadism and

exaggerates it for dramatic ends, magnifying the shocking potential of women released from the constraints of everyday life. Moreover, male participation in maenadic ritual is not securely attested

until the Hellenistic period?' and there is no evidence of it in Athens or elsewhere in the fifth century.? Thus, Euripides' creative adaptation of religious practice can also be seen in the imagined presence of Theban men among the maenads on the mountain (see 73-7, 114-19nn.).

Teiresias' and Cadmus' eagerness to dance in the god's honour (195-6n.) also reflects Athenian

men's fascination with, and ambiguous

to, the idea of being completely possessed by their everyday identities, an experience ofloss project onto women. As Pentheus' mistaken absence from actual maenadic rites helped went on there. Maenadism offered women a

attraction

the god and escaping from of control which they safely suspicions confirm, men's fuel their fantasies of what

variety of benefits:

a chance

to leave,

albeit for a circumscribed period, the domestic sphere and male super-

vision

(whether on the distant mountains of Delphi or in Athens itself),

to enjoy the physical exhilaration and pleasurable exhaustion of ecstatic celebration, and (not least) to have a powerful religious experience.7?

or so, mostly from 490-440 BC), which show women serving wine before masks of Dionysus attached to pillars (for a detailed study, Ducroux 1991), are taken by Osborne (1997: 208) as 'evidence for ecstatic cult in both archaic and classical Athens'; Parker 2005: 312 their ‘domestic Athenian

maenadism

and dancing see Frontisithe reality of suggests that

... could have occurred at the Anthesteria,

among other occasions'. ? Jaccottet 2003 1.94-100. 7 Pace Dodds 1960: 86 n. 2, who cites Hdt. 4.79 on Zeus's Scythian king Scyles for performing Bacchic rites, this passage scene of mixed-sex initiation and ecstasy (akin to the Bacchic ther below) rather than strict maenadism: cf. Henrichs 1978: 119 n. 94, 133 n. 154; Parker 2011: 166 n. 154. At Jon 550—4

punishment of the describes an urban mysteries: see fur133; Versnel 1990: Xuthus admits that

once, while drunk, he had sex with a girl during maenadic rites at Delphi; his intrusion is marked as illicit (note Ion's shocked question (552): ἐθιάσευσ᾽, ἢ πῶς τάδ᾽ αὐδᾶις;).

75 For maenadism's diverse appeal, see Goff 2004: 271-9.

4 THE

PLAY

21

Nonetheless, this female ‘liberation’ was conducted with the approval of the male-controlled polis and was regulated by it: in short, maenadism was a 'controllable safety valve'7* for women's potentially disruptive desires for autonomy and pleasure, which ultimately reinforced patriarchal ideology by framing women as emotional and uncontrolled.” Far from being terrified by real-life maenads, male civic authorities licensed their celebrations and saw no threat to the established patriarchal order.

By contrast, the maenadism of the play operates outside the control of

male civic authority, and Pentheus fails to see its social and psychological benefits. It is essentially because Pentheus chooses to frame maenadism

as a threat to civic order that it becomes one, as is shown symbolically by the Theban

women's

transformation

from

peaceful worshippers

to cat-

tle-rippers and city-sackers when they come under attack (734-68). Once

the stranger has initiated the trap that will destroy Pentheus, the chorus

compare their impending victory to a fawn's escape from a hunter and his hounds (862—76); their simile celebrates female autonomy and freedom from male persecution, and the fawn's ‘rejoicing in the wilderness' (ἡδομένα | βροτῶν ἐρημίαις, 874—5)

encapsulates

the source of Pentheus'

hostility — his typically Greek patriarchal suspicion of female independence and pleasure. Importantly, it is not only the (naturally biased) chorus who give a positive assessment of maenadism's effects: both messenger figures, a herdsman and one of Pentheus' slaves, give a common man's view of the Theban women's maenadism, stressing their peacefulness,

sobriety, and decency (677-88,

1051—7), which reinforces the idea that

the maenads' ‘shameful behaviour' (ἴδοιμ᾽ &v ὀρθῶς μαινάδων αἰσχρουργίαν,

1162) is a figment of Pentheus' imagination.”

Nonetheless, the maenads’ freedom from social structures is threatening to the values of the polis, since they have abandoned their roles as maidens, wives, and mothers, as most clearly symbolized by the suckling of wild animals, a disturbing image that reminds the audience of the infants

left unnurtured at home the darker

(699-711n.). Moreover, the play foregrounds

side of Dionysiac

ecstasy itself, from

the maenads'

‘violent

7* Blundell 1995: 169.

75 Evadne, Cassandra, and Antigone draw attention to their uncontrolled emo-

tion by self-consciously equating their behaviour with that of Bacchants (Supp. 1000-1, Tro. 326, Phoen. 1489-90). In Aristophanes' Lysistrata, the Magistrate connects the women's insubordination to their celebration of Bacchantdlike mystery rites (387-9); he is horrified by their transgression of male political space and assumes the patriarchal stereotype whereby a dangerous female group is governed by uncontrollable emotion and foreign religious influence. 7^ Cf. Honig 2021: 13 ‘the Bacchaeillustrates ... the breadth and depth of patriarchy's grasp'.

22

rods'

INTRODUCTION

(νάρθηκας ὑβριστάς,

113)

and goatripping

(135-9)

to their partic-

ipation in the gruesome killing of Pentheus (1079-1110, 1130-6) and celebration of Agave's infanticide (1163-4). The beauty and liberation of ecstatic worship are evident, but so are the risks of losing control and

sinking into mob violence. It is hardly surprising that the Bacchae should evoke Dionysus' particular connection to dramatic role-playing.7? In his prologue the god draws attention to his unusual human disguise (4, 53—4nn.), unlike other tragic deities, who appear in propria persona to support their favourites or defend their honour as they interact with mortal characters (e.g. Apollo in Aesch. Eum., Athena in Soph. Aj., Artemis in Hipp.).”™ The pre-play ceremonies included the 'bringing in' (eisagoge) of the god in statue form and his

seating in the front row (e.g. Ar. Eg. 536). The god's role as the pre-eminent spectator in whose honour the performances were put on adds an extra dimension to the irony of the audience's superior knowledge of the stranger's identity, as the god *watches' himself onstage, first as a Lydian acolyte, and finally, with a change of costume and mask, in his fully divine form (439, 1330-51nn.). Cross-dressing by men, a feature of Dionysiac ritual throughout Greece™ as well as an essential aspect of ancient theatrical performance, assumes

here

a particularly Dionysiac

form,

as Teiresias,

Cadmus,

and

Pentheus all play the role of Bacchant. But whereas Teiresias and Cadmus remain dressed as old men and the effect of their Bacchic costuming is comic

(170-369n.),

Pentheus

is dressed as, and pretends

to be, a mae-

nad (828, 836, 849-56). Ironically, having mocked the Lydian stranger as

77 'The relationship of Dionysiac cult to tragedy is a matter of considerable debate, but the most helpful studies avoid two recurring mistakes: firstly, that of discussing the origins of tragedy (in dithyramb, according to Aristotle, Poetics 144929-1 1) as if this captured the essence of what developed from them (of thirtytwo surviving tragedies, only the Bacchae is centrally concerned with Dionysiac cult); and secondly, that of confusing the fact that tragedy uses ritual language and action throughout (sacrifice, supplication, hymnic song, etc.) with the idea that tragedy itself is ‘ritual’ or ‘ritual theatre’. Simply put, Athenian tragedy, comedy, and satyr-play are part of wider rituals for Dionysus, and Bacchae is in many ways about Dionysiac ritual (its risks and benefits), but is not itself ‘ritual’: see Friedrich

1996, 2000, 2001; Scullion 2002; Rehm 2020: 836-9. 7 In Aristophanes' Frogs, Dionysus is unconvincingly disguised as Heracles, wearing a lionskin over his effeminate saffron gown (45-6). The god's propensity for disguise plays an important dramatic role in all his appearances in extant and fragmentary tragedy and comedy: see Bakola 2010: 253-61. 79 At the Athenian Oschophoria two young Athenian men led a procession for Dionysus dressed as women, a temporary transvestism marking the transition from youth to manhood (Bremmer 1999, Parker 2005: 211-17).

4 THE

PLAY

23

effeminate (453-9n.), Pentheus is himself derided and destroyed when he adopts a feminized identity.* Pentheus' dressing scene is often treated as the prime example of tragic *metatheatre'," but the term is best used with caution, suggesting as it does some explicit onstage allusion to the fact that the characters are in a play.* The scene undoubtedly foregrounds the theatrical processes of dressing and acting as a woman, and the taking on of new identities, as Pentheus examines his dress, practises his movements, and fusses over

how convincing he is as a maenad: he is ‘rehearsing’ his new role under the god's direction.

However,

the point of this is not so much

to draw

attention to the Bacchae's 'self-consciousness of its own theatricality' or ‘self-reflexivity’,® but to reinforce Pentheus'

humiliation

and Dionysus'

returns from

Mt Cithaeron

control, as well as to underline Dionysus' power as god of theatre and role-play

(925-44n.).

Similarly, when Agave

carrying Pentheus' head, represented by his mask, impaled on the end of her thyrsus, and later holds the mask/head in her hands (1141-2, 123840, 1277, 1280, 1284), the scene exploits both the power of the mask

to represent dramatic character (as when actors and chorus members are depicted on vases holding and contemplating their masks)?! and the mask's ritual connections to Dionysus (aspects that were combined when actors dedicated their masks to the god after the performance);* yet here too the point is not to draw attention to theatrical convention for its own sake, but to enhance the horror generated by the mask's manipulation onstage, as a mother sports the severed head of her son and gradually comes to recognize him (1259-97n.). Bacchae also exploits another major aspect of Dionysiac religion — mystery cult — whereby the god's followers, both male and female, were *« With regard to the dramatic effect of feminized males in Bacchae (Teiresias,

Cadmus, Pentheus, and Dionysus), Buxton 2013: 222 resists the scholarly orthodoxy that foregrounds 'the collapsing of distinctions', emphasizing instead 'the

upholdingof distinctions in spite of the enormous pressures pulling in the opposite direction'. For a contrasting approach to the portrayal of sexual difference in the play, see Wohl 2005. *' E.g. Foley 1985: 223-34; Zeitlin 1996a; Segal 1997: 215—-71, 369-78; Dobrov 2001: 70-88; Ruffell 2011: 224-5. ** On metatheatrical readings of the play and their limitations, see Taplin 1986: 170, Seaford 1996: 32—-3, Rosenmeyer 2002: 100-1, Radke 2003: 256-315. 8 Segal 1997: 372, 377. Excessive emphasis on the play's 'self-consciousness' as theatre obscures the audience's willing acceptance of the dramatic world created onstage. On the willing ‘deception’

(ἀπατή)

produced by tragedy, see Gorgias DK

82 B23 (= D35 Laks-Most); Grethlein 2021: 1—32, Asmis 2022: 391-2. 8 See Trendall 1988, Taplin 1997: 73-4, 2007: 10-12, 30-3. *» On the dedication of masks and costumes, see Wilson 2000: Easterling 2002: 328—30, Csapo 2010b: 85-6.

238-41,

24

INTRODUCTION

initiated into Bacchic mysteries that promised a better afterlife.*® Both the chorus and the disguised god evoke the experience of mystic ecstasy and initiation (73-7, 465, 472nn.): the exclusion of the ‘uninitiated’ (472 ἄρρητ᾽ ἀβακχεύτοισιν εἰδέναι βροτῶν) serves to fuel Pentheus' suspicions about the conduct of the god's worshippers, while his refusal to

believe in the benefits obtained by them underlines his stubbornness

and prejudice." By contrast, the play deliberately elides the mysteries’ promise of a better afterlife (Teiresias is notably silent on this, for exam-

ple, when he lists the many reasons to worship the god: 272-313); the chorus emphasize instead the bliss attainable in the here and now - the

Dionysiac worshipper is μάκαρ and εὐδαίμων in this life (73) — which fur-

ther stresses Pentheus' stupidity in refusing to embrace the new cult, and his selfishness in denying its pleasures to his fellow Thebans (21-2, 73—7, 424-6, go2—11nn.). As is typical of tragedy, the Bacchae is more focused on human error and divine revenge than it is on 'salvation' or conceptions of the afterlife.* The Bacchae also reflects Dionysus' status as a god whose festivals (including the City Dionysia) brought together the whole community, and whose popular appeal had made him suitable for appropriation by

*5 On

Dionysus'

role

in mystery

cult,

attested

throughout

the

Greek

world

from the late Archaic period onwards, see Burkert 1985: 290-5, 1987: 18-23, 393—5, 1993; Graf 1993; Schlesier 2001; Di Benedetto 2004: 25-31; Seaford 2006: 49-75; Graf and Johnston 2013; Bremmer 2014: 55-80; Meisner 2018: 237—78; McClay 2021; cf. 275-6, 918-22, 1125-36nn. Seaford in particular has argued extensively for the role of Dionysiac mysteries in shaping the audience's response to the Bacchae (see especially Seaford 1981, 1987, and the notes listed in his commentary, 1996: 42 n. 70); cf. Semenzato 2020a: 843, 850-3; Barzini 2021: 153-86. Insofar as Seaford is right about Pentheus' status as an initiand (an idea pushed too far at times: see 629-31, 912—76, 918-22nn.), the Bacchae enacts a perversion of ritual typical of tragedy, as Pentheus' ‘initiation’ leads not to well-being in the afterlife but to a horrific death. % For knowledge (and mockery) of Orphic/Bacchic initiation and eschatology in Athens, cf. Hipp. 953—4, Ar. Ran. 357, Pl. Resp. 364e, Theophr. Char. 16.12. The fact that these ecstatic initiatory rites (like those of foreign cults: see S4b below) were prone to being stigmatized makes Pentheus' hostility more plausible, but their popularity in Athens also stresses his mistake. In addition to Dionysus' mysteries, the play evokes his role as Iacchus in the mysteries of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis (725n.). For Athenian outrage at the profanation of the Eleusinian mysteries in 415, when they were performed ‘in private houses, parodically' (&v οἰκίαις ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει), see Thuc. 6.27-8

(with Hornblower 2008: 367-81

ad loc.).

55 Ὅῃ the maenads' lack of interest in the afterlife, cf. Parker 1983: 289. For early Greek views of the afterlife, see Long 2019: 7-28, and on eschatological ideas elsewhere in Euripides (e.g. Supp. 531—4, Hel. 1013-16), see Tor 2017: 228-30, 236—7, 241.

4 THE

PLAY

25

the burgeoning democratic government of late sixth-century Athens.® Dionysus is to be worshipped by all the inhabitants of Thebes, regardless of sex, age, or social class (cf. 39—40, 68-70, 105-6, 114, 206-9, 694) and his benefits accrue equally to both rich and poor (421-3). In this light, Pentheus' hostility to the new cult expresses his tyrannical disregard for the interests of the state as a whole.?? Of course, this does not annul the fact that the Athenian democracy, like any Greek polis, depended on distinctions between men and women, old and young, slave and free. Thus,

the dissolution of traditional roles feared by Pentheus (e.g. 215-25, 24862) and observed by the herdsman (664-7, 677—702) does challenge social stability: the problem is that Pentheus cannot see the temporary nature of the Theban women's absence from their homes or that it is the god's response to being rejected and seeing his mother vilified (26—42). Pentheus - like, for example,

Oedipus

or Creon

(Soph.

OT, Ant.)

—

believes he is acting in the best interests of the whole city (cf. 216, 239, 357 454» 503, 778-9, 961-2), which is intrinsically sympathetic to a democratic audience, but as the play develops he refuses to listen to the arguments of other characters (272-327, 443—-50, 648—-9, 686-8, 712-13, 769-74). Although ordinary Theban citizens are at first unresponsive to the cult (cf. 39—40, 195-6, 530-—6), it is striking that the non-elite characters (a herdsman and two servants) all imply (441-2, 449-50) or explicitly recognize (712—13, 769-74, 1150-2) Dionysus' status as a god and the rightness of honouring him. Moreover, the herdsman's report foreshadows Dionysus' acceptance by the wider community, as the god takes care not to inflict unnecessary damage on the towns around Thebes that will come to accept him after the punishment of Pentheus and his family (754-9n.). Finally, it is likely that the god's ultimate benefit to the city was reinforced in his final speech as deus ex machina, the missing portion

of which probably included details of his cult's establishment at Thebes (1329n.). (b) Characters and beliefs

The study of Greek religion has in recent years seen the return of belief as a fundamental category, and with it a questioning of the assumption

*» On Athenian democracy's particular cultivation of Dionysus, see Dodds 1960: 127-30 on Bacch. 421—3 and 430-3, Connor 1989, Seaford 1994: 238-51, 1996: 48-9; and for the democracy's crucial role in bringing tragedy to the city through the establishment of the City Dionysia, see Parker 1996: 92-5, Csapo and Wilson 2020b. 9 Podlecki 1974: 148-52, Euben 1990: 130-63, Seaford 1996: 47, 2003: 104-6.

26

thatin Greek (and Roman)

INTRODUCTION

religion ritual always came first and belief sec-

ond.?' This renewed interest in belief helps us perceive its importance to the shaping of the Bacchae too. Pentheus, after all, will not allow Dionysus' rites because he does not believe in him as a god (e.g. 45-8, 217-20, 242—

5, 517). The various ways in which the characters and the chorus express or deny their belief in Dionysus are central to the drama's development; and these differing approaches are a reflection of the variety of levels of belief to be found in the ancient Greek world itself.9* An unfortunate consequence of prioritizing ritual acts such as sacrifice over beliefs is that it risks reducing the relationship between god and worshipper to that of a contractual do ut des (‘I give so that you may give’), as if all that mattered was mutual expectation of future gain. The Greek gods were viewed not as impersonal potential benefactors, however, but as beings who cared for individual humans or entire communities. Greek religion was certainly grounded in public polis life and ceremony, but it was also experienced on a personal level, and each person will have understood the gods differently depending on their character, situation, and needs.% This is particularly true of Dionysus, given the intensity of the relationship he had with the humans who experienced him.?! And for all his (to us at least) bewildering diversity, Dionysus was experienced by his ancient worshippers as a particularly present and compelling deity. This closeness is repeatedly celebrated by the chorus of Bacchae, as when (for example) they describe the god leading his worshippers to the mountain in person (115-16) and himself participating in their rites (195—41). The interconnected ideas (prevalent in modern studies) that Dionysus is somehow more complex or elusive than the other major Greek deities, that he defies definition, or embodies

the archetypal

‘Other’

(thus

9 For the benefits of the renewed focus on religious beliefs, see Parker 2011: 31—4, Versnel 2011: 539-59, Kindt 2012: 30-2, Harrison 2015b, and the works reviewed by Harrison 2015a: 170—4. The insistence on ritual and social practice was in itself partly a reaction against earlier scholars' assumption of the primacy of beliefs over acts (as seen, for example, in the title of Wilamowitz's influential study,

Der Glaube der Hellenen). The scholarly pendulum need not swing back too far again, if it is accepted that beliefs and acts are inseparable and equally important. ?* For a helpful introduction to this variety, see Feeney 1998: 12—46; what he says of Roman religion is just as true of Greek (p. 19): ‘many modes of belief crisscross the entire field, interpenetrating in the same person and in the same literary work'. 9 On ‘personal religion’, see Rüpke 2013: 3-22, Kindt 2015. 9! As Csapo 2016: 150-1 has observed, 'When ancients (and moderns) speak of Dionysus they use a different vocabulary from that applied to other gods ... One does not speak of “the Hermetic" or *Artemisian experience", but Dionysus is spoken of as an experience as much as a god. The knowing and the experiencing are linked.’

4 THE

PLAY

27

posing a unique challenge to the polarities of human/god, human/animal, male/female, Greek/foreign, young/old, free/slave, city/country, reason/unreason, inhibition/liberation, etc.) should be treated with caution. Firstly, diversity is a feature of every major Greek deity, and is not unique to Greek religion. Secondly, the Greeks themselves had no trouble defining Dionysus, whose multiple roles were well regulated in

cult. Thirdly, blurring boundaries is not the same as removing them: for example, Dionysus may temporarily merge his human worshippers with the divine in the ecstatic experience of affinity with god, but the two

realms remain distinct. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, talk of the

‘elusive Other' or the like obscures our view of Dionysus as a personally experienced god.% The diversity of Dionysus qua god is matched by the fluidity of religious belief itself, and the Bacchae reflects the nature of ‘real religion' as ‘a jostling mass of competing ... interpretations and uncertainties (of which the images of the divine presented in tragedy are themselves a part) '.*? Teiresias’ arguments in favour of accepting the divinity of Dionysus make use of contemporary sophistic speculation: his deployment of Dionysus as both discoverer of wine and as wine itself echoes Prodicus' theory of the origins of religion, whereby humans first saw the essentials of life (e.g. food and wine) as divine and later deified the people who discovered them (272-85n.). There is much paradoxical humour here, as the venerable prophet, a figure of traditional wisdom (and deployed as such in tragedy: Soph.

OT, Ant., Eur. Phoen.), knows the latest new-fangled ideas,

and can take potentially atheistic (and certainly unconventional) reasoning and use it to justify religious worship. The parodic deployment of sophistic thought continues in his use of etymology, wordplay, and ration-

alizing myth revision, as the story of Dionysus being sewn into Zeus's thigh

is explained through the confusion of two similar-sounding words (unpós/ ὅμηρος, 'thigh/hostage', 286-97n.). Despite the ironies of his speech, Teiresias' rationalism is not per se to be rejected; on the contrary, it is a normal attempt to make sense of the new god and to integrate him within traditional religious custom (note Teiresias' particular insistence on 'ancestral traditions, old as time itself’, 200-3). Nonetheless, his quibbling intellectualism contrasts with the

9 For a sample of views, cf. e.g. Segal 1997: 7-26 (‘The Elusive God’), balanced by Henrichs 1993: 35 ( the Other ... separates us from Dionysus as a personally conceived god') and Parker 2005: 314 n. 87 ('the rhetoric of this approach can fly out of control’). 99 R, Parker 1997: 148. For an excellent brief critique of attempts to separate ‘real religion' from ‘literature’, see Feeney 1998: 24-5.

28

INTRODUCTION

spontaneous and ecstatic devotion of the chorus, a point highlighted by Teiresias' rejection of the story of Dionysus' double birth shortly after its celebration by the chorus (88-104, and again at 519-27). The chorus' claim, in the song that immediately follows Teiresias’ failed attempt to persuade Pentheus, that ‘cleverness is not wisdom’ (16 σοφὸν 8’ oU cogía, 395) serves primarily to condemn Pentheus' arrogant certainty, but it also encourages the audience to wonder whether Teiresias' analytical response does

the god justice; after all, as Dionysus

shows

more

than any other

deity, there is more to life than the logical powers of the human mind.* Teiresias speaks as a quasi-philosopher who believes that god is something one can theorize about abstractly; but as Dionysiac worship shows, god is perceived with one's whole being. The importance of belief is well illustrated by the fate of Cadmus. At the very start of the play Dionysus praises him for setting up a shrine to his daughter Semele, Dionysus' mother (10-11), and Cadmus is eager to honour Dionysus too (180-9), and yet the god still punishes him with exile to a barbarian land and transformation into a snake (1330-4, 1935460). The problem lies in Cadmus' attitude to Dionysus himself: he focuses on the fact that Dionysus is his grandson as a reason to exalt him (181-3), and is prepared to tell a *useful lie' (καταψεύδου καλῶς) about the god if it brings honour to his family (333—6). Indeed, it is only after the destruction of his family line that Cadmus acknowledges Dionysus' divinity (cf. 1301—5, esp. 1302 oU cépov θεόν; 1325—6, esp. ἡγείσθω θεούς). Dionysus' insistence that Cadmus' (and his daughters’) realization of his divinity came too late (ὄψ᾽ ἐμάθεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς, ὅτε δ᾽ ἐχρῆν οὐκ ἤιδετε, 1945) and that he was insulted by them (xai γὰρ πρὸς ὑμῶν θεὸς γεγὼς ὑβριζόμην, 1347)

strongly suggests that Cadmus is being punished because of his lack of

belief (this may have been even more explicit in the missing portion of Dionysus' deus ex machina speech). Thus, although it is often said that acts count more than beliefs,?® the fate of Cadmus shows otherwise, and mere

practice without belief is not enough to save you from divine anger. The Bacchae attests to the possibility of differing approaches to belief (rationalism, pragmatism, pious devotion), but is of course premised on

the idea that there are limits to religious thinking beyond which it is dangerous to go. Although there was a general tolerance of unconventional religious views in fifth-century Athens - the agnosticism of Protagoras, for

example, did not prevent him from enjoying an excellent reputation as

97 On Teiresias as intellectual seer and ‘optimistic rationalist’, see Roth 1984, Mastronarde 1986: 206—7, Papadopoulou 2001, and for his rejection by Pentheus foreshadowing the latter's destruction, see Seidensticker 2016; cf. 266-327n. 95 Cf. e.g. Price 1999: 3, 183 for a forceful statement of this.

4 THE

PLAY

29

a thinker and teacher throughout Greece (Pl. Meno g1d—e) — non-traditional views could arouse suspicion, especially among people (no doubt the majority) who were unfamiliar with the finer details of religious and

cosmological speculation.? But it was one thing to suggest an account of natural phenomena

without the gods, and quite another to reject belief

in the gods themselves. The risks involved in being labelled atheos — that is, not acknowledging the gods of traditional religious worship — are well illustrated by the charges brought against Socrates (Pl. Ap. 24b).'??

Pentheus is, of course, atheos only with regard to Dionysus, but failure to honour a single deity is no less dangerous than atheism tout court, as

Hippolytus' rejection of Aphrodite shows (cf. Hipp. 7-8). Moreover, while

Hippolytus shuns Aphrodite's domain and calls her ‘the worst of deities’ (13), he does not deny her actual divinity or seek to wipe out her cult, as Pentheus does that of Dionysus (45-6n.).'^' According to Pentheus, who naturally follows the version of Semele's death propagated by his mother and aunts (26-31), the mortal child Dionysus was burnt up when Zeus's lightning struck Semele, because she had lied about her son's parentage (242—5); cf. 517 Aióvuoós ... Óv οὐκ εἶναι Myeis. Because there is no god Dionysus, his rites are 'fake' (218 πλασταῖσι βακχείαισιν). From Pentheus’

perspective, the bogus rites are founded on a family tragedy and deny the death of his cousin, Dionysus, which helps explain his extreme hostility to the new cult. As well as finding the story of Dionysus' double birth incredible and his rites merely a cover for sexual immorality (e.g. 217-25, 2393-8, 260— 2, 353-4, 487), Pentheus' objections to the cult are its novelty (216, 219, 467) and its foreign provenance (233—-4, 453—4, 483). Dionysus 15 9% On the limits to free speech about the gods, see Parker 2011: 36-9. "? Plato's discussion of religious crime in Book 10 of the Laws defines three types of impiety: the belief that (i) the gods do not exist; (ii) the gods exist, but

do

not care about humans;

(iii) the gods

exist and

can be appeased

by prayer

and sacrifice (885b4-9). That the last is essentially mainstream Greek religion underlines Plato's rejection of traditional anthropomorphic gods (cf. Mayhew 2008: 4-6, Sedley 2013: 332-5, Hladky 2019). Long before Plato, Xenophanes (c. 570—478 BC) had strongly objected to the notion that the gods are fundamentally like humans (DK 21 B10-16, 23-6 - D8-14, 16-19 Laks-Most cf. Allan 2019: 193-4). But full-blown atheism was extremely rare in real life, even among philosophers (cf. Winiarczyk 1984, Versnel 2011: 292, Whitmarsh 2015). "" Not surprisingly, outright atheists — e.g. Euripides' Bellerophon, who asks, ‘Does anyone claim there are actually gods in heaven? There are not, there are not, if any mortal is willing not to believe the old story like a fool' (fr. 286.1-3) — come to a sticky end. As always, genre is important here: tragedy focuses on human

mistakes, and inevitably shows people being punished if they deny the gods, who are shown in the end to retain their traditional powers (Lefkowitz 1989: 72, 2016: 20-1, 66-8, 138-49; Allan 2008a: 61—6).

30

INTRODUCTION

repeatedly presented in Greek myth, literature, and art as a foreigner and latecomer to the Greek pantheon. Modern scholarship, including Friedrich Nietzsche's seminal The Birth of Tragedy (1872),'* took the

mythical pattern as confirming Dionysus' non-Greek origins, yet the decipherment of the Mycenaean language (the oldest surviving form of written Greek) in 1953 showed that Dionysus was already worshipped in the

Bronze Age culture of Mycenaean Greece

(c. 1600-1050 BC). Why, then,

this constant emphasis on his foreignness and newness?'?? As the fullest surviving early Greek narrative of Dionysus' arrival, the Bacchaeshows with particular force the dramatic potential of these ideas, for it stresses not

only his new gifts to humanity but also his arousal of xenophobic resistance. In other words, narratives of resistance to him spring naturally from

his roles as a god who disrupts social order and embodies alterity and paradox in various forms. In addition, Dionysus' status as the pre-eminent epiphanic god,'^! combined with his ecstatic rites, brought him (of all the Olympians) closest to ‘new gods' like Cybele, making syncretism between them easier. Thus, Dionysus' status as the new god par excellenceis used in the Bacchae to explore the incorporation of potentially threatening foreign gods

(e.g. Adonis,

Bendis,

Cotys, Cybele,

Isodaites, Sabazius)

into

Greek culture.'^» To what extent can and should these foreign gods be Hellenized? What are the limits of toleration and religious difference?'^? Dionysus is presented by both the chorus and Pentheus in terms that reflect contemporary uneasiness about new cults.'^? The chorus' opening song identifies the orgiastic cult of Dionysus with that of the Asiatic mother goddess Cybele (78-82n.), who is in turn identified with Zeus's "* For the influence of Nietzsche's Dionysus on subsequent Classical scholarship, creative literature, philosophy, and theology, see Henrichs 1984b, 2004; Haynes 2003: 138—73; Leonard 2012; Lecznar 2020; Richardson 2020: 475-526. '3 Greek sources often associate Dionysus with foreign lands, including Lydia and Phrygia (as in the Bacchae), Egypt (Hdt. 2.48-9, 145-6), and Thrace (/L 6.132—7); Hellenistic and later sources depict him leading an expedition to India (esp. Nonnus, Dion. 13—40; cf. Stoneman 2019: 91-8). Scholarly attempts to trace Anatolian origins for Dionysus are unconvincing: cf. Rutherford 2020: 207: ‘In the end, there is no reason to think that Dionysus has been shaped by Hittite or Luwian models'. '^4 Cf. Burkert 1985: 162, Parker 2005: 302—-5, Seaford 2006: 39-48, Henrichs 2011, Jaillard 2011, Petridou 2015: 47, 97. "5 For Dionysus as a ‘new’ god in the Bacchae, see Versnel 1990: 102-31, 2011: 140-2; Seaford 1996: 46, 51—2; Kovacs 2016. "5 Needless to say, a play that shows a paranoid Western leader persecuting an allegedly threatening religion from the Near East is particularly resonant in modern times. "7 For caution regarding the acceptance of new gods, see Rudhardt 1992; and on the process by which they were admitted, see Parker 2011: 273—7.

4 THE

mother Rhea ‘novelty’

PLAY

31

(123-34; cf. 58-9).'* Cybele's exoticism emphasizes the

of Dionysus'

rites, but at the same

time

the audience's aware-

ness that Cybele's ecstatic foreign cult had been positively assimilated into Athens' religious life heralds the eventual triumph of Dionysus."* Pentheus, by contrast, perceives the god as ‘new’ in wholly negative

terms, scorning the divine arriviste (1óv νεωστὶ δαίμονα, 219) as a charlatan, and he describes the god's representative as 'a sorcerer, an enchanter’ (γόης ἐπωιδός), the type of language used to criticize the practitioners of

foreign cults in fifth-century Athens (234n.). When the Lydian stranger insists that the source of the new rites is Dionysus, son of Zeus, Pentheus

mockingly imagines a Lydian man called Zeus who claims to have such powers (466—7), but (as the audience know)

Pentheus' sarcasm at Zeus's

expense is ominous. Pentheus' folly is underlined by his refusal to change his mind in the light of information from others. Thus, he dismisses the arguments of Teiresias, a respected prophet, and Cadmus, the grandfather who gave him power (cf. 43—4), as 'stupid' and ‘foolish’ (344—5). He mocks their appearance as Bacchants (248-52) and impugns Teiresias' motives, accusing him of supporting the new cult only so he can get the fees from divination and sacrifice (255—7, 346-51). He ignores his own servant (who 15 faithfully carrying out his orders) when he reports the Bacchants' miraculous escape from captivity (443—50), and overlooks the implications of the stranger's wondrous escape and the destruction of the palace (642— 9). When the herdsman gives him an account of the maenads' behaviour that he does not want to hear, he simply ignores it (686-8), as he does the herdsman's advice to pray to Dionysus and welcome him into the city (712-13, 769—-74). Even the maenads' destruction of cattle and routing of armed Boeotians, a clear sign of divine presence and support (cf. 764 οὐκ &veu θεῶν τινος), fails to persuade him.

Pentheus' primary and enduring belief about the new cult is that it

both encourages, and acts as a cover for, female sexual immorality (217—

25, 236-8, 260-2, 353-4, 453-9, 487, 957-8, 1059-62). His anger at the thought of female lustfulness and illicit sex is soon followed by a desire to spy on the Theban women (810-12), and both his revulsion and his curiosity have been interpreted by some modern scholars (influenced by

Freudian

psychoanalysis)

as a sign of repressed desire.''?^ However,

"* For the play's use of religious syncretism, see Allan 2004: 131, 9 On the transmission of Cybele's cult from Phrygia to Greece, 2020: 163-83, Ustinova 2021: 56-8. "^ Winnington-Ingram 1948 (e.g. 159: ‘the sexual impulse is therefore the more dangerous, like a stream imperfectly dammed'")

it 15

141-2, 146-7. see Rutherford repressed, and and especially

32

INTRODUCTION

important to distinguish here between two separate ideas: Pentheus as a figure who is repressing his own sexual desires (for which there is no evidence in the text); and Pentheus as a voyeur (for which there is). As regards repression, seeing an act vividly before you, as Pentheus does with

his imaginary Bacchic orgies, is not the same thing as wanting it to hap-

pen or to do it yourself — it is not, pace Freud, a wish — and Pentheus’ sex-

ual paranoia is better explained as part of his hypermasculine response to the threat of maenadic freedom and its disruption of the gendered social

order (see §4a above). By contrast, Pentheus’ prurient desire to spy on lewd (or so he imagines) maenadic revels is sexually voyeuristic, and such prurience fol-

lows on plausibly from his obsession with the women's sexual wrongdoing (800-16, 957-8, 1061-2nn.). Having been repeatedly censorious about women's lustfulness, he now wants to see the maenads drunk and out of control, and his hypocrisy is damning. To see such a sight would of course confirm his prejudices, but his attempts to cover up his voyeuristic fascination mark it as shameful (814, 837-8nn.). In other words, Dionysus lures Pentheus to his death by exploiting his sexual fantasies, but he does not destroy him because he has repressed his sexual desires''' — refusing to honour him as a god is more than enough cause. Further aspects of Pentheus' characterization — his insecurity, arrogance, aggressiveness, intransigence, and cruelty - are closely linked to his status as a young king (43—4, 215-62, 221—5nn.) — and, significantly, a young Teban king.''* Asa genre developed in democratic Athens, tragedy explores with particular acuity the dangers of one-man rule, and Pentheus displays many of the unpleasant tendencies of tragic monarchs:''5 he is suspicious and quick to blame (221—5, 255—7); ΠῈ threatens the stranger with decapitation, hanging,

and stoning, cruel punishments

considered

Dodds 1960 (e.g. xiv, xlv, 114, 166, 172) emphasize the dangers of repressing desire,

a perennially influential approach (e.g. Heath 2005: 259 "The hyperrationality of the repressed Pentheus in the Bacchae ultimately leads to civic disruption and a bestial death’); on Dodds and psychoanalysis, see Kenaan 2019: 19-26. For psychoanalytical approaches to Pentheus, cf. e.g. Sale 1972; Segal 1978, 1997: 185-9; Parsons 1988. On the potential value of psychoanalytic readings of the Bacchae and tragedy in general, see Gill 1985, Seaford 1996: 33-4, Goldhill 1997: 340—-3, Leonard 2003, Lamari 2016, Kenaan 2019: 129-62; and for criticism of attempts to detect repression or inhibition in the play, see Gregory 1985: 23-4, Heath 1987: 121-2. "" Unlike Hippolytus, Pentheus expresses no distaste for sex fer se. "* For Thebes’ presentation as the antithesis of Athens in Athenian tragedy, see Zeitlin 1990, together with the important qualifications made by Easterling 1989: 11—14, especially her emphasis on the endurance of Thebes as a civic community. "5 On tragedy's repeated portrayal of one-man rule as prone to error, paranoia, and disaster, see Seaford 2003, esp. 104-6 on Bacchae, Allan and Kelly 2013: 92, 98.

4 THE

barbaric by Greeks women

PLAY

33

(241, 246, 356); he refers to the freeborn Theban

as ‘my slaves'

(δουλεύοντα

δουλείαις

ἐμαῖς), a shocking statement

from a Greek ruler (803n.), and even plans to slaughter them (796—7n.). Teiresias warns Pentheus that his aggressive outspokenness and refusal to listen will make man, one of his and your sharp Youth may be community (cf.

him a 'bad citizen' (271 κακὸς πολίτης), while the herdsloyal subjects, says, 'I fear your mind's hastiness, my lord, temper and all too kingly manner' (670-1). associated with idealism, honour, and self-sacrifice for the Heracl., Hec., Phoen., IA), but Pentheus (like Hippolytus)

illustrates its less attractive aspects. It is stressed that he is a young and recently ascended ruler (43—4, 213, 274, 330), and so the audience may

see him as insecure about his power in the city, factors that help explain (even if they do not excuse) his behaviour. Yet, despite all of Pentheus'

faults, the play depends for its full emotional impact on the audience's sympathetic experience of his death as a tragic waste of young life, a failed coming of age, and this is underlined by the increasingly poignant focus on his youthfulness in the latter part of the play (cf. 974, 1118-21, 1174, 1185-7,

1226, 1254, 1308, 1317, 1319).

The chorus of Lydian Bacchants present their own distinct response to the divinity of Dionysus. As enthusiastic worshippers, they naturally come closest to capturing the joys and benefits of Dionysiac religion (e.g. 73-88, 417-23, 902-11), but their pitiless response to Pentheus' gruesome death is also used to highlight the dangers of extreme devotion. Every tragic chorus possesses a particular character, and none presents an objective viewpoint, and this is especially true of the Bacchae. Crucially, moreover, the audience's awareness of this bias informs their response to the action; after all, if they simply followed the chorus in thinking that

Pentheus was a wicked man who deserved everything he got, the play would be little more than a dull morality tale. The Lydian women's distance from the original Athenian audience, especially its male citizen core, does not prevent the audience being swayed by their viewpoint. This is especially true of Athenian women,''! who could see their own maenadic ecstasy and worship of Dionysus reflected in the Bacchant

chorus

(§4a above),

and who

may well have

celebrated the god in choral song and dance.''5 Moreover, religion was one of the few spheres of Athenian life (public and private) where elite "4 The surviving evidence favours the presence of women in the audience, albeit in smaller numbers than men: Ar. Peace 962—7, scholion to Ar. Eccl. 22, Pl. Grg. 502d, Leg. 658c-d, Alexis, Gynecocracy fr. 42 PCG, Plut. Phoc. 19.2—3; see Csapo and Slater 1995: 286-7. "5

On

and Power

the

extent

of female

choral

performance

2015, who argue against the common

in Athens,

see

view that female

Budelmann

choreia was

34

INTRODUCTION

women (i.e. the wives and daughters of male citizens) were permitted to take a leading role, and were thought to do 80 for the benefit of the community as a whole.''? Finally, it is significant from the Athenian audience's

perspective that the next major city the chorus will reach as they travel

south

through

Greece

is Athens

(for the chorus'

route

from

Asia, see

556—75n.). The fate of Pentheus at Thebes thus acts as a negative exemplum, and the Athenians may flatter themselves that there is no myth of their own ancestors resisting the god so disastrously.''” Nonetheless, the alienness of the Lydian chorus does encourage them to be wary of the Bacchants' bias, a feeling that intensifies as the play progresses. The playwright's choice of choral identity''? — female or male, Greek or foreign, young or old, slave or free — is one of the key factors in the

shaping of any tragic myth and its dramatic impact.''? Euripides' choice of Lydian Bacchants means Pentheus is faced by a resolutely hostile — and, furthermore, female and foreign — chorus, and to appreciate the importance of this, one only has to imagine how differently an audience might react to Pentheus if his opposition were filtered through a chorus of male Theban elders who shared his suspicion of the new cult, or through a chorus of Theban women, who might be afraid of undergoing the same experience as the Bacchant women on the mountain.'*? Both of these groups would have a stake in Pentheus' fate, unlike the Lydian Bacchants,

particularly restricted in democratic Athens in comparison to other Greek cities such as Sparta or Argos. "5 Cf. e.g. Blundell and Williamson 1998 (esp. Seaford’s essay on Dionysus), Parker 2005: 270-89, Connelly 2007, Dillon 2015, all with further bibliography. "7 But as the Athenian myth and cult of Icarius show, accepting Dionysus is no guarantee of good fortune either: Icarius welcomes the new god and is taught to make wine in return, but serves it undiluted to his neighbours, who get drunk and kill him in the belief that he has poisoned them (/G 13 253, 6.9, Eratosth. Erigone frs. 22—7 CA; cf. Pickard-Cambridge 1962: 99, 102-3). "5 For choral performance in the Bacchae, see Arthur 1972, Parry 1978: 145-53, Ferrari 1979, Kowalzig 2007: 229-32, Swift 2009: 375-82, Damen and Richards 2012, Bierl 2013, Powers 2014: 56—63, Visvardi 2015: 213-38, Weiss 2018: 241-6, Steiner 2021: 202-3, 229, 249-51, 437-8. "9

Based

on

the extant

tragedies,

Euripides'

preference

for female

choruses

(fourteen of seventeen) was shared by Aeschylus (four of six) but not by Sophocles (two of seven), a pattern also seen in the fragmentary plays; for detailed statis-

tics, see Mastronarde 2010: 102-3, who stresses that there is no single cause of Euripides' preference for female choruses, but that the focus on female characters and domestic themes is an important factor. By contrast, the Lydian Bacchants

face a male protagonist and are focused on religious and civic rather than domestic well-being.

"* Aeschylus, for example, had featured a chorus of Theban women in Xantriae,

showing

Bacchants

their

transformation

(83 above).

from

everyday

wool-working

women

to raving

4 THE

PLAY

35

who have no connection to the Theban community.'*' They are in this respect an atypical tragic chorus, since it is more common that the decisions, actions, and suffering of the main characters have repercussions for

the chorus, whereas here the Bacchants will simply move on to proselytize elsewhere, as Dionysus makes clear in the prologue (48-50)."** Their

detachment from Thebes underlines their intense hostility to its ruler, but

it also helps the audience understand Pentheus' sense of the threat they pose to his city. The chorus reflect on their own religious belief and practice in interesting ways. They describe their service to the god as 'sweet toil and weariness that wearies joyfully'

(πόνον

ἡδύν

| κάματόν T’ εὐκάματον,

66—7a),

which captures both the pleasure they experience and the effort involved. Their Dionysiac rites are presented as psychologically transformative, as the worshipper ‘joins his soul to the thiasos (θιασεύεται ψυΪχάν, 75-6) and becomes one with the ecstatic band. And they contrast their thought and practice with those of the impious man who ignores religious tradition (νόμοι, 890-2). Although the chorus acknowledge the delirious excitement involved in worshipping Dionysus (126-34, 144-69, 412-16, 56670, 862—76, 1017-239), they place greater emphasis on the purity, calm happiness, and true religious insight it affords. Firstly, the person who knows the god's rites is ‘pure in life’ (βιοτὰν ἁγιστεύει, 74) and the maenads' mountaintop revels are a form of cleansing

(Boxxeu|ow

ὁσίοις

καθαρμοῖσιν,

76—7),

whereby

physical

exhaustion

*purifies' the celebrant and restores their mental well-being. Moreover, the chorus' ideal life is one of constant reverence and purity (ἦμαρ ἐς νύκτα T' εὐϊαγοῦντ᾽ εὐσεβεῖν, 1008-9). Secondly, the chorus challenge the excesses of drunkenness and ecstatic emotional release feared by Pentheus, emphasizing instead the calming effect of Dionysiac merriment, which banishes mortal cares (381—5) and brings ‘painless joy' to

rich and poor alike (421—3). They prize ‘the life of calm' (ó δὲ τᾶς ἡσυχίας |

?' A parallel to them, as an alien grouping who pose a problem for the leader of the Greek community where the play is set, is the foreign (Egyptian) chorus of Aeschylus’ Suppliant Women, whose abnormal rejection of marriage endangers the Greek city (Argos) that takes them in (cf. Swift 2013: 132). "?* For choruses of local women with a stake in events onstage, cf. Med., Hipp., Andr., El., Or.; for local men, Alc., Heracl., HF. The female Greek choruses of Supp.,

Ion, and IA have left their local communities, but are still variously affected by the protagonists’ decisions. Similarly affected are the displaced female choruses of

Hec. and

Tro. (en route to slavery in Greece)

and 77 and Hel. (Greek women

even-

tually released from captivity abroad). The chorus of Phoen. resemble the Lydian Bacchants most in being foreign women on a religious mission to Greece, but their

role is to serve an established god, Apollo (as his temple slaves in Delphi), not to spearhead a new cult, and they pose no threat to Thebes, where the play is set, as

they pass through.

36

INTRODUCTION

Bíoros, 389-90)

and present Dionysiac happiness as an enduring state

(εὐαίωνα διαζῆν, 426; cf. 9o02-11). Thirdly, they contrast the doomed ‘cleverness’ of the unbeliever with the true *wisdom' of accepting the

god (16 cogóv δ᾽ oU cogía, 395), and locate this wisdom in popular piety: Dionysus will be rightly recognized as a god by ‘ordinary people' throughout Greece (427—33). Yet for all their praise of Dionysiac ‘calm’ (ἡσυχία)

and their condemnation of Pentheus as ‘godless, lawless, and unjust’ (róv ἄθεον ἄνομον ἄδικον Ἐχίονος | yóvov γηγενῆ, 995-6-1015-16), the chorus'

own celebration of violence shows the dangers inherent in their fanatical devotion to a vengeful god (1163-4n.). (c) Dionysus’ revenge

The Bacchaes dramatization of Dionysus' revenge 15 rooted in long-standing Greek theological ideas, combining belief in the gods' concern for humanity with an acknowledgement of their readiness to ruthlessly punish mortals if their claim to honour is denied. As the (disguised) god puts it himself, Pentheus will come to learn that Dionysus is a god most terrifying, but also most gentle to mortals'

(δεινότατος, ἀνθρώποισι δ᾽ ἠπιώτατος,

859-61n.). And like Athena (Soph. Aj., Eur. Tro.), Aphrodite ( Hipp.), or Hera (HF), Dionysus exacts an archetypally divine revenge - that is, a

revenge

prompted

by dishonour,

and one which seems

(from a human

perspective at least) cruel and disproportionate.'* Dionysus makes it clear from the start that he is angered by Pentheus' refusal to pour libations in his honour and to include him in his prayers (45—6). As Pentheus first appears, Teiresias declares that the god wants to be honoured by everyone

(208-9) and reiterates the idea when he says to

Pentheus, ‘he too [i.e. just like you] enjoys being honoured' (319-21n.). Cadmus similarly urges Pentheus to join them in giving honour to the god (342). Dionysus is also avenging the insult to his mother Semele, branded

as promiscuous and a liar by her sisters and her nephew Pentheus (2631, 41—2, 244—5). Yet while his motivation is typical of divine revenge, Dionysus' execution of it is unusually active, as he appears in mortal form, and throughout the play, to arrange it. (By contrast, Aphrodite outlines her revenge against Hippolytus in the prologue, but achieves it through

others, and it is Artemis who appears at the end: Hipp. 10-50, 1283— 1439.) Dionysus' unique onstage presence and centrality to the action

"5 Burnett 1970 discusses the prevalence of divine punishment as a plot pattern in tragedy (e.g. Aesch. Pers., [Aesch.] PV; Soph. Aj., OT; Eur. HF) categorizing the Bacchae as an example of the *more complex type' in which the god enacts revenge through human agents (cf. Aesch. Ag., Soph. Trach., Eur. Hipp., Andr.).

4 THE

PLAY

37

mean that we get a peculiarly vivid sense of his dual divine nature, willing

to benefit those who honour him and to destroy those who don’t."**

Despite Pentheus’ status as a θεομάχος, he is given opportunities to change his mind (see §4b above), and the chorus’ insistence on the god's

various kindnesses (73—7, 378-85, 417-23) — echoed by Teiresias (27885, 298-305) and reaffirmed by Dionysus himself when he tells Cadmus that 'all of you could have enjoyed my blessings’ (1341—3) — enhances our sense of Pentheus' and his family's folly. Although the chorus' first two stasima celebrate the joyfulness of Dionysiac worship, they also allude to the dangers inherent in Pentheus' ὕβρις (374-6, 386-8, 424-9, 550—5). And when Pentheus' stubborn refusal to 'settle this matter sensibly' (802) triggers the god's vengeance, the turning point is reflected in the chorus'

final three stasima, which focus much more insistently on the certainty of Pentheus' destruction and the pleasure of revenge (esp. 877-81-897901, 992—-6~1012-16, 1163-4).'*5 Dionysus’ response involves the innocent (i.e. the maddened Theban women: 35-6) as well as the guilty, and punishes the entire royal family. His treatment of his chief deniers, Pentheus and Agave, is particularly brutal: Pentheus is made to understand that he is being murdered by his own mother (1115-21) and Agave in turn is brought to realize it too (1264-89). Cadmus, condemned to become a snake and to invade his own country, acknowledges that their punishment is just but also condemns it as too severe (1249-50, 1297, 1344-6). His vain human wish for less vindictive gods (‘Gods should not be like mortals in their anger', 1348n.) underlines the innate potential of the gods for cruelty, magnified in tragedy for dramatic impact. Nonetheless, divine punishments are not arbitrary: at the end of the play, when Agave complains of Dionysus'

harshness, Cadmus' response is to insist on their own errors and responsibility (1374-8). The generically enhanced 'cruelty' of the gods in tragedy has a clear emotional pay-off, which is to create, and enhance, tragic pity for mortals.

Despite his misleadingly narrow focus on pity and fear as the archetypal tragic emotions - the plays of course elicit many other responses: excitement, joy, grief, disgust, to name

only a few — Aristotle was right to fore-

ground the centrality of human sympathy and pity to tragedy's experience

"* As Lowe 2000: 171 observes, ‘with the telling exception of the Bacchaes Dionysus, no onstage god in extant tragedy makes for a conspicuously impressive or memorable characterstudy'. For a discussion of how different cultures and theatrical traditions embody the gods on stage, see Dixon and Garrison 2021.

"5 For this development in the presentation of both god and chorus, as the happiness of religious ecstasy gives way to the god's merciless punishment of his enemies, see Grube 1935, de Romilly 1963.

38

INTRODUCTION

and appeal (Poet. 1449b24-8, 1453b1-14). The redirection of sympathy towards Pentheus is a particularly striking example of a common dramatic development, whereby characters lose audience sympathy (e.g. Medea, Alcmene,

Phaedra,

Hecuba,

Electra, Orestes)

or gain it (e.g. Pentheus,

Hippolytus, Creon in Soph. Ant.) in the course of the play. Sympathy for Pentheus is salvaged in a number of ways.'*^ His humil-

iation and delusion by Dionysus evoke pity, as the audience witness the

stark imbalance of power and Pentheus' manipulation by the god (8506). Similarly pitiful are the circumstances of his death: his servant's grief (contrasted with the chorus' cruel delight) cues a more sympathetic audi-

ence reaction (1024-42); Pentheus’ final words acknowledge his mistake

and emphasize the horror of a mother killing her son (1118-21); and the attack is described in gruesome detail, culminating in Pentheus' severed

body parts being thrown around in a grotesque ‘ball game' (1135-6n.). Cadmus' lament for Pentheus (1302-26) not only underscores his youth (1308, 1317, 1319) but also pictures Pentheus in a much more sympathetic light than had his earlier actions in the play towards Cadmus and others: he is suddenly presented as a caring grandson, the last (and lost) hope of Cadmus' line. After Dionysus' departure, where his divine power and aloofness are further enhanced by his elevated position on the roof of the stage building (1330—51n.), the final exchange between Cadmus and Agave emphasizes human affection, pity, and endurance as they embrace and weep for one another (1364—73) - their capacity for sympathy is admirable and moving, and made all the more so because of the contrast

with Dionysus' vindictiveness. 5 IMMEDIATELY

THE WHOLE LAND AND DANCE'

SHALL

SING

(a) Song, music, metre The Bacchants' prediction about Thebes, αὐτίκα y& πᾶσα χορεύσει (114),

is richly significant within the dramatic world and beyond, for it is both embodied in their own performance as a tragic chorus, singing and dancing in honour of Dionysus, and suggests the important role played by song and dance in the worship of all the Greek gods. The alternation of speech (in iambic trimeter, or occasionally trochaic tetrameter: 604—41n.) and song (in various lyric metres: see below)

underlies the movement of

every Greek tragedy and is a central part of the genre's intellectual and

*5 Ontheimportance of pity in the Bacchae and its shaping as a 'Mitleidtragódie', see Radke 2003: 31-255, especially 203—13 on the figure of Pentheus; for pity in Greek tragedy and thought more generally, see Munteanu 2015.

5 IMMEDIATELY

THE

WHOLE

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SHALL

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39

emotional impact. Indeed, tragedy represents a bold experiment in development of Greek poetry, a fusion of choral song and dance with solo performance of actors, which synthesizes and transforms what present in other genres, both in terms of subject matter (myths of

the the was the

heroic age) and performance.'*7

One of the most striking features of the Bacchaes (and IA’s) use of choral song, lyric dialogue, and actors’ monody is the way it bucks various trends evident in other late plays of Euripides (and Sophocles) from the

mid-420s onwards: for while they show a diminution in the proportion of choral lyric relative to that sung by the actors, the Bacchae has the highest

percentage of choral song (24.1 per cent),'* gives only 8.5 per cent of all sung lines to the actors,'*? and contains no actors’ monody at all (see further below), a feature not seen since Medea and Heraclidae. The plays of

Aeschylus are characterized by a far higher proportion of choral song and recitative (ranging from g4 per cent of total lines in Éum. to 55 per cent in Supp.) than those of Sophocles and Euripides (an average of 16.7 and 15.2 per cent, respectively).'*? Yet while Sophocles and Euripides show little change over time in the overall proportion of lyric in their plays, both use an increasing amount of actors' song. In other words, the musical ‘burden’ is switching from chorus to actors, giving the latter more opportunity to display their vocal skills and thus enjoy the attention generated by virtuoso performance.'?' This development illustrates the symbiosis of audiences and performers very clearly. For just as solo song appealed

"7 Despite Aristotle's remarks on the dithyrambic origins of tragedy (Poet. 144929-1 1), tragedy did not develop solely from the choral tradition, it also drew on epic and early iambic poetry: see Herington 1985: 3-40. It is all too easy to forget the dance that accompanied the choral songs of tragedy (as it did most other forms of choral performance: e.g. partheneia, epinician poetry), since we know almost nothing about it. The surviving evidence does, however, suggest vigorous and expressive movement: cf. Pickard-Cambridge 1968: 246—57, Csapo and Slater 1995: 364-8, Ley 2007: 150-67; Csapo 2008 discusses the possible influence of the New Music (see below) on tragic dance. On dance as a symbol of maenadic madness in the Bacchae, see Schlapbach 2018: 149-54, Olsen 2020: 134-8; and for Dionysiac ‘choreomania’ in the modern history of dance, see Gotman 2018:

274-96.

"* The /A has 20 per cent: contrast Hel. (11.8 per cent), Phoen. (13.6 per cent),

Or. (5.4 per cent).

"9 Contrast Hel. (39.7 per cent), Phoen. (51.5 per cent), Or. (68.2 per cent); /A (22.7 per cent) is closer to Bacchae.

"? Figures based on Griffith 1977: 123 and Csapo 1999-2000: 410-11. " The musical innovations introduced in the latter part of the fifth century (particularly by dithyrambographers and citharodes) included the extension of single syllables over several notes (a practice parodied as part of Euripides' overblown lyric style in Ar. Ram. (εἰειειειλίσσετε, 1314, 1349) and the abandonment of regular metrical patterns and strophic responsion, creating a freer and more dynamic

musicality

(for

further

technical

innovations

—

new

notes,

intervals,

40

INTRODUCTION

to actors as a vehicle to showcase

their musical and

theatrical skills, so

its capacity to generate pathos through the display of intensely personal feelings suited the public’s desire for more overt emotional states as well as more intense plots. It is, in short, a reflection of the dynamism

of the

late fifth-century theatre and in no way a symptom of musical or generic *decline'.'?* Nevertheless,

there are good

reasons why the Bacchae is an

exception to these wider cultural developments. Firstly, the high level of choral participation is linked to the strong connection between the chorus’ identity as followers of Dionysus and the play’s central narrative of hostility to the god. In short, who the chorus are is conducive to their prominent role as commentators, and Euripides

is not creating a deliberately ‘archaizing’ chorus-centred play, but rather suiting the play’s use of song to the needs of the plot. The chorus’ investment in the action and the resolutely Dionysiac subject matter of their songs means that they have always been excluded from the influential (but mistaken) claim that the chorus becomes increasingly ‘dithyrambic’ (i.e. irrelevant) in the late plays of Euripides.'? However, the Bacchae's choral odes are certainly ‘dithyrambic’ in their evocation of the dithyramb itself, a choral cult song in honour of Dionysus. And since the first day of the Great Dionysia was given over to dithyrambic competition (involving 500 Athenian men and 500 Athenian boys - fifty from each of the city's ten tribes), the audience will have been particularly alive to the presence of dithyrambic resonances in the tragedies (and satyr-plays) staged on the following three days.'*!

modes, and genera — see Barker 1984: 93-8, Comotti 1989, West 1992: 356—66, Csapo and Slater 1995: 336-48). 32 The hostile picture of the New Music given by Plato and other contemporary critics is distorted by aristocratic fear of its popular appeal (cf. Csapo 2004, Budelmann and LeVen 2014: 191—-2). Plato was no less hostile to Dionysiac dance: see Leg. 815b7-d4, where Bacchic dancing is rejected as a threat to civic order and virtue (cf. Visvardi 2015: 233—4, Yu 2021). 5 Kranz 1933: 228-59 notoriously gave the label ‘dithyrambic’ to certain elaborate mythical choral odes of late Euripides (e.g. 177 1234-88 on the life and achievements of Apollo), treating them as self-contained and unconnected to the dramatic action (cf. Panagl 1971), but in fact all these odes have multiple thematic connection to their plays: see Allan 2008a: 292-5 on Hel. 1301-68. No less influential or misleading is the related view that the dramatic chorus itself (comic,

tragic, and satyric) entered a period of terminal 'decline' in the fourth century: see Jackson 2020, esp. 1-13, 139-65. "1 On the mutual influence between tragedy and dithyramb, see Battezzato 2018. Surviving dithyrambic fragments from the fifth century (especially Bacchyl. frs. 15-20) show that the genre could present mythical narratives with no connection to Dionysus, but we should be careful about assuming a linear development from an original cult song for Dionysus to a more literary, less Dionysiac, form (cf.

5 ‘IMMEDIATELY

THE

WHOLE

LAND

SHALL

SING

AND

DANCE'

41

Dithyramb is not the only genre of choral lyric exploited by the Bacchae (cf. e.g. 862—76n.

for partheneia,

1161—-2n.

for epinician),

most pervasive. Dionysus declares in his prologue

but it is the

that he has already

established singing and dancing choruses throughout Asia (21; cf. 482),

and

the chorus'

entry song not only predicts Thebes'

conversion

to

Dionysiac song and dance (114), but announces itself as a traditional cult

song (71-2) and goes on to give a narrative of the god's double birth and aetiologies of cultic music — drums (tympana) and pipes (auloi) — that are as evocative of dithyramb as they are of the Bacchants' current performance onstage (123-9). Moreover, the association of their own performance with dithyramb is made explicit in the second stasimon when they sing of how Zeus gave the name Dithyrambus to Dionysus (526-9n.). So despite their difference from the kind of dithyramb perhaps best known to the audience, which was performed

by Athenian

men

and boys, the

chorus' allusions to a familiar form of Dionysiac song (performed in the same space as the Bacchae) foreshadow Dionysus' acceptance throughout Greece (cf. 20, 48-50, 272—4).'% The absence of monody is as striking as the play's high level of choral participation, but here too there is no reason to believe that Euripides is rejecting a style of theatrical song that he helped shape and popularize. Certainly a monody from Pentheus could have underlined his feminization by Dionysus, but his humiliation in that respect is already emphatic (851—6, 912—76).'3° Agave's lack of solo song is even more notable (unless it featured in the lacunae following 1300 and 1329: see ad loc.), but she does sing (1168-99: a perverted makarismos) and her grief and agony are powerfully expressed in the recognition scene (1259-96). Moreover, while the play bucks the trend towards increased actors' song, it does

Kowalzig and Wilson 2013: 1—2 and passim, Swift 2019: 304—6 on Archil. fr. 120). In any case, the pervasive Dionysiac material of Bacchae (together with its performance setting) makes the chorus' evocation of dithyramb effective, since no other genre could match it in reinforcing the Bacchants' devotion to their god. '35 Dramatic choruses need not represent the exact group that would perform the lyric genre they evoke; for another female chorus evoking the dithyramb, cf. Soph. Trach. 216-21. Nonetheless, for the possibility that dithyrambs performed by Athenian female choruses, see n. 115 above.

were

also

136 The idea that uncontrolled emotion was more characteristic of women (and barbarians) than adult Greek males probably underlies the preponderance of female monodists in Euripides: cf. Barner 1971: 284-5, Hall 1999: 112, Csapo 2004: 230-2. However, song does not automatically feminize male char-

acters

(note Theseus, Hipp. 811—55); its use by several Sophoclean

heroes

(Ajax,

Heracles, Oedipus, Creon, Philoctetes) shows rather the capacity of monody to arouse emotion in the spectators as they witness the suffering and anguish of the central character, as discussed by Nooter 2012.

42

INTRODUCTION

include other features of late Euripidean style such as astrophic choral song (1153-64), polymetric lyric dialogue (576-603), extended scenes of (di)stichomythia (460-508, 792-846, 923-70),'* and freer use of the iambic trimeter (see below). Indeed, far from being out of tune with late fifth-century artistic developments, the Bacchae's frequent allusions

to Dionysiac music (123-9, 156-60, 380, 561) and dance (126-34, 379, 482, 567-8, 862—4, 943—4) as well as cult make it, in this respect at least, 'Euripides' New Musical piéce de résistance . And insofar as the sensuous associations of the New Music, with its 'Oriental modes

and scales,

suggest a more effeminate and Eastern version of Dionysus, the chorus' evocation of ecstatic Dionysiac song and dance enhances the potentially threatening nature of the new cult as perceived by Pentheus.'59 Turning finally to metre, it is notable that as well as iambic trimeter, the standard metre of actors’ speech in tragedy,'^? the Bacchae makes use of trochaic tetrameter, exploiting its capacity to express agitated emotion as the stranger recounts Pentheus' deluded attempts to tie him up and to attack a divine apparition (604—41n.). With regard to the play's sung sections, the chorus' entry song and first two stasima make extensive use of ionics,

a metre

with

both

Orientalizing

and

Dionysiac

associations,

whose prominence here emphasizes the Bacchants' religious fervour and Eastern origins (see the ‘Metre’ sections of 64-169, 370-433, 51975nn.).'*' We have almost no evidence about how to gauge the emotional impact of any particular metre or metrical variation.'** An exception is the dochmiac metre which occurs in every surviving tragedy: it is used in the fourth and fifth stasima to express the chorus' excitement at the prospect 57 On Euripidean stichomythia, see Schuren 2015, and for its use in the Bacchae in particular, Schwinge 1968: 339-433. 3%

Csapo

1999-2000: 415.

139 [n particular, the chorus'

dance

with

their own

Bacchic

blending of the Corybants'

performance

(126-9)

ecstatic music and

enhances

the exoticism

of

Dionysiac mousiké (cf. Griffith 2019: 256—7); for music's connection to ‘chaos and wildness' in the Bacchae, see also LeVen 2020: 175. 49

The basic pattern is x—«—xc-v:-x—--||

(with caesura or word-break after the

fifth or, less frequently, seventh element). Over time Euripides' iambic trimeters, unlike those of Aeschylus and

Sophocles,

show an increasing rate of resolution,

whereby two short syllables are substituted for a long element in certain positions: see West 1982: 85—7. The high resolution rate in the Bacchae (approximately 402 resolutions in 918 iambic trimeters, or in 43.8 per cent of trimeters: see Cropp and Fick 1985: 5) confirms its lateness in Euripides' career. ^"' For more detailed study of tragedy's lyric metres, see Dale 1968, West 1982: 98-137, Herington 1985: 103-24, Battezzato 2005; on Euripidean lyric metres in particular, see Lourenco 2011. 4* Though Griffith 1999 tries to go further in his discussion of the lyrics of Antigone.

5 IMMEDIATELY

THE

WHOLE

LAND

SHALL

SING

AND

DANCE'

43

of Pentheus' death and again in the lyric dialogue between Agave and the chorus to stress their joyful reaction to its achievement ('Metre' sections of 977—1023, 1153-64, 1168-99nn.). The striking metrical variety in the lyric exchange between Dionysus and the chorus is typical of the later plays of Euripides ('Metre' section of 576-6093n.), while the shift from iambic trimeters to sung anapaests suits the heightened emotion of Cadmus and Agave's lament and final parting (1368-87n.). (b) Language and style The play's language and style are discussed in detail in the commentary, which aims to address a wide range of phenomena, including the poet's choice of vocabulary and imagery, as well as his manipulation of syntax, levels of diction, and stylistic registers. The language of Attic tragedy is itself an artificial literary language (or Kunstsprache) , which constitutes a unique fusion of Greek poetic styles, drawing especially on epic,'# lyric, and iambic traditions, as well as the language of formal prose.'*! Yet, despite its composite nature, the language of tragedy was immediately comprehensible (theatre demands clear communication between characters and audience), while its Attic dialect, clearest in the spoken parts of

the plays, derives from the genre's performance in Athens from the late sixth century onwards.'^ Nonetheless, the Attic tragedians did not compose in a purely local literary world: the clearest evidence is that their choruses and actors sing in a language that has a superficial but perceptible

Doric colouring, as the tragedians appropriate the Panhellenic traditions of Archaic choral lyric (written in a no less artificial literary Doric) to cre-

ate a new kind of song-dance performance. The principal Doric features of tragic lyric are long a for n (e.g. 64 yaías, 74 βιοτάν, 75-6 ψυχάν, 78

parrpós, 402 ikoipav), first declension masc. gen. singulars ending in long a

5 Imitation of epic language can be seen, for example, in the omission of syllabic and temporal augment, a feature of the Bacchae's messenger speeches (767, 1066, 1084, 1102, 1134); dative plurals in -εσσι (76, 135); genitive singulars in -oio

(e.g. Hipp. 560—1 τοκάδα τὰν 8ryóvoio Bákyou); ἀνέρες for ἄνδρες (e.g. Med. 1257 ὑπ᾽ &vépov); and forms such as σέθεν (gen. sg. of the second person pronoun: 493, 505, 788,936, 1118, 1289). "4 For outstanding introductions to the language of Attic tragedy, see Mastronarde

2002:

81-96,

Kaczko

2016,

Willi

2019,

Battezzato

2020;

and

for

Greek tragic style, see Rutherford 2010 and 2012. 5 A striking Ionism is tragedy's use of the article as a relative pronoun in both spoken and sung sections (e.g. 712 róv θεὸν τὸν νῦν yéyeis).

44

INTRODUCTION

(e.g. 1155 ἐκγενέτα, 1157 Ἅιδα) and gen. plurals in -&v (e.g. 143 μελισσᾶν, 985 Καδμειᾶν, 1020 Boxy&v).1 The language of tragedy is characterized by complex word order and striking figures of speech,

especially metaphor

and imagery.

Euripides'

language (like Sophocles’) is less densely metaphorical than Aeschylus', but it still deploys the intensification of metaphor to great effect and draws on multiple activities: e.g. warfare (45-6, 665, 1098), wrestling

(202, 800), seafaring (669), chariot-racing (853), sacrifice (1114), ball games (1135-6). So too with Euripides' patterns of imagery, which are on the whole less insistent than Aeschylus', but equally capable of taking on

thematic importance, as in the recurrent imagery of mountains, nature,

wilderness, hunting, animals, and sacrifice in the Bacchae (e.g. 32—3, 228,

486—7, 618—19, 734-47, 862—76, 1017-19, 1048-57, 1114-15, 1141-2, 1166—7nn.).'!7 No less striking is how repetition of key words expresses a play's dominant themes: thus, besides the insistent vocabulary of Dionysiac cult (e.g. five uses of τελετή, six of θύρσος, ten of θιάσος, seventeen of μαινάς,

seventy-three of βάκχη and cognate forms), the language of the Bacchae is notable for its many words referring to *madness' (e.g. 33, 36, 130, 299,

301, 305, 326-7, 359, 399-400, 851, 887, 977, 999-1000, 1094, 1295,

1301) and *wisdom' (for forms of σοφός and σοφία, cf. 179, 186, 203, 266, 395, 427, 480, 641, 655-6, 824, 839, 877=897, 1005, 1151, 1190). The

latter in particular articulate one of the central questions of the play: what is wisdom and how far can we as humans understand the fundamental questions of life? Does applying intellect to them help?'4? Tragic language is particularly marked by its stylized and elevated vocabulary and its avoidance of linguistic ‘realism’. As Aristotle observed, words and forms which are remote from everyday speech are particularly impressive (Poet. 1458a20-1). The tragedians deploy a range of high-style alternatives to everyday language

(δῶμα for oikía, 8&uap for γυνή, κάρα for

6 For the Doric patina of tragedy's essentially Attic dialect, see Bjórck 1950. Attic Old Comedy uses Doric forms to evoke a high lyric style or parody it (cf. e.g. the Pindaric poet of Birds 904-53). Compared to comedy, tragedy allows more ‘polymorphy’, or metrically conditioned deviations from standard Attic, e.g. long datives in -oi01/-oic1 next to regular -ois/-cus (48, 77, 110, etc.) or first person plural

middle forms in -μεσθα along with -μεθα (934, 1944). 7 On the central functions of recurrent imagery in all three tragedians, see Porter 1986, Rutherford 2012: 119-62. For Euripides and the Bacchaein particular, see Pauer 1935: 145-51; Barlow 1971: 33—4, 40-1, 65-7, 88—90, 112-13; Scott 1975; Kalke 1985; Kurtz 1985: 165-9, 172-80, 477-9, 558-9, 567-8; Thumiger 2006, 2007: 201-6; Chaston 2010: 180-237; Buxton 2013: 26—7; Bray 2021. Cless 2010: 25-8 discusses ‘the agency of nature' in particular and its alignment with the triumph of Dionysus and his followers. *5

See esp. 200-3, 395nn.

5 ‘IMMEDIATELY

THE

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45

κεφαλή, κλύειν for ἀκούειν, etc.),'!? and such elevated diction is used by all tragic characters, regardless of their class, gender, age, or ethnicity.'»? This gives the world of tragedy a ‘grandeur’ (μέγεθος) and 'dignity' (σεμνότης)

appropriate to the age of heroic myth,'»' while it also helps to create a language that is suited to 'the universal, even metaphysical, vastness of tragedy's concerns'.'?* Yet the genre's stylized language is flexible enough

to allow for striking variations, especially in the differences of diction and syntax between speech and song. Moreover, there is a wide range of styles and registers in the spoken parts in particular; take, for example, the con-

trasting rhetorical strategies used during Pentheus' initial interrogation of the stranger (460-518): Pentheus' barrage of direct questions and commands underlines his confidence in his authority and his desire to expose the new cult as fraudulent, while the stranger's enigmatic responses (esp. 473-5. 477-0, 494, 496, 498, 500, 502, 516-18) suggest that the apparent power balance is illusory. Pentheus’ true condition (of mortal ignorance and error) is stressed by the stranger’s ominous triple negative: οὐκ v

^

oic8' ὅ m ζῆις, οὐδ᾽ & δρᾶις, οὐδ᾽ ὅστις &i (You do not know what your life is, or what you do, or who you are', 506).'55

Despite the small proportion of tragedy which survives, the plays and fragments allow us to piece together a picture (most detailed for Euripides) of the poets' individual styles. To judge from the number of hapax legomena in Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, all three are prodigious

49 Other features include semantically redundant periphrases (e.g. 167-9, 261, 677—8, 1213, 1288), the replacement of concrete lexemes by abstract ones (often in -μα and -σις, e.g. 30, 59, 120, 124, 132, 224, 357, 473, 588, 739), poetic plurals (e.g. δώματα for δῶμα: 60, 595, 624, 633, 637), simplex for compound verbs (e.g. κτείνω for ἀποκτείνω, θωήϊισκω for ἀποθνήιϊισκω: 973, 1041), or the opposite (e.g. εἰσορῶ for ὁρῶ: 252, 502, 510, 927, 1077, 1165, 1265, 1310). On the differences between poetic and prose language, with examples from Euripides, see Dover 1997: 96-112. Speakers in Athenian law courts and assemblies (as well as Athenian prose writers like Thucydides) make occasional use of poetic and especially tragic language for various effects (dignity, intensity, pathos, etc.): cf. e.g. MacDowell 1962: 19. 159 Women's speech in Greek literature is particularly associated with gossip, self-blame, and lamentation (McClure 1999: 32-69; Mossman 2001: 374-6; Fógen 2010: 320-2; van Emde Boas 2017: 26-31, 91-2, 128-9, 271; Battezzato 2020: 560-4). The latter is present η the Bacchae, although Agave's lamentation is shared with Cadmus (1352—87). There is no attempt to mimic the chorus' foreign speech, but their brief allusion to ‘Phrygian shouts and cries' stresses their barbarian origins (158-9). '5! The terms μέγεθος and σεμνότης are taken from Aristotle's remarks on the evolution of tragic diction (Poet. 1449a19-21); cf. Kotarcic 2021: 119-22. 5* Silk 1996: 464. '55 For the dramatization of failed communication between Pentheus and Dionysus, see Semenzato 2020b.

46

INTRODUCTION

wordsmiths, enriching the shared Kunstsprache of tragedy with their own coinages and innovations.'^* Aeschylus, for example, is particularly fertile

in the creation of new compounds (he uses almost twice as many compound adjectives as Sophocles or Euripides),'» a feature of his style which is ridiculed by Aristophanes (Ran. 824, 924-32, etc.); Sophocles is fond of abstract nouns;'s® Euripides' dialogue is more open to colloquialisms (see below). Yet such general features do not tell us much per seand each

innovation or peculiarity has to be discussed in context or else its effects will be obscured. Ancient critics (with fuller access to tragic texts) point to qualities that

were felt to be particularly distinctive of Euripides. In his comparison of the three tragedians, for example, Dio comments

on the clarity and nat-

uralness of Euripides' language as well as his peculiarly rhetorical style, especially in set-piece debates (Dio Chrys. Or. 52.11—14). Indeed, clarity and simplicity seem to have been regarded as Euripidean hallmarks in his own time, even if Aristophanes exaggerates Euripides' linguistic ‘realism’, so that whereas ‘Euripides’ is proud of his ‘slimmed down' tragedy and ‘democratically’ talkative characters, ‘Aeschylus’ condemns their banal chatter as degrading (Ran. 937—79, 1056—73). Euripides’ spoken sections contain fewer new compound adjectives than those of Aeschylus and Sophocles,'?? and he tends more to composite verbs (e.g. ἀποδίδωμι, περιβάλλω) instead of grander simple verbs, a practice made possible by the allowance of new word shapes within the iambic trimeter. He also uses such contemporary forms as £0nkav and ἔδωκαν (Aeschylus and Sophocles have ἔθεσαν and £60cov), and admits more

colloquialisms,

though

these

are used sparingly.'? Aristotle praises the naturalness and plausibility of

55 The survival of only a fraction of Greek literature makes extrapolation from hapax legomena problematic. Nonetheless, in the case of new compound forms which occur nowhere else in Greek, innovation by the poet is a likely explanation. Smereka 1936: 154—72 lists 585 hapax legomena in Euripides, including forty from Bacchae (discussed where appropriate in the commentary). *5 New compound adjectives make up 2.8 per cent of all words in the lyrics of Aeschylus, 1.6 per cent in Sophocles, and 1.9 per cent in Euripides (calculations based on Breitenbach 1934: 124—-30); Aeschylus also has the highest number of compound adjectives in general, ranging from 248 (Eum.) to 316 (Supp.) per 1,000 lines, compared to 126 (Phil.) to 200 (Ant.) per 1,000 lines for Sophocles

and 104 (Heracl.) to 173 (Phoen.) for Euripides (see Griffith 1977: 149-50). 156 Long 1968, Budelmann 2000: 2-3. '55 Euripides has two new compound adjectives every 1,000 words, whereas Sophocles has four and Aeschylus ten (see Breitenbach 1934: 130-1). '5 See Collard-Stevens, esp. 196 and 213 on Bacchae. Lexical and syntactical colloquialisms are found in all of Euripides' plays and no chronological evolution is perceptible. Of the Bacchae's thirty-three examples, nine are spoken by the stranger (all to Pentheus: 492, 516, 654, 802, 806, 839, 849, 959, 975), and

5 IMMEDIATELY

THE

WHOLE

LAND

SHALL

SING

AND

DANCE'

47

Euripidean dialogue, saying that he was the first to use vocabulary drawn from normal conversation (Rh. 1404b18-25), while ps.-Longinus, On the Sublime 40.3 observes that Euripides' use of ‘very ordinary' language

(σφόδρα δημῶδες τὸ λεγόμενον) can have great force, quoting HF 1245 yéuw κακῶν 81 κοὐκέτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπηι τεθῆι (‘I'm laden with woe; no space to put any more’); compare the effect of the stranger's stark rebuke at Bacch.

506 (quoted above).'5? Surviving fragments show that it was Euripides' simpler and plainer dialogue style that became the dramatic koiné of the following centuries. However,

there are clear generic limits to Euripides'

‘realism’, for his

language remains fundamentally poetic and part of the same high-style literary dialect used by Aeschylus, Sophocles, and other tragedians. Thus,

we should beware of taking Aristophanic parody too seriously and thinking

of Euripides

as ‘prosaic’.

Nonetheless,

Aristophanes

does

capture

a

genuine and important feature of Euripidean language, namely that it is both more and less poetic than that of other tragic authors - closer to everyday speech in its wider use of colloquialisms, but at the same time more poetic in its more frequent use of (for example) anastrophe (placement of the preposition after the noun phrase: cf. 758-9 oi 8' ὀργῆς ὕπο | ἐς ὅπλ᾽ ἐχώρουν pepduevor βακχῶν ὕπο)

and the omission of definite arti-

cles.'^" This high poetic style is particularly evident in later Euripidean lyric, especially in monodies and lyric dialogues, with their greater use of rhetorical figures such as anadiplosis, their accumulation of polysyllabic words, and their extravagance of emotion. Despite the absence of monody from the Bacchae (see §5a above), it still contains nineteen instances

of anadiplosis (e.g. 595 σύμφλεγε σύμφλεγε, 986 ἐς ὄρος ἐς ὄρος ἔμολ᾽ ἔμολεν, 1183 μετ᾽ ἐμὲ μετ᾽ ἐμέ, 1199 μεγάλα μεγάλα) and is like other late plays of Euripides in its greater use of new words, creating a more

complex and

self-consciously lyric style (new formations account for 4.3 per cent of words in lyric passages: cf. 3.4 per cent in Phoen., 3.9 per cent in IA, but only 1.4 per cent in Medea).'*' Finally, like any other tragedy, the Bacchae

insofar as colloquialisms often appear in speech addressed by superiors to inferiors, these ironically underline (for the audience) the stranger's true identity and power and contribute to Pentheus' rage at being defied by a lowly foreigner. 159 566 also Hor. Ars P. 95-8 on the greater emotional impact of simple tragic language. * See Baechle 2007: 68—70, 145-6; Battezzato 2020: 552-5. For comic mockery of the tragedians' use of anastrophe (and other poeticisms), cf. Arist. Poet. 1458b31-1459a1. "' Breintenbach 1934: 120-2 (new formations), 214-20 (anadiplosis; adding

986 ἐς ópos ἐς ὄρος ἔμολ᾽ ἔμολεν). Most examples of repetition in the Bacchae are rit-

ual utterances (e.g. 68, 83, 107, 116=164, 152-3, 412).

48

INTRODUCTION

deploys a wide range of stylistic devices to enhance its expressiveness and

dramatic impact.'^*

6 TEXT

AND

TRANSMISSION

It is bracing to recall how fortuitous our connection is to the original text of Bacchae performed at the City Dionysia in or shortly after 405 Bc. For as with many of Euripides' surviving plays, our text depends on just two medieval manuscripts (known as L and P), supplemented by a few ancient papyri (see below). Moreover, the earliest stages of the text's transmission, from the time of the play's original production to the first scholarly editions of the Alexandrians in the late third century, are particularly obscure.'® Copies of Euripides' text will have been initially distributed, according to their parts, among the actors and chorus members.'^! Given the nature of theatrical productions, it is not unlikely that the play underwent several changes during rehearsals, and that the resulting text, revised by Euripides, formed the basis for the earliest copies made for the reading public shortly after the play's first performance.'9» There was evidently a market for tragic texts in the increasingly literate society of late fifth-century Athens, and one can easily imagine members of the public wishing to re-experience plays they had admired in performance.

In Aristophanes'

Frogs, produced

in 405

Bc, Dionysus speaks of

reading Euripides' Andromeda to himself (52-3), a remark which, while it serves in context to underline Dionysus' particular fondness for Euripides (he reads the play onboard a warship!), also constitutes our earliest surviv-

ing evidence for the availability of tragic texts to an enthusiastic public.'^?

162 E.g. alliteration (137), anaphora (142-3, 370-1, 412—15), assonance (4678), asyndeton (915, 995-6), etymology (1-2, 292—5, 298-9, 367, 508, 642, etc.), euphemism (49, 362, 976), figura etymologica (247, 494, 1152, 1297), polyptoton (84, 161, 179, 186, 370-4, 470, 1042). 1% For the history of tragic texts, with a particular focus on Euripides, see Barrett 1964: 45-90, Zuntz 1965: 249-88, Kovacs 2005, Mastronarde 2017, Wright 2020, Finglass 2020.

'^^ It is possible that the chorus members, drilled by instructors (chorodidaskaloi), would not have needed access to a written text, but the actors did.

1% Moreover, since plays first staged at the City Dionysia could be reperformed at local festivals such as the Rural Dionysia or outside Attica, this will have fuelled

the need for (and the dissemination of) written copies of the text. 196 The word for ‘bookseller’ (βιβλιοπτώλης) is first attested in a comic poet of Aristophanes' time (Aristomenes: PCGII, fr. 9), while another mentions 'the place

where books are bought’ (Eupolis: PCG V, fr. 327); on the *bookish' culture of Athens reflected in comic literary history, see Spelman 2021: 330-1. Nonetheless, fifth-century tragic ‘books’ (i.e. papyrus rolls, written without punctuation or spaces between words) may have been affordable only to the wealthier fans of

6 TEXT

AND

TRANSMISSION

49

Indeed, Aristophanes' parody of Euripides' Helen and Andromeda (among other tragedies) in Women at the Thesmophoria, produced in 411 Bc, would be

unthinkable

without

access

to written

copies

of those

plays,'7

and

Aristophanes is in fact our earliest check on Euripides' original text, enabling us to correct the medieval manuscript tradition in several places.'®® Commercially available readers' copies will have proliferated as literacy spread in the course of the fifth and fourth centuries, but it is the versions adapted by actors for new productions which interfered most with the original performance texts.'® Euripides' great popularity meant that his plays were particularly prone to interpolation, as actors sought to magnify their roles, often by inserting pathos-filled passages into speeches (cf. 1091-2, 1221).'7° In response to such interference the Athenian statesman Lycurgus had official copies of the works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides made

and deposited in the state archives c. 330 BC, decreeing by law that actors should not depart from these in future performances at Attic festivals ([Plut.] X orat. 841f).' It would be reassuring to believe that Lycurgus had direct access to pristine original texts preserved by the families of the major tragedians, but we cannot be certain of this.'* Indeed, we do

not know what measures Lycurgus took to procure his exemplars, or how long his law (which applied only to Athens) remained in force. In any case, even if the scholars of Alexandria had access to the official Athenian

text,'7? this itself ‘is likely to have been no more than an ordinary text of tragedy (such as Aristophanes). Plato's Socrates says that books of Anaxagoras can be bought in the marketplace ‘for a drachma at most’ (Ap. 26d10), but that was still a day's wages for a skilled labourer. '57 Cf. Austin and Olson 2004: Ix-lxii. 1% See e.g. Allan 2008a on Hel. 56, 561. 1% Cf. Csapo and Slater 1995: 1: ‘It is generally supposed that the texts sustained more damage in the first century of their existence than in the following twenty-three altogether. For actors’ interpolations in tragedy, see Page 1934, Mastronarde 1994: 39-49, Kovacs 2005: 382. "? For performances of Euripidean ‘classics’ in the fourth and third centuries BC (some are attested for Sophocles, but none for Aeschylus), see Kannicht 1997: 69-71, who also shows how Euripides' dominance is reflected in the number of references to the tragedians in Aristotle (Aesch. 4x, Soph. 12x, Eur. 37x), quotations by Plutarch (Aesch. 34x, Soph. 72x, Eur. 173x), and quotations in Stobaeus’ ἐκλογαί (Aesch. gox, Soph. 200x, Eur. 740x). '7 566 Scodel 2007, Hanink 2014: 60-74. "7* For the importance of the individual tragedians' families in the early preservation of their work, see Griffith 1977: 232. The sons/nephews of Aeschylus (Euphorion), Sophocles (Iophon), and Euripides (Euripides) were all tragedians; cf. Sutton 1987, esp. 16—17 on the family of Euripides. "5 The standard Athenian texts are said to have been stolen for the Library by Ptolemy III (ruled 247-221 BC), who sacrificed his deposit of fifteen talents of silver to keep them (Galen, Commentary on the Epidemics of Hippocrates 2.4).

50

INTRODUCTION

its day, carrying most of the modifications established by actors during the preceding century'.'?* Thus, insofar as the Alexandrian editions of the

major tragedians are the distant ancestors of our medieval manuscripts, the textual tradition as we know it must be treated with circumspection,

since it can at best take us back only to an Athenian text of c. 330 BC, long after the texts' original composition. The Alexandrian edition of Euripides' collected works was in wide circulation for several centuries, but after c. 250 AD ten plays predominate: Alcestis, Medea, Hippolytus, Andromache, Hecuba, Trojan Women, Phoenician Women, Orestes, Bacchae, and the spurious Rhesus. Wilamowitz argued

that in the second century AD someone had deliberately selected these plays for use in schools and written a commentary to accompany them. However, as Barrett points out, there is no way of knowing ‘how far that process [i.e., the gradual pre-eminence of these ten plays] was crowned by a deliberate act of selection','75 and there were certainly factors at work in addition to pedagogy, including (most importantly) the popularity of the 'select' plays among educated readers and theatre audiences.'?? Whatever the precise causes, it is these ten plays which were most widely copied in late antiquity'77 and which are transmitted with scholia in a number of medieval manuscripts datable as far back as the end of the tenth century.'7? As we shall see, however, the accidents of transmission mean that the

Bacchae has survived in only two manuscripts and without scholia.'79 In contrast to most of the select plays, the survival of the other nine (Hel., EL, Heracl., HF, Supp.,

[ Hiketides], IA, IT, Ion, and

Cyc.) 5 depends

74 Barrett 1964: 47. The Athenian copies are also unlikely to have had any musical notation, let alone the poets' original music: cf. Prauscello 2006: 68-78. 75 Barrett 1964: 53. '? The 'select' plays predominate in the papyri from c. 200 BC onwards and will no doubt have stood at the core of the performance repertoire. The large number of identified Euripidean papyri (169) places him third in the list of all Greek authors after Homer (1,680 papyri) and Demosthenes (204) and shows his huge popularity and canonical status throughout antiquity (for the complete list and

statistical analysis, see Netz 2020:

15).

"77 Though papyrus fragments of plays outside the selection survive from as late as the fourth or fifth centuries Ap: see e.g. Diggle 1970: 33 for Phaethon and TrGF V F 495 (PBerol. 5514) for Captive Melanippe. '7* The

oldest is Paris gr. 2713,

"9 For

the

and Andr.

scholia,

marginal

containing Hec.,

or interlinear

Or, Phoen., Hipp.,

annotations,

some

Med., Alc.,

of which

may

derive from ancient commentaries reaching as far back as Aristophanes of Byzantium himself, see Barrett 1964: 49-50, Pfeiffer 1968: 192, Dickey 2007: 31—4. A new edition of the scholia on Euripides is being published online by D. J.

Mastronarde: https:/ / euripidesscholia.org/index.html.

%

These are referred to as the 'alphabetic' plays because their titles begin with

the Greek letters epsilon, eta, iota, and kappa, forming a single codex volume of a

6 TEXT

AND

TRANSMISSION

51

on a single early fourteenth-century manuscript (L) and its descendants.” L contains all of Euripides’ surviving plays (without scholia),

except that it lacks 7ro. and has only Bacch. 1—755. However, another early fourteenth-century manuscript (P) preserves all the surviving plays, including Tro. and the rest of Bacchae.'** In the case of the alphabetic plays (and Rhesus), P is a copy of L.'*? But for most of the select plays including Bacchae, P is probably a copy of a copy of L, where the intermediate exem-

plar had been corrected and supplemented from an independent source (hence the addition of Tro. and Bacchae beyond 755, which are lacking in L).'4 Despite its precarious survival in only L and P, it is clear that the Bacchae

originally belonged to the select plays: firstly, its title does not fit the alphabetic sequence from which the non-select plays derive; secondly, it has two types of hypothesis, like many of the select plays, but unlike any of the alphabetic; thirdly, it 15 excerpted in a Vatican gnomology (Barberini gr. 4, c. 1300) together with the nine other select plays; fourthly, it is frequently quoted by scholiasts (like the select and unlike the alphabetic plays); and finally, lines from the Bacchae are quoted and adapted in the Byzantine (eleventh- or twelfth-century) cento Christus Patiens, which borrows only from the select plays (especially Rhesus, Medea, Hippolytus, and Bacchae) and shows no knowledge of the alphabetic plays.'?» Finally, for Bacchae complete edition of Euripides' works in roughly alphabetical order which by some lucky accident survived to the Middle Ages; cf. Zuntz 1965: 277: ‘Miracles then do happen.' ¥t

Written in Thessaloniki c. 1300—20, this manuscript is now preserved in the

Laurentian library in Florence, hence its standard designation as L (Laurentianus plut. 32.2): for a full description, see Zuntz 1965: 126—-95, Turyn 1970: 222-58. Itis accessible online at http:/ /mss.bmlonline.it/Catalogo.aspx?Shelfmark-Plut.32.2.

"* Atsome early point in its history this manuscript (originally copied c. 1320— 5) was divided: the part containing Bacch. is Palatinus gr. 287, preserved in the Vatican Library: see Zuntz 1965: 135—40, Turyn 1970: 258-64. It too 15 accessible online at https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS Pal.gr.287. "55 Zuntz 1965: 1-15. 1 Vitelli 1890: 287-300; Barrett 1964: 73, 2007: 420-31; Zuntz 1965: 35-8, 110-25; Diggle 1994: 251, 483-9. If the Bacchae was the last play in the selection, that would help explain its incomplete preservation in L and the damaged state of its ending, since the latter pages of codices were more likely to suffer damage and neglect: Dodds 1900: lii-liii. "5 Abouta third of its 2,610 iambic trimeters are taken from Euripides. Despite its adaptation of the Bacchaeto suit its specifically Christian purpose of dramatizing the Passion (Massa 2014: 263—78, Bryant Davies 2017, Pollmann 2017: 140-57, Krauss 2020: 402-6), the Christus Patiens occasionally preserves a text superior to that in L or P: see the apparatus criticus on lines 20, 55, 184, 655, 694, 776, 778, 1041, 1084, 1096, 1151, 1161, 1213, 1344, 135%; and for the Christus Patiens as a possible guide to the missing parts of the exodos, see 1300, 1329nn., XanthakiKaramanou 2022: 209-16. The Bacchae's influence on early Christianity, including

52

INTRODUCTION

there are also fifteen papyrus fragments dating from the third century Bc

to the sixth century AD which offer occasional improvements to the text: see e.g. the apparatus criticus on lines 233, 286, 466, 468, 503, 1098, 1100,

1102, 1104, 1126, 1182, 1157, 1184.'%

We have naturally relied heavily on the magisterial edition of James

Diggle,'

though

the text printed here differs from his Oxford Classical

Text in a number of places:'? 141a no obeli, 151 ápa 8' εὐάσμασι τοιάδ᾽ ἐπιβρέμει, 199-209 lines retained, 200 οὐδ᾽ ἐνσοφιζόμεσθα, 204—5 no change of speaker, 370 θεᾶν, 412 ἐκεῖσ᾽ &ye u', (ὦ) Βρόμιε Βρόμιε, 427—9

no obeli,

479 κοὐδέν, 496 Διονύσου, 506 no obeli and & m ζῆις, 606 no obeli and

T& Πενθέως δώματ᾽ - ἐξανίστατε, 673 line retained, 716 line retained, 860 £v

τέλει, 877 and 897 no obeli and τί 1ó cogóv ἢ Ti τὸ κάλλιον, 894a τάδ᾽, 983

no obeli, 998 no obeli and περὶ «σά», Βάκχι᾽, ὄργια ματρός τε o&s, 1002 and 1007 no obeli, 1002—4 γνωμᾶν σωφρόνισμα θάνατος: ἀπροφάσιστος «85£» τὰ > θεῶν ἔφυ | βροτείως τ᾽ Exew ἄλυπος Pios, 1005—7 TO σοφὸν oU φθονῶ-: χαίρω θηρεύουσα τάδ᾽ ἕτερα μεγάλα φανερά τ᾽ ὄντ᾽ — ἄγρει «δ᾽; | ἐπὶ τὰ καλὰ βίον —, 1021 γελῶντι προσώπωι, 1025-6 lines retained, 1031 no obeli, 1060 μαινάδων ... νόθων, 1067 ἑλκεδρόμον, 1103 συγκεραυνοῦσαι, 1111 χαμαιπετής,

1199 ἠλάλαζον, 1152 χρῆμα, 1157 no obeli, 1163-4 no obeli and βαλεῖν, 1174 , 1207 k&rra κομπάζειν, 1244—5 lines retained, 1254 ὁπότε, 1971—2 no obeli and κἀγὼ «o£», 1974-6 no obeli and δεινῶς

y&p τάνδ᾽ aiketav I Διόνυσος ἄναξ Tous σοὺς eis I οἴκους ἔφερεν,

1984 «ἔμ᾽ ἴδοι;»,

19 88-05 lines retained. There are 8150 differences in punctuation at 140, 164, 200, 479, 506, 627, 877, 807. 9

parallels between the epiphanic Dionysus and the risen Jesus, are discussed by Moles 2006 and Friesen 2015. % The Leuven Database of Ancient Books (www.trismegistos.org/ldab) provides details of all these papyri. For outstanding studies of the papyri of Euripides, tracing

the

changing

fortunes

of different

plays

over

time,

see

Bastianini

and

Casanova 2005, Carrara 2009, Netz 2020: 14-39. 7 OCT vol. 11 (1994). For a detailed survey of modern editions of Euripides since the Renaissance, see Kannicht 1969: 1.109-29, Diggle OCT r.v-xi; on editions of Bacchae in particular, see Sandys 1900: clii-cliii, Roux 1970-2: I.99-103, Kopff 1982: vii-viii, Di Benedetto 2004: 71—-2. 55 The apparatus criticusis highly selective and offers essential information about only the most doubtful passages. Those wishing to see the full range of manuscript evidence, testimonia, and scholarly emendations should consult Diggle's OCT. % The Bacchae's rich history of reception, ancient and modern, is beyond the scope of this volume. For detailed guidance to a wide range of performances,

translations, and adaptations, from stage drama and opera to poetry, film, and the visual arts, see e.g. Zeitlin 2004, Fischer-Lichte 2014, Perris 2016, van Zyl Smit 2016, Goff 2017, Perris and Mac Góráin 2020, and the continually updated Archive of Performances of Greek and Roman Drama (www.apgrd.ox.ac.uk).

SYMBOLS SYMBOLS

IN

USED

words added, or lacunae identified, by modern scholars

wordsjudged to be spurious

ant.

antistrophe

str.

SIGLA

AND ABBREVIATIONS THE GREEK TEXT

[]

ep.

AND

epode

strophe

SIGLA AND ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CRITICAL APPARATUS Aldina

Editio Aldina, the ‘Aldine edition', published by Aldus Manutius, Venice, 1503: the first printed edition of all

Euripides' plays (but omitting EL), based on a now lost copy ofL

Chr. Pat.

Tr

Christus Patiens, eleventh or twelfth century

Laurentianus 32.2, ¢. 1300—20 (verses 1—755) Palatinus gr. 287, c. 1320—5 Demetrius Triclinius, corrector of MSL

reading of a papyrus, dating from the first century Bc to the sixth century AD (IT': POxy. 4017; IT: PTebt. 901; T13: PBerol. 21295; TT4: POxy. 3718; Πο: PBerol. 21208 and 17059; TT*: PAntin. 24; Πτ: POxy. 2223; I*: PAntin. 73) reading attested by a scholiast

58

BAKXAI

TA

TOY

APAMATOZX AIONYZOX XOPOZ

BAKXQN

TEIPEZIAX ΚΑΔΜΟΣ ΠΕΝΘΕΥΣ OEPATION AFTEAOX ETEPOZ ATTEAOX ATAYH

57

TIPOXQITA

EYPITIIAOY

BAKXAI

AIONYZOX Ἥκω

Aiós παῖς τήνδε

Θηβαίαν

χθόνα

Διόνυσος, Óv τίκτει Tr00' fj K&duou κόρη Σεμέλη λοχευθεῖσ᾽ ἀστραπηφόρωι πυρί: μορφὴν

& ἀμείψας

ἐκ θεοῦ βροτησίαν

πάρειμι Δίρκης νάμαθ᾽ Ἱσμηνοῦ θ᾽ ὕδωρ. ὁρῶ δὲ μητρὸς μνῆμα τῆς κεραυνίας τόδ᾽ ἐγγὺς οἴκων καὶ δόμων ἐρείπια τυφόμενα

Δίου πυρὸς

5

ἔτι ζῶὥσαν φλόγα,

ἀθάνατον "Hpas μητέρ᾽ eis ἐμὴν ὕβριν. αἰνῶ

δὲ Κάδμον,

ἄβατον

ὃς πέδον τόδε

10

τίθησι, θυγατρὸς σηκόν: ἀμπέλου δέ viv πέριξ ἐγὼ ᾿κάλυψα βοτρυώδει χλόηι. λιπτὼν

8¢ Λυδῶν

τοὺς πολυχρύσους

γύας

Φρυγῶν τε, Περσῶν ἡλιοβλήτους πλάκας Βάκτριά Μήδων Ἀσίαν

τε τείχη τήν τε δύσχιμον ἐπελθὼν

τε πᾶσαν

Ἀραβίαν ἣ παρ᾽

κεῖται μιγάσιν Ἕλλησι

χθόνα

ἁλμυρὰν βαρβάροις

&A« 9' ὁμοῦ

πλήρεις ἔχουσα καλλιπυργώτους πόλεις, ἐς τήνδε πρώτην ἦλθον Ἑλλήνων πόλιν, τἀκεῖ χορεύσας καὶ καταστήσας ἐμὰς τελετάς, iv' εἴην ἐμφανὴς πρώτας

8¢ Θήβας

ἀνωλόλυξα, θύρσον

τάσδε

15

T' εὐδαίμονα

δαίμων

20

βροτοῖς.

γῆς Ἑλληνίδος

νεβρίδ᾽ ἐξάψας χροὸς

τε δοὺς ἐς χεῖρα, κίσσινον

B£Aos:

ἐπεί μ᾽ ἀδελφαὶ μητρός, &s ἥκιστ᾽ ἐχρῆν, Διόνυσον οὐκ ἔφασκον ἐκφῦναι Διός, Σεμέλην δὲ νυμφευθεῖσαν ἐκ θνητοῦ τινος ἐς Ζῆν᾽ ἀναφέρειν τὴν ἁμαρτίαν λέχους, Κάδμου σοφίσμαθ᾽, ὧν νιν οὕνεκα κτανεῖν

25

90

1 Θηβαίαν Prisc. 17.76: -ov LP et X Tro. 1 20 πρώτην Chr. Pat. 1595 cod. A, coni. Cobet: πρώτον LP et Chr. Pat. cod. C: πρῶτος Chr. Pat. codd. plerique 21 τἀκεῖ Wilamowitz: κἀκεῖ LP

59

60

EYPITIIAQY

Ζῆν᾽ ἐξεκαυχῶνθ᾽, 6T1 γάμους ἐψεύσατο. τοιγάρ viv αὐτὰς ἐκ δόμων ὥιστρησ᾽ ἐγὼ μανίαις, ὄρος 8' οἰκοῦσι πταράκοποι

φρενῶν,

σκευήν T' ἔχειν ἠνάγκασ᾽ ὀργίων ἐμῶν. καὶ πᾶν

τὸ θῆλυ

σπέρμα

γυναῖκες ἦσαν, ἐξέμηνα ὁμοῦ

δὲ Κάδμου

χλωροῖς

Καδμείων,

ὅσαι

95

δωμάτων:

παισὶν ἀναμεμειγμέναι

ὑπ᾽ ἐλάταις ἀνορόφους

ἧνται πέτρας.

δεῖ γὰρ πόλιν τήνδ᾽ ἐκμαθεῖν, kel μὴ θέλει, ἀτέλεστον

οὖσαν

τῶν

ἐμῶν

βακχευμάτων,

40

Σεμέλης τε μητρὸς ἀπολογήσασθαί u' ὕπερ φανέντα θνητοῖς δαίμον᾽ ὃν τίκτει Διί. Κάδμος

μὲν οὖν γέρας τε καὶ τυραννίδα

Πενθεῖ δίδωσι θυγατρὸς ὃς θεομαχεῖ τὰ Kot

ἐκπεφυκότι,

ἐμὲ καὶ σπτονδῶν

ἄπο

45

ὠθεῖ u' &v εὐχαῖς T' οὐδαμοῦ μνείαν ἔχει. &v οὕνεκ᾽ αὐτῶι θεὸς γεγὼς ἐνδείξομαι πᾶσίν τε Θηβαίοισιν. ἐς δ᾽ ἄλλην χθόνα, τἀνθένδε θέμενος εὖ, μεταστήσω πόδα, δεικνὺς ἐμαυτόν-: Tjv 8¢ Θηβαίων ὀργῆι

πόλις

σὺν ὅπλοις ἐξ ὄρους βάκχας

ζητῆι, ξυνάψω

50

ἄγειν

μαινάσι στρατηλατῶν.

ὧν οὕνεκ᾽ εἶδος θνητὸν ἀλλάξας ἔχω μορφήν T' ἐμὴν μετέβαλον

εἰς ἀνδρὸς φύσιν.

ἀλλ᾽, ὦ λιποῦσαι Τμῶλον,

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55

θίασος ἐμός, γυναῖκες ἃς ἐκ βαρβάρων

ἐκόμισα παρέδρους καὶ ξυνεμπόρους ἐμοί, αἴρεσθε τἀπιχώρι τύπανα,

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βασίλειά T' ἀμφὶ δώματ᾽ κτυπεῖτε ἐγὼ

πόλει

Ῥέας τε μητρὸς ἐμά θ᾽ εὑρήματα, Πενθέως,

δὲ βάκχαις,

ἐλθοῦσαι τάδε

ὡς ὁρᾶι

Κάδμου

60

πόλις.

ἐς Κιθαιρῶνος πτυχὰς

ἐλθὼν ἵν᾽ εἰσί, συμμετασχήσω χορῶν.

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62 πτυχὰς

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ἀμείψασα

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Tróvov ἡδὺν

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70

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ἀνὰ θύρσον τε τινάσσων κισσῶι Te στεφανωθεὶς Διόνυσον θεραπεύει. ἴτε βάκχαι, tre βάκχαι, Βρόμιον

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Διόνυσον κατάγουσαι Φρυγίων ἐξ ὀρέων Ἑλλάδος εἰς εὐρυχόρους

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μηδ᾽, tjv δοκῆις μέν, ἣ δὲ δόξα σου νοσῆϊ, φρονεῖν δόκει τι: τὸν θεὸν 8' ἐς γῆν δέχου καὶ σπένδε καὶ βάκχευε καὶ στέφου κάρα. οὐχ ὁ Διόνυσος σωφρονεῖν ἀναγκάσει yuvaikas

ἐς Tijv Κύπριν,

ἀλλ᾽ &v τῆι φύσει

[τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἔνεστιν εἰς T& πάντ᾽ ἀεί] τοῦτο:

σκοπεῖν

xpry καὶ γὰρ

315

&v βακχεύμασιν

οὖσ᾽ ἥ γε σώφρων οὐ διαφθαρήσεται. ὁρᾶις; σὺ χαίρεις, ὅταν ἐφεστῶσιν

πύλαις

πολλοί, τὸ Πενθέως δ᾽ ὄνομα μεγαλύνηι πόλις: κἀκεῖνος, οἶμαι, τέρπεται τιμώμενος. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν καὶ Κάδμος, ὃν σὺ διαγελᾶις, κισσῶι T. ἐρεψόμεσθα πολιὰ

320

καὶ χορεύσομεν,

ξυνωρίς, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως χορευτέον,

κοὐ θεομαχήσω σῶν λόγων πεισθεὶς ὕπο. μαίνηι γὰρ ὡς ἄλγιστα, κοὔτε φαρμάκοις ἄκη λάβοις ἂν οὔτ᾽ ἄνευ τούτων νόσου.

325

& πρέσβυ, Φοῖβόν 1' oU καταισχύνεις λόγοις, τιμῶν τε Βρόμιον Κα.

σωφρονεῖς,

μέγαν θεόν.

ὦ παῖ, καλῶς σοι Τειρεσίας πιαρήινεσεν. οἴκει μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν,

μὴ θύραζε τῶν

vóuov:

νῦν γὰρ πέτηι τε καὶ φρονῶν οὐδὲν φρονεῖς. kel μὴ γὰρ ἔστιν ὁ θεὸς οὗτος, ὡς σὺ φήιϊς, παρὰ σοὶ λεγέσθω: καὶ καταψεύδου καλῶς s ἔστι Σεμέλης, ἵνα δοκῆι θεὸν τεκεῖν ἡμῖν T& τιμὴ παντὶ τῶι γένει προσῆϊι. ὁρᾶις τὸν Ἀκταίωνος

ἄθλιον

316 om. Stob. 4.23.8, del. Kirchhoff

μόρον,

330

335

BAKXAI

ὃν ὠμόσιτοι

σκύλακες

διεσπάσαντο,

69

ἃς ἐθρέψατο

κρείσσον᾽

&v κυναγίαις

Ἀρτέμιδος εἶναι κομπάσαντ᾽ &v ὀργάσιν. O μὴ πάθηις σύ: δεῦρό cou στέψω κάρα κισσῶι:

μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν

τῶι θεῶι τιμὴν δίδου.

oU μὴ προσοίσεις χεῖρα, μηδ᾽ ἐξομόρξηι τῆς σῆς

βακχεύσεις

& iwv,

μωρίαν τὴν σὴν ἐμοί;

«δ᾽Σ ἀνοίας τόνδε τὸν διδάσκαλον

δίκην μέτειμι. στειχέτω τις ὡς τάχος, ἐλθὼν

340

345

8¢ θάκους τοῦδ᾽ ἵν᾽ olwvookoTrel

μοχλοῖς τριαίνου κἀνάτρεψον ἔμπαλιν, ἄνω κάτω τὰ πάντα συγχέας ὁμοῦ, Kol στέμματ᾽

ἀνέμοις καὶ θυέλλαισιν

μάλιστα γάρ

νιν δήξομαι

μέθες:

δράσας τάδε.

350

οἱ δ᾽ ἀνὰ πόλιν στείχοντες ἐξιχνεύσατε τὸν θηλύμορφον

ξένον, ὃς ἐσφέρει νόσον

καινὴν γυναιξὶ καὶ λέχη λυμαίνεται. κἄνπερ λάβητε, δέσμιον πορεύσατε δεῦρ᾽ αὐτόν, ὡς ἂν λευσίμου δίκης τυχὼν θάνηι, πικρὰν Te.

βάκχευσιν

&v Θήβαις

355

ἰδών.

& σχέτλι᾽, ὡς οὐκ οἶσθα ποῦ ποτ᾽ &i Aóycov: μέμηνας ἤδη, καὶ πρὶν ἐξεστὼς φρενῶν. στείχωμεν

ἡμεῖς, Κάδμε,

ὑπέρ τε τούτου

κἀξαιτώμεθα

360

καίπερ ὄντος ἀγρίου

ὑπέρ τε πόλεως τὸν θεὸν μηδὲν νέον δρᾶν. ἀλλ᾽ ἕπου μοι κισσίνου βάκτρου μέτα, πειρῶ δ᾽ ἀνορθοῦν σῶμ᾽ ἐμόν, κἀγὼ τὸ σόν. γέροντε

$' αἰσχρὸν

δύο πεσεῖν: ἴτω & ὅμως:

τῶι Βακχίωι γὰρ τῶι Διὸς δουλευτέον. Πενθεὺς δ᾽ ὅπως τοῖς σοῖσι,

Xo.

μὴ πένθος εἰσοίσει δόμοις

Κάδμε:

τοῖς πράγμασιν

μαντικῆι

δέ: μῶρα

Ὁσία

πότνα

Ὁσία Ooí

δ᾽ ἃ κατὰ y γᾶν

χρυσέαι

345 «δ᾽» Matthiae

μὲν οὐ λέγω, γὰρ

μῶρος λέγει.

θεᾶν,

πτέρυγι

365

Str.

φέρηι,

370 θεᾶν Diggle: θεῶν LP

1

371

70

EYPITIIAQY

τάδε Πενθέως ἀίεις;

ἀίεις οὐχ ὁσίαν ὕβριν ἐς τὸν Βρόμιον, τὸν Σεμέλας, τὸν παρὰ καλλιστεφάνοις εὐφροσύναις δαίμονα πρῶτον

μακάρων;

375

ὃς τάδ᾽ ἔχει,

θιασεύειν τε χοροῖς μετά T' αὐλοῦ γελάσαι ἀποπαῦσαί τε μερίμνας, ὁπόταν βότρυος ἔλθηι γάνος

ἐν δαιτὶ θεῶν, κισσοφόροις

&' &v θαλίαις ἀν-

δράσι κρατὴρ

ὕπνον

ἀμφιβάλληι.

ἀχαλίνων στομάτων

385 ant.

1

ἀνόμου T' ἀφροσύνας

TO τέλος δυστυχία: ὁ δὲ τᾶς ἡσυχίας

βίοτος καὶ τὸ φρονεῖν ἀσάλευτόν τε μένει καὶ

390

ξυνέχει δώματα: γὰρ

πόρσω

ὅμως αἰθέρα

ναίον-

τες ὁρῶσιν T& βροτῶν

οὐρανίδαι.

τὸ σοφὸν δ᾽ οὐ σοφία, τό τε μὴ θνατὰ φρονεῖν βραχὺς αἰών- ἐπὶ τούτωι δὲ τίς ἂν μεγάλα διώκων τὰ παρόντ᾽

οὐχὶ φέροι;

νομένων

νᾶσον

μαι-

οἵδε τρόποι

κακοβούλων ἱκοίμαν ποτὶ

395

παρ᾽

καὶ

400

ἔμοιγε φωτῶν.

Κύπρον,

str.

2

τᾶς Ἀφροδίτας,

ἵν᾽ ol θελξίφρονες νέμονται θνατοῖσιν Ἔρωτες Πάφον, τὰν ἑκατόστομοι βαρβάρου

ποταμοῦ

406 τὰν Diggle: θ᾽ à LP

ῥοαὶ

405

BAKXAI

καρπίζουσιν

71

ἄνομβροι,

οὗ θ᾽ ἁ καλλιστευομένα Πιερία, μούσειος ἕδρα, σεμνὰ κλειτὺς Ὀλύμπου: ἐκεῖσ᾽ ἄγε W, X Βρόμιε Βρόμιε, πρόβακχ᾽

410

εὔιε δαῖμον.

ἐκεῖ Χάριτες,

ἐκεῖ δὲ Πόθος,

ἐκεῖ δὲ βάκ-

χαις θέμις ὀργιάζειν. ὁ δαίμων

ὁ Διὸς παῖς

ant.

χαίρει μὲν θαλίαισιν, φιλεῖ δ᾽ ὀλβοδότειραν Εἰρήναν,

κουροτρόφον

φάος νύκτας τε φίλας

εὐαίωνα διαζῆν, σοφὰν δ᾽ ἀπέχειν πραπίδα φρένα τε περισσῶν

παρὰ

2

420

θεάν.

ἴσαν & & τε TOV ὄλβιον τόν τε χείρονα δῶκ᾽ ἔχειν οἴνου τέρψιν ἄλυπον: μισεῖ δ᾽ ὧι μὴ ταῦτα μέλει, κατὰ

415

425

φωτῶν.

τὸ πλῆθος ὅτι τὸ φαυλότερον

ἐνόμισε χρῆ-

ταί τε, τόδ᾽ ἂν δεχοίμαν.

430

ΘΕΡΑΠΩΝ Πενθεῦ, πάρεσμεν τήνδ᾽ ἄγραν ἠγρευκότες ¢’ fjv ἔπεμψας, οὐδ᾽ ἄκρανθ᾽ ὡρμήσαμεν. ὁ θὴρ δ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἡμῖν πρᾶος

οὐδ᾽ ὑπέστπασεν

435

φυγῆι πόδ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἔδωκεν οὐκ ἄκων χέρας, οὐκ ὠχρός,

οὐδ᾽ ἤλλαξεν οἰνωποὸν γένυν,

γελῶν δὲ καὶ δεῖν κἀπάγειν ἐφίετο ἔμενέ τε, τοὐμὸν εὐτρεπὲς ποιούμενος.

κἀγὼ &' αἰδοῦς εἶπτον: Ω &&v', οὐχ ἑκὼν ἄγω

σε, Πενθέως

δ᾽ ὅς μ᾽ ἔπεμψ᾽

ἐπιστολαῖς.

ἃς δ᾽ αὖ σὺ βάκχας εἷρξας, &s συνήρπασας 412 W’ (&) Hartung: ue LP

440 εὐτρεπὲς Canter: εὐπρ- LP

440

72

EYPITIIAQY

κἄδησας

&v δεσμοῖσι πτανδήμου

στέγης,

φροῦδαί γ᾽ ἐκεῖναι λελυμέναι πρὸς ὀργάδας σκιρτῶσι

Βρόμιον

ἀνακαλούμεναι

θεόν-

445

αὐτόματα δ᾽ αὐταῖς δεσμὰ διελύθη ποδῶν κλῆιδές τ᾿ ἀνῆκαν πολλῶν

θύρετρ᾽ &veu θνητῆς χερός.

δ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἁνὴρ θαυμάτων

ἐς τάσδε

Θήβας.

ool δὲ τἄλλα

ἥκει πλέως χρὴ μέλειν.

μέθεσθε χειρῶν τοῦδ᾽- &v ἄρκυσιν γὰρ

Qv

οὐκ ἔστιν οὕτως ὠκὺς ὥστε U’ ἐκφυγεῖν. ἀτὰρ τὸ μὲν σῶμ᾽ οὐκ ἄμορφος εἶ, ξένε, ὡς ἐς γυναῖκας, ἐφ᾽ ὅπερ ἐς Θήβας πάρει: πλόκαμός τε γάρ σου ταναὸς οὐ πάλης ὕπο, γένυν παρ᾽ λευκὴν

αὐτὴν

δὲ χροιὰν

κεχυμένος,

ἐκ παρασκευῆς

οὐχ ἡλίου βολαῖσιν τὴν Ἀφροδίτην

πτόθου πλέως:

450

455

ἔχεις,

ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ σκιᾶς

καλλονῆι

θηρώμενος.

πρῶτον μὲν οὖν μοι λέξον ὅστις εἶ γένος. οὐκ ὄκνος οὐδείς, ῥάιδιον

460

δ᾽ εἰττεῖν τόδε.

τὸν ἀνθεμώδη Τμῶλον οἶσθά που κλύων. οἶδ᾽, ὃς τὸ Σάρδεων

ἄστυ

ἐντεῦθέν εἶμι, Λυδία

8¢ μοι πατρίς.

πόθεν

περιβάλλει

κύκλωι.

δὲ τελετὰς τάσδ᾽ ἄγεις ἐς Ἑλλάδα;

Διόνυσος αὐτός W εἰσέβησ᾽, ὁ τοῦ Διός.

465

Ζεὺς δ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἐκεῖ τις ὃς νέους τίκτει θεούς;

οὔκ, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Σεμέλην ἐνθάδε ζεύξας γάμοις. πότερα 68 νύκτωρ 0 ἢ KT ὄμμ᾽ ἠνάγκασεν; ὁρῶν ὁρῶντα, καὶ δίδωσιν ὄργια. τὰ δ᾽ ὄργι᾽ ἐστὶ τίν᾽ ἰδέαν ἔχοντά σοι; ἄρρητ᾽

ἀβακχεύτοισιν

470

εἰδέναι βροτῶν.

ἔχει δ᾽ ὄνησιν τοῖσι θύουσιν τίνα; oU θέμις ἀκοῦσαί

o', ἔστι 8 ἄξι᾽ εἰδέναι.

εὖ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκιβδήλευσας, v’ ἀκοῦσαι θέλω. ἀσέβειαν ἀσκοῦντ᾽ ὄργι᾽ ἐχθαίρει θεοῦ. ὁ θεός, ὁρᾶν γὰρ

φὴϊς σαφῶς,

475

ποῖός τις ἦν;

ὁποῖος ἤθελ᾽- οὐκ ἐγὼ ᾽τασσον τόδε. 461 οὐκ ὄκνος Wakefield: οὐ κόμπος LP 466 auros μ T? : ἡμᾶς LP εἰ[σεβησ᾽ coni. Abresch: εὐσέβησ᾽ LP 468 σεμελην TI5, coni. Canter: -Ans fere LP

Π΄,

BAKXAI

ToUT

αὖ παρωχέτευσας

73

&U κοὐδὲν λέγων.

δόξει τις ἀμαθεῖ σοφὰ λέγων οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν. ἦλθες δὲ πρῶτα δεῦρ᾽ ἄγων τὸν δαίμονα; πᾶς ἀναχορεύει βαρβάρων τάδ᾽ ὄργια. φρονοῦσι γὰρ

κάκιον Ἑλλήνων

πολύ.

τάδ᾽ €U γε μᾶλλον:

οἱ νόμοι δὲ διάφοροι.

T& δ᾽ ἱερὰ νύκτωρ

ἢ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τελεῖς;

νύκτωρ

σεμνότητ᾽

τὰ πολλά:

τοῦτ᾽ ἐς γυναῖκας

480

ἔχει σκότος.

485

δόλιόν ἐστι καὶ σαθρόν.

K&v ἡμέραι τό y' αἰσχρὸν ἐξεύροι τις &v. δίκην σε δοῦναι

δεῖ σοφισμάτων

ot δ᾽ ἀμαθίας γε κἀσεβοῦντ᾽

κακῶν.

ἐς τὸν θεόν.

ὡς θρασὺς ὁ βάκχος κοὐκ ἀγύμναστος εἴφ᾽ ὅτι παθεῖν πρῶτον

λόγων.

δεῖ: τί με τὸ δεινὸν ἐργάσηι;

μὲν ἁβρὸν

βόστρυχον

τεμῶ

σέθεν.

ἱερὸς ὁ πλόκαμος: τῶι θεῶι δ᾽ αὐτὸν τρέφω. ἔπειτα θύρσον τόνδε παράδος ἐκ χεροῖν. αὐτός

490

μ᾽ ἀφαιροῦ:

τόνδε Διονύσου

φορῶ.

495

εἱρκταῖσί T' ἔνδον σῶμα σὸν φυλάξομεν. λύσει μ᾽ ὁ δαίμων αὐτός, ὅταν ἐγὼ θέλω. ὅταν γε καλέσηις αὐτὸν καὶ νῦν & πάσχω καὶ ποῦ παρ᾽

ἐν βάκχαις σταθείς.

πλησίον

᾿᾽στιν; oU γὰρ

πιαρὼν

ὁρᾶι.

ἐμοί: oU δ᾽ ἀσεβὴς αὐτὸς &v οὐκ εἰσορᾶις.

λάζυσθε: καταφρονεῖ με καὶ Θήβας ὅδε. αὐδῶ με μὴ δεῖν, σωφρονῶν oU σώφροσιν. ἐγὼ δὲ δεῖν γε, κυριώτερος σέθεν. οὐκ οἶσθ᾽ & m ζῆις, οὐδ᾽ & δρᾶις, οὐδ᾽ ὅστις εἶ. Πενθεύς, Ἀγαύης ἐνδυστυχῆσαι χώρει:

500

φανερὸς ὄμμασίν γ᾽ ἐμοῖς.

505

παῖς, πττατρὸς δ᾽ Ἐχίονος.

τοὔνομ᾽

καθείρξατ᾽

αὐτὸν

ἐπιτήδειος εἶ. ἱππικαῖς πτέλας

510

φάτναισιν, WS &v σκότιον εἰσορᾶιϊ κνέφας. ἐκεῖ χόρευε: τάσδε

δ᾽ ἃς ἄγων

πάρει

κακῶν συνεργοὺς ἢ διεμπτολήσομεν ἢ χεῖρα δούπου τοῦδε καὶ βύρσης κτύπου 479 γ᾽ οὐδὲν Burges

496 Διονύσωι Collmann

Ar. Ran. 103: pou καὶ θήβης P ὁρᾶς T^ LP

503 με καὶ θήβας TI? et Tr et Σ

506 & m ζῆις Bothe: ὅτι ζῆς LP

6 δρᾶις Reiske:

74

Δι.

ΕΥ̓ΡΙΠΙΔΟΥ

παύσας €@’ ἱστοῖς δμωίδας κεκτήσομαι. στείχοιμ᾽ ἄν: ὅτι γὰρ μὴ χρεὼν οὔτοι χρεὼν παθεῖν. ἀτάρ τοι τῶνδ᾽ ἄποιν᾽ ὑβρισμάτων μέτεισι Διόνυσός σ᾽, Óv οὐκ εἶναι λέγεις" ἡμᾶς γὰρ

ἀδικῶν

κεῖνον ἐς δεσμοὺς

ἄγεις.

᾿Ἀχελώιου θύγατερ, πότνι᾽ εὐπάρθενε Δίρκα, σὺ γὰρ

ἐν σαῖς ποτε

515

str.

520

παγαῖς

τὸ Διὸς βρέφος ἔλαβες,

ὅτε μηρῶι πυρὸς ἐξ ἀθανάτου Ζεὺς ὁ τεκὼν ἥρπασέ νιν, τάδ᾽ ἀναβοάσας: Ἴθι, Διθύραμβ᾽,

ἐμὰν &p-

σενα τάνδε βᾶθι νηδύν: ἀναφαίνω σε τόδ᾽, ὦ Βάκχιε, Θήβαις ὀνομάζειν. σὺ 8¢ W, & μάκαιρα Δίρκα, στεφανηφόρους

525

539

ἀπωθῆι

θιάσους ἔχουσαν ἐν σοί. τί u' ἀναίνηι; τί με φεύγεις; ἔτι ναὶ τὰν βοτρυώδη Διονύσου ἔτι ool τοῦ

χάριν olvag Βρομίου

535

μελήσει.

[οἵαν οἵαν ὀργὰν] ἀναφαίνει χθόνιον γένος ἐκφύς γε δράκοντός

ant.

ποτε Πενθεύς, ὃν Ἐχίων

540

ἐφύτευσε χθόνιος, ἀγριωπὸν

τέρας, οὐ φῶτα

βρότειον,

φόνιον δ᾽ ὥστε γίγαντ᾽ ἀντίπαλον θεοῖςὃς ἔμ᾽ &v βρόχοισι τὰν τοῦ

545

Βρομίου τάχα ξυνάψει, τὸν ἐμὸν 8' ἐντὸς ἔχει δώματος ἤδη θιασώῶταν σκοτίαισι κρυπτὸν

εἱρκταῖς.

ἐσορᾶις τάδ᾽, & Διὸς παῖ 537 del. Bothe

σκοτίαις k- ἐν LP

539 γε Herwerden:

550 τ LP

549 σκοτίαισι κρυπτὸν Bothe:

ΒΑΚΧΑΙ

Διόνυσε,

75

σοὺς προφήτας

ἐν ἁμίλλαισιν ἀνάγκας; μόλε, χρυσῶπα τινάσσων, ἄνα, θύρσον kar' Ὀλύμπου, φονίου δ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ὕβριν κατάσχες. πόθι Νύσας

555 ep.

ἄρα τᾶς θη-

ροτρόφου θυρσοφορεῖς θιάσους,

ὦ Διόνυσ᾽,

ἢ

κορυφοαῖς Κωρυκίαις; τάχα

δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς πολυδένδροισιν Ὀλύμπου

θαλάμαις, ἔνθα ποτ᾽ Ὀρφεὺς κιθαρίζων σύναγεν

δένδρεα

σύναγεν

θῆρας ἀγρώστας.

560

μούσαις,

μάκαρ ὦ Πιερία,

565

σέβεταί o' Εὔιος, ἥξει

τε χορεύσων ἅμα βακχεύμασι, τόν T' ὠκυρόαν

διαβὰς Ἀξιὸν εἷλισσομένας μαινάδας ἄξει Λυδίαν

τε τὸν εὐδαιμονίας βροτοῖς

ὀλβοδόταν πατέρ᾽, ὃν ἔκλυον εὔιττπον χώραν ὕδασιν καλλίστοισι λιταίνειν.

570

575

ἰώ, κλύετ᾽ ἐμᾶς κλύετ᾽ αὐδᾶς,

ἰὼ βάκχαι, ἰὼ βάκχαι. τίς ὅδε, τίς πόθεν ὁ κέλαδος

0s

=

ἀνά μ᾽ ἐκάλεσεν

580

Σεμέλας, ὁ Διὸς πτοαῖς. ,

» 1w, δέσποτα δέσποτα, μόλε vuv ἁμέτερον ἐς θίασον, ὦ Βρόμιε Βρόμιε. «σεῖε» πέδον χθονός, Ἔννοσι πότνια. & &,

=

Δι. Χο.

Εὐίου;

Ὁ ἰώ, πάλιν αὐδῶ,

579 πατέρ᾽, v Ferrari: πατέρα τε τὸν LP ἔνοσι LP

585 «σεῖε» Wilamowitz

535 Ἔννοσι Murray:

76

ΕΥ̓ΡΙΠΙΔΟΥ

τάχα τὰ Πενθέως

μέλαθρα

διατι-

νάξεται πεσήμασιν.

ὁ Διόνυσος ἀνὰ μέλαθρα: σέβετέ νιν. --- σέβομεν ὦ. εἴδετε λάϊνα κίοσιν ἔμβολα Βρόμιος

590

τάδε

διάδρομα;

ἅπτε

κεραύνιον αἴθοτπα λαμπάδα,

λάζεται στέγας

{ὅδ᾽Σ

ἀλα-

ἔσω.

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600

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610

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620

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650

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631

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635

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630

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655

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710

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730

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735

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740

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765

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820

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810

ἰδεῖν;

ὅμως &' ἴδοις &v ἡδέως & σοι πικρά; σάφ᾽ ἴσθι, σιγῆι γ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐλάταις καθήμενος. ἀλλ᾽ ἐξιχνεύσουσίν σε, κἂν ἔλθηις λάθραι. ἄγωμεν

800

825

BAKXAI

83

Δι. Πε. Δι. Πε.

ἐγὼ στελῶ Ot δωμάτων ἔσω μολών. τίνα στολήν; 7j θῆλυν; ἀλλ᾽ αἰδώς u' ἔχει. οὐκέτι θεατὴς μαινάδων πρόθυμος εἶ; στολὴν δὲ τίνα φὴϊς ἀμφὶ χρῶτ᾽ ἐμὸν βαλεῖν;

Δι.

κόμην

Πε.

τὸ δεύτερον

p£v ἐπὶ σῶι κρατὶ ταναὸν δὲ σχῆμα

τοῦ κόσμου

τί μοι;

Δι.

πέπλοι ποδήρεις:

Πε.

1) καί τι πρὸς τοῖσδ᾽ ἄλλο προσθήσεις

Δι. Πε. Δι. Πε.

θύρσον γε χειρὶ καὶ νεβροῦ στικτὸν δέρος. οὐκ &v δυναίμην θῆλυν ἐνδῦναι στολήν. ἀλλ᾽ αἷμα θήσεις συμβαλὼν βάκχαις μάχην. ὀρθῶς: μολεῖν χρὴ πρῶτον ἐς κατασκοπήν.

Δι.

σοφώτερον

Πε.

kol πῶς

Δι.

ὁδοὺς ἐρήμους ἴμεν: ἐγὼ

Πε. Δι. Πε. Δι.

πᾶν κρεῖσσον ὥστε μὴ ᾽γγελᾶν βάκχας ἐμοί. ἐλθόντ᾽ ἐς οἴκους {—v— x—-—. x—v— x> &v δοκῆι βουλεύσομαι. ἔξεστι: πάντηι TO γ᾽ &póv εὐτρεπὲς πάρα.

Πε.

Δι.

γοῦν

ἐπὶ κάραι

δ᾽ ἔσται μίτρα.

ἢ κακοῖς θηρᾶν

&iv ἄστεως

ἐμοί;

840

δ᾽ ἡγήσομαι.

ἢ τοῖσι σοῖσι πείσομαι

βουλεύμασιν.

γυναῖκες, ἁνὴρ ἐς βόλον

καθίσταται,

ἥξει δὲ βάκχας, οὗ θανὼν δώσει δίκην. νῦν σὸν ἔργον: oU γὰρ

843a 843b

845 848

847

&i πρόσω:

τεισώμεθ᾽ αὐτόν. πρῶτα δ᾽ ἔκστησον φρενῶν, ἐνεὶς ἐλαφρὰν λύσσαν: ὡς φρονῶν μὲν €U οὐ μὴ θελήσηι θῆλυν ἐνδῦναι στολήν, ἔξω δ᾽ ἐλαύνων

835

κακά.

εἶμι Καδμείους λαθών;

στείχοιμ᾽ &v- ἢ γὰρ ὅπλ᾽ ἔχων πορεύσομαι

Διόνυσε,

830

ἐκτενῶ.

850

τοῦ φρονεῖν ἐνδύσεται.

χρήιϊιζω δέ νιν γέλωτα

Θηβαίοις ὀφλεῖν

γυναικόμορφον ἀγόμενον 81 ἄστεως ἐκ τῶν ἀπειλῶν τῶν πρὶν αἷσι δεινὸς ἦν. ἀλλ᾽ εἶμι κόσμον ὅνπερ εἰς Ἅιδου λαβὼν ἄπεισι μητρὸς ἐκ χεροῖν κατασφαγεὶς Πενθεῖ προσάψων: γνώσεται δὲ τὸν Διὸς

855

843 lac. indic. Jackson, qui suppl. «οἷα χρὴ στειλώμεθα. Πε. ἐπίσχες: αὐτὸς» ἃν Aldina: &v Ρ post 846 trai. Wecklein (tum scribendum ἐλθών γ᾽ [Nauck] siue potius

ἐλθὼν δ᾽ [Meurig-Davies]) -σει P

844 εὐτρεπὲς Canter: εὐπρ- P

852 θελήσηι Aldina:

84

EYPITIIAQY

Διόνυσον, ὡς πέφυκεν &v τέλει Beds δεινότατος,

Χο.

ἀνθρώποισι

860

δ᾽ ἠπιώτατος.

ἀρ᾽ ἐν παννυχίοις χοροῖς

str.

θήσω ποτὲ Aeukóv πόδ᾽ ἀναβακχεύουσα, δέραν αἰθέρ᾽ ἐς δροσερὸν ῥίπτουσ᾽,

865

ὡς veBpós χλοεροῖς ἐμτταίζουσα λείμακος ἡδονοῖς,

ἁνίκ᾽ &v φοβερὰν φύγηι θήραν

ἔξω φυλακᾶς

εὐπλέκτων ὑπὲρ ἀρκύων, θωύσσων 8¢ κυναγέτας συντείνηι δράμημα κυνῶν, μόχθοις δ᾽ ὠκυδρόμοις

870

ἀελ-

λὰς θρώισκηι πεδίον παραποτάμιον,

ἡδομένα

βροτῶν ἐρημίαις σκιαροκόμοιό T ἔρνεσιν ὕλας;

875

τί τὸ σοφόν ἢ τί τὸ κάλλιον παρὰ θεῶν γέρας ἐν βροτοῖς ἢ χεῖρ᾽ ὑπὲρ

κορυφᾶς

τῶν ἐχθρῶν κρείσσω κατέχειν; ὅτι καλὸν φίλον αἰεί.

880

ὁρμᾶται

ant.

μόλις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως

πιστόν {τιΣ τὸ θεῖον σθένος: ἀπευθύνει

8¢ βροτῶν

τούς T' ἀγνωμοσύναν τιμῶν-

885

τας καὶ μὴ T& θεῶν αὔξοντας σὺν μαινομέναι κρυπτεύουσι δαρὸν

δόξαι.

δὲ ποικίλως

χρόνου

πόδα

καὶ

θηρῶσιν τὸν ἄσεπτον: oU γὰρ κρεῖσσόν ποτε TÓV νόμων 860 ὡς Jacobs: ὃς P &v μέρει εἰς

αἰθέρα

-κόμου P

Ρ

868

ἁνίκ᾽

Diggle:

883 Nauck

Diggle:

ἐντελής ἧν-

890

P

Hirzel

865

875-6

αἰθέρ᾽

εἰς

Musgrave:

σκιαροκόμοιό

Nauck:

BAKXAI

85

γιγνώσκειν χρὴ καὶ μελετᾶν. κούφα γὰρ δαπάνα νομίζειν ἰσχὺν τάδ᾽ ἔχειν, ὅτι TroT' ἄρα τὸ δαιμόνιον, τό T. ÉV χρόνωι

μακρῶι

895

νόμιμον

ἀεὶ φύσει τε πεφυκός. τί τὸ σοφόν ἢ τί τὸ κάλλιον παρὰ

θεῶν γέρας ἐν βροτοῖς

ἢ χεῖρ᾽ ὑπὲρ κορυφᾶς

900

τῶν ἐχθρῶν κρείσσω κατέχειν; ὅτι καλὸν φίλον αἰεί.

ep.

εὐδαίμων μὲν ὃς ἐκ θαλάσσας ἔφυγε χεῖμα, λιμένα δ᾽ ἔκιχεν: εὐδαίμων

δ᾽ ὃς ὕπερθε

μόχθων

ἐγένεθ᾽- ἕτερα &' ἕτερος ἕτερον

905

ὄλβωι καὶ δυνάμει παρῆλθεν. μυρίαι δ᾽ ἔτι μυρίοις εἰσὶν ἐλττίδες: αἱ μὲν τελευτῶσιν ἐν ὄλβωι βροτοῖς, αἱ δ᾽ ἀπέβασαν: τὸ 8¢ kot ἦμαρ ὅτωι βίοτος εὐδαίμων,

μακαρίζω.

σὲ τὸν πρόθυμον σπεύδοντά

910

ὄνθ᾽ ἃ μὴ χρεὼν

T ἀσπούδαστα,

ὁρᾶν

Πενθέα λέγω,

ἔξιθι πάροιθε δωμάτων, ὄφθητί μοι, σκευὴν γυναικὸς μαινάδος βάκχης ἔχων, μητρός τε τῆς σῆς καὶ λόχου kar&okorros: πρέπεις δὲ Κάδμου

θυγατέρων

μορφὴν

μιᾶι.

Tle.

καὶ μὴν ὁρᾶν

Δι.

καὶ ταῦρος ἡμῖν πρόσθεν ἡγεῖσθαι δοκεῖς καὶ σῶι κέρατα κρατὶ προσπεφυκέναι. ἀλλ᾽ fj ποτ᾽ ἦσθα θήρ; τεταύρωσαι γὰρ οὖν. ὁ θεὸς ὁμαρτεῖ, πρόσθεν OV οὐκ εὐμενής,

μοι δύο μὲν ἡλίους δοκῶ,

δισσὰς 8¢ Θήβας

ἔνσπονδος

915

καὶ πόλισμ᾽

ἑπτάστομον:

ἡμῖν: νῦν & ὁρᾶις & χρή o' ὁρᾶν.

8048 τάδ᾽ Willink: 1' P: τόδ᾽ Heath

910a ἀπέβασαν Diggle: -Bncav Ρ

920

86

ΕΥ̓ΡΙΠΙΔΟΥ

τί φαίνομαι δῆτ᾽; οὐχὶ τὴν Ἰνοῦς στάσιν ἢ τὴν Ἀγαύης ἑστάναι, μητρός γ᾽ ἐμῆς; αὐτὰς ἐκείνας εἰσορᾶν δοκῶ σ᾽ ὁρῶν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἕδρας ool πλόκαμος ἐξέστηχ᾽ ὅδε, οὐχ ὡς ἐγώ

νιν ὑπὸ

925

μίτραι καθήρμοσα.

ἔνδον προσείων αὐτὸν ἀνασείων T' ἐγὼ καὶ βακχιάζων ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν

ἡμεῖς, οἷς σε θεραπεύειν

πάλιν καταστελοῦμεν: Πε. Δι.

930

ἐξ ἕδρας μεθώρμισα. ἀλλ᾽ ὄρθου

μέλει, κάρα.

ἰδού, σὺ κόσμει: σοὶ γὰρ ἀνακείμεσθα δή. ζῶναί τέ σοι χαλῶσι κοὐχ ἑξῆς πέπλων στολίδες ὑπὸ σφυροῖσι τείνουσιν σέθεν. κἀμοὶ

δοκοῦσι παρά

τἀνθένδε fj πού

γε δεξιὸν πόδα:

& ὀρθῶς παρὰ

pe τῶν σῶν

τένοντ᾽

πρῶτον

ἔχει πέτπλος.

ἡγήσηι

φίλων,

ὅταν παρὰ λόγον σώφρονας βάκχας ἴδηις. πότερα δὲ θύρσον δεξιᾶι λαβὼν χερὶ ἢ τῆιδε βάκχηι μᾶλλον εἰκασθήσομαι; &v δεξιᾶι χρὴ χἄμα δεξιῶι ποδὶ αἴρειν viv: αἰνῶ &p' &v δυναίμην αὐταῖσι

935

940

δ᾽ ὅτι μεθέστηκας φρενῶν. τὰς Κιθαιρῶνος πτυχὰς

945

βάκχαις τοῖς ἐμοῖς ὦὥμοις φέρειν;

δύναι᾽ ἄν, εἰ βούλοιο: τὰς δὲ πρὶν φρένας οὐκ εἶχες ὑγιεῖς, νῦν δ᾽ ἔχεις οἵας σε δεῖ.

μοχλοὺς φέρωμεν ἢ χεροῖν ἀνασπάσω κορυφαῖς ὑποβαλὼν ὦμον ἢ βραχίονα; μὴ σύ γε τὰ Νυμφῶν διολέσηις ἱδρύματα

950

καὶ Πανὸς ἕδρας ἔνθ᾽ ἔχει συρίγματα. καλῶς

ἔλεξας: οὐ σθένει νικητέον

γυναῖκας: κρύψηι ἐλθόντα

θηρεύει, Lib. Hymn ο Artemis (Oration

5) 821).

1181 τίς ἄλλα; '/Who else [struck him]?': ἄλλα = ἄλλη. 1182-93 γένεθλα | ... θηρός '[Cadmus'] daughters laid hands on this beast — but after me, after me!’: Agave is proud of her leading role in the

‘hunt’ and her insistence on it (1198-9, 1215, 1233-5) magnifies the horror when she realizes the identity of her prey (1277-84). 8npós: cf. 4986—7, 1106-9nn., and θῆρα below (1190). 1184 μέτεχέ vuv Boivas: Agave's invitation to dine on Pentheus' remains

threatens to turn the regular feast following a sacrifice or hunt into an act of cannibalism (cf.

1242, where she bids her father to invite his friends to

it), thereby taking maenadic ‘raw eating' (ὠμοφαγία: 195—41n.) to a horrific extreme from which even the Bacchant chorus recoil. The frenzied killing and actual eating of children is found in the resistance-to-Dionysus myths of the daughters of Minyas (where the child, as here, is the son of one of them) and the daughters of Proetus (by contrast, Lycurgus kills but does not eat his son Dryas); for Euripides' possible influence on these myths,

see Introduction

83. μετέχω: deliberative subjunctive

(‘What am

I to share, you poor woman?’). TA&uov: the chorus express some pity for Agave (cf.

1200 & τάλαινα) and Cadmus

(1327 τὸ p£v σὸν ἀλγῶ, K&due) but

for Pentheus none at all (1031—42, 1153-64). 1185-7 νέος ... | ... θάλλει /The bullock is young and his cheeks [y£vuv - collective sg.] are just growing downy under his soft-haired crest': having been presented as a lion, an animal fit for the hunt (1141-2, 1174), Pentheus

is now perceived as the ideal sacrificial victim, full grown

but

young. Whereas Dionysus' bull-like form embodied the raw power of nature (99-100n.), Pentheus' symbolizes his youth and suffering, as he endures

(734747.

the σπαραγμός

already inflicted by the maenads

on

real bulls

1125-36nn.). γένυν ... | κατάκομον θάλλει: lit. 'is luxuriant as

regards his cheek

[so that it is] covered with hair'. &érraAórpixo: ἁπαλόθριξ

is attested only here. 1189-91

6 Βάκχιος kuvayéras:

436—7,

1020-3,

1144-7nn.

emphatically asserts the god's superior wisdom in life and offers a final response to the question of and how it is compatible with religious observance Dionysus' ultimate cogía was to turn the maenads just as Pentheus mistakenly praised the σοφία of

cogós σοφῶς

yet another aspect of what constitutes cogía (30, 200-3, 395nn.): against Pentheus. But the disguised god as

286

COMMENTARY:

Dionysus plotted to destroy him

1192-1200

(824), so here Agave tragically praises

the god's skill in helping to kill the ‘beast’ who is in fact her son. ἀνέττηλ᾽

(3rd sg. aor. of ἀναπάλλω, 'spur on’) suits the hunting context (cf. 149

ἰαχαῖς T 1192 hunting human ZaypeUs

ἀναπάλλων, also of Dionysus and the maenads). 6 yép &vat &ypeus: in the distorted world of tragic ritual the god's skills (cf. 138—9 ἀγρεύων | αἷμα τραγοκτόνον) are directed towards prey. The combination of sounds in ἄναξ ἀγρεύς may well evoke (a name understood as ζαταγρευς, *mighty hunter’), whose wor-

shippers are presented as 'performing feasts of raw flesh' in Euripides’

Cretans (fr. 472.12 τὰς ὠμοφάγους δαῖτας τελέσας; cf. 139 ὠμοφάγον xápw). Dodds (ad loc.) rejects the punning allusion because the ‘identifica-

tion' of Dionysus and Zagreus is not attested until Hellenistic times, but there need be no identification to make allusion possible or effective, and Cretans clearly presents ‘night-wandering’ Zagreus as a Dionysiac figure, associated (like Dionysus in the Bacchae) with the ecstatic rites of the Mountain Mother (a blend of Rhea and Cybele), together with the Curetes (120-2n.). Since Zagreus is associated above all with hunting and the underworld

(in Aesch. fr. 228, for example, he is the son of Hades),

an evocation of his powers is appropriate here, as Dionysus the hunter is invoked in a perverse celebration

(an inverted κῶμος and

μακαρισμός:

1166—7, 1169-71nn.) of Pentheus' death (857-8 εἰς Ἅιδου ... | ἄπεισι). 1193 Ay. ἐτταινεῖς; Xo. ἐτταινῶ: antiphonal question and response (repeated with speakers reversed at 1198 Xo. ἀγάλληι; Ay. yéyn8a) captures Agave's joyful but deluded perception of herself as a successful, praiseworthy hunter. 1195-6 xai τταῖς ye Πενθεύς ...: the chorus' interjection is callously sarcastic; on their lack of pity for Pentheus' fate, see note on 1184 TA&uov

above. patép’ ... | ... Aeovrogu& ‘will praise his mother for catching this prey, born of a lion’: for Agave's shifting perception of Pentheus, see

1169-71n. 1197 The chorus' praise (‘an extraordinary catch’) is accepted by Agave ('and extraordinarily caught') but the ambivalence of περισσός (427-9n.) marks their celebration as abnormal. 1198-9 ἀγάλληι; ‘Do you exult?': 2nd sg. present of ἀγάλλομαι. γέγηθα

‘I rejoice', perfect of γηθέω with present sense. μεγάλα ... | κατειργασμένα ‘having accomplished great things, great things for all to see, by this

hunt! Agave's emphasis on being seen (echoed by the chorus: δεῖξον . &oToiow, 1200-1) underlines her distorted self-perception: 1144-7, 1193, 1202-15nn. κατειργασμένα: nom. sg. feminine perfect participle of κατεργάζομαι. 1200—1 δεῖξόν vuv ... σὴν vixngópov | &croiciv &ypav: epinician imagery

(her success, ‘won by victory’, is to be displayed to the citizens) reinforces

COMMENTARY:

1202-1207

287

once again Agave's macabre triumph (1161-2n.). & τάλαινα: cf. τλᾶμον (1184n.). 1202-15 Agave summons the Thebans, including Cadmus and Pentheus, so they can admire the outcome of her and her sisters' ‘hunt’.

Her call serves as a cue for Cadmus' subsequent entry with Pentheus' dis-

membered corpse (1216). With her switch to iambics, Agave becomes more articulate and has a more lucid sense of herself, even if she is still deluded. She is now able to actively recall Pentheus, whereas previously the chorus had to bring him up and demarcate him from the Thebans in

general (1194-5).

1202 καλλίπυργον:

171—2n.

1203—4 ἔλθεθ᾽ ... | ... ἠγρεύσαμεν: θηρός (gen. of definition) depends on &ypav but is separated from it by the prolepsis of K&8uou θυγατέρες, which intensifies the focus on them as the perpetrators. ὡς ἴδητε: the god has achieved his goal (cf. 61 ὡς óp&i Κάδμου πόλις).

1205-10 Agave rejects the conventional (civilized) tools of hunting (nets and javelins), boasting instead of the women's success with their bare hands. The passage plays on cultural stereotypes (the ordered violence of the male hunt vs the savagery of the maenads) to emphasize the women's abnormal status as hunters; cf. 736, where the use of their bare hands (χειρὸς ἀσιδήρου μέτα) reveals the perversion of sacrificial ritual. 1205—7 oUk ἀγκυλωτοῖς Θεσσαλῶν στοχάσμασιν ‘not with the thonged

javelins of the Thessalians': a looped thong (&ykUAn), attached in the middle or towards the end, generated force and twist, aiding distance and accuracy (for an illustration see Dar.-Sag. 1.226—7 s.v. amentum). For the Thessalians' expertise in javelin throwing, cf. Hipp. 221—2, Xen. Hell. 6.1.9. στόχασμα (lit. *weapon for aiming' < στόχος ‘target’) is attested only

here (so too λογχοποιός below). ἀλλὰ ... | ... ἀκμαῖσι ‘but with the fingers of our pale hands'

(lit. *white-armed tips of hands’, transferred epithet):

λευκόπηχυς, an adjective extant elsewhere only at Phoen. 1951 λευκοπήχεις κτύπους χεροῖν, is a rare variation on AsukwAevos. Pale (i.e. feminine: 457-

9n.) hands would normally be expected to be delicate and gentle, but here they act as weapons, even outdoing those used by male hunters. ἀκμαῖσι, often used of a weapon's tip or blade, suggests the gruesome violence inflicted by the women's hands.

1207-8 κἄιτα ... | ... μάτην; ‘After that (κάιτα = καὶ εἶτα) should one boast while one needlessly gets weapons from spear-makers?’ Agave mocks

(male)

hunters for boasting of their prowess although they hunt

with weapons instead of their bare hands. It is unnecessary and 'enfee-

ble[s] the taunt' (Dodds) to change κάιτα κομπάζειν to Sandys! κάιτ᾽ ἀκοντίζειν ('after that should one throw the javelin and get ...?"). For καί κάιτα introducing 'surprised, indignant, or sarcastic questions’, see GP

288

COMMENTARY:

1210-1222

311; with the transmitted text the second καί means ‘at the same time as,

while’. λογχοττοιῶν ópyava, lit. ‘worked products of spear-makers', articu-

lates the opposition between male/civilized hunting technology and the

disordered violence inflicted by the women (1205-10n.). 1210 χωρίς ... διεφορῆσαμεν 'and we tore apart the beast’s limbs’: cf.

1137 κεῖται 8¢ χωρὶς σῶμα, and for διαφορέω used of σπαραγμός, see 739,

746.

1212-15 The practice of displaying the heads of hunted animals 15 ironically applied to the maenads' human victim, who is himself urged to nail up 'this lion's head'. πτηκτῶν

... κλιμάκων προσαμβάσεις:

a tragic

periphrasis for ‘ladder’ (lit. 'the steps of fitted ladders’), used at /T g7, Phoen. 489, 1173. τριγλύφοις: triple-grooved beam ends visible above the columns on the palace facade (cf. 591—3, /T 113, Or. 1372). 1216-58

Cadmus

enters with Pentheus'

body, its parts arranged on a

stretcher carried by servants (1900n.). Cadmus' mournful return from the mountain contrasts with his opening entrance, when he was eager to set off, his old age forgotten (188-9on.). 1216 ἄθλιον βάρος 'pitiable burden’: for the pathetic effect of old men as mourners, see 1305-7n. 1217 δόμων πάρος 'in front of the palace': preposition with gen., in anastrophe (736n.). 1218 μοχθῶν pupiois ζητήμασιν: lit. ‘toiling in countless searches’: the

present participle μοχθῶν, which here refers to past action, stresses the duration of Cadmus' toil. Tragic time is malleable, so that Cadmus can travel to Cithaeron, engage in 'countless searches', and return to Thebes

in the same

time that it takes Agave

to rush to the palace

(1165-6).

ζητήμασιν recalls oU ῥάιδιον ζήτημα (11939). 1220 διασταρακτόν ‘torn to pieces': on the σπαραγμός of Pentheus, see

1125-936n. κοὐδὲν ... wédou 'and with no two pieces [lit. nothing] on the same spot of ground’: the partitive genitive πέδου (restored by Jackson 1955: 187 n. 1) is more precise and was corrupted to agree with ταὐτῶι.

[1221] The detail ‘lying in a wood that was hard to search [lit. in a wood where finding is hard]' clumsily repeats the idea of searching and refers

to only some of the body parts' locations (see 1137—9), and the verse has been interpolated to give κοὐδὲν &v ταὐτῶι πέδου a verb of its own. 1222-6 Cadmus recalls what he heard about his daughters and his response. vou (= rwos) goes with ἤκουσα, ‘I heard from someone’; another (or possibly the same) anonymous Theban tells him of Agave's arrival (1230 εἶπέ τίς poi). θυγατέρων τολμήματα ‘my daughters’ brazen acts’. ἤδη

... βεβώς: his initial return from Cithaeron explains why he was unable to intervene to prevent his daughters' horrific attack. κάμψας 'having returned

[lit. doubled back]’; cf. 1069.

COMMENTARY:

1227-1233

289

1227 AxTaiwv’: by once more activating the audience's knowledge of the Actaeon myth Cadmus reminds them of Pentheus' failure to heed his

earlier warning, a failure which has resulted in Pentheus too being torn

apart in a hunt (337—40n.).

1229 ἔτ᾽ ... ἀθλίας 'still struck with frenzy, poor women, among the thickets'. oiorpomAfjyas: for the maenads 'stung' to madness, cf. 32—3,

117-19nn.

1230-1 τὴν 8' ... | ... Ἀγαύην ‘but the other, Agave, someone told me was

coming here on frenzied feet': in this kind of expression the article has its original demonstrative/pronomial force (with uév and 8¢ denoting an

opposition, ‘these ones ... but the other’) and the delayed proper name

stands in apposition (cf. Collard on Supp. 740—4). οὐδ᾽ ἄκραντ᾽ ἠκούσαμεν,

lit. ‘nor did I hear [i.e. what he said about Agave] to no purpose [neuter pl. adv.]’, is explained by the following verse (ydp). 1232 ὄψιν οὐκ εὐδαίμονα (acc. in apposition): emphatic

litotes;

for

Agave’s rejection of her chance to enjoy Dionysiac ‘blessedness’, see 1257-8n. 1233—7 Agave glories in rejecting her normative role as a woman, proud to have abandoned weaving (the prime symbol of female domesticity: cf. 514 ἐφ᾽ ἱστοῖς Suwidas κεκτήσομαι) for the male domain of the hunt;

but her transgression of cultural roles, caused by her refusal to acknowledge

the divinity of Dionysus

(26-36),

has led to disaster

(1141-2n.).

Bacchism may blur the boundary between the sexes by giving women temporary liberation, but in patriarchal ideology an ordered society depends on the categories remaining intact the rest of the time, and therefore on good conduct for women consisting in them not behaving like men (Introduction

§4a). In claiming that she and her sisters are the world's

‘best daughters', Agave implies that to be ἀρίστη as a woman/daughter is to cease to behave like a woman at all. (For a discussion of ἀρετή for

a woman

as being different from that of a man, cf. Pl. Meno 71e—73a.) κομπάσαι ... | ... θυγατέρας: from the patriarchal perspective of the fifth-century audi-

ence, where respectable women were best not spoken of at all in public (cf. Thuc. 2.45.2, Schaps 1977), κομπάσαι (‘boast’) is per se a paradoxical word to apply to daughters, let alone when the father's boast concerns their abandoning

the household

for masculine

pursuits.

ἐξόχως

& ἐμέ:

parents deserve praise for their children, but it should be expressed by others; Agave's immodesty reinforces her abnormal μακαρισμός (1169-71,

1242—-3n.). Moreover, her repeated emphasis on her achievements (cf. 1179, 1183a, 1195, 1199) suggests that Agave fails to understand how to be a truly Dionysiac follower: she is interested in personal aggrandizement rather than true devotion and subordination to the god (as we see in the chorus' descriptions of Bacchism: e.g. 64—7, 73—7, 152—69). This

290

COMMENTARY: 1238-1249

is a flaw in her family, as when Cadmus justifies the worship of Dionysus on grounds of personal interest (181-3, 333-6nn.). And it is particularly

ironic here, as the more Agave boasts of her glory, the more tragic it is

when she realizes the truth of what she has done. rrap' ἱστοῖς éixhimolica κερκίδας: 117—-19n. θῆρας ... xspotv: 1205-10n.

1238-40 iv ὠλέναισιν ... | ... δέξαι χεροῖν: Agave removes Pentheus’

head from her thyrsus and holds it in her hands (1277, 1280, 1284).

τάδε | ... τἀριστεῖα, ‘this prize for excellence

[collective pl.]', continues

Agave's celebration of her bravery and success in the hunt (1234 ἀρίστας). ἀγκρεμασθῆι: grd sg. aor. pass. of ἀνακρεμάννυμι, 'so that it might be hung up as a dedication’.

1241-2 γαυρούμενος: masc. nom. pres. part. of γαυρόομαι, ‘exult’, ‘take

pride in', with dat. κάλει φίλους ἐς δαῖτα: for the shocking perversion of

sacrificial and hunting imagery such a feast would involve, see 1184n. 1242-9 μακάριος γὰρ d, | μακάριος: Agave includes her father in her deluded μακαρισμός (1169-71n.). 1244-5 & πένθος ... | ... ἐξειργασμένων ‘O grief that cannot be measured

or looked upon, since you have committed murder with wretched hands.” Some suspect these verses on the grounds that ofév τ᾽ ἰδεῖν must mean ‘that

cannot see' and because the subject (scil. ὑμῶν) of the genitive absolute is omitted, but the formeris similar to expressions like ἄξιον ἰδεῖν (‘worthy to be

seen’) and the gen. abs. without expressed subject is well attested elsewhere

in tragedy (Mastronarde on Phoen. 70 οἰκούντων ὁμοῦ, Diggle 1994: 226, KG ii.81). There is therefore no need to delete or (as Kovacs 1991: 3445 does)

propose a lacuna. & πένθος: 367n. ἐξειργασμένων: Cadmus deliberately picks

up Agave's use of the word (1243), refuting her claim of blessedness.

1246 καλὸν ... δαίμοσιν 'Fine is the victim you have struck down for the

gods': Cadmus refers ironically to the perverted 'sacrifice' of Pentheus

(1043-1152, 1114-15nn.).

1249-50 ἐνδίκως piv &AX &yav ‘justly, to be sure, but to excess': Cadmus acknowledges that the punishment of his daughter, his grandson, and

himself was just (ἡμᾶς includes Cadmus too: cf. 1344, 1377-8) while also criticizing its severity (cf. 1346), since Dionysus was 'born a member of

our family'. Word order is significant here: Cadmus accepts the justice of Dionysus' punishment before complaining of its excessiveness. As is

typical of Greek tragedy, Bacchae uses the duality of the divine and its capacity for harsh retaliation to generate sympathy and pity for human

suffering (859-61n.). But the audience's pity is balanced against their awareness of human

error and

the gods' legitimate claim to honour

(Introduction 84c). Βρόμιος ἄναξ: the additional description of & θεός fore-

grounds Dionysus' power and authority (for the name ‘Loud-Roarer’, 566

65—7n.). οἰκεῖος γεγώς: for Cadmus, family loyalty is what matters most of

COMMENTARY:

1251-1256

291

all (333-6n.), but from Dionysus' perspective the very same connection makes his rejection by his kinsfolk (his aunts Agave, Autonoe, and his cousin Pentheus) all the more insulting.

and Ino,

1251—2 ὡς δύσκολον ... | ... σκυθρωτπόν ‘How ill-tempered old age is

among

men

and how sullen its face!’: Agave, still in her euphoric state,

cannot understand why Cadmus is so disconsolate and puts it down to his age. The ancient Greek stereotype of the elderly as miserable and bad-tempered (discussed by Falkner 1995: 248-9) is a staple of Greek comedy (e.g. Men. Dys.) and is used for varied effects in tragedy: cf. e.g. Alc. 614-740 (Pheres), Andr. 689, 727-8, (Peleus), Or 459-629 (Tyndareus), Soph. Aj. 1008-18

(Telamon).

1252—6 Agave's description of Pentheus implies an insult to his masculinity: he is not a good hunter and not a good warrior, unless it's against gods. 1252—5 εἴθε ... | ... τρότοις: Agave's wish that Pentheus might follow his mother's example and learn to hunt well is not only grimly ironic (since he has been ‘hunted’ to death) but also plays with the topos of a parent's (usually a father's) wishes for their child's future development: cf. Hector and Astyanax (/l. 6.466-81), Ajax and Eurysaces (Soph. Aj. 545-77). Just as the epic audience's awareness that Astyanax is doomed to be killed by the Achaeans makes Hector's wish intensely poignant, so the effect is compounded here by the audience's recent experience, in a vivid messenger speech, of Pentheus' brutal death at the hands of his mother. Moreover, while Hector and Ajax speak directly to their living sons and embrace them, Agave hopes to be admired by hers (1257-8) as she brandishes his severed head (1141-2, 1233—7nn.). ὁττότε ... | .. ὀριγνῶιτ᾽ ‘whenever he hunts for animals with the young men of Thebes': the presence of both &v and &pa (‘among ... together’) in the MS text is

suspicious since there is no obvious reason to emphasize such a detail; ὁπότε is preferable to ὅπως and is closer to P's ὅτ᾽ év. ὀριγνῶιτ᾽: grd sg. present optative of ὀριγνάομαι; the sense *hunt for' (with genitive), which is found only here, is an easily understood extension of the verb's standard meaning 'stretch out one's hand for', but it also evokes the gruesome

role played by the maenads' hands in the killing of Pentheus (1109-10, 1128, 11935-6, 1163-4, 1205-10nn.). 1255—6 ἀλλὰ θεομαχεῖν ... | ... ἐκεῖνος: Agave articulates the essence of the drama,

unaware

of her son's already fatal encounter with Dionysus,

acting through her. Pentheus' presence as a severed head in her bloodstained hands (1163-4) shows the inevitable result for both of ‘fighting against gods' (45-6n.). 1256—7

νουθετητέος ...

σοὐστίν (verbal adj. from νουθετέω)

'You must

warn him, father': Agave is unaware of Cadmus' unsuccessful attempt to

202

COMMENTARY: 1257-1259

advise Pentheus (330-44). Itis Agave herself whose νοῦς will be restored to sanity, with Cadmus' assistance (1269-70 γίγνομαι 8¢ πως | ἔννους). σοὐστίν

= σοί ἐστίν (crasis): when a diphthong with : merges with a following word,

the 1is lost (cf. 279 κἀσηνέγκατο), and o + & contracts to ov (CGCG 1.45).

1257-8 τίς ... & ... καλέσειεν; ‘I wish that someone would call him

here before me [lit. who might call him ...?]*: for such imperatival/ optatival questions to stage extras, a common dramatic technique, see Mastronarde

1979:

14-18. ὡς ἴδηι pe τὴν εὐδαίμονα clashes with Cadmus"

ὄψιν οὐκ εὐδαίμονα (1232) and her own visible condition as a deranged infanticide (cf. 1180 μάκαιρα). Agave could have obtained the blessings offered by Dionysus (73—7 & μάκαρ, ὅστις εὐδαίμων ...; 424-6, go2-11nn.),

had she not refused to believe in his divinity (26-31, 1297n.). 1259-97 Cadmus succeeds in bringing his daughter to her senses in a

powerful scene of stichomythic question and answer. He asks first about their surroundings and then focuses on Agave herself, leading her to

recall her identity and her son, whose severed head she finally recognizes.

In Heracles Amphitryon helps his son recognize his own act of divinely

induced infanticide (1109-52), but his manner is much more direct, e.g. "Look, see the corpses of these children’ (1131; by contrast, Ajax gradually realizes without prompting what he has done in his god-sent mad-

ness: Soph. Aj. 305-10). Cadmus' introspective technique has been called ‘the first surviving account of an insight-and-recall oriented psychother-

apy' (Devereux 1970: 35) and Sigmund Freud acknowledged that many of his psychoanalytic ideas were anticipated in ancient literature, espe-

cially tragedy (Bowlby 2009). Fifth-century Hippocratic texts offer physiological cures (diet and drugs) for such conditions as epilepsy and mania,

but ‘talking therapies' were probably practised in day-to-day treatment of

those deemed insane and were of course one of the few things available

to ordinary people when faced with raving relatives (in Ar. Vesp. a son

imprisons his *mad' father at home and suggests treating him with hellebore: 125-32, 489). As spoken drama, tragedy naturally foregrounds the

power of words and human relationships; in Orestes, for example, Electra

seeks to comfort her brother by persuading him that the attacking Erinyes are merely hallucinations (255-315). Here Cadmus' caring alleviation of his daughter's madness contrasts with Dionysus' mocking treatment of

the deluded Pentheus (cf. 912—76, esp. 966—70 on Pentheus' return ‘in your mother's arms’). 1259-62 φρονήσασαι ... ἐδράσατε | ἀλγήσετ᾽ ... | ... μενεῖτ᾽ ... καθέστατε

| ... εὐτυχοῦσαι δόξετ᾽: poetic plurals, referring to Agave alone; the guilt of her sisters comes into focus later in the scene (1289-97). φρονήσασαι:

nom. fem. pl. aor. participle with conditional force (CGCG 52.40), 'if you come to understand'. ἀλγήσετ᾽ ἄλγος δεινόν: cf. Soph. Aj. 259 (Tecmessa

COMMENTARY:

1263-1268

293

on what faces her husband) καὶ vóv φρόνιμος véov ἄλγος ἔχει. διὰ τέλους: in Euripides the two short syllables of a resolved fifth princeps (διά) are

usually the initial syllables of a four-syllable word, but in his latest plays they may also be part of a word group (Archelaus fr. 240.1 éu¢ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ o0, 1A 844 τὰ παρὰ σοῦ, 1414 διὰ μάχης). oUk ... δυστυχεῖν: lit. ‘not [in fact] being fortunate you will [merely] think yourself without misfortune’: the

juxtaposition of opposing verbs of ‘fortune’ articulates the gap between Agave's subjective perception (oUyi δυστυχεῖν) and her actual condition (oUk εὐτυχοῦσαι). Cadmus rejects the temptation to allow Agave to persist in her delusion even though the truth will leave her with a life of grief and shame. 1263 τί & oU καλῶς ... ἔχει; "What in these things is not good or what is painful?' For £yo + adverb meaning 'to be (in a ... state)’, a common

equivalent to εἰμί + adj., cf. 938 ὀρθῶς ἔχει, CGCG 26.11. The bewildered Heracles asks a similar question, πράσσω (HF 1114).

δ᾽ ἐγὼ Ti λυπρὸν οὗ δακρυρροεῖς;

1264-97 Cadmus' careful management of the conversation leads Agave to the recognition of Pentheus (1284); one would normally avoid shocking parents with the sight of their dead children (Supp. 941-8), and Agave's learning of her own role in his death (1286-9) makes it all the more harrowing. 1264—7 τόνδ᾽ αἰθέρ᾽: Cadmus begins by focusing Agave's attention on something external yet familiar; Heracles' return to consciousness is marked by his being able to see the sky, earth, and sun (HF 1089-990). i ... εἰσορᾶν; “‘Why did you suggest I look at this?' ἐξυττεῖττας (2nd sg. aor. of ἐξυπολέγω, a verb attested only here) derives from ὑτπεῖτον ‘say (by way of preface), suggest’ (an aor. with no present in use), plus the intensive prefix ἐκ-. αὑτός (with εἶναι understood), ‘to be the same'. uerafoA&s: Agave's

perception of change in the sky's appearance marks the first stage of her return

to sanity.

λαμπρότερος

... διειπτετέστερος

‘brighter

and

clearer’:

Agave's restored vision marks the first stage of her return to sanity. The

idea of vision (or seeing clearly) as knowledge is pervasive in Greek thought and embedded in the language, where to know is to have seen (ἰδεῖν). The etymology and meaning of the adj. διειπετής or διϊπτετής are much debated, but it is probably derived from Ζεύς * πίτπτω Or πέτομαι; it

is applied to rivers (fed by rain ‘fallen from Zeus’: /I. 16.174) and to birds

(‘flying in the sky': Hymn. Hom. Ven. 4), and here by extension to the αἰθήρ (the upper air or sky) in the sense ‘clear, translucent’ (cf. [Eur.] Rhes. 43 διειπετῆ 8¢ ναῶν πυρσοῖς σταθμά, where the sense is ‘bright, lit up"). 1268 16 ... wépa; ‘Does your mind still feel agitated?' rrron8év: aor. pass. part. of πτοέω, ‘excite’, 'set aflutter', used substantively, lit. ‘a state of agitation or giddiness [in the mind]’; cf. 214 ós ἐπτόηται.

204

COMMENTARY: 1269-1279

1269-70 When stichomythia is interrupted the irregularity is expressive

of an important moment in the action: cf. 845-6, 927-9nn., Alc. 1133-40, Hipp. 1057-63, EL 558-9, 573-4, Or 255-7, Diggle 1981: 110-11; here it marks the start of Agave's restored mental state (ἔννους). μετασταθεῖσα

*« φρενῶν: cf. 944 alvà δ᾽ ὅτι μεθέστηκας φρενῶν, referring to the opposite process in the deluded Pentheus. 1272 ὡς ... πάτερ "Yes, for I have forgotten what we said to one another

before, father'

(ὡς ... ye is used asseveratively: cf. Supp. 294, Ion 935):

Heracles and Orestes display similar amnesia as they return to their senses (HF1122 οὐ γάρ τι βακχεύσας ye μέμνημαι φρένας, Or. 216 ἀμνημονῶ yép, τῶν

πρὶν ἀπολειφθεὶς φρενῶν). & πάρος εἴπτομεν: ἴ.6. 1233-58.

1273-84 Having made Agave aware of her surroundings and her men-

tal state, Cadmus now enquires about her marriage and family (1273-6), and the recollection of her son leads into her recognizing the head in her hands for what it truly is. 1274 Σπαρτῶι ... ὡς λέγουσ᾽ ‘to one of the Sown Men, they say': 213, 540-1nn. 'Exiovi: contrast 1118-19, where Pentheus failed to prove his

identity to (the still frenzied) Agave by recalling her marriage to Echion. 1276 Πενθεύς ... κοινωνίαι ‘Pentheus, by my union with his father':

Pentheus' earlier boast of his joint heredity, Πενθεύς, Ἀγαύης παῖς, πατρὸς 8' Ἐχίονος

(507), which characterized him as rather simple-minded

and

pompous, is echoed here, but in circumstances that evoke sympathy for

him. For the sexual connotation of κοινωνία, cf. e.g. Amphis fr. 20.3 (of a man's impotence) ὁπότε γυναικὸς λαμβάνοι κοινωνίαν.

1277-8 Tivos . . ἔχεις; "Whose head, then, are you carrying in your arms?* πρόσωπον, lit. ‘face’, stresses that Agave must look directly at Pentheus and confront the truth. Since πρόσωπον can also mean an actor's mask, it adds to the play's use of theatrical allusion to heighten its tragic effect

(1165-1392n. ‘Staging’, Introduction §4a). δῆτ᾽ marks the new question's

inferential link to what has just been said (i.e. 1276 Πενθεύς). £v &yxéhars

evokes a mother embracing her child (cf. 699). Movros ... θηρώμεναι

"That ofa lion, or so the hunting women said, at least': ye marks Agave's

increasing uncertainty, while oi θηρώμεναι as subject shows her trying to separate herself from the frenzied θίασος as she begins to realize that the head is not what it seemed.

1279 σκέψαι ... εἰσιδεῖν:

ment

(βραχὺς ὁ μόχθος,

Cadmus leads Agave with idiomatic encourage-

‘it takes little effort’)

to the crucial moment

of

recognition. vuv ‘then, therefore’: the enclitic adv. or logical particle — to

be distinguished from the emphatic temporal adv. vàv (‘at this moment', ‘now’) — can be scanned short (as here, and in around thirty-five other

instances in Euripides) or long (e.g. Alc. 1077, IT 1203, Hel. 1419; L. P. E.

COMMENTARY: 1280-1208

205

Parker 1997: 404). ὀρθῶς: cf. 1062 (of Pentheus' wish to see ‘correctly’)

ἴδοιμ᾽ ἂν ὀρθῶς μαινάδων αἰσχρουργίαν. 1280 ἔα, τί λεύσσω; cf. HF

1132 (as the hero recognizes the bodies of his

children) οἴμοι- τίν᾽ ὄψιν τήνδε δέρκομαι τάλας; φέρομαι: the middle-passive voice has an indirect-reflexive meaning which indicates that the subject

has a special interest in (here, is traumatized by) the action expressed by

the verb (CGCG 35.8).

1282 ἢ τάλαιν᾽ ἐγώ: the substantivizing article ('I, the wretched woman') is idiomatic in expressions of self-pity (cf. 1284 fj τάλαιν᾽, Med. 277, 711, Hipp. 1066, 1374, etc.).

1283 μῶν introduces a question expecting a negative answer (CGCG

38.8). 1285 ὠιμωγμένον

... γνωρίσαι "Yes, mourned

recognized him’: cf. 1216-20.

[i.e. by me]

before you

1286-97 Now that Pentheus has been recognized, Agave needs to learn

(or recall) who

is responsible for his killing and mutilation. In contrast

to 1264-85, where Cadmus guided the conversation, it is Agave who now

asks the questions, and her more active role expresses her desire to under-

stand how her son's death came about.

1287 δύστην᾽ ... mrápa 'Miserable truth, how you come at the wrong

timel": i.e. too late to avert Pentheus' death. iv oU καιρῶι: the negative is

emphasized by being inserted between preposition and noun, a unique

variation on the standard οὐκ iv καιρῶι (Wackernagel 2009: 730, KG 1..197)-

1288 λέγ᾽

. . ixn 'Speak, as my heart is jumping at what is to come':

καρδία πήδημ᾽ ἔχει is in effect a periphrasis for φοβοῦμαι and governs τὸ

μέλλον (accusative) by a constructio ad sensum. The καρδία, like the θυμός, is a seatof the emotions, e.g. anger (Med. 590) or joy (EL 402); here it jumps’, but it may also ‘be undone’ (Med. 1042 αἰαῖ- τί δράσω; καρδία γὰρ οἴχεται).

1289 Cadmus glosses over the horror of how Pentheus died to spare Agave's feelings.

1290 ij ποίοις τόποις; ‘or some other place?': a form of ἄλλος is implied

(cf. Hec. 1264 ἢ ποίωι τρόπωι, IT

51 ἢ ποίαι τύχηι).

1291 οὔπερ ... κύνες ‘Where Actaeon's hounds previously tore him

apart': the mention of Pentheus' cousin suggests a shared family fate:

Actaeon too disrespected the divine by seeing what he should not, though in his case inadvertendy (337-40, 1227nn.). διέλαχον: lit. 'divided up’,

3rd pl. aor. of διαλαγχάνω, used here metaphorically. 1293 ἐκερτόμει ... μολῶν ‘He went there to mock

[lit. he tried to mock

(conative imperfect: CGCG 33.25), having gone there]': Cadmus has firsthand experience of Pentheus' ridicule (248-51n.).

296

COMMENTARY:

1294-1298

1294 ἡμεῖς ... κατήραμεν; 'But how did we turn up there?': Agave has no recollection of being driven from the city by Dionysus (32-8). κατήραμεν:

καταίρω (‘turn up’, ‘arrive’) is often used of birds 'swooping down'

(LSJ

II.1) and evokes the maenads' *wildness' and supernatural ease of movement (748 χωροῦσι & ὥστ᾽ ὄρνιθες ἀρθεῖσαι δρόμωι, 1090 ἦιξαν πελείας ὠκύτητ᾽ οὐχ ἥσσονες). 1295 πᾶσά T' ἐξεβακχεύθη πόλις 15 a slight exaggeration (true of all the

Theban women and only some of the men: 35-6, 195-6) but it conveys the god's desire for recognition by the whole city (39—40) and the fact that the entire city (not just its rulers) must face the consequences of its disrespect for him (748-64n.). The phrase also recalls πᾶν δὲ συνεβάκχευ᾽ ópos (726)

and expresses the intrusion of the wild energy of the moun-

tains into the city (for the play's blurring of the spatial polarities inside/ outside, oikos/polis, and polis/wilderness, cf. 32—9, 726—7nn.): the chorus' prediction αὐτίκα y& πᾶσα χορεύσει (114) has been fulfilled.

1296 ἄρτι μανθάνω: learning too late, already experienced by Pentheus (1111-13n.), is a leitmotif of tragedy: e.g. Alc. 940 ἄρτι μανθάνω, Med. 85

ἄρτι γιγνώσκεις τόδε, Hipp.

1401 οἴμοι, φρονῶ 87 δαίμον᾽ fj u ἀπώλεσεν. The

Bacchae offers a particularly harrowing version of the ‘late learning' plot (Introduction §2c), a story pattern already essential to the //iad's tragic

power and influence (Lowe 2000: 127-8). 1297 ὕβριν ὑβρισθείς Yes, he was utterly dishonoured and abused’: just as Pentheus had accused the stranger of ὕβρεις ὑβρίζειν (246—7n.), 50

here Cadmus uses a similar expression (in the passive: *be insulted or dishonoured', *be treated violently or abused’) to reinforce the extent of his

daughters' and grandson's insult to Dionysus (cf. 375, 516, 555, 1347), which ultimately stems from their refusal to believe that he is a god (θεὸν γὰρ οὐχ ἡγεῖσθέ viv). Cadmus' forceful reminder of Agave's and her sisters’ role in their family's ruin will be repeated at 1374-8 (see ad loc.). For ὕβρις against the gods, cf. Ar. Nub. 1506, N. R. E. Fisher 1992: 42, 142-8. 1298-1300 Attention turns to the rest of Pentheus' body and Cadmus indicates the remains he has managed to gather ‘with difficulty' (μόλις) from Cithaeron (1218-20). Wilamowitz thought 1301 originally followed

1297 and that 1298-1300 had been displaced from the lacuna following 1829, but it makes little dramatic sense for Cadmus to address (the dismembered corpse of) Pentheus directly and at length

(1308-24)

and

then be asked by Agave, ‘But the most beloved body of my son — where is it, father?' 1298 The position of the noun phrase 16 φίλτατον ... σῶμα at sentence beginning, before the interrogative ποῦ, marks it as (in the language of linguistic pragmatics) the ‘topic’, i.e. what the sentence is about

(cf. Dik 2007: 31—4). φίλτατον: for the superlative applied by a speaker to their son (s), cf. Supp. 793, Tro. 757, Ion 1409.

COMMENTARY:

1300

297

1300 1j ... καλῶς; ‘Has it all been decently fitted together, limb to limb [lit. in its sockets]?' συγκεκληιμένον: perfect middle-passive participle of συγκλείω, ‘link together'. Agave's question goes unanswered in our single

manuscript and several lines have probably been lost. The third-century

AD rhetorician Apsines reports that ‘Agave, the mother of Pentheus, hav-

ing been freed from her madness and having recognized her mutilated

son, accuses herself, and evokes pity ... Euripides, wishing to evoke pity for Pentheus, has done so in this way: for his mother, taking each of his limbs

in her hands laments over each one of them’ (Hammer 1894: 318-22; for the Greek text, see OCT p. 352). Most scholars have used this passage to argue that Agave performed a compositio membrorum, fitting together Pentheus’ mangled body herself (e.g. Whitehorne 1986: 65 ‘the composition of Pentheus' limbs by Agave represents the play's emotional high point’); some place her action in this gap, others (including Dodds) in the lacuna after 1329. However, Apsines does not describe Agave piecing together the fragments of Pentheus' body, but simply says that she took each limb in her hands

(ἕκαστον γὰρ αὐτοῦ τῶν μελῶν fj μήτηρ &v ταῖς χερσὶ

κρατοῦσα); nor do Christus Patiens 1466-8 (OCT p. 354), where Mary speaks of joining the head properly and completing the arrangement of the body as accurately as possible (σῶμ᾽ ἐξακριβώσωμεν εἰς ὅσον πάρα), prove

that Pentheus’ body was recomposed by Agave. Moreover, it seems odd that Cadmus would have expended so much effort collecting Pentheus’ body parts (a detail just re-emphasized at line 1299) only to pile them on a stretcher so that his mother, the person who mutilated him, could put

them together again (cf. Willink 1966: 44). Indeed, the Grand Guignol

effect of such a scene seems much

more

typical of Senecan

tragedy

(cf.

Sen. Phaedra 1256—68, where Theseus recomposes the disiecta membra of

his son Hippolytus), and a likelier scenario here is that Agave's question, ‘Has it all been decently fitted together?', elicited an answer along the lines of, ‘Yes, apart from the head which you hold in your hands’, which

in turn prompted Agave to add the head and deliver her lament as she picked up and caressed each part. (Many other surviving tragedies end, like the Iliad, in scenes of lament: Heracl., Hipp., Supp., HF, Phoen., Aesch.

Pers., Sept., Soph. Aj., Trach.) How much text has been lost is uncertain, but one would expect Agave's lament at least to match Cadmus' in length (1302-26)

and probably exceed it, given her closeness to Pentheus and

her guilt and grief as his killer. (For an attempt to reconstruct Agave's speech and a compositio membrorum from the laments of Theotokos and the dialogue between Nikodemos and Joseph in the Christus Patiens [= OCT p- 3541, see Xanthaki-Karamanou 2022: 212-14.) Finally, if we consider the evidence of the first hypothesis (OCT p. 289 lines 14-18), Apsines, the Christus Patiens, and the papyrus fragments (which are in any case not

208

COMMENTARY: 1301-1305

certainly attributable to this play: OCT pp. 352-3), there is no sign that

Agave's lament was lyric (1168-99n.).

1301 ΠΕενθεῖ ... ἐμῆς; ‘But what share did Pentheus have in my mad-

ness?': Agave's question supports the presence of a self-critical lament in

the preceding lacuna, which may also have contained the phrase (quoted by a scholiast on Ar. Plut. 907 as coming from the Bacchae), & μὴ yàp

ἴδιον ἔλαβον & xépas μύσος, 'for if I had not taken private pollution into my hands' (fr. 847). But although she has moved from simply blaming

Dionysus (1296) to focusing on her own state of mind (àgpocóvn), Agave, unlike Cadmus, never openly accepts her responsibility for what has happened to her family (1374-6n.). 1302-26 Cadmus' lament for Pentheus presents a view of Pentheus’ past that shows him in a much more sympathetic light than his actions earlier in the play had, while also being consistent with the attitude and

behaviour he has displayed. Cadmus emphasizes Pentheus' touching con-

cern for his grandfather, but he also describes him as inspiring fear in the city (1310) and quick to deal out punishments (1312, 1322). Thus,

the audience's potential pity for Cadmus' loss is tempered by their awareness of Pentheus' aggressiveness, and despite Cadmus' praise for the dead man (a topos of funeral speeches), his eulogy begins and ends by stressing

Pentheus' failure to worship Dionysus (1302, 1325-6).

1304 ὥστε + inf. expresses an intended result (CGCG 40.9), 'so as to

destroy our house and me as well'. 13057 ἄτεκνος ἀρσένων παίδων: for the gen. of separation with a cognate privative adj., cf. e.g. Andr. 612 παίδων ἄπαιδας, 714 ἄπαιδας ...

πέκνων, Supp. 35 πολιὰς ἄπαιδας τάσδε μητέρας τέκνων, Hel. 524 ἄφιλος φίλων,

Breitenbach 1934: 192.9. The addition of ἀρσένων is significant, for the play elides the mythical tradition (present elsewhere in Euripides: Phoen.

8-9; cf. Hes. Theog. 978, Soph. OT 267-8, Hdt. 5.59) of Cadmus' son

Polydorus to underscore the obliteration of his line; cf. 43—4n. (Polydorus

was fatherof Labdacus, who begat Laius, the father of Oedipus, and so con-

nected two of the most famous families of Theban legend, Cadmeans and Labdacids.) This enhances our sense of Cadmus’ grief, but also emphasizes the disastrous consequences of his family's rejection of Dionysus. rfjg ... νηδύος ‘this offspring of your womb, poor woman': the familiar image

of the young person as a still growing tree or plant (ἔρνος: e.g. Π. 18.56—7, Od. 6.157) evokes pity for Pentheus' untimely death; cf. Hec. 20, where

the ghost of Polydorus laments his own murder: τροφαῖσιν ὥς Tis πτόρθος

ηὐξόμην τάλας. Epvos

. κατθανόνθ᾽: for the constructio ad sensum (ignor-

ing grammatical gender), cf. T»o. 740 τιμηθεὶς τέκνον, 1180 ἐκβαλών, φίλον

στόμα, KG i.53-4. αἴσχιστα ... κατθανόνθ᾽ 'so shamefully and foully killed': the inversion of generations, with parents or grandparents mourning the

COMMENTARY: 1308-1310

299

death of their children or grandchildren, is a typically tragic motif: cf. Peleus and Neoptolemus (Andr), Iphis and Evadne (Supf.), Amphitryon

and

Heracles

(HP),

Oedipus

and

Polynices

and

Eteocles

(Phoen.);

the

locus classicus is Iliad 24.486-506, where Priam mourns the death of his

many sons, especially Hector. Significantly, the Iliadic passage begins with Priam reminding Achilles of his aged father Peleus, who may currently be

(Priam suggests) vexed by neighbours and without Achilles at home to

protect him, and the same idea (the vulnerability of the elderly) is used in

a self-pitying fashion by Cadmus as he recalls how Pentheus used to ask if anyone was troubling him (1520-2) and laments the insults and dishonour awaiting him without his grandson (1310-14). 1308-10 ὧι δῶμ᾽ ἀνέβλεφ᾽ (= ἀνέβλεπε) ‘through whom [instrumental dative] the house was able to see again": after the (metaphorical) blindness caused by Cadmus' lack of sons, Pentheus enabled the house to

regain its sight; for the male heir as the 'eye' of the house, cf. Andr. 406,

Aesch. Pers. 169, Cho. 934, and for a royal house ‘seeing again' through the return or discovery of its heir, cf. Jon 1466—7 & τε ynytvéros δόμος

οὐκέτι νύκτα δέρκεται, | ἀελίου 8' ἀναβλέπει λαμπάσιν, Aesch. Cho. 808 εὖ δὸς

ἀνιδεῖν δόμον ἀνδρός. ὃς συνεῖχες ... | ... μέλαθρον ‘you who held my palace

together': the image reminds us that Pentheus’ conduct has also led to

the palace’s physical destruction (576-60gn.). πόλει τε rápfos ἦσθα ‘and

you inspired fear in the city’: Cadmus, a former king himself, regards this as a positive characteristic, but his words serve as a reminder of Pentheus"

tyrannical qualities as well as of the protective role he plays within his own

family (215-62, 239-41, 345-51, 668-71, 775-6, 8ognn.); for a contemporary Athenian audience Pentheus' refusal to acknowledge others and

his propensity to violence chime with their own suspicion of autocratic rulers and non-democratic states (Introduction 84b).

1310-12 τὸν yipovra ... | ... κάρα ‘nobody, seeing your face, dared to

insult the old man': for the elderly as vulnerable, see 1305-7n. The same idea could be applied to the young: cf. /L 22.490-504, where Andromache laments that her son Astyanax will have no father to protect him from the

insults and beatings of other boys. εἰσορῶν ... | κάρα: Cadmus may well gesture to Pentheus' head before him; in any case this reference supports the idea that Agave added the head in the lacuna after line 1300 rather than

after line 1329 (see 1900n.). δίκην ... ἐλάμβανες ‘otherwise you would have exacted fiting punishment': both the regular meaning of δίκην

λαμβάνειν (‘to exact justice") and the desirability of maintaining Cadmus" pathetic second-person address to Pentheus support Hermann's correc-

tion of P's ἐλάμβανεν ('he would have suffered fitting punishment', where δίκην λαμβάνειν is used in the sense usually expressed by δίκην διδόναι). The conative imperfect ἐλάμβονες ('you were likely/already preparing to exact

300

COMMENTARY:

1313-1325

-..') expresses Pentheus' readiness to retaliate (though he never had to, since ‘nobody dared’). 1313-15 ἄτιμος ἐκβεβλήσομαι: Cadmus’ prediction is a natural one, given his dependence on Pentheus for protection and honour, but he cannot foresee the expulsion soon to be decreed for him and his surviv-

ing family by the god himself (1354—5, 1363, 1367, 1370, 1381-2). The future perfect (ἐκβεβλήσομαι)

stresses that a resulting state will exist (KG

1.179) - here the precarious and shameful life of an exile. 6 Ká&pos 6

μέγας emphasizes the radical reversal of fortune experienced by Cadmus and his family. ὃς ... | ... θέρος ‘who sowed the Theban race and reaped the fairest harvest': 263—5, 540-1nn. κἀξήμησα = καὶ ἐξήμησα, 1st sg. aor. of ἐξαμάω, ‘reap’.

1316-22 Cadmus elaborates the image of Pentheus as protector (1310—12); his sentimental recollections of his dead grandson are enhanced by direct speech as he quotes Pentheus' concerned enquiries. A Greek's primary duty was to their parents and grandparents, who deserved ‘honours on a par with the gods' (Aeschin. /n Tim. 28; Dover 1974: 273—4), and the play's elision of Echion enhances the bond between Cadmus and Pentheus (219n.). kai ... | ... Téxvov ‘for even in death you will nevertheless be counted among those dearest to me, O child’: the lengthy parenthesis expands on the vocative & φίλτατ᾽ ἀνδρῶν. ἀριθμήσηι: 2nd sg. future middle of ἀριθμέω, with passive meaning. γενείου ... xepi ‘touching this chin’: here a mark of familial affection, the gesture is common in scenes of formal supplication (e.g. Med. 709—10). τὸν μητρὸς αὐδῶν ττατέρα ‘calling me

"grandfather" [lit. your mother's father]’: the periphrasis, here a mark of

respect and affection, was in fact used by Pentheus (254 ἐμῆς untpos πάτερ) in reprimanding Cadmus for his ‘foolish’ Bacchism. ττροστττύξηι: 2nd sg. future of προσπτύσσομαι, 'embrace'. Tís ... Tis ... | rís: the threefold repe-

tition suggests Pentheus’ eagerness to protect his vulnerable grandfather (he had blamed Teiresias for leading Cadmus astray: 250-5, 343-6), but

also emphasizes his readiness to punish his fellow Thebans (ὡς κολάζω): cf. 1302-26n. ὡς κολάζω: the present (rather than future) makes the

result even more vivid (‘so that I can punish’). 1323—4 νῦν ... | ... σύγγονοι: the many sufferers

(ἐγώ,

σύ, μήτηρ,

σύγγονοι) and multiple synonyms for misery (ἄθλιος, TAfjuwv/-oves, οἰκτρά) stress the desolation of Cadmus' entire family.

1325-6 ὑπερφρονεῖ calls to mind Pentheus' contempt for the new god (45-6, 242—5, 272—4, 974-8, etc.). ἐς ... θεούς ‘let him look on the death of this man and believe in the gods’: belief in the gods is linked to tangible

signs of their existence (e.g. El. 583—4 fj χρὴ μηκέθ᾽ ἡγεῖσθαι θεούς, | εἰ τἄδικ᾽ ἔσται τῆς δίκης ὑπέρτερα), and the ruthless punishment of Pentheus has convinced Cadmus of Dionysus' divinity (contrast 333—-6). ἡγείσθω θεούς:

COMMENTARY:

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301

for the sense ‘believe in the gods’, first attested in the last quarter of the fifth century, cf. Hec. 800, El. 583—4 (quoted above), Ar. Eq. 52, Pl. Ap.

27d-e, Yunis 1988: 63-6, Versnel 2011: 558-9. 1327-8 τὸ piv cóv ἀλγῶ ... | ... ἀλγεινὴν 8t cot: in their final (extant) words before the coda (1388-92) the chorus (through their leader)

express sympathy for Cadmus (as they had for Agave: 1184n.) — who by mortal standards at least is disproportionately punished, since he did try

to honour the god - but they in no way regret the death of Pentheus, who has received ‘the justice he deserves' (δίκην | ... ἀξίαν; cf. 1312). By contrast, the audience are encouraged to feel compassion for Pentheus along with the rest of his family while remaining aware of their mistakes (1249-50, 1297, 1302—5; cf. 1165-1392n.). τταῖς τταιδός: this expression for ‘grandson’ is also used at Andr. 584, 1073, 1083 and lon 559, plays where the theme of the absent father (Neoptolemus, more prominent than Echion's is here (1316-22n.).

Apollo)

is even

1329 & πάτερ ... μετεστράφη Father, you see how much my fortunes have changed': if Agave's lament for her son came earlier (1300n.), the lacuna here probably featured further dialogue between Agave and Cadmus describing their misery, in addition to the opening section of Dionysus' speech as deus ex machina. When the text resumes Dionysus is addressing Cadmus and prophesying his and his wife Harmonia's future (1330-9). The ancient Aypothesis (or summary) reports Aióvucos δὲ ἐπιφανεὶς (τελετὰς) p£v πᾶσι παρήγγειλεν,

ék&o o

8¢ & συμβήσεται διεσάφησεν

(‘When Dionysus appeared, he announced his rites to all, and made clear to each person what would happen [to them]', OCT p. 289 lines 16-17). Diggle’s supplement τελετάς is highly plausible, first because the establishment of his rites in Thebes has been the god's stated intention from the very start of the play (39—40, 46—9, 465, 470-6, 1080-1), and secondly because cult aetiologies are a regular feature of the endings of Euripides' seventeen surviving tragedies (only A/c. and Tro. lack this element; the ending of /A is spurious) and are often delivered by a deus ex machina (Hipp., Andr., Supp., EL, IT, Ion, Hel., Or; on aetia in Euripides, see Walter 2020: 8-10). Moreover, Agave's remark (1387) ‘let other Bacchants care

for such things' (scil. the thyrsus and Mt Cithaeron) envisages the future worship of Dionysus at Thebes.

Indeed,

the lost beginning

of the god's

speech may even have included an outline of the establishment of his cult

in the rest of Greece, as alluded to in the prologue (20—4, 48—50; cf. 272—

4, 306—9, 402-16, 556—75). Finally, as the Aypothesis suggests (ἑκάστωι δὲ & συμβήσεται διεσάφησεν), and as the surviving ending makes clear, Dionysus

must also have announced the punishment of Agave and her sisters by exile (1363—70, 1381-2; cf. Christus Patiens 1674—7, 1756 [= OCT p. 3551, Xanthaki-Karamanou 2022: 214-16).

302

COMMENTARY:

1330-51

1330

Dionysus thus far has been disguised as a human

(4, 53—4

stress his capacity to change his apparent form). Now he enters as a manifest god (the actor having changed both costume and mask), taking the form familiar in fifth-century Athenian cult: a mature Greek male, with

full beard and dignified expression (4, 439nn.). His authority is further enhanced by his position: his initial entry in human form was at ground level, but now

he appears

crane

was made

on the roof of the stage building, known

as

the θεολογεῖον, underlining his identity and status and the gulf in both feelings and attitude between the lamenting mortals and their vengeful divine relative. Mastronarde 1990: 284 suggests that Dionysus' arrival by (μηχανή)

explicit in the lacuna; this is possible, but the

god's status and power would be sufficiently clear without it. (Incidentally,

since there is no reason to assume the use of the μηχανή unless there 15 reference to flying (e.g. Andr. 1228-9 λευκὴν αἰθέρα | πορθμευόμενος) and

many gods appear without it, the common term deus ex machina 15 slightly misleading.) In extant tragedy the deus ex machina is deployed once by Sophocles

(Phil), but 15 standard for Euripides

(only Heracl.,

Tro., and

Phoen. lack such a scene); for its engagement of the audience's religious imagination, cf. Budelmann 2022. Though Aristotle later criticized the deus ex machina ending when it ‘did not arise from the plot itself' (as in Medea, according to Aristotle), he praised its use 'for events outside the

play, whether earlier events of which a human cannot have knowledge, or future events which call for a prospective narrative; for we attribute to the gods a vision of all things' (Poet. 1454a37-b6), and its prospective use 15 evident here, as Dionysus prophesies from on high the fates of the surviving characters. 1330—43 With Pentheus dead, Dionysus decrees the punishments awaiting the rest of his family. Agave and her sisters are polluted killers and exile is the inevitable outcome of their crime. And although Cadmus encouraged the god's acceptance, he too, as head of the offending family, is exiled, and the consolation of eternal life in the Land of the Blessed (1338-9) does little to allay his grief and suffering (1954—62). Appropriately, having encouraged Dionysus' acceptance for pragmatic reasons of family loyalty (333-6n.), Cadmus now faces the consequences of his family's rejection of the god. Harmonia army, will at Delphi,

Exile, however, is not the end of Cadmus' story: he and his wife will be transformed into snakes and, at the head of a barbarian conquer many Greek cities, before eventually being defeated rescued by Ares (Harmonia's father), and transported to the

Land of the Blessed. As is typical of deus ex machina speeches, these further details of Cadmus' fate integrate Euripides' version of events within the wider tradition of Theban myth

(cf. Castiglioni 2020), but also innovate

to suit the needs of the play (see further below).

COMMENTARY:

1330

303

1330—2 δράκων ... | ... τύπον ‘... you will change and become a snake, and your wife, transformed into a beast, will take on the form of a serpent’. ἀλλάξει TUTrov: for the idea of 'exchange' in ἀλλάσσω (Attic ἀλλάττω), cf.

ἀλλάξας ἔχω (53—4): as Dionysus took on mortal form in exchange for divine, so Harmonia will take on that of a snake in exchange for human. Cadmus and Harmonia's transformation into snakes (like that of Hecuba into a dog at the end of Hec.) is not attested in earlier literature or art, and its emphatic double expression (δράκων ... μεταβαλών ... ἐκθηριωθεῖσ᾽ ὄφεος ἀλλάξει τύπον) may suggest innovation by Euripides. For humans, animal

transformation is generally a punishment (Forbes Irving 1990, esp. 18 and 310-12 on Cadmus and Harmonia), and the idea of snakes may have arisen from Cadmus' slaying of the serpent that impeded his foundation of Thebes (263-5n.). In addition, Dionysus himself was urged to appear as a ‘many-headed serpent’ by the chorus (1017-19n.) and snakes are Dionysiac creatures (1153-5n.). Thus, Cadmus' snake metamorphosis represents his true surrender to Bacchism, in place of the self-motivated adoption

of Bacchic

ritual we saw at the start of the play (181-3,

333-

6nn.), and shows once again Dionysus' ability to blur the categories that society depends on in normal life. The transformation into snakes before the attack on Greece is striking and unexpected, but it creates a suitably bizarre image (the snake-shaped Cadmus and Harmonia driving a cart at the head of a barbarian army) that intensifies the shameful invasion of their homeland. The theory that Cadmus was originally an oikoupós ógis, a city-founder who lived on as a protecting deity in snake form (like Erichthonius

at Athens),

is unlikely, since no source speaks of Cadmus

remaining as a snake at Thebes and his metamorphosis

is always con-

nected with his leaving the city. (Also, unlike Erichthonius, Cadmus is not a native earthborn founder, but an immigrant from Phoenicia: 171-2n.). Despite Cadmus' exile, he naturally remained a powerful presence at

Thebes in Euripides' day and beyond major cults, and the Cadmeia on the holy place (cf. Paus. 9.12.3). Little is Euripides in the late commentary of III.2, p. 333.29 Thilo-Hagen); Eur. fr.

as the founder of the city and its acropolis was always regarded as a known of the Cadmus attributed to ‘Probus’ on Verg. Ecl. 6.31 (Serv. 930 ('Alas, half of me is becoming

a snake; child, embrace the rest of your father!), attributed to Cadmus by Valckenaer (comparing Cadmus' similar words to Harmonia at Ov.

Met. 4.583—5) may suit a satyr-play or comedy rather than a tragedy. ἣν ... yeyws 'Harmonia, daughter of Ares, whom you, though a mere mortal, took to wife’: Harmonia, who acted as an attendant of her mother

Aphrodite

(Hymn. Hom. Ap. 194-6), is best known for her marriage to

Cadmus and their children Semele, Agave, Ino, Autonoe, and Polydorus

(Hes. Theog. 937, 975-8; cf. 1305—7n.). As a symbol of civic unity/&puovia

304

COMMENTARY:

1333-1339

(cf. Aesch. Supp. 1041), she was a fitting partner of the city's founder. Ἁρμονίαν, which stands in apposition to δάμαρ re o), has been inserted

in the relative clause and assimilated to the case of the relative pronoun (CGCG 50.15, Smyth 82539, KG 11.419-20). θνητὸς yeyws: the attendance of the gods at Cadmus' wedding was a particular sign of his privilege and

glory; but as Pindar emphasizes, Cadmus' blessed marriage did not assure

him a happy life (Pyth. 3.88—93). 1333-8

óxov

... | ... σχήσουσι

'Then,

as an oracle of Zeus

says, you

will drive a cattle-drawn cart with your wife at your side, leading barbarians, and you will destroy many cities with an innumerable army; but when they plunder the oracle of Loxias, they will have a miserable homecoming’: Cadmus' barbarian army is the Illyrian tribe of Encheleis, who

offered

Cadmus

refuge

after

his

expulsion

from

Thebes

(Hdt.

5.61), and whose army, an oracle predicted, would be destroyed after sacking Delphi (Hdt. 9.42—3). Many later sources depict Cadmus and Harmonia's transformation into snakes (and in some cases their posthumous cult) in Illyria, and Dionysus' simple reference to 'leading barbarians' (1334) suggests that the connection to Illyria was well enough known in Euripides' day to be referred to allusively (cf. Callim. fr. 11, Ap. Rhod. 4.516-18, Nic. Ther. 607—8, Ov. Met. 4.563-603, Lucan 3.189, Apollod. Bibl. 3.5.4). óxov 8t μόσχων ... | ἐλᾶις: an incongruous and shaming image, as Cadmus drives a cart pulled by young cattle (calves or heifers) rather than a chariot drawn by war horses. The story that Cadmus founded the town Βουθόη (‘Swift-ox’) in Illyria after ‘arriving swiftly on an ox-cart from Thebes' (&ri Boóv ζεύγους ἐκ OnBóv ταχέως ...

παραγενόμενος) is known only from a Byzantine source (Etym. Magn. s.v. Βουθόη)

and was probably created from a

conflation of this scene with

that of Cadmus' original founding of Thebes when he was ordered by

Delphi to follow a cow and found a city where it lay down (cf. Phoen. 639-41 τετρασκελὲς | uóoxos ἀδάματος πέσημα | δίκε). χρησμὸς ... Aiós:

Dionysus appeals repeatedly to his father’s authority (1340-1, 1349). Λοξίου ... | διαρττάσωσι: Dionysus' future worship at Delphi, predicted by Teiresias (306-9), enhances his disapproval of Cadmus' attack. νόστον ἄθλιον πτάλιν forms a unit: cf. Supp. 1209 κακὸν vóorov πάλιν, Hipp. 877 νόστον οἰκάδε, Or. 125 τῆς πάλιν ó800. 1339 μακάρων T’ ἐς αἷαν: the Land — or, more commonly, Isle(s) — of the Blessed is a privileged destination, located at the ends of the earth beside

the great river Oceanus and reserved by Zeus, according to Hesiod, for some of the heroes who fought at Thebes or Troy (Op. 167—73). In Homeric epic such a carefree existence is granted only to Menelaus, who will be conveyed to the ‘Elysian plain' because he is married to Helen and thus the son-in-law of Zeus (Od. 4.561-9; cf. Hel. 1676—7, Martin

COMMENTARY:

1340-1346

305

2020: 56); like Menelaus, Cadmus owes his exceptional fate to his fatherin-law, Ares. (Lucian merges the two traditions/locations in the True

History, where his Isle of the Blessed contains an Elysian plain: 2.4-19.) In

Pindar's account of the afterlife at Ol 2.68-80, it is the righteous conduct of Cadmus, Peleus, and Achilles over three cycles of reincarnation that leads to the Isle of the Blessed, though Achilles' inclusion also requires Thetis' persuasion of Zeus. (On early Greek views of the afterlife, reincarnation, and immortality, see Long 2019: 7-28.) However, Cadmus finds

no comfort in the prospect of such a blissful existence (1952—-62). cóv

καθιδρύσει Biov ‘will settle you [lit. will establish your life]'. Spared death, a

person's Bios continues in the blessed afterlife: cf. Od. 4.565 on Menelaus'

conveyance to Elysium, *where life for mortal men is most full of ease’; for the afterlife as a continuation of life in Greek thought, see Edmonds

2020: 547—-52. 1340-1 οὐχὶ θνητοῦ πατρὸς ... | ... ἀλλὰ Znvós: Dionysus' prediction concludes with an assertion of his true divinity. 1341-3 εἰ ... | ... κεκτημένοι ‘If you had known to be sensible when you refused to be, you would now be happy, with the son of Zeus as your ally’: Dionysus spells out the lost benefits of his worship in a scornful contrary-to-fact condition, and the second person plural verbs (ἔγνωθ᾽ ... ἠθέλετε ... ηὐδαιμονεῖτ᾽)

reassert the folly of Cadmus'

entire family.

σωφρονεῖν:

showing good sense means believing in Dionysus as a god: 328-9, 11502nn. On the word's other key meanings in the play, see 314-18, 641nn. ηὐδαιμονεῖτ᾽: for the unique εὐδαιμονία granted by Dionysus, see 73—7, 424-6, 9o2-11nn. Manuscript P’s optative εὐδαιμονοῖτ᾽ is too cautious and polite, and the imperfect better suits Dionysus' decisive tone (cf. Rijksbaron

1991:

158-60).

σύμμαχον

recalls Pentheus'

fatal decision

in

favour of war (780-5, 809). 1344—51 Cadmus pleads in vain for the god’s mercy. This unusual passage of argumentative stichomythia following a deus ex machina speech (cf. Eur. El. 1292-1356) encapsulates the gulf between human hopes of divine understanding and restraint and the gods' ruthless assertion of their claim to honour, a productive tension which is central to tragedy's portrayal of human suffering and divine justice (Introduction 84c).

1344 ἠδικήκαμεν: Cadmus acknowledges his and his family's offences (cf. 1977—8), but like his grandson's admission of his mistakes, it comes too late and is not enough to avert the god's revenge (1118-21n.). 1345 8y’ ἐμάθεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς '"You came to realize too late who I am": 1111-13, 1296nn.

ἐμάθεθ᾽

... ἤιδετε: juxtaposed

verbs

of 'knowing'

reinforce

the

family's failure to acknowledge the divinity of Dionysus. 1346 ἐγνώκαμεν ... λίαν "We recognize this, but you exact punishment to an excessive degree': Cadmus repeats to Dionysus what he had said to

306

COMMENTARY: 1347-1348

Agave, that the god acted ‘justly, to be sure, but to excess' (ἐνδίκως μὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἄγαν, 1249-50n.). 1347 πρὸς ὑμῶν: for πρός * gen. expressing agency (as at 786, 788, 1377), see 28n. ὑβριζόμην: 566 1297n.

1348 ὀργὰς ... βροτοῖς ‘Gods ought not to be like mortals in their anger’:

Euripidean characters often expect the gods to be better than they actually

are: Hipp. 120 ‘Gods ought to be wiser than mortals'; Andr. 1164-5 ‘Like a bad man

he [Apollo]

remembered

old grudges;

how

then

can he be

wise?'; EL 971 'Phoebus, there was much unwisdom in your oracle!', 1246 *Wise though he is, his command to you was not wise'; HF 347 'You [Zeus] are either a stupid god or there is no justice in your nature’, 1307-8 ‘Who

would offer prayer to such a goddess [scil. Hera]?'; IT 384 ‘She [Artemis]

takes pleasure in human sacrifice’; Jon 442-3 ‘How can it be right that

you [gods] who prescribe laws for mortals should yourselves be guilty of

lawlessness?'; Or. 285-7 ‘I blame Loxias, who ordered me to commit a most unholy act, then supported me with mere words rather than deeds'. We need not regard these complaints as examples of a ‘progressive theology' since criticisms of divine wisdom vel sim. were a traditional feature

of Greek religious interaction (e.g. Il. 13.631—5, where Menelaus faults

Zeus for not being wise), but the intellectual climate of Classical Athens evidently accentuated the tension between optimistic/rationalistic and

traditional/tragic views of the gods, as intellectuals like Plato insisted that

gods and mortals should abide by the same standards and cited passages from tragedy and epic to show how these genres fell short of religious expectations (e.g. Euthphr. pe2-6a5, Resp. 2.377e-391e; Ar. Nub. 901—7 parodies this kind of intellectual argument). By contrast, tragedy's pitiful

depiction of human suffering rests on the traditional view of divine anger (which, despite the efforts of Plato and other critics, persisted in popular

thought throughout antiquity), whereby the gods’ impunity makes their

anger more terrible and uncompromising than that of humans. Cadmus" claim that the gods should be better than humans at controlling their

temper not only rejects this idea, but also clashes with the traditional conception of the gods as capable of cruelty as well as kindness (859-61n.).

Thus, Cadmus' confrontation with Dionysus presents a typically tragic contrast of human hope and divine reality. Euripides magnifies the gap between the idealizing view of divine conduct and the all-too-traditional

gods of myth, and does so not to question religious belief— after all, the

gods' capacity for harsh retaliation was a basic aspect of their identity — but to generate as much dramatic conflict and pity as possible. Insofar as

the audience share Cadmus' wish for a kinder Dionysus, their sympathy

for his and his family's suffering is enhanced, but this does not annul their

COMMENTARY:

1349-1351

307

awareness of the human characters' ὕβρις (1947) and the inevitability of divine retribution. 1349

πάλαι

... πτατήρ

‘Long

ago

Zeus,

my

father,

nodded

in assent

to these events': Dionysus invokes Zeus's support for his uncompromising response to being insulted (cf. 1333, 1340-1). This is not (pace Mastronarde 2010: 189) ‘an evasion rather than a convincing exculpation’: far from dodging the issue of divine harshness, Dionysus' response

to Cadmus insists that the gods' right to defend their interests at all costs is a fundamental aspect of their identity and operates within the overarching system of Zeus's authority (see e.g. Hipp. 1327—31 on Aphrodite's will and Zeus's support for the principle of non-intervention; Allan 2006, 2008b). Dodds and others (ad loc.) quote Winnington-Ingram 1948:

146, "The appeal to Zeus is an appeal to ultimate mystery, to a world-structure in which the forces Dionysus represents are an inescapable element.’ However, while the gods may be ‘inescapable’, there is no ‘mystery’ to divine retaliation, which operates with a stark clarity, and no *mystery' to Zeus's approval of it either. éréveuosv: for Zeus's magisterial nod, see //. 1.528-30.

1350 αἰαῖ ... puyai ‘Alas, it 15 settled, old man — miserable exile’: Agave understands divine justice better than Cadmus, who still thinks he can

negotiate logically with divinity for personal benefit, and she cuts him off (interrupting the stichomythic dialogue). δέδοκται ... @uyai: a singular verb is very occasionally followed by a plural noun (e.g. Phoen. 349 ἐσιγάθη σᾶς ἔσοδοι νύμφας, Pind. Pyth. 4.236 τέλεσεν ... πλαγαί, KG 1.68-9), but here guyai (singular in sense: cf. Hipp. 1043 ἔκτεινά τοί σ᾽ &v κοὐ φυγαῖς ἐζημίουν) is probably in explanatory apposition to the impersonal δέδοκται (‘it has been decided - exile’).

1351 Ti ... ἔχει; "Why, then, do you delay what must be?': Dionysus' final words are a blunt restatement of mortals’ necessary acceptance of divine power and supremacy (1349n.). He departs without showing any sympathy for the suffering of Cadmus

and Agave,

and leaves them

to express

pity and grief alone. Pace Mastronarde 1979: 96, who argues that 'there is no parallel for such an unmotivated departure of the deus’, Dionysus' sudden exit is well motivated: with the punishment of his enemies complete, the god need stay no longer. His reminder of what must be makes for a forceful parting remark (1377-8n.). ἀναγκαίως ἔχει: the god ends with an unanswerable

assertion of necessity; similar references to necessity, fate,

or the gods’/Zeus’s will are sometimes used in deus speeches to console the human sufferers onstage ( Hipp. 1433—4, 1436, Andr. 1268-9, 1271-2, El. 1247-8, 1290, 1301), but Dionysus' tone 15 far from comforting (com-

pare Castor's rebuke of Theoclymenus at Hel. 1646 o0 y&p πεπρωμένοισιν

308

COMMENTARY: 1352-1360

ὀργίζηι γάμοις). For &yc + adverb meaning Ο be (in a ... state)’, a common equivalent to εἰμί 4- adj., cf. 938, 1263, CGCG 26.11. 1352-62 Cadmus resumes his lamentation, unaffected by Dionysus" prediction of his ultimate translation to the Land ofthe Blessed (1338-9).

His catalogue of miseries repeats those contained in the surviving part of Dionysus' speech, apart from the reference to Agave and her sisters’

misfortune (1352-3), which confirms that the god also announced their

punishment by exile (1329n., 1363-70, 1381-2).

1353 «πάντες»: Kirchhoff's conjecture is taken from Christus Patiens

1700-1 & φίλος, ὡς εἰς δεινὰ φὴις ἐλθεῖν κακὰ ἄρδην ἐμούς.

πάντας, κἄμ᾽ αὐτὸν συγγόνους 1

1355 μέτοικος, ‘alien resident', reinforces Cadmus' sense of shame and dishonour at his forced emigration, and its combination with γέρων

enhances his pitiful condition. ἔτι & μοὐστὶ θέσφατον: Haupt's conjecture is preferable to P's ἔτι 8¢ μοι τὸ θέσφατον given the prevalence of the

phrase θέσφατόν ἐστι, ‘it is ordained'.

on σοὐστίν (1257).

μοὐστί: = μοι ἔστι (crasis); 566 note

1356 μιγάδα βαρβάρων στρατόν ‘a mixed army of foreigners': Cadmus’ negative view of barbarians (cf. 1354 βαρβάρους ἀφίξομαι) contrasts with

that of Dionysus, who takes his worship to mixed communities of Greeks and non-Greeks (18 μιγάσιν Ἕλλησι BopBápois θ᾽ ὁμοῦ) and defends the wisdom of non-Greeks in celebrating his rites (482—4).

1358-60 δράκων δρακαίνης: the juxtaposition emphasizes the grotesque image of snake-husband leading snake-wife in battle. On the figure of

the δράκαινα or 'she-serpent' in ancient Greek thought, see Ogden 2021: 59-83 (pp. 68-9 on Harmonia). «σχῆμ᾽» ἔχουσαν &ypias: the conjec-

ture keeps the focus on their outlandish appearance and is supported by

lon 992 μορφῆς σχῆμ᾽ Exoucav &yplas. "rri βωμοὺς x«l τάφους Ἑλληνικούς,

‘against the altars and tombs of the Greeks', enhances the misery by

adding sacrilege against their own gods (cf. Aesch. Pers. 809-12 for the destruction of Greek temples by foreigners) to the treachery of invading

their homeland. ἡγούμενος, used of leading troops, may take the dative

(as here) or genitive (cf. 1334). λόγχαισιν: Aóyyn, ‘spear’, 1 used meto-

nymically, ‘body of spearmen'. 1960-2 οὐδὲ ... γενήσομαι ‘I shall have no end to my sufferings, poor man that I am, and I shall find no peace, even after sailing the down-

ward-flowing Acheron': as the use of καταιβάτης suggests, a journey on the

river Acheron normally led down to Hades and death (e.g. Od. 511-15),

which would have been, Cadmus implies, a welcome release from his mis-

ery. Even the promise of eternal life cannot allay Cadmus' sorrow at the

collapse of his fortunes. What Dionysus understands as compensation for suffering (1338-9), Cadmus sees as further punishment, because he will

COMMENTARY:

1363-1369

309

never be ἥσυχος and able to forget his misery. His reaction highlights the

differences between divine and human understanding: Cadmus will live

for eternity with his grief, so perceives it as a punishment, whereas for a god, who cannot experience human emotion, it is a blessing. Axépovra:

the river is imagined here as leading to the Land of the Blessed; in Plato, Acheron is said to flow initially on the surface of the earth and in the opposite direction to the encircling river Oceanus (Phd. 112e), which is where the Land of the Blessed was located (1339n.). 1363 στερεῖσα ‘deprived [of you]’: aorist passive participle of στερέω; compare the parting of brother and sister at the end of Electra (1308—10, Orestes speaking): & σύγγονέ pot, xpovíav o* ἐσιδὼν | rv σῶν εὐθὺς φίλτρων στέρομαι | καὶ o* ἀπολείψω σοῦ λειπόμενος. 1365 ὄρνις ... κύκνος ‘like a swan [embracing] its white-plumed, decrepit

parent’: the comparison expresses Agave’s desire for comfort and protection, and Cadmus’ inability to provide either (see below), but the swan's association with mourning (it famously sings at the approach of its own death, hence ‘swan song': HF 110-11, Aesch. Ag. 1444-5) also suggests Agave's grief at the loss of her father (cf. El. 151-8, where Electra com-

pares herself to a swan lamenting its dead father). κηφῆνα, lit. ‘drone’, i.e.

a bee too old to do any work, is used metaphorically and marks Cadmus'

pathetic sense of himselfas a decrepit and useless old man (Suda s.v. κηφήν: ἄνθρωπος ó μηδὲν δρᾶν δυνάμενος); cf. Tro. 192-3 (Hecuba speaking) ὡς κηφήν, & δειλαία, | νεκροῦ μορφά, | νεκύων ἀμενηνὸν ἄγαλμα. πολιόχρων: acc.

sg. of πολιόχρως; the swan’s plumage evokes Cadmus' white hair (cf. 258). 1367 σμικρὸς ... πατήρ, ‘your father is a puny helper’, encapsulates Cadmus' total loss of power and authority. 1368-87 Despite some textual problems (see below), these anapaests are largely intact and match the modulation from trimeters to actors' anapaests

found

at the

close

of other

plays

(Med.,

EL,

Phoen.,

Or;

cf.

Soph. Aj., Trach., Phil.). Although sung anapaests are rarer than recited ones, they are appropriate here to the heightened emotional register of Cadmus and Agave’s final parting. For the distinguishing features of sung versus recited anapaests — e.g. Doric long alpha in place of eta (1374 τἀνδ᾽); word-break omitted between metra (19373 καὶ σὰς ἐδάκρυσα κασιγνήτας); more resolutions, contractions, and catalectic lines (13745: two catalectic anapaestic dimeters (or paroemiacs), the first entirely

made up of long syllables) — see Parker 1958: 83, Dale 1968: 47—52, West 1982: 121-4.

1369—70 ἐπὶ δυστυχίαι ‘in misery': ἐπί * dat. (or gen.) can be used of a

state or condition (cf. /T 1490 ἴτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχίαι, ‘Go with good fortune’).

φυγὰς ἐκ θαλάμων

'an exile from

my chambers':

θάλαμος, which

is used

both of the women's quarters inside the house and the marital bedroom

310

COMMENTARY:

1371-1377

itself, marks Agave's expulsion from her household, repeating the pattern

of female dislocation caused by Dionysus at the start of the play (35-6).

1371 στεῖχε ... Tóv Apicraiou ‘Go now, my child, ... the ... of Aristaeus’: in the light of Agave's words at 1381—2 (‘Lead me, escorts, to where I shall take my sisters as pitiable companions in exile’), it is likely that Cadmus

told Agave to go to the house of Aristaeus, her sister Autonoe's husband (cf. 1227-8, 1291), and that he is repeating an instruction by Dionysus in the lost part of his speech that Agave should meet her sisters there before going together into exile (1329n.). Symmetry between 1368—73 and 1374-80 suggests that only one line is missing, and 1373 supports some reference here to Agave's sisters.

1373 καὶ ... κασιγνῆτας 'and I weep for your sisters’: the ingressive aorist

ἐδάκρυσα (CGCG 33.29) implies that Cadmus had already begun to weep when Agave was saying στένομαί oe (1972). The final exchange between father and daughter emphasizes human affection, pity, and endurance as they embrace and weep for one another (1364—73); their capacity for sympathy is admirable and moving, and made more so because of the contrast with Dionysus' divine vindictiveness and lack of pity (1348n.). 1374-6 δεινῶς ... | ... ἔφερεν "Terribly has lord Dionysus brought this outrage upon your house’: Agave’s use of αἰκεία, which refers to insulting treatment, shows her blaming Dionysus and unwilling to recognize her family's mistakes and her own responsibility. However, as at 1296—7, Cadmus' response forcefully reminds her of her role and their collective guilt. 1377-8 xai ... | ... Θήβαις Yes, for terrible was the treatment he had from us, having his name go unhonoured in Thebes’: Cadmus' δεινά picks up Agave's δεινῶς (1974) and refocuses the blame on those who rejected the god, whether members of the ruling family (his primary focus here, in response to Agave's roUs σοὺς εἰς | ofkous) or ordinary

Thebans (39-40, 195-6, 714-23nn.). It is significant for the play's balancing of sympathy and blame that Cadmus' last substantial statement recognizes his family's mistakes and Dionysus' legitimate claim to honour (1165-1392n.). Our sole manuscript P gives these lines to Dionysus and has ἔπασχον and ὑμῶν, making the god say, 'Yes, for terrible was the treatment I had from you'. However, the change of only two letters in the Greek gives a much better scene, with the focus maintained on Cadmus

and Agave's embrace and parting (uninterrupted by the god) and with Cadmus correcting his daughter's evasion of responsibility. The change also preserves the division of speakers in 1368—73 and 1374-80 (cf. 1371n.). Finally, 1351 makes for a decisive final line as the god departs (see ad loc.), whereas 1377-8 with ἔπασχον and ὑμῶν sound like a bathetic repetition of 1347.

COMMENTARY:

1380-1388

311

1380 χαλεττῶς ... ἥκοις 'though you will scarcely manage to fare well': Cadmus’ last words (lit. though you will come to this [scil. 16 xaipew] with

difficulty’) play on 1379 xoipe ... xcip' 'farewell', switching from the salutation 'farewell' (used in greeting and parting) to the sense ‘to fare well,

rejoice'; play on the word and its cognates is common in both tragedy and comedy (e.g. Hec. 426—7, El. 1357-9, Phoen. 618, Or. 352—5, 1083, Soph. El. 1457, Trach. 819-20, Ar. Ach. 832—3), but Cadmus' use ofit here is particularly poignant, emphasizing Agave's miserable life of exile.

1381—2 &ysr ... | ... οἰκτράς: 1971n. These helpers are most likely Theban women who entered with Agave at the start of the exodos (1165— 1392n.). ἄγετ᾽ & πτομττοί με: for an enclitic pronoun following a vocative that comes second in its sentence, cf. 1120 οἴκτιρε 8' & μῆτέρ pe.

1383-7 ἔλθοιμι ... | ... £yo ‘May I go where polluted Cithaeron may not «see me», nor I set eyes on Cithaeron': Agave's vagueness suggests that Dionysus decreed exile for her without specifying a final destination, in contrast to Cadmus' implied journey to Illyria (1333-8n.). Kirchhoff's «£y' 801> gives the required sense of both seeing and being seen. Agave's rejection of Cithaeron and her emphasis on visual reciprocity recall the god's revelation of Pentheus on the mountain: ὥφθη δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ κατεῖδε μαινάδας (1075n.). μιαρός: the mountain itself, like Agave (1301n.), is pol-

luted by what has happened on it. μηδ᾽ ... ἀνάκειται ‘and where no thyrsus is dedicated, to remind me': a worshipper might dedicate their thyrsus to the god after use, but Agave's words have a particular bitterness given her recent entry with a thyrsus bearing her son's head (1141-2n.), and given that this thyrsus will still be visible onstage after she put it down to hold Pentheus' head in her hands (1238—40, 1277, 1280, 1284). θύρσου μνῆμ᾽:

gen. of definition, lit. '[where] a reminder consisting of a thyrsus [has been dedicated]'. βάκχαις ... μέλοιεν ‘Let them [scil. Mt Cithaeron and the

thyrsus] worship ate final or Jason

be the concern of other Bacchants': Agave envisages the future of Dionysus at Thebes: 1329n. For the simultaneous but separexits of Cadmus and Agave, compare Orestes and Electra (EL) and Medea (whose estrangement is made starker by the latter's

departure in the μηχανή). The extant text makes no mention of Pentheus’

burial, and the dramatic focus has moved away from his corpse to the fate of his surviving relatives, but Cadmus' servants will at this point no doubt carry off the body (which they brought in: 1216-17), and it will need to

be buried before Cadmus and Agave go into exile (cf. HF1358-64, where

Heracles instructs Amphitryon, wife and sons).

who

will remain

in Thebes,

to bury his

1388-92 As Agave, Cadmus, and their entourages depart, the chorus

chant

their final

remarks

— in anapaests,

with

a final paroemiac,

and

accompanied by the aulos player (Pickard-Cambridge 1968: 162) — before

312

COMMENTARY:

1388-1389

they too leave the stage. The same choral lines appear at the end of Alc., Andx, Hel., and Med.

(with πολλῶν ταμίας Ζεὺς &v Ὀλύμπωι as the opening

line). Opinion is divided on their genuineness and appropriateness in each case: Barrett (on Hipp.

1462—6), for example,

argues that only the

Alc. is likely to be genuine and that the passage was added to the other plays by later actors ‘to cater for a public addicted to sententious commonplaces'; Dunn 1996: 135-6 finds them least relevant to Andr. and

Hel., whereas Kannicht (on Hel. 1688-92) considers them unsuited to Med. and Bacch., while Diggle (OCT) accepts the lines in A/c and Andr.

but not elsewhere. However, as Roberts 1987 has shown, most of the surviving codas of tragedy (including this example) serve a genuine closural function. Moreover, they regularly do so in a moralizing and universalizing manner, and this makes them particularly well suited to delivery by the chorus, as observers of the preceding events who are prone to sententious reflection. The present lines are clearly different from the extra-dramatic prayer to Nike (‘Victory’) that ends /T, Phoen., and Or Such an illusion-breaking request for a prize is indeed redolent of the activities of later actors, but the same cannot be said of this choral reflection on the

unpredictability of the gods. The sentiment is both traditional and fundamental to the religious world of Greek tragedy, and its very conventionality, far from being a sign of spuriousness, may well be part of Euripides' purpose. By hearing the chorus deliver such a trite explanation of the terrible events they have witnessed, the audience is prompted to reflect anew on the gods' role in the human suffering of the drama: Sourvinou-Inwood 2003: 415-17, Wohl 2015: 132-3, Introduction §4c. The lines are often quoted, alluded to, or parodied (e.g. Dio Cass. 78.8.4, Luc. Symp. 48, Trag. 325-34, Christus Patiens 1190—3). 1388 πολλαὶ ... δαιμονίων, ‘Many are the forms of the divine', is particu-

larly apt for a play dominated by a shape-shifting god in mortal disguise (4, 53—4, 1017—19nn.). δαϊιμονίων: lit. ‘divine things' (neuter pl.). 1389-91 The unreliability of human expectation is a familiar theme of Greek literature (e.g. /. 16.684-91, Simon. PMG 521, Pind. Ol 12.7-12, Hdt. 1.86.6). ἀέλτττως ‘unexpectedly’, i.e. from a mortal perspective. xai

* [ -- θεός 'and the expected is not accomplished, but god finds a way for the unexpected'. The gods' ability to see and/or determine the outcome of events, both positively and negatively, is often cited as an aspect of their

superior knowledge and power (cf. Allan on Semon. 1, Solon 13.63—70). In Alc., Andr, and Hel., both the plot and

(in Andr and Hel.) the speech

of the deus ex machina guide the audience to interpret the choral coda in terms of positive change: Alcestis' rescue from Death, the royal future of

Andromache

and her son and the immortality of Peleus, the escape of

Helen and Menelaus from Egypt together with Helen's apotheosis and

COMMENTARY:

1392

318

Menelaus' blessed afterlife (1339n.). By contrast, in the Bacchae, as in Medea, where the exodos hammers home the fact that Jason's family and

future are destroyed, the audience will think of the gods' role in turning

human affairs unexpectedly towards ruin: Pentheus may have expected to repel the new cult and its seemingly powerless acolyte, but the god

has humiliated him and led him to a brutal death. r& δοκηθέντ᾽ ‘what was expected’: aor. pass. part. of δοκέω, the form ἐδοκήθην being the rarer (mainly poetic) equivalent of ἐδόχθην. ἐτελέσθη | ... ηὗρε: gnomic aorists

(902-3n.): it has happened, and will happen again. 1392 ἀπέβη: aor. of ἀποβαίνω, 'turn out, result' (e.g. Polyb.

καὶ τῆς ... μάχης τοιοῦτον ἀπέβη τὸ τέλος).

18.27-8

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SUBJECT

INDEX

References are to page numbers. There are no entries for characters in the play. actors 6—8, 49, 145, 192, 219 costume 7-8, 22—9, 101, 110, 135-6, 171, 225-6, 232, 242, 302 interpolations 11, 49-50, 312 masks 7—-9, 22-3, 169, 171, 173, 222, 242, 281, 204, 302 song 12, 39-41, 43, 264, 309 see also monody Aeschines 300 Aeschylus 1, ?, 9, 11—14, 17, 84—5, 30,

archaism

Archilochus 41, 106, 164, 184, 205,

271, 280 Aristophanes 46—7

Acharnians 1, 166, 212, 911

Assemblywomen 33, 157 Birds 156 Clouds 149, 152, 187, 190, 296, 306

42, 4477 49, 103—4, 116, 141,

Frogs 1—2, 17, 22, 24, 39, 46, 48-9,

146, 170-2, 187, 189, 195, 208-9, 233, 241, 252, 254 Agamemnon 9, 36, 105, 107, 158, 144, 180, 189, 196-7, 217, 234-5, 241-2, 268-9, 309 Choephori g, 107, 184, 226, 299

102, 113-15, 127, 146, 170, 172, 188, 190, 209, 235 Knights 22, 137, 208, 301

Lysistrata 17, 20—1, 114, 197 Peace 53, 166, 208, 212

Wasps 137, 292 Wealth 298

Eumenides 22, 112, 152, 156, 169,

187 Persians 36, 105, 115, 122, 235, 297,

299, 308

Prometheus Bound 36, 161, 189-90,

219

Seven against Thebes 104, 140, 186,

269, 297 Suppliant Women 35, 59, 46, 111, 125, 128, 165-6, 195-6, 269, 304 aetiology 41, 115, 127, 301 Alcaeus 132, 149 Alcman 133, 223 alliteration 48, 131 alpha-privative 254, 271 anachronism

106, 139, 216

Anacreon 17, 134, 215 anadiplosis 47, 265-6 anaphora 48, 132, 166, 279

anastrophe 47, 108, 172, 210, 263, 265, 288

Anaxagoras 40, 150 Anaximenes 193 androgyny 17, 126 see also effeminacy antilabe 138, 172, 246 Apollodorus 178, 192

10-11, 40, 281

Archelaus 2, 4—5, 165, 188-9 see also Macedonia

Women at the Thesmophoria 1, 17, 114,

172, 220, 223, 240, 275

Aristotle 7, 49, 130, 172 Poetics6, 11, 22, 37-9, 44-, 194, 272—93, 302 assonance 48, 125, 175

astrophic song 42, 116, 131, 190, 260,

278 asyndeton 48, 139—40, 194, 210, 250, 254, 256 aulos 41, 130-1, 134, 311 autochthony 179, 185-6 Bacchylides 40, 152

belief (importance of) 25-36,

112,

139, 144, 146, 148, 158, 167-8, 178, 228, 294-5, 277, 300-1, 306—7

Callimachus

127, 130, 165, 176, 186,

211, 274, 304 Chaeremon 14, 204 chorus of tragedy and dance 38-9, 42, 107, 114, 125, 128, 130, 197-8, 162, 188, 203,

271

344

SUBJECT

female choruses $3-5 and interaction with other choral genres 39—41, 184, 231-2, 280-1,

287

‘projection’ of, 129, 188, 232 566 also dithyramb, music

Christus Patiens 51-2, 137, 272, 280,

297, 301, 308, 312

colloquialism 46—7, 159, 146—7, 156,

175, 198, 208, 216, 248, 259

constructio ad sensum 295, 208 Cratinus 172, 174, 271

cross-dressing 22-3, 156, 171, 221—3,

225,298-9,241-2

Curetes 129-31, 286 Cybele 30—1,

113-15,

143, 148, 173, 286

.

123—4,

129-31,

see also syncretism

democracy 24-5, 32-3, 46, 110, 140, 147, 167-8, 202, 208, 211, 299

see also tyranny Demosthenes 50, 127, 237 deus ex machina 25, 28, 101, 280, 301-2, 305, 312

disguise 8—10, 22, 24, 101, 103—4,

111,114, 143, 146, 168,

170, 197, 207, 221—4, 227,

238-42, 248, 256, 258, 272, distichomythia 172, 218, 241—2 dithyramb 16, 22, 39—41, 115, 124,

152, 184, 193

effeminacy 13, 17-18,

m

22-3, 42, 101,

1383, 143-4, 156, 171—-2, 176, 221,

242,247 ellipse 216, 259 Empedocles 150 enclitics 155, 185, 273, 294, 311

epiphany 8, 16, 30, 52, 101—2, 104,

107,111, 173, 177, 186—7, 180,

194, 198, 257, 267-8

etymology 27, 48, 102-3,

108, 112,

132, 147, 151-2, 157, 173, 184,

187, 216, 227, 239, 272, 293

euphemism 48, 108, 157, 248 Euripides life and career 1—4

Alcestis3, 5, 8—9, 11, 35, 50, 101,

INDEX

345

Andromache 3, 5-6, 9, 35-6, 50, 101, 111, 140, 148, 180, 196, 198, -

200, 208, 237, 239, 248, 254, 250, 263, 267—-9, 291, 508-Ὁ0, 301-2, 306-7, 312

Children of Heracles (Heraclidae) 3,

5=0, 9, 33, 35, 46, 50, 125, 135, 138, 145, 153, 180, 218, 239, 265, 277, 297, 302

Cyclops

3—4, 17, 50, 105, 114, 124,

149, 157, 186, 19475, 202, 200,

2306, 240, 242, 246 Electra3, 5, 9, 35, 38, 50, 53, 101, 125, 186, 158, 156, 172, 180,

184, 188, 208, 220, 244, 253, 278, 2945, 300-1, 305-7, 309, 311

Hecuba 3, 5, 9, 33, 35, 38, 50, 101-3,

106, 113, 184, 142, 147-8, 152-3, 170, 195, 212, 222, 226, 294,

298-9, 256, 258—9, 261, 263, 265,

267-8, 274, 278, 303, 311

295, 298, 301,

Helen 3, 5-6, 8-11, 24, 35, 39-40,

49-50, 101, 10475, 107, 114, 124, 130, 184, 141, 145, 150, 158, 164-6, 168, 173, 184, 194, 197, 200, 205, 210, 218, 222, 236, 241, 258—-9, 263, 278, 284, 294,

298, 301, 304, 307, 312

Heracles ( Hercules Furens)3, 5, 9,

35—, 41, 47, 50, 103—4, 106-7, 114,123, 127, 132, 134, 136,

138, 140, 145, 148, 151, 155, 158, 161, 166-7,

170, 186, 180,

194, 218-19, 225-6, 2334,

236-8, 240, 244, 252, 256, 250, 262, 268—9, 272—4, 278, 282,

292-7, 299, 306, 309, 311

Hippolytus 1, 3, 5, 9—10, 22, 24, 20,

32-3, 3570, 38, 41, 43, 50-1, 101, 103, 105, 109, 112—-13, 130, 140, 143—4, 147, 152-3, 155, 157,

164-5, 168, 175-7, 186, 189, 192, 202, 205, 207, 228, 232, 230,

241, 249, 254-7, 259, 263, 265-6, 269, 271, 273, 275, 278, 281,

287, 29477, 301, 304, 306-7, 312

Ions, 5,9, 11, 20, 35, 50, 101, 103,

108, 113, 122, 125, 130, 136, -

150-2, 157-8, 172, 175, 180, 197,

111,184, 141, 146, 153, 158,

202, 207, 234, 237, 244, 248,

294, 296, 301, 312

301, 306

180, 187, 226, 265, 272, 291,

259, 268, 278, 282, 284, 299,

346

SUBJECT

Iphigenia at Aulis 2—5, 10-12, 33, 30,

47, 50,101, 106, 111, 122,130,

145, 153, 155 155, 188, 190,

205, 287, 245, 253, 256, 262, 301

Iphigenia in Tauris 5, 8-9, 35, 40,

INDEX

Gorgias 23, 138 hapax legomena 45—6 Heraclitus 150 Herodotus

50, 101, 103, 127, 152, 164, 170, 184, 200-2, 2009, 222, 248, 254,

258-9, 263, 267, 2734, 288, 295, 301, 306, 309, 312 Medea 3, 5, 9, 35, 88-9» 43, 47, 50— 1, 146-8, 153, 156, 164-5, 168, 171,187, 193, 199, 205, 220, 220, 239, 241, 243, 253, 256, 258-60, 265, 269, 274, 277, 280,

282, 295-6, 300, 309, 311-13

Orestes 3—5, 9—11, 35, 39, 40, 50,

151, 190, 104, 198—201 208, 227, 236—7, 241, 245, 248, 256, 259,

265, 268, 271, 273, 288, 291—

294, 301, 304, 306, 309, Μ

Phoenician Women 3, 5, 10—11, 21,

27, 33, 35, 39, 46-7, 50, 102—4, 108, 112, 116, 122, 134, 136,

147-8, 152, 156-8, 163, 166, 168,

183, 205, 279, 304,

188, 225, 282, 307,

190, 194, 196—7, 200, 254, 257-9, 261, 270-1, 287-8, 290, 297-9, 302, 309, 31112

Rhesusg, 11, 50-1, 152, 174, 201, 269, 293

Suppliant Women 3, 5-6, 21, 24, 35, 50, 101, 104, 106, 125, 145, 159,

166, 185, 193, 258, 268, 278,

289, 293-4, 296-9, 301, 304

Trojan Women 3, 5, 11, 21, 35-0, 50-1, 101-2, 106, 125, 128, 130,

134, 140, 147-8, 153, 156, 194,

198, 241, 259-60, 272, 278, 296,

298, 301-2,

309

figura etymologica 48, 145, 169, 277 see also etymology gender

transgression of norms

17, 32,

109-10, 126, 133, 135—7, 156, 164, 178, 205, 213, 223, 238,

245, 2756

see also cross-dressing, patriarchal ideology, sexuality, women Giants 108, 179, 186—7 gnomic aorist 237, 519

20, 30, 106, 109, 113, 131,

144, 150-1, 165, 175, 187-8, 208, 212, 223, 253, 271,

275, 298, 304, 312

Hesiod 16, 131, 164, 166, 189, 304 Theogony 104, 114, 126, 151, 164-5,

186, 250, 269, 298, 303 Works and Days 125, 144, 149, 163, , 166-7, 234, 237, 254 Hippocratic texts 49, 292 Hipponax 106, 285 Homer 12-13, 50, 114, 163, 179, 187,

200, 208, 224, 254, 284, 30475

Iliad 13, 18, 30, 103, 113, 131,

145, 149, 151, 163-4, 171, 177, 179, 186—7, 195, 197, 212, 234,

243, 247, 253, 257, 266, 269,

284, 291, 293, 298-9, 306-7, 312

Odyssey 136, 165, 197, 208, 233,

236, 244, 268, 275, 298, 304-5, 308

Homeric Hymn

to Aphrodite 164-6, 293 to Apollo 106, 186, 266, 503

to Demeter 124, 161, 194, 243, 268

to Dionysus 13, 103—4, 114, 1250, 151, 170, 176, 187, 196, 207,

214, 256

homosexuality 143, 171 humour 8, 22, 27, 185-8, 150, 154, 197, 235, 298, 241-2 hypothesis 13—14, 51, 297, 301 imagery

43—4,

128, 142, 162, 166,

206, 209, 211-12, 266, 298-300,

303—4, 308

animal 109

epinician 280-1, 286

erotic 17, 134, 164, 231-2, 263, 267 fire 105 fishing 224 hunting 169—72, 235, 245, 252, 257, 268, 276, 290

locus amoenus 164, 231—2, 262—5 military 270-1 sacrificial 246 seafaring 597 sexual 231—-2

SUBJECT

infanticide 13, 18, 22, 48, 225, 248,

268, 272-3, 278, 280, 285, 292, 295

interpolation 11, 49, 137, 142, 153,

213, 258-9, 266, 269, 271, 288

lacuna 41, 199, 280-1, 290, 296-9, 301-2 Land of the Blessed 302, $04-—5,

308-9, 313

language ambiguous 151, 221, 224, 228,

243-7, 207 legal 155, 178 Lydian 106

military 212, 255, 270

Mycenean 30 philosophical 256 political 165 religious 22, 91, 110—12, 123, 143, 234, 237 sacrificial 227, 246, 272 of tragedy 43-8, 238 see also colloquialism litotes 289 [Longinus] 47, 209 Lucian 505 Lydia 30-1, 34-5, 105-6, 113, 173 effeminacy 13, 17, 22-3, 143, 171,

176

wealth 106, 133

see also Orientalism

Macedonia 2, 4-5, 165, 187-9 maenadism

(myth versus cult)

109-10, 135, 203 makarismos 41, 124, 237, 285

19-22,

metaphor 44, 154, 198-9, 202, 200, 215, 217, 232, 253, 271, 276, 296, 299, 309 erotic 142 financial 221 hunting 169, 204, 231-2 light 194 military 270

physical 109, 112, 255 sacrificial 275 — —

seafaring 163, 202, 237 sexual 205, 292 wrestling 1509, 218 see also imagery metatheatre 23, 281 Mimnermus 215

INDEX

347

monody 10, 39, 41, 281

Mt Cithaeron 6, 23, 101, 100, 114, 132, 135, 155, 166, 201, 203, 211—12, 215, 238—9,

248, 251, 258, 261-2, 264,

269, 275-6, 281, 288, 2906,

301,311 music 39-42, 50, 114, 130-1, 162,

187-8, 204, 232

see also New Music mystery cult Bacchic 14, 21—4, 107, 110, 124, 173-4, 197, 238, 240 m Eleusinian 113, 124 Orphic 24, 148-9, 240, 274 myth innovation in 12-15, 105, 112-13, 212, 215, 210, 223, 240, 270 rationalizing revision of 27, 146—7, 150-2 New Music 39-40, 42, 188 Orientalism 42, 116, 158, 247

see also Lydia oxymoron 100, 122, 132, 225, 245

papyri 1, 48, 50, 52-3, 148, 269-71, 279, 297-8

Parmenides 150 patriarchal ideology 21, 134, 143, 171, 214, 216, 231-2, 262, 264, 289 . periphrasis 45, 113, 134, 146, 174,

203, 288, 295, 300

personification

128, 157, 161, 166,

192, 235, 254, 284

Philodamus 165, 297, 242 Pindar 16, 44, 103—4, 124—5, 127, 132, 148, 150-1, 170, 184, 186, 193, 201, 217, 237, 280-1, 304—5, 307, 312 Plato 24, 29, 33, 40, 49, 125, 130, 137-40, 143, 149-50, 152, 163, 172, 184, 207, 234,

269, 289, 301, 306, 309

pleonasm 178, 195 polyptoton 48, 125, 137, 162, 173, 261, 267

prayer 29, 36, 112, 150, 157, 162, 184, 186—7, 189, 207, 225, 306, 312 priamel 256 prodelision 105 Prodicus 27, 148

348

SUBJECT

prolepsis 136, 287 Protagoras 28, 130, 236 psychoanalysis 31-2, 143, 292 rationalism 19, 27-8, 92, 108, 126,

INDEX

Antigone 10, 25, 27, 98, 42, 46, 104,

122,131,139, 145-7, 156, 165,

175, 186—7, 193, 209, 273, 277

Electrag, 180, 190, 200, 272

Oedipus at Colonus 41, 186, 190, 225,

resolutions, in iambic trimeter g, 10,

235, 254, 267, 268 Oedipus Tyrannus 2J, 27, 36, 135, 143, 145, 147, 163, 177’ 201, 218, 223, 234, 275, _4 208 Philoctetes 9, 41, 46, 131, 164, 190,

2,139 revenge 9-10, 24, 36-8, 103—5, 108-9,

Trachiniaeo, 56, 41, 107, 165, 183,

135, 139, 144, 146-7, 150-1, 184, 220-1, 234, 306 refrain 180, 228, 239—4, 248-9, 252,

254, 280

149, 157, 167-9,

177-8, 216,

226—7, 239—4, 242, 548-0,

257, 261, 267, 273, 280, 305

ring composition 113, 214, 265

sacrifice 22, 26, 29, 31, 44, 146—7,

253, 269

perversion of 132, 142, 197, 210, 217, 227, 248, 246, 261-2, 268,

271-3, 275, 281, 285, 287, 290, 306

Sappho 110, 144, 166, 184, 223 scapegoat 243, 246

scholia 4, 12, 50—1, 167, 298

Semonides 257, 319 sexuality non-threatening 17, 23, 134, 137, 214, 262

transgressive 17, 30—2, 108-9, 141—6, 156, 162, 164, 166, 169,

171, 205, 231—2, 245, 262-5, 289 see also gender, homosexuality, patriarchal ideology, voyeurism, women Simonides 188, 259, 312 Solon 234-5, 237, 312 sophists 2, 27-8, 135, 130, 146-8, 150,

163—4, 175, 234

see also rationalism

Sophocles 1—2, 11, 34, 39, 42, 44775 49, 113, 190, 201, 208,213, 254 Ajaxg, 22, 36, 41, 196—7, 240, 269, 291-2, 297, 309

199, 218, 236, 302, 309

197, 297, 309, 311 stichomythia 42, 172, 199, 218, 224, 292, 204, 305, 307 see also distichomythia supplication 6, 22, 272, 300 syncretism (religious) 30—1, 114, 124, 129, 130 Thales 192

Theocritus 203, 254

Theognis 233-4, 237

Thucydides 24, 45, 189, 212, 221, 289 tmesis 124, 126, 196 tyranny 25, 111, 144, 163, 202, 218, 299 vase-painting 8, 12, 14, 19, 23, 108, 112, 131-2, 166, 205, 212, 223,

292, 254, 270

voyeurism 32, 210-20, 222-3, 225,

238—-40, 245, 261, 263, 267

women and language 45 transgressive 18, 21, 110, 213, 276, 289

see also gender, patriarchal ideology,

sexuality

Xenophanes

Zagreus 286

29, 128, 143

GREEK

INDEX

αἰθήρ 150

θίασος 115 θύρσος 107-8, 187

βακχεύω Μβακχιάζω 242 Βρόμιος 155

Λύσιος ΠΛυαῖος 176

ἀλαλαγή 575

μανία 18, 152

γόης 31, 143

ὀλολυγή 107, 275

διθύραμβος 184 Διόνυσος

σοφία 169—4, 285-6

102—3

σπαροαγμός 19, 210, 2735 σπονδαί 111

ἐπωιδός 91, 149 εὐδαιμονία 2 56—7

σωφροσύνη 108, 277

εὐοῖ εὐοϊ 122—3

ὕβρις

105, 145

ὑμνέω 115

θεατής 222 θεομαχέω 111 θεωρία 505

ὠμοφαγία 19, 132

349