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Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

MANAGEMENT SCIENCE – THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

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DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND PRACTICAL APPROACHES

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MANAGEMENT SCIENCE – THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND PRACTICAL APPROACHES

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

SHEYING CHEN EDITOR

Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

Copyright © 2011 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers‘ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works.

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Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Diversity management : theoretical perspectives and practical approaches / [edited by] Sheying Chen. p. cm. -- (Management science--theory and applications) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN:  (eBook) 1. Multiculturalism. 2. Cultural pluralism. 3. Diversity in the workplace. I. Chen, Sheying. HM1271.D5819 2011 658.3008--dc22 2010046997

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

CONTENTS

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Preface

vii

List of Contributors

ix

Introduction:

Diversity Management and the Pursuit of Excellence Sheying Chen

xi

Part I.

Perspectives on Diversity

1

Chapter 1

Physical and Environmental: Human Biology and Diversity Daniel E. Brown

3

Chapter 2

Mental and Behavioral Health: An East-West Perspective Pamela P.Y. Leung, Cecilia L.W. Chan and Eric Blyth

Chapter 3

Social Psychology of Stereotyping and Human Difference Appreciation Yueh-Ting Lee

17

33

Chapter 4

The Economics of Diversity: The Efficiency vs. Equity Trade-Off Samuel L. Myers, Jr

47

Chapter 5

Protection and Legal Compliance Sue H. Guenter-Schlesinger

63

Chapter 6

Understanding Race and Ethnicity Sheying Chen and Geoffrey L. Brackett

83

Chapter 7

Violence Against Women: Implications for the Workplace Judith G. Myers and Elizabeth Moran Fitzgerald

97

Part II.

Approaches to Diversity

117

Chapter 8

Academic Leadership and Diversity Gilbert W. Atnip

119

Chapter 9

Why So Few? Faculty of Color in Higher Education Rosina M. Becerra and Susan M. Drange

131

Chapter 10

Diversifying the Curriculum: Leadership to Overcome Inertia Sue Sciame-Giesecke, Kathy Parkison and Dianne Roden

147

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Contents

Chapter 11

International Education in the Context of Multiculturalism David X. Cheng

Chapter 12

Unpacking the Personal and the Social: The Process of Developing Transformative Leaders Seonmin Huh

Chapter 13

Trust, Community Care and Managing Diversity: Britain as a Case Study Jason L. Powell

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Index

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157

169

185 197

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PREFACE As nations become increasingly diverse and globalized, diversity-related issues are posing greater and greater challenges to business managers, nonprofit and government officials, and academic administrators worldwide. They require fundamental changes in the way people think and act, or they may end up being divided rather than united. As a consequence, suffering arises from misunderstandings, distrust and serious conflicts not necessarily serving their own interests. This book examines some of the most important issues related to diversity along with various disciplinary perspectives that may help to deal with those issues. It is written for everyone who is interested in social, behavioral, and humanistic inquiry as well as public policy analysis related to diversity from individual and institutional perspectives. The text can be used for diversity-related teaching (as required textbook or optional reading), research, and professional reference (both as personal handbooks and library collections). It fills in a gap in required readings for higher education related majors and advanced degree programs. For the general education courses that meet the diversity requirement, this book may serve as a comprehensive introduction and ongoing guide to research on diversity. It should also be useful for professors, researchers, and practitioners in public/social policy, social welfare, sociology, economics, business, and political science as a key reference in diversity issues and related policy analysis. Other relevant fields include international studies, cultural studies, urban studies, law, government, administration, and planning. It is a must-read for all new diversity managers as well as an essential text for professional development workshops targeting aspiring administrators who will face various diversity issues and questions. For the seasoned academic administrator in a senior rank, the book offers a systematic review of the big picture with sufficient depth and provoking analysis of challenging issues to help make progress toward reflective practice, research undertaking, and theoretical breakthrough. Among the many people that the editor of this volume wishes to thank, only a few are mentioned here. One is the late Professor Harry H.L. Kitano, an undisputed authority on race and ethnic relations and a champion for Japanese and Asian Americans. The other is Distinguished Professor Emeritus Stanley Sue, former Director of the National Research Center on Asian American Mental Health. Both served on my dissertation committee and, along with my other mentors at UCLA (I‘m glad Dr. Rosina Becerra is among the contributors to this book), inspired my interest in this field. Last but not least, I am obliged to Dr. Sandra R. Patterson-Randles, Chancellor of Indiana University Southeast, who and whose Cabinet (I‘m glad Dr. Gil Atnip is also among the contributors to this book) put me in charge

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of academic diversity along with faculty development and student success, and part of the book has reflected experiences from the successful initiatives we led and worked together as a team.

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Sheying Chen, Ph.D. New York, NY

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Sheying Chen is Associate Provost for Academic Affairs and Professor of Policy Research at Pace University, New York. Daniel E. Brown is Interim Vice Chancellor for Research and Professor of Anthropology at the University of Hawaii at Hilo. Pamela P. Y. Leung is Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work and Social Administration at the University of Hong Kong. Cecilia L.W. Chan is Si Yuan Professor in Health and Social Work and Director of the Centre on Behavioral Health at the University of Hong Kong. Eric Blyth is Professor of Social Work at the University of Huddersfield, UK, and Visiting Professor in the Department of Applied Social Sciences at Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Yueh-Ting Lee is Professor of Social Psychology and former Associate Vice President for Analysis and Assessment in Human Resources at the University of Toledo. Samuel L. Myers, Jr. is Roy Wilkins Professor of Human Relations and Social Justice at the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota. Sue H. Guenter-Schlesinger is Vice Provost for Equal Opportunity and Employment Diversity at Western Washington University. Geoffrey L. Brackett is Executive Vice President at Marist College. Judith G. Myers is Faculty Fellow in the Academy for Leadership and Diversity and Assistant Professor of Nursing at Indiana University Southeast. Elizabeth Moran Fitzgerald is a faculty member in Nursing at Bellarmine University. Gilbert W. Atnip is Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs and Professor of Psychology at Indiana University Southeast. Rosina M. Becerra is Vice Provost for Faculty Diversity & Development and Professor of Social Welfare & Chicano/a Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Susan M. Drange is Director for Faculty Diversity & Development at the University of California, Los Angeles. Sue Sciame-Giesecke is Interim Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs at Indiana University Kokomo. Kathy Parkison is Assistant Vice Chancellor of Academic Affairs and Professor of Economics at Indiana University Kokomo. Dianne Roden is Professor of Finance at Indiana University Kokomo.

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List of Contirbutors

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David X. Cheng is Associate Vice President for Mainland and External Affairs at the City University of Hong Kong and former Assistant Dean and Executive Director for International Dual Degree Programs at Columbia University. Seonmin Huh is Postdoctoral Diversity Fellow in the Academy for Leadership and Diversity at Indiana University Southeast. Jason L. Powell is Reader and former Associate Dean and Executive Director of Knowledge Exchange in the School of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Liverpool, UK.

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INTRODUCTION: DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT AND THE PURSUIT OF EXCELLENCE Sheying Chen Pace University, USA

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ABSTRACT This chapter introduces the volume and its contributors by summarizing the contents of the chapters, which fall into two main parts ranging from theoretical/disciplinary perspectives to major issues/variables and to practical approaches. By combining literature review with research material, policy analysis, and practice wisdom in diverse contexts, the volume aims at illuminating the ―state of the art‖ via a multidisciplinary approach. Suitable audiences for the book are also indicated, who will benefit from a comprehensive understanding and practical insights offered by the chapter authors as active scholars, practitioners, and leaders in the field.

INTRODUCTION As nations become increasingly diverse and globalized (Rowntree et al., 2004), diversityrelated issues are posting greater and greater challenges to business managers, nonprofit and government officials, and academic administrators worldwide (Cooper and Stoflet, 2004; Sidanius et al., 2008). They require fundamental changes in the way people think and act, or they may end up being divided rather than united and, as a consequence, suffering from misunderstanding, distrust, and serious conflicts not necessarily serving their own interests. At the forefront faced with these issues, America has been a leader in practicing and studying diversity although the American dream is still far from becoming a reality for all. Educational opportunity is often considered at the core of the American dream, and in recent years more and more people are charged with diversity management in institutions of higher learning. In education as in business and government/nonprofit affairs, more and more books, journal articles, other written materials, and video/audio programs/supplies are made available to serve social dialogues, political debates, scholarly inquiry, and professional development (e.g., Myers and Lambert, 1995; Vaughn, 2004). In searching for a comp-

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rehensive volume on diversity-related topics, however, we discovered the lack of a masterful textbook. Such a book would have widespread appeal to educational curricula and training programs for personal and leadership development, as well as to professionals who need a guide/handbook and to libraries requiring essential collections. It is, therefore, of great interest to examine some of the most important issues related to diversity along with various disciplinary perspectives that may help to deal with those issues. Such a systematic review provides a unique opportunity for some of the leading experts to reflect on how we have progressed so far and where we stand now. By combining general reviews with case examples in diverse and global contexts, this volume aims at illuminating the ―state of the art‖ via a multidisciplinary approach. It helps to address unmet needs by supplying a comprehensive, masterful, and user-friendly text and guide/handbook with useful reference materials that are essential to teaching and also worth keeping for periodic reviews. It integrates theoretical understanding from different perspectives with a full range of practical issues and approaches for the management of diversity affairs (including but not limited to academic leadership in higher education administration). It combines philosophical thinking on fundamental values, practice wisdom and insights of professionals, and personal reflection on experiential learning of a group of leading scholars-practitioners. The contributors to this volume are academic researchers, higher education executives, and experienced diversity managers who possess outstanding credentials and have undergone various kinds of professional development programs. Their diverse backgrounds and specialties ensure adequate coverage of the field with insights into various subjects and topics, which is a unique strength to distinguish itself from other writings. The collaborative effort have resulted in a rare intellectual product that anyone aspiring to be a more effective diversity manager cannot afford to miss. It is hoped that the book will help individuals and organizations alike in the quest for better management and leadership in diversity.

PERSPECTIVES ON DIVERSITY: A MULTIDISCIPLINARY APPROACH Part I of this book supplies useful perspectives for the study of diversity by learning from relevant disciplines. Various theoretical models are used to help achieve a comprehensive understanding while key concerns are identified in terms of recognized problems in how individuals, organizations, and governments have dealt with human differences. The authors of the chapters were expected to shed light on important topics and outstanding issues in their fields of expertise. Together, the team represents a unique, multidisciplinary approach to the inquiry of the diverse human being and social world of our times. Chapter 1 gives an account of human diversity from biological and related geographic points of view without a heavy genetics treatment. Diversity managers at universities and other workplaces need to have some basic biological understanding, though too much genetic material might stop them from reading (unless they majored in biology but that is not our assumption about the book‘s main readership). Daniel E. Brown, Professor of Anthropology and Interim Vice Chancellor for Research at the University of Hawaii at Hilo, argues that, while there is plenty of evidence for biological diversity in humans, such evidence does not support the traditional ideas about "race." He considers that term as a social, not a biological,

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construct and points out that the relative lack of biological diversity in humans is due to our reliance on our behavior to deal with adaptation to the external environment. According to the author, many scholars wish to stop using the term altogether in a biological context, as its use in that context suggests there is a biological basis for race, and, more distressingly, allows for misconceptions that feed into existing racist ideas. His chapter supporting human biological diversity while dismissing biological races is thought-provoking and should be highly interesting to the reader. Chapter 2 explores a psychological dimension of diversity management in terms of mental and behavioral health via an East-West comparison. Dr. Pamela P. Y. Leung and Professor Cecilia L.W. Chan at the University of Hong Kong, China, and Professor Eric Blyth at the University of Huddersfield, UK, consider the diverse meanings of health, mental/behavioral health, and other related concepts as well as different ways for their realization in different cultural contexts. By examining the influence of Chinese culture and the strengths of Western medicine through the lens of diversity, they introduce a transcultural perspective in understanding the meanings of health and accommodation to differences in diversity management. Their chapter explores how Chinese culture, the adaptation of concepts from Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) philosophies and practices, and Western values can be utilized to strengthen a diversified and synergistic environment for managers and executives in problem analysis and intervention. They introduce an integrative approach to mental and behavioral health that speaks to a language of inclusiveness and diversity. Their chapter shows the importance of a contextual and cross-cultural approach to diagnoses, interventions, and diversity management. Chapter 3 explains the social psychology of stereotyping as well as human difference appreciation. Yueh-Ting Lee, Professor of Social Psychology and former Associate Vice President for Analysis and Assessment in Human Resources at the University of Toledo, provides a systematic review of related social psychological studies. He also clarifies the conditions under which appreciation of human differences will likely take place, which will help with conflict resolution. The chapter sets out to address a seemingly paradoxical situation in which people are encouraged to promote diversity and difference appreciation while at the same time, they are told not to use stereotypes but rather to eliminate them. After reviewing social psychological research on stereotypes, stereotype accuracy and various models related to stereotypes and human differences, his chapter offers suggestions to help solve real social problems via appreciating human differences. Chapter 4 focuses on the economics or political economy of diversity by incorporating a global perspective. Samuel L. Myers, Jr., Roy Wilkins Professor of Human Relations and Social Justice at the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs at the University of Minnesota, indicates that there is an inherent tension between efficiency and equity in justifying the implementation of diversity initiatives. The economics literature points to both costs and benefits associated with efforts to create diversity in the workforce, in organizations, and within communities. Three illustrations are provided on the tensions between equity and efficiency in diversity. The first involves national policies concerning disabled workers in the labor market in China vs. the United States. The second concerns the relationship between policies designed to increase diversity in competitive swimming and racial disparities in drowning. The third illustration involves the analysis of disadvantaged business enterprise programs as a means for increasing diversity in public procurement and contracting with special reference to Asian-American business enterprises.

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Chapter 5 examines the legal-regulatory aspects of equal opportunity and affirmative action compliance. Sue H. Guenter-Schlesinger, Vice Provost for Equal Opportunity and Employment Diversity at Western Washington University, provides a succinct but comprehensive summary of relevant laws and regulations and takes a close look at sexual harassment prevention as an example of how to ensure that faculty, staff, and students are protected against all types of discrimination and harassment and at the same time how institutions can avoid potential liability. She also clarifies affirmative action in employment and for college admissions, and examines how both equal opportunity laws and affirmative action requirements can work together to inform searches in the hiring processes. Practical recommendations and a checklist are provided to help inform the discussion on institutional commitment to fairness and diversity. Chapter 6 examines race and ethnicity, one of the defining features of American society, by reviewing historical models of race relations that have led to diversity and pluralism as the leading approach since the late 20th century. Sheying Chen, Associate Provost for Academic Affairs and Professor of Social Policy Research at Pace University, and Geoffrey L. Brackett, Executive Vice President at Marist College, approach the subject from both social and humanistic viewpoints. The chapter first endeavors to clarify complex conceptual issues surrounding the idea of biological race as well as the social construction of race that shows the importance of the notion of ethnicity. They argue that simply dismissing skin color or feature of the face or body as superficial, by assuming that people will simply ignore the differences and automatically focus on things that are only ―social‖ (not natural), may not help them to deal with potential issues. The fact (and designation) ―of color‖ often shows the significance of such a ―superficial‖ matter in political, economic, and social life. The authors indicate that the society faces a paradoxical need to raise sensitivity to racial diversity on the one hand and fight against exaggeration, stereotyping, and stigmatization of racial differences on the other. Common racial/ethnic categories are examined in the chapter, including American Indians/Native Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic/Latino Americans, and White Ethnic Americans. Special issues facing racial/ethnic minorities are discussed along with a historical review of their experiences with immigration and/or race relations in the United States. Chapter 7 deals with violence against women. Judith G. Myers, Faculty Fellow in the Academy for Leadership and Diversity and Assistant Professor of Nursing at Indiana University Southeast, and Elizabeth Moran Fitzgerald, affiliated with Nursing faculty at Bellarmine University, point out that violence against women is a significant public health problem in virtually all countries, cultures, religious/ethnic/racial groups, and social classes. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most prevalent form of violence against women. Their chapter is based upon a socio-political perspective, from which IPV is viewed as a reflection of deeply embedded issues of gender and power relations. The purpose is to provide a basic guide for policy-makers, educators, business and community leaders across the spectrum of public and private organizations. The chapter contains a brief discussion on socio-cultural factors associated with violence against women and an overview of the epidemiology and dynamics of IPV using the Duluth model of power and control. Specific guidelines for development of policies and a work environment that will assist victims and also protect institutions and businesses from financial liability are included. The authors use a study to illustrate the dynamics of IPV and the recommended practices and policies. A variety of resources are provided to assist organizations and businesses in developing collaborative

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partnerships with local, national and international groups committed to prevention and elimination of violence against women.

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APPROACHES TO DIVERSITY: CHALLENGE, LEADERSHIP, AND INNOVATION Part II of the book considers the challenge of promoting pluralism in a variety of areas and contexts by going beyond the basics and rising above compliance issues. It emphasizes intervention strategies and innovative approaches that various organizations may use to prevent problems and achieve the ultimate goals and ideals of diversity, equity, and inclusion. It gives special attention to diversity administration in higher education and the role of academic leadership. Chapter 8 provides an overview and discussion of the issues related to diversity that most directly affect the academic mission of a college or university and that the academic leaders of the institution need to address or consider. Gilbert W. Atnip, Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs and Professor of Psychology at Indiana University Southeast, reflects on his observations and experience during a 35-year career in higher education as a faculty member, dean, and chief academic officer by linking academic administration with diversity leadership. The discussions range from the definition of diversity to why diversity matters, and to the specific elements of a diversity agenda. Drawing on the successful experience of a particular campus case, the structure for managing diversity efforts is examined by also considering best practices nationwide. The author argues that the approaches that an institution takes will depend on its mission, vision, values, and educational purposes. Diversity should be a topic that engages the campus as a whole. The academic leadership must ensure that students have the opportunity to interact with faculty and fellow students from a wide range of backgrounds and cultures, and to study and learn about differences in the context of academic disciplines. It is this kind of education that will broaden the perspectives of students and prepare them for lives of productive citizenship and leadership in the society of the future. Chapter 9 focuses on faculty diversity. Rosina M. Becerra, Professor of Social Welfare & Chicano/a Studies and Vice Provost for Faculty Diversity & Development at the University of California at Los Angeles (formerly also Chair of UC Systemwide Taskforce on Faculty Diversity), and Susan M. Drange, Director for Faculty Diversity & Development at UCLA, share their experience and insights in their important roles. The chapter provides an overview of some of the processes used by many institutions of higher education for recruiting and retaining faculty of color. With a commendable goal for diversity, the proportion of faculty of color in tenured and tenured track positions in higher education has remained relatively unchanged. By laying out some of the issues that make current processes fail to achieve their goals, the authors provide strategies that will assist in moving the undertaking of recruitment and retention of faculty of color forward. Real institutional change, however, will depend on the current departmental faculty who make the decisions. They need to realize that diversity is no longer just a desirable goal but a necessary one if the academy is to remain the educators of an ever more diverse population.

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Chapter 10 deals with curriculum transformation and the role of academic leadership in overcoming inertia. Sue Sciame-Giesecke, Interim Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs at Indiana University Kokomo and a pioneer in system-wide diversity efforts, with two of her colleagues at IUK: Kathy Parkison, Assistant Vice Chancellor of Academic Affairs and Professor of Economics, and Dianne Roden, Professor of Finance, provide a review and a case study on what the faculty is actually doing with regard to curriculum transformation. They found that despite widespread agreement of the importance of preparing students to live and work in a global and diverse world, many challenges still exist in diversifying the curriculum. After two decades of work on this issue at many institutions, the call for change has not generated significant progress. The chapter provides examples of two strategies used to promote change by addressing the questions, issues and practices that academic leaders should consider as they facilitate their own campus change effort. Chapter 11 covers global diversity and international education. David X. Cheng, former Assistant Dean for Research and Planning at Columbia University and currently Associate Vice President for Mainland and External Affairs at the City University of Hong Kong, points out that the recent trend of globalization has changed American colleges and universities in profound ways. While the previous efforts to promote multicultural education on campus were centered on student learning and development, the current drive to internationalize carries more complicated motivations, including political, economic, and institutional. The author attempts to re-conceptualize international education in the context of multiculturalism. He proposes to re-organize international education functions on campus, with students‘ experience of diversity and learning of multiculturalism being placed at the center of an institution‘s international education agenda. Chapter 12 extends the inquiry of diversity and leadership to the field of basic education. Seonmin Huh, Postdoctoral Diversity Fellow in the Academy for Leadership and Diversity at Indiana University Southeast, presents an empirical study of 6th graders from privileged backgrounds who were treated as potential leaders. In view of the difficulty to engage these ―leaders‖ to be committed to social justice for others, this chapter reveals the importance of understanding who these ―leaders‖ were as their life histories interacted or interfered with their understanding of various social justice issues. By exemplifying the 6th graders‘ dialogue on poverty, the author shows how the ―leaders‘‖ making sense of other people‘s experiences needed to be based upon the understanding of who they were at the personal level. The chapter discusses how to situate them as cosmopolitan citizens to help them move beyond their personal boundaries in addressing social justice and envision their role as a change agent in leadership education. Chapter 13 further extends the inquiry of diversity and leadership to community issues. Jason L. Powell, Reader and former Associate Dean and Executive Director of Knowledge Exchange in the School of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Liverpool, UK, picks a hot topic which has been at the center stage of social policy debate in his country for decades. His chapter offers a critical review of the problems and implications of managing diversity in the British community care system. According to the author, it is a system in need of strong diversity management in the light of the world economic downturn in recent years. He argues that despite raft of policies on leadership in social care in the UK, the structural issues for why the needs of diverse groups are not met are difficult to understand at particular levels of analysis. He concludes that the central problem has been lack of ‗trust‘ and an emphasis on diversity management will help to address the need for a change.

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CONCLUSION Diversity management has become increasingly important for the achievement of excellence in today‘s diverse and globalizing world. The ideal social condition under the ―American dream‖ will probably never be attainable, though diversity management may help disadvantaged groups and populations in their pursuit of equal opportunities and eventually unite all on common grounds. Different analytical tools and models are described in this book in order to reveal the possibilities and potential obstacles in this process. The role of academic leaders as diversity managers in higher education administration is also analyzed. Basic variables of diversity, compliance issues, and undertakings aimed at a highly inclusive society embracing all kinds of differences within the moral and legal boundaries are delineated at different stages and levels. The perspectives and examples should help the readers to meet the challenges of diversity management issues in the workplace in general and in higher education in particular. It is hoped that putting the leaders and scholars together on the same team will make this volume a very special and useful one. Inadequate treatments in most of the books found are not suited to serve as either a personal handbook or a textbook for professional development workshops due to two major problems: lack of comprehensive coverage by any single volume, and lack of diverse viewpoints. This book overcomes the problems and combines practical wisdom with research and theoretical exploration by maximizing the contribution of experts in diverse subfields. The book offers masterful handling of the subject, including a combination of theoretical and practical approaches, thorough thinking in plain language, comprehensive coverage of topics for a wide audience base, a special focus on academic diversity management, and a broadly representative and unusually strong author team. The goal of the book is to be an authoritative and effective educational tool, not only to help shorten the learning curve of the new and aspiring diversity managers in all walks of life but also to help renew critical thinking and creative leadership in existing academic administration. Major target audiences include chief diversity officers (CDOs), affirmative action officers (AAOs), chief executive officers (CEOs), human resource officers (HROs), academic personnel administrators, student affairs staff, chief academic officers (CAOs), associate vice presidents, deans, directors, department chairs, interested faculty and staff members, and students actively engaged in diversity undertakings.

REFERENCES Cooper, R., and Stoflet, S. (2004). Diversity and consistency: The challenge of maintaining quality in a multidisciplinary workforce. Journal of Health Services Research & Policy, 9:39-47. Myers, S., and Lambert, J. (1995). Customer Relations and the Diversity Challenge: A Trainer's Guide. Publisher: Diversity Resources. Rowntree, L., Lewis, M., Price, M., and Wyckoff, W. (2004). The Globalization and Diversity: Geography of a Changing World. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall.

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Sidanius, J., Levin, S., Van Laar, C., and Sears, D. O. (2008). The Diversity Challenge: Social Identity and Intergroup Relations on the College Campus. New York: Russell Sage Foundation Publications. Vaughn, B. E. (2004). High Impact Diversity Consulting. San Francisco, CA: Diversity Training University International.

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PART I. PERSPECTIVES ON DIVERSITY

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

ISBN: 978-1-61122-863-2 © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

PHYSICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL: HUMAN BIOLOGY AND DIVERSITY Daniel E. Brown University of Hawaii at Hilo, Hawaii, USA

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ABSTRACT Humans are arguably the most widespread species on earth, a characteristic that would usually lead to great biological diversity in the species. Yet the amount of genetic variability of Homo sapiens is much less than that of most other primate species. This relative lack of biological diversity is due to our reliance on our behavior to deal with adaptation to the external environment. The idea that humans fall into a few (usually listed as three to five) biological ―races‖ is based on the supposition that human biological diversity ―clumps‖ into large, continental groups. This chapter presents evidence that human biological diversity is clinal – distributed in gradients over geographical distances – as opposed to clumped, and that therefore the notion of human biological races is not supported scientifically. The chapter also shows that the characteristics commonly associated with human races, such as skin color, are literally superficial. The great reliance on our behavior to adapt to our surroundings has led to much greater behavioral variability, with the distribution of behavioral differences based on cultures and culture areas. If race is understood as a sociocultural concept, then it does have validity for humans, although use of terms that are specific to behavioral differences, such as culture or ethnicity, are more appropriate since they do not imply a biological basis for the categorization.

INTRODUCTION Humans have an incredible ability to distinguish fellow humans from each other, which is a critical ability for such a social species. We can even learn to tell identical twins apart, although they share the same genes. This ability has a consequence, however: it leads us to focus on differences between people instead of similarities among them, and this can lead to a diminished ability to appreciate the incredible similarity in biology that is shared by all

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people. In fact, compared with other species, including our close relatives the chimpanzees, there is very little genetic variation among humans (Kaessmann et al. 1999; Jensen-Seaman et al. 2001). Homo sapiens also have an innate propensity to classify things, and this includes placing human variation into groups. From simple appearance, we are adept (usually) at distinguishing sexes, inferring age groupings, and even detecting health status. We also tend to classify human varieties into population groupings, often referred to as ―races.‖ A major question to be explored in this chapter is whether races are real biological categories, or if they are artificial constructs based on both our cultural backgrounds and innate tendencies to emphasize differences and categorize things. Anthropologists have discovered that it is a human universal to be ethnocentric; believing that our own culture is the best, or the natural, organization of behaviors and understandings about the world. This is a different concept than the notion of racism, which is the belief that there are biological differences between ―races‖ such that some are inferior to others (Brace 2005). Racism is forever: one is always inferior because one‘s genes have made one so. Ethnocentrism is not forever: one can adopt the behaviors of another group, and thus be seen as an equal by a member of that other group. Ming Dynasty Chinese were ethnocentric, deploring the barbarians from elsewhere, but also welcoming those who learned Chinese mores. European travelers from this time period were likely to be racists, believing that the new people they met were from inferior races. Racism is not a characteristic trait of all western peoples. In fact, racism was not a major concern in Classical peoples such as Egyptians, Greeks and Romans (Snowden 1983). Greek ideas about human variation emphasized environmental causes of the differences. Humans were seen to be made up of a combination of four humors (blood, phlegm, bile – or ―choler,‖ and black bile – or ―melancholer‖). The balance of these four humors accounted for physical differences between people as well as for health (Dubos 1965). The environment could lead to an excess or deficiency in one or more humors, thus creating human variation. After the fall of Rome, Europeans were long isolated from the rest of the world, with the isolation starting to breakdown when Crusaders met up with people in the eastern Mediterranean. Travelers then branched out, making contact with Africans and even East Asians in the next few centuries. Europeans were then confronted with human variation, and tried to make sense of it in the face of exaggerated and often erroneous reports of strange humans from elsewhere, including tales of human populations that had tails or dog-like faces. A major debate occurred among European scholars in the eighteenth century on whether humans were a single species (held by the ―monogenists‖) or several species (believed by the ―polygenists‖) (Augstein 1997). While polygenists were able to explain human population differences as being due to God‘s creation, monogenists needed to find a mechanism for the variation within a species. It was not until the nineteenth century that scientifically-based mechanisms which are accepted today were found, with these mechanisms based upon Lamarck‘s and Darwin‘s theories of evolution, and later upon Mendel‘s ideas about genetics (Greene 1959). Some ―scientific‖ theories of human population variation were clearly racist in nature, including that promulgated by Carleton Coon in his book The Origin of Races (1962) which suggested that our species evolved five different times over the expanse of the Old World from Homo erectus ancestors, leading to the modern five human ―races.‖ Coon went on to say that ―each [race] had reached its own level on the evolutionary scale‖ (p. vii), even though

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this notion of some sort of evolutionary scala naturae had been dismissed decades earlier. Scientific racism ran its course in the twentieth century, with anthropologists in the 1920s and 1930s beginning to reject this idea, and the horrors of Nazism helped to give this idea its deathblow. Anthropologists have developed formal statements on race, noting that ―human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups‖ (American Anthropological Association, 1998). To appreciate how contemporary scientists study human biological variation, an overview of the actual evidence used for human diversity is necessary. This evidence can be divided into characteristics that are readily observable, as well as those, such as genetic variants, that are not as noticeable upon superficial observation. The most commonly used observable trait used to characterize human population diversity is skin color.

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OBSERVABLE TRAITS: SKIN COLOR Human skin color varies based upon two pigments that are notably located in skin, hair and the irises of the eyes: eumelanin, which has a dark color, and phaeomelanin, which has a reddish or yellowish hue. Phaeomelanin is found in the skin of most peoples (Meredith and Sarna, 2006) but is not usually observed due to the greater effect of eumelanin on skin color. Eumelanin accounts for nearly all skin color variation in humans. Outer layers of skin contain cells termed melanocytes that produce eumelanin granules. There is little variation among people in the amount of melanocytes (Brues 1977); but there are large differences in the amount of eumelanin produced by each cell, and in the distribution of eumelanin in the skin. Generally, dark skinned people produce more eumelanin and distribute it more evenly than light skinned individuals. Melanin is produced by a complex of biochemical pathways, and thus at least six genetic loci are known to make important contributions to human skin color variation (Sturm et al. 2001; Parra 2007). In some cases, genetic variants can lead to the inability to produce melanin at all, leading to a condition termed albinism. Skin color is also affected by other factors, such as the red color of oxygenated hemoglobin, and thus on the amount of blood flow in superficial blood vessels, on carotene levels in blood, and on the thickness of the skin‘s outer layer – termed the stratum corneum – that contains keratin, a chemical with a slightly yellowish hue. It can therefore be seen that skin color is a very complex trait. What is more, it is a difficult trait to measure, since one‘s skin color changes due to the tanning process resulting from sun exposure. Scientists once used color charts to assess skin color, but now rely on reflectometers, devices that give objective readings on amount of light reflected at specified wavelengths from the skin. To avoid the environmental effects of tanning, one needs to measure ―where the sun don‘t shine,‖ a necessity which often limits people‘s tolerance for undergoing the measurement. Given these difficulties, human biologists have measured skin color variation in people, and found that, discounting recent migrations of peoples over the past few centuries (that is, observing peoples ―native‖ to a region), there is a general tendency for dark skinned people to be found in tropical regions, and lighter skinned people are found at higher latitudes (Robins 1991). Figure 1 shows the general distribution of skin color in aboriginal populations.

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Figure 1. Map depicting the distribution of average skin color in indigenous populations, with darker colors denoting darker average skin color.

The map shown in Figure 1 is a crude illustration of skin color variation, since it does not reflect the complex variability within regions. Distribution of skin color is complex, with the lightest skin colors generally found among northern Europeans, and a cline in ―average‖ skin color from light to dark going from north to south in Europe. There is also a cline of increasingly dark skin color as one moves south in Africa, but there are populations in southern Africa that tend to have fairly light skin color. There is relatively little average skin color variation based on latitude in Asia or the Americas (Brown 2010). It should be noted that there is often quite a bit of variation among individuals within populations in skin color. Many theories have been advanced to explain human skin color variation, from the value of dark skin in protection from the sun‘s strong UV radiation in tropical areas, or for dark skin‘s protection from sunlight‘s destruction of the vitamin folate in exposed skin, or from light skin‘s permitting sunlight to produce vitamin D in exposed skin (Jablonski 2000). What is clear is that skin color variation is genetically complex, affected by environmental exposure to sunlight, difficult to measure, and does not easily fit with our notion of geographical races.

OBSERVABLE TRAITS: EPICANTHIC EYEFOLDS Another trait that is commonly used to differentiate races is the so-called ―Asian eye,‖ a characteristic that is based on variation in the structure of the eyelid, with East Asian populations having a greater frequency of epicanthic eyefolds than other populations. The trait involves an actual fold in the eyelid. This too is a complex trait, with internal, external, and medial folds found, as well as combinations of all the above. East Asians very commonly have medial folds, although the trait is found at lower frequencies in other populations. Internal and external folds are found commonly in all populations. The trait seems to be associated with a low-lying nasal bridge, and part of the ―look‖ of the Asian eye is a greater

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amount of subcutaneous fat in the facial region, a possible adaptation to cold exposure. Otherwise, there is no known adaptive value to the trait, and the genetics are not understood.

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OBSERVABLE TRAITS: STATURE Height, formally termed stature, varies considerably among individuals. Like most traits of interest, it has both inherited and acquired aspects. On one hand, the son of parents who are below average height should probably not set his sights on a career in the National Basketball Association. On the other hand, people today are, on average, much taller than people living a century ago, and this is surely due to environmental, as opposed to genetic, changes. There are populations where average stature is considerably shorter than in other peoples. Some of these so-called ―pygmy‖ populations have been shown to have genetically based traits that explain their short stature. The Efe Pygmies of central Africa, for instance, have a genetically based reduction in cellular receptors for a protein termed insulin-like growth factor, which slows their growth (Jain et al. 1998). Other populations have been termed ―pygmies‖ too, but their short stature turned out to be due to environmental causes, such as poor nutrition. One example is the Mayans of Mexico, who are quite short statured in their Yucatan homeland. However, the children of those who migrated to the U.S. are similar to other Americans in their stature (Bogin 1998). Japanese were sometimes referred to as a short statured ―race,‖ but the average stature of Japanese has increased markedly since World War II, likely due to nutritional changes. This change in a characteristic over a few generations is referred to as a secular trend, and has been seen in many populations when records of stature measurements are compared over the past few generations. The pattern of stature differences in human populations is therefore a moving target, changing from generation to generation depending on wealth, health and nutrition. Again, this represents a trait that has been used in racial categorizations but which on a closer look does not correspond to traditional racial boundaries.

IMAGINED RACIAL DIFFERENCES: IQ While many of the differences ascribed to ―races‖ can be seen to be a poor fit for support of the notions of biological races, the attempts to find differences in intelligence between these so-called races have been particularly noxious. While intelligence is usually defined as the ability to learn, there is no consensus on just what this means, and even if there is only one type of intelligence. Perhaps some individuals are better able to learn certain things than others, but are less adept at learning other types of things. Much of the data used to ascribe intelligence differences are based on differing population averages on IQ tests. The IQ test is derived from work by Alfred Binet who derived the first ―intelligence‖ test in 1905 based on questions typical of those used in school tests (Lewontin et al. 1984). Binet himself differentiated between his test scores and intelligence; he used the test to identify students needing special education. The test was first seen as an indicator of general intelligence when it was used in the U.S., although initially lower scores were obtained among Americans, leading psychologists to ―correct‖ the test scores for

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Americans (Gould 1981). This need to correct the scores indicates that the test was not deriving innate ability, but rather was testing for how well children had learned about aspects of the culture of the people who had devised the test. Through the years, other changes to IQ tests have occurred, including eliminating gender biases, although changes have not occurred in biases by social class and ethnicity. A major controversy has arisen over the extent to which ―intelligence‖ is inherited. Scientists have attempted to estimate the heritability of intelligence, with heritability referring to the percentage of a trait‘s variability that is explained by genetic differences. A standard means for estimating heritability in humans has been through twin studies, with identical twins, who have an identical genome, expected to be more similar in a trait than fraternal twins, who are no more genetically similar than any two siblings. Work on twins by Cyril Burt purported to find high levels of heritability for IQ, but it was later proved that his work was based on fraudulent data (Lewontin et al. 1984). Other twin studies have been carried out, and many have been criticized on methodological grounds, based on not correcting for the age of test takers, improper standardization of tests, unusual nature of twins, and/or the great similarity in environment that identical twins have. Other heritability estimates have been made based upon comparisons of biological versus adopted children. Heritability studies of intelligence are important because they are said to suggest the degree to which improved education and self-improvement is possible. It should be understood that heritability is based upon the variability of the population under study: if the population is very homogeneous, for instance in socioeconomic status and educational attainment, then heritability estimates will tend to be higher than in a population with more variability. A critical part of the IQ debate is the reported differences in IQ between ethnic groups in the United States. In brief, Asian Americans tend to have higher average IQ scores than European Americans, and African Americans tend to have lower scores than European Americans. Three kinds of explanations have been given for the differences in scores: 1. Due to environmental differences: Asian Americans live in the most favorable and African Americans in the least favorable environments for obtaining high scores on these tests; 2. Due to genetic differences: Asian Americans having the greatest, European Americans intermediate and African Americans the least innate intelligence; and 3. Due to the culture bound nature of the tests: the differences simply are reflective of cultural differences among these three ethnic groups. Some explanations have used combinations of the three possibilities. One researcher has suggested that African Americans actually have the most innate intelligence that partly compensates for the much worse environmental conditions present for them in terms of taking IQ tests (Block 1995). IQ tests were designed to predict school performance, not to measure some poorly articulated concept termed ―intelligence.‖ The tests succeed to some degree in predicting school success. However, since the tests have been shown to be sensitive to cultural, gender, and socioeconomic differences, there is no demonstration that any ethnic difference in average scores on the test represents an inherent difference in intelligence between races.

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Better understanding of human variation, and whether human races make sense as a biological concept, comes from observation of traits that have a known genetic basis. Some of these are classic traits such as blood groups, although now much genetic variation is discerned from modern techniques that permit study of molecular changes in the DNA that determines our genetics.

GENETIC TRAITS: BLOOD TYPES

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Human biologists are able to distinguish variable human genetic traits based on differences in blood types. The best known of these is the ABO blood type system. The initial discovery of the genetic differences in blood type stemmed from the often catastrophic effects of transfusing blood from one individual to another. Because the immune system protects us from foreign invaders by distinguishing ―self‖ from ―non-self‖ and ruthlessly attacking substances detected as ―non-self,‖ transfusion of blood from one individual to another with a different blood type often led to an immune attack on the transfused blood. a)

b)

Figure 2. Map depicting the distribution of frequencies of the ―A‖ and ―B‖ blood type alleles in indigenous populations. A. ―A‖ allele; B. ―B‖ allele. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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Red blood cells all contain certain sugars on their membranes. All of the sugars have one basic form in common, and this basic form is determined by having a certain allele (specific form of a gene) termed ―O.‖ There are two other sugars which are modifications of the basic type, determined by ―A‖ and ―B‖ alleles. Since for most traits we have two alleles - one from each parent - an individual can have any pair of the two alleles: OO, OA, AA, OB, BB and AB. Since the O sugar is the basic form common to each of the ABO sugars, individuals whose blood cells only have O sugars do not elicit an immune response from others. Individuals with A alleles elicit immune responses from individuals who do not have the A sugar when blood is transfused, and similarly individuals with B alleles cause immune responses when their blood is transfused into people without the B sugar. Figures 2A and 2B show the worldwide distribution of the A and B alleles, respectively, in aboriginal populations. It can be seen that they are rare in most Native American populations but that otherwise the distribution takes on a clinal pattern, without clumping into traditional racial groups. Another blood type is the Rhesus (Rh) system, in which individuals are usually simply characterized as being positive (Rh+) or negative (Rh-). In reality, the trait is determined by three closely linked genes designated C, D, and E, with each gene having two alleles, and these genes code for three different proteins on the surface of red blood cells. The D allele is the primary one for determining if an individual is Rh positive or negative; individuals that have the two alleles DD or Dd are positive, and those who have the two alleles dd are negative (Colin et al. 1991).

Figure 3. Map depicting the distribution of the frequency of the Rh negative allele in indigenous populations.

The Rhesus blood group has importance because variation in the trait can cause health problems. If a woman is RH negative and her fetus is RH positive, she can develop an immune response to the fetus because it has a protein that is ―non-self‖ to her. Usually there is no problem with a single pregnancy, but the woman may, in a sense, become inoculated against the protein in an early pregnancy, and this makes her develop a much stronger immune attack against later fetuses that are RH positive, in some cases actually causing the

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pregnancy to fail. This is referred to as maternal-fetal incompatibility, and can occur for many traits in which the mother and her fetus differ genetically. Figure 3 shows the distribution of the RH negative (d) allele. The allele is in highest frequency among Basque populations that reside in the border region of Spain and France, and there is a cline in the frequency, with values near zero in populations distant from this region. Given the strong selection against a variant allele arising in a population due to the effects of maternal-fetal incompatibility, it is likely that the recessive allele became widespread in the Basque population at a time of relative isolation from other groups, and then this allele gradually spread out to other populations as isolation was reduced, permitting gene flow to occur (Brown 2010).

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GENETIC TRAITS: HEMOGLOBIN VARIANTS Hemoglobin is the protein in red blood cells that carries oxygen through the blood stream from lungs to tissues. The protein comes in several forms, with the most common being the ―adult‖ form referred to as hemoglobin A. Because of hemoglobin‘s key role, even small variance in its form can have dire consequences for the individual. One variant that causes considerable problems for individuals is termed hemoglobin S, or sickle cell hemoglobin. The variant form gets its name because of a chemical property of the protein found in people who have both alleles for hemoglobin S: under low oxygen conditions it easily forms chemical bonds with neighboring hemoglobin molecules, and can form large, elongated complexes of many molecules linked together. These complexes form needle-like crystals, which can distort the entire shape of red blood cells, creating a sickle-like shape to the cell (Edelstein 1986). These cells can then become compressed together in small blood vessels, blocking blood flow. The reduced blood flow causes oxygen levels to fall, and thus creates the condition for increased crystal formation that lead to further sickling. This cascade of increased sickling of red blood cells leads to increased blockage of blood flow, extreme pain, severe anemia, and, often, death. Because sickle cell disease is so devastating, it was initially surprising to find that the allele for hemoglobin S was common in many populations. These populations were chiefly in sub-Saharan Africa and the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula. It was noted that all areas where hemoglobin S was in high frequency were also areas where malaria was a serious disease risk. Ensuing research showed that individuals with one allele for hemoglobin S and one allele for hemoglobin A were somewhat resistant to malaria. Since malaria is a devastating disease that kills close to a million people, mainly young children, each year, a Faustian bargain has been set up between the fatal conditions of malaria and sickle cell anemia to provide individuals with one of each allele. Some descendants of people from malarial regions, even those areas now relatively free of malaria, still carry the hemoglobin S allele, and therefore cases of sickle cell anemia do occur in regions far from where malaria is prevalent. Other hemoglobin variants, such as thalassemia and hemoglobin E, are also related to malaria, with balanced polymorphisms occurring to balance the effects of anemia with malarial resistance. An intriguing example of the complexity in the relationship between hemoglobin variants and environmental conditions occurs with work that examined

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populations that rely on cassava as a major food source. In some areas where cassava is grown, soils contain a great deal of cyanide, and this poison gets into the cassava at low levels. The levels are not enough to kill the people, but the poison does kill malarial parasites in the people. Therefore, the populations living in areas with high cyanide levels have lower rates of malaria, and also lower frequencies of the hemoglobin S allele (Jackson 1990).

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GENETIC TRAITS: MOLECULAR GENETICS Modern methods of molecular biology permit analysis of the chemical structure of the DNA that makes up our genes, so genetic studies can be done without observing physical traits associated with the genetic variability. Studies of the overall genetic diversity of people have discovered that our species has very low amounts of variation compared to other species. For instance, any single chimpanzee population has a greater degree of genetic diversity than the entire human species (Ferris et al. 1981; Cann et al. 1987). Work has been done with three particular types of DNA: mitochondrial DNA, DNA in the Y chromosome, and DNA in other chromosomes. Mitochondrial DNA is found in small structures within cells that are termed mitochondria. This DNA is passed down almost entirely through the mother, through mitochondria located in her egg cells. Mitochondria from male‘s sperm rarely are passed down to offspring. Thus, mitochondrial DNA allows tracing of maternal lines of inheritance. Studies of mitochondrial DNA have identified genetic markers that apparently change only slowly through time. These markers, termed haplotypes, can be used to study the history of human populations, including genetic similarities between populations, and the migration history of peoples. One of the primary discoveries from this study is that by far the greatest amount of human genetic variation is found within African populations, thus providing evidence that human ancestry is older in Africa than elsewhere, since the greater time in Africa has permitted more variation to arise there (Cann et al. 1987). Study of mitochondrial DNA haplotypes has permitted the tracing of past human migrations by tracing genetic affinities among populations. For instance, Asian haplotypes are found commonly in the mitochondrial DNA of Micronesians and Polynesians, providing strong support for a west-toeast settlement pattern in the Pacific islands (Lum et al. 1998). Furthermore, there is little evidence for extensive interbreeding between ancestral populations of Polynesians and Micronesians, and the Papuan-speaking Melanesian populations that inhabited the western Pacific long before the former two groups arrived in the Pacific Basin. This lack of extensive genetic exchange suggests that the ancestral Polynesian and Micronesian populations migrated through the Pacific relatively rapidly (Lum and Cann 1998). Native Americans populations have just five major haplotypes in their mitochondrial DNA, with three of the five displaying north-south clinal distributions, one appearing almost entirely in North America, and the fifth being mostly absent from the northernmost part of North America (Schurr and Sherry 2004). This distribution of haplotypes suggests that Native American migration occurred in a north-south vector. Y chromosomes are passed from fathers to sons, with this chromosome determining the individual‘s sex. Thus, study of Y chromosomes allows observation of paternal patterns of genetic inheritance. Studies of human populations have shown very similar patterns of

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population affinities as those observed with mitochondrial DNA, but there are also some differences. One difference is found in the example of the colonization of the Pacific: Y chromosome data suggest that there was a substantial amount of genetic input from the older Papuan-speaking groups in the Western Pacific into Polynesian and Micronesian ancestral populations (Cann and Lum 2004), a finding contrary to that from mitochondrial DNA. This suggests that there was an imbalance in the gene exchange, with Papuan-speaking males having a greater genetic input than females into Polynesian and Micronesian populations. Studies of human population genetic diversity have also been done with DNA from other chromosomes. For this DNA, inheritance stems from both parents. Again, similar, but not identical, results of human population affinities are found in comparison with mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosome studies. The similarities provide strong support for the geneticbased evidence for population affinities that have been, and are being, derived from the molecular genetics research. The differences that are found suggest that complex social interactions have sometimes influenced the patterns of gene flow among human populations. The general conclusions from the DNA studies are that human populations are all genetically similar compared with other related species, such as chimpanzees; that human populations have been exchanging genes throughout history and prehistory; that there is much more genetic diversity within any human population than is found between populations – an estimate based on the molecular study of 377 chromosomal locations found that about 95% of human genetic diversity occurs within populations, with only 5% of diversity due to interpopulation differences (Rosenberg et al. 2002); and that human genetic diversity is clinal, rather than clumped into regional units. Thus, the results of the molecular genetic research confirm the notion that the modern human species does not consist of biological races.

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RACE AND HUMAN VARIATION This chapter has attempted in a short space to debunk the idea that humans form natural categories of peoples that match notions of large, geographically-based races. This has led many anthropologists to suggest that the term ―race‖ be stricken from scientific discussions of human variation, in favor of terms such as ―ethnicity,‖ which focus on culturally-based differences among human groups. Certainly, the history of quasi-science based racism, culminating in Nazi death camps for those peoples seen as being racially inferior, has made it apparent that scientists must be clear about the lack of evidence for the existence of races, let alone any evidence for racial superiority or inferiority. However, the fact that humans do not form races does not mean that human variation does not exist; nor does it mean that human populations are biologically identical. In fact, important genetic variation does exist, and this variation may account for some of the health disparities found between human groups. Understanding of the disparities in disease risk not only can provide improvement in the health of high-risk populations, but can also provide us with the knowledge needed to improve the health of all peoples. Ridding ourselves of the notion of race as a biological characteristic of our species will not remove the reality of human population differences as a social construct. However, it is important to emphasize the importance of social factors in determining human diversity. What meaning is there for an ―African American race‖ when virtually all people classified as

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such have varying degrees of admixture with peoples from other so-called ―races‖ whether from Europeans, aboriginal Americans, or other groups? What meaning is there for a ―Native Hawaiian race‖ when there are even greater degrees of admixture? However, identification with these groups has great meaning for people as a form of self-identification with membership in a social community. Therefore, while ―race‖ has outlasted its utility as a categorical term for humans, terms such as ―ethnic group‖ retain their value, emphasizing the primacy of social differences in human variation. Biological differences do exist, but they are often influenced by social variation, and thus a biosocial understanding of human diversity is a key to understanding, and celebrating, our differences.

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REFERENCES American Anthropological Association. 1998. American Anthropological Association Statement on "Race." (http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm). Augstein, H. F. (1997). Introduction. In: Race: The Origins of an Idea, 1760-1850, H. F. Augstein (ed.), pp. 1-11. Bristol, U.K.: Thoemmes Press. Block, N. (1995). How heritability misleads about race. Cognition 56:99-128. Bogin, B. (1998). The tall and the short of it. Discover, 40-44. Brace, C. L. (2005). “Race” Is a Four-Letter Word. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brown, D. E. (2010). Human Biological Diversity. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall. Brues, A. (1977). People and Races. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Cann, R. L. and Lum, J.K. (2004). Dispersal ghosts in Oceania. American Journal of Human Biology. 16:440-451. Cann, R. L., Stoneking, M., and Wilson, A. C. (1987). Mitochondrial DNA and humanevolution. Nature, 325:31-36. Colin, Y., Chérif-Zahar, B., Kim, C. L. V., Raynal, V., Van Huffel V., and Cartron, J.-P. (1991). Genetic basis of the RhD-positive and RHD-negative blood group polymorphism as determined by Southern analysis. Blood, 78:2747-2752. Coon, C. S. (1962). The Origin of Races. New York: Random House. Dubos, R. (1965). Man Adapting. New Haven: Yale University Press. Edelstein, S. J. (1986). The Sickled Cell: From Myths to Molecules. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Ferris, S. D., Brown, W. M., Davidson, W.S., and Wilson, A. C. (1981). Extensive polymorphism in the mitochondrial DNA of apes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 78:6319-6323. Gould, S. J. (1981). The Mismeasure of Man. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Greene, J. C. (1959). The Death of Adam. Ames: The Iowa State University Press. Jablonski, N. G., and Chaplin, G. (2000). The evolution of human skin coloration. Journal of Human Evolution, 39:57-106. Jain, S., D. W. Golde, D.W., Bailey, R., and Geffner, M.E. (1998). Insulin-like growth factorI resistance. Endocrine Reviews, 19:625-646. Jensen-Seaman, M. I., Deinard, A. S., and Kidd, K. K. (2001). Modern African ape populations as genetic and demographic models of the last common ancestor of humans, chimpanzees, and gorillas. The Journal of Heredity, 92, 475-480.

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Kaessmann, H., Wiebe, V., and Pääbo S. (2001). Extensive nuclear DNA sequence diversity among chimpanzees. Science, 286, 1159-1162. Lewontin, R. C., Rose, S., and Kamin, L. J. (1984). Not In Our Genes: Biology, Ideology, and Human Nature. New York: Pantheon Books. Lum, J. K., and Cann, R. L. (1998). mtDNA and language support a common origin of Micronesians and Polynesians in Island Southeast Asia. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 105:109-119. Lum, J. K., Cann, R. L., Martinson, J. J., and Jorde, L. B. (1998). Mitochondrial and nuclear genetic relationships among Pacific island and Asian populations. American Journal of Human Genetics, 63:613-624. Meredith P., and Sarna T. (2006). The physical and chemical properties of eumelanin. Pigment Cell Research 19:572-594. Parra, E. J. (2007). Human pigmentation variation: evolution, genetic basis, and implications for public health. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 50:85-105. Robins, A. H. (1991). Biological Perspectives on Human Pigmentation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rosenberg, N. A., Pritchard, J. K., Weber, J. L., Cann, H. M., Kidd, K. K., Zhivotovsky L.

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A., and Feldman, M. W. (2002) Genetic Structure of Human Populations. Science 298:2381-2385. Schurr, T. G., and Sherry, S. T. (2004). Mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosome diversity and the peopling of the Americas: Evolutionary and demographic evidence. American Journal of Human Biology, 16:420-439. Snowden, F. M., Jr. (1983). Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Sturm, R. A., Teasdale, R. D., and Box, N. F. (2001). Human pigmentation genes: identification, structure and consequences of polymorphic variation. Gene, 277:49-62.

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

ISBN: 978-1-61122-863-2 © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 2

MENTAL AND BEHAVIORAL HEALTH: AN EAST-WEST PERSPECTIVE Pamela P.Y. Leung,1 Cecilia L.W. Chan2 and Eric Blyth3 1,2

University of Hong Kong, China University of Huddersfield, UK

3

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ABSTRACT Among diverse cultures, mental and behavioral health is always the foundation to overall health, well-being and productivity. It is the basis for successful families, communities, and societies. A workforce with diversified ethnic and cultural backgrounds can often foster innovations and creativity because new energies are created in the process of cross fertilization of thoughts and behavioral adaptations. This chapter explores a psychosocial dimension of diversity management in terms of mental and behavioral health. It introduces a transcultural perspective in understanding the meanings of health and accommodation to differences in diversity management by exploring how Chinese culture, the adaptation of concepts from Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) philosophies and practices and Western values can be utilized to strengthen a diversified and synergistic environment for managers and executives in problem analysis and intervention. It also introduces an integrative approach to mental and behavioral health that speaks to a language of inclusiveness and diversity.

INTRODUCTION With the world‘s increasing globalization, diversity management has become an important issue in work diversity (Teicher and Spearitt, 1996); higher education (Day and Glick, 2000; Gurin, Dey, Hutado, and Gurin, 2002), as well as for culturally sensitive health and social care (Devore and Schlesinger, 1999; Fernando, 2003; Gilligan and Furness, 2006; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). The majority (75%) of Fortune 500 organizations have also adopted diversity programs and business in promoting diversity management among managers (Barsade, Ward, Turner, and Sonnenfeld, 2000). Yet, some people may regard diversity management simply as a fad or politically correct management

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Pamela P.Y. Leung, Cecilia L.W. Chan and Eric Blyth

jargon lacking any deep commitment to the actual implementation of diversity in practice. Ideas of diversity management may also be used as an excuse for employers to avoid commitment to decent pay for work in various parts of the world and employees confined to unstable part-time hourly paid jobs, in particular making casual work for women and ethnic minorities an international norm. The quality of services being offered is also severely affected because of instability of the workforce and minimal standards in service provision for project maximization. For example, mental health services in the West are frequently criticized as being insensitive to culture and inappropriate for many people from diversified cultural backgrounds (Fernando, 2003). Compared with whites, racial and ethnic minorities in the U.S. enjoy restricted access to mental health services and often receive poorer quality care (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). To address these disparities and enhance equality in utilization and outcomes of services, it is important to understand the diverse meanings of health and wellbeing of people from different cultural background and the different ways for their realization through diverse practices (Ivancevich and Gilbert, 2000). Culture forms the basis of beliefs, norms, and values that govern people‘s behaviors. It bears upon whether people would seek help in the first place, what types of help they seek, what coping styles they have, and how they develop trust in the system that offers help. The value system, needs, priorities of individual consumers of services as well as of administrators and policy makers, determine their decision making and goal setting in ways that individuals may not even be aware of. Health belief and practices, as well as values related to mind, body, and spirituality can play a significant role in how a service is being planned, seen and responded to by a member of a particular cultural group. With globalization, trade, tourism and migration, the human race is experiencing the greatest population flows with a need to learn from each other and appreciate different cultures. The development of accessible international travel has dramatically reduced the burden of long distance travel. More non-Chinese people are learning Chinese as the economy of China grows. However, how Chinese philosophy and traditional practices can be used in management decision is less discussed. Chinese people constitute one-fifth of the world‘s population and are the key migrant group to major cities of the west. This chapter uses Chinese culture as a point of discussion. Chinese culture is characterized by a holistic system of thoughts, a preference for a naturalistic method of healing, and a preference for support from clanship and the familial community in time of need (Chau and Yu, 2010; Lee, Ng, Leung, and Chan, 2009; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, and Norenzayan, 2001). However, even within an ethnic Chinese group, diversity in values, beliefs and practices should be acknowledged; over-generalization of an ethnicgroup characteristic only reflects limited understanding (Congress, 1994). Some members of Chinese communities in the west have a long tradition of exchange with other cultures and are influenced by both the indigenous and foreign cultures. In terms of health care utilization, Chinese people simultaneously believe in biomedical and TCM and are receptive to both mainstream health-care services and culturally-specific health care (Chau and Yu, 2004; Chen and Xu, 2003; Payne, Chapman, Holloway, Seymour, and Chau, 2005).

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HEALTH AND MENTAL HEALTH: A TRANSCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE In ancient societies, spiritual healing and alleviation of problems associated with the mind often existed side by side with naturalistic treatment of physical ailments (Fernando, 2003). The Western secularization and scientific movement that began in the seventeenth century brought a new paradigm that significantly advanced the development of medicine and health services but at the same time separated the body, mind and the spirit as discrete domains. Eastern cultures did not experience this transition, at least not at that time; and a holistic perspective was maintained until the present time. The body-mind dichotomy is absent in the thinking underlying TCM.

The Biomedical Model and Western Traditions

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Western culture has been heavily influenced by the scientific movement since the seventeenth century (Nisbett, et al., 2001). The Western construction of health and illness follows a bio-medical model informed by a dualistic and linear thinking.

Mind-Body Duality Descartes established the proposition that the soul, or the mind, could conceivably exist independently of a body (Descartes, 1641/1990). The doctrine of mind-body duality strongly influenced the scientific movement and the shaping of culture in the West. Science and religion became separate disciplines. Science came to the forefront of Western tradition. Matter was regarded as fundamental; consciousness became a by-product (Sheikh and Sheikh, 1989). Psychiatry and psychology developed into specialties in Western medicine. Spirituality was excluded from the scientific realm and had no place in medicine and psycho-social practices. This compartmentalization often results in a neglect of the psychosocial and spiritual components of the individuals concerned. Reductionist-Analytic Mode of Knowing Newtonian thinking provided another important influence that shaped Western culture and the scientific movement (Capra, 1982). Assuming that the function of the whole can be understood by analyzing the function of its constituent parts, phenomena are reduced to the smallest possible parts for precise understanding and control. While this logical-analytic approach has been pivotal in enhancing our understanding of phenomena in the world, especially the objective world, its reductionist and linear mode of thinking reflects a mechanistic worldview. When considering management in the area of mental and behavioral health, such a mechanistic view seems not very helpful in understanding the dynamic functioning of human beings and their interaction with one another, and with the world. An Individualistic View of Self Originating in Greek civilization in which a sense of personal agency is emphasized, Western discourse on ―self‖ favors individualism and autonomy (Nisbett, et al., 2001). The ―self‖ is perceived as a unitary and autonomous entity that is separate from the outside world,

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constantly exercising autonomy and striving for a sense of mastery. As such, mental health treatment with individuals aims at fostering ego strength through the promotion of selfefficacy, self-actualization and self-esteem, and helping to overcome the specific problem(s) at hand (Lee, et al., 2009). Individualism also fosters a sense of civil rights and of every individual being‘s unique entitlements that should be respected. No individual should be discriminated against because they are different. Diversity management is seen as a mechanism in the establishment of a just workplace that provides a level playing field for all employees that can protect individuals irrespective of ethnicity, race, gender, age, sexuality, sexual orientation, language or cultural background (O' Leary and Weathington, 2006).

A Double–Edge Sword The development of Western medicine echoes the discourse of Newtonian-Cartesian thinking. It espouses a bio-medical model which breaks down the human body into discrete parts for precise examination and treatment. This approach to health and disease has been very successful in enhancing diagnostic and therapeutic capacities which have altered the natural course of many diseases, cured many disorders, prolonged life and eased much suffering. As health is perceived as the negation of disease, the focus of the bio-medical model is to eliminate the agents that cause diseases and cure or remove the pathological parts of the human body. This constitutes the shadow side of the bio-medical model – the capability of Western medicine is stretched when attempting to confront diseases that are rooted in lifestyle or non-physical causes, and other problems of living caused by life stresses. Moreover, a reference to the natural capability of the human body and mind to self-healing is almost absent from a paradigm focusing on disease and pathology. As such, this approach severely limits our access to and utilization of the potentials of the different healing capacities of human beings, especially the diverse resources inherent in people from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds. Over-specialization is another obvious problem in health care management. The health services focus primarily on treatment, removal of pathology and symptoms, rather than focusing on prevention, establishment of a conductive environment for the person as a whole, connected being, or on fostering strengths and wellness of individuals and families. Intervention that emphasizes mastery, self fulfillment and actualization can certainly help people effect desirable changes in their lives. However, problems arise when mastery and control are regarded as the only therapeutic ideals. In fact, striving for a sense of control sometimes may bring more problems than solutions in many life situations. Managers and administrators will have to cope with issues arising from individual staff members who may experience chronic or incurable illness, accidents, disasters, death of a loved one, depression, burnout, substance abuse or other addictions, sexual harassment, bullying and interpersonal violence in the workplace. Focus on ‗fire fighting‘ may distract managers from taking an objective review of the whole organization to bring about an organizational renewal. These issues may require a holistic and contextual understanding of the total person and their organizational and community environment. A healthy environment, human and pro-family work policy is crucial in the creation of a social system that is necessary for a happy and healthy community. Alienation and over-division of labor reinforce a sense of helplessness and powerlessness among the population. There is a recent trend to search for alternative solutions to health and well-being from a holistic perspective (Dossey, 2001; Le Navenec and Bridges, 2005; Mackenzie and Rakel,

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2006; Shannon, 2002). Learning from insights of Eastern traditional wisdom, problems and suffering of individuals, families and communities can be seen as an important pathway leading decision makers to organizational transformation and growth.

TCM and the Eastern Wisdom of Diversity

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TCM has a history of thousands of years. It is one of the very few traditional medicines that has survived the prevalence of Western medicines (WHO, 2002), probably attributed to its sophisticated use of a holistic and systemic perspective in diagnosis and treatment (Ng, Chan, Leung, Chan, and Yau, 2008). The TCM system of healing is based upon a philosophy of the correspondence between nature and human beings (Chen and Xu, 2003). The core theoretical framework underpinning TCM is the Yin-yang Theory and the Law of Five Elements, both derived from the philosophical tenets of Daoism on diversity and the rule of unceasing changes as the reality of human existence.

The Yin-Yang Theory The yin-yang theory proposes that all things in the world can broadly be divided into two main categories (or forces) - the yin and the yang. Yin is the shadow side, represented by softness, stillness and darkness (e.g. the night) while yang is the bright side, represented by hardness, movement and brightness (e.g. the day). Yin and yang comprise an opposing, mutually facilitating, but also mutually repressing pair operating together to maintain a dynamic equilibrium. The operation of all things in the world, including human life, can be understood as the eternal cybernetic dance between yin and yang. As failure is the mother of success, failure is neither good nor bad. Failure is only a process of feedback leading to ultimate success. Yin and yang embody the truth as reflected in the law of change. The yin-yang symbol, with the light color representing the yin and the dark the yang, illustrates the dynamic interplay and intricate balance of the two forces (Figure 1). The two forces are constantly in flux; once yin reaches maximum, it retreats to leave room for the yang, and vice versa.

Figure 1. The yin-yang symbol.

The small circles that appear in the opposite region demonstrate that each contains a part of the other. As such, the yin-yang perspective entails a dualistic and holistic conceptualization of reality (Lee, et al., 2009). In themselves, yin and yang are neither good nor evil but a reflection on the intertwined duality of all things in nature. Health and well-being

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are attained and maintained when yin and yang are in harmonious dynamic equilibrium (Pachuta, 1989). Like colors of a rainbow, bringing diversity into the system can often create a beautiful light that can foster hope and harmony. With the knowledge of a cybernetic balance of day and night, strong and weak, in the yin-yang balance, the ability to embrace adversity and tackle challenges can be enhanced. In applying the yin-yang concepts to management, there are wisdoms that can be developed: be relaxed about the vicissitudes of life, do not panic in case of crisis and emergencies, trust in the innate ability of individuals and organizations in healing and recovery, appreciate change being constant, remain detached from short-term success and failure appraisal while maintaining an objectivity in capacity building.

The Law of Five Elements According to the Law of Five Elements, the universe operates as a symbiotic interactive system of metal, water, wood, fire, and earth (Table 1). In accordance with the yin-yang theory, the relationship between the five elements is characterized by a facilitative and a repressive intertwining of forces1. It is through these symbiotic relationships that the universe maintains its cybernetic balance and dynamic harmony. The functioning of the human body can also be understood as the operation of five elements: the lung, kidney, liver, heart and spleen are the five major functional systems2, each of which is represented by one of the five elements (Table 1). From the TCM perspective, different emotions have an effect on a different functional body system. For example, excess joy can affect the heart system, i.e. a person who is often hyper-manic may suffer from high blood pressure or even heart attack. Similarly, excess anger can affect the liver system, excess worry can affect the digestive system of the spleen, excess sorrow can affect the lung system, and excess fear can affect the kidney system (Abramson, 2003; C. L. W. Chan, 2001; C. L. W. Chan, Ho, and Chow, 2001; Chen and Xu, 2003). Health can therefore be promoted by maintaining a temperate state of mind and avoiding experiencing of excessive emotions. This is also true for an organization, the lack of cybernetic feedback and regulation of activities among different units may hinder healthy functioning of the organization as a whole. Table 1. The Five Elements Theory: Emotions and Related Functional Body Systems

Functional body systems Emotions if system is out of balance

Five Elements Metal Water Lung , Kidney, large urinary intestine bladder Worry, Fear grief

Wood Liver, Gall bladder Anger

Fire Heart, Small intestine, Joy

Earth Spleen, stomach Contemplation

(Adapted from Chan, 2001). 1 According to the Law of Five Elements, wood nourishes fire; fire nourishes earth; earth nourishes metal; mental nourishes water; and water nourishes wood. These represent the facilitative cycle. In the repressing cycle, earth is controlled by wood; wood is controlled by metal; metal is controlled by fire; fire is controlled by water; and water is controlled by earth (Pachuta, 1989). 2 In TCM, the body parts are understood in terms of functional systems rather than individual organs and reflect not only physical but also meta-physical functioning. For example, the spleen in TCM refers to the digestive system, in charge of the assimilation of food and fluid, as well as ideas generation; the heart not only serves as the central engine for blood circulation but also harbors the spirit and governs the mind (Chen and Xu, 2003).

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Building on the above theoretical foundations, TCM develops its unique understanding of health and illness of individuals as well as that of organizations, and provides a system for problem diagnosis and intervention (Abramson, 2003; Ng, et al., 2008; Pachuta, 1989): 1. The balance of yin and yang and the five elements as well as the harmony of the individual in the environment are the foundation for the understanding of health and well-being for individuals and organizational managers as well. The factors causing illness are not limited to physical and genetic factors but include emotional (e.g. excess anger, depression, fears), spiritual (e.g. losing connection with the divine essence within us, feeling meaninglessness, loss of passion to the organizational mission and vision), environmental (e.g. extreme wind or heat, hostility of the media, natural disaster, global financial crisis) components as well as lack of ability to compromise and arrive at mutually acceptable solutions through creative means of collective participation and problem solving. 2. Managers can learn from the five elements. For example, we can learn from the element of water. Water is the fluid, creative essence of life that can take many forms. It can be water molecules in a pond or a gentle running stream. It can be used to clean dirt and is always looking to go downwards to the grassroots and to lower levels of the ground. It can go into the sea and bring food and nutrients to ocean creatures. When it evaporates, it rises to the sky, quietly and unnoticed. It can stay as clouds and join the earth again as moisture in the air, rain or morning dew. Water is ever changing, constantly transforming itself and often invisible. Water in a human body maintains a balance of minerals and oxygen to be sent to every cell. It serves as lubricants in the form of body fluids to allow effective communication between the brain, organs, muscles and bones. Managers can be like water, creating synergy and bringing about change in the organization without being noticed. Water can be turned into waves that are full of energy. It can carry huge ocean vessels across the continents. It can be noisy, powerful and occasionally be destructive such as causing landslide in a heavy rain storm. Allowing the element of water to manifest its diverse forms in an organization can bring about the best of the collectivity. 3. ―Unless the wood is decaying, no mushroom can grow on it. No insects can build a home on a healthy growing tree.‖ This is a traditional Chinese wisdom. Sometimes, the manifestation of ill-health is system imbalance rather than the disease agents. To diagnose the system, the whole organization and its sub-divisions, roots and branches needs to be examined. The holistic well-being of the tree can be seen if there is sufficient nutrient coming from the roots and the leaves, if there is sufficient sunshine to allow for photosynthesis, if there is sufficient space for the branches to grow, if there is sufficient water on the ground, if the soil is rich, if there is harmonious symbiosis of the tree with the birds, insects, and animals in the wood… The more important component is the overall health of the forest or park in which the tree grows. It is essential that organizations achieve harmony through mutual accommodation, appreciation, respect, and collective goal attainment. Effective communication, affirmation of a collective vision, shared passion and commitment to justice can foster the long term survival of a vibrant organization. 4. The key treatment target is the system imbalance. The treatment modality must be multi-dimensional. The goal is to bring the subsystems and functions back into

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Pamela P.Y. Leung, Cecilia L.W. Chan and Eric Blyth balance physically, mentally and spiritually. The passion and commitment to the organizational vision and mission, which is the spirit of the collective, need to be discussed, renewed and affirmed regularly. The connection to the ultimate and organizational goals is vital to getting organizations to work together as one. These shared dreams, shared goals and collective pride as an organization can foster a sense of connectedness among all parties involved.

THE EASTERN PERSPECTIVES AND PRACTICAL APPROACHES The Yin-Yang theory and Law of Five Elements are derived from Daoism. In addition, Chinese culture is also heavily shaped by Confucian and Buddhist teaching. The following discussion draws on the philosophical concepts of these traditions. Discussion of implications for practice follows an introduction of the key concepts pertaining to mental and behavioral health practices under the philosophical traditions of Daoism, Confucianism and Buddhism.

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Daoism The central concept of Daoism embraces a systemic cosmic view of nature – everything in the world is connected and there is unity amidst diversity (Lee, et al., 2009). Yin and yang are neither good nor evil. In fact, both originate from the same universal force, the Dao. ―It is upon misery that happiness rests; it is under happiness that misery lies.‖ (Lao-zi, 5 BCE). This is a statement from the Dao De Jing, a classical Chinese text believed to be written by Lao-zi, founder of Daoism. It presents the paradoxical nature of human life. Reality is constantly changing in a dialectical dynamic. Human lives are meant to be confronted with both desirable and undesirable experiences. Thus, allowing nature to unfold in its own way and relinquishing the effort to control outcomes are routes to peacefulness and harmony (Koenig and Spano, 1998). This worldview has important implications for the understanding of problems in life and ways to handle them. 





Instead of dichotomizing good or evil (functional and dysfunctional), health care professionals, administrators and educators should focus on the whole pattern, the potentials, strengths and capabilities in their clients, employees or students as well as the environment. The different aspects of a person, an experience, a behavior, or a belief are not to be treated as functional/dysfunctional, good/bad, but understood as parts of the dynamic balance within an individual or organization. A disruption to the equilibrium can be viewed as an opportunity for change towards individual and/or organizational development. Problems do not arise just because one is poor, sick or weak, but when one defines a circumstance (or an act, a person, or a unit of an organization) as only good or only evil, or rigidly holding on a particular personality characteristic, attitudinal belief or organizational norm (Koenig and Spano, 1998; Wong and Mckeen, 1998).

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Knowing that everything in the world is relative to its counterpart (there is always a yin besides a yang and vice versa) can free oneself from a restrictive frame of mind. It also frees people from attachment to possessions, ideas, relationships, and so on as all these will come and go. As ―good‖ and ―evil‖ often exist side by side in reality, we can always have hope in despair and maintain an optimistic mind.

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Confucianism In the Confucian ethos, individual well-being is achieved through living a conscientious and virtuous life as well as fulfilling social obligations (Bond, 1996; Ho, 1995). Social harmony is highly esteemed and significantly outweighs individual welfare. Relational orientation is the essence of behavioral patterns in Confucian culture (Ho, 1995). The relationship with others, parents and family members in particular, is important not only in one‘s personality development but also in defining meaning in an individual‘s everyday reality (Ho, Peng, Lai, and Chan, 2001). As such, individual expressiveness (including emotional expression) is largely discouraged. Subsequently, there is a lack of vocabulary to describe emotions in Chinese culture (C. L. W. Chan, Lo, and Leung, 2000). Emotional or psychosocial distress is commonly expressed as bodily symptoms or somatic disorders (Kleinman and Kleinman, 1985; Mai, 2004). For example, people may experience problems in the digestive system after receiving bad news that they cannot ―swallow‖ and ―digest‖, or have shoulder pain when overburdened with responsibilities (Lei, 1998). The collectivist orientation in the East tends to suppress the needs of expression of individuality. By focusing on collective benefit, individuals who are unable to contribute towards the community will be discriminated against and oppressed. The over-emphasis on homogeneity can foster a tendency to oppress minority and especially disadvantaged populations. At the same time, a deep trust of the innate capacities and goodness of human nature rests in Confucian culture. Virtues of perseverance and endurance, as well as a conscientious morality are highly honored. Suffering has a spiritual meaning as it is viewed as the Mandate of Heaven to test a person‘s resolution and toughen his or her nature (Tu, 1985). When a person strives to realize his/her full potential and conscientiously exercise his/her mind and body in overcoming life‘s adversity, s/he is living out the Heavenly endowed nature of human personhood (C. L. W. Chan, Leung, and Ho, 1999; Tu, 1998). Research evidence shows that this cultural belief is a spiritual resource for Chinese women coping with cancer (Leung and Chan, 2010). Practice Implications:  



When working with people from a Confucian culture, orientation to the context, group expectation and attention to the relatedness of people and events is important. Mental and psychiatric health care professionals need to pay special attention to the somatic expression of patients coming from a culture which does not encourage emotional expression. By construing positive meaning to suffering, challenges in the workplace and in life in general can be viewed as opportunities for development of resilience. Health care professionals, organization leaders and administrators can introduce a new

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Pamela P.Y. Leung, Cecilia L.W. Chan and Eric Blyth perspective on the deeper meaning of suffering to see adversity as a pathway to search for fulfillment and transformation in individuals, families, organizations and communities.

Buddhism In contrast to Western psychology of elevating the self and the ego to centre stage as something very important, Buddhist tradition downplays the self as impermanent and illusionary (Ramaswami and Sheikh, 1989; Rubin, 1996). The lack of a ―permanent‖ self and life as inherently comprised of suffering are fundamental teachings in Buddhism. The suffering of birth, old age, sickness and death are inevitable; but attachment to desire, craving, and an egoist self are the real sources of suffering. In Buddhism, the awareness that selfrealization is illusory is an integral process of attaining liberation. Through meditation, a fundamental practice in Buddhism, serenity and insights are cultivated (Fernando, 2003; Gunaratana, 1991). Meditation and other contemplative practice are generally the means by which spirituality is experienced. Practice Implications: 

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

A focus on pain and suffering may result in more pain and suffering. Embracing suffering and whatever is in the present may help people to attain inner peace, and focus on what one can proactively do instead of on holding on to thing that one cannot change. Appreciating pain as a teacher of life can inspire hope that may transform the experience into personal growth.

MENTAL AND BEHAVIORAL HEALTH: AN EAST-WEST COMPARISON The main differences of emphasis between Eastern and Western on mental and behavioral health are highlighted in Table 2. In Eastern cultures, health and well-being are attained when the individual is harmonized with him/herself, others and the environment. The ideal of social harmony and collective well-being reflects an Eastern emphasis on reciprocal social obligation and collective existence (Ho, et al., 2001). A state of tranquility and peacefulness is attained by letting go of attachment to an egoistic self and through the sustained practice of mindfulness. However, the down side of this is that the self in Chinese culture is ―subdued‖ (Ho, 1995); individuation and expressiveness are inhibited. On the other hand, the ideal of self-actualization and personal autonomy reflects a Western emphasis on individual power and freedom. Mental and behavioral treatment aims to enhance self-esteem, a sense of mastery and control, efficiency and achievement. Again, this has a down side. The more the sense of being an individual is emphasized, the greater is the demar-cation between the self and others, promoting a self-other dichotomy (Fernando, 2003). This idea is not helpful in promoting diversity management which speaks to a notion of inclusiveness.

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Table 2. Goals for Mental and Behavioral health: An East-West Comparison Eastern Holistic, harmony, collaborative, and responsibility Social and collective well-being, contextual understanding of a total person, inclusive No-self (non attachment), acceptance, synergistic Tranquility, balance and mindful, person oriented Restoring balance, building wellness Multi-modal intervention

Western Individualistic, self actualization, competitive, rights and obligations Personal autonomy, logical-linear understanding of individuality, exclusive Attachment to wellbeing, self-esteem, antagonistic Efficiency, achievement, master and control, impersonal Fighting disease, removing symptoms Single-modal intervention

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Integration of Eastern and Western Approaches In recent decades, an integral movement has rapidly developed, especially in medicine and psychology (Dossey, 2001; Shannon, 2002; Wilber, 2000). In the field of medicine, the American Holistic Medical Association developed the Principles of Holistic Medical Practice that built upon holistic conceptions and body-mind-spirit interconnection (Shannon, 2002). This integrative movement expands the field‘s narrow focus of inquiry beyond physical/biochemical views of illness and health to a new paradigm that embraces a diverse knowledge base. In psychology, Kenneth Wilber, the forerunner of integral psychology, advocates efforts to honor and incorporate ancient wisdoms of East and West, and embracing transcendent experiences and values that go beyond a narrow vision of the self and individuality (Wilber, 2000). The New Age movement in the West promotes connecting with inner spirituality and sense of connectedness with a divine sense of self (Heelas, 1996). Contemporary trends in mental and behavioral health are towards multi-modal intervention with a combined focus on the body, the mind, and soul. In Hong Kong, the first and second author developed an Integrative Body-Mind-Spirit Therapy that ties Eastern philosophy and practical techniques to Western forms of therapy (Figure 2) (C. L. W. Chan, 2001; C. L. W. Chan, Ho, et al., 2001; Lee, et al., 2009; Leung, Chan, Ng, and Lee, 2009). This empirically-based approach, which has demonstrated effectiveness through different clinical trials (C. H. Y. Chan, Chan, Ng, Ng, and Ho, 2005; C. L. W. Chan, Chan, and Lou, 2001; C. L. W. Chan et al., 2006), reflects the profound power of synthesizing the wisdom of both East and West. With primary foci on promoting balance, fostering strengths, and facilitating spiritual meaning-making, this approach actively incorporates breathing exercise, massage, movement, taiji/qigong3 and meditation in intervention to help elicit changes in psychological and emotional states. Utilizing the mind‘s power and recognizing spirituality as a fundamental domain of human existence, it goes beyond symptom reduction to attain positive and transformative changes in individuals and families. 3 With a history of more than 2000 years, taiji and qigong are traditional Chinese health-enhancement practices. Taiji consists of a series of complex body movements requiring flexibility and balance, to be practiced with a focused mind and deep breathing. Qigong is similar to taiji; it combines movement with stillness and different breathing techniques. There are different forms of qiqong, e.g. walking, breathing or meditative qiqong. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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Figure 2. Intervention components of Integrative Body-mind-spirit Therapy.

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CONCLUSION The development of any science has its limitations but can be further enhanced through embracing diverse methods of inquiry and knowledge acquisition. Western and Eastern approaches have unique contributions in promoting well-being for individuals and organizations. The contemporary trends favor an integrated approach of embracing diversity and social inclusion. Actually, the integrative paradigm fits perfectly with the notion of diversity management. Through the cross-fertilization of different traditions, an integrative approach displays the advantage of being more inclusive. Through the lens of a yin-yang perspective, good-bad differentials are irrelevant. Every experience holds both a promise for transformative growth and at the same time a down side. What makes a beautiful rainbow of mixed colors is a harmonious interplay of different values and practices. Diversity management is particularly relevant in the provision of culturally competent mental and behavioral health services. Persons with physical disability, chronic illness, visible disfigurement, mental disorder, mood disorder, mental challenges, infectious diseases (HIV/AIDS, SARS, STD), people from different classes and ethnic groups, of different ages and people with different sexual orientations and spiritual practice have different needs and preference in different aspects of their lives. It is important to acknowledge, understand, and celebrate differences among people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds as well as different orientation and practices. Culturally competent practice depends, among other things, on understanding and appreciating people‘s unique belief, concerns and resources (Gilligan and Furness, 2006). This requires a set of values and attitudes which is respectful and inclusive of differences (Payne, et al., 2005). May we all learn to be water, wood, metal, fire and earth, where harmony and synergy can be enhanced through a sustained, but everchanging, dynamic equilibrium.

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REFERENCES Abramson, R. J. (2003). The unity of mind, body, and spirit: A five element view of cancer. Advances in Mind-Body Medicine, 19(2), 20-21. Barsade, S. G., Ward, A. J., Turner, J. D. F., and Sonnenfeld, J. A. (2000). To your heart's content: A model of affective diversity in top management teams. Administrative Science Quarterly, 45(4), 802-836. Bond, M. H. (1996). The handbook of Chinese psychology. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Capra, F. (1982). The turning point, science, society, and the rising culture. London: Wildwood House. Chan, C. H. Y., Chan, C. L. W., Ng, S. M., Ng, E. H. Y., and Ho, P. C. (2005). Body-mindspirit intervention for IVF women. Journal of Assisted Reproduction and Genetics, 22(11/12), 419-427. Chan, C. L. W. (2001). An Eastern Body-mind-spirit approach: A training manual with onesecond techniques. Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. Department of Social work and Social Administration. Resource paper series No. 43. Chan, C. L. W., Chan, Y., and Lou, V. W. Q. (2001). Evaluating an empowerment group for divorced Chinese women in Hong Kong. Research on Social Work Practice, 12, 558-569. Chan, C. L. W., Ho, P. S. Y., and Chow, E. (2001). A Body-mind-spirit model in health: An Eastern approach. Social Work in Health Care, 34(3/4), 261-282. Chan, C. L. W., Ho, R. T. H., Lee, P. W. H., Cheng, J. Y. Y., Leung, P. P. Y., Foo, W., et al. (2006). A randomized controlled trial of psychosocial interventions using the psychophysiological framework for Chinese breast cancer patients. Journal of Psychosocial Oncology, 24(1), 3-26. Chan, C. L. W., Leung, P. P. Y., and Ho, K. M. (1999). Empowering Chinese cancer patients: Taking culture into account. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work, 9(2), 6-21. Chan, C. L. W., Lo, M., and Leung, P. P. Y. (2000). An empowerment group for Chinese cancer patients in Hong Kong. In C. L. W. Chan and R. Fielding (Eds.), Psychosocial oncology and palliative care in Hong Kong: The first decade (pp. 167-188). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Chau, R. C. M., and Yu, S. W. K. (2010). The sensitivity of United Kingdom health-care services to the diverse needs of Chinese-origin older people. Aging and Society, 30, 383401. Chau, R. C. M., and Yu, W. K. (2004). The mixed economy of health: The health seeking behaviour of Chinese people in Britain. In I. Shaw (Ed.), The Definition and construction of health and illness: European perspectives. Aldershot, UK: Asgate. Chen, K., and Xu, H. (2003). The integration of traditional Chinese medicine and Western medicine. European Review, 11(2), 225-235. Congress, E. (1994). The use of culturagram to assess and empower culturally diverse families. Families in Society, 75(9), 531-538. Day, N. E., and Glick, B. J. (2000). Teaching diversity: A study of organizational needs and diversity curriculum in higher education. Journal of Management Education, 24(3), 338352.

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Descartes, R. (1641/1990). Meditations on first philosophy: Meditationes de prima philosophia (G. Hefferman ed., trans., and indexed). Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press. Devore, W., and Schlesinger, E. G. (1999). Ethnic-sensitive social work practice. Boston: Massachusetts: Allyn and Bacon. Dossey, L. (2001). Healing beyond the body: Medicine and the infinite reach of the mind. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications. Fernando, S. (2003). Cultural Diversity, Mental Health and Psychiatry: The Struggle Against Racism. Hove, New York: Brunner-Routledge. Gilligan, P., and Furness, S. (2006). The role of religion and spirituality in social work practice: Views and experiences of social workers and students. British Journal of Social Work, 36(4), 617-637. Gunaratana, H. (1991). Mindfulness in plain English. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hutado, S., and Gurin, G. (2002). Diversity and higher education: Theory and impact on educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review, 72(3), 330367. Heelas, P. (1996). The New Age movement: The celebration of the self and the sacralization of modernity. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. Ho, D. Y. F. (1995). Selfhood and identity in Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Hinduism: Contrasts with the West. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 25(2), 115-139. Ho, D. Y. F., Peng, S. Q., Lai, A. C., and Chan, S. F. (2001). Indigenization and beyond: Methodological relationalism in the study of personality across cultures. Journal of Personality, 69, 925-953. Ivancevich, J. M., and Gilbert, J. A. (2000). Diversity management: Time for a new approach. Public Personnel Management, 29(1), 75-92. Kleinman, A., and Kleinman, J. (1985). Somatization: The interconnections in Chinese society among culture, depressive experiences, and the meanings of pain. In A. Kleinman and B. Good (Eds.), Culture and depression: Studies in the anthropology and crosscultural psychiatry of affect and disorder (pp. 429-490). Berkeley: University of California Press. Koenig, T. L., and Spano, R. N. (1998). Taoism and the strength perspective. In E. R. Canda (Ed.), Spirituality in social work: New directions (pp. 47-65). New York: The Haworth Pastoral Press. Le Navenec, C., and Bridges, L. (Eds.). (2005). Creating connections between nursing care and the creative arts therapies: Expanding the concept of holistic care Springfield, U.S.A.: Charles C. Thomas Publisher. Lee, M. Y., Ng, S. M., Leung, P. P. Y., and Chan, C. L. W. (2009). Integrative Body-MindSpirit social work: An empirically based approach to assessment and treatment. New York: Oxford University Press. Lei, J. N. (1998). Body-mind-spirit total health. Taipei: Liuleikwong Publishing House (in Chinese). Leung, P. P. Y., and Chan, C. L. W. (2010). Utilizing Eastern Spirituality in clinical practice: A qualitative study of Chinese women with breast cancer. The Smith College Studies in Social Work, 80, 1-25.

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Leung, P. P. Y., Chan, C. L. W., Ng, S. M., and Lee, M. Y. (2009). Towards body-mind-spirit integration: East meets West in clinical social work practice. Clinical Social Work Journal, 37(4), 303-311. Mackenzie, E. R., and Rakel, B. (Eds.). (2006). Complementary and alternative medicine for older adults: A guide to holistic approaches to healthy aging. New York: Springer Pub. Co. Mai, F. (2004). Somatization disorder: A practical review. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 49(10), 652-664. Ng, S. M., Chan, C. L. W., Leung, P. P. Y., Chan, C. H. Y., and Yau, J. K. Y. (2008). Beyond survivorship: Achieving a harmonious dynamic equilibrium using a Chinese medicine framework in health and mental health. Social Work in Mental Health, 7(1-3), 62-81. Nisbett, R. E., Peng, K., Choi, I., and Norenzayan, A. (2001). Culture and systems of thought: Holistic versus analytic cognition. Psychological Review, 108(2), 291-310. O' Leary, B. J., and Weathington, B. L. (2006). Beyond the Business Case for Diversity in Organizations. Employ Responsibility Rights Journal, 18(283-292). Pachuta, D. (1989). Chinese medicine: The law of five elements. In A. Sheikh and K. Sheikh (Eds.), Eastern and Western approaches to healing: Ancient wisdom and modern knowledge (pp. 64-90). New York: Wiley-Interscience. Payne, S., Chapman, A., Holloway, M., Seymour, J. E., and Chau, R. (2005). Chinese community views: Promoting cultural competence in palliative care. Journal of Palliative Care, 21, 111-116. Ramaswami, S., and Sheikh, A. (1989). Buddhist psychology: Implications for healing. In A. Sheikh and K. Sheikh (Eds.), Eastern and Western approaches to healing: Ancient wisdom and modern knowledge (pp. 91-123). New York: Wiley-Interscience. Rubin, J. B. (1996). Psychotherapy and Buddhism: Toward an integration. New York: Plenum Press. Shannon, S. (2002). Handbook of Complementary and Alternative Therapies in Mental Health. San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Sheikh, A., and Sheikh, K. (1989). Introduction. In A. Sheikh and K. Sheikh (Eds.), Eastern and Western approaches to healing: Ancient wisdom and modern knowledge (pp. xiiixviii). New York: Wiley. Teicher, J., and Spearitt, K. (1996). From equal employment opportunity to diversity management - The Australian experience. International Journal of Manpower, 17(4/5), 109133. Tu, W. M. (1985). Confucian thought: Selfhood as creative transformation. Albany: State University of New York Press. Tu, W. M. (1998). Humanity and self-cultivation: Essays in Confucian thought. Boston: Cheng and Tsui Co. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2001). Mental Health: Culture, race, and ethnicity - A Supplement to Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General. WHO. (2002). WHO Traditional medicine strategy. Geneva: World Health Organization. Wilber, K. (2000). Integral psychology: Consciousness, spirit, psychology, therapy. Boston: Shambhala Publications, Inc. Wong, B., and Mckeen, J. (1998). The New manual for life. British Columbia: PD Publishing.

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Chapter 3

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF STEREOTYPING AND HUMAN DIFFERENCE APPRECIATION1 Yueh-Ting Lee University of Toledo, Ohio, USA

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ABSTRACT Based on empirical research and findings in social psychology, this chapter addresses three issues with regard to stereotypes and human differences. First, it begins with the contradiction or paradox of stereotypes and human differences. Human stereotypes and differences are two sides of one coin. It seems to be a paradox that today we promote diversity and difference appreciation whereas students or trainees (or the general public) are often told not to use stereotypes or to eliminate them. Second, it reviews social psychological research on stereotypes, stereotype accuracy and various models related to stereotypes and human differences. Finally, the chapter ends with implications and conclusions—i.e., solving real social problems and appreciating human differences.

INTRODUCTION Human beings cannot function without stereotypes and stereotyping. We use stereotypes and stereotyping every day, almost every second. It is very unfortunate that most citizens in mainstream society and academic fields tend to misunderstand stereotypes and stereotyping. Are they always negative? Are they always inaccurate and wrong? In our diversity training or management, people are usually told that they should not use stereotypes or stereotyping. On the other hand, they are often told that they need to understand and appreciate human

1 Thanks are extended to Sheying Chen, Honggang Yang, Marissa Appel, Andrea Schneider, Valerie Capucini, and Sydney Chan for their helpful comments on prior versions. The author takes full responsibility for any errors or politically incorrect statements. Correspondence regarding this chapter should be directed to Yueh-Ting Lee, Ph.D., Department of Psychology, University of Toledo, Mail Stop 948, Toledo, Ohio 43606 ([email protected] or [email protected]). Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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differences. Human differences and stereotypes are just two sides of one coin, which is exactly what this chapter will cover in three parts that follow. First, the chapter will address the contraction or paradox of stereotypes and human differences. Second, it will review social psychological research on stereotypes, stereotype accuracy and various models related to stereotypes and human differences. Finally, the author will end the chapter with implications and conclusions.

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STEREOTYPES AND HUMAN DIVERSITY AS A PARADOX Almost all American institutions and many Fortune 500 corporations invest a lot of time and money into diversity training and education. More often than not, students or trainees are often told not to use stereotypes. They are also told that stereotypes and stereotyping are always negative, wrong or inaccurate. This approach to cultural diversity training or education is nothing more than a waste of time and money because using stereotypes or stereotyping is normal! For various reasons (e.g., political correctness, social desirability, or lack of scientific understanding of human mind), it is very sad but real that we, as educators, do not know much about the relationship between human stereotypes and diversity. If we ask college students, faculty or administrators, ―do you support the idea of human diversity and difference appreciation?‖ chances are most of them would say yes. If we also ask them whether ethnic/cultural or gender stereotypes should be removed, most of them might say yes as well. In fact, the answers we get from students or others are wrong because these two responses contradict each other. On the one hand, we acknowledge we have differences and like the idea of diversity. On the other hand, we want to remove or get rid of stereotypes based on human group differences. What a paradox! Over 2,250 years ago, Han Fei-zi, a renowned Chinese philosopher of legalism, offered us an amusing story of contradiction on mao (i.e. a spear) and dun (a shield) as follows. A dealer attempted to sell his mao and dun (spears and shields) at the same time. He first made a pitch by promoting his shields as being the most protective, ―They are so solid and hard that nothing can get pierced or jabbed into them.‖ Within seconds, he was also shouting that his spears were so sharp that they could get through anything. Then someone came to the dealer and said, ―What will happen if you pierce or jab into your duns (shields) with mao (spears)?‖ The pitchman was silent and walked away. This is where the mao-dun (i.e., a metaphorical contradiction) was coined originally in Chinese. If celebrating human differences is like selling mao (or spears), getting rid of human stereotypes is like selling dun (or shields). This contradictory approach does not work because human differences and stereotypes (which reflect group differences) are just two sides of a coin.

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SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF HUMAN STEREOTYPES, ACCURACY, AND DIFFERENCES What Are Diversity (Or Difference) and Stereotypes? Inquiry into Early Debate on Stereotypes and Stereotype Accuracy Ordinarily we have no problem grasping the concept of human diversity or differences. Being diverse or different means that we are dissimilar, distinct in kind, unlike in form, quality, amount or nature. Don‘t we agree that we all have differences in many ways for various reasons? (see Lee, 1996). In their early age, children cognitively make differentiation between what is alike and what is unlike and between various people or groups and categories. As Lee put it,

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… there must first exist difference between groups and people. Differences may be sociocultural, economic, political, military, psychological, or genetic—to name just a few. ..That is to say, people are different in various aspects and for various reasons—socio-culturally, psychologically, economically, politically, and genetically (Lee, 1996, p. 267).

However, what are stereotypes? Most lay public, scholars/academicians, trainers, and educators tend to associate stereotypes with prejudice and discrimination. In their eyes, a stereotype is something negative, harmful, and pernicious. More specifically, stereotypes are seen as rotten generalizations that smell up the mental household. They are seen as inaccurate, largely produced by prejudiced minds or shoveled into ignorant minds by prejudice culture. They are viewed as destructive, rigidly held, and impervious to disconfirming evidence. Just like any other evil, stereotypes should be removed completely. Unfortunately, scientific books (see Lee, Jussim and McCauley, 1995; Nelson, 2009; Schneider, 2004) have demonstrated that most of the above accusations concerning stereotypes are wrong. Though no single definition of stereotype is unanimously accepted, those two books above by Schneider (2004) and Lee and his colleagues (Lee, Jussim, and McCauley, 1995) come to the agreement that stereotypes involve ascribing characteristics to different social groups or segments of society. These characteristics may include traits (e.g., industrious), physical attributes, societal roles (e.g., occupation), or even specific behaviors. Stereotypic characterizations of a social group are implicitly comparative (i.e., an automatic comparison between group x and group y). For example, the belief that Chinese are hardworking (or industrious), assuming you like Chinese and endorse the trait ―hard-working‖, (or they may be perceived as ―workaholics‖). This may suggest that Chinese are more industrious (or workaholics) than most other ethnic groups. But there is a distinction between the mean and variance of each dimension composing a stereotype. For example, an individual may believe that the average basketball player is extremely tall, but also may recognize that there is considerable variability among basketball players along this dimension. European Americans are usually or on the average taller than Asians or Asian Americans. However, Mr. Yao Ming, a basketball player on the Houston Rockets in Texas, is probably much taller than many European Americans. Thus, a stereotype may be accurate or inaccurate, depending on what we are comparing.

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As early as the 1920s, Walter Lippmann (1922), a reporter and columnist for the New York Times, introduced the word stereotype and referred to it as pictures in human‘s heads-the simplified and distorted political perceptions held by most Americans. Lippmann stressed that stereotypic representations of social groups were both incomplete and biased. Moreover, he emphasized that stereotypes were insensitive to individual variability within social groups and persisted even in the face of contradictory evidence. At the same time, Lippmann acknowledged that stereotypes serve a basic and necessary function--economization of cognitive resources. Afterward Katz and Braly (1933) performed the first empirical study of racial stereotypes of one hundred college students at Princeton University. In their study, student participants were given a list of eighty-four psychological trait adjectives (e.g., sly, alert, aggressive, superstitious, quiet) and were asked to characterize ten racial and national groups. The stereotype of each group was defined as the set of traits most frequently assigned to the group. For instance, the Chinese stereotype included superstitious (35%), conservative (30%), and industrious (19%). These two Princeton psychologists were primarily interested in the link between stereotypes and prejudice. Stereotypes, in their view, were public fictions with little factual basis These public fictions served to justify unwarranted negative emotional reactions toward social groups. In sum, Katz and Braly (1933) saw stereotypes as unjustified and inaccurate beliefs about social groups. Stereotypes are bad because they contribute to bias and prejudice against individual members of stereotyped groups, as well as to hostility and violence between groups. This history is worth rehearsing because stereotypical views prevailed in social psychology until about 1970 and continue to prevail today outside of social psychology. From about 1940 to 1970, debate concerning the accuracy of stereotypes became prevalent, as was documented in research in the book Stereotype Accuracy (see Lee et al, 1995). Some research by social scientists (e.g., Klineberg, 1954; LaPiere, 1936) revealed that stereotypes exist without any realistic basis or kernel of truth. Social stereotypes directly contradicted more objective social observations. For example, Armenian laborers residing in southern California were stereotyped as dishonest, deceitful, liars and troublemakers during the 1920's. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, Richard T. LaPiere, a sociologist at Stanford University, found that Armenians in this locale appeared less often in legal cases and possessed credit ratings that rivaled those of other ethnic groups. Research by scholars and social scientists (e.g., Ichheiser, 1943, 1970; Allport, 1954, 1963; Campbell, 1967; Trianids and Vassiliou, 1967) demonstrated that stereotypes do in fact possess a kernel of truth. It would be ridiculous to assert that groups of a given national or cultural origin do not have certain general characteristics which differentiate them from groups of different origin. Harry Triandis and Vasso Vassiliou (1967) reported their empirical findings. That is, Greek and American stereotypes possess a substantial component of veridicality, especially when they are elicited from people who have firsthand knowledge of the group being stereotyped. Unfortunately, the healthy form of debate between stereotype accuracy and inaccuracy came to a halt in the 1980s and 1990s for various reasons. Perhaps one of the reasons is that most people, including social scientists or educators, might have failed to consider the fact that generalizations and stereotypes based on differences are not mutually exclusive categories, but are different in some respects and similar in others.

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What about the relationship of stereotypes to prejudice and discrimination? It is far more complex than the usual view of a one-way path from belief to attitude to behavior. The reverse direction of causality may be even more powerful: feelings toward a group and behavior in relation to a group can change stereotypes, as WWII changed American stereotypes of Germans and Japanese. Prewar stereotypes of Germans and Japanese were positive (industrious, efficient; Katz and Braly, 1933). Immediate postwar stereotypes were more negative (Japanese treacherous, Germans militaristic; Gilbert, 1951). As the war receded into the past, the negative traits faded and stereotypes of Germans and Japanese became again predominantly positive (Karlins, Coffman and Walters, 1969). Another complexity has to do with the impact of stereotypes on judgment of individual members of the stereotyped group. It is often imagined that stereotype expectations overwhelm whatever individuating information is available for judging a member of a stereotyped group. Research clearly indicates the reverse: a meta-analysis of experiments opposing stereotype expectations and individuating information shows that the individuating information has about seven times more power than the stereotype expectations (Kunda and Thagard, 1996). Stereotype expectations can be thought of as a kind of Bayesian base rate, and the results noted are consistent with a general human tendency to pay too little attention to base rate information in predictions about individuals (Kahneman and Tversky, 1973; Tversky and Kahneman, 1971). Recent research has undermined the view that stereotypes are bad group generalizations that automatically produce bad judgments of individuals. Nevertheless, Schneider (2004) emphasizes that even valid stereotypes can hurt stereotyped individuals, and he suggests that we should learn to control our stereotyping. Based on the evidence so far, the best way to control the power of stereotype expectations is to obtain more individuating information. In social psychology, research on stereotypes and stereotyping is extremely complicated but very fruitful with regard to various theoretical perspectives and findings (e.g., Fiske, 1998; Lee, Jussim, and McCauley, 1995; Nelson, 2009; Stagnor, 2009). However, the author attempts to use only one model to illustrate the complexity and challenge of stereotypes and stereotyping—i.e., cubic EPA model of stereotypes and stereotyping (see Lee, Vue, Seklecki,and Ma, 2007; Lee, Bumgarner, Widner and Luo, 2007). That is, stereotypes are not clear-cut, nor are they black or white.

The EPA Model In the EPA model, three dimensions of stereotypes (e.g., Jussim, McCauley and Lee, 1995; Lee, Albright and Malloy, 2001; Lee et al, 2007; Osgood, 1979) are identified and emphasized. ―E‖ represents evaluation or valence (e.g., stereotypes can range from positive to negative). ―P‖ represents potentiality/potency or latency of activation (e.g., stereotypes can range from automatic activation to little or no activation). Finally, ―A‖ represents accuracy (e.g., stereotypes can range from accurate to inaccurate). Evaluation (positive-negative), Potential (active-inactive), and Accuracy (accurate-inaccurate) are not dichotomous, but continuous variables. Every stereotype is comprised of these three dimensions synchronously. Thus, the impact of each stereotype is determined by valence, potentiality, and accuracy. Below is a cubic model of stereotypes that depicts the constituent dimensions (see Figure 1a).

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For example, several days after the 9-11 attack in 2001, innocent ―Arab-looking‖ Muslims might automatically have been tied to terrorism, which is related to potency or activation. The degree to which the terrorists were Arab and Muslim is a matter of accuracy. The association between certain group members and terrorism or violence is more negative than positive, which is a matter of valence. An analogous situation can occur with law enforcement personnel. For example, African Americans, as well as other minorities, are more likely to be associated with criminal behavior than are white Americans (e.g., Correll et al., 2002; Parrillo, 2005), which is more negative than positive (i.e., valence). When most offenders are statistically white (see Walker et al, 2004), and not a minority member, it is related to a matter of perceived accuracy. Because mass media may report more often about crime committed by African Americans than by whites (Mann, 1993), law enforcement officers or lay people easily or automatically associate African Americans with crime, which is a matter of stereotype potency or activation.

Figure 1. a: Cubic EPA Model of Stereotypes. b: Valence (or Evaluation) and Accuracy of Stereotypes.

The above chart (see Figure 1a) on the EPA model is indirect. If we break it down into two dimensions (evaluation and accuracy), we can better visualize stereotypes (see Figure 1b) as follows. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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Whenever we think about stereotypes, we typically mean the bottom-left quadrant—i.e., inaccurate and negative stereotypes. However, according to Lee, Jussim and McCauley (1995, p. 17), social scientists need to understand mental representations of social groups in the other three quadrants, which is essential. This is because stereotypes are not necessarily negative or inaccurate (i.e., prejudice). Prejudice is not equal to stereotyping but just a small portion of negative and inaccurate stereotypes. Positive and accurate perceptions about individuals in certain groups or categories could help us to understand and appreciate human differences. Even negative but accurate perception of certain individuals may help us to deal with some social problems more realistically and effectively rather than denying real social problems. For example, how much do we understand stereotypes being positive and accurate (see the upper-right quadrant) and being accurate and negative (see the bottom-right quadrant)? Consider a negative and probably accurate perception—i.e., stereotyping ―African males as inmates.‖ African Americans are disproportionately put in prison, and American citizens can accurately see that fact (i.e., more African Americans being incarcerated). One might argue that weaknesses exist in the American social and political systems, but not argue that human perception in this case is inaccurate. We assert that if social reality (e.g., social system and structure) changes, so does human perception (e.g., Lee, Jussim and McCauley, 1995; Ryan, 2002; Watson, Corrigan and Ottati, 2004), with the assumption that human beings are rational. However, law enforcement officers cannot change the complex social system, nor would we expect them to be in a position to do so. Their task is to enforce the law. But this does not mean that they should contribute to social injustice by engaging in racial profiling.

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Stereotypes and Categories When the author of this chapter first arrived in the United States and started using email in 1986, he received the following message via email (see Lee, 1991): "Heaven is a place with an American house, Chinese food, British police, a German car, and French art." "Hell is a place with a Japanese house, Chinese police, British food, German art, and a French car."

These stereotypic judgments may simply reflect overgeneralization, misperception, rigidity, simplification, or incorrect learning. On the other hand, these judgments may also possess a component of accuracy. With a skeptical view of mysticism, Bertrand Russell (1974), who was a British philosopher, pointed out that, if everyday experience is not to be wholly illusory, there must be some relation between appearance and the reality behind it. Similarly, even Walter Lippmann (1922) described stereotypes as pictures in our heads and also acknowledged that the myth is not necessarily false. It might happen to be wholly true, or it may happen to be partly true. If it has affected human conduct for a long time, it is almost certain to contain much that is profoundly and importantly true. It may be true, for example, that American housing is better or more spacious than Japanese housing on the average. German cars (e.g., BMW) are probably more reputable than many cars made in other countries.

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Stereotypes are based on different categories and groups, for category/group-based stereotypes may function well or fail in various situations. However, human beings cannot function at all without categorizing information around us. According to Gordon Allport (1954), a Harvard social and personality psychologist, the process of categorization (e.g., stereotypes or stereotyping) has five important characteristics as was described in his book entitled ―The Nature of Prejudice”. First, it results in the creation of clusters for guiding daily adjustments. For example, as the sky darkens and the barometer falls, the likelihood of predicting rain increases. We can classify perceptual events as well. When we hear a siren or see emergency lights behind us, we pull over and yield. Second, the process of categorization allows us to assimilate information into existing clusters. Inherent in such assimilations is inertia in thinking. That is, people search for ways to solve problems that require little cognitive effort. People often solve problems by fitting information into a satisfactory category and then use that category as a way of prejudging the solution. Third, categorization enables one to quickly identify an object (i.e., automatic association between X and Y), a finding that is consistent in cognitive psychology (e.g., Hamilton and Trolier, 1986). For example, when a police officer observes an automobile swaying from side to side, he/she might entertain the possibility that the driver is under the influence and this would cause the officer to react accordingly (e.g., pulling the car over). Fourth, a category saturates all the elements contained within that category with the same ideational and emotional flavor (i.e., valence). When a category is primarily intellectual we refer to it as a concept. For example, the concept of ―snow‖ comes from one‘s life‘s experiences (i.e., ideational meaning). That is, one‘s concept of ―snow‖ might include skiing or ice fishing. Consequently, individuals who like snow might be more inclined to enjoy skiing or ice-fishing relative to people who do not like snow. In addition to ideation, concepts have a characteristic ―feeling‖ or emotional flavor. For example, we not only know what an African American, Chinese American, Mexican / Latino American, New Yorker, Minnesotan, or Californian is, but we also have feelings (e.g., like / dislike) tied to these concepts. If we have negative feelings toward certain groups, stigma or prejudice may occur. Ideational and emotional flavor may also suggest that stereotypes are accurate/inaccurate and positive/ negative with assignments based on how the concept is interpreted. For example, if law enforcement officers in Philadelphia have negative attitudes toward Chinatown (where Asian Americans live) or toward South Philadelphia (where African-Americans live), they might hold negative stereotypes about all of the residents in those districts. Finally, categories are more or less rational. Generally, if a category (or stereotype) begins to grow from a ―kernel of truth‖ it is probably rational. A rational category enlarges and solidifies itself through incrementing relevant information. To extend this notion into law enforcement, we consider a police officer‘s assumptions and actions rational,even if not 100% perfect, when they have a high probability of accurately predicting or properly addressing some event or outcome. Simply put, there is too much information around us, from the day we are born. Cognitively or mentally, we have to increase and organize our knowledge based on the similarities and differences of the physical and cultural world where we live. As Steve Pinker (2002), a Harvard cognitive psychologist described in his book (i.e., The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature), it is true that every snowflake is unique, and no category will do complete justice to every one of its members. But human intelligence depends on

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lumping together things that share properties. Take the category of ―duck‖ for example. If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it is probably a duck. If it is a duck, it is likely to swim and fly. Categories or stereotypes are the foundation of knowledge that people in almost all cultures gain. Cultural categories, including stereotypes, help us make deductions and generalizations in various situations for survival reasons. The outcome of this mental process is a double-edged sword. Specifically, our perceptual outcomes may be true and accurate in many situations whereas in some, they may be false and inaccurate.

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EPA Model, Shifting Standard Model, Partial Cause of Social Problems Biernat‘s (1995, 2003) research on the "shifting standards model" suggests that by virtue of holding a stereotype, people use category-specific standards against which they judge members of stereotyped groups. The result is that, for example, an individual woman (or ethnic minority) might be judged as more aggressive than a comparable man, a contrast effect, because she is judged relative to a lower (female) standard. First, Biernat‘s (2003) shifting standard seems to focus on zero-sum behaviors (e.g., hiring or not hiring) that reflect an assimilative influence of stereotypes whereas non-zero or sum behaviors indicate contrast from those stereotypes, in that members of negatively stereotyped groups (e.g., women and Blacks) received favorable evaluations or made short lists (due to the lower expectation or minimum standard). Biernat‘s shifting standard model does not address the cause of social problems. In other words, what is the ultimate cause for ethnic minorities or women who are first favored but not finally hired? It was acknowledged that being positive or favorable toward those negatively stereotyped groups or adding them to the short lists may possess ―moral credential‖ (Biernat, p. 1024), but perhaps those powerful decision-makers did not want to hire minorities or women due to economic or materialistic interests. Political correctness, guilty complex, psychological ambivalence, social desirability or lower standard is cognitively secondary. Specifically, the primary cause of the ethnic and racial problem is economic or materialistic (Lee and Jussim, 2010). For example, American history is one of white capitalists making profit at the cost of the Native Americans (i.e., genocide for land), African Americans (i.e., enslavement), Mexican Americans (e.g., expansion like the 1848 Mexican war), and Chinese Americans (e.g., cheap labor and the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act after the transcontinental railroads were built). It is the economic and materialistic interests that have exacerbated American racial tension in the past as well as today. With regard to African American slavery, Blacks were historically not considered as slaves until after Nathaniel Bacon‘s Rebellion in 1676 (Takaki, 2002, pp. 103-107). Both poor White and Black villains or indentured workers who were no slaves at that time joined in the rebellion in Virginia. Those elite planters (or capitalists) gave 50 acres of land and ten bushels of Indian corn to the white rebels while legally declaring the Blacks as slaves forever. From then on, the rebellion was suppressed, and the economic or material interests of the white elite planters were safeguarded at the cost of Blacks as slaves. Similarly, regarding the U.S. Civil War, W. E. B. DuBois wrote that many freedom advocates importunely demanded the abolition of chattel slavery in the first but were finally convinced that freedom without land was of no use

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(DuBois, 1935/2002, p. 112). Aren‘t today‘s hiring, admission policy, affirmative action, reversal discrimination, and slavery reparation strongly related to economic and materialistic interests (and realistic conflict)? Second, Biernat‘s shifting standard has explicitly addressed the accuracy component of stereotypes and stereotyping (e.g., assimilation effect, contrast or null effect, p. 1019) and implicitly touched on the negative and inaccurate aspects of stereotypes. This approach could have been more comprehensive and integrative. According to our cubic E-P-A model of stereotypes (e.g., Lee et al, 1995, p. 17; Luo, Zhang, and Lee, 2005), ―E‖ represents evaluation; for example, stereotypes can range from being positive to negative. ―P‖ represents potential; for example, stereotypes can be activated automatically. ―A‖ represents accuracy; for example, stereotypes can range from accuracy to inaccuracy. Evaluation (positivenegative), potential (active-inactive), and accuracy (accurate-inaccurate) are not dichotomous but continuous (and/or probabilistic). Almost every stereotype is comprised of these three dimensions synchronously. For each dimension, it is not a zero-or-sum rule. Rather, it is a matter of how much valence (or how positive), potentiality (how active) and accuracy (how accurate) each stereotype has (is), as was discussed in our cubic model of stereotypes that depicts the constituent dimensions of a stereotype (see Figure 1a above). We tend to associate power with white males (i.e., potency or latency). Whether those organizational presidents or CEOs are held by them or not is a matter of accuracy (as a result of assimilative or contrast effect). It is more positive probabilistically than negative when many people think of power and authority. Regardless of accuracy and evaluation, we may have difficulty in perceiving Ojibwas (an American Indian ethnic group in North America) or Blangs (an ethnic minority group in southwest China) as presidents or CEOs. This is especially true when we have never heard or met any ethnic Ojibwa Indians in northern America or any ethnic Blang in southwest China.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Why Should We Study Stereotype Accuracy? Implications: Realistic Approach to Social Problems and Difference Appreciation What is the point of studying stereotype accuracy with regard to the above EPA dimension? Do we advocate racism or sexism? The opposite is true. About 15 years ago, with the support of the American Psychological Foundation, the author of this chapter organized a group of distinguished psychologists and other well-known social scientists who had a threeday conference in Philadelphia discussing stereotype accuracy and the reasons of stereotype accuracy. In addition to scientific advancement, there were socially two major purposes to study stereotype accuracy and inaccuracy—appreciating group identities/differences and solving social problems in a realistic way. Our first purpose is to deal with social problems realistically or social-economically. Let us pause and try to have free associations regardless of valence or accuracy (e.g., American Indians, Whites, Blacks, crime, power or privilege, deprived reservation). Our common sense will tell you that White or European Americans never live on a deprived reservation; instead they are more powerful and more privileged. If we visit a prison in the USA, are we not going

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to see African American inmates who are disproportionately jailed? If we negatively associate African Americans with crime, American Indians with poor reservations, and associate White with power, are we irrational? Are our stereotypes inaccurate? Do we not agree that these stereotypes reflect economic and political reality and social problems? To a large extent, the primary cause of the ethnic and racial problems is economic or social-political/structural. Today‘s hiring, admission policy, affirmative action, reverse discrimination, and slavery reparation might also be strongly related to economic and political interests (and realistic conflict). Human perceptions are largely accurate because they are based on reality and/or socio-economic and political system. If women or minorities are paid less, or less likely to be hired, this is a social reality or may have much to do with the current unjust social reality and economic/political system. If more and more women or minorities are elected president of the USA, or promoted to CEO of Fortune 500 corporations, the stereotype of a typical USA president or CEO will consequently be changed. On the other hand, if an unfair social system or political/economic structure remains unchanged, women, ethnic minorities or poor people will still be stereotyped as poor and dominated negatively, for this reality (e.g., capitalistic and oligarchic system) is probably the basis of our perceptions and stereotypes. Thus, individuals will never change their minds, or perceptions and stereotypes unless social and political reality gets changed. As Lee and Jussim (2010) noted, change, however, often requires changing the actual social reality or social or political/economic system, an endeavor far more difficult than changing people‘s intergroup attitudes. As more and more women or minorities enter positions of political or corporate prominence, the stereotype of a typical USA leader will consequently be changed. As Barack Obama was elected and serves as the first minority president in the USA, the stereotypic image of USA presidents will likely slowly change. On the other hand, if an unfair social system or political/economic structure remains unchanged, perceptions and stereotypes are not likely to change much, either. However, this does not mean that all realities (e.g., cultural or genetic aspects) which stereotypes are also based on should get changed. It is impossible. This brings us to the second purpose to study stereotype accuracy and inaccuracy at the Philadelphia conference in 1994 (Lee et al, 1995). Specifically, there are unchangeable or undeniable, real differences between individuals and groups. For example, being immigrants from China, we look yellow with slanted eyes and eat with chopsticks. On the other hand, European American citizens are white and probably eat with knives, forks or spoons. These are objective or undeniable differences which we can see and think cognitively or stereotypically. Do Asian Americans have to change their yellow skin to white, like European Americans? It is not necessary and as well as definitely against naturalness or Daoism or the way it is (see Lee, 2003). Nothing is wrong with one‘s skin or eyes if no negative meaning (e.g., ―yellow‖ or ―black‖ or ―slanted‖) is attached to a stereotype. At this point, it is very important to acknowledge, understand and appreciate differences between individuals and groups rather than to deny objective differences, or to condemn stereotypes that are based on differences in reality (Lee, 1996). In summary, we all have stereotypes based on our differences, and they are normal and universal. As part of human nature, we all have preference (i.e., positive stereotypes) and prejudice/stigma (i.e., negative stereotypes). Stereotype accuracy is not dichotomous (i.e., zero or sum) but is a matter of degree. Because stereotypes are based on reality and reflect human differences, studying stereotype accuracy means a way to understand and appreciate human diversity.

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First, human beings are different in various aspects and for various reasons—socioculturally, psychologically, economically, politically, physically, or genetically (Lee, 1996). It is differences that engender stigmas, and prejudice (e.g., negative stereotypes), as well as conflict. Thus ―understanding and appreciating human differences‖ is a first step to reduce and minimize (not to STOP OR ELIMINATE) prejudice and stigmas (i.e., negative stereotypes), which may lead to a decrease in human conflict and an increase in human harmony and peace. Second, changing social reality may lead to stereotype change. If an individual or a group is in power, we hope the powerful person or group will be more humanistic and fair-minded toward other groups. If one person or group tries to pursue his/her interest or his/her own group at the cost of other groups (e.g., oppressing others), realistic social injustice would definitely occur. For example, the rich get richer, and the poor get poorer in an oligarchic society. The social or economic situation for ethnic minorities, women, and other disadvantaged groups may go from bad to worse. Therefore changing social structure (including power structure or oligarchic system) may help us to reduce social injustice (e.g., reduce negative stereotypes). Finally, what does stereotype accuracy imply with regard to diversity training and education? If people inevitably use cultural and social stereotypes which reflect social reality and group differences, why do academics, administrators, researchers, social scientists, or cross-cultural educators/trainers insist on getting rid of stereotypes rather than changing their research or education and training approach? Studying stereotype accuracy helps us face undeniable differences and understand and appreciate them (i.e., being more humanistic). It also helps to deal with those social and political problems in a realistic way. Although national and international corporations, agencies, and institutions have invested a tremendous amount of money and time to resolving cultural or gender stereotypes (e.g., diversity workshops, diversity classes, and cross-cultural training programs), why has this approach not worked? Why do people still hold the same stereotypes? We cannot promote diversity (just like selling mao-spears) while denouncing stereotypes which are based on differences (just like selling dun-shields) simultaneously. Might we ask ourselves an honest question, ―Have we done something wrong in our diversity training and education?‖

REFERENCES Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Mass.: Addison-Wesley. Allport, G. W. (1963). Pattern and Growth in Personality. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Biernat, M. (1995). The shifting standards model: Implications of stereotype accuracy for social judgment. In YT Lee, L Jussim and C McCauley, (eds.), Stereotype accuracy: Toward appreciating group differences (pp. 87-114). Washington, DC: The American Psychological Association. Biernat, M. (2003). Toward a broader view of social stereotyping. American Psychologist, 58(12), 1019-1027. Campbell, D. T. (1967). Stereotypes and the perception of group differences. American Psychologist, 22, 817-829.

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Correll, J. Park, B., Judd, C. and Wittenbrink, B. (2002). The police officer's dilemma: Using ethnicity to disambiguate potentially threatening individuals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83(6), 1314-1329. DuBois, W. E. B. (1935/2002). The paradoxical tragedy of white and black laborers in the South. In R. Takaki (Ed.), Debating diversity: Clashing perspectives on race and ethnicity in America (pp. 109—117). New York: Oxford University Press. Fiedler, K., and Walther, E. (2004). Stereotyping as inductive hypothesis testing. New York: Psychology Press. Fiske, S. T. (1998). Stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination. In D.T. Gilbert, S.T. Fiske, and G. Lindzey (Eds.) The Handbook of Social Psychology (pp. 357-411) Boston: McGraw- Hill. Gilbert, G. M. (1951). Stereotype persistence and change among college students. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 46, 245-254. Hamilton, D. L., and Trolier, T. K. (1986). Stereotypes and stereotyping: An overview of the cognitive approach. In J. F. Dovidio and S. L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, discrimination and racism(pp. 127-163). New York: Academic Press. Ichheiser, G. (1943). Why psychologists tend to overlook certain ―obvious‖ facts. Philosophy of Science, 10, 204-207. Ichheiser, G. (1970). Appearance and reality: Misunderstanding in human relations. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kahneman, D., and Tversky, A. (1973). On the psychology of prediction. Psychological Review, 80, 237-257. Karlins, M., Coffman, T. L., and Walters, G. (1969). On the fading of social stereotypes: Studies in three generations of college students. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 774-788. Katz, D., and Braly, K. (1933). Racial stereotypes in one hundred college students. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 28, 280-290. Kinder, D. (1998). Opinion and action in the realm of politics. In D. T. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske, and G. Lindzey (Eds.), The Handbook of Social Psychology (Vol. 2, pp.778-867). New York: McGraw-Hill. Klineberg, O. (1954). Social Psychology. New York: Henry Holt. Kunda, Z. and Thagard, P. (1996). Forming impressions from stereotypes, traits, and behaviors: A parallel-constraint-satisfaction theory. Psychological Review, 103, 284-308. LaPiere, R. T. (1936). Type-rationalizations of group antiplay. Social Forces, 15, 232-237. Lee, Y-T. (1991). Stereotypes, salience and threat: The determinants of perceived in-group homogeneity. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI/A Bell and Howell Information Co. Lee, Y-T. (1996). It is difference, not prejudice, that engenders intergroup tension: Revisiting Ichheiserian research. American Psychologist 51(3), 267-268. Lee, Y-T. (2003). Daoistic humanism in ancient China: Broadening personality and counseling theories in the 21st century. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 43(1), 64-85. Lee, Y-T. Albright, L. and Malloy, T. (2001). Social perception and stereotyping: An interpersonal and intercultural approach. International Journal of Group Tension, 30(2), 183-209. Lee, Y-T., Bumgarner, J., Widner, R., and Luo, Z-L. (2007). Psychological models of stereotyping and profiling in law enforcement: How to increase accuracy by using more non-racial cues. Journal of Crime and Justice, Vol. 30 (1), 87-129.

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Lee, Y-T. and Jussim, L. (2010). Back in the real world. American Psychologist, 65(2), 130131. Lee, Y-T., Jussim, L. and McCauley, C. (1995). Stereotype accuracy: Toward appreciating group differences. Washington, DC: The American Psychological Association. Lee, Y-T., Jussim, L., and McCauley, C. (1995). Stereotype accuracy : Toward appreciating group differences. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Lee, Y-T., McCauley, C., Moghaddam, F., and Worchel, S. (2004). The Psychology of Ethnic and Cultural Conflict. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. Lee, Y-T., Vue, S. Seklecki, R. and Ma, Y. (2007). How did Asian Americans Respond to Negative Stereotypes and Hate Crimes? American Behavioral Scientist, 51 (2), 271-293. LeVine, R. A., and Campbell, D. T. (1972). Ethnocentrism. New York: Wiley. Lippmann, W. (1922/1965). Public opinion. New York: The Free Press. Luo, Z. L., Zhang, H. C. and Lee, Y-T. (2005). From stereotypes to stereotyping: Categorical thinking. Psychological Science in China, 28 (3), 636-638. Macrae, N. C., Stangor, C., and Hewstone, M. (1996). Stereotypes and stereotyping. New York: Guilford. Nelson, T. D. (2009). (ed.). Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination. New York: Psychology Press. Oakes, P., Haslam, S.A., and Turner, J.C. (1994). Stereotyping and social reality. London: Blackwell. Osgood, C. E. (1979). Focus on meaning. New York: Mouton. Parrillo, V. N. (2005). Understanding race and ethnic relations. Boston, Pearson. Pinker, S. (2002). The blank slate: The modern denial of human nature. New York: Viking, Penguin. Ryan, C. (2002). Stereotype accuracy. European Review of Social Psychology, 13, 75-109. Russell, B. (1974). A skeptical view of mysticism. In W. P. Alston and R. B. Brandt (Eds.), The problems of philosophy (2nd ed., pp. 62-66). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Schneider, D. J. (2004). The psychology of stereotyping. New York: The Guilford Press. Stangor, C. (2009). The study of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination within social psychology: A quick history of theory and research. In T. D. Nelson (ed.). Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination (pp. 1-22). New York: Psychology Press. Takaki, R. (2002). Why the switch to slavery: Fears of rebellious White workers. In R. Takaki (Ed.), Debating diversity: Clashing perspectives on race and ethnicity in America (pp. 100-108). New York: Oxford University Press. Triandis, H. C., and Vassiliou, V. (1967). Frequency of contact and stereotyping. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7 (3), 316-328. Tversky, A., and Kahneman, D. (1971). Belief in the law of small numbers. Psychological Bulletin, 76(2), 105-110. Walker, S. Spohn, C. and DeLone, M. (2004). The color of justice: Race, ethnicity and crime in America. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Watson, A.C., Corrigan, P.W., Ottati, V. (2004). Police officer attitudes toward and decisions about persons with mental illness. Psychiatric Services, 55 (1), 49-53.

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Chapter 4

THE ECONOMICS OF DIVERSITY: THE EFFICIENCY VS. EQUITY TRADE-OFF Samuel L. Myers, Jr. University of Minnesota, Minnesota, USA

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ABSTRACT There is an inherent tension between efficiency and equity in justifying the implementation of diversity initiatives. The economics literature points to both costs and benefits associated with efforts to create diversity in the workforce, in organizations, and within communities. Three illustrations are provided of the tensions between equity and efficiency in diversity. The first involves national policies concerning disabled workers in the labor market in China vs. the United States. This illustration shows that narrowly targeted affirmative action programs for the disabled can be more effective in reducing disparities in wages between the disabled and non-disabled than broad-based antidiscrimination policies. The second concerns the relationship between policies designed to increase diversity in competitive swimming and racial disparities in drowning. This illustration details the difficulties of adopting diversity programs when there are widespread pseudo-scientific beliefs that seem to justify the very disparities that the diversity programs are designed to remedy. The third illustration involves the analysis of disadvantaged business enterprise (DBE) programs as a means for increasing diversity in public procurement and contracting with special reference to Asian-American business enterprises. This illustration points to the problem of designing diversity programs that are not over-inclusive but that nevertheless address underlying disparities in the marketplace.

INTRODUCTION This chapter explores the case for and against diversity from an economic perspective. The construct of the efficiency vs. equity trade-off is used to illustrate some of the problems associated with ―making the case for diversity.‖

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Diversity has come to be known in many contexts. There is racial and ethnic diversity. There is cognitive diversity. There is gender diversity. There is diversity with respect to views and expressions. There is diversity regarding national origin, culture, social class, and virtually any other attribute. This chapter examines three different components of diversity to highlight the tension between equity and efficiency in ―making the case for diversity.‖ One component is diversity in ability, or more specifically policies designed to assure equal treatment of those with health-related or physical disabilities and the non-disabled population. We illustrate this type of diversity by summarizing the difference between disability policy in the United States, which is inherently an anti-discrimination policy, and disability policy in China, which is inherently an affirmative action policy. A second type of diversity that highlights the tensions between equity and efficiency is the case of competitive swimming and racial disparities in drownings. This illustration is particularly germane to our discussion about race and ethnicity diversity because of the instinctive reaction from many who ask, ―What does race have to do with it?‖ A third type of diversity that underscores the tension between equity and efficiency concerns national origin and ethnicity. The illustration comes from the literature on public procurement and contracting where goals for disadvantaged business enterprises – defined as small business enterprises owned by women or minorities or others who can establish social or economic disadvantage -- are often thought to be over-inclusive because they include Asian immigrants who putatively are overrepresented among small business owners. The chapter proceeds as follows. First, the concepts of efficiency and equity are explained. This is followed by a summary of the economic case for and against diversity. Then, the three main illustrations are presented. Finally, the concluding section points out the difficulties of relying too heavily on diversity as a broad policy goal when the specific problem policy makers are attempting to solve is more narrowly constrained.

EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY The conventional notion of efficiency in resource allocation posits a situation wherein one person cannot be made better off without making another person worse off. This concept is termed Pareto Efficiency and hinges on the idea of consumer sovereignty and that each individual is the judge of his or her well-being. Resource allocations are efficient in the sense that they maximize economic well-being (Friedman, 2002). Efficiency is but one of many criteria for evaluating policy outcomes (Dunn, 1994). Equity, or the fairness in the distribution of goods and services in an economy, is often a competing criterion. There are many different measures of fairness: equality of distributional shares, equality of opportunity, equality of marginal well-being, maximization of the position of the least well-off person, and distributions that leave participants without envy of the shares obtained by others (Friedman, 2002 and Baumol, 1987). These different definitions of fairness all share one common feature. They focus on the distribution of resources as opposed to the allocation of resources (Friedman, 2002). The main reason there is a tension between efficiency and equity in designing and implementing public policy interventions, such as diversity policies, is that inherently

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interventions in the market place or in public life result in someone being made better off at the expense of making someone else worse off. Good public administration and management ideally strives not to create instances where nobody is made better off or where everyone is made worse off. It is inefficient to create a situation where everyone loses. But, what about situations where some people gain and where some people lose? From the efficiency point of view, as long as the gains to the gainers exceed the losses to the losers, one can still make the efficiency case for a policy intervention. This type of social calculus comparing the net gains and losses is the foundation for cost-benefit analysis, the cornerstone of empirical assessments of efficiency. There are obvious redistributive impacts of policy interventions that make one group better off at the expense of other groups. Some redistributions are regarded as fair while others are regarded as unfair, depending on the equity measure adopted. So, the goal of achieving efficiency is pitted against the goal of equity. Diversity policies emerged over the years as a replacement for affirmative action policies principally to counter challenges to affirmative action as redistributive policies that violated equal protection constitutional rights. The logic of a remedy to prior discrimination that affords special privileges to protected group members is that the remedy helps the group it is intended to help. But, it is a redistributive remedy in the sense that it often helps one group at the expense of another group. By way of contrast, diversity policies are often seen as proactive efforts to promote overall economic well-being. The logic of diversity is that it expands the size of the economic pie for all without necessarily diminishing the relative position of any group. Diversity policies rest principally upon efficiency criteria. Diversity improves productivity and thus efficiency. Or, does it?

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THE ECONOMIC CASE FOR AND AGAINST DIVERSITY The underlying assumption in economic models of diversity is that diversity produces both costs and benefits. The costs of diversity include conflict and loss of productivity. The benefits include greater cognitive functioning and positive spill-overs. The ―economic case for diversity‖ hinges on showing that the benefits exceed the costs. Rarely are costbenefit calculations actually conducted to determine, for example, whether a diversity program is narrowly tailored – in the sense that the harm to one group is justified by the benefit received by another group -- and demonstrates net social benefits over its costs (Ayres and Foster, 2006). Yet, cost-benefit reasoning and thus the appeal to efficiency is at the core of the ―economic case for diversity.‖ The putative benefits of diversity include greater stability in the workforce (Leonard and Levine, 2006); enhanced thinking skills, intellectual engagement and motivation, and growth in academic skills (Gurin, 1999); and improved decision making and cognitive functioning within groups (Hong and Page, 2001, 2004, 2009; Page 2007). Importantly, in many studies the primary beneficiaries of diversity are white students (Chang, Astin, and Kim 2004). Diversity benefits corporations by increasing consumer bases (Bond, Seiler and Seiler, 2003) and by producing higher firm values (Carter, Simkins and Simpson, 2003). But there are also contentions that diversity produces costs. Diversity or greater heterogeneity among groups can lower trust levels (Alesina and La Ferrara, 2000) and produce greater conflict, political unrest, and ethnic violence (Alesina and La Ferrara, 2005).

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Teams made up of persons from diverse disciplines often have greater difficulty managing their work and face heightened conflicts that impede performance (Ancona and Caldwell, 1992). Across nations, many studies have reported an inverse correlation between economic growth and ethnic diversity (Bates, 2000). Fryer and Loury (2004) point out that there are misperceptions among many whites about some of the underlying parameters needed to perform the admittedly difficult cost-benefit calculation underlying the economic case for diversity. They write: Many white Americans hold erroneous perceptions about the costs they incur due to racial preferences favoring blacks and Hispanics. According to our calculations based on data from the 2000 General Social Survey (GSS), 40 percent of whites over the age of 18 believe it likely that they or someone they know were rejected from a college due to an unqualified black applicant being admitted. Yet Kane (1998) has shown that racial preferences in admissions are given only at the most elite 20 percent of colleges and universities and, even at these colleges, the impact of racial preferences on the typical white applicant‘s admission probability is small. (Fryer and Loury, 2004)

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Empirical analysis of workforce perceptions about gender diversity points out another contradiction. Ellison, et al (2005) show that homogeneous groups tend to be happier but they are often less productive. Gender diversity in their study is associated with higher levels of productivity. How specifically should one pursue diversity efficiently? Fryer and Loury establish in a theoretically elegant analysis of affirmative action that color-blind strategies to achieve diversity goals are inherently inferior to race-conscious policies. The point is intuitive. If the policy goal is to obtain diversity in the workforce or in college admissions, the strategy of narrowly tailoring the selection to targeted groups is always more efficient than using a group-blind strategy (Fryer and Loury, 2005).

DIVERSITY AND DISABILILITY Diversity can be seen through the lens of the classic economic problem of efficiency vs equity trade-off. The notion of a trade-off arises because occasionally some amount of efficiency or productive and exchange advantages in the allocation of resources must be given up in order to gain some amount of equity or fairness in the distribution of resources. When a policy makes one group better off at the expense of another group, this tension between equity and efficiency becomes clearly apparent. One can think of redistributive public policies, such as those that are designed to reduce poverty, diminish inequality, or to eradicate the vestiges of discrimination, that while often predicated upon ideas of fairness or social equity also confront the possibility of inefficiencies. One example is that of disability insurance and federal legislation banning discrimination against the disabled. Economists have examined the effects of public transfers designed to improve the economic well-being of persons with disabilities but which in effect tax the non-disabled in order to pay for the disabled (Haveman and Wolfe, 1990, 2000; Haveman, de Jong, Wolfe, 1991). Economists have also examined legislation, such as the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) prohibiting discrimination against persons with

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disabilities and affording them equal access to facilities and workplaces. A cornerstone of the legislation was to help create a world where the disabled are as productive as they can be. The goals of increasing the economic well-being of the disabled and improving their productivity are inherently efficiency goals. The goals of assuring equal access for the disabled and prohibiting discrimination are motivated by equity and fairness concerns. The goals of equity and efficiency, however, might be in conflict with one another, as research on ADA and disability transfers shows (DeLeire, 2000). Disability transfers and anti-discrimination policies while justified on equity grounds are often challenged by economists on efficiency grounds since the effects occasionally result in reduced work effort, and thus lower productivity, and higher costs of production (DeLeire, 2001). At least theoretically, there is no assurance that the benefits of a policy that transfers incomes from the non-disabled to the disabled exceed the costs that might arise from reduced productivity or higher costs. At least theoretically, there is no assurance that a plan that requires employers to provide disability accommodations to workers or that prohibits employers from asking workers questions about their disabilities during job interviews will produce benefits that exceed the costs. In China, where arguably there is a longer and more egregious history of discrimination against the disabled, national policy on disabled persons includes quotas for employers. Firms must hire at least 1.5 percent of their workforce from among disabled workers. Fines for failure to meet this quota are used to fund programs for the disabled. Myers and Ding (2010) have compared the impacts of disability on wage and salary incomes in the US and in China for healthy urban workers 18 to 60 years of age. They control for age, education, gender, race/ethnicity, type of employment, household status, and province/state for identically specified earnings equations in China and the United States in 2002. There is an adverse impact of disability on earnings for workers in both countries. In China, however, where the policy on disability is in essence a narrowly targeted affirmative action program, the adverse impacts are smaller than in the United States where the disability policy is largely an antidiscrimination initiative. In both cases, there are costs and benefits and indeed many analysts claim that the anti-discrimination requirement of ADA amounts to an undue burden on business enterprises. However, the actual redistributive impacts differ between the two countries in that disabled persons seem to benefit more in the regime with direct quotas than under the policy that prohibits firms from discriminating without mandating any specific hiring goals for the disabled.

DIVERSITY, RACIAL DISPARITIES IN DROWNING, AND COMPETITIVE SWIMMING Two families‘ day of fun quickly turned tragic when six teenagers at the gathering drowned in a Louisiana river on August 2. According to the Associated Press, the outing began as a typical family get-together with a large group of relatives and friends. The children waded in Shreveport, La.‘s Red River to beat the heat as adults were planning to prepare food. But tragedy struck before they were even able to fire up the grill. DeKendrix Warner, 15, one of the teens splashing around in the river, slipped off a ledge and plunged into water nearly 25-feet deep. As the teen struggled, a cousin attempted to rescue him,

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but slipped on the same ledge. More relatives and friends tried to help in the rescue, but none could swim. The teens were thrown one life vest, but none could reach it (Afro-American News, August 7, 2010).

Heartbreaking stories of African-American drownings make the news almost every summer. What makes the Shreveport drownings so poignant is the fact that the children were teenagers, not infants or toddlers. The Centers for Disease Control report that drowning is the second leading cause of unintentional injury-related death for children between the ages of one and 14. African-American children between the ages of five and 19 are 2.6 times more likely to drown than are their white counterparts. Between 2000 and 2005, the fatal unintentional drowning rate for African-Americans across all ages was 1.3 times that of whites. The fatal drowning rate of African-American children ages 5 to 14 is 3.2 times that of white children in the same age range (CDC, 2008). According to the NCAA 2005-2006 Race-Ethnicity Report, 107 African-American nonHispanic student-athletes competed in Division I competitive swimming, compared with 7,121 white non-Hispanics, 207 Asians, and 213 Hispanics. In other words, there are nearly 70 times more white non-Hispanic student-athletes than African-Americans competing in Division 1 (NCAA, 2007). The USA Swimming Association, the primary organization of competitive swimming among age-group swimmers (those who have not yet reached high school or college) and the central pipeline in the United States for Olympic hopefuls, reported that .87 percent of its members were African-Americans. Blacks are disproportionately found among those who drown. They are severely underrepresented among those who are among elite swimmers. There is an obvious relationship between drowning and the ability to swim that has not escaped the notice of the leadership of national swimming organizations such as the USA Swimming Association. If there was ever a strong efficiency case for diversity, it would be the case for diversity in competitive swimming. Yet, diversity policies are difficult to embrace because efforts designed to make one group better off can be seen as unfair to other groups that may be made worse off. Moreover, there is a widespread perception, even today, that blacks lack the natural ability swim. Pseudo-scientific evidence has been offered over the years pointing to such myths as the lower buoyancy of blacks, their large feet, differences in bone density, and more recently the position of the center of mass above the ground. Bejian et al. (2010) for example contend that the center of mass in blacks is 3 percent higher above the ground than in whites meaning that blacks hold a 1.5 percent speed advantage in running, and whites hold a 1.5 percent speed advantage in swimming, since swimming and running require different center of mass for speed. Bejian et al. (2010) document that blacks dominate among the record holders of the 100-meter sprint events in track and field but whites are almost exclusively the record holders of the 100-meter freestyle events in swimming. Blacks dominate most (summer) Olympic events but one of the last outposts of virtual total exclusion of blacks in Olympic sports is swimming. Both because of the widespread perception that there is a ―natural‖ or genetic explanation for their underrepresentation in swimming and because of the view that there is no public policy problem to be solved, there is great resistance to remedying the problem of lack of diversity in swimming.

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These phenotypic explanations for the inability of blacks to swim must be balanced against the long historical record of racial barriers to swimming. Historians have amassed enormous evidence of the excellent boating and swimming skills among coastal Africans and also the efforts of slave owners to routinely prevent their slaves from learning how to swim lest they escape. Moreover, even into the 20th century segregated pools and the lack of access to public swimming pools became the norm for African-American communities (Wiltse, 2007; Hastings, 2006). Somewhat ironically, segregation also coincided with the evolution of elite inner-city swimming programs in Atlanta, Washington, D.C., and Philadelphia. Powerhouse swimming teams at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) such as Howard University, Morehouse College, Morgan State University, and Florida A&M University routinely included highly visible graduates, such as former Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young, who promoted swimming as a life-long sport and who served as life-guards, water safety instructors, and role models to generations of inner-city youth. With the dismantlement of HBCU swimming programs and the exodus of many middle-class blacks from HBCUs to white colleges and universities, there is now a dearth of highly visible elite African-American swimmers who can debunk the myth that blacks cannot swim. One can issue any number of critiques of the thesis that blacks are not predisposed to elite swimming. For example, one could question the mechanical engineering studies putatively showing that blacks are not predisposed physically to swimming sprints. Bejian analyzes data on world record holders in the 100-meter freestyle in swimming and the 100-meter sprint in track in order to demonstrate how physical differences by race predispose each group to swimming vs. track. An immediate objection to the conclusion, however, is that the physical differences identified relate to the 100-freestyle. Had they investigated the true sprint event in competitive swimming – the 50-meter freestyle – they would have reached the conclusion that black male and female US Olympic swimming gold medalists qualified in this sprint. This conclusion unfortunately coincides with yet another racialist view, namely that blacks can only do sprints. Both conclusions, the explicit one of Bejian et al. and the implicit one that blacks who do excel in swimming primarily excel in sprints, miss an important element of the sport. Strokes are governed by the International Federal of Swimming (FINA) and the rules change over the years in response largely to the demands of the groups that participate. There are many different strokes and competitive events in Olympic swimming. Fast breaststroke requires extremely strong thighs and calves and flexibility in the knees and ankles. Few top freestylers who rely principally on a flutter kick that requires an upward movement of the legs are also top breaststrokers, which requires an outward and circular movement of the legs. Many of the top breaststrokers in the world, in fact, are short and stocky, whereas most of the top spring freestylers are tall and lanky. The butterfly requires extraordinary upper body strength and long arm spans. Among female butterfliers, one sees a wide range of body types and shapes, but relatively few with large breasts. Whereas large breasts are an impediment to streamlining on one's stomach and can create drag in the butterfly, the negative impacts are negligible when swimming on one's back. There are all sorts of body sizes and arm lengths and torso to leg proportions among the elite swimmers of the world in part because there are a large number of different strokes and techniques appropriate for different body types. Much of what counts for body shape is influenced by early childhood swimming experiences, which affect body development. Moreover, good coaches adapt drills and methods to a swimmer's body type. So, any realistic empirical

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analysis of racial disparities in elite swimming must account for these differences from early childhood exposure to good coaching and competitive swimming. The efficiency aspect of seeking diversity in swimming rests largely on the evidence that blacks are overrepresented among those who drown. The logic is that if there were more highly visible black elite swimmers, there would be a larger pool of persons interested in becoming elite swimmers, which increases the demand for learning to swim programs, minority lifeguards, water safety instructors, coaches, and aquatic directors. Of course, with more minority elite swimmers, there would be a larger supply from which to hire lifeguards, water safety instructors, and learn to swim instructors, creating a cumulative impact that derives benefits not just to minorities but to everyone. Of 249,182 members of the Unites States Swimming Association in 2005, there are 1,220 black females and 958 black males, or .87 percent of the total. Among young competitive swimmers, less than one percent of the total membership is African-American. The national organization has actively promoted a wide range of diversity initiatives over the years, most with little success in significantly affecting the gross underrepresentation of blacks. The organization has embraced outreach activities, supported reduced membership fees for the disadvantaged, hosted outreach camps at it national headquarters, and made grants to local clubs so that the clubs can increase their outreach efforts. Earlier attempts to increase directly the numbers of minorities on the national teams have resulted in fierce opposition. One such effort was to stipulate differential qualifying times for inclusion in elite training camps, one of the principal stepping stones to the US National Team and the Junior National Team. While most people favor ―diversity‖ there is substantial opposition from coaches, parents, and athletes to efforts designed to achieve diversity. Why then is this diversity argument so very difficult to embrace? A case in point is what might be called the Minnesota Paradox. Minnesota has had the highest racial disparity in drowning rates in the nation. It also had the highest racial disparity in representation among age-group competitive swimmers. Nationally, there is a strong inverse relationship between drowning rates for African-Americans and membership in competitive swimming. Black youth were 2,700 times more likely to be in the Minnesota population than they were to be found among USA swimming registrants. Yet, virtually all of the 10 and under state records from 1994 and 1995 until 2005 were held by two persons of African-American heritage. One of these swimmers switched to basketball in high school and went on to a successful career in the National Basketball Association. The other went to the Olympic trials as a teenager and competed successfully at a top NCAA Division I university. In Minnesota, at least, there is the paradoxical conclusion that although blacks are severely underrepresented among all age group swimmers, they are overrepresented among record holders. This has led many commentators to conclude that the problem is not about race or diversity at all. Swimming is a good metaphor for understanding the equity vs. efficiency conflict in diversity policies. There is a compelling state interest in remedying disparities in drownings, swim pass rates in the military, and eligibility for service in Special Forces and the Navy SEALs (Hastings, et al. 2006; Harrel, 1999; Tyson, 2009). The efficiency grounds for diversity are clear. There are obvious distributional considerations evidenced by the illustration from the Minnesota Paradox, however. To get to the point of greater diversity in elite swimming – in an Olympic sport where only the top two finishers in most events in the Olympic trials have any chance of making the Olympic team – requires that there be some members of the predominant group who will not make the team. Majority group members

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instinctively argue that it is unfair to alter the rules for representation in the sport or to use any criteria other than speed or performance for assignment to elite teams. Diversity at the lower levels of the sport without diversity at the top may reduce motivation and aspirations further affecting the distribution of swimmers at the top. There is also the equity consideration that across many other competitive sports African-Americans seem to dominate at all levels. Why can‘t whites have their own sport where they can reasonably expect to excel?

DIVERSITY AND PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AND CONTRACTING: THE CASE OF ASIAN AMERICANS

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Billions of federal dollars require disadvantaged business enterprise (DBE) goals for contracting or subcontracting. A DBE is defined as a small business owned by one or more socially disadvantaged individuals. Persons who are reputably presumed to be socially and economically disadvantaged according to federal regulations are US Citizens or permanent residents who are: (i).―Black Americans,‖ which includes persons having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa; (ii).―Hispanic Americans,‖ which includes persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, Central or South American, or other Spanish or Portuguese culture or origin, regardless of race; (iii).―Native Americans,‖ which includes persons who are American Indians, Eskimos, Aleuts, or Native Hawaiians; (iv).―Asian-Pacific Americans,‖ which includes persons whose origins are from Japan, China, Taiwan, Korea, Burma (Myanmar), Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia (Kampuchea), Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Samoa, Guam, the U.S. Trust Territories of the Pacific Islands (Republic of Palau), the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas Islands, Macao, Fiji, Tonga, Kirbati, Juvalu, Nauru, Federated States of Micronesia, or Hong Kong; (v).―Subcontinent Asian Americans,‖ which includes persons whose origins are from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives Islands, Nepal or Sri Lanka; (vi).Women; (vii).Any additional groups whose members are designated as socially and economically disadvantaged by the SBA, at such time as the SBA designation becomes effective (49 CFR 26.5). There are also size and net worth criteria that must be met in order to be certified as a DBE. Recipients of Federal Transit Authority (FTA) funding must establish goals for the award of contracts to DBEs and must make good faith efforts to achieve those goals. As such, DBE goals are a form of diversity policy, designed to increase the representation of women and minority-owned business enterprises among those receiving federally-assisted transit contracts. This is the equity criterion. Both to remedy prior or ongoing discrimination against women and minority-owned business enterprises and to correct for private marketplace

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inequalities, the goals program is designed to ―level the playing field‖ in public procurement and contracting. In the goal setting process, however, recipients of federal funds are required to narrowly tailor their programs so that the maximum feasible portion of the goals is race and gender neutral (Roy Wilkins Center, 2009). The logic is that the programs must not harm nonaggrieved parties or at least must minimize the harm to non-DBEs in the process of benefiting DBEs. This is the efficiency criterion. The reason why the efficiency and the equity criteria are potentially in conflict with one another is that in addition to mandating that recipients of funding set goals for DBEs, federal regulations prohibit the setting of separate goals for different subgroups among disadvantaged business enterprises. The DBE program cannot be over-inclusive but it also cannot target subgroups within racial or ethnic categories. One illustration of this problem is in a federal lawsuit challenging the DBE goals program of the New Jersey Transit Authority (Myers, 2007, 2008). Plaintiff‘s expert alleged, among other things, that the DBE program was over-inclusive because it included Asian Americans, a group that apparently experienced great success in the award of contracts. In a 2002 disparity study of the availability and utilization of firms classified by their racial/ethnic and gender categories, it was found that overall DBEs were underutilized. Within the racial/ethnic groups, however, there was much variability in the ratio of utilization to availability. The share of contract dollars awarded to black non-Hispanics was 3.8 percent, whereas blacks represented 4.5 percent of all willing, able, and qualified firms, resulting in a utilization/availability ratio of .84. The share of contract dollars awarded to Hispanics was 5.5 percent, but Hispanics represented 6.5 percent of ready, willing, and qualified firms, producing a utilization/availability ratio of .85. The share of contract dollars awarded to nonminority females was 7.2 percent, but non-minority females accounted for 26 percent of ready, willing, and qualified business enterprises, meaning that the utilization/availability ratio was .27. The share of contract dollars awarded to non-minority males was 77.8 percent, whereas non-minority males represented 64.9 percent of all ready, willing, and able contractors, producing a utilization/availability index of 1.20. For Asians, however, the ratio of utilization to availability is greater than one. Asians received 5.5 percent of contract dollars but they represented 4.2 percent of all willing, able, and qualified firms. The result is a ratio of utilization to availability of 1.31. Even though the ratio of utilization to availability for DBEs as a group was less than one, the apparent ―overutilization‖ of Asians among DBEs prompted the expert for the plaintiff to argue that the DBE goal was over inclusive. Further evidence in the law suit shows, however, that Asian firms received lower contract awards than did non-DBEs. The average contract award for a non-DBE was found to be $3,005,411 whereas the average contract award for an Asian firm was only $362,900, a statistically significant difference. Thus, even though there does not appear to be a disparity between the availability and utilization of Asian-owned firms in New Jersey, there is indeed a major disparity in the contract amounts awarded. Going a step further in examining the alleged overutilization of Asian-owned firms, the supplementary expert report for the defendant computed the representation in the year 2000 of minority-owned firms by nation of origin relative to white-owned firms (Myers, 2010) The report computed odds ratios of self-employment – a measure of business ownership -- from a regression model that included human capital and other characteristics. Odds ratios of less than one imply that there is an underrepresentation of businesses within a given subgroup.

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Odds ratios of greater than one mean that the group is overrepresented relative to nonminority firms. The results showed odds ratios of .417 for African-Americans as a group, with .385 and .318 respectively for Haitian and Jamaican-born blacks, the two largest black immigrant groups in New Jersey. The results showed odds ratios of .588 for Hispanics with those of Puerto Rican and Dominican descent, the two largest groups of Hispanics in New Jersey, showing odds ratios of .498 and .606. The results showed odds ratios of .715 for Asian Americans, with East Asian Indians – the largest group of Asians in New Jersey – showing odds ratios of .533 and with Chinese – the second largest group of Asians in New Jersey – showing odds ratios of .714. The odds ratio for Filipinos was .373. The odds ratio for Koreans, who represent a relative small share of the total New Jersey population, was 2.025. The tension between equity and efficiency arises in this illustration. The diversity objective of defining a broad class of socially and economically disadvantaged firms was adopted to achieve a social equity goal of leveling the playing field and opening up business opportunities for historically excluded groups. The equity goal mandated that racial and ethnic minorities as well as women-owned business enterprises be considered as a group, partly so as not to pit one subgroup against another. The efficiency criterion, however, mandates that only the best qualified firms should receive public contracts and thus what amounts to affirmative action for women and minorities should not be over-inclusive and should minimize the harm to qualified white male-owned firms. The distinction between equity and efficiency is made a bit more complex by that fact that Koreans, as a subgroup of Asians are not found to be underrepresented among businesses in New Jersey, although Asian-owned firms as a group are underrepresented. Moreover, Asian-owned firms as a group tend to receive lower than average contracts. Is it efficient to exclude Korean-American owned firms in the definition of the DBE program? Is it fair? Or, put differently, would the exclusion of Koreans from the DBE program help white small businesses? Would small, Korean-owned firms compete at the same rate without being designated as disadvantaged? The attempt to craft a diversity program for businesses so as to promote equity in public procurement and contracting is immediately confronted with these efficiency concerns.

CONCLUSION Diversity can be viewed within the lens of the economic tension between equity and efficiency. The economic model of diversity underscores the fact that there are both benefits and costs associated with policies designed to include diverse segments of the population, including particular groups that historically have been underrepresented in different spheres of economic life. The ―economic case for diversity‖ really is about the premise that there are net social benefits over social costs that justify diverse teams, diverse workforces, diverse universities, diverse organizations, and diverse communities. The problem with diversity is that it produces both costs and benefits. The costs include the reality that people prefer their own; they prefer to work alongside like-minded, likelooking persons who share similar values, cultures, and outlooks. The benefits, however, include non-trivial differences in productivity, innovation, and improvements in overall economic performance, not the least of which accrues to major group members. Had the benefits from diversity only accrued to minority group members, it would be harder to justify

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special privileges on efficiency grounds alone simply because in the cost-benefit calculus implied the small size of the potential beneficiary class produces a relatively small social benefit as compared to the potential costs of the intervention. Cost-benefit calculations and therefore efficiency criteria are not the only reasons for having a diversity intervention. There are clear instances where diversity addresses other social equity goals. It is for this reason that it is helpful to conceptualize diversity within a framework that permits the analyst to make explicit the tensions between both of these goals: efficiency and equity.

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Haveman, R and Wolf, B (2000) ―The Economics of Disability and Disability Policy‖ in A. J. Culyer and J. P. Newhouse (ed.), Handbook of Health Economics, 1 (1) 18: 995‐1051. Haveman, R., de Jong, P. and Wolfe, B. (1991), Disability Transfers and the Work Decision of Older Men, Quarterly Journal of Economics 106(5), 939–49. Haveman, Robert, and Wolfe, B. (1990), The Economic Well‐Being of the Disabled: 1962– 1984. Journal of Human Resources 25(1), 32–55. Hoberman, J. (1997). Darwin‟s Athletes: How Sport has Damaged Black America and Preserved the Myth of Race. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company Hong, L. and Page, S.E. (2004). ―Groups of Diverse Problem Solvers Can Outperform Groups of High-Ability Problem Solvers.‖ Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 101(46), 16385–89. Hong, L., and Page, S.E. (2001). Problem Solving by Heterogeneous Agents. Journal of Economic Theory, 97(1), 123–63. Hong, L., and Page, S.E. (2009). Interpreted and Generated Signals. Journal of Economic Theory, 144(5), 2174–96. Kane, T. 1998. Racial and Ethnic Preferences in College Admissions. in C. Jecnks and M. Phillips (Eds.), The Black-White Test Score Gap, Washington, D.C., Brookings Institution Press, 431-56. Mogharabi, S. (2005a). In the Minority. Aquatics International, Retrieved from http://www.aquaticsintl.com/2005/oct/0510_minority.html. Mogharabi, S. (2005b).Inability to Swim Closes Doors for Many Minorities. Aquatics International. Retrieved from http://www.aquaticsintl.com/2005/oct /0510_min ority2.html. Myers, S.L. (2007). Initial report to Defendant‘s Expert: 2007-10-23 Civil Action No. 042425 GEOD Corporation, et al. Plaintiffs v. New Jersey Transit Corporation, et al. Defendants. Retrieved from http://www.hhh.umn.edu/centers /wilkins/pdf/ REVISED_EXPERT.pdf. Myers, S.L. (2008a). 2007-10-23 Civil Action No. 04-2425 GEOD Corporation, et al. Plaintiffs v. New Jersey Transit Corporation, et al. Defendants Rebuttal Report of Defendants‟ Expert. Retrieved from http://www.hhh.umn.edu/centers/wilkins /pdf/REBUTTAL_REPORT.pdf. Myers, S.L. (2008b). Rebuttal To Supplemental Report of Plaintiffs‟ Expert Pertaining to: Civil Action No.2:04-cv-2425 GEOD Corporation, et. al. Plaintiff v. New Jersey Transit Corporation, Et. Al. Defendants United States District Court District of New Jersey. http://www.hhh.umn.edu/centers/wilkins/pdf/REBUTTAL_ SUPPLEMENTAL.pdf. Myers, S.L. (2010). Rebuttal to Supplemental Report of Plaintiffs‟ Expert Pertaining To: Civil Action No.2:04-cv-2425 GEOD Corporation, et. al. Plaintiff v. New Jersey Transit Corporation, et. al. Defendants United States District Court District of New Jersey. Retrieved from http://www.hhh.umn.edu/centers/wilkins/pdf /REBUTTAL_ SUPPLEME NTAL.pdf. Myers, S.L. and Sai, D (2010) ―The Effects of Disability on Earnings in China and the United States,‖ Beijing and Minneapolis Unpublished manuscript. N.A. (2010, August 7). ―Six Teens Drown in L.A. River: No one Knew How to Swim,‖ AfroAmerican Newspaper. Retrieved from http://afro.com/sections/news /national/story.h tm?storyid=2135.

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Niederle, M., Segal, C., and Vesterlund, L. (2008). How Costly Is Diversity? Affirmative Action in Light of Gender Differences in Competitiveness. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 13923. Page, S.E. (2007). The Difference: How the Power of Diversity Creates Better Groups, Firms, Schools, and Societies. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Page, S.E., and Richardson, D.W. (1992). Walsh Functions, Schema Variance, and Deception. Complex Systems, 6(2), 125–35. Parting the Waters: Breaking Swimming's Color Barrier [Video File]. Retrieved from http://www.realscreen.com/screeningroom/20071005/partingthewaters.html. Saluja, G., et al, (2006). Swimming Pool Drownings Among US Residents Aged 5-24 Years: Understanding Racial/Ethnic Disparities. American Journal of Public Health. 96(4). The National Collegiate Athletic Association. (2007). 1999-00 – 2005-06 NCAA StudentAthlete Race and Ethnicity Report. Indianapolis, IN: Author. The Roy Wilkins Center for Human Relations and Social Justice. (2009). Final Recommendation for Establishing New Jersey Transit‟s FY 2010 DBE Goals. Tyson, A.S. (2006), ―Pulling No Punches in Push for Navy SEALs: Pentagon Looking to Increase Ranks Without Easing the Tough Training‖, Washington Post Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2006/06/19/AR2006061901388_ pf.html. USA Swimming. General Membership Information Retrieved from http://www.usas wimming.org/_Rainbow/Documents/2153a918-55db-4d76-a57e-3a7d 40803645/USAS%20General%20Membership%20info.pdf . Wiltse, Jeff. (2007). Contested Waters: A Social History of Swimming Pools in America. The University of North Carolina Press.

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

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Chapter 5

PROTECTION AND LEGAL COMPLIANCE Sue H. Guenter-Schlesinger Western Washington University, Washington, USA

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ABSTRACT This chapter examines protection and legal compliance related to equal opportunity and affirmative action in higher education by first summarizing civil rights laws applicable to faculty, staff, and students. It focuses on the particularly challenging issue of sexual harassment, an illustrative example of the critical role supervisory responsibility plays in implementing all equal opportunity laws. It also reviews the steps institutions need to take to reduce potential liability and provides recommendations to assist academic administrators in doing this. Second, this chapter looks at compliance with affirmative action in employment as well as with Supreme Court decisions that have shaped guidance for college admissions. Finally, this chapter examines equal opportunity and affirmative action requirements within the context of the hiring process. It presents a checklist of best practices for hiring, as institutions seek enhanced workforce diversity.

INTRODUCTION Many countries throughout the world have looked to the United States as they have developed their own civil rights legal protections for their citizenry. It is not by accident that the United States is a leader in this, having an enormously comprehensive set of Civil Rights laws that have developed, for the most part, over the past nearly 50 years. These federal mandates were directed toward all facets of life, including both employment and education. Prohibiting discrimination, this cadre of American law evolved out of a sociological and historical context in America in which groups of people had faced segregation, exclusion, and discrimination. The world of higher education was no exception. Historically, employment and educational laws and practices in America systematically excluded groups of students and employees who faced overt discrimination. People of color and women, among other groups, were primary targets of this bias. It took until 1954 when Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in the case

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of Brown v. the Board of Education, Topeka, ―that separate but equal‖ had no place in the American educational system. As Williams (2004) points out: The Brown case is the landmark Supreme Court decision of the twentieth century that marked the first in a long list of judgments displaying a more active court in the defense of individual rights as no other Court before it (p. 41).

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At the same time, federal lawmakers became more active in turning their attention to civil rights law. As the Civil Rights Movement progressed in the 1950‘s and into the 1960‘s, attention was paid to disenfranchised groups of employees as well. This Movement gained momentum in the mid-1960‘s, and greater demands were voiced for more equitable employment opportunity and treatment, as well as for a more balanced workforce representing all segments of American society. Demonstrations, discussions, violent and nonviolent protests, and sit-ins were not uncommon on college campuses during this time, bringing attention to inequities associated with race, gender, and other social identities of groups experiencing exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination. It was out of this turbulent time that equal opportunity laws for both students and employees emerged. The development of these laws expanded in the 1970‘s and has continued to the present, as the federal government responds to America‘s voice articulating inequities in education and employment. The purpose of this chapter is to assist educational administrators and practitioners— especially those whose primary work does not provide an opportunity on a regular basis to work directly with issues of protection and legal compliance—to clearly understand those equal opportunity laws that are most relevant in the higher education setting. This chapter is divided into three parts: 1) The first part summarizes civil rights laws pertaining to students as well as to faculty and staff. It closely examines some critically important legal aspects of one type of discrimination—sexual harassment—against which faculty, staff and students are protected (under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 for employees and Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972 for students). This section of the chapter includes suggestions for institutions as they strive to be legally compliant with all equal opportunity laws pertaining to higher education. 2) The second part of this chapter offers clarification for what is meant by affirmative action and how it differs from equal opportunity. It also addresses the confusion that has existed in academe for quite some time about the legal and regulatory differences between affirmative action in employment and in college admissions. This section of the chapter explores effective implementation of Executive Order 11246 as amended (Executive Order), as it applies to employment in higher education. 3) Finally, the third part of this chapter focuses on the hiring process in higher education and how to implement equal opportunity laws in concert with affirmative action requirements. This section also provides a checklist of best practices and strategies useful for academic administrators and supervisors, as colleges and universities work to recruit and retain a more diverse workforce, within the context of maintaining equal opportunity for all.

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Educational administrators, faculty and supervisory staff have special responsibility by virtue of their positions for ensuring that faculty, staff, and students are being treated fairly and equitably. They share accountability for the institution adhering not only to civil rights laws, but also to the affirmative action Executive Order, with respect to diversifying the 1 workforce. Better understanding the relevant legal protections will enable educators and administrators to maintain classrooms and work environments free from discrimination and harassment. It is incumbent upon colleges and universities to make sure all members of the campus community benefit from policies, procedures, and practices throughout the infrastructure of the institution that aim to implement the spirit as well as the letter of these federal mandates.

EQUAL OPPORTUNITY LAWS PROTECTING STUDENTS, FACULTY AND STAFF: AN OVERVIEW When students or employees believe that their civil rights protections have been violated, administrators, faculty, and staff are often all involved in the resolution. This can consume an extraordinary amount of time that detracts from one‘s primary role and responsibility. The alleged victim, as well as the alleged offender, pay a premium both emotionally, and at times, professionally, given the nature of discrimination complaints. In short, discrimination complaints can be costly to the institution and the people involved, sometimes creating hardship for all. Therefore, it is critical that a wide array of personnel across campus be knowledgeable about civil rights laws that protect students and employees in academe.

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Students The Office for Civil Rights (OCR) enforces the bulk of civil rights laws that apply to students. These laws prohibit discrimination in educational programs or activities that receive federal funds from the Department of Education, including the Americans with Disabilities Act, Title II which applies to all public entities. They prohibit discrimination across a broad range of legally protected categories, including race, color, national origin, religion, sex, disability, and age. Included among these laws are the following: 

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Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on religion in public education, including public colleges and universities. Unlike Title VI of this same law which is enforced through the OCR, Title IV is enforced through the United States Department of Justice. This law includes the prohibition of discriminating against students who wear religious clothes or head coverings. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on race, color or national origin. Any college or university that provides financial grants or assistance, utilizing federal funds, must comply with this law. Examples of

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discrimination that could be included under Title VI include racial harassment or discrimination, discrimination based on denying language services to students limited in their English ability, and discrimination against a student who may be difficult to understand because of his or her accent. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 prohibits discrimination of students based on sex. This law, often thought of applying only to gender equity in athletics, has broad coverage, prohibiting gender discrimination, including sexual harassment in the classroom as well as on the athletic field and in the locker room, or in any college or university-related activity. It also covers discrimination based on pregnancy. Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 prohibits discrimination of students based on disability. This initial law protecting students with disabilities in educational programs and activities is a precursor to the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). It requires an institution to provide students with documented disabilities an accommodation as long as the institution does not experience undue hardship in doing so. The Age Discrimination Act of 1975 prohibits discrimination against students based on their age. An example of discrimination that could be included under this law is the denial of admission to a returning, older student, or treating this student in an adverse way, simply based on their non-traditional age, compared to the majority of their peers. Title II of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) was initially passed in 1990 and prohibits discrimination based on disability in public entities, including schools. Institutions must provide reasonable accommodation to students who are qualified under the ADA, as long as it does not create undue hardship. The most recent 2008 amendment to this Act retains the definition of disability that was originally spelled out in Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, but interprets it broadly.

Faculty and Staff The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Office for Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) enforce civil rights laws that apply to employees— faculty and staff—in the vast majority of public and private colleges and universities. Like civil rights laws that pertain to students, those that apply to employees prohibit discrimination across a wide variety of legally protected categories, including race, color, national origin, religion, sex, disability, age, veteran status and genetic information. Included among these laws are the following: 

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The Equal Pay Act of 1963 prohibits employers from paying men and women differently if they perform equal work. This law sought to remedy the use of different job classifications and titles for the same work, based on gender, which has sometimes led to higher wages for men than women doing the same work. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination in employment based on race, color, religion, national origin, or sex. Sometimes known as the

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―Employment Law,‖ Title VII applies to all conditions, terms and benefits of employment, including hiring, firing, evaluation, promotion, demotion and termination. The EEOC Policy Guidelines on Sexual Harassment were initially added in 1980 to this law and consider sexual harassment a form of sex discrimination. The Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) of 1967 prohibits discrimination against employees who are 40 years old or older. This law prevents the use of age as a reason for employment decisions, including hiring, firing, promotion, layoff, compensation, benefits, job assignments, and training. The Rehabilitation Act of 1973, Section 503, as amended prohibits discrimination and requires employers to reasonably accommodate the known physical or mental limitations of an otherwise qualified applicant or employee with a disability, unless this imposes an undue hardship on the organization or institution‘s operation. Like the ADA, this law covers persons with a wide range of mental and physical impairments that substantially limit or restrict a major life activity. In addition, employers with federal contracts of $50,000 or more and at least 50 employees must develop an annual Affirmative Action Plan (AAP) to address hiring, retaining, and promoting qualified individuals with disabilities. The Vietnam Era Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act (VEVRAA) of 1974, as amended prohibits discrimination against veterans and requires covered federal contractors and subcontractors to take affirmative action to employ and advance in employment specified categories of veterans protected by the Act. An annual AAP is required for federal contractors having 50 or more employees and receiving at least $50,000 of federal funds. The Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 amended Title VII and prohibits discrimination against a woman because of pregnancy, childbirth, or a related medical condition. Employers may not inquire if a woman is pregnant within any aspect of employment—terms, conditions or benefits—including hiring, treatment on the job, promotion, or termination. Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 prohibits discrimination against a qualified person with a disability in the private sector and in state and local governments. It requires employers to reasonably accommodate the known physical or mental limitations of an otherwise qualified individual with a disability who is an applicant or employee, unless doing so would impose an undue hardship on the organization or institution‘s business. The Jobs for Veterans Act (JVA) of 2002 amended VEVRAA by raising the dollar amount of the contract required for an employer to be covered from $25,000 to $100,000 and changing the categories of protected veterans. This law establishes priority for veterans, eligible spouses, widows and widowers for job training programs. The Genetic Information Act of 2008 prohibits discrimination against employees or applicants based on information about an individual's genetic tests and the genetic tests of an individual's family members. This includes information about any disease, disorder or condition of an individual's family members.

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The equal opportunity laws outlined above protect students, faculty and staff against retaliation that occurs because they complained about discrimination, filed a discrimination complaint, or participated in any part of a discrimination investigation or lawsuit. These laws provide for an educational and work environment free from harassment and discrimination for all members of the campus community. Anti-discrimination laws inherently require all supervisors—academic and administrative alike—to treat and evaluate all students, faculty, and staff based on their merit and productivity and not on any arbitrary or capricious characteristic such as race, sex, national origin, or disability. Requiring ―equal opportunity‖ for all individuals, regardless of their protected category status, these laws are at times misinterpreted to mean that employers and supervisors should treat all their employees the same. But effective implementation of the equal opportunity laws outlined above means consistent and fair treatment for everyone, not necessarily the same treatment. When administrators, faculty, and staff become familiar with the civil rights of their students and employees, they can work towards creating a healthy equal opportunity climate in the area over which they have authority. Institutions have a responsibility to faculty as well as staff to promote understanding of student and employees‘ legal protections. For purposes of compliance with civil rights laws for both students and employees, one might view faculty, not typically considered supervisors under a more traditional definition, as ―quasi‖ supervisors. When they are in a classroom, they have the ability to exert authority over, and have responsibility for their students, similar to that of supervisors with their employees. Academic administrators and supervisors can begin to assess if they are treating and evaluating their students and employees in a fair and unbiased manner if they utilize objective evaluative criteria. Further, if treatment of students in the classroom and employees in the workplace substantially differs among individuals, there must be a reasonable justification or explanation for this. In cases when equal opportunity complaints or legal claims are filed against colleges and universities, the important question that must be answered is the following: But for an individual‘s ―protected‖ category (e.g., race, sex, national origin), would he or she have been treated this way? In other words, is there a reasonable and objective justification for any employment action or performance appraisal for an employee, or treatment or grading for a student? Supervisors should have an up-to-date job description for every employee so that performance evaluations are based on objective criteria, which may diminish employee perception of unfairness. Having a clear position description and a performance appraisal that evaluates the required factors of the job description is critical. Similarly, faculty should have their course requirements and grading system clearly outlined. Sometimes employees or students may feel they are being treated unfairly because they do not clearly understand or have not been evaluated specifically on their job or academic requirements. Current job descriptions, objective performance evaluations and clear course requirements and grading systems may help prevent either personnel decisions or student evaluations from occurring which could be perceived as arbitrary or capricious.

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Sexual Harassment Prevention: A Civil Rights Law Especially Challenging for Higher Education

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All forms of discrimination covered by the civil rights laws outlined above present 2 special challenges for academic administrators, faculty, and staff. But sexual harassment , a form of sex discrimination, presents particular difficulties for higher education institutions. First, in a college environment filled with young adults, distinctions between everyday verbal expressions and physical behaviors typical of traditional college-age students, and sexual harassment, can be blurred. Sometimes, real problems can be masked. Also, colleges and universities pride themselves on academic freedom and freedom of expression. Questions arise routinely over what may constitute sexual harassment as opposed to what constitutes free speech on a college campus. Finally, sexual harassment prevention places a heavy burden on supervisory responsibility, which if not effectively assumed, can cause an institution to face legal and financial liability. Because of this, it may be useful to take a closer look at sexual harassment as an illustrative example of the complexity of equal opportunity law and its associated liability. It has been 30 years since the EEOC sexual harassment guidelines were added to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but the offensive behavior the guidelines sought to address is still prevalent across America‘s workforce. The number of discrimination charges, overall, filed by employees with the EEOC during the past 10 years has significantly increased, and among some of the most frequently filed are those of sexual harassment. Colleges and universities have faced complaints and legal claims of sexual harassment from both employees and students. In fact, an American Association of University Women study (Hill and Silva, 2005), found that: sexual harassment is widespread among college students across the country….[and that]…a majority of students experience noncontact forms of harassment—from sexual remarks to electronic messages—and nearly one-third experience some form of physical harassment, such as being touched, grabbed, or forced to do something sexual (p. 2).

Public awareness of sexual harassment has increased and when cases are brought forward, it is imperative that colleges and universities have appropriate policies and procedures in place to handle them in a comprehensive and timely manner. In addition, the human suffering that can and does occur with such cases, for both the alleged victim and the alleged offender can be enormous. The impact of sexual harassment on victims, whether students, faculty or staff in higher education, can be devastating, often causing physical as well as emotional ailments and interfering with an individual‘s ability to study or work. Last year, The Chronicle of Higher Education reported on the tragedy at the University of Iowa where two professors in independent cases, both took their own lives in the wake of sexual harassment charges against them (Wilson, 2009). In this context, it is important that all institutions provide training in the prevention of sexual harassment so that faculty, staff and students alike can be informed about sexual harassment and have a clear understanding about their rights and responsibilities. More 2 For full definition of sexual harassment, see EEOC Policy Guidelines on Sexual Harassment, (1999), Section 1604.11 Guidelines on Discrimination Because of Sex, 29 C.F.R. Chapter XIV, Part 1604.

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keenly understanding sexual harassment becomes imperative for academic administrators, supervisors and other institutional authorities so they respond appropriately should an employee or student allege sexual harassment. Institutions can benefit from a sexual harassment prevention policy that contains a definition compliant with both Title VII and 3 Title IX, covering employees and students.

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“Knows or Should Have Known” The role of an academic administrator or supervisor as an authority figure of the university carries special responsibility when it comes to being aware of sexual harassment. According to the EEOC Guidelines on Discrimination Because of Sex (1999), regarding conduct between fellow employees: ―…an employer is responsible for acts of sexual harassment in the workplace where the employer (or its agents or supervisory employees) knows or should have known of the conduct, unless it can show that it took immediate and appropriate action.‖ This potential institutional liability holds as well for acts of non-employees who may be involved in sexual harassment of employees in the workplace, where the employer or its supervisors knew or should have known about the conduct and failed to take corrective action. In such cases, the EEOC would assess how much control the employer had over the non-employee who was the harasser (Bradbury and Lally, 2007). In 1999, a year after two landmark Supreme Court decisions (Burlington Industries, Inc. v. Ellerth, 118 S.Ct. 2257 (1998), and Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 118 S.Ct. 2275, (1998)), the EEOC issued new guidance on institutional or employer liability for supervisors (―Enforcement Guidance on Vicarious Employer Liability for Unlawful Harassment by Supervisors,‖ EEOC Number 915.002, June 18, 1999). Both these Supreme Court decisions made it clear that the employer is responsible for the acts of its supervisors and should take action to prevent sexual harassment from occurring. In cases where the harassment results in an employment action (e.g., demotion, termination), the employer is always responsible for supervisor‘s harassment. However, if there is no employment action, these Court decisions indicated that an employer could limit its liability by making sure it has an ―affirmative defense‖ by showing that it has taken steps to prevent sexual harassment and that it has taken steps to correct the harassment it did identify. As Kaplin and Lee (2006) point out: The Court‘s rulings in Ellerth and Faragher …recognize an important defense for those ―good employers‖ who have developed clear policies, advised employees of the complaint process, and conducted training about avoiding harassment (p. 417).

Title IX sexual harassment complaints of students, unlike those of employees covered under Title VII, do not need to be addressed first by the enforcement agency, in this case, the Office for Civil Rights (OCR). Rather, these claims can be directly handled as a lawsuit, and 3 As an example, see Western Washington University‘s Policy POL-U1600.4, ―Preventing Sexual Harassment,‖ http://www.wwu.edu/eoo/policies.shtml.

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they have, in fact, received the most attention from the courts. Like Title VII claims, there is institutional liability and thus far, claims cannot be asserted against officers or employees of an institution. However, in a recent report issued by the National Center for Higher Education Risk Management (Lewis, Schuster, and Sokolow, 2010), the authors argue this may be changing. Increased student charges of sexual harassment have resulted in a surge of Title IX lawsuits since the early 2000‘s. The report claims that colleges and universities have not effectively attended to student complaints of harassment issues through on-campus administrative processes. The authors of this report hold that:

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…the courts are fed up with the pace of change by schools and colleges. Hoping to see internal reforms, the courts instead were treated to a litany of cases that should embarrass higher education, as a field. As a result, measured judicial restraint has given way to activism, legislation from the bench, and truly mindboggling settlements and verdicts (p.5).

Sexual harassment prevention can become especially challenging for faculty who want to ensure a respectful climate in the classroom. Faculty, like supervisors, are well served if they outline the rules or parameters of behavior for their environment. Professors highly committed to creating a positive and appropriate tone in their classroom, may consider including some wording in their course syllabus which illustrates and emphasizes this commitment. Faculty members sometimes wonder if they should get personally involved in resolving a sexual harassment issue that may occur between their students. It is important to recognize that faculty responsibility, like that of supervisors with employees, does not translate into personally intervening or investigating a complaint of sexual harassment. This could put the faculty member in a difficult position, and he or she could be perceived as not remaining neutral and thus not being able to be objective in grading. A poor final grade for either the complaining student or the student complained about could potentially result in a complaint of retaliation against the professor. But the faculty member, like any supervisor, must not ignore the student or even begin to evaluate whether the student is telling the truth or not. What is critical is that the professor ensures the student knows where to go for appropriate resolution of his or her problem, such as the campus Equal Opportunity Office. It is always a good idea for faculty to document this referral for their own records, and to share this information with their Department Chair.

Ensuring Protections and Precluding Liability Under Equal Opportunity Laws Some recommendations for institutions that will help protect the potential victim (faculty, staff or student) with respect to any type of discrimination, to include sexual harassment, as well as assist the institution avoid liability, are: 

Develop a clear anti-discrimination policy, covering all the legally protected categories included in the laws outlined above, as well as any relevant state laws. This policy should also have a complaint procedure that is widely disseminated

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across campus and easily accessible. Institutions should also have a separate additional policy that focuses on sexual harassment prevention. Include an informal resolution process as well as a formal process in your complaint procedure, as an option for the complainant. Often employees and students are fearful about signing a formal complaint, and therefore will not utilize the designated office to help resolve their issue. Utilization of informal resolution techniques, such as mediation and negotiation, can produce positive outcomes for the complainant, alleviating some fear associated with filing formal institutional complaints. Conduct training on all types of discrimination and harassment covered by equal opportunity laws. Across public higher education nationally, some colleges and universities, responding to increased employer liability for sexual harassment, have implemented mandatory training in the prevention of sexual harassment for all faculty and staff. This training should include relevant definitions, examination of what constitutes and what does not constitute discrimination and harassment, identification of appropriate reporting procedures, and clarification of responsibilities. Training should be repeated every few years, with refresher training available, at a minimum, through a web-based program. Create and maintain a culture on campus that demands zero tolerance for all types of discrimination and harassment based on the legally protected categories. This can be done through a variety of institutional efforts to include campus-wide dialogues on equal opportunity rights and responsibilities and clear identification of the appropriate office or offices that can respond to complaints. Discuss discrimination and sexual harassment prevention in senior- and departmental-level organizational meetings, on a periodic basis. Provide faculty and staff with the necessary information and tools to create an inclusive academic and workplace climate in which diversity is valued and faculty, staff, and students feel safe to report inappropriate behaviors. Develop and implement measures that relate to the promotion of an environment in which accountability exists for being respectful of everyone and appreciative of differences. One example of this would be to include such a measure on administrative, faculty and staff performance appraisals and reviews. Assist supervisors and faculty in becoming more aware of their work and classroom environments. Supervisors should come out of their offices and routinely walk around their work environments, to observe and pick up clues that could inform them about the general equal opportunity climate. Having an ―open door policy‖ is admirable, but such a policy does guarantee that employees will come forward with equal opportunity concerns. Often, employees are fearful to approach supervisors, particularly in the case of a discrimination or sexual harassment issue. Thus, supervisors need to talk with their employees and reinforce their support for and commitment to a healthy equal opportunity climate. Ensure supervisors and faculty clearly understand their responsibility for not ignoring complaints of discrimination and sexual harassment, and that if they become aware of these concerns, that that they deal with them promptly by referring the alleged victim to the appropriate campus office. Dealing with a complaint as soon as possible typically leads to a better chance of resolution for all parties involved.

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AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: DEMYSTYFICATION Administrators, faculty and staff who do not work with diversity and equity issues on a daily basis, may not have a paradigm in their minds about the difference between equal opportunity and affirmative action or how they are related to each other. In fact, some use these terms interchangeably. Some may even feel that these two terms are diametrically opposed. Still others believe that affirmative action is the same in all contexts, regardless of discussions about employment or those about college admissions. In short, it may be an understatement to say that there has been and continues to be a great deal of confusion in higher education around the notion of affirmative action. This misunderstanding exists in many corners of the academic community which often leads to the perception that it is a preference program with hiring quotas for unqualified individuals from underrepresented groups. Historically, the notion of affirmative action was actually the next step in responding to the discrimination and exclusion of groups that were not afforded the employment or educational opportunity or access experienced by their majority counterpart groups. As discussed above, civil rights or equal opportunity laws emerged out of a time when American society was engaged in enormous self-reflection and national discourse about inequities that were all too obvious, to include those in the worlds of education and employment. The culmination of strong voices, many of them in academe, resulted in the comprehensive Civil Rights Act of 1964.

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Affirmative Action: Employment But what seemed like a victory did not address all the wrongs that had been identified. Focusing for a moment on employment, Title VII was not the cure-all that some imagined it might be. There had been years and years of exclusion and discrimination against individuals in the protected category groups covered under Title VII, across all types of jobs in America‘s workforce, including faculty and staff positions at colleges and universities. This promising new civil rights law did provide an avenue for individuals from these groups to file formal complaints through federal agencies and seek remedies to discrimination in the workplace. But it did not address how these groups could be fully represented throughout the workforce, given their disproportionately low representation that had resulted from systematic exclusion over many years. In 1965, one year after the Civil Rights Act was passed into law, President Johnson signed Executive Order 11246 (Executive Order), creating what is understood today as affirmative action in employment. This Executive Order was a follow-up to previous ones that began as early as 1941 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and once again called for equal employment opportunity, as did earlier Orders. This new Executive Order, though, went further and had a very specific focus. It applied only to the legally protected groups of women

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and minorities.4 And, its fundamental purpose was to provide a method to redress imbalances of women and minorities in the workforce due to the effects of past discrimination. First, the Executive Order reiterated Title VII of the Civil Rights Law. It prohibited employers having $10,000 or more in federal contracts from discriminating against their employees based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. The new additional obligation of this Executive Order was as follows: Federal contractors, including colleges and universities, which have at least 50 employees and receive at least $50,000 of federal funding must take a yearly account of the representation of two of these protected groups—women and minorities—in their workforce. Enforced by the OFCCP, the Executive Order requires federal contractors to develop a yearly Affirmative Action Plan (AAP) for women and minorities which contains the following analyses: 1) Workforce Analysis: This is an annual ―snapshot‖ of the institution‘s workforce taken at the same time every year, detailing the percentage of employees in each job group (a compilation of job titles with similar work context, similar salary range, and similar opportunity to be upwardly mobile) by race and sex. 2) Availability Analysis: Using various data sources, this analysis provides information on the percentage of women and minorities who are potentially available and qualified to be considered for the institution‘s various positions, by job group. As an example, colleges and universities may use census data when developing this analysis for staff, identifying the percentage of women and minorities already in the labor market, who could be qualified and available to be hired for non-academic positions. For faculty, this analysis might rely on identifying the percentage of recent women and minority Ph.D. recipients, by discipline, who are theoretically available and qualified for faculty vacancies at the university. 3) Utilization Analysis: This analysis is completed by comparing the first analysis, by job group, race, and sex, to the second analysis and determining, per the Executive Order, if each of the organization‘s job groups has employed at least 80% of the women and minorities who are potentially qualified and available for university positions.5 This three-part analysis determines if women and minorities are underrepresented in the workplace, by particular job groups. It is important to understand that ―underrepresented‖ in this context is really asking this question: Are there fewer women and minorities in the workforce of an organization than would reasonably be expected, given the demographics of qualified and available women and minorities from whom to draw in the relevant recruiting areas? If a job group is not represented by women and minorities at 80% availability (what may be considered ―reasonable‖ by the Executive Order regulations), then the organization must set goals to achieve representation of women and minorities in their workforce.

4 The term ―minorities‖ used here and throughout this chapter reflects how the Executive Order and its regulations refer to individuals who identify on the basis of ethnicity and race, from the following categories: African American/Black, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaskan Native. 5 The OFCCP‘s guidance for this analysis provides several options to estimate utilization, in addition to the one noted here. Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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This analysis is intended to provide a benchmark for understanding if an organization is employing women and minorities proportionate to their availability in the labor market and how they are distributed across their workforce, from the lowest to highest level jobs. An affirmative action goal should not be seen as the result of a perfect analysis (since census and other such data may be more or less precise), but it does provide a useful guidepost to assess if organizations are appropriately diverse or if there could be institutional discrimination that is continuing to exclude women and minorities. The Executive Order does not ask that institutions set ―quotas,‖ a widespread myth that has elicited fierce backlash; rather, goals can be used effectively to guide search committees in gauging how proactive they need to be in the recruitment of diverse applicants. The regulation requires organizations that are underrepresented by women and minorities, to undertake ―good faith efforts‖ that go beyond the normal hiring process. This often involves advertising vacancies in academic journals targeted toward women and minorities seeking positions in higher education, networking at conferences with minority and female caucuses or sub-committees, and connecting with colleagues around the country asking for nominations of diverse individuals for open positions. Affirmative Action in employment is truly an outreach program, the foundation of which rests on having a diverse and qualified applicant pool. Many higher education institutions have gone beyond what they see as a compliance requirement with the Executive Order, to philosophically committing to diversifying faculty and staff. Research over many years has pointed to the rich array of ideas and orientations that can be shared on a college campus because of diversity. The American Association of College and Universities (Turner, 2002) emphasized the need for higher education to diversify its faculty in a monograph written on this topic: The arguments for faculty diversity are as compelling as the arguments for student diversity, which also extend beyond the obvious reasons of equity. Faculty diversification contributes directly to educational quality. A diverse faculty means better educational outcomes for all students (p. 1).

And, as higher education continues to experience a dramatic shift in its student demographics, mirroring that in American society over the last 20 years, increasingly aggressive efforts are underway nationally to enhance the diversity of faculty and staff to provide much needed role-models for increasingly diverse students on college campuses. Although many institutions of higher education are philosophically committed to diversifying their faculty and staff, they have faced stiff challenges in having proportionate numbers of women and minorities represented in their workforce. Researchers in the James Irvine Foundation Study (Moreno, Smith, Clayton-Pedersen, Parker, and Teraguchi, 2006), found that ―there indeed is a ‗revolving door‘ that undercuts the proactive work required to diversify the faculty ranks in terms of race/ethnicity. This phenomenon suggests that URM [underrepresented minority faculty] retention requires as much attention as recruitment‖ (p. 12). Academic administrators must put increased emphasis on building, maintaining and enhancing retention programs in the form of support and resources for increased diverse faculty, so that the phenomenon of the ―revolving door‖ for minority faculty no longer exists. For example, some institutions, have implemented strong mentoring programs to support women and minority faculty who are generally more likely than majority faculty to see

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academia as ―chilly‖ and ―alienating‖ (Aguirre, 2000). However, this continues to present challenges on college campuses across the nation. For colleges and universities to be fully compliant with the Executive Order, still very much in effect today in spite of some state initiatives that seek to limit affirmative action, they 6 should have a yearly updated AAP for women and minorities that follows federal guidelines (Public Contracts and Property Management, 2009). The AAP should become a ―living‖ document, actively discussed with colleagues across campus. Addressing identified problems of underrepresentation with concrete solutions and institutional resources is fundamental for achieving success in meeting goals, over time, to proportionately represent women and minorities across academe. As higher education institutions continue to conduct searches for the best candidates, it is critical that the philosophy and spirit of affirmative action, not just the letter of the Executive Order, be the guiding principle. Without commitment to this principle, search committees could become mired in myths and backlash associated with affirmative action that might preclude more aggressive outreach. Perhaps Sweitzer and Carrier (2006) state it best: At its most basic level, affirmative action means taking steps to assure a high-quality pool of candidates representing all of the available, qualified, potential candidates. It starts with creating broad networks of relationships with potential sources of candidates in advance of any search; personal connections do remain important. Affirmative action challenges us to connect with more and different networks than we have relied on in the past (p.18).

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The real value of affirmative action in employment is adopting a different paradigm for conducting searches. It enables institutions to move beyond traditional models that solely relied on advertising in mainstream academic journals or newspapers which too often did not produce qualified diverse applicant pools.

Affirmative Action: College Admissions Affirmative action in college admissions, different than affirmative action in employyment, provides yet another source of confusion for some. First, there is no legislative or regulatory basis for affirmative action in college admissions, as there is for employment. Rather, legal foundations have evolved over the past 40 years through decisions reached by the Supreme Court. Colleges and universities highly committed to increasing student diversity, have taken the philosophy of the Executive Order, but have changed its implementation dramatically, applying it to college admissions. Sometimes this has resulted in institutions setting fixed quotas for minority groups or developing race-based entrance criteria. Some institutions have faced legal challenges which have worked their way up to the Supreme Court. Out of these processes have come decisions which have, especially in recent years, offered clarification for higher education administrators who are committed to diversifying their student body but who find themselves in waters difficult to legally navigate. 6 Note that the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended and VEVRAA, as amended, also require an annual AAP for People with Disabilities and for Veterans, respectively. Institutions must document efforts to attract and employ individuals from these two groups, but without statistical analyses or goal setting. Some states have their own, more demanding requirements for collecting data on these two protected groups.

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Over the years, the Supreme Court has clarified the role of diversity in higher education and the strategies that colleges and universities could legally utilize to have a more diverse student body. In the case of Grutter v. Bollinger (539 U.S. 3006. 2003) at University of Michigan Law School, the Court ruled that while race alone cannot be used as a criteria for admissions, it could be one of a variety of factors considered. Kaplin and Lee (2006) describe the Court‘s decision in this case as follows:

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…the admissions process was ‗flexible enough‘ to ensure individual treatment for each applicant without ‗race or ethnicity‘ becoming the ‗defining feature‘ of the application (539 U.S. at 337). It was particularly important to the Court…that ‗the Law School engages in a highly individualized, holistic review of each applicant‘s file, giving serious consideration to all ways an applicant might contribute to a diverse educational environment‘ (p. 793).

In this case, the Court acknowledged that ―student body diversity is a compelling state interest that can justify the use of race in university admissions‖ (539 U.S. at 314-316) and therefore could be one of numerous criteria utilized for college admission decisions. This was a great victory for those who had supported affirmative action in admissions, but who had heretofore no legal foundation on which to rely. In its findings, the Court held that higher education ―must be inclusive of talented and qualified individuals of every race and ethnicity, so that all members of our heterogeneous society may participate in the educational institutions that provide the training and education necessary to succeed in America.‖ The Supreme Court decision in Gratz v. Bollinger (539 U.S. 244, 2003), involving the University of Michigan undergraduate admissions programs reinforces the much earlier Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (438 U.S. 265, 1978) decision that specific quotas defined by race or separate systems for reviewing minority applications is not permissible (Kaplin and Lee, 2006). In this case, the Court found that the University‘s system of automatically assigning points on the basis of race was not constitutional. The Court was suspect of systems and policies that are not flexible enough and that do not look individually at all the qualifications of the student applicant. Both the Grutter and Gratz cases were landmark decisions in helping guide higher education institutions to develop holistic criteria, against which to evaluate each applicant on an individualized basis, considering race as one of many factors. The Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles (Chemerinsky, et al., 2003) commented that ―affirmative action in higher education is alive and well‖ after these decisions and that the Court ―provided a clear statement about the appropriate use of race in admissions, holding that the individualized consideration of race must be the hallmark of a carefully designed admissions policy that promotes educational diversity.‖

EQUAL OPPORTUNITY AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN HIRING: BEST PRACTICES CHECKLIST When it comes to the hiring process, academic administrators, faculty and staff struggle at times to be sure they are complying with the letter and spirit of the equal opportunity laws as well as with the affirmative action Executive Order. Can institutions ensure compliance with both? For some in the academic community, this question causes them to perceive equal

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opportunity as being juxtaposed to affirmative action, sometimes positioning them as diametrically opposed principles. Hiring authorities may be concerned that if they implement affirmative action, they must ignore equal opportunity laws that require fair consideration for all candidates. As discussed above, academic administrators and supervisors in academe must abide by both Title VII and the Executive Order. Suggestions for best practices when undertaking searches that are responsive to both equal opportunity and affirmative action requirements are in the checklist that follows: 

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Ensure that the campus Equal Opportunity or Affirmative Action Officer or other appropriate representative meets with each search committee before it begins the search process. This will provide an opportunity for the committee to fully understand compliance requirements and to identify if an affirmative action goal exists for the job group of the position being searched. Even if an AAP goal does not exist, search committees nonetheless can, with appropriate consultation, identify multiple strategies that will result in reaching a broad and diverse set of applicants to produce the very best candidate possible. Develop a good job description. The job description is at the center of any hiring process. It helps define your applicant pool and finalists, based on how it articulates the qualifications. Therefore, it is crucial that there exists a balance between the required and preferred qualifications of the job being narrow enough to attract applicants qualified to do the work, yet being broad enough to attract a wide array of diverse applicants. Too often good candidates are eliminated from consideration for not being able to meet very narrow requirements. It is important to define if transferable skills, for example, are acceptable. Remember that what is advertised to the public in a job announcement is the announcement that should be used to evaluate the applicants. To change a qualification after the applicants have applied could create potential liability for the institution should a complaint ever be made about the search process. Applicants have a right to know what they are applying for, and to understand how they will be evaluated. Include ―experience with or sensitivity to diverse populations‖ or similar words as a qualification in job announcements. Some institutions include this as a routine part of the requirements for each job, so that applicants from all backgrounds, including majority backgrounds, understand that appreciating differences and having skills that promote inclusiveness are necessary for all faculty and staff on campus. By including such a statement, the college or university may have a better chance to attract diverse applicants. It is also a way to reflect the institution‘s commitment to diversity, even if there is no official AAP goal. Create a rating tool that measures qualitative as well as quantitative experience and skills. An applicant may score the highest on a rating form that simply rates years of experience, but not the more discrete measures of quality. A rating form that allows for comments in addition to numerical scores enables search committees the needed flexibility to note the qualitative aspects of the applicant‘s experience. Some of this would include looking at the applicant‘s potential, based on the quality of previously accomplished work. This is not to say that a minimum requirement for the number of

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years of experience should not be included in the job announcements. Rather, it is to focus on a variety of ways to rate applicants. Minorities and women are often in and out of the workforce more than their counterpart white male applicants, due to childbirth or socio-economic reasons, and sometimes cannot be competitive if years of experience is weighted heavily in an evaluation. The ―most qualified‖ applicant (most years of experience) is not necessarily the ―best qualified‖ applicant (meeting minimum requirements and having skills and abilities to most effectively do the job). Go beyond the normal means of advertising a position in order to enhance the diversity of the applicant pool. Affirmative action requires approaching a search proactively using a model that differs from previous ones that may not have produced diverse applicants. Research innovative strategies to target underrepresented groups to apply for open positions. Colleges and universities are focusing more and more on networking and personal contacts as they undertake assertive approaches to obtaining increasingly diverse applicant pools. This is absolutely essential because of the obvious: if searches, over time, do not have consistently diverse, competitive applicants, none will rise to become finalists or be selected. Eliminate any stereotypes or biases that may creep into a search committee‘s evaluations of applicants. Search committee members may unwittingly stereotype applicants from backgrounds that they have either not worked with or rarely see in academe, such as those with military backgrounds, people with disabilities, or ethnic minorities who present with different cultural attributes. Have open discussions among search committee members to double-check assumptions and ensure that the rating is fair for all applicants, while paying attention to the institution‘s commitment to diversifying its workforce. Treat each applicant consistently. This helps ensure fairness throughout the entire search process for all applicants and supports the principles underlying equal employment opportunity. What is undertaken for one applicant should be applied to all applicants. Maintain consistency throughout the evaluation process by utilizing the same rating tool for each applicant and by developing a consistent set of questions for applicants who may be chosen for an initial pre-screen telephone interview as well as for those who are selected for the on-site interview. Interviewee itineraries should also reflect consistency. Because of scheduling conflicts, not every finalist‘s on-site itinerary will be exactly identical. The important point is that if one finalist has an opportunity to meet, for example, a Dean, then all finalists should have this opportunity. Record reasons for non-selection of applicants who do not become finalists to be interviewed and for those interviewees not selected at the end of the hiring process. These reasons should relate back to the original qualifications as outlined in the job description. Be sure not to eliminate applicants for a preferred qualification they do not have, that the applicants selected for an interview may also not have. This would be difficult to defend in the case of a challenge to the search, including a discrimination complaint regarding the search process.

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The best practices listed above facilitate a hiring process in which all applicants are fairly considered, and yet still is able to move beyond traditional means. This type of proactive process reflects how the parameters of Title VII and the Executive Order are not mutually exclusive and can result, over time, in increasingly diverse applicant pools.

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CONCLUSION This chapter has sought to clarify civil rights protections for faculty, staff, and students covered by equal opportunity laws. It has provided a microcosmic view of challenges associated with one type of discrimination—sexual harassment—and has offered steps to assist potential victims and lessen institutional liability. This chapter has also examined how affirmative action in higher education differs with respect to its implementation in employment as opposed to college admissions, and has attempted to demystify false assumptions and misunderstandings that stand in the way of diversifying the workforce. It has outlined the steps necessary for institutions to meet important affirmative action compliance requirements and has provided some best practices strategies for conducting compliant searches that seek diverse applicants and ensure equal opportunity for everyone. These laws and regulations, though, need to be more than just compliance requirements if their original purposes are to be fully realized. Institutions of higher education, while havens of learning, are not exempt from prejudice and bias, and like all organizations, must have an infrastructure that ensures that the philosophy and spirit of these protective laws and regulations permeate throughout all facets of the institution. The pressing question for academic administrators, including senior leadership, chief diversity officers, affirmative action officers, human resources professionals, faculty and staff is the following: How can campus leadership work together to sustain the principles behind these compliance requirements in order to ensure that all faculty, staff, and students find college and university campuses welcoming, fair, and inclusive? Equal opportunity and a commitment to valuing differences and diversifying faculty, staff, and students must become part of the institution‘s strategic plans, policies, and practices. It is critical to ensure that a dialogue regarding fairness, respect, equity, and access are part of everyday conversations across campus and that they become routine topics of discourse, policy, and program development. Senior leadership must fully engage in discussions about how to integrate equal opportunity into the ―normal‖ functioning of the institution. Gone are the days where these discussions can be isolated to one or two offices assigned to compliance tasks. Equal opportunity is a leadership issue, at its heart, and the laws and regulations that have evolved into a cadre of protective and forward-thinking requirements, reflect an American legacy that has been built around responding to discrimination that has at times in our history, threatened the very fabric of society. Higher education has and can continue to be a model for illustrating the principles for which our equal opportunity and affirmative action laws and regulations were written.

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REFERENCES Aguirre, A. Jr. (2000). Women and Minority Faculty in the Academic Workplace: Recruitment, Retention, and Academic Culture. ASHE-Eric Higher Education Report – 27 No. 6, Adrianna J. Kezer, (Ed.), San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Bradbery, A., and Lally, R. (2007). Investigating Sexual Harassment: A Practical Guide to Resolving Complaints (Rev. 4th ed.). Washington, DC: Thompson Publishing Group. Chemerinsky, E., Days, D. III, Dellinger, W., Fallon, R., Guinier, L., Karlan, P., Tushnet, M. (2003). Joint Statement of Constitutional Law Scholars. The Civil Rights Project at UCLA. Retrieved from http://www.civilrightsproject.ucls.edu/policy michigansc.php. EEOC (1999). Guidelines on Discrimination Because of Sex, 29 C.F.R. 14, § 1604 (d). EEOC (1999). Enforcement Guidance on Vicarious Employer Liability for Unlawful Harassment by Supervisors, EEOC Notice No. 915.002 (1999). Hill, C., and Silva, E. (2005). Drawing the Line? Sexual Harassment on Campus. Washington, DC: American Association of University Women (AAUW) Educational Foundation. Kaplin, W. A., and Lee, B. A. (2006). The Law of Higher Education: Volume I, A Comprehensive Guide to Legal Implications of Administrative Decision Making (4th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Lewis, W. S., Schuster, S. K., and Sokolow, B. A. (2010). Game Changers: Reshaping Campus Sexual Misconduct Through Litigation. The NCHERM 10th Anniversary Whitepaper 2000-2010. Retrieved from http://www.ncherm.org Moreno, J. F., Smith, D. G., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., Parker, S., and Teraguchi, D. H. (2006). The Revolving Door for Underrepresented Minority Faculty in Higher Education: An Analysis from the Campus Diversity Initiative. San Francisco and Los Angeles, CA: The James Irvine Foundation. Public Contracts and Property Management, 41, C.F.R. § 60 (2009). Sweitzer, J. A., and Carrier, C. A. (2006). More on Affirmative Action: A Letter. In T. J. Marchese, and J. F. Lawrence (Eds.), The Search Committee Handbook: A Guide to Recruiting Administrators. (Rev. 2nd ed., p. 18). Sterling, Virginia: Stylus Publishing. Turner, C. S. V. (2002). Diversifying the Faculty: A Guidebook for Search Committees. Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges and Universities. Williams, J. (2004). The Attorneys: Never Ending Argument. In: Editors of Black Issues in Higher Education with J. Anderson, and D. N. Byrne. The Unfinished Agenda of Brown v. Board of Education: Landmarks in Civil Rights History (pp 25-41). Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons. Wilson, R. (2009, February 20). Notoriety Yields Tragedy in Iowa Sexual-Harassment Cases. The Chronicle of Higher Education, p.A1.

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

ISBN: 978-1-61122-863-2 © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 6

UNDERSTANDING RACE AND ETHNICITY Sheying Chen1 and Geoffrey L. Brackett2 1

Pace University, New York, USA Marist College, New York, USA

2

ABSTRACT

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This chapter examines race/ethnicity as one of the defining features (and issues) of American society and deals with the subject from both social and humanistic viewpoints. After clarifying the key concepts, it reviews historical patterns of race relations leading to diversity and pluralism as the prevailing approach since the late 20th century. Common racial/ethnic categories are examined along with various special issues facing the minorities. Implications to diversity management and related tasks are discussed.

INTRODUCTION Race is one of the defining - and often polarizing - features of American society (Healey, 2009; Donohue, III and Levitt, 2001). Racial issues permeate politics, business, education, and other aspects of our social life. Naturally, they are most important to diversity management. But what is race? And how does it relate to ethnicity? When some sociologists say race is biological (inherited biological traits) and ethnicity is social (shared cultural traits like sex vs. gender), not all are certain as to what biological race exactly means. Let‘s first examine the meaning of race as a fundamental problem in practice. Then we will review various approaches to race and ethnicity from a historical point of view. Contemporary issues facing racial/ethnic minorities will be discussed, as well as implications to and requirements for effective diversity management.

PROBLEMS OF RACIAL CLASSIFICATION AND IDENTITY In a layman‘s view, especially at first glance, race is about skin color and some other Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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characteristics of people‘s appearance. A biological race theory would substantiate that view by classifying racial categories (e.g., Caucasoid, Negroid, and Mongoloid) based primarily upon such externally visible traits as skin color, hair color and texture, eye color and eyefolds, features of the face including nose shape, the shape and size of the head and body, and the underlying skeleton (Lowe, 2010). Recognition of some basic divisions of mankind by the public and the government, while different from early biological classifications such as the above by rejecting clear-cut categories, has been informed by and also helped to perpetuate this type of common-sense views. Nevertheless, externally visible traits have been found to be unreliable and difficult to give a precise definition of race in social practice, particularly in the practice of law. Historically, in the United States, legally determining one‘s racial identity could result in a life of slavery or freedom for the person. That not only involved arguments about one‘s skin color and outward appearance (or ―characteristic features‖) but also required evidence such as findings from genealogy. When some biologists attempted to determine race in terms of internal (e.g., brain mass, frontal lobe mass, brain surface fissures and convolutions, and body lice) and genetic differences, some lawyers, politicians, and other practitioners could hardly wait for their promised results. There had long been a belief that such differences did exist, so that in legal history Judge St. George Tucker was confident that race could be ascertained by physical appearance because of internal, genetic ingredients of human bodies (Lopez, 1994). Many social scientists and activists, on the other hand, have been concerned about the implications of alleged genetic difference of race in perpetuating a historically oppressive racial hierarchy in American society. They point out that scientific data show that intra-group differences tend to exceed inter-group differences, which refute the supposition that racial divisions reflect fundamental genetic differences. Since genetic difference and physical appearance were linked by the popular belief, they have rejected the idea of biological race altogether by claiming that scientific evidence has failed to support such a notion. Instead, they believe that race is socially constructed (Lopez, 1994). By focusing on the analysis of racial inequity and discrimination, critical race theorists have considered many judicial conclusions to be based on inherently racist social assumptions (Delgado and Stefancic, 2000). It should be noted that even the social construction of race may become problematic. Some scholars believe that races are wholly illusory, whether as a biological or social concept (Lopez, 1994). One of the questions resulting from this thinking is whether the United States should be ―color-blind.‖ The case against race may be based on a noble reason, like the question raised by the early natives ―discovered‖ in the New World as to whether all could be considered in the same ―family of man‖ (Omi and Winant, 1998). By simply ignoring race, however, a popular (if not scientific) dimension of human diversity would be eliminated arbitrarily and important practical and social issues would remain unaddressed. For these reasons, race and ethnic studies have proven to be important fields of inquiry. As social constructionist Lopez (ibid.) narrates, ―Race is neither an essence nor an illusion, but rather an ongoing, contradictory, self-reinforcing process subject to the macro effects of daily decisions‖ (p.7). Onwuachi-Willig (2010) notes that, despite a plethora of literature on the social construction of race, a longing for biological race lingers. Aside from those theoretical and political considerations and contentions, there have been two notable practical developments. One is that the most commonly used proxy for race – skin color and outward appearance –

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has been increasingly complicated by the growth of multiracial or mixed-race population. Through its very existence, such a growing population challenges any rigid notion of race by subverting the color line and steadily destabilizes the assumptions that construct and preserve racial hierarchy (ibid.).1 The other is the emergence of such technology as DNA testing, which has brought about a new and popular view of genetic race, marking a return to the notion of biological race (particularly in criminal law enforcement) (Lowe, 2010). Combining these two trends has led to a claim that the average African-American is 17-18% white according to DNA (http://www.blackdemographics.com/, retrieved July 1, 2010). On the other hand, biomedical research has led to such new products as race-based packaging of prescription drugs, despite serious concerns expressed by some scholars and legal experts (e.g., Ikemoto, 2005). Talking about race by eliminating any biological basis (e.g., simply equating with class or something else) seems to go against common sense as well as scientific evidence. After all, the social construction of race refers to people attaching meaning and values, either real or imaginary, to physical differences between groups of people within certain cultural contexts. Simply dismissing skin color or features of the face or body as superficial, for example, may not help people to deal with the diversity by assuming that they and others will simply ignore the difference and automatically focus on things that are only ―social,‖ not biological. The designation ―of color‖ often shows the significance of such a ―superficial‖ matter in political, economic, and social life. Summarizing an important lesson from the decision of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia in the historical case of Hudgins v. Wrights in favor of the nongenetic nature of race, Onwuachi-Willig (2010) indicates that race is socially determined by both physical and non-physical proxies. In dealing with race, particularly when physical proxies are involved, however, the society faces a paradoxical need to raise sensitivity to racial diversity on the one hand and fight against exaggeration, stereotyping, and stigmatization of racial differences on the other (see also Chapter 3 of this book). This chapter argues against any pure biological or social categories of race by recognizing racial ambiguity and the dilemmas of classification. It also considers the purpose of studying and using race as vital since a commitment to racial characteristics may either lead to prejudice and discrimination or serve the cause of promoting diversity and racial/ethnic sensitivity. It should be noted that most data available on race, including surveys and the most important census data, are based on self-reports that may be affected by many factors. In practice, race or ethnicity is oftentimes a matter of self-identification, despite those court cases determined by the judges (e.g.,http://academic.udayton.edu/race/01race/White05 .htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). As a working definition of race in this chapter, we consider that: a). It is a social construct based on self and community perceptions and choices, shaped by history and influenced by various political, economic and other interests, which, in this sense, may be used interchangeably with ethnicity that emphasizes behavioral variability (or differences) and cultural contexts (regardless of potential semantic differences between the two terms in certain uses); and 1 In Chapter 1 of this volume, Professor Daniel E. Brown presents evidence that human biological diversity is clinal – distributed in gradients over geographical distances – as opposed to clumped, and therefore the idea that humans fall into a few (usually listed as three to five) biological ―races‖ is not supported scientifically in the first place.

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b). It has a biological base such as physical appearance, blood relationship, and possibly internal indications, though they must not be interpreted to determine biological race in a particular, simplistic way or exaggerated in support of a racial hierarchy with prejudice and discrimination. In this sense, race is different from ethnicity since the latter does not have such biological meaning.

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APPROACHES TO RACIAL/ETHNIC DIVERSITY Race relations are an important subject of sociological study that bears on various applied research fields and social practice. Sociologists often use ―patterns of race and ethnic relations‖ as the subject heading, sometimes in more general terms such as ―patterns of intergroup interaction,‖ ―dominant/minority group interaction,‖ or ―majority/minority relationnships.‖ They identify and trace the evolution and shift of major patterns historically, and sometimes rank them along a continuum that extends from complete intolerance to complete tolerance (e.g., http://www.instruction.greenriver.edu/kwarner/soc110/chapter_13_ outline_.htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). At the former extreme is genocide, i.e., the intentional extermination (or systematic annihilation) of one population by a more dominant population. The next is expulsion (or population transfer), i.e., the forcible removal of one population from a territory claimed by another. In contrast, internal colonialism would keep a population in place and controlled (or owned in the case of slavery) by another. Separation of races or ethnic groups in both ecological and institutional senses on the same territory is called segregation, which may be the result of a people's desire to live separately and maintain their own culture and institutions (voluntary segregation), or created by social norms including laws (involuntary segregation) (Healey, 2009). The above recognized patterns are at one end of the continuum as different approaches to exclusion. Toward the other, inclusionary, end of the continuum is assimilation: the blending of a minority group into the majority population with the anticipated outcome that the identities of separate groups merge into a single group (ibid.).The United States has been proud of itself as a ―melting pot,‖ a metaphor to describe the process of assimilation of immigrants in seeking their American dreams. The melting-together metaphor symbolizes a heterogeneous society becoming more homogeneous in the hope for a harmonious whole with a common culture. The assimilation process is sometimes denoted as: A+B+C=A, with A standing for the majority or ―standard‖ culture (see for example, http: //ww w.adrr.com/adr4/moaad.htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). In other words, assimilation may be seen as the process of being absorbed into the mainstream of the dominant culture. In practice, however, assimilation may also affect the majority, and therefore the result may be different, which is called amalgamation and denoted by A+B+C=D, in a sense closer to the ideal of a ―melting pot‖ (see for example, http://www.asian-nation.org/assimilation.shtml, retrieved July 1, 2010). Compared to the earlier, less tolerant patterns of race relations, assimilation and the ―melting pot‖ represented a major step toward better majority-minority relationships. While the assimilation model might expect that other groups conform to, and new immigrants be socialized into, the dominant culture, minority groups may meet with resistance even if they want to assimilate structurally to achieve full citizenship rights in the

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society. Neither is the assimilation of a minority group leading to its eventual disappearance as a distinct people always desirable. Ethnic stratification in terms of the valuation of different groups according to how closely they conform to Anglo-Saxon standards of appearance, behavior, and values has also caused concern. During the 1970s, the ―melting pot‖ model was challenged by people who asserted that cultural differences within society are valuable and should be preserved. An alternative metaphor of the ―salad bowl‖ was introduced to represent the mix of different cultures that would remain distinct. Such an approach is called pluralism, cultural pluralism, or multiculturalism, denoted by A+B+C=A+B+C (see for example http://www.adrr.com/adr4/moaad.htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). The ideal of pluralism is for different ethnic and racial groups to co-exist with equal status and tolerance, maintaining unique cultures and lifestyles without developing positions of subordination. A pluralist society is characterized by recognition and tolerance of cultural and ethnic diversity. Note ―pluralism‖ and ―diversity‖ are often used together or interchangeably as if they were synonyms. Diversity is extremely important in recognizing human differences. Yet, according to Eck (1997), diversity is just plurality, which does not equate to pluralism. Pluralism is the engagement that creates a common society from all that plurality (see http://pluralism.org/pluralism/essays/from_diversity_to_pluralism.php, retrieved July 1, 2010). After the world experienced a full spectrum of models of race relations, pluralism has emerged as a leading approach to diversity since the late 20th century, even though assimilation still carries its weight in immigration studies, including an argument about segmented assimilation (Healey, 2009).

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RACE/ETHNICITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN AMERICAN SOCIETY The historical development of race in the United States is termed ―racialization‖ by Omi and Winant (1998). Note, with the exception of Native Americans, the United States is a nation of immigrants in modern history, who arrived in the past few centuries following the ―discovery of America‖ by Christopher Columbus in 1492. A brief review of the immigration history of various racial/ethnic groups, along with the story of Native Americans, will provide a useful perspective. While Native Americans firstly appeared different to the European settlers, the racial category of ―black‖ also evolved with the consolidation of racial slavery. The latter provided a racial logic – the establishment and maintenance of a ―color line‖ – for the ideology of exploitation (Omi and Winant, 1998). That in turn shaped a racial identity for the European settlers themselves in a new term of self-identification as ―white.‖ The influx of Southern Europeans, the Irish and Jews in the 19th century, however, challenged that ―white‖ identity based only on the Anglo-Saxon stock of the founding immigrants (ibid.). In addition, the experiences of the Chinese, Japanese, Hispanics/Latinos, and other racial/ethnic groups also contained different but remarkable stories of other immigrants that resulted in more diverse minority groups. A minority means being smaller in number, or being a part of a population differing from others in some characteristics and often subject to differential treatment (see http:// www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/minority, retried July 1, 2010). In the latter sense, a

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minority is a category of people who lack power and privilege, subject to prejudice and discrimination (therefore women are often considered a minority in American society). New immigrants, in general, could also be viewed as in a minority status, especially before they are granted citizenship and the rights associated with it. So far, whites, particularly those of WASP (White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant) origin or those born in the United States, have been deemed the majority of American society, both in number and in status, who are different from new white immigrants or original non-English "White Ethnic Americans." All firstgeneration immigrants, however, shared experience with varied degrees and kinds of hardship. The so-called ―old‖ immigration from the Old World to the New World began between Independence and the Civil War, while the ―new‖ immigration wave began in the 1880s, with peak years of immigration from Europe arriving in the 1920s. Of all the immigrant groups, the newcomers joining the category of White Ethnic Americans encountered fewer problems and delays in assimilation and ethnic revival. However, many of them suffered from prejudice and discrimination such as anti-Catholicism and anti-Semitism (Healey, 2009). It is worth noting that the Hispanic or Latino population is also predominantly white (later in this chapter we will examine the issues they encounter with that ethnic identity). More recently, ―reverse discrimination‖ (particularly that against white males) became a serious concern and in some cases has resulted in legal action (e.g., http://www.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/06/29/supreme.court.discrimination/index.html, retrieved July 1, 2010). It is predicted that at current fertility and immigration rates, white European (non-Hispanic) Americans will be outnumbered by other racial/ethnic groups by mid-21st century while many of them are unprepared to become future minority (Keen, 1995).

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Native Americans/American Indians Native Americans (also called American Indians, see Brunner, 2007; native Pacific Islanders tend to fall in a different category) lived in the continent before the modern times. Since the beginning of the 16th century, they had been in a period of warfare and competition for land with the immigrants until the turn of the 20th century. In 1763, tribes were declared as sovereign nations while native rights were recognized and protected under the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (and later the British North America Act of 1867 which applied to Canada). The Indian Removal Act of the United States in 1830, however, forced emigration of tens of thousands of American Indians from the states to the Western Territories. The Dawes General Allotment Act (Dawes Act) of 1887 on the distribution of land to Native Americans in Oklahoma, which was amended in 1891 and again in 1906 by the Burke Act and remained in effect until 1934, provided for the division of tribally held lands into individually-owned parcels and opening "surplus" lands to settlement by non-Indians and development by railroads. The 20th century was marked by the proliferation of reservations. In 1934, the Indian Reorganization Act (Wheeler-Howard Act or the ―Indian New Deal‖) was passed, which included a reversal of the Dawes Act's privatization of common holdings of American Indians and a return to local self-government by the tribes. The Termination Policy of 1953 ended the U.S. government's recognition of sovereignty of tribes, trusteeship of Indian reservations, and exclusion of Indians from state laws based on the belief that Native Americans would be

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better off if assimilated as individuals into mainstream American society. An urbanization process followed, while a Red Power Movement promoting pan-Indian identity (or PanTribalism) began rising to prominence following the founding of the National Indian Youth Council, Inc. (NIYC) in 1961. Since the 1970s, Native Americans saw significant development of reservations and assimilation, with a 1988 federal legislation legalizing reservation gambling. In 1992, Ben Nighthorse-Campbell, a Native American, was elected in the U.S. Senate. In year 2000, the number of Native Americans (including Alaska Natives) exceeded 4 million (Healey, 2009). However, the humiliating history of ―civilizing them with a stick‖ will continue to be remembered. Tribal survival has remained an issue, and Native Americans have continued to struggle with the complications of their racial/ethnic identity (e.g., Thomas, 2000) as well as social exclusion or ―omission‖ (e.g., Brackett, 2009).

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African Americans Africans were brought to America as slaves in the early 17th century. Prior to the 14th amendment to the United States Constitution in 1868, this population held no legal rights since slaves were not considered citizens in antebellum America. The first state slave laws were passed in the latter half of the 17th century (similar laws existing in both North and South in colonial days applied also to white indentured servants and to Native American slaves: http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/history/A0819828.html#axzz0wg9vQcRN, retrieved July 1, 2010). The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 provided for the return between states of escaped black slaves. But the abolitionist Northern states irritated the South by circumventing the law with the development of the Underground Railroad and passage of personal-liberty laws that allowed fugitives a jury trial or forbade state officials to help capture alleged fugitive slaves or to lodge them in state jails. The second and more rigorous federal slave law (Fugitive Slave Law) was passed as part of the Compromise of 1850, a concession to the South (ibid.). After the American Civil War (1861–1865) and the end of slavery in the nation, there was a period of de jure segregation in the South under the Jim Crow Laws first passed in the 1880s. In 1909, the Niagara Movement conference, a radical platform for African Americans, formed the National Negro Committee. The latter became the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1910, founded by both white liberals and African Americans in response to the violence against blacks in the 1908 race riot in Springfield, capital of Illinois and hometown of Abraham Lincoln. In 1954, the case of Brown v. Board of Education marked the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, including the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955. The Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964 but, in 1968, Martin Luther King was assassinated. From late 1960s and early 1970s to the end of the 20th century, African Americans still mostly remained as urban underclass although with increasing class differentiation since the 1990s. In 1989, Douglas Wilder became the first black state governor. Three years later, a widespread riot, also known as the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest and Rodney King Uprising, was sparked when a jury acquitted four Los Angeles Police Department officers accused in the videotaped beating of Rodney King, an African-American, following a high-

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speed pursuit. During the 1990s when welfare reform was intensely pushed, affirmative action was also under heavy attack, which had a great deal to do with African Americans. Nevertheless, the first decade of the 21st century saw some significant achievements of African Americans attaining government leadership positions, including Secretary of State Collin Powell, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and now President Barack Obama. With 41.1 million African Americans constituting 13.5% of the U.S. population as of July 1, 2008 (compared to 36.6 million and 12.3%, respectively, in 2000) (http://www.census.gov/ population/www/socdemo/race/black.html, retrieved July 1, 2010), black America is dispersed widely beyond inner-city neighborhoods and its median household income has also increased.

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Asian Americans Asian Americans are a diverse category with distinct ethnicities and immigration histories despite their sharing of some physical attributes and cultural traditions. Their diversity is complex: people of East Asian, South Asian, and Southeast Asian descent are considered part of the Asian race, while peoples from Siberia, Central Asia, Western Asia and any Caucasians from East Asia are usually classified as white. There is another category of Pacific Islanders (also known as Pacific Islander Americans or Oceanian Americans) including Native Hawaiians; the 1980 census first combined several individual ancestry groups into "Asian or Pacific Islanders" (or API). Except native Pacific Islanders, Asian Americans share the story of immigration in the modern times with other racial/ethnic groups. Filipinos first established a small settlement in the bayous of current-day Louisiana in 1763 (Veltisezar, 1998). The Chinese were also among the first Asians to immigrate to the United States, with Chinese sailors first arriving in Hawaii around the time when British Captain James Cook came upon the island (which marked the discovery of Hawaii by the Western world in 1778) (Digital Repository, n.d.). Larger numbers of Chinese and Japanese began immigrating to the United States in the mid19th century to work as laborers on the transcontinental railroad. Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino immigrants also came to Hawaii to work on sugar plantations. Their labor was crucial to those vital elements of the economy at the time. Asians (or ―Orientals‖ in a derogatory sense), however, have been treated as aliens in hostile ways. Their increase in numbers, while relatively small compared to those from other parts of the world, and concentration in the West caused mainstream America to fear socalled "yellow peril." To sharply restrict Asian immigration, a federal law called the Chinese Exclusion Act was first passed in 1882, succeeded by an Asian Exclusion Act as part of the Immigration Act of 1924 (Andrew, 1998; Lee, 2007). The former prevented all Chinese immigration, which was renewed in 1892 and again in 1902. The Asian Exclusion Act guaranteed that Asians would never qualify for naturalization or land ownership, which was repealed in 1943 when the Magnuson Act instituted quotas for immigrants from around the world. The McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 retained the quota system that effectively banned almost all immigration from Asia (for example, its annual quota of Chinese was only 50). It was not until 1965 that a new Immigration and Nationality Act (the Hart-Celler Act) was passed to abolish quotas for immigrants based on national origin. Asian America was no longer subject to legal exclusion, while the preference for relatives, initially designed to

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reduce the number of Asian immigrants, eventually acted to accelerate their numbers (ibid.). Immigration of Asian Americans was also affected by U.S. war involvement from the 1940s to the 1970s. It was not until the 1970s that immigration from Asia increased significantly, accompanied by urban poverty, ethnic enclaves, and assimilation. Chinatowns are very often urban tourist attractions at present, but they were once Chinese ghettos, and the only place in which Chinese Americans could safely live (Smith, n.d.). Japanese Americans were interned during World War II (Gruenewald, 2005), with forced relocation of more than 110,000 people of Japanese ancestry (the majority being U.S. citizens) from the west coast to War Relocation Centers in remote inland areas in 1941 (despite that many Japanese American men served in World War II in the American forces). The widespread discrimination faced by Asian Americans until mid-20th century is an important part of American history, which has continued to impact race relations in the country. In 1982, Vincent Chin, a Chinese American, was beaten to death by Chrysler plant superintendent Ronald Ebens with the help of his stepson, who mistook Chin for being Japanese. Even in the 21st century, there has been an attempt to justify the internment of ethnic Japanese during World War II (Malkin, 2004). Amid the post-9/11 surge of hate crimes against Arab and Asian Americans, Japanese American and Arab American leaders are accused to ―have united to undermine America‘s safety‖ (http://www.amazon.com /Defense-Internment-Racial-Profiling-Terror/dp/0895260514, retrieved July 1, 2010). Asian Americans now comprise the third largest minority group in the United States. In 2000, 11.9 million people reported themselves as Asian American, while in 2008, the estimate rose to 13.4 million, about 4.4% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Asian Americans are sometimes referred to as a ―model minority‖ as their educational attainment and household income on the whole are the highest of all major racial/ethnic groups. However, they are often discriminated for their ―alien-like‖ look and are excluded from the benefits of such programs as affirmative action. Despite their accomplishments, data show that Asian Americans face the lowest ―glass ceiling‖ compared with other racial/ethnic groups, in the sense that they have by far the worst chance to rise to managerial levels in private industries, universities and federal government (see http://www.80-20initiative.net/ action/equalopp_glassceiling.asp#1, retrieved July 1, 2010).

Hispanic/Latino Americans Hispanic or Latino Americans are not technically a racial group since all races may be included in this category (Grieco and Cassidy, 2001). According to the 2007 population estimates (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007a), among Hispanic/Latino Americans 92% were white, 3.8% were black, 1.4% were American Indian and Alaska Native, 0.6% were Asian, 0.3% were Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islanders, and 0.6% were two or more races. It should be noted that the U.S. Census Bureau‘s American Community Survey data added a racial category of ―some other race,‖ which accounted for 40% of Hispanic/Latino population in 2007 and thereby decreased the percentage in the ―white‖ category to 54% in that type of reports (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007b). While such an identity is not about race in any biological sense, it provides a deeper understanding about the social status of a racial category — e.g.―white‖ – aided by such subcategories as Hispanic White vs. Non-Hispanic White. It is also worth mentioning (as race/ethnicity has to do with self-perception) that there is a belief

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among some Hispanic/Latino Americans that their race is primarily a mix of Indian, European, and black (e.g., http://www.hispanic-culture-online.com/hispanic-vs-latino.html, retrieved July 1, 2010). The term Hispanic was first adopted by the Nixon administration for ethnic classification and has been used in the U.S. Census since 1980. Another popular term Latino (with its feminine form Latina) was officially adopted in 1997 and used in place of Hispanic (particularly in the western United States), although they are considered different by some (ibid.). Such an identity is based on language used, culture shared, and origins in the Hispanic countries of Latin America or in Spain, though people in this category are widely diverse. The term Hispanic/Latino Americans (―Hispanics‖ or ―Latinos‖) has been used to replace "Spanish Americans" and "Spanish-speaking Americans" that were previously used but later deemed misleading or inaccurate. People of Hispanic or Latino heritage have lived in America since the founding of St. Augustine in Florida by the Spanish in 1565. Note that the first confirmed European landing in the continental U.S. was in 1513 by Juan Ponce de León, a Spanish explorer, while Spanish settlement in San Juan (Puerto Rico) was half a century earlier than St. Augustine. A Spanish expedition from Florida to the Gulf of California was believed to be 267 years before the Lewis and Clark Expedition (http://www.tonyhorwitz.com/stories/immigration.php, retrieved July 1, 2010).The United States acquired Florida, Texas, California, and several smaller areas from Span and Mexico through treaties, purchase, diplomacy, and the Mexican-American War between 1819 and 1848. As the first American citizens in these new territories, Hispanics remained a majority in several Southwestern states until the 20th century (today, New Mexico is the only U.S state with a Hispanic/Latino majority). Hispanics/Latinos are often at the center of recent immigration debates. Historically, the period of conflict and competition for land and labor extended to the 1930s when migration from Puerto Rico steadily increased. Cubans entered the United States continuously after the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Following the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, immigration of Hispanic-speaking population rose significantly from South and Central Americas and the Caribbean, accompanied by urban poverty, ethnic enclaves, and assimilation as well. In the summer of 1994, there was a huge wave of immigrants from Cuba as a result of the dissolution of its trade relationship with the former Soviet Union. In the face of various anti-immigration measures such as Proposition 187 in California, Hispanic Americans became the second largest ethnic group, after non-Hispanic White Americans, and the largest ethnic minority group in 2004 (African Americans remained to be the largest racial minority, after White Americans including both Hispanic and non-Hispanic). As of 2008, with 46.8 million in total, Hispanics/Latinos accounted for 15.4% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Averaged 102% from 1990 to 2006, Hispanics/Latinos had the highest growth rate of any ethnic group in the United States. The projected U.S. Hispanic/Latino population for July 1, 2050 is of 102.6 million people or 24% of the nation‘s total population by that date (ibid.). Hispanics/Latinos not only have grown rapidly in numbers but also made tremendous progress in achieving political and economic status. In the 1960s, a Chicano movement rose to prominence. In 2005, Alberto Gonzales became the U.S. Attorney General. As of 2007, there were 5,129 Hispanics/Latinos serving in elected office nationwide (http://w ww.naleo.org/downloads/NALEOFactSheet07.pdf, retrieved July 1, 2010). The number of Hispanic-owned businesses reached 1.6 million in 2002, grown at triple the national rate for

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the preceding five years, and were projected to grow to 3 million in 2012 (http://www.hispanicbusiness.com/research/hispanicbusinessprojections.asp, retrieved July 1, 2010). Notwithstanding all the strengths and accomplishments, Hispanic/Latino American community faces some complex issues. One is the issue of illegal immigration. According to a 2005 report, the number of undocumented/unauthorized migrants living in the United States reached an estimated number of 11.1 million. Among them, 56% were from Mexico, 22% were from other Latin American countries (primarily from Central America), 13% were from Asia, 6% from Europe and Canada, and 3% from the rest of the world (Passel, 2006). Figures like these often put Hispanics/Latinos as chief targets of regulative actions (e.g., proposed Guest Worker Program for Mexicans) and anti-illegal immigration attacks (e.g., the most recent Arizona Immigration Law of 2010). According to the estimates of the National Poverty Center at the University of Michigan, poverty rates for Hispanics and blacks greatly exceed the national average. In 2008, for instance, 23.2% of Hispanics (and 24.7% of blacks) were poor, compared to 8.6% of non-Hispanic whites and 11.8% of Asians (http://www.n pc.umich.edu/poverty/, retrieved July 1, 2010). In terms of education, high school drop-out rates for Hispanic/Latino students decreased from 35.2% in 1980 to 18.3% in 2008, still the highest among all ethnic groups (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). These facts would make Hispanic/Latino students and their families a top candidate for educational and affirmative action assistance.

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CONCLUSION Issues concerning race and ethnicity are often at the center stage of affirmative action debate and thus extremely important to diversity management. They also involve technical problems as the society attempts to address them in scientific ways. In the current era, any pure biological or social categories of race would prove ineffective because of racial ambiguity and the difficulty of classification. The purpose of comprehending race is important to understand the causes of prejudice and discrimination and also the reasons for promoting diversity and racial/ethnic sensitivity. This is especially important given the complexity of measuring the indicators and meanings of race: most data available on race, including surveys and the most important census data, are based on self-reports that may be affected by many factors. Race is a social construct shaped by history and influenced by various political, economic and other interests. In this sense, the term may be used interchangeably with ethnicity that emphasizes cultural patterns and contexts. However, race has a biological base such as physical appearance, blood relationship, and possibly internal indicators. In this sense, race is different from ethnicity since the latter does not have such biological meaning. Historical patterns of race relations run the continuum that extends from complete intolerance such as genocide, expulsion (population transfer), slavery, and segregation as various forms and degrees of exclusion to methods of inclusion. Among the latter, assimilation represented by the ―melting pot‖ metaphor has helped numerous immigrants to fulfill their American dreams and will continue to be important in immigration and immigrant studies. A more recent and prevailing view is that cultural differences within society are

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valuable and should be preserved, thus the metaphor of the ―salad bowl‖ to represent the mix of different cultures that would remain distinct. Diversity is about plurality, while pluralism is the engagement that creates a common society from all that plurality. After the world experienced various patterns of race relations, pluralism has emerged as the leading approach to diversity since the late 20th century. Racial and ethnic identities, in all their complexity, are the core issues in diversity and affirmative action-related debate. A clear understanding of the conceptual issues, historical patterns of race relations, the evolution of various racial and ethnic groups, and the outstanding issues they still face including the special needs of minority groups is crucial to competent diversity management. The tasks for the manager will include understanding how a racial/ethnic identity is formed, determined, or perceived, sensitivity to the history of culture of each group, recognition of the special issues they face and how that will play into the particular situations of individuals, and working out solutions under the guiding principles of equal opportunity, equity, and pluralism.

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REFERENCES Andrew, Gyory (1998). Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act. The University of North Carolina Press. Brackett, Geoffrey L. (2009). Hudson websites omit Indians: Hudson's forgotten observers. Newspaper Rock – Where Native America Meets Pop Culture (http://newspaperrock. bluecorncomics.com/2009/09/hudson-websites-omit-indians.htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). Brunner, Borgna (2007). American Indian versus Native American: A once-heated issue has sorted itself out. Information Please® Database, Pearson Education, Inc. http://www.infoplease.com/spot/aihmterms.html#axzz0weUB0NyE, retrieved July 1, 2010. Delgado, Richard, and Stefancic, Jean (eds.) (2000). Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Digital Repository (n.d.). Chinese merchant-adventurers and sugar masters in Hawaii: 18021852. University of Hawaii at Manoa Library, http://evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/ bitstream/10524/132/1/JL08005.pdf (retrieved July 1, 2010). Donohue, III, John J., and Levitt, Steven D. (2001). The impact of race on policing and arrests. Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. XLIV (October), pp. 367-394. Eck, Diana L. (1997). On Common Ground: World Religions in America (CD-ROM). New York: Columbia University Press (revised 2006). Grieco, Elizabeth M., and Cassidy, Rachel C. (2001). Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin: 2000. Washington, DC: United States Census Bureau (http://www.census.gov/ prod/2001pubs/cenbr01-1.pdf, retrieved July 1, 2010). Gruenewald, Mary Matsuda (2005). Looking Like the Enemy: My Story of Imprisonment in Japanese American Internment Camps. Troutdale, OR: NewSage Press. Healey, Joseph F. (2009). Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Class: The Sociology of Group Conflict and Change (5th Edition). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications (Pine Forge Press).

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Ikemoto, Lisa (2005). Race to health: Racialized discourses in transhuman world. The DePaul Journal of Health Care Law, 9:1103. Keen, Cathy (1995). Whites unprepared to become future minority. Albion Monitor, September 18 (http://www.albionmonitor.com/9-18-95/minority.html). Lee, Erika (2007). At America's Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 18821943. The University of North Carolina Press. Lopez, Ian F. Haney (1994). The social construction of race: Some observations on illusion, fabrication, and choice. Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review, 29:1-62 (http://www.law.berkeley.edu/php-programs/faculty/facultyPubsPDF.php?facID=301& pubID=9). Lowe, William Q. (2010). Understanding race: The evolution of the meaning of race in American law and the impact of DNA technology on its meaning in the future. Albany Law Review, 72:1114-1143 (http://www.albanylawreview.org/articles/16%20Lowe.pdf). Malkin, Michelle (2004). In Defense of Internment: The Case for Racial Profiling in World War II and the War on Terror. Washington, D.C.: Regnery Press. Omi, Michael, and Winant, Howard (1998). Racial formations. In: Rothenberg, Paula S. (ed.). Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. 4th Edition. New York: St. Martin‘s Press. Onwuachi-Willig, Angela (2010). Multiracialism and the social construction of race: The story of Hudgins v. Wrights. In: Early, Gerald, and Kennedy, Randall (eds.), Best African American Essays 2010. New York: One World Books of Random House, pp. 311-339. Passel, Jeffrey S. (2006). The Size and Characteristics of the Unauthorized Migrant Population in the U.S.: Estimates Based on the March 2005 Current Population Survey. Pew Hispanic Center Report 2006-03-7 (http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/61.pdf, retrieved July 1, 2010). Smith, S. E. (n.d.). What was the Asian Exclusion Act? wiseGEEK (http://www. wisegeek.com/what-was-the-asian-exclusion-act.htm, retrieved July 1, 2010). Thomas, David Hurst (2000). Skull Wars: Kennewick Man, Archeology, and the Battle for Native American Identity. New York: Basic Books. U.S. Census Bureau (2007a). 2007 Population Estimates: T4-2007 Hispanic or Latino by Race. http://factfinder.census.gov/ (retrieved July 1, 2010). U.S. Census Bureau (2007b). 2007 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. http://factfinder.census.gov/ (retrieved July 1, 2010). U.S. Census Bureau (2008). 2008 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. http://factfinder.census.gov/ (retrieved July 1, 2010). U.S. Department of Education (2010). The Condition of Education 2010 (NCES 2010-028), Table A-19-2. National Center for Education Statistics (http://nces.ed.gov/ fastfacts/display.asp?id=16). Veltisezar, Bautista (1998). The Filipino Americans from 1763 to the Present: Their History, Culture, and Traditions. Bookhaus Publishers.

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Chapter 7

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE WORKPLACE Judith G. Myers and Elizabeth Moran Fitzgerald Indiana University Southeast, Indiana, USA Bellarmine University, Kentucky, USA

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ABSTRACT Violence against women is a significant public health problem in virtually all countries, cultures, religious, ethnic, racial groups and social classes. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most prevalent form of violence against women. This chapter is based upon a socio-political perspective, from which IPV is viewed as a reflection of deeply embedded issues of gender and power relations. It is designed as a basic guide for policy-makers, educators, business and community leaders across the spectrum of public and private organizations. It offers a brief discussion socio-cultural factors associated with violence against women; and an overview of the epidemiology and dynamics of IPV using the Duluth model of power and control. It pragmatically offers recommendations as specific as what to say and do when intimate partner violence is disclosed in the workplace. Specific guidelines for development of policies and a work environment that will assist victims and also protect institutions and businesses from financial liability are included. A case study is used to illustrate the dynamics of IPV and the recommended practices and policies. A variety of resources are provided to assist organizations and businesses develop collaborative partnerships with local, national and international groups committed to prevention and elimination of violence against women.

INTRODUCTION Violence does not discriminate. It can happen to anyone regardless of age, gender, religion, ethnicity, socioeconomic status or sexual orientation. In 2006, the United Nations published an in-depth global study of violence against women, in which Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is quoted,

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Violence against women and girls continues unabated in every continent, country, and culture. It takes a devastating toll on women‘s lives, on their families and on society as a whole. Most societies prohibit such violence-yet the reality is that too often, it is covered up or tacitly condemned (p. 1).

The most prevalent form of violence experienced by women in the United States and the focus of this chapter is intimate partner violence (IPV). A term used interchangeably with domestic violence (DV) or battering; IPV is defined by the Centers for Disease Control as physical, sexual, or psychological harm by a current or former partner or spouse. It can involve boyfriends, girlfriends, dating partners of the same or opposite sex and does not require sexual intimacy (CDC: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2005). The four main types of IPV: (1) physical violence; (2) sexual violence; (3) threats of physical or sexual violence; and (4) psychological/emotional violence seldom occur in isolation. IPV is a pattern of behavior used over time to establish and maintain power and control over an adult intimate partner and/or family member. Perpetrators of IPV use a variety of tactics to hold power and control over their victims (Saltzman et.al. 1999; Dobash, 1980; Walker 1982) In addition to its devastating impact on the mental and physical health of individuals and families, IPV is a problem that directly impacts the work place by contributing to poor work performance, absenteeism, and employee turnover (Rothman, 2008). There is evidence that IPV impacts a woman‘s ability to maintain employment (Swanberg et.al.2005). In 2003, the medical care, mental health services, and lost productivity (e.g., time away from work) cost of IPV was estimated at $8.3 billion (Max et. al, 2004). Researchers who studied IPV in developing countries found an association between socioeconomic status and domestic violence; specifically, a reduced risk for violence when males have higher levels of education and wealth (Kim and Cho, 1992; Jejeehoy and Cook, 1997; Martin et. al.1999; GarciaMareno et.al, 2005). This is but one example of the myriad of social and cultural factors that influence the perpetration of violence against women. Though the dynamics of IPV are varied and complex, and sometimes poorly understood, there is ample evidence that efforts to increase awareness, leadership and collaboration between various sectors of the community at local, state, national and international levels can effectively prevent and reduce violence against women. The workplace can be a resource or a detriment; sometimes both to women who are being abused at home. Supervisors and co-workers may not understand why anyone would remain in an abusive relationship; others assume that all family issues, even violence and abuse, are private matters. Subtle or even overt signs of abuse can be overlooked; sometimes out of respect for privacy, and sometimes because friends, co-workers and supervisors don‘t understand the dynamics of IPV or know how to intervene appropriately, so they do nothing. A study as recent as 2005 revealed that often even social and health professionals do not have sufficient ability to identify and help families where domestic violence is occurring (Paavilainen and Astedt-Kurki, 2005; Swanberg, Logan, and Mecke, 2005). This chapter is designed to provide basic information and guidance for leaders, policymakers, trainers and educators, across the spectrum of public and private organizations. The focus is on violence against women and relies heavily on a socio-political perspective in which violence and abuse are understood to be intricately linked to power relations and patriarchal values and beliefs about gender roles and family structure. While these social structures are deeply embedded in all levels of society, they do shift and change overtime. It

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is important to note that while IPV is primarily a woman‘s issue and thus the focus of this chapter, there are other populations affected by IPV. Men, though less likely to report it, are abused by female spouses and partners (McHugh, 2006). IPV takes different forms among immigrant populations and within the gay and lesbian community. It is recognized that a fuller conceptualization of violence, gender and relationship is needed to understand the complexity and the various forms of violence within the context of relationship. The epidemiology, etiology and dynamics of domestic violence is provided along with a case study to illustrate the dynamics of IPV and importance of the workplace in addressing the problem. A key aim is that readers, with positional power by virtue of their role within various communities and organizations, will find information, resources and tools they can use to become advocates and change agents for the prevention of violence against women.

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SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM As indicated previously, IPV is a worldwide social problem. Research findings, from every nation where reliable, large scale studies have been done, reveal that 16-52 percent of women have been assaulted by an intimate partner (Garcia-Moreno, 2005). In 2005, in Australia, Canada, Israel, South Africa, and the USA, 40-70% of female homicide victims were killed by their current or former husbands or partners (WHO, 2007). In a United Nations multi-country seminal study on women‘s health, the proportion of women who had ever experienced physical or sexual violence, or both, by an intimate partner in their lifetime, ranged from 15 to 71 percent, with most countries reporting between 29 and 62 percent. Women in Japan were the least likely to experience abuse and the greatest amount of violence was reported by women living in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Peru, and Tanzania (Garcia-Moreno 2005). In the USA it is estimated that 25% of all women will experience IPV in their lifetime. IPV is a public health concern and also a criminal justice issue. According to the U.S Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) only 70% of nonfatal partner violence is reported to law enforcement. The reasons women give for not reporting IPV include: fear of reprisal (15%), desire for privacy (27%), to protect the offender (12%) and belief that police would do nothing (6%). Poor women with incomes under $7500 are more likely to be victims (12.7 per1000) than women with incomes over $50,000 (2.0 per 1000) (BJS, 2008). In a recent study of 1,981 nurses, 25% reported lifetime physical or sexual abuse; another 22% reported lifetime emotional abuse by a partner. In this study, increased age, having children, not being married, and history of childhood abuse were associated with the prevalence of IPV (Bracken et.al. 2010). In 2008, seventy percent of all violent crimes against women were committed by a known offender, usually a current or former husband or boyfriend (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2008). In addition to its devastating impact on the mental and physical health of individuals, families and communities, intimate partner violence directly impacts the work place by contributing to poor work performance, absenteeism, and employee turnover. Resolution, of what sometimes appears to be an intractable problem, requires awareness, leadership and collaboration of many sectors working together at community, national and international levels.

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In the United States, in 2005, IPV caused 1510 deaths; 78 % of the victims were females and 22% were males. Local, state and national efforts to prevent IPV have made a difference. Since 1993 there has been a 53 percent decline in the incidence of IPV among women age 12 and older (9.4 per 1000 to 4.3 per 1000) in 2008. Similarly , the overall rate of homicides fell 43percent. Among women murdered up to one third were killed by an intimate partner and seventy-six percent of these women were stalked prior to their death. The equivalent rate of intimate partner violence against males is 0.8 victimizations per 1,000 males; a decline of 54 percent from 1993 (Bureau of Justice Statistics,2008). When severity of abuse is taken into account, women are 7 to 14 times more likely than men to be choked, beaten up, or threatened with a gun or drowning (Beck, 2008). Overall, 2 million injuries each year are attributed to domestic violence. IPV affects women of all racial, ethnic, religious and socioeconomic backgrounds; there is however, some variation in the prevalence among certain ethnic groups. Asian/Pacific Islander women and men tended to report lower rates of IPV than women and men from other minority groups (Centers for Disease Control, 2005). Several studies have indicated that in the USA , African American women and American Indian/Alaska Native women are at an increased risk for experiencing IPV ( Campbell and Gary, 1998; Negg, Halaman, and Schultzer, 1995; Rennison and Welchans, 2000). Furthermore, some indicate African American women are more likely to sustain serious and lethal injuries and are more likely to report abuse than white women or non-white Hispanic women (Fagan, 1996; Hampton and Yung, 1996). Rates are subject to interpretation and some of the differences among minority groups lessen when other socio-demographic and relationship variables are controlled (Tjaden and Thoennes, 2000). According to the CDC 2005 Behavioral Risk Survey, the most likely victim of IPR is a white, non-hispanic woman age 45-54, with an income under $15,000 who has some college but did not complete degree requirements. A study by the World Health Organization, reports women are more likely to be victims of IPV when they live in communities and nations with the following characteristics:     

high levels of poverty, economic stress and unemployment social norms supportive of traditional gender roles that associate masculinity with violence weak community sanctions and lack of institutional support from police high rates of alcohol and substance abuse gender inequality and relationships characterized by power imbalance and conflict. (World Health Organization (WHO), 2007)

HISTORY AND BACKGROUND OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE In 1871, Alabama became the first state to rescind the legal rights of men to beat their wives (Fulgrahm vs. state) and in 1882 Maryland was the first state to make wife beating a punishable crime; 40 lashes or 1 year in jail (Herstory,1999). Since then progress to address violence against women in the United States has been slow but steady. Communities first began providing shelter to ensure the safety of women and children in the 1960‘s. In 1982

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Lenore Walker conceptualized the ‗battered woman syndrome‘ equating living with an abusive partner to living in a combat zone (Walker 1982). In 1992 the United States Surgeon General reported that domestic violence perpetrated by males accounted for more adult female emergency room visits than traffic accidents, muggings and rape combined and identified IPV as the greatest single cause of injury to American women (Koop, 1992). Over time there has been great progress in raising public awareness of the problem, in protecting women and children, and in holding batterers accountable. Whereas prior to the 1970‘s there were few resources available to battered women, by 1982 there were an estimated 700 shelters and safe home projects in the United States (Schechter, 1982) and today there are few parts of the USA that do not offer some form of shelter and services for victims of domestic violence. Unfortunately, these services are often underutilized. On average, only 21 percent of females and 10 percent of males who are victims of IPV contact an outside agency for assistance (Bureau of Justice, 2008). Ethnic minorities have been found to underutilize IPV services in part because their beliefs and coping behaviors differ from those of the dominant culture (Sumter 2006).

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SOCIAL-CULTURAL INFLUENCES The nature of IPV is complex and a multitude of factors have been offered as causal factors, including social, familial, interpersonal, and religious influences (Harway and O‘Neil, 1999; Kurst-Swanger and Petcosky, 2003). According to Bograd (2005) few researchers have examined class, ethnicity and culture as factors in IPV, leading to a monolithic idea of a ‗victim‘. Yet, the way women respond to IPV is often culture specific and influenced by cultural context and values (Fishbach and Herbert, 1997; Johnson and Ferraro, 2000). Historically, violence against women has been sanctioned by social and cultural norms that place battered women and girls in a subordinate position, both in family and marital life and within the criminal-legal system. (Busch, 2002; Edwards and Haslett, 2003; Frederick, 2000; Strang, 2001; Stubbs, 2002). This is particularly true for women of color, poor women and/or immigrant women for whom the complexity of IPV can be compounded by racial prejudice and stereotyping (Busch, 2002; Coker, 2002). Deeply held beliefs about family and gender roles are often valued over current research on the incidence of IPV and thus stereotyping and cultural values influence how an individual or an organization will response to domestic violence (Edwards and Haslett, 2003). Cultural values influence the perpetuation of violence. Some studies suggest men who abuse women have more positive community support and status than the women who are being abused, suggesting other men (and women) who are ill-informed about the dynamics of violence against women and/or have a stake in maintaining the status quo (i.e. gender relations) are more likely to protect, harbor and excuse male conduct as a batterer (Stubbs 2002, Kelly 1996, and Coker 2002). This makes it difficult for some women to believe they will be supported and protected by the social and legal systems should they try to leave or report the violence. In some instances, lack of cultural competence can alienate and re-victimize the very people that policies are designed to support and assist. For example, in a study of IPR survivors from South Asia, lack of trust of mainstream services as well as a sense of

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hopelessness about service provision were identified as barriers to treatment. It was concluded that such barriers help explain why Asian women tend to access services at a very late stage when experiencing distress and recommends agencies be vigilant and respond quickly when Asian women make contact and seek services for IPV (Chew et. al. 2002).

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Religious Influences It has been said that religious diversity, rather than race, will be the great challenge for America in the 21st century (Eck, 2001). Data on the extent and nature of IPV within specific religious and spiritual groups are limited (National Resource Center, 2007). Domestic violence has, however, been described as the most frequent mental health crisis with which clergy must deal (Nason-Clark, 2004). Intimate partner violence is complex and life threatening and it often becomes a spiritual issue. Women in an abusive relationship are apt to ask, why me? Why my family? Am I being punished? What does this mean for my life? Where is God? Answers are often expressed in religious terms and in the USA, where 77 percent of citizens self -identify as Christian and 1.6% as Jewish, they are most likely to reflect Judaea Christian values (National Resource Center 2007). Overall, 75 percent of Americans surveyed, describe their outlook on life as religious rather than secular and 81% identify with one religious group or another (Kosmin, Mayer, and Keysar, 2001). While Christianity is the dominant religion, the landscape in the U.S. is changing; between 1990 and 2001 the number of those who identified as Muslim and Buddhist more than doubled and Hindu followers tripled. Data on prevalence among religious groups is elusive, however it is estimated that one out of five Jewish women (National Resource Center 2007) and approximately ten percent of Muslim women experience IPV (Faizi, 2001). One survey of a thousand battered women in the USA (Bowker, cited in Tracy, 2006) showed that abused women were quite active in their places of worship. Twenty six percent of battered wives attended religious service weekly and 24 percent attended one to three times a month. Unfortunately, studies reveal that some religions, particularly conservative religious groups, issue statements on the theological subordination of women in marriage and in extreme cases ignore or exert pressure on women to accept abuse as the price for maintaining the sanctity of marriage (Fortune 2005). A study by Copel (2008) of battered women who sought help from clergy, revealed that clergy were not helpful in alleviating the woman‘s spiritual distress or intervening in the violence, some women were advised to go home and forgive the abuser. Another study of African American survivors found no evidence of social support and religious coping as mediators of the associations between abuse and mental health variables. However, women who reported higher levels of religious involvement reported higher levels of social support (Watlington and Murphy, 2006).

THE DYNAMICS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE Many people don‘t understand why women don‘t just walk away from an abusive relationship. Others are confused when women undergo treatment, sometimes for lifethreatening injuries, in an emergency room and still refuse to press charges. On the average, a

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victim of IPV will attempt to exit the relationship seven times before finally leaving (Broderick, 2007). The reasons women stay in relationship with abusive partners are many. They include fear of retaliation or increased violence, complications associated with impact on children, ambivalence about staying or leaving the relationship, economic dependence and lack of confidence in law enforcement and criminal-legal proceedings to end the violence. Most abused women are not passive victims but actively do what they must to maximize their safety and that of their children (Dutton, 2004). What might look like absurdity to others may, in fact, be what is needed for survival. Although most women do eventually leave violent relationships, leaving may be the most dangerous time for women and does not necessarily stop the abuse (Stubbs 2002). Women have identified fear for safety of their children and emotional and logistical support from friends and family as key factors in decisions to leave abusive relationships (Campbell JC, 1999).

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Cycle of Violence It is important for employers to be aware that IPV tends to have a cyclical nature. Lenore Walker (1982) first described the stages of the cycle. Although not all IPV relationships fit the cycle, many first go through the stage known as tension building. In this stage, the perpetrator of IPV begins to get angry and the partner feels the need to keep her partner calm. Women describe this stage as ―walking on egg shells.‖ Abuse may begin at this stage or it may occur later. Eventually, the tension becomes too much, communication between partners may break down and an incident of abuse will occur-physical, sexual, or psychological. After the incident, the perpetrator may apologize for the abuse and promise that it will never happen again. Often this stage is referred to as the ―honeymoon‖ or making up stage. During this stage, the perpetrator may blame the victim for causing the incident, may even deny that the abuse took place, or may minimize the incident by saying it was not as bad as the women claims. After the honeymoon stage is a calm period, during which time physical abuse does not occur and the perpetrator acts as if the abuse never happened. Promises made during the making up stage are kept and often the perpetrator gives gifts to his partner. The woman may believe and hope that the abuse is over. This cycle will be repeated many times in a relationship of IPV. The time that each cycle lasts varies from hours to a year to complete. However, over time, the making up and calm stages may lessen or even disappear and the lethality of the abuse often increases. Each stage of the cycle has implications for the workplace. For example, immediately following an incident, the employee may miss work due to hospitalization or treatment of injuries. During the tension building stage, the employee (either victim or batterer) may be distracted and less productive, women may try to leave, and safety in the workplace and at home is imperative. A checklist and instruction for developing a safety plan is available at www.womenshealth.gov.

Power and Control The dynamics of abuse as a strategy to gain control over another is explained in the power and control wheel in figure 1. This wheel, developed from the experiences of 200 battered women (Shephard and Pence, 1999) depicts the complexity of IPV, showing that

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abuse is not an isolated incident or merely a momentary loss of control, but instead involves a range of abuse behaviors. Abusers seldom employ only one ‗spoke‘ on the wheel in their efforts to exert power and control.

Source: The Duluth Model.org. Figure 1. The Power and Control Wheel.

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Isolation Perpetrators of IPV strive to keep their partners from having contact with others. Their partner‘s relationships with family, friends, and co-workers are weakened or severed, therefore insuring that the victim has little support. The goal is that the batterer becomes his partner‘s primary relationship with more and more control over her world. Batterers isolate partners in a variety of ways, such as restricting their access to education and jobs, extreme jealousy and stringent rules about where they go or with whom they spend their time. For women who are marginalized from mainstream society (for example, women with disabilities, lesbians, immigrants or refugees) this type of isolation can be more potent. In addition, women residing in rural areas may experience more isolation if their community lacks public transportation.

Minimizing, Denying, and Blaming To minimize their responsibility for the violence batterers often blame their partners for provoking them. They also minimize the severity of their partner‘s injuries, or deny causation. Sometimes abusers try to make their partners feel crazy by playing tricks or mental games. Often violent behavior towards women is justified by saying things like ‗she asked for it‘ or ‗she needed to be put back in her place‘. In so doing, the blame and accountability shifts from the abusive behavior of the batterer to the behavior of the victim.

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Using Children To instill feelings of guilt and incompetence, batterers often convince a woman she is a "bad" mother. Some batterers force children to turn against their mothers, or will threaten to take the children away if the victim tries to leave. There is also evidence that in homes where there is abuse towards the mother, there is an increased likelihood of abuse towards the children. Girls whose father‘s batter their mothers are more likely to be sexually assaulted by their fathers than are girls from non-violent homes and boys are more likely to become batterers as adults (McCloskey 1995).

Using Male Privilege In patriarchal societies, men are often raised to believe that they have been given the right to dominate. Being "tough" and "in charge" are expected as part of one´s manhood. Perpetrators of IPV may use their identity as men to justify violent or controlling behaviors. As discussed previously, in many cultures, religious doctrine is misused to reinforce patriarchal values of male dominance.

Using Economic Abuse

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By controlling and limiting a woman´s access to financial means, a batterer can assure that his victim will have limited resources if she has thoughts of leaving. She may have to turn over her paycheck, leave her job, or account for all purchases. Sometimes women have to choose between staying in an abusive relationship, a reduced income and or poverty.

Coercion and Threats Threats are used by batterers to control their partners. The abuser‘s actions or threats can create intense fear which, in turn, can paralyze the victim's ability to act. Often, the victim must keep herself constantly on guard in an effort to protect the life or well-being of herself and her children. Some common threats are suicide, threats to kill her or take the children away, threats to damage property, etc. Victims can be coerced into behaviors that contradict her values, such as drug use, prostitution or fraud. Immigrant woman may be threatened with deportation and in lesbian relationships disclosure of sexual orientation may be used.

Using Intimidation and Emotional Abuse Abusers will often commit terrifying acts to keep their partner in a state of continuous fear. This may include smashing things, killing pets, harassing friends and family, setting fires, driving recklessly, threats of suicide and homicide. Intimidation, reinforced with assault, makes violence a daily part of the victim´s reality and, therefore, makes her easier to control.

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Emotional abuse is the most common form of control. It often exists in relationships where there is not physical battering. This includes put-downs, insults, name-calling, etc. In so doing, the batterer systematically breaks his partner‘s spirit and self-esteem. She may begin to feel as if the abuse is her fault or that she must deserve it. Used in multiple combinations, constant violence and criticism leaves victims of IPV feeling uncertain, humiliated, and therefore much easier to control.

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Case Study: A Survivor’s Story Katy, a 35 year old married female lived in a mid-western city in the USA. She had a high-ranking position at a public university and was working towards her PhD in Business Administration. Katy had worked for the university for 5 years and had married three years ago. Since her marriage, her supervisor noted that Katy was receiving frequent text messages that seemed to upset her. Katy also was reluctant to engage in social outings with peers after work. Katy had increased absences from work and she frequently wore clothing that covered her arms and neck, even on days where the temperature was 90 degrees. One day, Katy came to work late with a deep cut over her eye. Her supervisor requested a meeting and asked Katy if she was safe. Katy confessed that her husband had hit her the previous night with a spatula when dinner had burned while she was taking an important phone call from a co-worker. Katy said his violent outbursts were getting worse and she didn‘t know what to do. The supervisor listened, offered support and then encouraged Katy to call the local domestic violence agency hotline from her office. He also referred Katy to the University‘s Employee Assistance Program (EAP) and with Katy‘s permission he made a phone call to set up the appointment. The EAP counselor told Katy about the steps necessary to obtain an emergency protective order, and facilitated an appointment with a victim‘s advocate at the local shelter. The EAP counselor helped Katy develop a safety plan at her home and the workplace. The workplace plan included: a secure parking spot at the University; security personnel to walk Katy to and from her car; placing security office on alert, providing a photo of Katy‘s spouse and asking that Katy be contacted if her spouse appeared on campus. To protect Katy‘s privacy the supervisor asked her what information she wanted to share with co-workers. To maximize safety in the workplace, Katy elected to change offices with a co-worker. She told co-workers she was in the process of a divorce, shared a picture of her spouse with co-workers and asked them to contact security if they saw him on campus. The supervisor told Katy that her absences during work hours for counseling and legal appointments would be approved and encouraged Katy to contact the University‘s Human Resources office to discuss her benefits package, to arrange how she wanted her paycheck to be handled, and other details associated with leaving the relationship. The EAP counselor and advocate helped Katy find a therapist and an attorney with experience in IPV. Throughout the process, Katy‘s supervisor and coworkers, as well as the members of the security team were supportive and understanding of her situation. The supervisor and EAP counselor documented their observations of Katy‘s injury and their interactions with her. Questions: 1) What resources are available in your organization to help employees who are victims of IPV? Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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2) What community resources could you partner with to assist your employees? 3) What programs might you begin to implement in the workplace to raise awareness of IPV? 4) What policies and procedures do you have in place to prevent violence in the workplace?

WORK PLACE ISSUES

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IPV often spills over into the workplace. Katy‘s situation is not unique, however little is known about how most businesses would approach this issue. One recent literature review reveals a need for Employee Assistant Programs (EAP) to be more involved in preventing IVP (Pollack, 2010). In a national survey, 40 percent of business leaders said they were personally aware of an employee affected by IPV, one third said IPV had a negative impact on profits and when asked if their company‘s financial performance would benefit from addressing the issue in the workplace, 66 percent answered yes (Family Violence Prevention Fund, 2010). On the other hand, lack of time, limited finances and reluctance to get involved have been described as reasons business leaders avoid addressing IPV in the workplace (Swanberg 2005a). Involvement of business is important; not just because an employee‘s life may be at stake, but because IPV is a security and liability issue for the organization. In the case of La Rose v. state Mutual Life Assurance Co., Fransesia La Rose‘s family filed a wrongful-death action against her employer when she was murdered by a former boyfriend at her worksite. The employer paid an $850,000 settlement for failing to protect her after being notified of a specific threat (Burke,2000).

Costs in Lost Productivity IPV disrupts worker productivity. One large national survey reveals U.S. women lose nearly 8.0 million days of paid work each year because of IPV. This is the equivalent of 32,114 full-time jobs each year. Women who are stalked miss the most days of paid work, 10.1 days on average, followed by rape (8.1 ) and physical assault (7.2 ) days. The costs of intimate partner rape, physical assault, and stalking exceed $5.8 billion each year, nearly $4.1 billion for direct medical and mental health care services. Included in the total costs of IPV is nearly $ 0.9 billion in lifetime earnings lost by victims of IPV homicide (CDC, 2005). This high cost underscores the benefits to be reaped if businesses and community groups work together to prevent IPV from occurring in the first place. Due to the social isolation that accompanies abuse, the workplace may be one of the few opportunities women have to access support and resources needed to leave an abuser. Yet many women go to great lengths to keep employers from knowing they are being abused.

Barriers to Disclosure at Work The reasons women avoid disclosure in the workplace have been well studied. They Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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include stigma (Hague 2003), blaming self (Lammers 2005), embarrassment and shame (Swanberg and Logan 2005). Women in management fear loss of respect will diminish effectiveness. Many woman fear they will lose their job, a factor not to be taken lightly, because disclosure can lead to job discrimination and job loss especially for women in lowpaying, low skill jobs (Ragins 2008; Moe and Bell, 2004, Shepard and Pence 1988, Swanberg and Loagan 2005). However, studies indicate women who disclose abuse have more support, are more likely to maintain employment, will have improved overall health and strength to eventually leave (Staggs 2007, Swanberg and Logan 2005; Swanberg and Macke 2006). Perhaps for these reasons batterers use a variety of tactics to disrupt a woman‘s work performance. All of which have an economic impact on business.

Tactics Used to Disrupt Work The most obvious disruption in work productivity is of course caused by violent assault and/or restraint that cause absenteeism, termination or resignation. Examples of less obvious tactics used by abusers are sleep deprivation, destroying work materials, uniforms, cell phones and disabling transportation. Some women have described stalking as worse than physical abuse because they never know when he might appear to harass her or her coworkers, and create an embarrassing scene (Swanberg et.al.2006a). Work productivity is impacted when co-workers must cover for a woman who is absent or distracted because of IPV (Duffy, et.al 2005) and in one study productivity loss due to absenteeism and poor performance was associated with employment of male perpetrators (Rothman 2008).

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HOW CAN THE WORKPLACE MAKE A DIFFERENCE? When a woman, who is degraded and abused at home, is able to maintain employment that promotes financial independence and enhances her self-worth, the workplace can be a valuable resource (Rothman 2008). On the other hand a work culture that degrades and devalues workers will only compound the problems battered women face. There are a number of approaches an organization can take to create a supportive work environment. Any plan needs to be tailored to a specific work culture, however, there are some basic steps that apply to all; 1. Organize a planning group with representation of key stakeholders(security, legal, union, 2. EAP and human services, strive for diversity and involvement of local agencies with expertise in IPV) 3. Assess what is currently in place, to determine and build upon assets and resources that are already in place 4. Fill in any gaps that exist 5. Develop a procedure for employees to report incidences, and or disclose IPV 6. Develop a response plan

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Characteristics of a Supportive Work Environment  

 



Zero tolerance of violence in the workplace. Policies on IPV, sexual harassment, gender discrimination and bullying are enforced. Create safe spaces for disclosure of IPV. Examples include open door policies for communication or standard interviews set up after absenteeism or injury is noticed. Protect privacy to minimize shame and embarrassment, and for safety. If disclosure at work is not handled carefully, the coping strategies she relies on for safety can be disrupted and put her at greater risk. Managers have sufficient knowledge and resources to assist workers who disclose IPV Opportunity for flexible scheduling so counseling and/or court procedures can be scheduled during work hours…leave time is available if needed during transition and/or crisis periods. Options for salary advances or loans to assist financially

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Employee Assistance Programs Employers are in a good position to provide information to victims and help them identify resources and receive counseling through Employee Assistance Programs (EAP) or referral to local community services. EAP counselors can help with development of a safety plan and referral to local shelter if needed. Counselors can assist the victim to understand her employee benefits, gain access to legal services and identify other sources of support from friends and peers. Any disclosure should take place in an atmosphere free of prejudice or condemning attitudes and the victim‘s privacy should be respected and balanced with safety for the victim and protection of co-workers. It is very important that any disclosure of abuse be taken seriously. Don‘t rush to fix the problem, instead, listen and offer support by stressing the strengths of the person being abused. So not pressure a battered woman to leave the abuser. Statements such as ―I am very sorry that this is happening to you; I believe you; No one deserves to be abused; I am concerned about your safety‖ can be helpful to victims. If you observe an employee who exhibits the traits or behaviors of a batterer, be very specific about documenting the observed behaviors, take disciplinary action as warranted and refer him or her to employee assistance and human resources just as you would any employee for whom you have concerns about their interpersonal skills and work performance. As always established procedures must be followed to insure that the legal and ethical rights of employees are protected.

Developing Policies and Procedures Employers must adhere to the local, state, and national laws for reporting violence in the workplace. Diversity trainers and officers must be aware of the laws governing the reporting of IPV in their state. The US Department of Justice http://www.jrsa.org/dvsa-drc/index.html, provides a website for easy access to this information so that responsible parties are aware of

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and in compliance with state reporting laws as well as federal policies and guidelines. The policy must include elements that encourage open and supportive responses to abused employees. This aspect of policy development is important because some managers and employees may have judgmental attitudes toward victims, which in turn will deter employees from disclosing abuse and safety issues that could pose a threat to others and thus create liability risks. One way to strengthen policy development is to involve your local domestic violence agency in development of workplace policies. For a sample policy statement go the Family Violence Prevention Fund website (listed under resources at the end of this chapter). In general any policy statement should address the following elements:    

Promoting a safe and supportive environment Offering access to information and resources Confidentiality within limits needed for safety Non-discrimination

Once policies are in place adherence to the organization‘s policies must be stressed in employee orientation and in-service programs and enforced.

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Awareness and Prevention in the Workplace The Family Violence Prevention Fund (FVPF) offers many strategies to raise awareness of IPV in the workplace. It is wise and most effective to partner with local community domestic violence agencies to access expertise and assistance with training and awareness activities. An effective way to develop services and educational programs that are culturally appropriate is to include women and men from various ethnic and minority groups on planning teams. Liz Claiborne, Aveda and Polaroid are companies that have been in the forefront in raising employee and community awareness of IPV. There are many ways to increase awareness in the workplace. Some strategies are listed below.      

 

Place information about IPV on inserts distributed with paychecks. Invite guest speakers for ―brown bag‖ lunches on IPV Make information accessible to employees on all shifts through the company newsletter or web-based modules. Use Domestic Violence Awareness month (October) to focus on local services in your community. Provide volunteer opportunities for employees with projects to prevent IPV. Display posters around the workplace, including restrooms, common areas, and the HR office. Brochures, safety cards and/or business cards should be made available in places where employees can take them anonymously. As an advocate write letters to the editor, political officials, and others about IPV issues. Use the wide range of online resources and partner with local agencies to develop culturally appropriate education, training and prevention programs.

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CONCLUSION

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Violence against women is a major public health issue with life threatening implications and huge social and economic cost to society. It can take many forms and has devastating effects on the health and well-being of women and families all over the world. It is a complex and persistent problem with deep roots in political, economic and socio-cultural processes that influence both actual rates of violence and societal attitudes toward it. Many people lack knowledge of the risk factors and underlying power dynamics that fuel domestic violence. As is the case with most social problems, resolution requires collaboration from all sectors of the community, including but not limited to business, education, human services, healthcare and religious institutions. Most often violence against women is committed at home, by husbands and boyfriends and it often spills over into the workplace, costing U.S. business and industry billions of dollars in lost productivity and medical expenses. To maintain control batterer‘s use a variety of tactics that are disruptive to the workplace and sometimes dangerous. Well-designed workplace policies and consistent practices can reduce the liability and safety risk associated with IPV in the workplace. Business leaders are inherently valuable partners in community-based efforts to prevent and reduce IPV. Leaders within all organizations are in unique positions to promote awareness and education about IPV. When supervisors and co-workers are encouraged to suspend judgment and stereotypical beliefs, and given opportunity to understand the dynamics of abuse, they are better prepared to notice and respond effectively to a co-worker who may be being abused at home. As illustrated in the case study, a supportive work environment can offer a battered woman the support and resources needed not only to maintain employement, but also to leave an abusive relationship.

RESOURCES National Domestic Violence Hotline http://www.ndvh.org ph.# 1-800-799-SAFE (7233). Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault Data Resource Center http://www.jrsa.org/dvsadrc/index.html. National Coalition Against Domestic Violence http://www.ncadv.org. Family Violence Prevention Fund http://www.endabuse.org. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention http://www.cdc.gov (2009) Fact sheet. Retrieve from www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention. Duluth Domestic Abuse Intervention Project National Training Project http://duluthmodel.org/ ph. (218) 722-2781. The National Center on Protection Orders and Full Faith and Credit http:// www.bwjp.org/ncffc_home.aspx provides technical assistance on all issues related to the issuance and enforcement of protection orders across jurisdictional boundaries. National Resource Center on Domestic Violence http://new.vawnet.org/category/ documents.php?docid=864 Information and Resources and Interpretations of Religious Doctrine/

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The Battered Woman‘s Justice Project http://www.bwjp.org/training, technical assistance, and consultation on the most promising practices of the criminal and civil justice systems in addressing domestic violence. World Health Organization http://www.who.int/violence technical guidance on how to take action to prevent IPV in local communities. http://www.who.int/violence_inju ry_prevention/publications/ violence/IPV-SV.pdf. Best Practices Example of Prevention Program for Teens http://www.thatsnotcool. com/tools/login.asp. United Nations - Unite to end violence against women. Information on international concerns http://www.un.org/en/women/endviolence/news.shtml.

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Johnson, M.P., and Ferraro, K.J. ( 2000). Research on domestic violence in the 1990s: making distinctions. Journal of Marriage and Family, 62, 948-962. Kelly, L. (1996). Tensions and possibilities: Enhancing informal responses to domestic violence. In J. Edleson and Z. Eisekovits (Eds.), Future interventions with battered women and their families (pp. 67-86). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kim, K., and Cho, Y. (1992). Epidemiological survey of spousal abuse in Korea, Intimate Violence: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Washington: Hemisphere Publishing Corporation. Koop, C. E. (1992). From the Surgeon General U. S. Public Health Service. Journal of the American Medical Association, 267, 3132. Kosmin, B.A., Mayer, E. and Keysar, A. (2001). American Religion Indentification Survey. New York, NY: The Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Kurst-Swanger, L. and Petcosky R. ( 2003). Violence in the home: Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lammers, M., Ritchie, J., and Robertson, N. (2005). Women‟s experience of emotional abuse in intimate relationships: a qualitative study. Journal of Emotional Abuse 5(1): 29-64. Martin, S.L., Tsui, A.O., Maitra, K., and Marinshaw, R. (1999). Domestic violence in Northern India. American Journal of Epidemiology, 150: 417-426. Max W., Rice, D..P, Finkelstein, E., Bardwell, R.A., and Leadbetter, S. (2004). The economic toll of intimate partner violence against women in the United States. Violence and Victims 19 (3):259–72. McCloskey,L.A. ; Figueredo,A. J., Koss M.P. (1995) The Effects of Systemic Family Violence on Children's Mental Health Child Development Child Dev. Oct; Vol. 66 (5), pp. 123961. Moe, A, and Bell,A. (2004)Abject economics:the effects of battering and violence on women‘s work and employability. Violence against Women 10(1):29-55. Nassan-Clark (2004). When terror strikes at home: the interface between religion and domestic violence. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 43 (3): 303-310 National Criminal Justice Reference Service. (2000). Full report of the prevalence, incidence, and consequences of violence against women. Retrieved from http://ww w.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/183781.pdf. National Resource Center on Domestic Violence (2007). Religion and Domestic Violence: Information and Resources. Retrieved from http://www.nrcdv.org/resources/index.php. Negg, J., Halaman, B., and Schltzer, T. (1995). Spousal violence among Anglos, Blacks, and Mexican Americans: The role of demographic variables, psychological predictors, and alcohol consumption. Journal of Family Violence, 10, 1-21. Paavilainen, F.A., and Astedt-Kurki, P. ( 2005). Journal of Clinical Nursing, 14 (3), 383-393. Pollack, K.M., Austin, W, Grisso J.A. (2010). Employee assistance programs: a workplace resource to address intimate partner violence. Journal of Woman‘s Health Apr;19(4):72933. Rennison, C.M., and Welchans, S. ( 2000, May). Intimate partner violence. Washington, D.C., U. S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Statistics. Ragins, B. (2008). Disclosure disconnects:antecedents and consequences of disclosing invisible stigmas across life domains. The Academy of Management Review 33(1):194215.

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U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008). Intimate partner violence in the U.S: Victim characteristics. Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetailandiid= 2020. Walker, L. (1982). The Battered Woman Syndrome. New York: Harper and Row. Watlington, C. G., and Murphy, C.M. ( 2006). The roles of religion and spirituality among African American survivors of domestic violence. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 62 (7), 837-857. World Health Organization (2007). Department of Violence and Injury Prevention and Disablity. Report on Primary Prevention of Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/violence who_ipv_sv_prevention_meeti ng_report.pdf.

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PART II. APPROACHES TO DIVERSITY

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

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Chapter 8

ACADEMIC LEADERSHIP AND DIVERSITY Gilbert W. Atnip Indiana University Southeast, Indiana, USA

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ABSTRACT Diversity is clearly an issue that spans all areas of a university and affects faculty, staff, administrators, and students in a variety of ways. The purpose of this chapter is to give an overview and discussion of the issues related to diversity that most directly affect the academic mission of a college or university and that the academic leaders – the chief academic officers and the deans - of the institution need to ensure are addressed or are under consideration. Except where references are provided, the material in this chapter is based on the author‘s observations and experience during a 35-year career in higher education as a faculty member, dean, and chief academic officer.

THE DEFINITION OF DIVERSITY Diversity is a term that is ubiquitous in higher education. It seems to have a variety of meanings and is used in different ways by different scholars and institutions. Thus when diversity is discussed in the context of a specific institution‘s plans and goals, it will probably be the case that the people engaged in the discussion – faculty, administrators, students – do not share a common understanding of what the term means. This fact is a major reason that it can be difficult to identify and pursue a diversity agenda within an institution effectively. Therefore, it is critical that each institution develop as clear an understanding as possible of what the term diversity means (and does not mean) within its particular context (see the discussion ―Dissecting Diversity‖ in the August 25, 2005, issue of Diverse Issues in Higher Education for commentary on the importance and the difficulties of defining diversity). It is important to acknowledge that variations in the meaning of diversity across institutions may be the result of legitimate and important institutional characteristics. The mission of an institution, where it is located, whether it is public or private, where its students come from and what they are like are some of the major factors that can influence the

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meaning that diversity takes on for that institution. For example, the definition for a heavily majority institution may well differ from that of a campus that has a wide range of backgrounds and ethnicities represented. Similarly, a private, sectarian college may emphasize aspects of diversity in ways that are different from a public university. The question of definition is important in the context of the origin of the concept of diversity as an important issue in higher education. The emphasis on diversity in higher education arose to replace the notion of affirmative action as a rationale for institutional efforts to include under-represented groups in higher education, in the wake of court decisions and a shift in public opinion away from support for explicit, corrective action to remedy past discrimination based on group characteristics such as race. In this context, courts have held that maintaining a racially diverse student body is a legitimate goal for colleges and universities, even if making decisions about individual students or applicants based on their race is not permissible (Pursley, 2003). At my campus, we take a broad view of what is included in ―diversity‖, recognizing that people differ from one another in many ways, certainly including race and gender, but also including other variables. In our strategic plan for 2005-2009, we stated that, ―included in the definition of diversity are characteristics including age, color, disability, ethnicity, gender, marital status, national origin, race, religion, sexual orientation, veteran status, and socioeconomic status.‖ We also include international perspectives under the broad umbrella of diversity. Some may object to such a broad view, arguing that it ―waters down‖ the meaning of diversity and distracts attention from the small number of characteristics that they regard as truly important, such as race or gender. On the other hand, others would argue that our definition is not broad enough, in that it does not include ―intellectual diversity.‖ Most often this issue is raised by those who believe that academe is populated too heavily with faculty who take a ―liberal‖ perspective on contentious issues of politics and public policy. Clearly other campuses may find it more appropriate to have a narrower or an even broader concept of diversity than mine does. What is important is that an institution should develop a shared understanding of the concept so that the issues that are important on that campus can be identified and efforts can be appropriately directed.

WHY DOES DIVERSITY MATTER? An institution may pursue a diversity agenda for any or all of the following reasons. Different stakeholder groups will differ in how they view the importance of these purposes. Institutional mission is again a key consideration in any discussion of purposes. The purposes of including diversity as an institutional goal should be consistent with the institution‘s mission. Academic leaders will encounter all of these purposes in one or another of their key functions: faculty recruiting, student recruiting and admission, leadership of curriculum, and developing the intellectual and cultural environment on the campus. Provide opportunity for under-represented groups. This is the traditional purpose of affirmative action programs and is still a strong part of the rationale for a diversity agenda in many quarters of higher education. Those who emphasize this purpose view the university as an agent of social justice (or least, of social change) whose role is to remedy the negative

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effects of past discrimination. Those who emphasize this purpose tend to object to definitions of diversity that provide a broad focus and instead favor a focus on traditionally disadvantaged groups. Foster acceptance of and tolerance for diversity. This purpose is based on the idea that students will live and work in an increasingly diverse society and thus that they should learn to accept and tolerate differences among the people in that society. In principle, acceptance and tolerance should be goals for all students, but the emphasis in many discussions is that majority students develop these attributes in relation to minorities. Although perhaps understandable, this approach seems to be too narrow, given that it is manifestly the case that there are often tensions and divisions between minority groups as well as between the majority and the minorities. In essence this purpose also views the university as a social change agent, since it aims to help create a society with characteristics different from those of the present society. Create understanding of cultural differences. This purpose follows from the same premise as the previous one - that students will live and work in a diverse, globally oriented society. Indeed, it is quite similar to the previous purpose with an important difference. In effect, this goal is about changing people‘s minds, whereas the previous goal is about changing their hearts, if you will. This goal asks for understanding of differences, even if those differences are not necessarily accepted. This is a directly educational goal; it is not about changing society but rather is about preparing students intellectually for the world in which they will live and work. Although contributing to social change and educating people are compatible in principle, it is worth keeping in mind the distinction between them as they fall into different realms – the cognitive and the affective. One might hope that a sound education in diversity that created an understanding of cultural differences would lead to social change – greater tolerance and acceptance of those differences and increased opportunities for underrepresented groups – but that is not a necessary conclusion. Cognitive changes resulting from education, i.e., increased knowledge, do not necessarily lead to consistent attitudinal or behavioral changes. The relative emphasis that an institution gives to these broad purposes should follow from its mission. Presumably all institutions of higher education should have some commitment to promoting an intellectual or academic (i.e., cognitive) understanding of differences, but not all will have the same level of commitment to promoting opportunity and tolerance as institutional goals (as opposed to personal or professional goals of individual faculty, staff and administrators). The concept that people should advance on the basis of individual merit is very strong in the culture of the United States and leads to resistance to the notion that institutional efforts should be made to enable people to advance based on their identity as members of particular, selected groups. This is a fundamental tension in our culture and it is not my purpose to argue either side of it in this chapter (see Badley (2007) and Aguirre and Martinez (2006) for discussions of the issues involved in this debate). But the issue needs to be acknowledged because it will inevitably affect discussions about diversity programming that take place on campus and in the larger community. The latter can be a key consideration in public institutions, which are more affected by the political climate of their states and regions than are many private institutions.

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THE ELEMENTS OF A DIVERSITY AGENDA A successful diversity effort on a campus will encompass four key aspects: a campuswide commitment to diversity ideals; a pluralistic university community; curricula infused with principles of diversity; and a campus climate that is both supportive and reflective of diverse people and ideas. The following discussion focused on how each of these four key aspects affect leadership within academic affairs and how chief academic officers and deans can respond to them. Commitment to diversity ideals. It is essential that the senior leadership of a college or university signal its commitment to advancing the diversity agenda that best fits the institution and its mission. The president must take the lead in this respect, as he or she does with respect to all of the major goals of the institution. However, the vice presidents, including the chief academic officer, must demonstrate their full support for the agenda identified through the president‘s leadership. The vice presidents, in turn, must get buy in from their direct reports, e.g., deans, and ultimately from the faculty and staff of the institution. A variety of strategies are available for expressing the importance of and commitment to a diversity agenda. These are largely the same strategies that presidents and chief academic officers use with respect to their other important goals. They include revisions of the institution‘s statements of mission and purposes to explicitly include diversity, inclusion of diversity as a major goal within the institution‘s strategic plan, assignment of responsibility for diversity initiatives to appropriate and influential people within the organization, and allocation of resources to support the specific items in the diversity agenda (see Kezar et. al., 2008). Whatever specific strategies are chosen, recent research suggests that a key factor in the success of diversity initiatives is the development of a ―web‖ of support on a campus for those initiatives. That is, expressions of commitment from the top are important, but it is also crucial for presidents and chief academic officers to work with and through the key stakeholders on the campus – faculty, staff, students, the board and even the external community – to develop widespread and lasting support for the importance of diversity and for the specifics of the campus‘ diversity agenda. This work is best done through interpersonal relationships and collegial leadership rather than through the exercise of hierarchical authority (Kezar et. al., 2008; Kezar, 2008). This finding is consistent with my own experience in how chief academic officers most effectively exercise leadership (Atnip, 2009). Pluralistic university community. Creating and sustaining a university community that is reasonably diverse as to the characteristics (gender, ethnicity, etc.) of its faculty, staff, and students is clearly a central goal of any diversity agenda. What is a reasonable mix will vary from one campus to another, depending on its circumstances. I suggest that a good general rule is that the composition of the campus community should accurately reflect the larger community from which it is drawn and which it purports to represent. Since campuses define their larger communities differently, their goals for the diversity of their populations will correspondingly differ from each other. Having a representative, pluralistic campus community is essential to the educational purpose of a diversity agenda – to prepare students to live and work in a diverse society and

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within a global context. Learning about the differences among people from different backgrounds, cultures, and experiences can and should occur within the curriculum (see below). But a great deal of valuable learning can also occur through interactions with people different from oneself. This is true of minority as well as majority students, faculty, and staff. Some of this learning can be structured by the institution through co-curricular programming (see below) but some of it should also occur through the normal interactions of people as they go about their daily business. It is for these reasons that courts have supported the creation and maintenance of a diverse campus community as a legitimate institutional interest, even when they have ruled against specific affirmative action plans as being too focused on characteristics such as race. Recruiting and retaining faculty, staff, and students from diverse backgrounds is an ongoing challenge for many institutions. The supply of qualified applicants from certain historically under-represented groups, e.g., African Americans, for faculty and many staff positions and for admission into selective academic programs is not adequate in many instances. Placing ads and following standard protocols for recruiting minority applicants in order to comply with Affirmative Action/EEOC requirements will not, in and of itself, result in a diverse faculty. Active and even aggressive steps are necessary. Search committee members, chairs, and deans must use their personal and professional networks to identify and court prospective applicants. Visits to institutions that produce a large percentage of minority doctoral recipients may be needed. Administrators, including the chief academic officer, need to be prepared to push search committees to consider minority applicants seriously and to fund salary premiums and other benefits such as space and resources for research that may be needed to attract candidates to accept positions. This is an area where ―the rubber meets the road‖ in terms of the commitment to a diversity agenda. It can test the commitment of administrators and faculty to having a diverse community when it is necessary to take steps to recruit minority candidates that would not be needed for majority candidates. Chief academic officers and deans should have discussions in advance of searches to work through these issues with chairs and with hiring committees and to determine if the commitment to doing what is necessary is there. If it is not, the result can be a successful hire followed by a failure to retain the new faculty member due to a chilly reception in the department. The difficulties in finding and recruiting qualified applicants from under-represented groups for faculty and many staff positions may be one factor that has led many campuses to adopt a broader notion of diversity than was the case twenty years ago. It is often easier to find and recruit faculty members who are Asian American or who are not originally from the US than it is to find African American or Hispanic faculty members. A discussion of this trend can degenerate into an unfortunate debate about ―who counts‖ and that approach should be avoided if at all possible. If one accepts that the broad purpose is to provide a pluralistic campus community to promote student learning about diversity, then it seems that a broad definition of ―pluralistic‖ that results in having faculty, staff, and students from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds and national origins is appropriate. However, for those who see the righting of past wrongs as the primary purpose of a diversity agenda, the recruiting of members of groups that are not historically disadvantaged, while not wrong, does not advance the cause of diversity. See the discussion ―Dissecting Diversity‖ in the August 25, 2005, issue of Diverse Issues in Higher Education for commentary on this issue.

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Curricula infused with principles of diversity. The curriculum is the aspect of a diversity agenda that falls most clearly within the responsibilities of the chief academic officer. Although it is the case that the curriculum belongs to, and reflects, the faculty, the chief academic officer, as well as deans and department chairs, can and should exercise collegial leadership to insure that the curriculum incorporates appropriate opportunities for learning about diversity. There is a broad issue regarding the infusion of diversity into the curriculum that chief academic officers should be aware of and be prepared to address if necessary. As Badley (2007) points out, on the one hand, the inclusion of diverse perspectives in education appeals to our sense that we should be ―promoting the principles and values which attach to ideas such as democracy, equal rights, freedom, growth, justice, solidarity and tolerance.‖ But, as Badley further points out, there is a risk in promoting diversity ―if the latter comes to mean that all activities, beliefs, cultures, discourses, experiences, feelings, goals, happenings, ideas, judgments, knowledge and learning are to be regarded as being of equal educational worth.‖ Even as we incorporate diverse perspectives within the curriculum, we also must ―continue to exercise our critical judgment over all claims to knowledge and truth no matter from whence they come.‖ As the person charged with ensuring academic quality on the campus, the chief academic officer must strongly support the infusion of diversity into the curriculum in ways that are consistent with intellectual rigor and educational quality. Every institution has (or should have) a statement of the goals of the education it provides, including the knowledge and skills that all graduates should possess. The academic leadership can insure that if diversity is not specifically addressed within that statement of goals, the statement is revised to include knowledge of diverse people and cultures. Then the leadership can insure that the general education program that is common to all undergraduate degrees includes at least one course that addresses diversity. General education programs tend to fall into one of two categories. One approach is a true common core curriculum, in which all students take essentially the same general education courses, with very little variations allowed. The other approach is the distribution model, in which students have a choice of courses within each area of learning that is part of the general education program. Most often, there has been some faculty review of the courses that are on the distribution list in each area. The latter approach is by far the most common in colleges and universities today, for a variety of reasons. The distribution model has the advantage of bringing more resources to the table to address the needs of large numbers of students. Its primary disadvantage is that students do not get a truly common intellectual experience. Typically the courses that meet a distribution requirement, even though all have been vetted by the faculty, will vary considerably in content and emphasis. At my institution, there are 18 different courses that meet the diversity requirement in general education, including courses such as Introduction to Afro American Literature, The Family in History, Introduction to Comparative Politics, and Social Problems. Thus one concern that has been expressed by some faculty and students at my campus is that there is no assurance that all students have the opportunity to learn about the diversity they are likely to encounter in the workplace and in their communities. This is an issue that will challenge our General Education Committee as it reviews the diversity courses during the coming year. Many institutions have academic programs that specifically address or emphasize some aspect of diversity. Among the more common are women and gender studies, African American studies (which has evolved into programs with a variety of names), and Latino or

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Hispanic studies. Many of these programs were founded in response to concerns from faculty and students about the perceived exclusion of diverse perspectives from the traditional disciplines. They have intellectual and educational value in bringing scholarship to bear on important problems in fields that might otherwise be devalued. The extent to which they contribute to the educational goals of a campus‘s diversity agenda will depend on the extent to which they offer courses with wide appeal to the student body. Programs of this type which become narrow or exclusive in their appeal do a disservice to diversity almost as great as the disservice created by the exclusion of minority perspectives in the more traditional disciplines. They run the risk of becoming academic ghettoes in which a small number of faculty and students are once again marginalized within the academy. Deans and chief academic officers should use appropriate institutional processes like academic program reviews to insure that the likelihood of this outcome is minimized. Greater emphasis has been placed in the past two decades on infusing diverse perspectives into the traditional academic disciplines. This has largely meant the inclusion of the work and ideas of scholars, authors, and other influential figures into the syllabi of courses which did not previously include them. Chief academic officers and deans can support the efforts of faculty to include diverse perspectives in their teaching and in their disciplines in several ways. I have asked all of the disciplines on my campus to explicitly identify the course or courses in their undergraduate degrees that address issues related to diversity in that discipline. Another approach is to support a faculty seminar or learning community focused on infusing diverse perspectives into courses. This allows faculty from different disciplines to share ideas as well as problems with one another in a supportive and collegial environment. In addition, funding can be provided for individual faculty to pursue course development projects related to inclusion of diversity. Chief academic officers should take steps to insure that the campus teaching-learning center provides support and resources for the inclusion of diversity in the curriculum in all of the above areas. The center can be encouraged to offer periodic workshops on issues related to the introduction of diverse perspectives and can serve as the organizer of the extended seminars and learning communities noted above. Ideally, someone on the center‘s staff should have sufficient knowledge in this area to be able to assist individual faculty members who are working on diversity-related course development projects. Finally, the center should develop and maintain a collection of resources on this topic. Campus climate supportive of diversity. Establishing and maintaining a climate that supports diversity is clearly a campus-wide responsibility. This section will focus on some steps that might be taken toward this goal within academic and academic support units. Faculty development efforts can be very helpful in regard to climate issues. On a campus like mine, which has a large number of part-time faculty, there is a particular challenge to insure that all faculty understand the importance of creating a supportive learning environment for all students, as well as understanding their obligations under university policies and laws, such as the Americans with Disabilities Act. Workshops on how to respond to diversity issues in the classroom should be offered regularly. The topics should take into account concerns expressed by faculty and students about issues that they have found pressing or important. These can be difficult waters for faculty to navigate. To be effective, higher education must challenge students to think about ideas in ways that they may find uncomfortable or even offensive. Faculty members must figure out how to challenge their students without appearing to attack them personally and this can be very difficult since it is

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not always possible to know how someone will respond to statements made in a class. The important point for the chief academic officer is to insure that these challenges are being explored and that faculty members are being given appropriate tools and techniques for handling them. Student Affairs, Equity and Diversity, and Personal Counseling offices can all be good resources and allies in addressing this need. Speakers, seminars, and other co-curricular programs can also help to create and sustain a climate that supports the campus‘s diversity agenda. For example, some campuses now identify an annual campus theme and use it to organize a year-long series of events and readings, and encourage faculty to incorporate it into their teaching. On my campus, ―Identity in a Multicultural World: Who am I?‖ was chosen as the theme in our second year of what we call the Common Experience. The programming around this theme strongly reinforced the continued development of a climate supportive of diversity. In addition, there are many opportunities throughout the academic year for programs on diversity-related themes, including Martin Luther King‘s birthday, Black History Month, and Women‘s History Month. My campus also holds an annual International Festival that includes both cultural displays and samples of food from countries around the world (chief academic officers should always keep in mind that if you feed them, they will come). Assessment. Assessment of student learning related to diversity is a challenge that should receive attention from the chief academic officer as part of the overall challenge of assuring that academic programs are assessing student learning and using the results to try to make improvements in teaching and curricula. Assessment has to start with the identification of student learning goals or outcomes. That is, what does the campus expect students to know and be able to do when they graduate? As an example, here are the learning outcomes that my campus has developed for our general education diversity requirement: 1. Explain how a person‘s social status (e.g., race, gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, age, origin, and disability) shapes his/her perspective. 2. Identify significant variations and commonalities among peoples of different cultural groups. 3. Evaluate how a person‘s own cultural context influences how he or she perceives people of a different cultural context. 4. Recognize how personal and systemic discrimination, prejudice and stereotypes impact lives and relationships. It should be apparent that these outcomes emphasize the cognitive aspects of diversity education rather than affective outcomes such as tolerance or acceptance of differences. This was done deliberately as our General Education Committee did not believe that one course related to diversity could be expected to make a measurable impact on the affective goals. It does not indicate that the committee believed those goals were not important. Methods for assessing student learning in relation to these goals are the responsibility of the faculty who teach the diversity courses. As noted above, these courses vary widely in content and teaching methods. Our General Education Committee has also explored methods to assess student learning of these goals across classes, using focus groups and the creation of scenarios to which students were asked to write brief responses. The major finding in both cases has been that we need to refine the learning outcomes themselves to make it clearer

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what student behaviors we expect to see as evidence that students have indeed learned. It is clear to us that assessment of learning beyond course-based assessment in the area of diversity represents a significant challenge as there seem to be no generally accepted methods of measurement. This contrasts with other areas of learning within general education, such as written communication, quantitative reasoning, and critical thinking, for which there are standardized measures available. My campus uses student surveys as indirect measures of student learning in addition to the classroom-based and committee-generated direct measures noted above. We have included specific items related to learning about peoples and cultures different from one‘s own in our surveys of entering, continuing, and graduating students. We see evidence of learning from the fact that students‘ self-reported levels of learning increase from the freshman to the senior years. On the other hand, we know there is room for improvement from the fact that the absolute levels of seniors‘ self-rated learning in diversity are not as high as they are in other key areas such as written communication and critical thinking. We have also used the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) several times and plan to begin offering it every three years. NSSE contains items related to experiences with people of differing races and ethnicities as well as differing beliefs and opinions, and also asks students to rate the extent to which their experiences at the institution have contributed to their ―knowledge, skills and personal development‖ in a variety of areas, including understanding people of other racial and ethnic backgrounds. The results allow an institution to compare its students‘ responses to those of students at peer institutions and over time, to compare responses of its own students before and after programs have been put into place to improve student learning.

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STRUCTURE FOR MANAGING DIVERSITY EFFORTS Pursuing a diversity agenda requires the efforts of people from across the campus – faculty, staff, and administration. It is helpful to consider how those efforts might best be organized and coordinated to achieve the greatest progress toward the agenda in the most efficient manner. In other words, how should the diversity agenda be managed? There would seem to be at least three options. The first option is a decentralized approach, in which the campus administration sets general goals and directions and the units on the campus pursue those goals in ways that best fit their circumstances, unit missions, and resources. Such an approach should also include accountability for progress in the form of periodic reports through deans and directors up to the level of the president‘s cabinet. Potential advantages of a decentralized approach include enhanced buy-in at the unit level, more creativity in programming, and programming that is better suited to the academic offerings of the school or department. In larger, more cumbersome institutions, a decentralized approach may also be the most effective way to advance the diversity agenda. Potential disadvantages of this approach include the possibility that units will not give adequate emphasis to diversity, the likelihood that there will be duplication of efforts among units, and the danger that there will not be a high level of visibility for the diversity agenda within the institution because it does not provide an institutional ―champion‖ for that agenda.

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The second option is a highly centralized approach, in which there is an institutional office that is specifically charged with carrying out the diversity agenda and which directs all the diversity efforts within the institution. This approach often involves a person at the cabinet level or just below it who is the ―chief diversity officer‖ and has a title that includes ―diversity‖, ―multicultural affairs‖, or some other clear designation of responsibility. This person may be responsible both for enhancing the institution‘s diversity agenda and for ensuring that the institution complies with affirmative action/equal opportunity laws and policies, or these two functions may be handled by separate offices. The potential advantages of the centralized approach are that there is a clear champion/advocate for the diversity agenda at the institutional level, there is less likely to be duplication of efforts among units, resources can be directed according to the priorities of the president‘s cabinet, and there is clear accountability for progress on the institution‘s goals. Potential disadvantages of this approach are that it may limit the institution‘s diversity programming to those efforts initiated by the central diversity office, and that the presence of a chief diversity officer may actually reduce the commitment of others in the organization to the pursuit of the diversity agenda. That is, some people may assume that the chief diversity officer will take care of the diversity agenda and therefore it is not their responsibility. It is certainly true that when you say ―diversity is everyone‘s business‖, there is the danger that it will be no one‘s business. It is equally true to when it is assigned to one person, there is a danger that everyone else will say ―OK, it‘s his or her business and I can get on with my business.‖ For this reason, it is a good idea with a centralized approach to have a broadly representative committee or council which works with the chief diversity officer in a collegial governance structure. The third option, which my campus has been using for the past four years, after a rather long period of trying variations on the centralized option, is a team-based approach. Responsibility for coordination of diversity efforts is vested in a three-person team, which we refer to as ―the diversity trio‖: the associate vice chancellor for academic affairs, the dean of student life, and the affirmative action officer/human resources trainer. Key diversity goals and objectives are set out in our strategic plan, which has a rolling five-year time frame. The chancellor and the cabinet determine the major institutional goals for each year based on the strategic plan and allocate resources toward those goals as appropriate. The cabinet thus provides overall direction and support for diversity efforts. Units have some of the latitude that a decentralized approach would provide to use their creativity and resources for programs and initiatives that best suit their circumstances. The members of the diversity trio are individually responsible for coordinating the efforts of the units in their respective areas, e.g., academic affairs, student affairs, and are responsible as a team for insuring overall coordination of efforts on the campus to reduce duplication and to achieve appropriate synergies. They are assisted by a broadly representative Diversity Council which serves in an advisory and information- sharing role. Our purpose in adopting this ―third way‖ approach was to gain the advantages of both the decentralized and the centralized approaches while minimizing their disadvantages. My appraisal at this point is that this approach has succeeded in increasing the commitment to diversity efforts across the campus and certainly within academic affairs, where there was not previously a single person with diversity in his or her portfolio. On the other hand, the concept of the trio working as a team of equals has been more difficult to implement, in part because of some personality clashes and in part because team work is not really part of academic culture. We plan to continue this approach, however, as we think it best fits our institution at this time. Obviously, there could be many variations

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to this approach which an institution could adapt to suit its particular circumstances. My advice to those who wish to consider this approach is to choose the team of coordinators carefully and to be prepared to provide frequent and if necessary, intrusive guidance and direction to the team early in the implementation process.

CONCLUSION Institutions of higher education have adopted a wide range of approaches to the vital task of preparing students to live and work in a diverse, globally oriented world. The approaches that an institution takes will depend on its mission, vision, values, and educational purposes. Diversity should be a topic that engages the campus as a whole; of particular importance are the experiences students have as they progress through their academic programs, including both general education courses and courses in the major. The academic leadership must ensure that students have the opportunity to interact with faculty and fellow students from a wide range of backgrounds and cultures, and to study and learn about differences in the context of academic disciplines. It is this kind of education that will broaden the perspectives of students and prepare them for lives of productive citizenship and leadership in the society of the future.

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REFERENCES Aguirre, Jr, Adalberto and Martinez, Rubén O., (Eds.) (2006). Diversity leadership in higher education. ASHE Higher Education Report, 32, 1-113. Atnip, G. (2009). Role of the chief academic officer. In S. Chen (Ed.), Academic administration: a quest for better management and leadership in higher education (pp 39-52). New York: Nova Science Publishers. Badley, G. (2007). For and against diversity in higher education. Teaching in Higher Education, 12, 781-785. Kezar, A. (2008). Understanding leadership strategies for addressing the politics of diversity. The Journal of Higher Education, 79, 406-441. Kezar, A., Eckel, P., Contreras-McGavin, M., and Quaye, S. (2008). Creating a web of support: an important leadership strategy for advancing campus diversity. Higher Education, 55, 69-92. Pursley, G. (2003). Thinking diversity, rethinking race: toward a transformative concept of diversity in higher education. Texas Law Review, 82, 153-199.

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

ISBN: 978-1-61122-863-2 © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 9

WHY SO FEW? FACULTY OF COLOR IN HIGHER EDUCATION Rosina M. Becerra and Susan M. Drange University of California at Los Angeles, California, USA

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ABSTRACT This chapter provides an overview of some of the processes used by many institutions of higher education for recruiting and retaining faculty of color. While the goal of diversity is commendable, the proportion of faculty of color in tenured and tenured track positions in higher education has remained relatively unchanged. The authors lay out some of the issues that make current processes fail to achieve their goal. They provide strategies that will assist in moving the goal of recruitment and retention of faculty of color forward. Real institutional change, however, will only be achievable when the current departmental faculty who make the decisions realize that diversity is no longer just a desirable goal but a necessary one if the academy is to remain the educators of an ever more diverse population.

INTRODUCTION Achieving diversity among students, faculty and staff in institutions of higher education is a top priority for today‘s university presidents and chancellors. While diversity takes on broad definitions, in general diversity goals tend to focus on demographics with race, ethnicity, and gender in the forefront of proposed goal achievement. Some institutional leaders have taken strong action by raising funds for diversity efforts and publicly championing diversity as a cause. Many academic institutions have also created high-level positions, such as a chief diversity officer, in order to focus attention and resources on issues of diversity. While many different groups comprise a diverse academy, including women, the LGBT community, people with disabilities, and others, this chapter will focus primarily on issues related to recruiting and retaining faculty of color. Faculty of color intersect with gender, the LGBT community, persons with disabilities and other characteristics but these

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will not be addressed in this chapter. Many of the concerns discussed here will be similar to those experienced by other groups as well. The general question for all is that with so much attention paid to diversity in the academy, why are there still so few faculty of color in higher education?

WHERE ARE THE FACULTY OF COLOR? The data from the Almanac of Higher Education shown in Figure 1 starkly demonstrates that there are few faculty of color at any level of higher education. The two highest percentage points are Asians in public four-year institutions and African Americans in public two-year institutions. Again, American Indians are practically nonexistent in higher education and few colleges and universities have any representation at all. The data show that Latino and African American faculty are most likely to be in public two-year institutions or community colleges that generally do not require a doctorate while they are less represented in four-year institutions. 10% 8%

8%

8% 6% 6%

5% 4%

4%

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2% 0%

6%

6%

4%

3% 1%

6%

5%

3%

1% 1% 0%

American Indian Public 4-Year

Latino

African American

Private 4-Year

Public 2-Year

Asian All

Source: US Department of Education, Almanac of Higher Education 2009-10. Figure 1. Percentage of Full-Time Minority Faculty Members in U.S. Colleges and Universities by Racial/Ethnic Group, Fall 2007 (N=1,371,390).

The data in Figure 1 are for all public and private institutions which include HBCUs. In that respect the data are slightly skewed higher than they would be if HBCUs were eliminated. In 2006 the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education surveyed the nation‘s highest ranked research universities. What they found was that a very few of the flagship state universities had an African American faculty greater than 5% of their tenured-tenured track faculty. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, for example, noted 5.9% African Americans on their faculty. Among the other top state universities who also had a large proportion of African American faculty members, it was noted that a large African American population resided in their states. Taking the proportion of African Americans in the state population into account as a comparison to proportion of African American faculty in the state higher educational institution seemed like a more useful ranking comparison. Based on that ranking system, UNC moved down to the bottom of the list as did some of the other

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Why So Few? Faculty of Color in Higher Education

research flagship universities who had originally been at the top. Thus, availability of African Americans based on potential population seemed to play a small role in attracting more members of this group into the academy. 25% 20%

1% 4%

15% 10% 5%

3% 2%

6%

5%

6%

5%

3%

5%

7%

7%

8%

Professor

Associate Professor

10%

7%

5%

0%

Asian

Assistant Professor

African American

Latino

Instructor

Lecturer

American Indian

Source: US Department of Education, Almanac of Higher Education 2009-10.

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Figure 2. Percentage of Full-Time Minority Faculty Members in U.S. Colleges and Universities by Rank, Fall 2007.

Figure 2 shows that faculty of color in the academy are largely represented in the lower ranks of the professoriate. In fact, they are more likely to occupy non-tenured positions such as lecturer or instructor. If they are represented in the tenured-tenured track ranks they are more likely to be Assistant Professors and if promoted to tenure they have a higher probability of remaining as Associate Professors. While Asian faculty are more likely to be in the tenured track series, they also are over-represented in the lecturer series. In sum, these figures show the low proportions of faculty of color represented at all levels of higher educational institutions. Additionally, the data show that for those faculty of color who are in these institutions they are less likely to be represented in the full professor ranks and more likely to be assistant professors seeking tenure or lecturers and instructors.

WHY RECRUITMENT OF FACULTY OF COLOR OFTEN FAILS The data above show the representation of faculty of color who are already in colleges and universities, but why so few? To better understand, one must begin with the recruitment and hiring process. Recruitment for faculty positions at most academic institutions is done using a faculty search committee made up of members of the recruiting department. The search committee is charged with searching for suitable candidates, selecting those to bring to campus to give lectures (also known as job talks) and interviews, and then recommending candidates to the full faculty for selection. Department chairs and deans are also involved in the selection process. The nature of this process allows faculty members to bring their expertise in their field of study, as well as their own opinions, unconscious biases and pre-conceived notions about others to the table when recruiting new faculty members.

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Building a Diverse Applicant Pool The search process can be fraught with procedural minefields that often lead to subtle (and sometimes not so subtle) discrimination. While there is no perfect approach as to how a committee should proceed, developing a pool of potential candidates that include underrepresented minorities should be at the top of the list of the searching effort. If applicant pools do not include any minority applicants, faculty search committee members are quick to respond that minority applicants are hard to find because there is a pipeline problem or that they are in such high demand that the competition is too great for their institution to be able to compete. There are other reasons but these are the two most often cited.

It’s the Pipeline One of the first reasons that a faculty search committee will give as to why they were not able to recruit a diverse pool of candidates is the ―pipeline‖ (Smith, 2000). By this they mean that there are just not enough African Americans or Latinos with doctorates in the requisite field of specialization. While it is true that the number of doctorates awarded to underrepresented minorities is low, the percentage has been increasing substantially over time. Figure 3 shows the overall Ph.D. production in the United States in 1975 compared to 2007. Based on data from the National Science Foundation Survey of Earned Doctorates, the total percentage of underrepresented minority Ph.D. recipients has increased from 5% to 13%. In individual fields, the percentage of qualified minority candidates varies, but in fields where minorities are underrepresented, their hiring still lags behind their availability (University of California, 2006).

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100%

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Source: NSF Survey of Earned Doctorates. Figure 3. Availability Pool for Ladder Rank Faculty PhD Recipients from U.S. Universities (U.S. citizens only).

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High Demand Theory Following the pipeline argument, comes the theory of ―high demand.‖ Search committees argue that the few African American and Latino/a candidates available are highly sought after by multiple institutions, making them difficult to hire. Smith (2000) disproved this theory in a study of 299 recipients of Ford, Mellon and Spencer Fellowships. The study found that only 11 percent of the scholars of color in the sample were recruited for a faculty position and encouraged to apply. African American and Latino/a scholars in this study did not report being sought after or finding it easy to get a faculty position, despite being the recipient of a prestigious fellowship and holding a doctorate from a research institution. In sum, data are presented to show that the notion that ―there aren‘t any‖ or if there are ―we will not be able to compete‖ are fallacious assumptions. These views, however, persist in spite of evidence to the contrary.

Selecting the Short List

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Even when there is a diverse applicant pool (often to meet affirmative action regulations), there are reasons why minority candidates do not make the short list or if they do, are not offered a position. Some examples of these reasons are discussed below.

Perceived Prestige The prestige allotted to one‘s alma mater is one factor that ―signals‖ to search committee members that the applicant is excellent or not regardless of any other evidence. Many potential applicants of color may not attend the most prestigious schools. This can be due to any number of reasons, including financial constraints, preference to stay closer to one‘s family and community or lack of educational opportunity created by the disparate impact of the quality of public schools in lower socio-economic neighborhoods (Allen et. al., 2000). A person‘s life path may also follow different courses, for example seeking graduate education later in life, starting out in community college or interrupting one‘s education for financial, health or family reasons. No matter what the reason, not having an Ivy League or highly prestigious academic pedigree, despite high quality research, may cause a candidate to be eliminated without further consideration. Closely related to the above assumption is the prestige of one‘s mentor. The mentee is viewed as the academic progeny of the mentor and if the mentor is not highly regarded or known, it can limit one‘s potential to be viewed as ―excellent.‖ In this regard, search committee members tend to rely on colleagues at other institutions for recommendations about who is considered excellent, not considering that these recommendations will most likely yield candidates much like themselves. Thus, relying on one‘s social and professional network may exclude potential candidates of color. Second-Guessing a Candidate’s Needs or “Engaging in Crystal Ball Gazing” Many search committee members start to eliminate candidates based on their own suppositions of what a particular candidate may need or want in order to accept a position at the institution. This type of conjecture leads to pre-emptive elimination; for example, that a candidate will not want to come to a particular institution because there is not already enough

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of the candidate‘s kind of diversity there, in the faculty, in the student body or in the research community. This can also extend to assumptions about diversity in the larger community, city or state within which the institution is situated. Projecting ideas about a candidate‘s financial situation, needs for childcare, housing, or finding a job for a spouse or partner may limit a search committee‘s willingness to interview or to extend an offer to some candidates. Candidates of color, as well as others, are often victims of these kinds of preconceived ideas about what the potential candidate wants without real knowledge of what they in fact need to accept an offer at the institution. Whether these are actual reasons for not considering a candidate further or merely reasons given to justify removing a potential candidate from the pool is often difficult to determine.

Not a Good Fit The ubiquitous ―good fit‖ can cover a myriad of concerns, issues and biases held by the search committee and members of the department. The argument that a particular candidate is not a good fit typically comes later in the search process, after meeting a candidate in person. ―Fit‖ can be based on field specialization, for example the department needs a very specific type of research background, narrowly limiting the number of people who might ―fit.‖ Interpersonal style may also become a ―fit‖ issue, whereby someone may be deemed too outspoken, too soft spoken, too liberal, too conservative, too much like any particular ―type‖ to fit in with the department culture. Members of a predominantly White department may not feel as comfortable with African American and Latino/a candidates and this may be articulated as a problem with ―fit.‖ Research interests are also a reason for considering ―fit‖. Research areas may be deemed outside of the scope of what the department needs or that they have someone already who covers work in race, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation, if that is part of the candidate‘s research interests. Since many faculty of color choose to pursue research related to diversity they may be relegated to second tier status based on their research interests (Alridge, 2001). In sum, elimination from further consideration based on any of the above reasons is not uncommon. However, they present barriers to increasing the presence of a faculty of color. They are symptomatic of the general climate of the institution that affects both recruitment and retention.

RETAINING FACULTY OF COLOR: WHY DO THEY LEAVE? Recruiting and hiring a diverse faculty is only the first step. It is the retention of a diverse faculty that presents an equal if not greater challenge. The loss of faculty of color is often more detrimental to the institution than the loss of almost any other faculty member, because each one represents such a small proportion of the total faculty. Much is read into such departures, which affects the morale of other faculty of color, as well as students. In some years losses may be greater than hires, decreasing the overall representation of faculty of color and never increasing the percentage by very much. This phenomenon has been addressed by Moreno et al. (2006) who developed the Turnover Quotient (TQ), a metric to determine the percentage of new faculty hires going towards replacement. In this study of 27

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institutions between 2000 and 2004, 58% of all underrepresented new hires were replacement hires who took the place of an underrepresented faculty member who had left the institution. Even in cases where one-third of the faculty was being hired, the numbers of underrepresented faculty did not increase significantly. Why do faculty of color leave? There are a number of issues related to equitable advancement and department and/or campus climate that contribute to underrepresented minority faculty members‘ dissatisfaction and decisions to leave. Some of these are discussed below.

The Interplay of Research, Teaching and Service for Advancement

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Every institution has the tripartite mission of research, teaching, and service. The extent to which each is emphasized is one factor on which categories of institutions are differentiated. In general the main focus is either on research or teaching with the other two given secondary importance. Therefore, in order to advance, faculty must excel in that area where the institution places its highest value and show strong achievement in the other two. In many institutions the advancement processes (tenure and promotion) are not easily understood or accessible. Certainly the key steps are explained in policy and procedure, but the more nuanced elements by which one‘s peers judge one‘s work and worthiness to advance is not. For minorities, women and other non-majority groups, this lack of transparency is problematic (Watson, 2001). Without adequate mentors for guidance, and lacking clear and specific guidelines for advancement, many may be caught in devoting too much time and attention to areas, such as service, which will not count significantly towards advancement. In effect, the tripartite mission of higher education and the emphasis placed on each must be understood in order to advance.

Research The kinds of research pursued by African American or Latino/a faculty members are sometimes outside the dominant paradigm and may push boundaries (Bradley, 2005, Delgado and Villalpando, 2002). Peer review by mainstream colleagues often discredit or devalue the work (Allen et. al, 2000, Bradley, 2005) which can lead to lower evaluation for tenure or advancement. In a study of African American counseling faculty, Bradley and HolcombMcCoy (2004) report that several participants in their investigation ―acknowledged that research on race issues was seen by their White American colleagues as a soft discipline and promotion and tenure committees had a lack of understanding and appreciation for research within the African American community.‖ p. 266. They also found that African American women were more likely to perceive the promotion and tenure process as a major source of stress. This kind of devaluing of research, because of the research topic, the interdisciplinary nature of the research or the fact that it lies outside the dominant paradigm can be detrimental for achieving tenure or other advancement. Moreover it is also harmful for the individual‘s sense of self-esteem and recognition within a department‘s community of scholars.

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Teaching While a love of teaching is a career motivator for many underrepresented minority faculty members (Hill-Brisbane and Dingus, 2007, Turner, 2003, Allen et. al., 2000, Turner and Myers, 2000, Olsen, Maple and Stage, 1995), many experience bias and sometimes overt racial harassment from students in the classroom (Bradley, 2005, Pope and Joseph, 1997). Minority faculty members who express race-related opinions or present research on gender, race and ethnicity can incite opinions that may carry over into the evaluation of their teaching. Research also confirms that the presence of faculty members from minority groups, including women and the LGBT community, runs counter to gender, racial or other schemas held by many students, which may result in students giving minority faculty members lower teaching evaluations (Bradley, 2005, Turner, 2003). Lower teaching evaluations factor into overall performance evaluations for faculty members and if the issue of bias is not also taken into account, these can negatively impact advancement. Service Many African American and Latino/a faculty members have a strong connection to their communities and also value social justice, (Allen et. al., 2000) which leads many underrepresented minority faculty members to spend a great deal of time in service to the community. This type of service also provides inspiration to underrepresented minority faculty members (Turner, Gonzalez and Wood, 2008) and encourages critical agency necessary to persist in academic structures that impede academic careers for many faculty of color (Baez, 2000). Due to their scarcity, African American and Latino/a faculty members are often called upon by department chairs and the administration to represent minority interests on committees or in other forms of service to the institution (Allen et. al., 2000). Mentoring large numbers of underrepresented minority students is also an added service burden for many African American and Latino/a faculty members, who are frequently sought out by students who see them as a role model or someone who may have had a similar life experience to their own (Allen et. al., 2000). Allen et. al. (2000) surveyed 1189 college and university faculty members from six campuses at three public and three private universities on faculty satisfaction and workload. The findings of the study suggest that institutional contexts and norms play a role in the variance in workload and satisfaction between African American and White faculty members. The data showed that committee assignments, teaching load, and student advising to some degree match interests of faculty with students but most often lower ranked faculty are saddled with a disproportionate share of the workload. This will in the long run place the African American faculty at a disadvantage by swallowing up valuable research and writing time. For all these reasons minority faculty members often find themselves overburdened with service commitments, which works against their advancement in two ways. First, despite frequently being recruited specifically to help with this kind of service work, it is not valued or recognized in the same way as research or teaching (Watson, 2001). Secondly, time spent in service, takes away from the time that could be spent in research and increasing one‘s professional reputation, which is essential for advancement in the academy (Allen et. al., 2000, Turner, 2003).

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Structural Supports Members of minority groups may not experience the same kind of welcome to a new department or campus as do majority groups. Women and underrepresented minorities may not have the same access to information through informal social networks as do others (Bradley and Holcomb-McCoy, 2004) making it more difficult for them to access the resources they need to be successful within the department and the larger institution. More importantly, this disconnection from the mainstream may also contribute to lack of knowledge about the advancement process and what is needed for advancement to tenure (Watson, 2001). The lack of institutional support further continues a climate of isolation, exclusion and otherness. .

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Lack of Recognition There is often a disconnect between the reasons an underrepresented minority faculty member was recruited (value for diversity research, teaching and service) and the reality that he or she experiences regarding positive recognition and support for this work within the department and the institution (Branch, 2001). This dissonance and the lack of positive recognition from department chairs, senior administrators and colleagues for individual efforts to further the campus‘ and department‘s interests in diversity contribute to a negative climate for African American and Latino/a faculty members. Mentoring The absence of adequate mentoring and professional development contributes to institutional failure to retain faculty of color (Guanipa, Santa Cruz and Chao, 2003). Since so few faculty of color exist in the academy, others must provide mentoring for new underrepresented faculty members. Making and maintaining mentoring connections within most departments has traditionally been an informal process relying on interpersonal chemistry or similar research interests. This kind of matching may not occur as readily for faculty of color who may be perceived as different or whose research interests may lie outside the mainstream. Salary Inequities While salary inequities continue to be of concern to minorities, the findings with respect to inequities are mixed. Toutkoushian et. al. (2007) found that there was no statistical difference with respect to salary differentials between minority faculty and other faculty. Others have found there is a statistical difference in salaries comparing across institutions such as between predominately White and historically Black institutions (Renzulli, Grant and Kathuria, 2006). Additionally salary differentials are quite likely to occur across fields such as the sciences compared to the humanities, however this is less related to race and ethnicity. All of these issues, including difficulty in becoming part of established social networks, lack of mentoring and transparency regarding advancement, devaluing certain kinds of research, bias in the classroom and lowered teaching evaluations and excessive demands for service add up to an unwelcoming or ―chilly‖ climate for faculty of color (Laden and Hagedorn, 2000, Turner and Myers, 2000).

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STRATEGIES FOR RECRUITING AND RETAINING FACULTY OF COLOR To address some of the past failures in increasing the proportion of faculty of color in higher educational institutions, some strategies are offered that can help in alleviating some of the issues outlined.

Strategies at the Institutional Level

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Many institutions have implemented a number of promising strategies to increase the recruitment and retention of underrepresented minority faculty members. Improving the overall climate to make the academy more welcoming and inclusive plays an overarching role in these efforts. In addition senior administrators must through their leadership encourage behavior change through efforts to make faculty aware of their own biases, develop strategies for evaluating programs to determine what is effective, and communicate diversity priorities campuswide.

Leaders Play an Essential Role Strong campus leadership, such as the chancellor, president, provost or executive vice chancellor should send a clear message about the importance of diversity to the academic mission of the campus, and the university‘s value for an inclusive, welcoming climate. In order to effectively advance diversity efforts, leadership should include someone who serves as a focal point, such as a high-level academic appointee charged with addressing issues of faculty diversity. A high level diversity advisory committee made up of various segments of the campus community is needed to provide broad base support and contribute to new ideas and goal setting (University of California, 2006). Leaders also play an important role in ensuring accountability. This means establishing metrics and accountability for change at all levels in the organization and following up yearover-year to make sure that goals are being achieved or that alternate tactics are devised and employed where attempts to foster change have not been successful. Teach about Bias Faculty of color experience a different academy than do White majority faculty members (Johnsrud and Sadao, 1998). To help majority faculty members understand the daily reality experienced by others, programs that teach about implicit bias, discrimination and equity should be part of training programs for administrators and faculty. Developing awareness of the research findings in these areas, along with techniques to address bias and enable equity can be built into faculty search committee briefings, graduate admissions training for departments, training for members of academic review and evaluative committees and the orientation for new faculty members and new department chairs. Beyond the faculty, building awareness of these issues among all members of the campus community, including staff and students, is important to engender a more welcoming and inclusive climate for all.

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Collect and Publicize Data Most faculty members who are not members of a minority group are not aware that there is still much work to do in terms of diversifying the faculty. Gathering and presenting institutional data about the current demographics of the student body, the faculty and senior administration is a useful starting point for discussion. Breaking data down so that it becomes field-specific at the school, division and department levels will uncover disparities that are masked in aggregate campus data sets. Beyond sheer numbers, or the lack thereof, capturing data about hiring, advancement, compensation and terminations by gender, race and ethnicity will help to shed light on trends. Further analysis is required to determine if patterns that emerge are directly related to bias or discrimination or to other factors, including inadequate preparation, resources or support. By using data as a starting point for dialogue about equity and diversity with faculty members, departments and senior administrators, people become engaged around the facts versus personal opinions. Communicate, Communicate, Communicate Diversifying the faculty and increasing the numbers of faculty of color requires an organizational change effort. As with all such efforts, communication cannot be over emphasized. To change campus climate, the hearts and minds of individual faculty members must be won. This involves establishing new programs, processes and policies, as well as changing the way faculty members think about recruitment, hiring, and the value of diversityrelated work, advancement and respecting colleagues. Communication is necessary at the individual, department and campus levels. It is also necessary to use multiple forms of communication to enable the message to reach everyone, including face-to-face communication in department meetings; written communications, speeches and videotaped messages from senior administrators; web, email and print communications about the value of diversity and changes to policies and processes, as well as informational and training sessions. This kind of communication campaign must be ongoing and not a one-time event if it is to reach everyone in the campus community and have impact.

Strategies for Recruitment There are a number of strategies that help a search committee reach more underrepresented minority candidates for faculty positions. Many institutions have implemented some form of training for faculty search committee members in order to provide information about implicit or unconscious bias and its effects on the recruitment and hiring process. Programs should also address techniques to overcome bias and attract a broad, diverse pool of candidates for faculty positions. Training can be conducted in person, in general faculty groups or specifically for intact search committees. Some institutions choose to provide online training. Handbooks and search committee ―toolkits‖ are also useful to review the search process and reinforce recommended practices (University of California, Los Angeles, 2010). In order to gather interest from a wider and more diverse pool of candidates, the job advertisement should be written as broadly as possible. By inviting a wider range of fields to

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apply, a larger pool can be created. It is also important to highlight the department and institutional interest in furthering diversity. To do so, additional language that specifically addresses the diverse nature of the campus, diversity-related research interests or teaching and mentoring a diverse student body should be included in the position description or job advertisement. Smith et. al., (2004) analyzed faculty hiring in which language was used in the ad to denote interest in diversity contributions. They found that using such language increased the pool of diverse candidates that applied, even in the sciences. Another strategy to broaden a faculty search is to use multiple avenues for advertisement, going beyond mainstream print media. For example, a search committee should consider advertising with professional societies and organizations that are directed towards or have sub-groups for underrepresented minorities, such as the Society for Advancing Chicanos and Native Americans in Science (SACNAS) or the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE). When asking colleagues at other universities for recommendations for possible candidates, search committee members should specifically ask for recommendations for women and minority candidates, as well as others. Specifically expressing an interest in finding qualified minority candidates will increase the number of such referrals received. There are now several handbooks written as well as toolkits created by many of the universities who have an NSF ADVANCE project that provide clear guidelines for conducting faculty searches that will produce recruitment pools with applicants of color (Smith, 2000; Turner, 2002; University of Michigan, 2009). The issue here is less about what to do but rather to insure that there is a monitoring system in place to ensure that the process and practices that many of the authors have recommended are, in fact, followed.

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Strategies for Retention Helping new faculty members acclimate to the academy and understand what is needed for career success and advancement to tenure will encourage and enable retention of faculty of color. As noted earlier, underrepresented groups may not have the same access to information and informal networks as do others. By providing additional support for a successful transition to academic faculty life, institutions can help to bridge these barriers by taking steps to insure that the resources and support systems are in place for all faculty. Some suggestions follow.

Provide Orientation It is important to have a standard, organized method for orienting all new faculty to campus and to the department. Having such an approach enables everyone to receive the information that they need to become acclimated to a new position, regardless of whether or not they have access to social networks for this information. Information should be provided in person, so that there is an opportunity for questions and answers, as well as in written form for reference at a later time. Having an organized orientation for newcomers is part of providing a welcoming climate for everyone and helps reduce the sense of isolation that underrepresented minorities are likely to feel on predominantly White campuses (Branch, 2001, Moreno et. al., 2006).

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Provide Mentoring Providing effective mentoring is an important element for helping faculty of color to advance and to remain with the institution. Mentoring should be provided within the department and also should be made available from outside the department. If a strong culture of mentoring does not exist, the administration should work with deans and department chairs to establish a requirement for mentoring all faculty members, especially those who have not yet attained tenure. Department chairs can assign senior faculty members to newly hired faculty and should also follow-up on the mentoring relationships periodically to ensure that they are proceeding effectively. Evans and Cokley (2008) recommend that individual departments and the larger institution develop mentoring policies to better incorporate ethnic and minority new faculty and decrease instances of exclusion. They also recommend that faculty who will be providing mentoring attend mentoring workshops and seminars to increase mentoring skills, including cross-cultural mentoring, and increasing awareness of the issues and barriers experienced by women and minorities. In addition to individual mentoring, institutions can develop programs for group mentoring, where new and untenured new faculty may learn about the process for advancement to tenure or issues (Watson, 2001) related to research, publication and teaching in a group setting. These can be organized at the division or school level, or at a campus level. Group sessions enable all new faculty to receive a common set of information, and also ask questions of more senior faculty members and peers outside their own departments. These kinds of informational mentoring sessions also help to create a feeling of inclusion and community among faculty members. Value the Work of Diverse Faculty Members The work of diverse faculty members contributes to the academic mission in a number of ways, including providing new and different perspectives in research, studying disparate impacts on different communities, introducing varied pedagogies in the classroom, mentoring diverse students and serving the community through projects and committees devoted to diversity issues. The work that faculty of color engage in adds significant value to the academy, however, it is not accounted for or rewarded through existing formal and informal channels (Delgado and Villapando, 2002). Institutions must find new ways to value, recognize and reward the work of diverse faculty members in order to better recruit and retain them (Jayakumar et. al., 2009). The University of California implemented changes to their academic personnel process in 2005, to specifically recognize diversity-related research, teaching and service of faculty members during recruitment and advancement. While this policy has been in place for several years now, evaluation of its use and impact has not been fully assessed (University of California, 2005). Additional efforts to recognize and establish the value of diversity-related work in the academy must continue if we want to improve the climate for diverse faculty members. Enable Social Networks To help alleviate the sense of isolation that many faculty of color experience, institutions can sponsor groups to help faculty members from different parts of campus to meet. If a campus has ethnic studies centers, these may be a natural gathering place for minority faculty

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members. Interdisciplinary research centers can also provide the impetus for social networking on campus. Institutional resources to support the organization and funding of social activities and the formation of boundary crossing faculty, staff and student groups related to racial and ethnic communities can help build a more inclusive and friendly oasis for minority faculty members within a large campus. The strategies suggested here taken in total are efforts to change the climate and culture of the university. The majority of higher educational institutions are populated by White academics who believe that diversity and excellence are mutually exclusive because to think otherwise will mean they will have to change their idea of what is excellent. They have much to learn about and from their colleagues of color. Some of these suggestions can be a beginning.

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CONCLUSION The promising tactics described here are being employed at many institutions; however in order for them to be ―best practices‖ evaluation of the effectiveness of these diversity programs must be undertaken. Future research should be devoted to measuring changes in attitudes, behaviors and outcomes when different tactics are used. Longitudinal data is needed from institutions who put different policies and procedures in place or who utilize different methods to create change. Year-over-year analysis of recruitment, hiring, advancement and terminations broken down by race, gender and ethnicity can be used to document the overall success or failure of organizational tactics, but these data cannot pinpoint which efforts were the most effective catalysts of change. It is important to begin including the evaluation of methods and the documentation of outcomes at the time that new policies, procedures and practices are put in place at academic institutions. Consideration should be given to gathering pre- and post- implementation data in an effort to help identify which tactics are truly useful. By adding more empirical data to the qualitative and survey-based research about recruiting and retaining underrepresented minorities in the academy, a stronger and more compelling case can be made for change and the best methods to employ to diversify the faculty. More must be done to enhance the experience of ethnic and racial minority faculty members on campuses. As Johnsrud and Sadao (1998) note, we must create learning opportunities for all faculty and students that result in a genuine appreciation of our commonalties and differences. University campuses could serve as exemplars for the nation in their efforts to embrace diversity and respect differences.

REFERENCES Allen, W. R., Epps, E. G., Guillory, E. A., Suh, S. A., and Bonous-Hammarth, M. (2000). The black academic: Faculty status among African Americans in U.S. higher education. The journal of negro education, 69(1-2), 112-127. Alridge, D. P. (2001). Redefining and refining scholarship for the academy: Standing on the shoulders of our elders and giving credence to African-American voice and agency. In L.

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Jones, (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: Challenging paradigms to retain students, faculty and administrators (pp. 193-206). Sterling, VA: Styles Publishing. Baez, B. (2000). Race-related service and faculty of color: conceptualizing critical agency in academe. Higher education, 39, 363-391. Bradley, C. (2005). The career experiences of African American women faculty: implications for counselor education programs. College student journal (September). Bradley, C., and Holcomb-McCoy, C. (2004). African American counselor educators: Their experiences challenges and recommendations. Counselor education and supervision, 43 (June), 258-273. Branch, A. J. (2001). How to retain African American faculty during times of challenge for higher education. In L. Jones, (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: challenging paradigms to retain students, faculty and administrators (pp. 175-192). Sterling, VA: Styles Publishing. Chronicle of Higher Education. (2009). Almanac of higher education 2009-10, LVI, 1, 25-26. Delgado, B. D., and Villalpando, O. (2002). The apartheid of knowledge in the academy: The struggle over ―legitimate‖ knowledge for faculty of color. Equity and excellence in education, 35, 169-180. Evans, G. L., and Cokley, K.O. (2008). African American women and the academy: Using career mentoring to increase research productivity. Training and education in professional psychology, 2, No. 1, 50-57. Guanipa, C., Santa Cruz, R. M., and Chao, G. (2003). Retention, tenure and promotion of Hispanic faculty in colleges of education: Working toward success within the higher education system. Journal of Hispanic higher education, 2, 187-202. Hill-Brisbane, D. A., and Dingus, J. E. (2007). Black women teacher educators: Creating enduring afrographies as leaders and change makers. Advancing women in leadership online journal, 22(1). Retrieved May 24, 2010 from http://ww w.advancingwomen.com/awl/winter2007/Hill.htm. Johnsrud, L. K., and Sadao, K. C. (1998). The common experience of ―otherness‖: Ethnic and racial minority faculty. The review of higher education, 21, 4, 315-342. Jayakumar, U. M., Howard, T. C., Allen, W. R., and Han, J. C. (2009). Racial privilege in the professoriate: An exploration of campus climate retention and satisfaction. The journal of higher education, 80, 5, 538-563. Laden, B. V., and Hagedorn, L. S. (2000). Job Satisfaction among faculty of color in academe: Individual survivors or institutional transformers? New directions for institutional research, 105, Spring, 57-66. Moreno, J. F., Smith, D. G., Clayton-Pederson A. R., Parker, S., and Teraguchi, D. H. (2006). The revolving door for underrepresented minority faculty in higher education. The James Irvine Foundation Campus Diversity Initiative Evaluation Project. Olsen, D., Maple, S. A., and Stage, F. K. (1995). Women and minority faculty job satisfaction: Professional role interests, professional satisfactions and institutional fit. The journal of higher education, 66, 3, 267-293. Pope, J., and Joseph, J. (1997). Student harassment of female faculty of African American descent in the academy. In L. Benjamin, (Ed.), Black women in the academy: promises and perils. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 252-260.

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Renzulli, L. A., Grant, L., and Kathuris, S. (2006). Race, gender, and the wage gap: Comparing faculty salaries in predominantly White and historically Black colleges and universities. Gender and society, 20, 491-510. Smith, D. G. (2000). How to diversify the faculty. Academe online. Retrieved April 1, 2009 from http://www.aaup.org/AAUP/pubsres/academe/2000/SO/Feat/smit.htm. Smith, D. G., Turner, C. S., Osei-Kofi, N., and Richards, S. (2004). Interrupting the usual: Successful strategies for hiring diverse faculty. The journal of higher education, 75 (2), 133-160. Toutkoushian, R. K., Bellas, M. L., and Moore, J. V. (2007). The interaction effects of gender, race, and marital status on faculty salaries. Journal of higher education, 78, 572601. Turner, C. S. V., Gonzalez, J. C., and Wood, J. L. (2008). Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us. Journal of diversity in higher education, 1, No. 3, 139-168. Turner, C. S. V. (2003). Incorporation and marginalization in the academy: From border toward center for faculty of color? Journal of black studies, 34, 112-125. Turner, C. S. V. (2002). Diversifying the faculty: A guidebook for search committees. Washington, D.C.: AACU. Turner, C. S. V., and Myers, S. L., Jr. (2000). Faculty of color in academe: Bittersweet success. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. University of California. (2005). University of California academic personnel manual, section 210. Retrieved May 24, 2010 from http://www.ucop.edu/acadadv/acadpers/apm/apm210.pdf. University of California. (2006). Report of the UC president‘s task force on faculty diversity. Retrieved May 24, 2010 from http://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/ facult ydiversity/report.pdf. University of California, Los Angeles. (2010). Faculty search committee toolkit. Retrieved May 24, 2010 from http://www.faculty.diversity.ucla.edu/search/searchtoolkit/index.htm. University of Michigan. (2009). STRIDE (Committee on Strategies and Tactics for Recruiting to Improve Diversity and Excellence). Retrieved May 24, 2010 from http://sitemaker.umich.edu/advance/stride Watson, L. W. (2001). The politics of tenure and promotion of African American faculty. In L. Jones, (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: challenging paradigms to retain students, faculty and administrators (pp. 235-248). Sterling, VA: Styles Publishing.

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Chapter 10

DIVERSIFYING THE CURRICULUM: LEADERSHIP TO OVERCOME INERTIA Sue Sciame-Giesecke, Kathy Parkison and Dianne Roden Indiana University Kokomo, Indiana, USA

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ABSTRACT Despite wide spread agreement of the importance of preparing students to live and work in a global and diverse world, many challenges still exist in diversifying the curriculum. Although institutions have been working for two decades on this issue, the call for change has not generated significant progress. In this chapter we provide examples of two strategies used to promote change and we address the questions, issues and practices that academic leaders should consider as they facilitate their own campus change effort.

INTRODUCTION Most of us would agree that today, college and university administrators and faculty recognize the importance of preparing students to live and work in a global and diverse world. Prompted by such books as The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century (Friedman, 2005), the global nature of our lives has come to be an accepted fact. In response many colleges and universities have established diversity as an important institutional value and have included it as part of their mission statements and strategic plans. We know that institutions have been working for two decades to diversity the curriculum and transform their institutions. Since 1990, foundations and corporate giving programs have included diversity initiatives among their funding priorities (Orfield, Bachmeier, James, and Eitle, 1997). As a result, faculty members around the country have piloted various curriculum development efforts.

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Unfortunately the call for change and financial support has not generated significant progress. Nancy Barcelo in her 2007 article in Diversity Digest outlines the current status of the diversity movement, ―I cannot recall any movement that began in higher education in the 1960s that still struggles for legitimacy as much as diversity does. Even as strategic plans voicing institutional commitment proliferate, new strategies rarely accompany them. All too often these plans are reframed versions of early compensatory programs that primarily focus on access. They frequently ignore the need for policies that promote systemic organizational change—policies that would push campus diversity efforts to new levels‖ (Barcelo, 2007). James Anderson (2008) in his book, Driving Change Through Diversity and Globalization, offers up another explanation for the failure, ―faculty members are just beginning to learn and understand how diversity can elevate the quality of teaching, their research agendas, and their interactions with students and with one another.‖ (p. 4, Anderson, 2008). Omiunota Nelly Ukpokodu, founder and facilitator of the Diversity Curriculum Infusion Program at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, continues with this line of argument by suggesting that, “Inclusive teaching does not come easily to faculty members who were themselves taught from monocultural perspectives and with limited knowledge of diversity. Often the requirement to incorporate diversity generates fear and resistance. As a result, many faculty and college instructors continue to be complacent about monocultural curricula, even as they increasingly interact with students from diverse racial, ethnic, gender, and linguistic backgrounds‖ (Ukpokodu, 2007). The Wall Street Journal even noted, ―As much as diversity is something we prize, the truth is that people often feel baffled, threatened or even annoyed by persons with views and backgrounds very different from their own‖(Manzoni, Strebel, and Barsoux, 2010). Laura Rendón in her keynote address at the AACandU 2006 Diversity and Learning Conference, ―Pedagogy of Sentipensate: Recasting Institutional Core Agreements,‖ argues that revamping our institutional belief systems is the key to moving diversity work into the twenty-first century. These belief systems, she says, ―are the hegemonic structures that perpetuate the status quo‖ (Rendón, 2007). Sustaining those institutional structures are our core agreements. Rendón speaks of two different categories of agreement: agreements about ―diversity‖ and agreements about ―teaching and learning.‖ She indicates the need to ―reframe‖ these agreements. Speaking of agreements about diversity, Rendón cites the agreement of silence: the refusal to discuss difference for fear of creating discomfort. She calls us to consider what things would be like if, instead of shying away from our ―discomfort,‖ we were to ―embrace‖ it; she suggests recasting difference not as a detriment, but as an asset. A second agreement regarding diversity is the belief that diversity initiatives can be minimized, that only ―cosmetic‖ changes are necessary. Rendón recommends that we rethink this agreement and demand ―structural changes‖: new faculty, new recruitment processes, new curricula, improved campus climates, and accountability for those in leadership positions. She calls us to ―institute the scholarship of diversity,‖ to use ―qualitative and quantitative‖ arguments as we recruit new workers to our cause (Rendón, 2007). With these telling critiques of the diversity movement, administrators and faculty members are left with several questions. How should administrators and faculty respond? What is the best approach to initiate institutional transformation? What is the best way to facilitate an effective diversity change effort? Nancy Barcelo in her 2007 article notes that ―In using the bold term ‗transformation,‘ we are moving beyond access, beyond boundaries, beyond restrictive definitions and conceptual frameworks to create new ways of being, acting,

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teaching, learning, and knowing. By transforming our teaching, research, and service programs, we will achieve academic excellence, address social justice, and begin to solve some of the most challenging problems of our time‖ (Barcelo, 2007). In this chapter we provide examples of two strategies used by a Midwest multi-campus university as they facilitated their change efforts. First we describe a larger university systemwide effort grounded in a faculty development strategy and then an individual campus effort which changed the reward system hoping to affect change. Finally, we address the questions, issues, policies, and change processes that administrators should consider as they facilitate their own campus change effort.

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AN EFFORT TO CREATE A FACULTY DEVELOPMENT AND ASSESSMENT EFFORT Our first example involves a larger university system that initiated a change effort through an annual two-day conference held each year for five years and a peer review assessment process to evaluate the outcomes. Each year faculty members from all eight campuses gathered to learn more about and to develop and test a range of strategies to transform the existing curriculum. The goals of the annual conferences were to bring awareness to the need to infuse diversity and equity into the curriculum and to provide support to faculty to begin that process. The topics included: What does it mean to transform the curriculum? What student learning outcomes can we expect? What is the ―culture of evidence‖ that a campus could provide to demonstrate that diversity efforts really have an impact?‖ What is the best strategy to help faculty infuse diversity and equity into gateway courses such as sociology, psychology, public speaking, English Composition and introductory science courses? As a mechanism to assess the status of diversity and equity efforts after the five year time period, campuses were provided a diversity portfolio template and partnered with another campus to engage in an exchange of self-study, site visits, and peer feedback. The peer review process was intended to give campuses with similar characteristics an opportunity to have open conversations, share effective practices, and provide feedback that would facilitate future action at the campus and system levels. Effective self-study and review processes build from the unique context of each individual campus. The purpose of the self-study and review was to enable campus teams to converse about the diversity work on partner campuses leading to a judgment about campus and system-wide strengths and challenges. The Campus Diversity Portfolio Self-Study and Review Process entailed four steps: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Assembling the Campus Diversity Portfolio for review by the partner campus; Planning, scheduling, and conducting site-visits between partner campuses; Providing the partner campus with constructive, evaluative feedback; and Developing a reflective response on the process and partner campus feedback for a later conference presentation.

In the diversity portfolio, teams were asked to address and provide recent and concise information for the following four areas: (1) institutional leadership and commitment, (2) Diversity Management: Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches : Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Approaches, Nova Science

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curricular and co-curricular transformation, (3) campus climate, and (4) representational diversity. To promote a consistent format, teams were given a template, to which they could modify questions and/or add items as they deemed necessary to illustrate unique campus efforts. Teams were also encouraged to include an introductory section describing the general context for and approach to diversity and equity efforts and a concluding reflective statement identifying issues and concerns for their partner team to consider during a campus visit. The results of this faculty development strategy to create change indicate that it did make a difference. Faculty members made an effort to build diversity outcomes into their general education core or developed a diversity requirement. Some majors created explicit learning goals related to diversity. However, no campus reported assessment practices to evaluate the extent to which in-class or co-curricular activities prepared students to live and work in a diverse world. In other words, all campuses reported having a general education diversity requirement with some of that work being continued in a student‘s major, yet no campus had an existing process to assess whether curricular transformation had an impact on student learning. When asked to evaluate the peer review process, campus representatives overwhelmingly described it as an effective means by which to engage in discourse about diversity and equity. Helpful collaboration with colleagues, obtaining both internal and external perspectives on diversity, and having an open exchange of ideas were just a few noteworthy comments from participants. The peer review strategy also appears to hold promise for creating change.

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AN EFFORT TO CHANGE THE REWARD STRUCTURE In addition to participating in the system wide conferences, one campus implemented a change in the faculty members‘ annual report form. Each faculty member was required to include in their annual self-assessment of their teaching a summary of their teaching and curriculum development efforts with respect to diversity. The exact wording was, ―Summarize your teaching and curriculum development efforts on issues relative to diversity.‖ The goal of the institution was to bring awareness to the need to infuse diversity and equity into the curriculum by adding it to the annual review process in an effort to affect change through the reward structure. An analysis of the annual report statements from six schools within the campus: Arts and Sciences, Business, Education, Nursing, Allied Health, and Public and Environmental Affairs were examined over a five year period (2003-2007). In addition, a follow up survey was conducted to capture a more detailed description of faculty efforts. The researchers utilized the Marchesani and Adams (Marchesani and Adams, 1992) four-dimensional multicultural teaching model as a framework for the analysis. The model contains four dimensions of the dynamics of diversity in the teaching-learning process: faculty, teaching methods, course content, and students. The faculty dimension includes knowing oneself, being aware of one‘s past socialization, and examining one‘s beliefs, attitudes, and assumptions. Teaching methods looks at how faculty teach, broadening teaching strategies to address multiple learning styles and developing classroom norms that emphasize respect, fairness and equity. Course content includes what is taught in a curriculum of inclusion that represents diverse perspectives. The fourth dimension represents the students and understanding who they are, being sensitive to

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their various social and cultural backgrounds, and the different ways in which they experience the classroom environment (Sciame-Giesecke, Roden, and Parkison, 2009). In their study, ―The Importance of Faculty Development in the Diversity and Equity Course Transformation Process,‖ it was found that faculty members are: addressing diversity topics and issues in their courses; incorporating a variety of teaching strategies and willing to make changes to enhance diversity and equity in the curriculum. However, along with these strengths, faculty members also identified numerous challenges that they face including: a lack of knowledge of how to teach diversity; a lack of knowledge of different learning styles; a need to discuss teaching diversity with other faculty; a need to learn about their own socialization and how it affects their teaching; and a need for campus assistance to make changes. According to James Anderson, ―Diversity is not associated with the extrinsic and intrinsic rewards that motivate faculty and diversity is not a part of the regular business of academic departments. For faculty to value diversity it needs to be connected to traditional extrinsic incentives such as promotion and tenure, reduced teaching loads, faculty stipends, and salary increases, and faculty development initiatives‖ (p. 59, Anderson, 2008). As reported in the paper, ―Infusing Diversity into the Curriculum: What Are Faculty Members Actually Doing?‖ (Sciame-Giesecke, Roden, and Parkison, 2009), there was very little growth in faculty efforts over time. For example, if they added content, they were likely to only continue to add content and ignore pedagogy or other elements of diversity. Furthermore, the annual report strategy did not generate sustained institutional change. Some faculty members reported the same statement year after year, and did not add new dimensions each year. In other words, they worked to meet the requirement and that was all. Although one would assume that people respond to incentives, changing only the annual reward structure does not appear to be enough. Unfortunately, this structural change was not aligned with the faculty development system or with the promotion and tenure system.

CHANGE PROCESS CONSIDERATIONS If universities really want change, then they will need to overcome inertia. This is not to imply faculty do not care about diversity, rather it is an acknowledgement that faculty lead very busy lives with teaching, research and service and diversity may be viewed as ―yet something new that is added to their list of chores.‖ Newton‘s First Law of Motion (sometimes known as the Law of Inertia) states that an object in motion tends to stay in motion with the same speed and in the same direction unless acted up by an outside force. If a faculty member is uncertain about how to infuse diversity into the curriculum or how to lead a discussion about a controversial topic, then the easiest thing to do is to do nothing and continue along the same path. If we truly want to change the way we teach and address diversity, then we need an external force to overcome this inertia. The key learning outcome that emerged from our review of the literature and analysis of examples of campus efforts like the ones discussed above, is that a successful diversity curriculum change effort is dependent on a multi-faceted approach: bringing awareness to the need for and the importance of diversity efforts through enhanced research and assessment

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efforts, creating faculty development opportunities that engage faculty in the work and aligning the reward structure with campus goals and faculty work.

Figure 1. Change occurs when we build upon the interconnected relationships among Faculty Awareness, Faculty Development and Faculty Rewards.

First, faculty members need help understanding how diversity enhances student learning outcomes. A faculty member, say in math, may not understand how different learning styles and the faculty member‘s personal biases may play a role in student learning. Secondly, faculty members clearly need training and faculty development on how to teach these subjects, and how to better understand themselves and their students. Lastly, faculty members need external motivators in terms of rewards. Even if an individual faculty member believes diversity is important, if they do not believe the university system values and rewards diversity, they are not going to change. As economic decision makers in a time of limited resources, faculty members are weighing costs and benefits in terms of deciding where to spend their time. University leaders must simultaneously engage in each of these activities to move their institutions incrementally towards transformation. As Barcelo warns us, there is a need for systemic organizational change if we are to push diversity efforts to a new level (Barcelo, 2007). If we are truly going to realize as Rendón states, ―new faculty, new recruitment processes, new curricula, improved campus climates, and accountability for those in leadership positions,‖ (Rendón, 2007) then an integrated approach is essential. Clearly, in the example where the annual reward structure was changed but faculty development efforts did not accompany that change, success was not realized. On the other hand, when the faculty

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development efforts were emphasized but the reward system did not recognize the work, legitimacy of the efforts was not realized.

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AWARENESS AND ASSESSMENT The first challenge for colleges and university leaders is convincing campus constituencies of the importance of the work. Transformative change will occur when assessment practices confirm that infusing diversity and equity into the curriculum prepares students to live and work in our global, diverse world. In addition, diversity outcomes must be linked to educational excellence for the 21st century. If we can help faculty understand that without diverse perspectives in the classroom, we are not preparing students for the world in which they will live. As we noted in the introduction of this chapter, we must move beyond the rhetoric in our campus vision and mission statements and begin to focus on our teaching learning outcomes and assessment practices. Sylvia Hurtado in her article, ―The next generation of diversity and intergroup relations research,‖ has been pioneering this effort since 2005 (Hurtado, 2005). In this study she reported that students who have an opportunity to take a diversified curriculum scored higher on learning outcomes such as complex thinking skills and cultural awareness. Since many faculty members are stuck, if you will, in moving forward with this work, it is essential that academic leadership be committed to an evidence based culture to demonstrate the importance of diversity. We must move beyond asking faculty to report their diversity work on an annual report to supporting the assessment of their work and follow through in the feedback loop. We must continue to call for institutions that are preparing 21st century citizens and in that call demand evidence to support that claim. What evidence do we have that each of students in our majors is prepared to live and work in a diverse world? In addition, as leaders we must shape discourse among faculty that defines diversity as academic excellence, as a path to preparing students to live and work in a diverse world, and as an essential learning outcome. The diversity portfolio peer review process discussed earlier is a step in the right direction. Accrediting bodies have helped higher education embrace a culture of assessment. Campus leaders must build upon that work by adding diversity to the list of core learning outcomes in both general education and major programs. A call for evidence will provide the foundation for this transformative curriculum change effort.

FACULTY DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITIES With evidence as the initial motivator, support must be provided to move from motivation to action. Earlier faculty members identified numerous challenges that they face as they try to infuse diversity and equity into the curriculum including a lack of knowledge of how to teach diversity; a lack of knowledge of different learning styles; a need to discuss teaching diversity with other faculty; a need to learn about their own socialization and how it affects their teaching; and a need for campus assistance to make changes. In addition, it was reported that the call to diversify the curriculum often generates fear and resistance among faculty who were not taught from a diverse perspective. Thus faculty development efforts must begin with the current status of faculty members, provide everyone with an entry point,

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and then work to help them move to the next level. For example, often faculty members in math and science are at a loss as to how they can diversify their curriculum. They lack understanding of the four components of a multicultural teaching model that includes more than only content. Yet others embrace content because it is a natural fit for their courses, yet are unsure of how to effectively facilitate difficult conversations that emerge in the classroom. Faculty come from a wide variety of disciplines and training and therefore campus leaders must provide a variety of entry points into this process. Academic leaders, including chairs, deans, and chief academic officers must partner with their faculty development centers to provide opportunities for faculty to explore these issues and concerns. Again, they must work to shape discourse around this important pedagogical issue to strategically move diversity efforts forward. It is not enough to assume that center directors will see the importance of the work and understand that the journey will be a long, complex one. Providing a workshop once a year is not the sustained effort that is needed to transform the curriculum. Faculty must first understand the four dynamics involved in multicultural teaching, be able to discuss the issues that arise from including diverse topics in the curriculum, and know that they will be supported as they take risks in the classroom. Finally, faculty must be involved in conversations about how this development work can be valued and rewarded. Some of their key concerns will the time involved, the value of the work, and the risks involved.

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REWARD STRUCTURE Building upon the evidenced based culture that defines diversity as the foundation of academic excellence and faculty development as the outward and visible sign that embodies that culture, the reward structure is the last piece in the integrated model. The faculty reward structure at most campuses is based on teaching/learning and scholarship/creative activities, with service as an often minor component. Therefore, efforts to change the reward system must be based on those areas that resonate with faculty. Annually faculty should receive feedback on their efforts to diversify the curriculum. The feedback needs to be formative in nature to encourage more exploration and growth. As faculty move toward tenure, the voice of academic leaders needs to affirm that excellence in teaching is about providing evidence that their courses are preparing 21st century learners. We need to encourage faculty to engage in the scholarship of teaching and learning whereby faculty begin to explore strategies that provide evidence that students are prepared to live and work in a diverse society. The scholarship of diversity is a rich area for research. As James Anderson says ―another important extrinsic incentive is identification of new research topics associated with diversity and the increase in research productivity that would result (p. 59, Anderson, 2008). Academic leaders need to shape conversations about diversity as a scholarly activity and affirm that the scholarship of diversity can contribute to the research agenda of individual faculty or the department. As a result, they can help faculty see diversity as a potential research area and can help faculty integrate diversity research with their traditional areas of research. Leaders need to help faculty understand that the scholarship of diversity can promote a unique analysis of their discipline and of their scholarship.

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All of us know that promotion and tenure criteria at any institution are what ultimately drive faculty work. In order to achieve change in this area we must link diversity work to excellence in teaching or the scholarship of diversity. As campus leaders we must engage faculty in earnest conversations about what motivates them to do this work and how best this work could fit into the campus promotion and tenure process. Clearly, this is a daunting task, but one that calls for leadership now if we are ever to see progress.

CONCLUSION Campus leaders have a large task in front of them. Small changes, such as individual faculty curriculum development efforts have not led to systemic change. Therefore, administrators need to embrace a multi-faceted approach to diversity: encouraging campus awareness of diversity issues through the creation of an evidence-based culture, creating faculty development opportunities, and adjusting the reward system. All three are needed simultaneously to result in real change. Academic leadership must be committed to an evidence-based culture that allows them to shape discourse that defines diversity as academic excellence. As they invite faculty members to embrace this work they must provide an entry point for all faculty that reduces their fear and resistance. Finally, they must begin the work of modifying our current promotion and tenure criteria so that diversity efforts can be valued and rewarded. In order to overcome the current inertia in how we prepare our students to live and work in this diverse world, academic leaders must address all three of these elements to realize true systemic change.

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REFERENCES Anderson, J. (2008). Driving Change Through Diversity and Globalization. Sterling, Virginia: Stylus Publishing. Barcelo, N. (2007). Transforming Our Institutions for the Twenty-first Century: The Role of the Chief Diversity Office. Retrieved May 31, 2010, from Diversity Digest: Institutional Leadership and Commitment: http://www.diversityweb.org/digest/vol10no2/barcelo.cfm Cohn, E., and Mullenix, J. (2007). Diversity As An Integral Component of College Curriculum. In E. Cohn, and J. Mullenix, Diversity Across the Curriculum: A Guide For Faculty in Higher Education (pp. 11-17). Boston, MA: Anker. Friedman, T. (2005). The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. New York: Farrer, Straus and Giroux. Manzoni, J.-F., Strebel, P., and Barsoux, J.-L. (2010, January 25). Why Diversity Can Backfire on Company Boards. Governance . The Wall Street Journal. Marchesani, L., and Adams, M. (1992). Dynamics of Diversity in the Teaching-Learning Process: A Faculty Development Model for Analysis and Action. In M. (. Adams, Promoting Diversity in College Classrooms (Vol. 52, pp. 9 - 18). San Francisco: JosseyBass.

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McTighe Musil, C., Garcia, M., Hudgins, C., Nettles, M., Sedlacek, W., and Smith, D. (1999). To Form a More Perfect Union: Campus Diversity Initiatives. Washington D.C.: Association of American Colleges and Universities. Orfield, G., Bachmeier, M., James, D., and Eitle, T. M. (1997). Deepening Segregation in American Public Schools. Equity and Excellence in Education , 30, 5-24. Rendón, L. (2007). The Pedagogy of Sentipensante:Recasting Institutional Core Agreements. Retrieved May 31, 2010, from Diversity Digest: http://www.diversityweb. org/di gest/vol10no2/vol10no2.pdf. Sciame-Giesecke, S., Roden, D., and Parkison, K. (2009). Infusing Diversity Into the Curriculum: What are Faculty Members Actually Doing. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education , 1-10. Ukpokodu, O. N. (2007). A Sustainable Campus-Wide Program for Diversity Curriculum Infusion. Retrieved May 31, 2010, from Diversity Digest: http://www.diversityweb. org/digest/vol10no2/vol10no2.pdf.

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Chapter 11

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTICULTURALISM *

David X. Cheng City University of Hong Kong, China

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ABSTRACT International education has long been a part of American college education. However, the recent trend of globalization has changed American colleges and universities in very profound ways. While the previous efforts to promote multicultural education on campus were centered on student learning and development, the current drive to internationalize carries more complicated motivations, political, economic, and institutional. This chapter represents the author‘s attempt to re-conceptualize international education in the context of multiculturalism. The author proposes to re-organize international education functions on campus, with students‘ experience of diversity and learning of multiculturalism being placed at the center of an institution‘s international education agenda.

INTRODUCTION Colleges and universities in the U.S. have long embraced the idea of multiculturalism, believing that higher education institutions ought to prepare students for active participation in the future society, which is becoming increasingly diverse. Hidden behind this general consensus, however, is the fact that, diversity or multiculturalism, to American educators, is more of a domestic issue than international. Programmatically, colleges and universities nowadays are more than ready to expose our students to different subcultures in the U.S., races, ethnicities, religions, sexual orientations, etc., but do not always know exactly where international education fits in. As a result, multicultural education and international education *

The author wishes to acknowledge the invaluable contribution to this chapter by Dr. Chun-Mei Zhao, Senior Scholar of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, who helped the development of ideas in this chapter.

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not only fall into two separate fields in the research literature, but are also managed by separate offices on many college campuses. Some believe that international programs and multicultural initiatives ought to be kept separate. Stearns (2009, p. 18) is worried that international education could be confined to cultural issues if mixed with multicultural programs, and he feels that multicultural programs are concerned with American subcultures and thus not quite compatible with international programs. Such a state of separation seemed to have worked well until recently, when the force of globalization had caught on quickly in the higher education scene, largely to the surprise of many educators. Globalization is ―the flow of technology, economy, knowledge, people, values and ideas ... across borders. … [It] is a multifaceted process with economic, social, political and cultural implications for higher education‖ (Knight and DeWit, 1997). When nation-states are no longer the sole providers of higher education and student mobility around the world has become easier than ever, maintaining business as usual on American campuses has become very difficult, if not impossible. For instance, during his recent trip to China, President Obama pledged to send 100,000 students to China over the next four years. Right now, while nearly 100,000 Chinese students come to the United States each year, the United States sends about 20,000 students to China (See Chronicle of Higher Education, blog post November 18, 2009). Given the rising economic power as well as its increasing importance in international affairs, China deserves serious attention from any policy makers who are concerned about the future of our nation‘s competitiveness relative to such emerging economies as China and India. Still, the feasibility of this initiative seems to be a problem. While thousands of Chinese students came to the U.S. to pursue undergraduate and graduate degrees every year, equipped with years of English training, how many of our students know enough Chinese to readily enter China‘s classrooms and be able to follow, let along pursuing academic degrees? In addition, since international education had not been part of multicultural education in most colleges, American students may not be ready, culturally and logistically, to go to China and be able to take full advantage of the learning opportunity. With limited cultural exposure, how much do we expect our 100,000 students to learn during their one semester or even one year stay in China? In terms of learning outcomes, American students‘ gains from their short-term stay abroad can hardly be compared with that of Chinese students, who are mostly here to pursue full degrees. More and more of these Chinese students these days go back to China after graduation with much deeper appreciation of our culture and understanding of our society. Of course, American colleges and universities are no stranger to international education. Some of the common forms include internationalization of curriculum, short-term study abroad programs, recruitment of international students, and summer internship programs in cross-national corporations. More recently American institutions, along with their counterparts in Europe and Australia, have expanded beyond their national borders and set up branch campuses and twinning programs around the world. The problem is: if preparing our students for the increasingly diverse society is the ultimate goal of multicultural education, and the diverse society in the future will always have an international component, then no multicultural education in today‘s college campuses is complete without an international dimension. Seen from this perspective, the current activities under the name of ―international education‖ or ―internationalization‖ are indeed confusing, conceptually and operationally. Not only the purposes of sending students to study abroad and setting up branch campuses overseas differ greatly, but the beneficiaries of these activities also vary from program to

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program. Therefore, instead of arguing for the separation of international education from multicultural education, researchers and practitioners may need to first articulate various internationalization initiatives in the context of multicultural education, so that we can better manage diversity on campus. Managing diversity is like playing with a giant jigsaw puzzle: each piece contributes to the whole picture, though some pieces are easier to fit in than the others. The purpose of this chapter is to find a rightful place for the international piece in the multicultural puzzle.

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FROM SEPARATION TO INTEGRATION In today‘s college campuses, the division of labor among various administrative units is a mixed blessing. Early colleges followed the Oxbridge model, with tutors living in residential colleges with the students. In those days, college faculty took care of student affairs, academic advising, residential life, psychological counseling, institutional research, and many other jobs that are nowadays part of higher education administration (Cheng, 2009). Had faculty continued to do these jobs while engaging in teaching and research, there would have not been any need for such separation between student affairs and academic affairs, residential programs and student activities, multicultural education and international education, etc. The professionalization of administrative functions in colleges and universities came with the adoption of the German model of research university, when faculty became too busy to engage in activities beyond teaching and research. The massification of higher education has further reinforced the need for professionals with specialized knowledge to develop effective education programs in order to achieve a whole host of goals set for today‘s ―multiversity.‖ The practice of modern medicine offers a good analogy. The deepening of human knowledge in our own bodies calls for specialists to attack different kinds of diseases. Inevitably, when perfecting their knowledge and skills in special fields of study, these specialists also develop their blind spots due to lack of experience as generalists. Similarly, in colleges and universities, if we acknowledge the fact that faculty are specialists who can only teach the subject of their own expertise, it is unreasonable to expect student affairs administrators to be capable of addressing all aspects of students‘ co-curricular life on campus. Interestingly enough, the mission of many colleges, especially liberal arts colleges, calls for developing leaders of the future society by cultivating the ―whole person,‖ but the task has become so daunting that each academic or administrative unit can only claim one piece of the job. Therefore, the separation of multicultural education and international education is understandable, though not always justifiable. Given today‘s globalized higher educational environment, integration of these two functions in colleges has become a necessary condition in achieving the mission and goals of liberal education. In other words, it is student learning and development that justify the need for a student-focused, integrated, and coherent institutional agenda for multicultural/international education. The profound impact of the civil rights movement has forever changed the American society, as well as the nation‘s college campuses. Some forty years ago higher education professionals rose to the challenge and have since successfully launched and implemented

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multicultural education programs in every college campus, making it an integral part of American college education. With the advancement of information technology, especially the rapid expansion of internet coverage around the world since mid-1990s, the forces of globalization have completely transformed the way people and different societies relate to each other. The challenge has risen once again for colleges and universities to address the impact of globalization and to integrate the international component into students‘ college experience. ―Internationalization, to a certain extent, is a response to the impacts of globalization‖ (Chan, 2004, 33). The previous experience of promoting domestic diversity and integrating different American subcultures into the higher education scene may serve as a good reference, but to do the same in the international front poses a very different set of challenges. Simply bringing more international students to campus will not do the trick, just as recruiting more minority students did not automatically create diversity on campus.

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THE RATIONALES BEHIND INTERNATIONALIZATION Both international education and multicultural education share a common purpose of creating a diverse environment on campus to cultivate students‘ multicultural competencies. However, programs under the umbrella of international education usually carry motivations more than just enhancing student experience. While this may be the reason why international operations remain separate from multicultural operations on campus, a careful examination of various rationales for internationalization may shed light on why international education is so difficult to fit into the context of multiculturalism. First, the desire to internationalize higher education has always accompanied by political rationale. After the World War II, Federal measures such as Title VI of the National Defense Education Act, the Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship, and the Fulbright Act were then employed to foster competence in the international arena (Horn, Hendel and Fry, 2007). The need for internationally competent and culturally sensitive Americans to engage in work and volunteer efforts alongside people of all nations has become even more salient in the post-9/11 world. Second, the economic rationale for internationalization exists at both individual and institutional levels. While in the past developing multicultural competence (i.e., learning about American subcultures) was mainly related to character building and leadership skills development, the development of international competence clearly carries potential financial benefits. Adding an international dimension will not only enhance students‘ multicultural competence, it can also improve college graduates‘ chances in the globally competitive job market and for lucrative careers in cross-national corporations. At the institutional level, colleges and universities are driven by potential financial benefits for attracting self-financed international students and for profits of setting up educational programs in such emerging markets as United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and China, where people are willing to pay a premium for American degrees. It is estimated that the higher education market abroad is valued at $111 billion per year (Arnone, 2002). Since most international students pay for their own education, ―[T]he estimated $13 billion coming to the U.S. economy each year is a significant revenue source‖ (Altbach, 2005).

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Third, faced with stiff competition domestically, institutions, especially those less prestigious ones, are always on the lookout for opportunities to raise institutional visibility in new markets. Setting up outposts or bringing more international students to campus are common internationalization initiatives that have the potential to enhance institutional reputation abroad. When interviewed by The New York Times about the motive to set up a branch campus in China, Kean University president Farahi said, ―it is precisely because we‘re third tier that I have to find things that jettison us out of our orbit and into something spectacular‖ (Lewin, 2008). It is worth noting that, though each of the above-mentioned rationales has something to do with student learning and development, the absence of a student focus is quite obvious. Although political, economic, and institutional considerations of internationalization are well justified, these rationales can only be meaningful when students become the primary beneficiaries. For instance, in the name of internationalization, higher education institutions in the developed world have actively pursued opportunities to set up educational offerings abroad and/or delivered courses from institutions‘ indigenous countries to a foreign country. To date, the U.S. is the largest exporter of higher education in the world (Dessoff, 2007). Not much ink has been spilled about the goals and expected outcomes of student learning and experience from institutional outreach efforts, since the participation of students from home campuses has not been high on the priority list of those who are responsible for setting up outposts. With respect to configuration of branch campuses or twinning programs, focus is normally on the delivery of educational programs from home institutions to the students in hosting countries, with very little consideration given to how students in home campuses can benefit from an overseas operation. Once the potential benefits of students from home campuses are taken off the equation, the educational value of these international programs is called into question. Stearns (2009) believes that ―a branch operation or ambitious joint degree or consultative project can pull people at the home campus out of conventional constraints, forcing them to think about broader international issues in ways that redound to the benefit of other facets of a global education program‖ (p. 144). However, these benefits cannot be assumed unless students from home campuses have the opportunity to be part of the overseas educational operations and have interactions with students in hosting countries. A cursory review of American outposts overseas yield few, if any, instances running on such a participatory model.

(RE)CONCEPTUALIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION Like it or not, higher education institutions are embracing the impact of globalization with no other alternatives. Globalization raises the level of competition among institutions, forces administrators to generate extra resources to pay for the rising cost of running the institution, puts relentless pressures on faculty to innovate and publish, and gives students and their families tremendous power to choose among colleges not just in their own countries but literally around the world. Globalization has also introduced the market force into the ivory tower.

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Unlike in the business sector, where success is defined by performance (e.g., stock value and profit), quality in higher education is an elusive concept. The public simply has no way of judging academic success or failure of any academic units, even scholars in adjacent fields do not feel comfortable judging each other. Consequently, prestige becomes a surrogate indicator of academic quality and thus plays a crucial role in the competition (Brewer, Gates, and Goldman, 2004). Prestige brings resources to institutions through higher tuition, more research dollars, and private donations. The only problem is: prestige does not come overnight. It takes Harvard nearly 400 years to become Harvard, Columbia 250 year to become Columbia. This fact alone puts most institutions on an unequal footing when it comes to competing in the higher education marketplace. Internationalization, therefore, is seen by many institutions as one of the most effective measures they can take to catch up in this fiercely competitive game. Developing collaborative relationships with foreign institutions helps: it promotes institutional brand name overseas, increases institutional edge in competing for high-caliber faculty and students across borders, and offers students and faculty opportunities to study and do research abroad. Opening branch campuses, though quite challenging, promises immediate financial benefits. Carnegie Mellon makes it very clear that it hopes to earn revenue for its main campus from its branch campuses (Bullag, 2006). Altbach explicitly stated in an interview that, ―in my view, it‘s mostly about money. They all need the money‖ (quoted in Dessoff, 2007, p. 27). Institutions can use the surpluses earned from foreign operations for support of and investment in their home campuses (Zemsky, 2008). People inside and outside of the academe may criticize these commercialization practices of higher education institutions (e.g., Kirp, 2003; Hersh and Mellow, 2006), but no one can deny the fact that today‘s higher education institutions are faced with a competitive marketplace, no longer confined in the ivory tower. Competing for recognition, prestige, resources, etc. is a matter of survival for many institutions, especially for the less prestigious ones. It is in this context that a (re)conceptualization of internationalization becomes necessary. Figure 1 offers a conceptual map of international education in today‘s institutional environment. Here internationalization is seen as a necessary response to the impacts of globalization. Internationalization efforts on campus, therefore, can be divided into two major functions, with one designed to serve the needs of the institution and the other, individual students. This division of labor, however, is totally different from the above-mentioned effort to separate international education from multicultural education. On the contrary, the part of international education aimed at increasing international diversity is an integral part of an institution‘s multicultural education, while the operations of international affairs, which serves as an important function of today‘s higher education institution, is another part of an institution‘s internationalization efforts and indirectly supports its international diversity initiatives. Of course, institutions vary in their need as well as daily operations in the international front, with some international affairs offices handling only such routine duties as student visa issues, international protocol services, while others involving extensive external relations, including inbound and outbound academic exchanges, overseas promotion, international student recruitment, etc.

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Figure 1. A Conceptual Map of International Education in the Context of Multiculturalism.

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The key to this conceptual map is the idea that students are central to the success of any institution‘s attempt to internationalize. ―Students are the primary reason why a university should embrace internationalization‖ (Wood, 2010). This approach to international education is consistent with the multicultural argument that is already widely accepted today as part of the mission for higher education: ―[H]igher education is obliged both to advance knowledge and to educate those who will become active in the professions and in society. Racial and ethnic differences are relevant to both these goals….diversity is a critically important factor in creating the richly varied educational experience that helps students learn and prepares them for participation in a democracy that is characterized by diversity‖ (Gurin, 1999, p. 36).

Our conceptual map expands the diversity concept to include the international dimension as a key component of multicutural education. As a matter of fact, one can never emphasize enough the importance of international diversity in an institution‘s multicultural education agenda. If students are to play leadership roles in the society as a whole, they need to be prepared to deal with the global environment that confronts them today and will continue to challenge them in the future. ―Both domestic and international students must be woven into any institution‘s ‗international fabric‘ if a genuinely globalized on-campus and communitywide environment is to be achieved‖ (Wood, 2010).

(RE)ORGANIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION The purpose of conceptualizing or re-conceptualizing international education in today‘s college campus is to help institutions organize or re-organize it. But what kind of ―international fabric‖ should a higher education institution put in place so that students can have true experience of diversity?

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As part of students‘ diversity/multicultural experience, international education can be (re)organized at three different levels, i.e., structural, curricular and interactional. This (re)organization mirrors well-established multicultural education practices on many campuses: the structural diversity represents the demographic composition of the student body; the curricular diversity represents the degree to which human and cultural diversity is represented in the curriculum; and the interactional diversity is the extent to which students from diverse backgrounds actually come into contact and interact in educationally purposeful ways (Hu and Kuh, 2003, p. 320-321) At the structural level, most American colleges and universities still enjoy the advantage of world-wide reputation in educational quality, and thus do not seem to have much trouble attracting international students. However, competition among American institutions in attracting highly talented international students has heated up considerably over the past decade or so. This phenomenon offers a partial explanation why many institutions, especially the less-prestigious ones, have shown a great enthusiasm to venture abroad. The record of success of these ventures is mixed, but one fact remains true in most cases: there has been little evidence showing that students in home institutions have actually benefited from these overseas operations. Given that a diverse student body proves to be effective in creating a learning environment that leads to increased probability for students to interact with peers from different backgrounds (Gurin, 1999), institutions striving to enhance their structural diversity should not only continue their efforts to attract more international students to home campuses, but also create learning opportunities for home campus students in their overseas outposts. At the classroom level, the effort to introduce international content into college curricula can be traced back to the World War I period when Columbia University faculty cooperated with the U.S. Army to create a ―war issues‖ course for the Student Army Training Corps, which became a new course after the War presented as a ―peace issues‖ course to meet the knowledge demand of a world that continued to grow more complex and more integrated (Cross, 1995). This course evolved into the earliest, best-known undergraduate Core Curriculum at Columbia and marked the beginning of a new tradition of America‘s liberal arts education – international, multicultural curriculum requirements for undergraduate education. Over the past ninety years American colleges have developed a core set of curricular requirements that promote ―learning and thought about the variety of civilizations and the diversity of traditions that have formed the modern world and continue to interact in the world today‖ (Columbia College, ND). Following this tradition, many institutions today ―require one or more courses with multicultural content and provide a steady stream of cultural awareness workshops, beginning with new student orientation and continuing throughout the academic year‖ (Hu and Kuh, 2003). At the interactional level, existing research suggests that diverse peers in the learning environment could improve intergroup relations and mutual understanding (Hurtado et al., 1999). In an empirical study Hu and Kuh (2003) conclude that ―experiences with interactional diversity have positive effects for virtually all students in all types of postsecondary institutions with a wide range of desirable college outcomes.‖ Less is known, however, about the effects of American students‘ interactions with their international peers within and beyond the classroom, though the existing institutional efforts to recruit more international students seem to assume that the interactional effects with international students are similar to that with domestic minority groups. Preliminary empirical research has revealed positive

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outcomes. For example, using data from a survey of the Institute for the International Education of Students (IES) conducted of 17,000 participants of its programs between 1950 and 1999, Norris and Gillespie (2009, p. 395) found that ―studying abroad truly does change one‘s life. Living and studying in another country engage and affect participants‘ personal development, worldview, and intellectual and cultural interests, influencing their future decisions.‖ Once students‘ experience of diversity is placed at the center of an institution‘s international education agenda, international initiatives and existing multicultural programs on campus can start to mingle. While students‘ exposure to international diversity depends largely on the availability of opportunities for both inbound and outbound exchanges, the extent to which an institution can successfully establish its international reputation also relies heavily on the quality of student experience in the international front. For instance, if an institution chooses to turn their overseas branch campus into a cash cow, not only students in the home campus will gain little from such operations, but the institution‘s reputation may also suffer as a result. Operationally, the old debate about whether the international office on campus should be a centralized one or not (Van de Water, 2000) also becomes less important. Such a dichotomy is more about ―control of resources, determination of curriculum, opportunities to travel, and the perception of power and status‖ (Brockington, 2002, p. 284) than about students‘ multicultural experience. A centralized international affairs office can certainly play an important role in finding opportunities for both inbound and outbound exchanges, but individual colleges or schools may work more effectively in enhancing students‘ multicultural/international experience at the curricular and interactive levels. Therefore, either centralized or decentralized international operations can be well justified using our conceptual model, as long as students‘ educational experience remains in the center of the organizational design.

CONCLUSION International education has long been a part of American college education, consisting of such traditional functions as foreign language training, study-abroad programs, general education curriculum, institutional cooperation with foreign universities, etc. These functions typically reside in various areas of administrative and academic units. Few attempts have been made to consider these functions in the context of student learning experience, especially in terms of multicultural education. The force of globalization has changed American colleges and universities in very profound ways, with internationalization moving up the priority list of many institutional leaders. Managing diversity on campus is no simple task, and adding an international piece to the multicultural puzzle can be very challenging. While the previous efforts to promote multicultural education on campus were centered on student learning and development, the current drive to internationalize carries more complicated motivations, political, economic, and institutional, to name just a few. Therefore, this chapter represents the author‘s attempt to re-conceptualize international education in the context of multiculturalism, aiming at refocusing internationalization on college campuses back to student learning.

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Acknowledging the institutional needs in the international front, including institutional image building, research cooperation, profit-generating overseas operations, etc., we nonetheless believe that student experience should top the priority list of any institution‘s international education agenda. After all, students should be the major reason why an institution needs to embrace internationalization. Meanwhile, any institutional initiatives to build international presence and reach out to overseas students should serve to support student learning in indirect ways. Based upon this conceptual framework of internationalization, we propose reorganization of international education functions on campus around three levels: structural, curricular, and interactive, with students‘ experience of diversity and learning of multiculturalism being placed at the center of an institution‘s international education agenda. Apparently, our efforts to bring together various international functions on campus are easier said than done, especially given the decentralized administrative structure in many of America‘s colleges and universities. Further research is needed to address structural, curricular, and social issues related to multicultural and international environment on campus, so that institutional leaders can have a good roadmap as they embark on the extraordinary task of leading American higher education into a brighter future.

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REFERENCES Altbach, P. G. (2005). Globalization and the University: Myths and Realities in an Unequal World. The NEA 2005 Almanac of Higher Education, p63-74. Arnone, M. (2002, June 28). International consortium readies ambitious distance education effort. Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com. Brockington, J. (2002). Moving from international vision to institutional reality: Administrative and financial models fro education abroad at liberal arts colleges. Journal of Studies in International Education, 6(3), pp. 283-291. Brewer, D. J., Gates, S. M. and Goldman, C. A. (2004). In pursuit of prestige: Strategy and competition in U.S. higher education. New Brunswick (U.S.A.) and London (U.K.): Transaction Publishers. Bullag, B. (2006, February 17). America's Hot New Export: Higher Education. From The Chronicle of Higher Education Web site: http://chronicle.com/weekly/v52/i24/24a04401. htm. Chan, W. W. Y. (2004). International Cooperation in Higher Education: Theory and Practice. Journal of Studies in International Education, 8; 32-55. Cheng, D. X. (2009). Higher Education Research: A Field of Study Adrift. In Chen, S. (ed.) (2009). Academic Administration: A Quest for Better Management and Leadership in Higher Education. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Columbia College (ND). The Core Curriculum. See Columbia University website: http://www.college.columbia.edu/core. Cross, T. P. (1995). An Oasis of Order: The Core Curriculum at Columbia College. New York: the Office of the Dean, Columbia College. Dessoff, A. (March/April 2007). Branching out. International Educator, 24-30.

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Gurin, P. (1999) Selections from The Compelling Need for Diversity in Higher Education, Expert Reports in Defense of the University of Michigan, Equity and Excellence in Education, 32: 2, 36 — 62. Gurin, P. (1999). Selections from The Compelling Need for Diversity in Higher Education, Expert Reports in Defense of the University of Michigan, Equity and Excellence in Education, 32: 2, 36 — 62. Hersh, R. H. and Merrow, J. (2006). Declining by Degree: Higher Education at Risk. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Horn, A.S., Hendel, D.D. and Fry, G.W. (2007). Ranking the International Dimension of Top Research Universities in the United States. Journal of Studies in International Education; 11; 330-358. Hu, S., and Kuh, G.D. (2003). Diversity experiences and college student learning and personal development. Journal of College Student Development, 44, 320-334. Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton-Pederson, A. R., and Allen, W. R. (1999). Enacting diverse learning environments: Improving the climate for racial ethnic diversity in higher education. ASHE/ERIC Higher Education Report, No. 8. Washington, DC: George Washington University. Kirp, D. L. (2003). Shakespeare, Einstein, and the Bottom Line: The Marketing of Higher Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Knight, J. and H. DeWit (eds.) (1997). Internationalization of Higher Education in Asia Pacific. Amsterdam: European Association for International Education. Lewin, T. (2008). U.S. Universities rush to set up outpost abroad. New York Times, Feb 10, 2008. Available online at: [http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/10/education]. Norris, E. M. and Gillespie, J. (2009). How Study Abroad Shapes Global Careers: Evidence From the United States. Journal of Studies in International Education, 13; 382-397. Stearns, P. N. (2009). Educating Global Citizens in Colleges and Universities: Challenges and Opportunities. New York: Routledge. Van de Water, J. (2000). The international office: Taking a closer look. International educator, 9, 30-33, 37. Wood, V. R. (2010). lobalization and Higher Education: Eight Common Perceptions From University Leaders, IIENetwork, Member Website of the Institute of International Education. Available online at: http://www.iienetwork.org/page/84658/. Zemsky, R. (2008, February 11). The 'Times' Makes It Official -- U.S. Higher Ed. Goes Global. From The Chronicle of Higher Education Web site: http://c hronicle.com/review/brainstorm/index.php?id=202.

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Chapter 12

UNPACKING THE PERSONAL AND THE SOCIAL: THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPING TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERS Seonmin Huh Indiana University Southeast, Indiana, USA

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ABSTRACT This chapter offers a pedagogy for leadership education that grows out of a teacher‘s research with Korean 6th graders from educationally and economically privileged backgrounds studying in the U. S. A. Difficulties revealed in students‘ abilities to relate to persons situated in poverty suggested the importance to transformative education that prospective leaders for social justice first understand who they are and what they bring to the educational moment. Through an example from the 6th graders‘ dialogue on why some persons are impoverished while others are not, I identify a process for helping learners to re-situate themselves. The study found that before subjects could relate to those unlike themselves, it was necessary that they move from their individual identities to a common identity as social beings. The researcher concluded that the key to 6 thgraders‘ movement across this space lay in the process by which they were led to examine their own space, to compare it to the space of others, and to resolve the contradictions apparent in their original justifications of the factors that made the difference. In turn, this discovery suggests that a process of developing leaders for social justice needs to begin –not with a focus on other, but on self—as the first step toward authentic transformation.

INTRODUCTION Diversity education struggles to develop the traits of prospective leaders who can appreciate diversity and can engage in transformative efforts to create a just society. How diversity management can effectively develop justice-oriented leadership is an issue heighted by instituitional challenges to better serve students from culturally and linguistically diverse

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backgrounds. Transformative leadership urgently needs leaders to listen to perspectives of historically marginalized groups and stories about their power struggles. Previous research on transformative leadership has focused on creating awareness in the learner of a variety of social justice issues experienced by marginalized groups. Efforts have been directed to helping them understand and be motivated to promote a culture that appreciates diversity and values both mainstream and minority student groups (Brown, 2004; Brown, 2006; CampbellStephens, 2009; Cooper, 2009; Hallinger, 2003). These efforts, however, have fallen short of generating authentic change in attitudes and behaviors of learners. Impediments to such change often come from students‘ natural resistance to cultural difference, fueled by a common perception that teachers who address these topics are essentially asking that they abandon their identity. For example, whether leaders may be in high school, college, or business, they are frequently identified with the mainstream culture in some area, whether racial, socioeconomic, or otherwise (Barnett-Baxendale and Burton, 2009; Cooper, 2009). They often struggle to understand and to empathize with socially marginalized or historically underrepresented groups of people. To illustrate, Cooper (2009, p. 699) articulated how wellintended educational leaders can ―devalue and unwittingly denigrate students‘ culturally relevant knowledge, home culture, and language (Hidelgo, Siu, and Epstein, 2004; Moll, 2005; Nieto, 1999).‖ Another example may be found in the color-blind approach of some teachers and administrators (often white and middle class) who are challenged to move beyond their own personal life experiences as educational leaders. Previous researchers, including Evans (2007), Rosenberg (2004), Shields (2000), Shields and Saynai (2005), and Tutwiler (2005), confirmed how educators with a color-blind approach often have failed to recognize and stop discriminatory practices. What is lacking in previous research and pedagogical practices aimed to enhance transformative leadership is an understanding that before learners (potential leaders) can relate altruistically to those whom they do not know personally, they must have a clear sense of themselves as social beings. To compare ―self‖ to ―other‖ is to invite false comparisons based on individual attributes that have little to do with creating the social conditions that separate groups of people. To understand ―social beings‖ requires unpacking societal factors that transcend individuals. But to see oneself as a social being requires unpacking one‘s own life circumstances on a personal level. The ability to engage with other beings on a social level hinges on first excavating the context within which one exists as a human being, and then moving outward from there to consider what forces outside oneself have contributed to the life one brings to the educational moment. A useful concept to define the space in which an individual exists as a social being is cosmopolitanism. An individual moves to that space as a transformative leader –not by self abandonment—but by standing aside from that position to share a space occupied experientially by someone else, someone whose life experiences significantly differ on a social level, to which individual differences are irrelevant. Appadurai (1996) captured the movement of people, information, ideologies and finance to learn about the impact of cosmopolitanism. His data shows how the movement of networks of information across spaces impacted minority groups of people and their cultural values. For example, because of the movement of English and its ideologies (Anglocentric norms) across spaces, English becomes a global language and other languages are situated as less valued and less important.

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Minority language groups have felt downgraded in their cultural values and language practices because of a powerful position of English as a global language. A special challenge for potential leaders from the dominant culture to stand aside in this manner is the obvious question, ―Who in their right mind would trade power for powerlessness?‖ Consequently, it is problematic for such leaders to feel an urgency about the socially marginalized from their space of origin. In order for them to develop a sense of responsibility for building a more humane and just society, they need to arrive at a new context. Appdaurai‘s framework will be useful to track potential leaders‘ movement to a new social context and how the movement is shaped by their developing critical perspectives on other people‘s social justice issues. Leaders with privileges can only move across their space of orign to a shared social space (cosmopolitanism) through reflection on the spatial differences and through engaging in a social critique of the causes of difference. This chapter will illustrate how learners who bring academic and economic privileges to the moment of transformative learning can negotiate, or at least begin to negotiate, this change of space. Using examples of 6th graders‘ resistance and transformative reactions to a critical literacy curriculum on poverty, I argue the importance to their progress of unpacking who they are with respect to their social privileges and how the ability to do so can impact their willingness to see themselves as part of the solution to problems of social injustice.

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CHALLENGES TO TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERSHIP EDUCATION Educators need to learn how to complicate these personal experiences and values that learners bring to their leadership education. Lumby and Morrison (2010) concluded that a lack of attention to the privileges and dominant cultural backgrounds (the personal) of such learners can be an obstacle to welcoming diversity and social responsibility. The current emphasis on organizational integration and inclusion of minority groups does not articulate the dominant norms and how these norms empower diversity leaders, who are mostly from the dominant cultural backgrounds. Thus, this emphasis neglects the fact of how leaders benefit from existing power relations (Morrison, Lumby, and Sood, 2006; Lumby et al., 2005). Whiteness and maleness are examples of the kind of power that leadership education has taken for granted. For example, Cooper (2009) has found that school leaders contradicted themselves by articulating their beliefs for inclusion and appreciation of diversity but at the same time engaged in discriminatory practices regarding minority students and administrators. This behavior not only evidenced what occurs absent unpacking leaders‘ personal resources, but also why these concerns contribute to leaders‘ resistance to thinking critically about their educational decisions and their cultural implications. While Cooper‘s work does not focus on the process of developing transformative leadership, his findings have nonetheless illustrated the failure of a principal to see that the racially dominant group to which he belonged marginalized the growing Hispanic populations in his school. In this example, we learn that having been exposed to diverse cultures and demographic changes does not mean leaders can automatically become critical about others‘ social justice issues. It is hard for leaders to identify with the marginalized when they have control over them and experience the world in quite different ways. Education for social transformation must help such persons to disrupt their social ―situatedness‖ by unpacking their social privileges as

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social beings with power. Otherwise, to discuss inclusivity and to suggest different strategies to embrace diversity will likely be unmeaningful and ineffective. Applying the concept of cosmopolitanism is an effective tool to help privileged leaders come to understand the marginalized or oppressed through their variant social backgrounds. Appadurai (1996) has observed that people, finance and political ideologies move across spaces. Commonplace knowledge is not confined by local contexts. Using the suffix –scape, Appadurai has labeled these movements of people from their spaces of origin to shared social spaces as ethnoscape, finanscape, and ideoscape. Moving to a shared social space allows the privileged transformative leader to engage in social critique without invalidating themselves as individuals. A cosmopolitian stance disrupts or suspends what is individual. However, the cosmopolitan flow has different effects on culturally dominant leaders than those from minority backgrounds even though both groups may experience the movement of people, finances, and/or ideologies. For example, English is a global language that provides access to power; in turn, this power becomes visible through globalization. When other language speakers experience marginalization because of lack of access to English, they are led to critique the seemingly unquestionable social status of English. In Appadurai‘s research, subjects experienced marginalization because of their movement to new social contexts, and this new experience of marginalization helped them to develop critical perspectives on globalization. In my own study, students went through certain types of marginalization by moving to a U. S. elementary school as English language learners and racial beings, akin to Appadurai‘s point about marginalization ―caused by‖ globalization. My students were very critical about how it was not right to be treated unfairly because of their fluency in English and their racial identities. Those leaders whose cultures and beliefs have always been more powerful and valued more highly across different local spaces tend to have Anglocentric norms rather than cosmopolitan norms. In Cooper‘s (2009) example, cosmopolitanism does not challenge White privilege in school contexts because it is powerful across different spaces. Instead globalization merely empowers them more across the spaces of their dominant culture. In my students‘ example, their identities as upper-middle class families with economic affluence were empowering for them, as they had strong economic resources that were respected in both social contexts (Korean and the U. S. A.). Therefore, they did not have to be critical about the issues around social class or discrepancies within in economic power, as they had not experienced unfair treatment in their physical movement to the States. Mau et al. (2008) has defined this particular ability to move across boundaries without friction and difficulties as cosmopolitan capacity. It is difficult for dominant leaders to feel sympathy toward others‘ being treated unfairly when they have not actually felt what it is like to be marginalized in a globalized society. Considering this lack of experience with social marginalization, leadership education needs its leaders to be aware of their social ―beingness,‖ revealing a sense of responsibility for a humane and just society. Appaduria‘s framework will be useful to track movements of potential leaders to a new social context and to show how this movement has impacted their development of critical perspectives about the marginalization of other social groups. Evaluating how leaders with privilege move across such spaces will inform educators of where they meet the challenges of social dominance with respect to opportunities to critique their positions in relation to others. Moreover, it will be possible to learn how to encourage leaders to move toward other people‘s spaces and to exercise their critical faculties with respect to existing social inequities.

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RESEARCH ON EDUCATING TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERS Research findings offer some pedagogical framework for transformative learning and for developing new leadership by empowering those who are from traditionally marginalized groups. Brown (2004, 2006) created a framework that facilitates leadership for social justice and equity. By combining critical social theory with transformative learning, she tried to think through different ways to prepare leaders to meet the needs of populations from diverse cultural backgrounds. Pedagogical approaches are intended to underscore ―the urgent need to confront socially difficult topics with respect, dialogue, and a continuous expansion of awareness, acknowledgment, and action (Brown, 2004, p. 80).‖ As a way to disrupt leaders‘ own life histories and social status, Brown suggested giving extra attention to challenge personal beliefs and values and to better align their attitudes and practices with an ethnoscape, finanscape, and ideoscape open to shared critique. The pedagogical approaches she addressed leaders involved: 1) learning about themselves (cultural autobiography, life histories, and reflective analysis journals) and 2) learning about others (cross-cultural interviews, diversity panels, and prejudice reduction workshops). Learning about themselves touched somewhat on unpacking the dominant belief system of leaders to deconstruct what they have originally believed and to reconstruct their emerging beliefs in new ways. However, those activities were mostly about constructing positive views on their cultural heritage and beliefs and then applying the same standard to appreciate others. A true transformative leader can be honest about his or her power in relation to others‘ powerlessness. Like societal groups in the margins, mainstream society appreciates certain values and beliefs over others. But leaders with dominant beliefs and values tend to be privileged in their gender, race, socio-economic status, and/or educational levels. How to situate leaders‘ privileged social status for the sake of other people‘s unfair treatments has not been explored. How to unpack social privileges from a shared space with others who are marginalized should be a part of developing transformative leadership. Otherwise, these leaders may take their dominant beliefs and cultural backgrounds for granted. Within this research, my pedagogy seeks to connect who my students are as potential leaders with their power in comparison to how others experience the world in quite discrete ways. In helping 6th graders to learn about others in order to better understand their struggles, the activities I used with them centered around how to solve the kinds of problems leaders have during interactions with others. Brown called this approach as ―problem-based learning (See Bridges and Hallinger, 1995) (p. 80).‖ Dominant-group leaders tend to have no personally significant experience of marginalization, without which they are less able to be critical about social justice issues. So it becomes important that they participate in a process that invites them to think through one social justice issue that they have not personally experienced, such as the Korean 6th-graders studying in the U.S. were led to do on the issue of poverty.

CONTEXTUALIZING BASIC LEADERSHIP EDUCATION To support my arguments in the foregoing literature review, I have tested the suggested pedagogy by conducting qualitative research with some of the members of the sixth-grade

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class mentioned earlier. This section first contextualizes the study, previewing, the classroom activities used, and the data collected for analysis.

Context The study below grew out of my interactions with some of the 6th graders I encountered as a literacy educator. I worked with three of them in an after-school setting for one year. We read and responded to different reading texts, and media (movie clips, magazines, internet materials, newspaper articles, and visual images) about the social justice issue of poverty. I chose that focus because it positioned my students as those from a privileged group. The poverty curriculum was intended to raise students‘ critical awareness about economic power as a way to envision and to responsibly work toward a better place for everybody. Although we had a total of 49 class sessions, this chapter will include sessions 25 and 26 to demonstrate how students moved to a shared social space as they began to develop a critical perspective on poverty as a social justice issue. The movement they made showed who they were and how their personal life histories compared to those persons whose education was unfairly inhibited by social poverty, which they had not experienced. The pedagogical tools in these two sessions effectively raised their critical awareness as potential leaders.

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Participants The subjects of this research had come from Korea to study in the elementary school of a small mid-western town in the United States. To include a mix of gender, two were females and one was male. I used the names Jiyae and Minjeong as pseudonyms for the females, who had been in this country a year and a half at the time of this project. Youngjoon was a male who had lived here for six months. Because they all came from upper-middle class family backgrounds in Korea, they had previously experienced social privileges that included academic performance, social class, and economic affluence, which located them as potential leaders with power. However, because of their native origin, in the US they were also situated within a set of marginalized life experiences with respect to classmates in terms of their language, race, and ethnicity. These students were able to critique their own experiences of social injustice; however, they were insensitive to the issue of poverty which they had not experienced. For example, they saw poverty as a consequence of laziness and a lack of motivation, which promoted a resistance to think of poverty in terms of social justice. Being distanced from poverty, they did not feel responsible to critique that issue, nor were they inclined to investigate how their economic privileges related to other individuals‘ economic struggles. As Jiyae expressed these views in class session 16, ―Poor deserves to be poor, because they didn‘t work hard while everybody else did.‖ Thus, she characterized the issue as an individual problem (x is lazy) rather than as a societal issue for which everyone should feel responsible. Jijay‘s comment will arise again in my analysis of her movement to a social space.

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Date Analysis The data analysis of this study examined movement across spaces in terms of Apparudurai‘s (1996) framework of people (ethnoscape), monetary resources (finanscape) and political ideology (ideoscape) in order to capture poverty as a life experience. It then looked at how those movements related to the subjects‘ understanding of poverty and their emerging thoughts on poor people‘s life experiences.

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Description of the Activities In class sessions 25 and 26 students showed strong resistance to the curriculum by characterizing poverty as the problem of individuals who are lazy. Previously in session 16, Jiyae had told classmates that ―Poor people deserve‖ their poverty because they did not ―work hard . . . while everybody else did.‖ Because students naturalized what was normal to their experience and negatively judged those who were different from their social class, they took no responsibility for struggles of the poor. Consequently, their resistance to the curriculum related closely to their distance from persons in the marginalized group and their inability to see them as a marginalized societal group rather than as persons deficient of effort to improve themselves. One curricular resource was Elizabeth Fitzgerald Howard‘s book Virgie Goes to School with Us Boys (2002), which features a poor African American female named Virgie who wanted an education like her brothers that her parents could not afford, raising issues of race, socio-economic status, gender, and educational opportunity. In teaching these sessions, I challenged participants to ask themselves how they became economically more fortunate than Virgie. This question elicited their personal histories, showing that they relied on their individual experience as a resource to make sense of issue of societal poverty. In the hope that this method would help my students to un-naturalize their belief that ―the poor deserve to be poor,‖ I asked them not only for their stories along side that of Virgie, but requested them to envision both themselves and Virgie ten years from now. Together we analyzed responses and discussed why Virgie‘s childhood was less privileged than theirs and how her situation (would have) impacted her later life. Then I asked students to consider themselves. Why did they have privileges that Virgie did not, though all of them wanted to study hard to be successful and were willing to work? We also considered what they did to contribute to their families‘ upper-middle class status and whether Virgie could achieve the same status they enjoyed by working hard, and why or why not. Below is an excerpt of the transcript of this conversation: (…) T: (…) Let‘s think about ourselves first. Why don‘t you take a minute to think about what you do to make your families to be in middle class? [Students identified their families as middle class] Jiyae: (Inaudible, but sounds like what was your question again?) T: What did you do? Like what are you contributing for your families to be middle class? Because it is not easy to be in middle class either. According to some of your discussion, you said that the poor are lazy. Then, it is easier to be poor than to be in middle class, right? What do you do to be in middle class?

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(Kids look serious!, Pause for a long time) Youngjoon: Study? Jiyae: (quietly) working hard? T: Uh-huh. Work hard. Study hard? What kinds of work? You mean, school works? Youngjoon: Uh-huh. T: What about you, Jiyae? What do you mean working hard? Jiyae: My father is like going to work? T: That‘s what your father does. What about you? As a daughter? (Students observed me and each other and kept quiet) (…) T: (…) I am thinking about that too. You know, why my family is in middle class and what I do to contribute? For my family to be in middle class? I don‘t think I did anything. Jiyae: (laughs) T: I just was born in my family and my parents happened to be economically not that difficult. (Uncomfortable laughs. Youngjoon frowns a bit, showing his frustrations) T: It was actually even not my parents, who work hard to be in middle class. They worked hard, but I think it was a way beyond that. Like generation to generation. My grand, grand parents gave us a foundation to be in middle class. And what about poor people? Just like our own cases, the poor people did not choose to be in low social class and they did not choose to be poor. They didn‘t choose to be poor. They were just born in poor families. Right? Think about that. Minjeong: Yeah. (…)

At this point, students remained silent and felt extremely uncomfortable. They identified their contributions to their families‘ class status as studying hard and going to school. However, the challenge-question posed to this response called on the students to reflect on how they were actually more fortunate than Virgie, had a good education, and held fewer economic responsibilities as a member of their families. Students‘ responses on Virgie‘s case illustrated how they started to articulate their privileges: Jiyae: When I was young (10), I was going to school and got a good education. I did homework after school and as soon as I finished them, I went outside to play with water guns with my friends (boys). Virgie had to help her parents (at the farm). She couldn‘t go to school because she was too young. But she finally went to school with her brothers and started to learn new things. When I become 20, I would be going to a college and learn about laws. I would be hanging out with my friends and just chill out. When Virgie grows up and becomes 20, she‘ll be at home helping her parents just like when she was a little girl. I don‘t think she‘ll go to a college. Youngjoon: When I was a kid, I didn‘t want to go to school, but Virgie wanted to go to school. and I think she likes to study. In Korea, I was thinking like ―why did people made school!‖ In future, I think I would study hard and get job or something. but so Virgie couldn‘t get job and she would be poor or something.

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Minjeong: Minjeong‘s Childhood I can go to the school instead of I‘m a girl (meaning that in spite of her gender) Everyday when we finish our school, we come back to our house. We are riding a school bus. Close (meaning that school is closer to their homes than Virgie‘s) Needs to go to the academy (extra-curricular activities) 10 years later Virgie 10 years later Minjeong She‘ll not go to the good college. I can go to the good college if I study hard Because I studied from first grade, but Virgie went school later.

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Virgie‘s Childhood Can‘t go to the school because Virgie was a girl. Stay at school for a week They need to walk to the school (in America) Don‘t have to go to the academy (private institute)

When asked what their thoughts were about the difference in their childhoods and that of Virgie, students expressed sadness and a feeling akin to depression. They acknowledged that even though the poor people like Virgie wanted to study hard, to work diligently, and to succeed, that the poor remained disadvantaged. They seemed to begin to understand that poverty might be a form of social marginalization that is not just about taking on personal responsibilities or being lazy. The data demonstrated how students began to think of poverty from a less individual and a more social space: as a function of a social system. Students went on to acknowledge that poor people sometimes worked much harder than rich people, moving toward a shared social space. For example, they interpreted Virgie‘s situation as influenced by factors other than Virgie‘s own actions or responsibilities. Jiyae discussed, ―It‘s like she cannot really get good education.‖ Minjeong recognized how her not being able to have better academic abilities was not Virgie‘s fault or responsibility. She said, ―But she didn‘t study when she was 조르기 전에는 학교를 못갔잖아요. 그러니깐 하버드 간 학생들보다 능력이 떨어질거에요.” [Translation: Well, Virgie didn‘t get an education until she convinced her parents to let her go to school. Her abilities will be very behind compared to students from Harvard]‖ Here Minjeong and Jiyae‘s understanding of Virgie‘s situation indicated that their previous stereotypes of poor people as lazy beings might not be true all the time. They revisited the representations of Virgie as a responsible, diligent and motivated being. Consequently, students‘ discourse was able to disclose the unfair nature of the distribution of educational opportunities even when poor people tried hard but still remained powerless. This recognition was possible when students were invited to think of alternative ways to consider their original stance on poverty.

POTENTIAL LEADERS’ PROCESSES OF LEARNING ABOUT OTHERS In analyzing students‘ responses, I looked at the relationship of who they are (their individual space or space of origin), and who they became (when they could move to a shared social space and were able to critique poverty a social justice issue that lay outside their own

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experiences). There are two subheadings for this part: From the Personal to the Social: Recognizing the Status Quo and From the Social to the Cosmopolitan: Connecting with Others. The first section describes how people with power come to see themselves as social beings, moving from their space of origin as individuals. The second part features how in seeing themselves as social beings, people with power can start to understand their being privileged (financially secure) and start to connect socially to other persons‘ struggles (financially unsecure) as due to unfair conditions beyond their means to control.

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From the Personal to the Social: Recognizing the Status Quo Participants in the study moved from strongly identifying their socio-economic wellbeing with individual achievement to recognizing themselves as members of a privileged status quo. Before considering the social circumstances contributing to Virgie‘s life struggles for a good education, students needed to come to a place of understanding that their social privileges came to them societally, just as poverty came to Virgie. In her comment from class session # 16 (Poor deserves to be poor, because they didn‘t work hard while everybody else did), Jiyae used an individual rationale to explain the difference between her own life and poor people‘s lives, situating herself as hard-working and poor-people as lazy. Thus, this account of the difference did not impact her identity negatively. She was able to maintain her identity as an economically affluent being who had luxury of not having to re-negotiate her individual identity in order to understand the poverty of someone else. This is a counterexample of Apparudurai‘s (1996) illustratration in moving to a new social pace that marginalizes one‘s original position. Unlike Appadurai‘s example, Jiyae‘s movement was enacted without her feeling marginalized. In fact, she felt more empowered. She could not recognize that her social privileges were related to the social marginalization of poor people. Rather, she believed that she earned her privileges by studying hard, not that her socioeconomic status was culturally inherited. I observed a similar justification of privileged identities in Youngjoon and Jiyae‘s arguments that studying hard and going to school made their families in middle class. Youngjoon and Jiyae construed their life experiences as personally achieved; thus they could not relate meaningfully to Virgie‘s condition of relative poverty. In this sense, translocal movements were limited by individual perceptions that failed to provide a space for critical reflection on the societal empowerment of persons from globally dominant backgrounds. Morrison, Lumby, and Sood (2006), Lumby et al. (2005) and Cooper (2009) found similar challenges to leaders whose transformative movement was confined by ties to the status quo conflated with personal identities. It is difficult for persons who lack the experience of marginalization to be critical of the status quo that empowers them so long as they remain in a space focused on individual attainment. However, when educators help learners to begin a critical dialogue about social privileges apart from considerations of the individual, they begin to move toward a shared social space that reflects cosmopolitan values that do not judge individuals in order to critique social conditions.

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From the Social to the Cosmopolitan: Connecting with Others To help potential leaders connect to those whose life circumstances differ, the prior subsection focused on meeting my 6th-graders where they were at the outset of our educational moment. The important shift I sought to facilitate was to lead them from the view that they are purely ―individual‖ beings whose personal efforts account for their societal status to the view that they are also ―social‖ beings whose societal status has nothing to do with their own agency. This sub-section addresses how I helped 6th graders take a step toward cosmopolitan leadership through engaging them in a holistic critique of the status quo. Rather than to pose questions that called for an either/or response that fosters hierarchical thinking, I used questions that examined the status quo through a ―both/and‖ analysis that gave due consideration to both sides of the poverty coin: privilege and deprivation of opportunity. This part of the process began with a review of the seemingly objective, rational claim by students that poverty results from laziness and a lack of motivation. To enable them to see poverty and wealth in relation to social forces beyond an individual‘s control, I invited them to examine both sides of the status quo, dominance and marginality. I challenged them to consider whether their assertions about lazy individuals applied to Virgie. This led them to acknowledge that both they and she were motivated to get a good education and to work diligently toward their goals. This led to the question of whether they were just luckier than Virgie. In other words, if the students‘ claim were sound, then Virgie should not suffer from poverty, and she should also be able to get a good education. In this way, students began to reflect on both their own social privileges and the disadvantages that others had in accessing the similar opportunities. For example, in imagining themselves and Virgie ten years ahead, all students wrote about going to universities or college, while mentioning that Virgie might not be able to do so. Jiyae discussed how her childhood of worrying about schoolwork and having some fun with her friends was different from Virgie‘s helping her parents at the farm. Minjeong was clear that the conditions of getting an education for her were much better than for Virgie because she took a school bus when Virgie had to walk for a long time to get to school. While Minjeong participated in extra-curricular activities, Virgie did not. Youngjoon talked about how he felt he did not want to go to school sometimes, but Virgie did not have that luxury. A holistic transformative pedagogy works to facilitate student connections between the privileged and the marginalized in positive ways. Because privilege is power, membership in a privileged social group acknowledges (and places responsibility on) the privileged as being in a unique position to help resolve the problem in ways that the disempowered cannot do. But Jiyae and Minejeong did not look down upon Virgie, as they clearly admired her work ethic and motivation once they recognized it. Thus, the emotional response triggered by Virgie‘s plight was empathic: they could visualize how it might feel to be hard working yet to be unable to go to college because the family lacked financial resources even though they had not experience in the lack of financial resources. When students connect to other people‘s unfair experiences, they start to articulate what other people‘s experiences would be like as a way to re-negotiate their identity. This result affirmed Appadurai‘s (1996) claim about a cosmopolitan space as a place for critical reflection on power. My 6th-graders could see how Virgie‘s experiences would not be fair for her. For example, in the transcript, Minjeong and Jiyae tried to speak for Virgie by mentioning how she was more disadvantaged than those who get full support and resources

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from their families to get a good education. Jiyae implied how it is not Virgie who caused the problem of not getting an education. Minjeong compared Virgie with a student who goes to Harvard. Minjeong seemed to argue that although Virgie might not be qualified to go to Harvard, it was not her fault. Impliedly, Minjeong started to think about how access to elite education might be about more than individual motivation and abilities, and more about a social system that gives certain privileges to some but not to others. In short, students came to have a transformative attitude toward poverty because they were able to set aside their false notion that poverty was an individual problem for the view that poverty is everybody‘s issue and that as citizens, everyone should address it together. This article argues that important traits of transformative leaders is that they should be able to situate themselves in a social space along side those who differ. Likewise, they are able to acknowledge the social privileges they enjoy as more than a consequence of individual. Consequently, it makes more sense for transformative educators to begin with the personal. Because privileged students lack direct experience with marginalization, they have no personal ground for empathy. Therefore, instead of having learners think abstractly about why leaders are not motivated to embrace diversity or why they do not feel the urgency of acting upon existing social injustices, we need to give them a different grounding as a basis for change.

PEDAGOGICAL SUGGESTIONS FOR MOVING TRANSFORMATIVE

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LEADERS FROM PERSONAL TO SOCIAL SPACES To facilitate transformative leaders of privilege to shift from the personal to the social spaces mentioned above, two steps are essential : 1) getting them to articulate and reflect on their personal histories, and 2) leading them to respond to critical questions about how and why others are situated differently. The first step generates discovery of the socio-political conditions that originated and have sustained their privileges as social beings; the second step creates a discourse exchange through which they learn social critique as a tool for understanding those who differ from them. This understanding proceeds both through their intellect and through a shift in feelings for others. This sense of connection fosters an empathy that opens the door for potential transformative leaders to see themselves as part of the solution to the social injustices that afflict others. Accordingly, the transformative educator is well served to begin with activities to help students become aware of the cultural beliefs and values they bring to the study as individuals. This emphasis can be followed effectively with activities to help learners see that the privileges they enjoy have been bestowed on them by the same social system that has denied them to others: both privilege and marginalization are functions of culture. Questions that lead to social critique strip away false perceptions of entitlement. Early on, the transformative educator is advised to pay close attention to the ways in which students characterize themselves as individuals rather than as social beings. They are likely to remain identified with the view generated by their personal experiences unless it is disrupted. Next, the use of critical dialogue is needed to disrupt the belief that these experiences represent the absolute truth. Disruption is vital to leaders‘ finding the social space in which they can relate to others. The more they can imagine the struggles of such persons, the more likely they are to feel compassion and to develop a sense of responsibility to change the societal conditions

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that perpetuate social injustice. Where learners lack direct experience with marginalization themselves, they have no basis to develop empathy with those who are marginalized. Instead, they presume that their personal stories indicate what should happen to others, and when they do not, they see others as responsible for the opportunities they may lack. To summarize the pedagogical process proposed here, I suggest the following:

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1. Help learners to articulate their personal histories to see what they bring to the learning moment. 2. Lead them to compare their stories with those who differ from them. 3. Guide them to articulate the status quo as a ―both/and‖ proposition in which some persons are privileged and others are marginalized. 4. Give them activities by which they can locate themselves as the persons of privilege within that dominant culture. 5. Facilitate them to engage in critical questions in a way that disrupts their natural inclination to believe that their positive life experiences are a function of individual achievement and that negative life experiences are a function of individual failings. 6. Help them to see the contradictory implications of these beliefs by closely comparing their experiences with persons whose lives differ from their own. 7. Provide them opportunities to examine how they function as social beings whose privileges have been shaped by an unfair social system that has denied the same opportunities to others. 8. Design activities for them that allow them to express empathy for others and that induce them to see themselves as part of the solution to social injustice.

CONCLUSION There are two cautionary notes to be shared in concluding this account. First, potential transformative leaders may not be situated at all times among the socially privileged. In the context of this research, however, this circumstance did not apply. Rather, this chapter has highlighted the positions of power which its 6th-grade participants shared socio-economically. A second caveat is to be alert to the fact that leaders‘ personal histories and experiences may involve diverse interactions with different social justice issues that are more complex than the matter of either being privileged or marginalized. One leader can be privileged in terms of gender but marginalized because of ethnicity or race. However, I leave that complexity to be addressed appropriately in spaces other than this chapter. That being said, this article has established that to create leaders from among the socially privileged, the educational process must include a method by which they come to accept responsibility for social justice. Leaders who lack experience with marginalization cannot relate to the life experiences of those who are marginalized. Before they will be able to identify with their counterparts as social beings, they must be able to see where they themselves come from as individuals. Telling their personal stories offers them a foundation to learn who they are and what values and beliefs they have brought to the educational moment. This knowledge becomes foundational to the critical examination of the conditions

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that have created and maintained the privileges which they enjoy. Transformative leaders must be able to see themselves as social beings if they are to empathize with those unlike themselves. To help students from the dominate culture(s) recognize themselves as social beings, educators need to help leaders to understand that the presence of some opportunities and the absence of others are a function of cultural forces beyond one‘s personal capacity to control. Therefore, they can come to accept the truth that if social injustices are beyond one‘s personal capacity to remedy, then it behooves all members of a global society to work together for a more justice-oriented world.

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REFERENCES Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Barnett-Baxendale, D. and Burton, D. (2009). Twenty-first-century headteacher: pedagogue, visionary leader or both? School Leadership and Management. 29 (2), 91-107. Bridges, E. M., and Hallinger, P. (1995). Problem-based Learning in Leadership Development. Eugene ERIC Clearninghouse on Educational Management. Brown, K. M. (2004). Leadership for Social Justice and Equity: Weaving a Transformative Framework and Pedagogy. Educational Administration Quarterly, 40 (1), 77-108. Brown, K. M. (2006). Leadership for Social Justice and Equity: Evaluating a Transformative Framework and Andragogy. Educational Administration Quarterly, 42 (5), 700-745. Campbell-Stephens, R. (2009). Investing in Diversity: Changing the Face (and the Heart) of Educational Leadership. School Leadership and Management, 29 (3), 321-331. Cooper, C. W. (2009). Performing Cultural Work in Demographically Changing Schools: Implications for Expanding Transformative Leadership Frameworks. Educational Adminstration Quarterly, 45 (5), 694-724. Evans, A. E. (2007). Changing Faces: Suburban School Responses to Demographic Change. Education and Urban Society, 39 (3), 315-348. Hallinger,P. (2003). Leading Educational Change: Reflections on the Practice of Instructional and Transformational Leadership. Cambridge Journal of Education, 33 (3), 329-351. Hidelgo, N. M., Siu, S. F., and Epstein, J. L. (2004). Research on Families, Schools, and Communities: a Multicultural Perspective. In J. A. Banks, and C. A. M. Banks (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education (pp. 631-655). San Francisco: JosseyBass. Lumby, J., and Morrison, M. (2010). Leadership and Diversity: Theory and Research. School Leadership and Management, 30 (1), 3-17. Lumby, J., Harris, A.,Morrison, M., Muijs, D., Sood, K., Glover, D., Wilson, M., Briggs, A. R. J., and Middlewood, D. (2005). Leadership, Development, and Diversity in the Learning and Skills Sector. London: LSDA. Mau, S., Mewes, J., and Zimmermann, A. (2008). Cosmopolitan Attitudes through Transnational Social Practices? Global Networks, 8 (1), 1-24. Moll, L. (2005). Reflections and Possibilities. In N. Gonzales, L. C. Moll, and C. Amanti (Eds.), Funds of Knowledge: Theorizing Practices in Households, Communities, and Classrooms (pp. 275-288). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

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Morrison, M., Lumby, J., and Sood, K. (2006). Diversity and Diversity Management: Messages from Recent Research. Educational Management, Administration, and Leadership, 34 (3), 277-295. Nieto, S. (1999). The Light in Their Eyes: Creating Multicultural Learning Communities. NY: Teachers College Press. Rosenburg, P. M. (2004). Color Blindness in Teacher Education: an Optical Delusion. In M. Fine, L. Weis, L. P. Pruitt, and A. Burns (Eds.),Off White: Readings on Power, Privilege, and Resistance (2nd Ed., pp. 257-272). NY: Routledge. Shields, C. M. (2000). Learning from Difference: Considerations for Schools as Communities. Curriculum Inquiry, 30 (3), 275-294. Sheilds, C. M., and Sayani, A. (2005). Leading in the Midst of Diversity: the Challenge of Our Times. In F. W. English (ed.), The Sage Handbook of Educational Leadership: Advances in Theory, Research, and Practice (pp. 380-406). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Tutwiler, S. W. (2005). Teachers as Collaborative Partners: Working with Diverse Families and Communities. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Children’s Book Used

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Virgie Goes to School with Us Boys (2002) by Elizabeth Fitzgerald Howard.

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In: Diversity Management Editor: Sheying Chen

ISBN: 978-1-61122-863-2 © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 13

TRUST, COMMUNITY CARE AND MANAGING DIVERSITY: BRITAIN AS A CASE STUDY Jason L. Powell University of Liverpool, UK

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ABSTRACT The chapter is a critical review of the problems and implications of managing diversity in the British community care system. It is a system in need of strong diversity management in the light of the world economic downturn in recent years. Despite raft of policies on leadership in social care in the UK, the structural issues for why the needs of diverse groups are not met are difficult to understand at particular levels of analysis. The central problem has been lack of ‗trust‘.

INTRODUCTION Community Care legislation has in the past decade received scantily uncritical sociological acclaim. Community care policy based on the triumvirate of ‗autonomy‘, ‗empowerment‘ and ‗choice‘ was endorsed by many commentators as the political and philosophical panacea for alleviating the deep and destructive problems confronting the community care system in the UK (Powell, 2009). This paper deconstructs the hagiography surrounding community care policy. The broken relationship between professionals and older people has been placated on distrust. A close and cogent examination of the emergence of community care policy in the UK raises serious questions about its main intentions. Whose account was to count in the formulation and implementation of community care policy was based on a hierarchical vision of care truth in which the definition of reality articulated by older people was secondary to reality defined by ‗experts‘/state servants such as policy advisors. In other words, it is ―expert‖ led with no understanding of diversity and experiences of users.

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This is not the place to explore the epistemological and ontological debates concerning definitions of reality that have developed in social gerontology in recent years (Biggs and Powell 2000). However, it is important to note that community care policy fails to convey in any strong sense alternative definitions of truth or different visions of care truth based on older people‘s subjective experiences (Biggs and Powell 2000). Rather, the agism of community care policy directs its gaze downwards towards older people thus reinforcing ‗an overall impression that these are the people who need to be researched, these are the ones who are out of step with ‗social norms‘ or who are causing the problems‘ (Smart 1984: 1501). Conversely, community care policy rarely gazes upwards to look at ‗the locally powerful‘ (Smart: 1984) who in the case of older people would be care managers. The lack of any critical analysis of the role and daily practices of care managers constitutes a major weakness of the implementative process of the policy process in the UK in terms of accountability and sensitization of diversity in managerial philosophy and practice. The confusion and conflict between different state servants over the past 20 years provide clear illustrations of the fractured dislocation within the state concerning community care policy and muddled issues relating to managing diversity. However, it also leads the space, whether imaginative or experiential, by which care managers and older people interact. It is within that space that an understanding of ‗trust‘ is the missing cement to bind relationships based on managing diversity. ‗Trust‘ itself is an essentially contested concept. Trust can extend to people with a sense of shared identity (Gilson 2003, Tulloch and Lupton 2003). Individuals produce trust through experience and over time. It cannot be immediately and with purpose be produced by organizations or governments without dialogical interaction with people on issues affecting their lifestyles and life-chances such as care, pensions, employment and political representation (Walker and Naeghele, 1999). Möllering (2001) takes the relational theme further by distinguishing between trust in contracts between individuals and the State in areas such as pension provision; trust in friendships across intergenerational lines; trust in love and relationships, and trust in foreign issues associated with national identity. There is a multiplicity of ways that trust has been defined but the central paradox is how to creation of the conditions of building conditions of trust across personal-organizational-structural tiers in an increasingly uncertain world. The chapter explores community care policy and navigates the ways trust relations can capture stronger bonds and relationships between care managers and user groups such as older people in the UK.

COMMUNITY CARE IN THE UK: CONTEXTUAL BACKDROP Contemporary community care policy emerged due to three significant factors during the dominance of the Conservative administration in the UK from 1979 onwards and has seen a resurgence in 2010 with more ―financial reforms‖ in light of world economic recession. Firstly, one of the central planks of UK government policy throughout the 1980's was the genesis of marketization into the public sector. Government reforms in education and the health service, for example, constructed a quasi-market with internal commissioning and provider roles to stimulate the 'buying' and 'selling' of in-house services (Means and Smith 1997). Simultaneously, new legislation required local authorities to embark upon a phased

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program, determined by central government, through which many of its services had to be subjected to compulsory competitive tendering, with the strategy of decreasing the role of local authorities and stimulating instead the private sector. The value which underpins all of these policy initiatives is a belief that a competitive market and a 'mixed economy of welfare' will inevitably provide better, cheaper services than a protected and bureaucratized public sector (Means and Smith 1997). This policy essentially channeled public sector funds into the private institutional sector while leaving the domiciliary sector chronically under-resourced and led to a 'perverse incentive' that undermined the commitment to community-based care. Private residential homes flourished and in the absence of community services, older people as 'consumers' had little 'choice' other than the decision about which institution they might enter in the 'residential private sector plc'. Community care has been used as a vehicle for the marketization of the public sector. Thus, a 'contract culture' was to be applied to the provision of personal social services and social services departments would need to develop processes to specify, commission and monitor services delivered by other agencies. The organization of service delivery was to be instigated through assessment and care management including devolved budgets and decentralization (Powell 2010). Care managers were seen as central in this process. Yet the political issue for care managers to implement community care policy has not focused at all on managing users groups with leaderships sensitized to diversity. Worse, is that the trust process has become in policy-practice-theory matrix so broken it requires a novel way of theorizing trust to help bind professionals and users to each other to help leadership and communication flourish otherwise a fragmented community care system will further fragment the broken relations between managers and users in the UK. Managing diversity requires diverse understanding of different levels of trust.

NAVIGATING TRUST IN CARE MANAGEMENT WITH USERS: INDIVIDUALS, ORGANISATIONS, COMMUNITY AND SYSTEMS The first key focus for theorizing trust has been the interpersonal qualities of the individuals involved. Sztompka (1999) challenges theorists who consider interpersonal forms of trust as the primary form based on face-to-face encounters while subordinating all other forms of trust, collectively referred to as social trust. Rejecting any differentiation between interpersonal trust and social forms of trust, he proposes that the ever-increasing impersonal nature of relationships in systems is underpinned by our experiences of trust in face-to-face relations between care managers and users. This reliance on the interpersonal aspect of trust suffers from similar problems to Giddens (1990) use of ‗ontological security‘, a product of early childhood experiences, as a prerequisite for individuals being able to form trusting relationships. This conservative element leaves those without positive childhood experiences stuck in a psychoanalytic mire with no potential for trusting, or by implication being trustworthy, while also failing to offer any means of recovery. A number of theorists (Davies 1999, Giddens 1991, Mechanic 1998) note the expectations lay people have of experts or professionals while at the same time this interpersonal level provides the human aspect or ‗facework‘ for more impersonal forms of trust. Expectations of professionals include the

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following: specific competencies, specialized areas of knowledge and skills, disinterestedness and disclosure. Of particular importance are communication skills and the ability to present complex information. Alongside, run role expectations that demand experts act ethically and with integrity as true agents of their clients, requiring them to put personal beliefs and interests aside and acting to maximize benefit and to do no harm. Creating specialized spaces reinforced by fiduciary norms arising from: the custody and discretion over property, the opportunity and possession of expertise and the access to information; regulates the power/knowledge relationship between expertise and laypersons (Giddens 1991, Shapiro 1987). The second level of trust is at community level. Evidence exists of a positive correlation between levels of interpersonal trust and levels of social capital (Putman 1993, Rothstein 2000), leading in part to calls for increasing the levels of civility and community responsibility in everyday life. However, while theorists (Misztal 1996, Putman 1993, TaylorGooby 1999, 2000, Sztompka 1999, Rothstein 2000, Dean 2003) support the idea of social norms and values overriding rational models of human behavior, they say little about how these norms and values become established. Rothstein claims that the link between interpersonal trust and social capital is weak, as are propositions about the direction of community relationships in managing diversity – care managers are bound up in this process. Rejecting functionalist explanations linking norms to the established configurations of power, he proposes a theory of ‗collective memories‘ creating social norms in communities as a strategic political process. The essential ingredient is the creation of conditions of community relationships built on common values and aims of both care managers and users in communities. The third key issue is on trust and organizational context. Challenges to the ‗trustworthiness‘ in organizations, regardless of whether they are public or third sector organizations, can have profound effects on confidence in that system. Producing increased demands for regulation, information and transparency; that is, increasing the demands for distrust. Community care organizations are central to this and need to facilitate trust so that interactions with users are transparent and trust facilitated. The fourth major area of concern for theorizing trust has focused on the declining trust in both state mediated social systems such health and social care and the professions embedded therein (Davies 1999, Phillipson, 1998, Welsh and Pringle 2001). Conceived as impersonal or systems trust (Giddens 1990, 1991, Luhmann 1979) this form of trust is developed and maintained by embedding expertise in systems that do not require the personal knowledge of any individual by another. Such systems employ a range of techniques of distrust i.e. audit processes, target setting and third party inspections (Gilbert 1998, 2005) which could alienate professionals and users.

IMPLICATIONS OF TRUST IN COMMUNITY CARE Part of the confusion concerning the different levels of trust rests, according to Möllering (2001), with the failure to distinguish between the functional properties of trust and the foundations of how trust is created in community care. The former are the outcomes of trust i.e. expectations, concerning issues such as: order, co-operation, reducing complexity and

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social capital. While the latter concern the nature or bases of trust, which, due to the assumption that they are rational, become lost and therefore not explored. Moreover, individuals make decisions on partial knowledge, a mix of weak inductive knowledge and faith regarding the consequences of an action. Möllering suggests that in some circumstances relational aspects producing either confidence or reciprocity might support decision-making. However, this knowledge moves us close to confidence, which according to Seligman‘s (1997) is a different quality. Nevertheless, building on Möllering‘s theory, Brownlie and Howson (2005) argue that trust is relational and impossible to understand in isolation. Trust occurs as individuals extract the known factors while bracketing off or suspending the unknown factors to avoid confusing decisions with uncertainty. Gilson (2003) takes up this relational aspect of trust and claims that relationship issues provide the main challenges for community care practices and services. Making the link between systems and social capital, she compares UK and US health care systems. Concluding that the general acceptance by the UK population of the altruistic element of the UK health system stands in stark contrast with the distrust, which accompanies health care in the USA where there is a belief that the system is organized to maximize the benefits for the medical profession. Gilson argues that trust involves both cognitive and affective elements. The former relates to a risk calculation where the costs and benefits of an action are calculated alongside of the degree of uncertainty derived from the dependency on the actions and intentions of another while the latter is linked to the generation of emotional bonds and obligations. Altruism provides a special case of trust where trusting and trustworthiness promote the social status of those involved in giving thus enhancing trust relations between care managers and users. Other writers draw distinctions between trust and hope. Both Sztompka (1999) and Gilbert (1998, 2005) discuss trust and hope, with hope representing a situation of relative powerlessness, a situation exemplified by Gilbert who concludes that trust is a discourse of professionals and experts while hope is a user discourse. Seligman argues that trust, conceived as it is in this debate, is unique to modernity. In traditional societies, trust has quite different bases. Moreover, sociological theories, which suppose a general change in modernity (cf. Beck, 1992, Giddens 1994), assume that with the erosion of traditional institutions and scientific knowledge trust becomes an issue more often produced actively by individuals than institutionally guaranteed. To resolve these tensions we propose Foucault‘s Governmentality thesis as the means to identify the role of trust, along with the mechanisms for the deployment of trust and the role of professional expertise. Social institutions such as community care disseminate a particular ethic of the self into the discrete corners of everyday lives of the population. Supported by a discursive framework promoting co-operative relations between people, communities and organizations this ethic is future orientated and promotes qualities and values that sustain trust-based relationships and forms of action. In the process of building co-operative relations, the role of professionals and professional authority is established. The next section carefully examines the conceptual possibilities for articulation of trust and governmentality.

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LINKING CARE MANAGEMENT WITH TRUST AND GOVERNMENTALITY Conceptually there are tensions but also interesting theoretical possibilities between late [high] modern and post-structuralist conceptions of society. Both identify the fragmentation of traditional forms of authority and expertise, and acknowledge the increasing complexity this produces through the availability of multiple sources of information and different lifestyle choices. As noted earlier late [high] modern conceptions of trust, acknowledge uncertainty and risk as the basis for necessitating trust and point to the failure of rational choice theories as evidence of the existence of social trust. Likewise, governmentality theorists, discuss risk and uncertainty at length (Rose 1996, 1999, Osborne 1997, Petersen 1997), but leave the discussion of [social] ‗trust‘ to an observation that trust, traditionally placed in authority figures, has been replaced by audit (Rose 1999). The problem of creating co-operative relations between individuals and within groups and communities, both in the present and for the future, is left unresolved. Foucault‘s summary of the working of the state provides a useful starting point for this discussion:

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―it is the tactics of government which make possible the continual definition and redefinition of what is within the competence of the State and what is not, the public versus the private, and so on; thus the State can only be understood in its survival and its limits on the basis of the general tactics of governmentality.‖ (Foucault 1979:21)

Our contention is that the ‗governmentality thesis‘ as it has been developed by writers such as: Rose and Miller (1992), Burchell (1991), Rose (1996, 1999), Osborne (1997), Petersen (1997) holds the potential to overcome many of the problems experienced in theorizing trust. It provides a means of extending the critical debate over trust. Linking discussions concerning the bases of trust: the conditions Möllering (2001) describes as essential for trust to happen with discussions focusing on the outcomes of trust i.e. social capital, systems or impersonal trust and interpersonal trust (Putnam 1993, Seligman 1997, Luhmann 1979, Giddens 1990, 1991, Sztompka 1999, Rothstein 2000). Moreover, governmentality provides the means for identifying the mechanisms for deploying particular rationalities across the social fabric. In particular, the interplay between state intervention and the population that institutionalizes expertise as a conduit for the exercise of power in modern societies (Johnson 2001). Institutionalizing expertise establishes a range of specialized spaces: at once both hidden and visible, providing opportunities across the social landscape for a range of care managers. Experts who work on individuals inciting self-forming activity and individual agency, producing the self-managing citizen central to neo-liberal forms of government, 'enterprising subjects' or what Burchell (1991: 276) terms 'responsibilisation'. Thus enabling an explanation of trust that avoids resorting to a functionalist argument or an overly deterministic approach limited to either class action or the meaning-giving subject. Furthermore, governmentality can overcome the condition laid by Sztompka (1999) that trust cannot exist in conditions of discontinuous change. Indeed, in the context of discontinuous change, particular rationalities and their associated technologies become politicized, leading to increased conflict in the relationship between the state and expertise making trust an evermore valuable commodity.

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In analyzing the activities of government, Rose and Miller (1992: 175) argue, we must investigate 'political rationalities' and technologies of government - 'the complex of mundane programmes, calculations, techniques, apparatuses, documents and procedures through which authorities seek to embody and give effect to governmental ambitions'. In this case, rationalities, operating as discourses and social practices embodying a particular practical ethic, work to reproduce the norms, values and obligations associated with trust. Producing a subject position that values trustworthiness as both a personal characteristic and a characteristic sought in others. Both experts/professionals and the user/customer of health services emerge as the self-managing ethical subjects of neo-liberal rule (Miller 1993, Davidson 1994, Rose 1999). For governmentality theorists an analysis of neo-liberal regimes reveals individuals as inculcated with values and objectives, orientated towards incorporating people as both players and partners in marketized systems including health and social care. Participation in markets along with the potential for unbounded choice are inextricably entwined with a creative tension, an ethical incompleteness, where private [selfish] desire and public [selfless] obligation produce the rational self-managing actor of neo-liberal rule. In a dialectical relationship that works to form individual identity through the exercise of a modern consumerist citizenship (Miller 1993). Such regimes exhort individuals; indeed expect them to become entrepreneurs in all spheres, and to accept responsibility for the management of 'risk'. Government is concerned with managing the conduct of conduct, the processes through which people 'govern' themselves, which includes an obligation to manage one‘s own health (Petersen 1997). Theorists of modernity such as Putman (1993), Sztompka (1999) and Rothstein (2000) leave trust to arise organically through the interaction of individuals within groups and communities. The idea that increasing the levels of social interaction to effect a positive consequence on the levels of social and individual trust has a benign attraction, but it tells us little about how or why these norms, values and obligations associated with trust exist in the first place. Alternatively, the analysis of governmentality recognizes these discourses and social practices as the outcome of something more ordered. Not ordered in the sense of designed and managed but the consequence of what Foucault described as strategy: loosely connected sets of discourses and practices that follow a broad trajectory with no necessary correspondence between the different elements (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982). One tactic, increasingly used within the strategy of government as they struggle with the challenge of managing populations across an ever more complex range of social contexts, is the promotion of co-operative relations within different programs and technologies. This works to promote, establish and maintain an ethic of co-operation and trustworthiness producing the trusting subject as a version of the disciplined subject, socially valued and malleable. Evidence of this can be found in a range of policy initiatives disseminated by national and local government drawing on communitarian discourses and including an endless array of devices promoting partnerships and active citizenship e.g. Caring about Carers (DoH 1999), Choosing Health (DoH 2004), Independence, Well-being and Choice (DoH 2005). Devices targeting communities and neighborhoods through initiatives promoting community activities often focused on a variety of locally based independent and autonomous groups. In areas where co-operative relations have failed and require rebuilding the deployment of discourses of empowerment is evident, inciting ‗damaged subjects‘ to selfmanage (Rose 1996). Located in initiatives such as Health Action Zones, Community

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Development Projects and Public Health activities a range of experts and lay volunteers work on individuals encouraging them to take responsibility for their health and engage in selfforming activities, self-care and self-help (Rose 1999). Alongside this promotion of co-operative relationships, neo-liberal rule increasingly repositions the state as the co-ordinator of activity rather than the provider [cf. Modernising Social Services (DoH 1998), Every Child Matters (DoH 2003b), Choosing Health (DoH 2004) and Independence, Well-being and Choice (DoH 2005)], progressively drawing communities into the provision of welfare and the management of social problems (Clarke and Newman 1997, Rose 1996, 1999). New, often contradictory, rationalities of competition and co-operation, of participation and consumerism, substitute for earlier forms of public provision. Nevertheless, these contradictory rationalities maintain sufficient coherence to provide the basis for state intervention through professional and lay activity. One such example is the restructured relationship between the private health sector and the British National Health Service [NHS] (DoH 2002, Lewis and Gillam 2003). Until recently, the private health sector distanced itself from the NHS arguing quality and choice while those committed to a public health service rejected private sector values. Now, a range of policy initiatives such as the use of private sector surgical facilities, the ability to have particular treatments at a facility chosen by the patient (DoH 2003a) and Private Finance Initiatives [PFIs] have blurred the boundaries between the public and private health sectors. Fixing large sections of the private sector as the reserve capacity of the NHS expanding and contracting on demand without the political consequences of public hospital closures. Furthermore, the use of private capital shifts fiscal liabilities from the present to the future while at the same time distancing the state from responsibility for the maintenance and refurbishment of hospital and other health service facilities and equipment. Such developments suggest a re-articulation of the discursive structure of private, voluntary and statutory sector organizations in what Clarke and Newman (1997) describe as processes of colonization and accommodation. Alongside State interventions aimed at provoking co-operative and trust-based relationships, such movements point to the way major institutions of society can become repositories of trust, providing both the example and the experience of trusting while also building the capacity for trust-based relationships across the social fabric. However, in contrast to functionalist conceptions of social institutions as repositories of trust e.g. Misztal (1996), we need to identify the dynamic interplay between the state and the means of intervention at its disposal. The challenges faced by the state over the last twenty-five years or so such as the increasing health costs of an ageing population (Rose 1999, DoH 2005) have been matched by rapid social change. One effect of this has been the fragmentation of welfare away from a monolithic state organization to one co-ordinated and financed by the state but disciplined by market mechanisms such as commissioning and competitive tendering (Clarke and Newman 1997, Lewis and Gillam 2003). Another effect has been the politicization of the technical i.e. professional expertise (Johnson 2001), where a variety of forms of expertise competes for dominance. Under such conditions, trust is also politicized (Gilbert 1998). Trust becomes a commodity for exchange (Dasgupta 1988). Demanding new forms of governance and producing a paradox, autonomy for organizations and professionals released from direct management by the state is matched by ever more-complex forms of surveillance and control (Rose 1999, Gilbert 2001).

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Since the 1980s, claims of a decline in the authority of the professions accompanied this process. Public perceptions of failures of professional self-regulation articulate as institutionalized self-interest (Davies 2000), paralleled by the increasing power, or resistance, of health service users and welfare consumers to discipline professional activity. Managerialist techniques such as contracts and demands for transparency in exchanges unite managerial and user based discourses in an uncomfortable marriage (Rose 1999, Shaw 2001, Stewart and Wisniewski 2004, McIvor et al. 2002), frustrating the radical voice of user movements (Clarke and Newman 1997). Alongside, a massive increase in the access to the information, particularly through the internet, further complicates the situation. Specialist information, once the sole privilege of the professions, is now widely available, changing the relationship between professionals and laypersons once again challenging professional authority (Hardey 2005). For Rose and Miller: 'governmentality is intrinsically linked to the activities of expertise, whose role is not weaving an all-pervasive web of "social control" but of enacting assorted attempts at the calculated administration of diverse aspects of conduct through countless, often competing, local tactics of education, persuasion, inducement, management, incitement, motivation and encouragement' (Rose and Miller 1992: 175). This web of activity and the specialized spaces created for expertise, work to construct professional authority, condensing the different levels of trust: interpersonal, systems and social capital; into the facework of experts. The fragmentation of expertise, once embedded in the directly managed institutions of the state, has enabled the dispersal of this expertise throughout the third sector leading to a re-articulation of the discourses that support professional activity and trust in expertise. It is notable that despite the conflicts of the 1980s, the care managerial professions appear to carry on relatively unscathed leading to the conclusion that the decline in the authority, power and popularity of the professions has been overstated. One key factor is that certain tasks and activities demand professional competence especially in circumstances where the outcome cannot be pre-determined (Clarke and Newman 1997). Once again, revealing the paradox of autonomy and increasing regulation in the relationship between the state and professional activity. Returning to the earlier quotation from Foucault, what has occurred in this period is the re-articulation of government objectives and a re-structuring of the realms of professional jurisdiction and authority (Johnson 2001). Regulation and control of expertise through audits and contracts are disciplinary techniques that have modernized the tricky issue of governing professional activity. Accompanied by a re-articulation of professional discourse objectifying the activity of expertise rendering it both manageable (Rose 1999), and enabling the surveillance of professional activity across a landscape no longer defined by institutions and buildings of the poor law. At the same time policy documents such as ‗Choosing Health‘ (DoH 2004) and Independence, Well-being and Choice (DoH 2005) are unashamedly consumerist, demonstrating shifts in the way community care is managed. Central to this process is a paradox where the need for experts to manage complex and unpredictable situations has led to trust in professional autonomy becoming almost exclusively located with the management of risk (Rose 1996, 1999, Petersen 1997, Kemshall 2002). Competence in the management of risk is therefore the central basis, which maintains the professional status of health and social care professionals. Failure in this respect can lead to very public examinations of the competence of individual professionals, in particular where there is danger of a legitimation crisis. Professionals who, despite evidence of system failure, experience a form of symbolic sacrifice and public humiliation, recent examples include Dr

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Marietta Higgs [Cleveland Child Abuse Inquiry], Lisa Arthurworrey [Victoria Climbie‘s social worker] (James 2005) and Professor Sir Roy Meadows [expert witness in child death cases (Laville 2005)]. Challenges to traditional or institutionalized expertise by new or non-conventional forms of expertise also demonstrates this re-structuring of the objectives of government and the jurisdiction of professionals. Some problems have persistently frustrated traditional forms of expertise in health care and social welfare at the same time widely dispersed and contract based activity enables entry for alternative approaches. Here again the dynamic quality of Governmentality, demonstrates processes of colonization and accommodation. Lee-Treweek (2002) explores this process in the context of a complementary therapy, cranial osteopathy, describing how traditional medicine accepts elements of complementary practice on condition that the alternative approach accepts particular rituals and the primacy of the existing medical hierarchy. The need to manage chronic conditions such as skeletal and muscular pain, areas where traditional medicine has failed to provide a reliable treatment, enables a new form of expertise to institutionalize itself with the state. Securing trust in this specialized space enables this form of expertise to contest the hegemony of risk to its advantage.

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CONCLUSION This chapter has reviewed the emergence and consolidation of community care policy in the UK and impact on relations between care managers and user groups underpinned by diversity. One of the central problems of facilitating any leadership or rapport for care managers with older people in the UK has been the issue of ‗trust‘. As we have seen, there is a multiplicity of ways that trust has been defined but the central paradox is how to creation of the conditions of building conditions of trust across personal-organizational-structural tiers in an increasingly uncertain world. The chapter has assessed community care policy and navigated the ways trust relations can capture stronger bonds and relationships between care managers and user groups such as older people in the UK. This is an immense conceptual and experiential challenge. What emerges is a fusion of consumerist, traditional, alternative and complementary discourses articulated with discourses of co-operation, partnership and trust in health and social care providing an matrix of spaces where a wider range of expertise, in both type and numerically, than ever before is embedded. At one level, experts identify risk at the same time as providing a general surveillance of the population, at another level they work within systems legitimated by a myriad of mechanisms of distrust while simultaneously working at another level on individuals to promote a general ethic of trust. Thus, the mechanisms constructing the contemporary authority of expertise are established. Managing diversity is inextricably linked to trust. Condensing trust in the facework of care managers places users of health and social care in a dynamic context. Community care policy continually redefines previous patterns of social relationships both within health and welfare agencies and between those agencies and their customers. Gilbert et al. (2003) identified professionals in health and social care agencies responding to policy pressures by managing the expectations [trust] of different individuals and groups with potentially conflicting interest‘s e.g. individual users, parents/carers and the local community. These experts engaged in a process of change and consolidation managing conflict while furthering both

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organizational and political aims related to community care. Hence, this process is needed to be further sustained to have a better understanding of how users and care managers can actually understand, listen and respect each other.

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REFERENCES Age Concern England (1997) Age Matters: report on a national Gallup survey, ACE, London. Allen, C (et al.) (1994) Social Care in a Mixed Economy, Open University Press, Milton Keynes. Allen, I (et al.) (1992) Elderly People: Choice, Participation and Satisfaction, Policy Studies Institute, (PSI). Audit Commission (1986) Making a Reality of Community Care, PSI, London. Audit Commission (1996) Balancing the Care Equation: Progress with Community Care, HMSO, London. Biggs, S (1993) Understanding Ageing, OUP, Milton Keynes. Biggs, S and Powell, J (2000) ‗Surveillance and Elder Abuse: The Rationalities and Technologies of Community Care‘, Journal of Contemporary Health, 4, 1, 41-49. Bond, J and Coleman, P (1990) Ageing in Society, Sage, London. Bone, M (1996) Trends in Dependency Among Older People in England, OPCS, London. Bornat, J (Eds.) (et al.) (1993) Community Care: A Reader, OUP, Milton Keynes. Bornat, J (Ed.) (1994) Reminiscence Reviewed, OUP, Milton Keynes. Bowl, R (1986) 'Social work with old people' in Phillipson, C and Walker, A (1986) Ageing and Social Policy, Gower, London. Chau, W.F (1995) 'Experts, networks and inscriptions in the fabrication of accounting images', Accounting Organisations and Society, 20, 2/3, 111-145. Clarke, J (1994) 'Capturing the Customer: Consumerism and Social Welfare', paper to ESRC seminar Conceptualising Consumption Issues, Dec.1994, University of Lancaster. Deakin, N (1996) 'The Devils in the detail: some reflections on contracting for social care' in Social Policy and Administration, 30, 1, 20-38. Department of Health (1989) Caring for People: Community Care in the Next Decade and Beyond, Cm849, HMSO, London. DoH (1991) Caring for People: Implementation Documents, Draft Guidance: Assessment and Care Management, HMSO, London. DoH (1994) Community Care Packages for Older People, HMSO, London. Du Gay, P (1996) Consumption and Identity, Sage, London. Fennell, G (et al.) (1988) Sociology of Age, OUP, Buckingham. Finch, J (1986) 'Age' in Burgess, R (Ed.) Key Variables in Social Investigation, RKP, London. Flynn, R (1992) Structures of Control in Health Management, Routledge, London. Fowler, N (1984) 'Speech to Joint Social Services Annual Conference', 27/9/84, DHSS, London. Gabe, J (1991) The Sociology of the Health Service, Routledge, London. Griffiths, Sir R (1988) Community Care: Agenda for Action, HMSO, London.

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Henwood, M (1990) Community Care and Elderly People, Policy, Practice and Research Review, Family Policy Studies Centre. Henwood, M (1995) Making a Difference? Nuffield Institute for Health/Kings Fund Centre, London. Hills, J (1993) The Future of Welfare: a guide to the debate, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York. Hockey, J and James, A (1993) Growing Up and Growing Old: Ageing and Dependency in the Life Course, Sage, London. Hospital Advisory Service (1982) The Rising Tide: Developing Services for Mental Illness and Old Age, HMSO, London. Hughes, B (1995) Older People and Community Care: Critical Theory and Practice, OUP, Milton Keynes. Kiernan, K and Wicks, M (1990) Family Change and Future Policy, Joseph Rowntree Memorial Trust, York. Levick, P (1992) 'The Janus face of community care legislation: An opportunity for Radical Opportunities' in Critical Social Policy, Issue 34, Summer 1992, pp.76-81. Lewis, J and Glennerster, H (1996) Implementing The New Community Care, OUP, Milton Keynes. Meredith, B (1994) The Next Steps: Lessons for the future of community care, ACE, London. Phillipson, C (1982) Capitalism and the Construction of Old Age, Macmillan, London. Phillipson, C (1988) 'Challenging Dependency: Towards a new Social Work with Older People' in Langan, M and Lee, P (Eds.) (1988) Radical Social Work Today, Unwin Hyman. Phillipson, C and Walker, A (Eds.) (1986) Ageing and Social Policy: A Critical Assessment, Gower, Aldershot. Qureshi, H and Walker, A (1989) The Caring Relationship, Macmillan, London. Seebohm Committee (1968) Report of the Committee on Local Authority and Allied Personal Social Services, Cmnd 3703, HMSO, London. Smart, B (1985) Michel Foucault, Routledge, London. Vincent, J (1996) Inequality and Old Age, University College London Press, London. Walker, A (1985) The Care Gap, Local Government Information Service, London. Walker, A (1993) 'Community Care Policy: From Consensus to Conflict' in Bornat, J (et al.) (Eds.) Community Care: A Reader, O.U.P. Walsh, K (1995) Public Services and Market Mechanisms, Macmillan, London. Wardhaugh, J and Wilding, P (1993) 'Towards an Explanation of the Corruption of Care' in Critical Social Policy, 37, see esp. pp. 4-31. Warnes, A (Ed.) (1996) Human Ageing and Later Life, Edward Arnold, London. Webb, A and Wistow, G (1987) Social Work, Social Care and Social planning: The Personal Social Services Since Seebohm, Longman, London. Williams, F (1994) Social Policy: A Critical Introduction, 2nd Edition, Blackwell, Oxford.

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INDEX 2 20th century, xiv, 53, 83, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94 21st century, 45, 88, 90, 91, 102, 153, 154

9 9/11, 91, 160

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A abuse, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115 academic administrators, vii, xi, 63, 64, 69, 70, 77, 78, 80 academic performance, 174 academic personnel administrators, xvii academic success, 162 access, 18, 20, 51, 53, 73, 80, 102, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 139, 142, 148, 172, 180, 188, 193 accommodation, xiii, 17, 23, 66, 192, 194 accommodations, 51 accountability, 65, 72, 104, 113, 127, 128, 140, 148, 152, 186 accounting, 195 activism, 71 ADA, 50, 51, 66, 67 adaptation, xiii, 3, 7, 17 adaptations, 17 administrators, vii, xi, xvii, 18, 20, 24, 25, 34, 44, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 119, 121, 123, 139, 140, 141, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 155, 159, 161, 170, 171 adults, 31, 51, 105 advancement, 42, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 160

affirmative action, xiv, xvii, 42, 43, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 57, 63, 64, 65, 67, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 90, 91, 93, 94, 120, 123, 128, 135 affirmative action officers (AAOs), xvii Affirmative Action Plan (AAP), 67, 74 affluence, 172, 174 Africa, 6, 7, 12, 55 African American women, 100, 137, 145 African Americans, xiv, 8, 38, 39, 41, 43, 89, 90, 92, 123, 132, 134, 144, 145, 146 age, 4, 8, 20, 35, 50, 51, 52, 54, 65, 66, 67, 69, 97, 99, 100, 120, 126 Age Discrimination in Employment Act, 67 ageing population, 192 agencies, 44, 73, 102, 108, 110, 187, 194 alcohol consumption, 114 allele, 9, 10, 11, 12 alternative medicine, 31 ambivalence, 41, 103 American dream, xi, xvii, 86, 93 American Psychological Association, 44, 46 Americans with Disabilities Act, 50, 58, 59, 65, 66, 67, 125 ancestors, 4 annihilation, 86 annual review, 150 anthropologists, 5, 13 articulation, 189, 192, 193 Asia, 6, 29, 90, 93, 167 Asian Americans, vii, xiv, 8, 35, 40, 43, 46, 55, 56, 57, 90, 91 Asian firms, 56 assault, 105, 107, 108 assessment, 30, 127, 149, 150, 151, 153, 187 assets, 108 assimilation, 22, 42, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93 athletes, 52, 54 atmosphere, 109 attachment, 25, 26, 27

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audit, 188, 190 authorities, 70, 78, 187, 191 authority, vii, 42, 68, 70, 122, 189, 190, 193, 194 autonomy, 19, 27, 185, 192, 193 Availability Analysis, 74 awareness, 26, 69, 98, 99, 107, 110, 111, 140, 143, 149, 150, 151, 153, 155, 164, 170, 173, 174

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B backlash, 75, 76 Bangladesh, 55, 99 barriers, 53, 102, 136, 142, 143 base, xvii, 27, 37, 86, 93, 140 base rate, 37 base rate information, 37 basic education, xvi battered women, 101, 102, 103, 108, 112, 114 behavioral change, 121 behaviors, 4, 18, 35, 41, 45, 69, 72, 101, 104, 105, 109, 127, 144, 170 beneficiaries, 49, 158, 161 benefits, xiii, 47, 49, 51, 54, 57, 67, 91, 106, 107, 109, 123, 152, 160, 161, 162, 189 benign, 191 Bhutan, 55 bias, 36, 63, 80, 138, 139, 140, 141 Blacks, 15, 41, 42, 52, 114, 132 blame, 103, 104 blind spot, 159 blood, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 14, 22, 86, 93 blood circulation, 22 blood flow, 5, 11 blood group, 9, 10, 14 blood stream, 11 blood vessels, 5, 11 body fluid, 23 body shape, 53 body size, 53 bonds, 186, 189, 194 bone, 52 bones, 23 brain, 23, 84 breakdown, 4 breast cancer, 29, 30 breathing, 27 Britain, vi, 29, 185 brothers, 175, 176 Buddhism, 24, 26, 30, 31 Buddhist tradition, 26 business managers, vii, xi businesses, xiv, 56, 57, 92, 97, 107

C campus climate, 122, 137, 141, 145, 148, 150, 152 cancer, 25, 29 candidates, 76, 78, 123, 133, 134, 135, 136, 141, 142 capacity building, 22 career success, 142 Caribbean, 92 carotene, 5 case examples, xii case study, xvi, 97, 99, 111 categorization, 3, 40 category a, 40, 92 Caucasians, 90 caucuses, 75 causality, 37 causation, 104 CDC, 52, 98, 100, 107, 115 cell phones, 108 Census, 91, 92, 94, 95 Central Asia, 90 challenges, vii, xi, xvi, xvii, 22, 25, 28, 49, 69, 75, 76, 80, 85, 115, 126, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153, 160, 169, 172, 178, 187, 189, 192 chemical, 5, 11, 12, 15 chemical bonds, 11 chemical properties, 15 chief academic officers (CAOs), xvii chief diversity officers (CDOs), xvii chief executive officers (CEOs), xvii Chief Justice, 63 childcare, 136 childhood, 53, 99, 175, 179, 187 children, 7, 8, 11, 35, 51, 52, 99, 100, 101, 103, 105, 112 chimpanzee, 12 China, xiii, 17, 18, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 51, 55, 60, 157, 158, 160, 161 Chinese, xiii, 4, 17, 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 57, 87, 90, 91, 94, 95, 158 Chinese Exclusion Act, 41, 90, 94 Chinese medicine, 29, 31 Chinese women, 25, 29, 30 citizens, xvi, 33, 39, 43, 89, 92, 102, 134, 153 citizenship, xv, 86, 88, 129, 191 City, x, xvi, 70, 114, 148, 157 civil rights, 20, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 73, 80, 159 Civil Rights Movement, 64, 89 Civil War, 41, 88, 89 classes, 28, 44, 126

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Index classification, 85, 92, 93 classroom, 66, 68, 71, 72, 125, 127, 138, 139, 143, 150, 153, 154, 164, 174 classroom environment, 72, 151 clients, 24, 188 climate, 68, 71, 72, 121, 125, 126, 136, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 167 clinical trials, 27 cognition, 31 cognitive effort, 40 cognitive function, 49 cognitive psychology, 40 coherence, 192 collaboration, 98, 99, 111, 150 college campuses, 64, 75, 76, 158, 159, 165 college students, 34, 36, 45, 69 colleges, xvi, 50, 53, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 120, 124, 132, 133, 145, 146, 147, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166 colonization, 13, 192, 194 color, iv, xiv, xv, 3, 5, 6, 21, 46, 50, 63, 65, 66, 74, 83, 84, 85, 87, 101, 113, 120, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 170 commodity, 190, 192 common sense, 42, 85 communication, 23, 103, 109, 127, 141, 187, 188 communication skills, 188 communities, xiii, 17, 18, 21, 26, 47, 53, 57, 99, 100, 112, 113, 122, 124, 125, 138, 143, 144, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192 community, xiv, xvi, 14, 18, 20, 25, 31, 65, 68, 73, 77, 85, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 107, 110, 111, 115, 121, 122, 123, 125, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 143, 163, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194, 196 community relations, 188 community service, 187 community support, 101 compassion, 180 compensation, 67, 141 competition, 88, 92, 134, 161, 162, 164, 166, 192 competitive sport, 55 complexity, 11, 37, 69, 93, 94, 99, 101, 103, 181, 188, 190 compliance, xiv, xv, xvii, 63, 64, 68, 75, 77, 78, 80, 110 complications, 89, 103 composition, 122, 164 conceptual model, 165 conceptualization, 21, 99, 162 conference, 42, 43, 89, 149

configuration, 161 conflict, xiii, 42, 43, 44, 49, 51, 54, 56, 92, 100, 186, 190, 194 conflict resolution, xiii Confucianism, 24, 25, 30 consensus, 7, 157 consolidation, 87, 194 Constitution, 89 construction, 19, 29 consumer sovereignty, 48 consumers, 18, 187, 193 contradiction, 33, 34 controversial, 151 conversations, 80, 149, 154, 155 cooperation, 165, 166 coordination, 128 coping strategies, 109 cosmic view of nature, 24 cosmopolitanism, 170, 171, 172 cost, 41, 44, 49, 50, 58, 98, 107, 111, 161 cost-benefit analysis, 49 costs of production, 51 counseling, 45, 106, 109, 137, 159 course content, 150 covering, 70, 71 criminal behavior, 38 critical analysis, 186 critical thinking, xvii, 127 criticism, 106 cross fertilization, 17 cross-fertilization, 28 cultivation, 31 cultural beliefs, 180 cultural differences, 8, 87, 93, 121 cultural heritage, 173 cultural norms, 101 cultural tradition, 90 cultural values, 101, 170 culture, xiii, 3, 4, 8, 17, 18, 19, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 35, 48, 55, 72, 86, 92, 94, 98, 101, 108, 121, 128, 136, 143, 144, 149, 153, 154, 155, 158, 170, 171, 172, 180, 181, 182, 187 cure, 20, 73 curricula, xii, 122, 126, 148, 152, 164 curriculum, xvi, 29, 120, 123, 124, 125, 147, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 158, 164, 165, 171, 174, 175 curriculum development, 147, 150, 155 customers, 194 cyanide, 12

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Index

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D danger, 127, 128, 193 Daniel E. Brown, v, ix, xii, 3, 85 Daoism, 21, 24, 43 data analysis, 175 Dawes General Allotment Act, 88 deaths, 100 decentralization, 187 decision makers, 21, 152 deficiency, 4 degenerate, 123 democracy, 124, 163 demographic change, 171 denial, 46, 66 Department of Education, 65, 93, 95, 132, 133 Department of Health and Human Services, 17, 31 Department of Justice, 65, 109, 113, 114 depression, 20, 23, 30, 177 deprivation, 179 depth, vii, 97 despair, 25 dichotomy, 19, 26, 165 differential treatment, 87 diplomacy, 92 direct measure, 127 directors, xvii, 54, 127, 154 disability, 28, 48, 50, 51, 65, 66, 67, 68, 120, 126 disclosure, 105, 107, 108, 109, 188 discomfort, 148 discrimination, xiv, 35, 37, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 88, 91, 93, 108, 109, 110, 120, 121, 126, 134, 140, 141 diseases, 20, 28, 159 dislocation, 186 dismantlement, 53 disorder, 30, 31, 67 distribution, 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 48, 50, 55, 88, 124, 177 diversification, 75 Diversity, i, iii, iv, v, vi, ix, x, xi, xii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, 1, 3, 14, 20, 21, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 57, 59, 61, 81, 86, 87, 94, 109, 117, 119, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151, 155, 156, 167, 169, 182, 183, 185 division of labor, 20, 159, 162 DNA, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 85, 95 domestic violence, 98, 99, 100, 101, 106, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116 dominance, 105, 172, 179, 186, 192

E earnings, 51, 107 East Asia, 4, 6, 57, 90 economic disadvantage, 48 economic downturn, xvi, 185 economic growth, 50 economic performance, 57 economic power, 158, 172, 174 economic problem, 50 economic resources, 172 economic status, 92, 120, 173, 175, 178 economic well-being, 48, 49, 50 economics, vii, xiii, 47, 59, 114 educational attainment, 8, 91 educational experience, 163, 165 educational institutions, 77 educational opportunities, 177 Educational opportunity, xi educational process, 181 educational programs, 65, 66, 110, 160, 161 educational quality, 75, 124, 164 educational system, 64 educators, xiv, xv, 24, 34, 35, 36, 44, 65, 97, 98, 131, 145, 157, 158, 170, 172, 178, 180, 182 EEOC, 66, 67, 69, 70, 81, 123 efficiency criteria, 49, 58 egg, 12, 103 ego strength, 20 elders, 144 elementary school, 172, 174 emergency, 40, 101, 102, 106 emerging markets, 160 emigration, 88 emotional reactions, 36 emotional state, 27 empathy, 180, 181 employability, 114 Employee Assistance Programs (EAP), 109 employees, 18, 20, 24, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 115 employers, 18, 51, 66, 67, 68, 70, 74, 103, 107, 112 employment, xiv, 31, 51, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70, 73, 75, 76, 79, 80, 98, 108, 115, 186 employment status, 115 empowerment, 29, 178, 185, 191 encouragement, 193 enforcement, 38, 70, 111 engineering, 53 England, 195 enslavement, 41

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Index entrepreneurs, 191 environment, xiii, 4, 8, 17, 20, 23, 24, 26, 69, 71, 72, 77, 110, 120, 125, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166 environmental conditions, 8, 11 environmental effects, 5 EPA, 37, 38, 41, 42 epidemiology, xiv, 97, 99 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 66 equal opportunity, xiv, 63, 64, 68, 69, 72, 73, 77, 78, 80, 94, 128 Equal Pay Act, 66 equality, 18, 48 equilibrium, 21, 22, 24, 28, 31 equipment, 192 equity, xiii, xv, 47, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 73, 75, 80, 94, 140, 141, 149, 150, 151, 153, 173 ethnic background, 20, 123, 127 ethnic diversity, 48, 50, 87, 167 ethnic groups, 8, 28, 35, 36, 56, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 100 ethnic minority, 41, 42, 92 ethnicity, xiv, 3, 8, 13, 20, 31, 45, 46, 48, 51, 74, 75, 77, 83, 85, 86, 91, 93, 97, 101, 120, 122, 126, 131, 136, 138, 139, 141, 144, 174, 181 etiology, 99 Europe, 6, 88, 93, 158 everyday life, 188 evidence, xii, 3, 5, 12, 13, 15, 25, 35, 36, 37, 52, 53, 54, 56, 84, 85, 98, 102, 105, 127, 135, 149, 153, 154, 155, 164, 190, 193 evil, 21, 24, 25, 35 evolution, 4, 14, 15, 53, 86, 94, 95 exaggeration, xiv, 85 examinations, 193 exclusion, 52, 57, 63, 64, 73, 86, 88, 90, 93, 95, 125, 139, 143 Executive Order, 64, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80 exercise, 25, 27, 122, 124, 172, 190, 191 expertise, xii, 108, 110, 133, 159, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194 exploitation, 87 exporter, 161 exposure, 5, 6, 7, 54, 158, 165 expressiveness, 25, 26 expulsion, 86, 93 external environment, xiii, 3 external relations, 162

F fabrication, 95, 195

faculty development, viii, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155 faculty positions, 133, 141 fairness, xiv, 48, 50, 51, 79, 80, 150 faith, 55, 75, 112, 189 families, 17, 20, 21, 26, 27, 29, 51, 93, 98, 99, 111, 114, 161, 172, 175, 176, 178, 180 family members, 25, 67 family violence, 112, 113, 115 Family Violence Prevention Fund (FVPF), 110 fear, 22, 72, 90, 99, 103, 105, 108, 148, 153, 155 federal funds, 56, 65, 67 federal government, 64, 91 federal law, 56, 64, 90 federal mandate, 63, 65 federal regulations, 55, 56 feelings, 37, 40, 105, 124, 180 Filipino, 90, 95 financial, xiv, 23, 65, 69, 97, 105, 107, 108, 135, 136, 148, 160, 162, 166, 179, 186 financial crisis, 23 financial performance, 107 financial resources, 179 financial support, 148 fire fighting, 20 flexibility, 27, 53, 78 food, 12, 22, 23, 39, 51, 126 force, 24, 105, 146, 151, 158, 161, 165 Ford, 135 foreign language, 165 formation, 11, 144 foundations, 23, 76, 147, 188 France, 11 fraternal twins, 8 fraud, 105 free association, 42 freedom, 26, 41, 69, 84, 124 friction, 172 frontal lobe, 84 funding, 55, 56, 74, 125, 144, 147

G gambling, 89 gender equity, 66 gender inequality, 100 gender role, 98, 101 general education, vii, 124, 126, 127, 129, 150, 153, 165 General Education Committee, 124, 126 general intelligence, 7 General Social Survey (GSS), 50 genes, 3, 4, 10, 12, 13, 15

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Index

genetic diversity, 12, 13 genetic factors, 23 genetic information, 66 Genetic Information Act, 67 genetic marker, 12 genetic traits, 9 genetics, xii, 4, 7, 9, 13 genocide, 41, 86, 93 global education, 161 globalization, xvi, 17, 18, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 165, 172 goal attainment, 23 goal setting, 18, 56, 76, 140 goods and services, 48 governance, 128, 192 government officials, vii, xi government policy, 186 governments, xii, 186 governor, 89 grading, 68, 71 graduate education, 135 grounding, 180 group characteristics, 120 growth, 7, 14, 21, 26, 28, 49, 85, 92, 124, 151, 154 growth factor, 7, 14 growth rate, 92 guidance, 63, 70, 74, 98, 112, 113, 129, 137 guidelines, xiv, 69, 76, 97, 110, 137, 142 guiding principles, 94 guilt, 105 guilty, 41

H harassment, xiv, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 138, 145 harbors, 22 hardness, 21 harmony, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 44 hate crime, 91 Hawaii, ix, xii, 3, 90, 94 healing, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 31 health, xiii, 4, 7, 10, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 48, 95, 98, 99, 108, 111, 135, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194 Health and Human Services, 18 health care, 18, 20, 24, 25, 189, 194 health care professionals, 24, 25 health care system, 189 health problems, 10 health services, 18, 19, 20, 28, 191 health status, 4

heterogeneity, 49 high blood pressure, 22 high school, 52, 54, 93, 170 higher education, vii, xii, xv, xvii, 17, 29, 30, 63, 64, 69, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 80, 119, 120, 121, 125, 129, 131, 132, 133, 137, 140, 144, 145, 146, 148, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167 high-risk populations, 13 hiring, xiv, 41, 42, 43, 51, 63, 64, 67, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 123, 133, 134, 136, 141, 142, 144, 146 Hispanic population, 171 Hispanics, 50, 52, 56, 57, 87, 92, 93 history, 12, 13, 21, 27, 36, 41, 46, 51, 80, 84, 85, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 99 holistic care, 30 home culture, 170 homes, 105, 177, 187 homework, 176 homicide, 99, 105, 107, 115 homogeneity, 25, 45 Hong Kong, ix, x, xiii, xvi, 17, 27, 29, 55, 157 hopelessness, 102 hospitalization, 103 host, 159 hostility, 23, 36 House, 14, 29, 30, 95 household income, 90, 91 housing, 39, 136 hue, 5 human, xii, xiii, xvii, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 56, 69, 80, 84, 85, 87, 108, 109, 111, 128, 159, 164, 170, 187, 188 human behavior, 188 human body, 20, 22, 23 human capital, 56 human nature, 25, 43, 46 human perception, 39 human resource officers (HROs), xvii human resources, 80, 109, 128 humanism, 45 husband, 99, 106 hypothesis, 45 hypothesis test, 45

I ideal, xvii, 26, 86, 87 ideals, xv, 20, 122 identical twins, 3, 8

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Index identification, 14, 15, 72, 85, 87, 126, 154 identity, 30, 84, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 105, 121, 169, 170, 178, 179, 186, 191 ideology, 87, 175 immigrants, 43, 48, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 104 immigration, xiv, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93 Immigration Act, 90 Immigration and Nationality Act, 90, 92 immune response, 10 immune system, 9 impairments, 67 improvements, 57, 126 incidence, 100, 101, 114 income, 100, 105 incompatibility, 11 indentured servant, 89 independence, 108 Independence, 88, 191, 192, 193 India, 55, 114, 158 Indian reservation, 88 Indians, xiv, 42, 55, 57, 88, 94, 132 indirect measure, 127 individual differences, 170 individual perception, 178 individual rights, 64 individual students, 120, 162 individualism, 19 individuality, 25, 27 individuals, xii, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 37, 39, 40, 43, 45, 55, 67, 68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 89, 94, 98, 99, 170, 172, 174, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194 individuation, 26 Indonesia, 55 industries, 91 inertia, xvi, 40, 151, 155 infants, 52 inferiority, 13 information technology, 160 infrastructure, 65, 80 ingredients, 84 inheritance, 12, 13 injuries, 100, 102, 103, 104 inspections, 188 institutional change, xv, 131, 151 institutions, xi, xiv, xv, xvi, 34, 44, 63, 64, 69, 71, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 86, 97, 111, 119, 121, 123, 124, 127, 131, 132, 133, 135, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147, 152, 153, 157, 158, 161, 162, 163, 164, 189, 192, 193 integration, 29, 31, 159, 171 integrity, 188

intellect, 180 intelligence, 7, 8, 40 interaction effect, 146 interaction effects, 146 interface, 114 international affairs, 158, 162, 165 internationalization, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166 internship, 158 interpersonal relations, 122 interpersonal relationships, 122 interpersonal skills, 109 intervention, xiii, xv, 17, 23, 27, 29, 49, 58, 192 intervention strategies, xv intestine, 22 intimacy, 98 intimate partner violence (IPV), 98 Intimate partner violence (IPV), xiv, 97 intrinsic rewards, 151 investment, 162 Iowa, 14, 69, 81 IPR, 100, 101 IQ scores, 8 islands, 12 isolation, 4, 11, 98, 104, 107, 139, 142, 143, 189 Israel, 99 issues, vii, xi, xii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, 20, 33, 64, 71, 73, 83, 84, 88, 93, 94, 97, 98, 110, 111, 119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 131, 136, 137, 139, 140, 143, 147, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 158, 161, 162, 164, 166, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 181, 185, 186, 188, 189

J Japan, 55, 99 Jews, 87 job satisfaction, 145 job training, 67 job training programs, 67 Jobs for Veterans Act (JVA), 67 jurisdiction, 193, 194 just society, 169, 171, 172 justification, 68, 178

K Kennewick, 95 keratin, 5 Keynes, 195, 196 kidney, 22 kill, 12, 105

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knees, 53 knowledge acquisition, 28 Korea, 55, 114, 174, 176

love, 138, 186 lubricants, 23 Luo, 37, 42, 45, 46 lying, 6

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L labor market, xiii, 47, 74, 75 lack of confidence, 103 landscape, 102, 190, 193 languages, 170 Laos, 55 large intestine, 22 latency, 37, 42 later life, 175 Latin America, 92, 93 Latinos, 87, 92, 93, 134 law enforcement, 38, 39, 40, 45, 85, 99, 103 Law of Five Elements, 21, 22, 24 laws, xiv, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 77, 80, 86, 89, 109, 125, 128, 176 laws and regulations, xiv, 80 lawyers, 84 lead, 3, 4, 5, 11, 44, 85, 108, 121, 122, 134, 137, 151, 179, 180, 193 leadership, xii, xv, xvi, xvii, 52, 80, 90, 98, 99, 120, 122, 124, 129, 140, 145, 148, 149, 152, 153, 155, 160, 163, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 179, 185, 187, 194 leadership development, xii learners, 154, 169, 170, 171, 172, 178, 180, 181 learning, xi, xii, xvi, xvii, 7, 18, 39, 53, 54, 80, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 144, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171, 173, 181 learning environment, 125, 164, 167 learning outcomes, 126, 149, 152, 153, 158 learning process, 150 learning styles, 150, 151, 152, 153 legal protection, 63, 65, 68 legislation, 50, 71, 89, 185, 186, 196 legs, 53 lens, xiii, 28, 50, 57 LGBT community, 131, 138 liberal education, 159 life experiences, 170, 174, 175, 178, 181 lifetime, 99, 107 light, xii, xvi, 5, 6, 21, 22, 141, 160, 185, 186 literacy, 171, 174 local authorities, 186 local community, 109, 110, 194 local government, 67, 191 loci, 5 Louisiana, 51, 90

M magazines, 174 mainstream society, 33, 104, 173 major issues, xi major life activity, 67 majority, 17, 66, 69, 73, 75, 78, 86, 88, 91, 92, 120, 121, 123, 137, 139, 140, 144 majority group, 137, 139 management, xi, xii, xiii, xvi, xvii, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 49, 83, 93, 94, 108, 129, 169, 185, 187, 191, 192, 193 marginalization, 64, 146, 172, 173, 177, 178, 180, 181 marital life, 101 marital status, 120, 146 marketplace, 47, 55, 162 marriage, 102, 106, 193 Maryland, 100 masculinity, 100 mass, 38, 52, 84 mass media, 38 materials, xi, xii, 108, 174 matrix, 187, 194 matter, iv, xiv, 38, 42, 43, 85, 124, 135, 162, 163, 181 measurement, 5, 127 measurements, 7 media, 23, 142, 174 median, 90 mediation, 72 medical, 19, 20, 67, 98, 107, 111, 189, 194 medical care, 98 medicine, xiii, 19, 20, 27, 29, 31, 159, 194 Mediterranean, 4 melanin, 5 melting, 86, 87, 93 membership, 14, 54, 179 membranes, 10 mental disorder, 28 mental health, 18, 20, 31, 98, 102, 107, 113 mental illness, 46 mental representation, 39 mentor, 135 mentoring, 75, 139, 142, 143, 145 mentoring program, 75 messages, 69, 106, 141 meta-analysis, 37

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Index metaphor, 54, 86, 87, 93 meter, 52, 53 Mexico, 7, 92, 93 Micronesians, 12, 15 middle class, 170, 172, 174, 175, 176, 178 migration, 12, 18, 92 military, 35, 54, 59, 79 mind-body, 19 Minneapolis, 60, 113, 182 minorities, xiv, 18, 38, 41, 43, 44, 48, 54, 57, 74, 75, 76, 79, 83, 101, 121, 134, 137, 139, 142, 143, 144 minority groups, 76, 86, 87, 94, 100, 110, 121, 138, 139, 164, 170, 171 minority students, 138, 160, 171 misconceptions, xiii mission, xv, 23, 24, 119, 120, 121, 122, 129, 137, 140, 143, 147, 153, 159, 163 misunderstanding, xi, 73 mitochondria, 12 Mitochondria, 12 mitochondrial DNA, 12, 13, 14 mixed economy, 29, 187 models, xii, xiii, xiv, xvii, 14, 33, 34, 45, 49, 53, 75, 76, 87, 166, 188 modernity, 30, 189, 191 modifications, 10 modules, 110 moisture, 23 molecular biology, 12 molecules, 11, 23 momentum, 64 mood disorder, 28 morale, 136 morality, 25 motivation, 49, 55, 153, 174, 179, 180, 193 mtDNA, 15 multicultural education, xvi, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165 multiculturalism, xvi, 87, 157, 160, 165, 166 muscles, 23 Muslims, 38 Myanmar, 55

National Indian Youth Council, Inc. (NIYC), 89 national origin, 48, 65, 66, 68, 74, 90, 120, 123 national policy, 51 National Survey, 127 Native American populations, 10 Native Americans, xiv, 12, 41, 55, 87, 88, 89, 142 natural disaster, 23 Nauru, 55 negative attitudes, 40 negative effects, 121 net social benefit, 49, 57 networking, 75, 79 neutral, 56, 71 New Deal, 88 next generation, 153 North America, 12, 42, 88 NSSE, 127 null, 42 nurses, 99, 112 nursing, 30, 112

O objective criteria, 68 objectivity, 22 observed behavior, 109 offenders, 38 Office for Civil Rights (OCR), 65, 70 officials, vii, xi, 89, 110 operations, 160, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166 opportunities, xvii, 25, 57, 107, 110, 121, 124, 126, 144, 152, 154, 155, 161, 162, 164, 165, 172, 179, 181, 182, 190 orbit, 161 organizational development, 24 organize, xvi, 40, 126, 157, 163 organs, 22, 23 osteopathy, 194 otherness, 139, 145 outreach, 54, 75, 76, 161

P N National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 89 National Basketball Association, 7, 54 national borders, 158 National Center for Education Statistics, 95 National Health Service, 192 national identity, 186

Pacific, 12, 13, 15, 29, 55, 74, 88, 90, 91, 100, 167 Pacific Islanders, 88, 90, 91 pain, 11, 25, 26, 30, 194 Pakistan, 55 palliative, 29, 31 parallel, 45 parasites, 12

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206 parents, 7, 13, 25, 54, 175, 176, 177, 179, 194 Pareto, 48 participants, 36, 48, 137, 150, 165, 175, 181 pathology, 20 pathways, 5 peace, 26, 44, 164 pedagogy, 151, 169, 173, 179 pedigree, 135 peer review, 149, 150, 153 Pentagon, 61 performance appraisal, 68, 72 perpetrators, 108 perseverance, 25 personal autonomy, 26 personal contact, 79 personal development, 127, 165, 167 personal life, 170, 174 personal stories, 181 personality, 24, 25, 30, 40, 45, 128 personhood, 25 persons with disabilities, 50, 131 persuasion, 193 Peru, 99 Philadelphia, 40, 42, 43, 53, 94 Philippines, 55 photosynthesis, 23 physical abuse, 103, 108 physical health, 98, 99 pigmentation, 15 playing, 20, 56, 57, 104, 159 pluralism, xiv, xv, 83, 87, 94 pluralist society, 87 poison, 12 police, 39, 40, 45, 99, 100 policy, vii, xi, xiv, 18, 20, 42, 43, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 70, 71, 72, 77, 80, 81, 97, 98, 110, 137, 143, 158, 185, 186, 187, 191, 192, 193, 194 policy initiative, 187, 191, 192 policy makers, 18, 48, 158 political ideologies, 172 political problems, 44 political system, 39, 43 politics, 45, 83, 120, 129, 146 Polynesians, 12, 15 pools, 53, 76, 79, 80, 134, 142 poor performance, 108 population, xv, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 18, 20, 48, 54, 57, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 131, 132, 189, 190, 194 population group, 4 portfolio, 128, 149, 153 positive correlation, 188 potential benefits, 161

Index poverty, xvi, 50, 91, 92, 93, 100, 105, 169, 171, 173, 174, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180 power relations, xiv, 97, 98, 171 practical wisdom, xvii pregnancy, 10, 66, 67 Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978, 67 prejudice, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 80, 85, 86, 88, 93, 101, 109, 126, 173 president, 43, 122, 127, 128, 140, 146, 161 President, 73, 90, 158 President Obama, 158 prestige, 135, 162, 166 prevention, xiv, xv, 20, 69, 71, 72, 97, 99, 110 principles, 78, 79, 80, 113, 122, 124 privatization, 88 probability, 40, 50, 133, 164 problem solving, 23 problem-based learning, 173 professional development, vii, xi, xii, xvii, 139 professionalization, 159 professionals, xii, 25, 80, 98, 159, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194 profit, 41, 162, 166 programming, 121, 123, 126, 127, 128 project, 18, 142, 161, 174 proliferation, 88 proposition, 19, 181 protection, 6, 49, 63, 64, 109, 111 proteins, 10 psychiatry, 30, 112 psychological distress, 113 psychologist, 40 psychology, 19, 26, 27, 29, 31, 36, 45, 46, 145, 149 psychosocial interventions, 29 public administration, 49 public awareness, 101 public education, 65 public health, xiv, 15, 97, 99, 111, 192 public life, 49 public opinion, 120 public policy, vii, 48, 52, 120

Q qualifications, 77, 78, 79 qualitative research, 173 quality of service, 18 quotas, 51, 73, 75, 76, 77, 90

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R race, vii, xii, xiv, 3, 4, 5, 7, 13, 14, 18, 20, 31, 45, 46, 48, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 64, 65, 66, 68, 74, 75, 76, 77, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 102, 112, 120, 123, 126, 129, 131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 144, 146, 173, 174, 175, 181 race issues, 137 racial differences, xiv, 85 racism, 4, 5, 13, 42, 45 reading, vii, xii, 174 reality, xi, 10, 13, 21, 25, 39, 43, 44, 45, 46, 57, 98, 105, 139, 140, 166, 185, 186 reasoning, 49, 127 recall, 148 reception, 123 recessive allele, 11 reciprocity, 189 recognition, 87, 88, 94, 137, 139, 162, 177 recommendations, iv, xiv, 63, 71, 97, 135, 142, 145 recovery, 22, 187 recruiting, xv, 74, 120, 123, 131, 133, 144, 160 red blood cells, 10, 11 reflective practice, vii reforms, 71, 186 refugees, 104 regression, 56 regression model, 56 regulations, 74, 80, 135 Rehabilitation Act, 66, 67, 76 rehearsing, 36 relatives, 4, 51, 52, 90 religion, 19, 30, 65, 66, 74, 97, 102, 113, 114, 116, 120, 126 Reorganization Act, 88 reparation, 42, 43 reputation, 138, 161, 164, 165 requirements, xiv, 63, 64, 68, 76, 78, 79, 80, 83, 100, 123, 164 researchers, vii, xii, 44, 101, 150, 159, 170 resistance, 11, 14, 52, 86, 121, 148, 153, 155, 170, 171, 174, 175, 193 resolution, 25, 65, 71, 72, 111 resource allocation, 48 resources, xiv, 20, 28, 36, 48, 50, 75, 76, 97, 99, 101, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 139, 141, 142, 144, 152, 161, 162, 165, 171, 175, 179 response, 53, 89, 101, 108, 115, 125, 147, 149, 160, 162, 176, 179

retaliation, 68, 71, 103 revenue, 160, 162 rewards, 152 Rhesus (Rh) system, 10 rights, 27, 49, 65, 66, 68, 69, 72, 86, 88, 89, 100, 109, 124 risk, 11, 13, 98, 100, 109, 111, 112, 124, 125, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194 risk factors, 111, 112 risks, 110, 154 roots, 23, 111 routes, 24 rubber, 123 rules, 53, 55, 71, 104 rural areas, 104

S sadness, 177 safety, 53, 54, 91, 100, 103, 106, 109, 110, 111, 115 Samoa, 55 sanctions, 100 SARS, 28 scarcity, 138 scholarship, 125, 144, 148, 154, 155 school, 7, 8, 66, 71, 127, 135, 141, 143, 150, 165, 171, 172, 174, 176, 177, 178, 179 school performance, 8 school success, 8 school work, 176 science, vii, 13, 28, 29, 59, 149, 154 scientific knowledge, 189 scientific understanding, 34 scope, 136 security, 106, 107, 108, 187 segregation, 53, 63, 86, 89, 93 self-actualization, 20, 26 self-assessment, 150 self-efficacy, 20 self-employment, 56 self-esteem, 20, 26, 27, 106, 137 self-improvement, 8 self-interest, 193 self-reflection, 73 self-regulation, 193 self-reports, 85, 93 self-study, 149 self-worth, 108 seminars, 59, 125, 126, 143 Senate, 89 senses, 86 sensitivity, xiv, 29, 78, 85, 93, 94

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208 sensitization, 186 services, iv, 18, 29, 66, 98, 101, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 115, 162, 186, 187, 189 settlements, 71 sex, 12, 65, 66, 68, 69, 74, 83, 98 sexism, 42 sexual abuse, 99 sexual harassment, xiv, 20, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 80, 109 sexual orientation, 20, 28, 97, 105, 112, 120, 126, 136, 157 sexual violence, 98, 99 sexuality, 20 shame, 108, 109 shape, 11, 84, 153, 154, 155 shelter, 100, 101, 106, 109 showing, 49, 53, 57, 70, 103, 164, 175, 176 Siberia, 90 siblings, 8 sickle cell, 11 sickle cell anemia, 11 signals, 135 signs, 98 skeleton, 84 skin, xiv, 3, 5, 6, 14, 43, 83, 84, 85 slavery, 41, 43, 46, 84, 86, 87, 89, 93 slaves, 41, 53, 89 sleep deprivation, 108 small businesses, 57 social activities, 144 social capital, 188, 189, 190, 193 social care, xvi, 17, 185, 188, 191, 193, 194, 195 social change, 120, 121, 192 social class, xiv, 8, 48, 97, 172, 174, 175, 176 social construct, xiv, 13, 84, 85, 93, 95 social context, 171, 172, 191 social control, 193 social costs, 57 social desirability, 34, 41 social exclusion, 89 social fabric, 190, 192 social gerontology, 186 social group, 35, 36, 39, 172, 179 social injustices, 180, 182 social institutions, 192 social interactions, 13 social justice, xvi, 120, 138, 149, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 177, 181 social life, xiv, 83, 85 social network, 139, 142, 144 social norms, 86, 100, 186, 188 social obligations, 25 social policy, vii, xvi

Index social problems, xiii, 33, 39, 41, 42, 111, 192 social psychology, xiii, 33, 36, 37, 46 social relations, 194 social relationships, 194 social responsibility, 171 social services, 187 social status, 91, 126, 172, 173, 189 social structure, 44, 98 social support, 102, 115 social theory, 173 social welfare, vii, 194 social workers, 30 socialization, 150, 151, 153 society, xiv, xv, xvii, 29, 30, 35, 44, 64, 73, 75, 77, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 98, 111, 121, 122, 129, 146, 154, 157, 158, 159, 163, 172, 182, 190, 192 socioeconomic background, 100 socioeconomic status, 8, 97, 98 sociology, vii, 149 solidarity, 124 solution, 40, 171, 180, 181 South Africa, 99 South America, 55 South Asia, 90, 101, 113 Southeast Asia, 15, 90 sovereignty, 88 Soviet Union, 92 Spain, 11, 92 special education, 7 specialists, 159 specialization, 20, 134, 136 species, 3, 4, 12, 13 speech, 69 sperm, 12 spirituality, 18, 26, 27, 30, 116 staff members, xvii, 20 stakeholder groups, 120 stakeholders, 108, 122 Standard Model, 41 standardization, 8 state, xi, xii, 22, 26, 51, 54, 65, 67, 71, 76, 77, 88, 89, 92, 98, 100, 105, 107, 109, 132, 136, 158, 185, 186, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194 state intervention, 190, 192 state laws, 65, 71, 88 states, 76, 88, 89, 92, 121, 132, 151, 152, 158 stereotypes, xiii, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 79, 126, 177 stereotyping, xiii, xiv, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 85, 101 stigma, 40, 43, 108 stock value, 162

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Index stomach, 22, 53 structural changes, 148 structure, xv, 6, 12, 15, 39, 43, 44, 98, 128, 150, 151, 152, 154, 166, 192 structuring, 193, 194 student affairs staff, xvii style, 136 Styles, 145, 146 subgroups, 56 subjective experience, 186 sub-Saharan Africa, 11 substance abuse, 20, 100 suicide, 105 supervision, 145 supervisor, 70, 71, 106 supervisors, 64, 68, 70, 71, 72, 78, 98, 111 Supreme Court, 63, 64, 70, 76, 77, 85 surplus, 88 surveillance, 115, 192, 193, 194 survival, 23, 41, 89, 103, 162, 190 survivors, 101, 102, 112, 116, 145 symbiosis, 23 sympathy, 172 symptoms, 20, 25, 27 syndrome, 101 systemic change, 155

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T tactics, 98, 108, 111, 140, 144, 190, 193 Taiwan, 55 Tanzania, 99 target, xvii, 7, 23, 56, 79, 188 teachers, 170 teaching evaluation, 138, 139 teaching strategies, 150, 151 teams, 29, 53, 54, 55, 57, 110, 149 technical assistance, 111, 112 techniques, 9, 27, 29, 53, 72, 126, 140, 141, 188, 191, 193 technologies, 190, 191 technology, 85, 95, 158 temperature, 106 tension, xiii, 41, 45, 47, 48, 50, 57, 103, 121, 191 tensions, xiii, 47, 48, 58, 121, 189, 190 tenure, 133, 137, 139, 142, 143, 145, 146, 151, 154, 155 therapist, 106 therapy, 27, 31, 194 thoughts, 17, 18, 105, 175, 177 threats, 98, 105 time frame, 128 Title I, 64, 65, 66, 67, 70

Title II, 65, 66 Title IV, 65 Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, 66 Title V, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 73, 74, 78, 80, 160 total costs, 107 tourism, 18 trade, 18, 47, 50, 92, 171 trade-off, 47, 50 Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), xiii, 17 traditional gender role, 100 traditional practices, 18 traditions, 24, 28, 164 trainees, 33, 34 training, xii, 29, 33, 34, 44, 54, 67, 69, 70, 72, 77, 110, 112, 140, 141, 152, 154, 158, 165 training programs, xii, 44, 140 traits, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 35, 36, 37, 45, 83, 84, 109, 169, 180 trajectory, 191 transformation, xvi, 21, 26, 31, 148, 150, 152, 169, 171 transfusion, 9 transparency, 137, 139, 188, 193 transportation, 104, 108 treaties, 92 treatment, xii, 19, 20, 21, 23, 26, 30, 48, 64, 67, 68, 77, 102, 103, 172, 194 trial, 29, 89 Tribalism, 89 trustworthiness, 188, 189, 191 tuition, 162 turnover, 98, 99 twinning, 158, 161 twins, 8

U U.S. economy, 160 UK, ix, x, xiii, xvi, 17, 29, 185, 186, 187, 189, 194 UN, 115 undergraduate education, 164 United, xiii, xiv, 8, 29, 39, 47, 48, 51, 52, 60, 63, 65, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 112, 113, 114, 115, 121, 134, 158, 160, 167, 174 United Kingdom, 29 United Nations, 97, 99, 112, 115 United States, xiii, xiv, 8, 39, 47, 48, 51, 52, 60, 63, 65, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 100, 101, 113, 114, 115, 121, 134, 158, 167, 174

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universe, 22 universities, xii, xvi, 50, 53, 57, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 91, 120, 124, 132, 133, 138, 142, 146, 147, 151, 157, 158, 159, 160, 164, 165, 166, 179 urban, vii, 51, 89, 91, 92 urbanization, 89 urinary bladder, 22 USA, xi, 3, 33, 42, 43, 47, 52, 54, 61, 63, 83, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 106, 119, 131, 147, 169, 189 Utilization Analysis, 74

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V vacancies, 74, 75 valence, 37, 38, 40, 42 valuation, 87 variables, xi, xvii, 37, 100, 102, 114, 120 variations, 119, 124, 126, 128 varieties, 4 vector, 12 vessels, 23 Vice President, ix, x, xiii, xiv, xvi victims, xiv, 69, 80, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 106, 107, 109, 110, 136 Vietnam, 55, 67 Vietnam Era Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act (VEVRAA), 67 Viking, 46 violence, xiv, 20, 36, 38, 49, 89, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116 violent behavior, 104 violent crime, 99 vision, xv, 23, 24, 27, 129, 153, 166, 185 visions, 186 visual images, 174

W wages, 47, 66 walking, 27, 103 Walter Lippmann, 36, 39 war, 37, 41, 91, 164

War on Terror, 95 Washington, ix, xiv, 44, 46, 53, 59, 60, 61, 63, 70, 81, 94, 95, 113, 114, 146, 156, 167 waste, 34 water, 22, 23, 28, 51, 53, 54, 176 wavelengths, 5 weakness, 186 wealth, 7, 98, 179 welfare, 25, 90, 115, 187, 192, 193, 194 welfare reform, 90, 115 well-being, 17, 20, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 48, 51, 105, 111 wellness, 20, 27 wood, 22, 23, 28 work environment, xiv, 65, 68, 72, 97, 108, 111 work ethic, 179 workers, xiii, 41, 46, 47, 51, 98, 104, 106, 108, 109, 111, 148 workforce, xiii, xvii, 17, 18, 47, 49, 50, 51, 63, 64, 65, 69, 73, 74, 75, 79, 80 Workforce Analysis, 74 workload, 138 workplace, xvii, 20, 25, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 97, 98, 99, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 124 World Health Organization, 31, 100, 112, 113, 116 World War I, 7, 91, 95, 160, 164 worldview, 19, 24, 165 worldwide, vii, xi, 10, 99 worry, 22 writing time, 138

Y Y chromosome, 12, 13, 15 Yale University, 14 yang, 21, 23, 24, 25 Yao Ming, 35 yield, 40, 135, 161 yin, 21, 22, 23, 25, 28 yin-yang, 21, 22, 28 yin-yang theory, 21, 22 young adults, 69

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