Digital Democracy: Issues of Theory and Practice [1 ed.] 9781446264829, 9780761962175

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Digital Democracy

Digital Democracy issues of theory and practice

edited by

Kenneth L. Hacker & Jan van Dijk

SAGE Publications London · Thousand Oaks · N e w Delhi

Editorial arrangement © Kenneth L. Hacker and Jan van Dijk 2000 Chapter 1 © Kenneth L. Hacker and Jan van Dijk 2000 Chapter 2 © Everett M. Rogers and Sheena Malhotra 2000 Chapter 3 © Jan van Dijk 2000 Chapter 4 © Martin Hagen 2000 Chapter 5 © John Keane 2000 Chapter 6 © Sinikka Sassi 2000 Chapter 7 © Kenneth L. Hacker 2000 Chapter 2000 Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter

8 © Anita Elberse, Matthew Hale and William H. Dutton 9 © Nicholas Jankowski and Martine van Selm 2000 10 © Jan van Dijk 2000 11 © Michel Catinat and Thierry Vedel 2000 12 © Jan van Dijk and Kenneth L. Hacker 2000

First published 2000 All rights reserved. N o part o f this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writing from the Publishers. SAGE Publications Ltd 6 Bonhill Street London EC2A 4PU SAGE Publications Inc 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd 32, M-Block Market Greater Kailash - 1 New Delhi 110 048 British Library Cataloguing in Publication data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0 7619 6217 4 ISBN 0 7619 6218 2 (pbk) Library of Congress catalog record available

Typeset by Siva Math Setters, Chennai, India

Contents List o f C o n t r i b u t o r s

vii

Acknowledgements

ix

PART I 1

2

INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY

W h a t is Digital D e m o c r a c y ? Kenneth L. Hacker and Jan van

1 Dijk

C o m p u t e r s as C o m m u n i c a t i o n : the R i s e o f Digital D e m o c r a c y Everett M. Rogers and Sheena

P A R T II 3

1

10 Malhotra 30

THEORY

Models of Democracy and Concepts 30

of Communication Jan van

Dijk

4

Digital D e m o c r a c y and Political S y s t e m s Martin Hagen

54

5

Structural T r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f the Public S p h e r e

70

John 6

T h e C o n t r o v e r s i e s o f t h e Internet and the Revitalization o f L o c a l Political Life Sinikka Sassi

P A R T III 7

8

9

10

Keane

90

105

PRACTICE

The White House Computer-mediated Communication ( C M C ) S y s t e m a n d Political Interactivity Kenneth L. Hacker

105

Guiding Voters through the Net: the Democracy N e t w o r k in a California P r i m a r y E l e c t i o n Anita Elberse, Matthew L. Hale and William H. Dutton

130

T h e P r o m i s e a n d Practice o f P u b l i c D e b a t e in C y b e r s p a c e Nicholas Jankowski and Martine van

149 Selm

W i d e n i n g I n f o r m a t i o n G a p s a n d Policies o f P r e v e n t i o n Jan van Dijk

166

vi

Digital Democracy

11

P u b l i c P o l i c i e s for Digital D e m o c r a c y Michel Catinat and Thierry Vedel

P A R T IV 12

SUMMARY

Summary Jan van Dijk and Kenneth

Index

184

209 209 L.

Hacker 225

List of Contributors M i c h e l C a t i n a t is a d v i s e r to t h e D i r e c t o r G e n e r a l for I n d u s t r y o f t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n a n d Professor at t h e C o l l e g e o f E u r o p e in B r u g g e . W i l l i a m H . D u t t o n , P r o f e s s o r at t h e A n n e n b e r g S c h o o l for C o m m u n i c a t i o n at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f S o u t h e r n California, w a s N a t i o n a l D i r e c t o r o f t h e U K ' s P r o g r a m m e o n I n f o r m a t i o n a n d C o m m u n i c a t i o n T e c h n o l o g i e s . H e is t h e a u t h o r o f Society on the Line: Information Politics in the Digital Age ( 1 9 9 9 ) . H e is i n v o l v e d in r e s e a r c h o n t e c h n o l o g i c a l a n d institutional c h a n g e in h i g h e r e d u c a ­ tion a n d t h e ' n e w s i n d u s t r y ' , as w e l l as in g o v e r n m e n t and politics. A n i t a E l b e r s e is a P h D c a n d i d a t e at t h e L o n d o n B u s i n e s s S c h o o l , w h e r e she is w o r k i n g w i t h i n t h e F u t u r e M e d i a R e s e a r c h P r o g r a m m e . H e r r e s e a r c h focuses o n t h e implications o f t e c h n o l o g y d e v e l o p m e n t s for t h e m e d i a industry. O n e o f h e r r e s e a r c h projects, ' N e w s is a Digital A g e ' , focuses o n t h e n e w s m e d i a industry. K e n n e t h L . H a c k e r is A s s o c i a t e Professor o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n Studies at N e w M e x i c o State U n i v e r s i t y , U S A . H i s t w o m a i n areas o f r e s e a r c h and teach­ ing a r e c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s a n d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e is editor o f t h e b o o k Candidate Images in Presidential Elections ( 1 9 9 5 ) . H e h a s s e r v e d as S e c r e t a r y o f the Political C o m m u n i c a t i o n division o f the International C o m m u n i ­ cation A s s o c i a t i o n . H e h a s w r i t t e n n u m e r o u s Political C o m m u n i c a t i o n articles a n d is p r e s e n t l y w r i t i n g a b o o k c h a p t e r a b o u t P r e s i d e n t C l i n t o n ' s political i m a g e m a n a g e m e n t strategies. M a r t i n H a g e n h a s b e e n a full-time r e s e a r c h e r for A p p l i e d C o m p u t e r S c i e n c e at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r e m e n in G e r m a n y since 1997. H e is currently w o r k i n g o n his doctoral thesis, a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y o n t h e role o f political p r o g r a m m e s a n d I C T u s e in G e r m a n a n d U S p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e f o r m s . A m o n g h i s p u b l i c a t i o n s are Elektronische Demokratie ( 1 9 9 7 ) , an analysis o f c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a n d their r o o t s in A m e r i c a n political t h o u g h t ( w i t h P r o f D r H a n s K l e i n s t e u b e r ) , a n d One-Stop-Government in Europe (forthcoming), edited with Herbert K u b i c e k , w h i c h g a t h e r s the current status and c h a l l e n g e s o f integrated service delivery in 11 E u r o p e a n N a t i o n s . M a t t h e w L . H a l e is a P h D c a n d i d a t e in the S c h o o l o f Policy, P l a n n i n g and D e v e l o p m e n t at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f S o u t h e r n California. H i s r e s e a r c h interests include t e c h n o l o g y a n d m e d i a effects o n t h e political a n d g o v e r n a n c e p r o c e s s e s . H i s current activities i n c l u d e a c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s o f local television n e w s c o v e r a g e o f the 2 0 0 0 elections a n d a s t u d y o f h o w c o m m u n i t y a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d o r g a n i ­ z a t i o n s are a d o p t i n g a n d u s i n g t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b . H i s t e a c h i n g focuses o n public policy analysis.

viii

Digital Democracy

N i c h o l a s J a n k o w s k i is A s s o c i a t e P r o f e s s o r at t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f N i j m e g e n in t h e N e t h e r l a n d s . H e h a s p u b l i s h e d o n small-scale electronic m e d i a , interactive c a b l e s y s t e m s , m u l t i m e d i a d e v e l o p ­ m e n t s a n d v a r i o u s Internet applications. H e is co-editor o f New Media and Society a n d A s s o c i a t e Editor o f Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research. J a n k o w s k i c o - e d i t e d a h a n d b o o k o n qualitative research m e t h o d o l o g i e s a n d is currently w r i t i n g a t e x t b o o k a b o u t n e w m e d i a research m e t h o d s w i t h M a r t i n e v a n Selm. J o h n K e a n e is Director o f t h e C e n t r e for t h e S t u d y o f D e m o c r a c y a n d Professor o f Politics at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f W e s t m i n s t e r . A m o n g his m a n y b o o k s are Democracy and Civil Society ( 1 9 9 8 ) , The Media and Democracy (1991), the p r i z e - w i n n i n g Tom Paine: A Political Life ( 1 9 9 5 ) , Reflections on Violence ( 1 9 9 6 ) a n d Vaclav Havel: A Political Tragedy in Six Acts ( 1 9 9 9 ) . The Times h a s r a n k e d h i m as o n e o f B r i t a i n ' s l e a d i n g political t h i n k e r s , w h o s e w o r k is o f ' w o r l d - w i d e importance'. S h e e n a M a l h o t r a h a s a b a c k g r o u n d in t h e television a n d film industry in India, e a r n e d h e r P h D at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f N e w M e x i c o a n d p r e s e n t l y t e a c h e s c o m m u ­ nication at R e g i s University. E v e r e t t M . R o g e r s is Professor at t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d J o u r n a l i s m , U n i v e r s i t y o f N e w M e x i c o . R o g e r s is w i d e l y k n o w n for h i s b o o k , Diffusion of Innovations, p u b l i s h e d in its fourth edition in 1 9 9 5 . H e h a s p u b l i s h e d m a n y j o u r n a l articles a n d b o o k s c o n c e r n i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y , c o m m u n i c a ­ tion t e c h n o l o g i e s a n d m a s s m e d i a . S i n i k k a S a s s i studied h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f H e l s i n k i a n d h a s since 1985 w o r k e d as a r e s e a r c h e r a n d lecturer at t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n . Before 1985 s h e w o r k e d at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f T e c h n o l o g y , administrating a n d s t u d y i n g o n e o f t h e first c o m p u t e r conference s y s t e m s , t h e P o r t a C o m . H e r research interests i n c l u d e the social i m p a c t s o f n e w c o m m u n i c a ­ tion t e c h n o l o g y , t h e i s s u e s o f d e m o c r a c y a n d p u b l i c sphere, a n d the cultural study o f t h e W e s t - A f r i c a n m e d i a , b o t h old a n d n e w . J a n v a n D i j k is Professor o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n S c i e n c e at T w e n t e U n i v e r s i t y (for­ m e r l y U t r e c h t U n i v e r s i t y ) . H e t e a c h e s a n d d e v e l o p s t h e s o c i o l o g y o f t h e infor­ m a t i o n society, in particular t h e social-cultural, political a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a s p e c t s . H e is a u t h o r o f The Network Society ( 1 9 9 9 ) . Finally, h e is adviser o f t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n in t h e I n f o r m a t i o n Society F o r u m . M a r t i n e v a n S e l m e a r n e r h e r P h D at t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f P s y c h o g e r o n t o l o g y o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f N i j m e g e n , t h e N e t h e r l a n d s . A t p r e s e n t she is A s s o c i a t e Professor at t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n at t h e s a m e university. T h e focus o f h e r r e s e a r c h in t h e area o f n e w m e d i a is o n the (older) u s e r s o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s in o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a n d o t h e r settings. T h i e r r y V e d e l is S e n i o r R e s e a r c h e r w i t h t h e N a t i o n ? ! C e n t r e for Scientific R e s e a r c h in Paris.

Acknowledgements T h e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f this b o o k w a s initiated at t h e 9th a n n u a l E u r o p e a n Institute o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d C u l t u r e ' s c o l l o q u i u m o n digital d e m o c r a c y h e l d in P i r a n , S l o v e n i a , 1 0 - 1 4 A p r i l 1996. A t that c o n f e r e n c e , scholars from n u m e r ­ o u s n a t i o n s d i s c u s s e d t h e t h e o r y a n d application d i m e n s i o n s o f C M C a n d d e m o ­ cracy. D e s p i t e t h e fact that this b o o k c o n c e p t w a s inspired b y t h e c o l l o q u i u m , it is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e that it is n o w a y a p r o c e e d i n g s b o o k . A b o u t h a l f o f t h e c o n ­ t r i b u t i o n s a r e f r o m o u t s i d e t h e c o l l o q u i u m . I n fact, t h i s is a w h o l e n e w p r o j e c t w h i c h o n l y benefits from s o m e c o n c l u s i o n s o f t h e c o l l o q u i u m , b u t m a i n l y b u i l d s from s u b s e q u e n t r e s e a r c h d o n e for this b o o k . W h i l e t h e a u t h o r s m a y a g r e e o n w h a t issues a r e e m e r g i n g , t h e r e are p o i n t s o f difference in w h a t r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s fit t h o s e i s s u e s . T h i s s h o u l d m a k e for lively r e a d i n g a n d intellectual stimulation. W e regret to say that o n e o f o u r initial contributors, a wonderful p e r s o n and scholar, I a n C o n n e l l , p a s s e d a w a y d u r i n g t h e w r i t i n g o f this b o o k . H e will b e m i s s e d . C o l i n S p a r k s , S l a v k o Splichal a n d o t h e r o r g a n i z e r s o f t h e 1996 P i r a n confer­ e n c e a r e t o b e t h a n k e d for h o u r s o f useful d i s c u s s i o n a b o u t m a n y issues r e g a r d i n g digital d e m o c r a c y . W e are grateful t o n u m e r o u s p e o p l e for m a k i n g this b o o k p o s s i b l e , h e l p i n g t h e project, c o n c e i v e d o f quite a few y e a r s a g o , t o c o m e t o fruition. First, w e are grateful t o all o f t h e c o n t r i b u t o r s o f their p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m , h a r d w o r k a n d stead­ fastness in a n s w e r i n g editor criticisms a n d m e e t i n g v a r i o u s d e a d l i n e s . T h e q u a l ­ ity o f this b o o k directly reflects t h e stature o f o u r c o n t r i b u t o r s . W e also n e e d t o e x p r e s s h e a r t y t h a n k s t o Julia H a l l o f S a g e , w h o s a w t h e potential o f t h e b o o k a n d h e l p e d u s m a k e it all c o m e together. E v e r e t t R o g e r s is t h a n k e d for b e i n g s u p ­ p o r t i v e o f this entire project. Kenneth

L. Hacker

and Jan van

Dijk

PARTI INTRODUCTION A N D

HISTORY

1 What is Digital Democracy? Kenneth L. Hacker and ]an van Dijk

T h e objective o f this b o o k is to a d d r e s s h o w t h e Internet, W o r l d W i d e W e b a n d c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n are affecting d e m o c r a c y . It focuses o n the v a r i o u s theoretical and practical (application) issues i n v o l v e d w i t h digital democracy. Digital d e m o c r a c y is the u s e o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology (ICT) and c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) in all kinds o f m e d i a (e.g. the Internet, interactive broadcasting and digital telephony) for p u r p o s e s o f e n h a n c i n g political d e m o c r a c y or the participation o f citizens in democratic c o m m u n i ­ cation. C o m p a r a b l e terms like 'virtual d e m o c r a c y ' , ' t e l e d e m o c r a c y ' , 'electronic d e m o c r a c y ' and ' c y b e r d e m o c r a c y ' are frequently u s e d in other places. M u c h o f the talk about electronic d e m o c r a c y is loose and atheoretical. This b o o k is different. In these p a g e s , y o u will not encounter yet another b o o k about the virtuality o f n e w m e d i a w i t h superficial treatment of the critical concept o f d e m o c r a c y . Instead, you will find that this b o o k brings together the scholarship of n u m e r o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists w h o concentrate directly o n the issues o f digital d e m o c r a c y theory and practice, and the relationship o f C M C / I C T to d e m o c r a c y . W e prefer the t e r m 'digital d e m o c r a c y ' to similar s o u n d i n g t e r m s b e c a u s e it is clearly related to the u s e o f I C T a n d C M C in all k i n d s o f p r a c t i c e s that are p r e ­ s u m e d to b e d e m o c r a t i c . W e define digital d e m o c r a c y as a collection of attempts to practise democracy without the limits of time, space and other physical condi­ tions, using ICT or CMC instead, as an addition, not a replacement for tradi­ tional 'analogue 'political practices. T h e c o n c e p t o f digital d e m o c r a c y g i v e s u s the k i n d o f specificity that a l l o w s u s to a b a n d o n t h e similar s o u n d i n g t e r m s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e . T h e t e r m 'virtual

2

Mroduction

and History

d e m o c r a c y ' suggests t h a t political C M C is a n altogether different t y p e o f d e m o c r a c y b r e a k i n g w i t h t h e traditional o n e s g r o u n d e d in particular t i m e s , p l a c e s a n d conditions. In contrast, t h e a u t h o r s o f c h a p t e r s in this b o o k d e m o n s t r a t e that m o s t fruitful practices o f digital d e m o c r a c y a r e t h e o n e s w h i c h c o m b i n e virtual a n d o r g a n i c reality, c o n n e c t i n g I C T o r C M C w i t h o t h e r m e d i a , a n d m o s t o f all w i t h t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e t e r m ' t e l e d e t n o c r a c y ' h a s b e c o m e overly associated w i t h direct d e m o c r a c y o f t h e t y p e a d v o c a t e d b y R o s s Perot, A l v i n Toffler a n d o t h e r s . W e d o n o t share their faith in direct d e m o c r a c y as t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t t y p e o f d e m o c r a c y . In this b o o k , y o u are likely to see indi­ cations o f a m o v e t o w a r d p o s s i b l e c o m b i n a t i o n s o f direct a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy. T h e t e r m ' e l e c t r o n i c d e m o c r a c y ' is t o o g e n e r a l a s t h e o l d m e d i a o f b r o a d ­ casting a n d t e l e p h o n y w e r e electronic as w e l l . W e are t r y i n g t o s h o w w h a t t h e u s e o f C M C o r I C T m i g h t m e a n t o d e m o c r a c y . Finally, ' c y b e r d e m o c r a c y ' is t h e m o s t loose a n d v a g u e o f all t e r m s u s e d , s o m e t i m e s s u g g e s t i n g t h e Internet is t h e o n l y relevant n e w m e d i u m . B e c a u s e this b o o k is i n t e n d e d t o b e scientific, o u r a u t h o r s a t t e m p t to d e b u n k t h e m o r a s s o f w i l d e x p e c t a t i o n s that s o m e o b s e r v e r s h a v e c o n n e c t e d t o t h e a d v e n t a n d i n c r e a s i n g a d o p t i o n o f digital m e d i a . O f c o u r s e , w i l d e x p e c t a t i o n s a n d c l a i m s a b o u t n e w m e d i a a r e certainly n o t n e w . In 1922, T h o m a s E d i s o n said that m o t i o n p i c t u r e s w o u l d r e p l a c e t e x t b o o k s in s c h o o l c l a s s r o o m s ( O p p e n h e i m e r , 1997). Predictions like this a b o u n d in t h e h i s t o r y o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s . S a m u e l M o r s e , inventor o f t h e telegraph, m a d e t h e prediction that w o r l d p e a c e w o u l d result from h i s invention a n d t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e trans-Atlantic c a b l e (Steffen, 1994). J. Licklider, k e y A R P A n e t designer, foresaw that w h a t b e c a m e t h e Internet c o u l d also b e u s e d a s a tool o f w o r l d p e a c e , albeit in a m o r e reserved m a n n e r t h a n M o r s e . S o m e observers c l a i m e d that r a d i o w o u l d b e a ' u n i v e r s i t y w i t h o u t w a l l s ' . C a b l e T V c o m p a n i e s p r o m i s e d a revolution in e d u c a t i o n w i t h their s y s t e m s in t h e 1970s a n d 1980s. S u c h r e p l a c e ­ m e n t rhetoric ignores t h e fact that n e w technologies o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n m o r e often displace existing m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a n totally replace t h e m , g i v e n that t h e o l d e r m e a n s h a v e c o n t i n u e d utility. Scholars a n d social c o m m e n t a t o r s are m a k i n g grandiose assertions r e g a r d ­ ing digital d e m o c r a c y . M a n y o f t h e s e c l a i m s a r e h y p e r b o l i c , g a m e l i k e o r u n r e a l ­ istic, i n c l u d i n g t h o s e a b o u t ' t h i r d w a v e s ' , n e w forms o f G r e e k agora, ' v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s ' , ' t e l e d e m o c r a c y ' a n d a n e w a g e o f citizen participation. W h i l e p o r t i o n s o f these c l a i m s are s u p p o r t e d b y s o m e data, m o s t suffer from oversimplistic a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d a b o u t d e m o c r a t i c politi­ cal s y s t e m s . In contrast, t h e a u t h o r s in this b o o k forcefully d e b u n k n u m e r o u s fallacies a b o u t digital d e m o c r a c y . Still, as c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists, m o s t o f u s p e r c e i v e o u r role as a d v o c a t i n g n e i t h e r a U t o p i a n n o r a D y s t o p i a n v i e w a b o u t political c o m m u n i c a t i o n u s i n g digital m e d i a . Instead, w e d i s c u s s t h e p o s s i b l e illu­ sions a n d e v e n h a r m s t o d e m o c r a c i e s that m a y follow efforts t o e n h a n c e d e m o c ­ r a c y w i t h o u t serious w o r k in relating digital d e m o c r a c i e s t o w h a t w e call o r g a n i c d e m o c r a c i e s . H o w e v e r , w e also identify a n d specify a s clearly a s p o s s i b l e w h e r e I C T and C M C can help promote democracy and what forms and processes may b e part o f w h a t is g e n u i n e l y digital d e m o c r a c y . F o r e x a m p l e , J o h n K e a n e a r g u e s

Wftat is Digital Democracy?

3

that m i c r o - l e v e l d e m o c r a t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n c a n h a v e positive effects o n a d e m o c r a t i c political s y s t e m . Teresa Harrison, Timothy Stephen and Lisa Falvey (1999) have made some interesting o b s e r v a t i o n s a b o u t h o w c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists h a v e treated the relationship o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s a n d d e m o c r a c y . T h e y a r g u e that t h e r e are m o r e c l a i m s a b o u t d e m o c r a c y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a n there is research c o n c e r n i n g the s a m e . T h e y also a r g u e that s c h o l a r l y a s s e s s m e n t o f digital d e m o c ­ r a c y requires that theorists specify w h a t d e s i g n s a n d p r o c e s s e s o f I C T contribute to d e m o c r a c y as w e l l as s h o w h o w d e m o c r a t i c goals are facilitated b y particular c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r a c t i c e s . T h e a u t h o r s in this b o o k share this c o n c e r n for m o v i n g b e y o n d t h e g l o r y d a y s r h e t o r i c a b o u t n e w g o l d e n a g e s o f d e m o c r a c y as w e l l as the h e l l - i n - a - h a n d b a s k e t p r e d i c t i o n s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y L u d d i t e s . R i c h a r d D a v i s a n d D i a n a O w e n ( 1 9 9 8 ) o b s e r v e that t h e political effects o f n e w m e d i a a n d I C T are m i x e d in t e r m s o f p o s s i b l e benefits a n d p o s s i b l e d r a w b a c k s . U s e r s o f I C T can g a t h e r d o c u m e n t s about politics a n d g o v e r n m e n t m o r e easily t h a n ever before. T h e y c a n also find a n d j o i n political d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p s a n d w o r k w i t h others to o r g a n i z e certain political activities. Citizens c a n follow legislation w i t h their access to c o m m i t t e e transcripts. R e s e a r c h o n v o t i n g r e c o r d s , c a m p a i g n c o n t r i b u t i o n s a n d p o l i c y p o s i t i o n s is easier than ever for t h o s e w h o n a v i g a t e t h r o u g h the W o r l d W i d e W e b . T h e y s a y that all o f this is g o o d , b u t there h a s not: b e e n a great deal o f m o v e m e n t t o w a r d direct d e m o c r a c y w i t h C M C a n d t h e Internet. P e r h a p s there s h o u l d n o t b e such a s i m p l e straightforward m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s direct d e m o c r a c y a n d p e r h a p s w h a t is o c c u r r i n g w i t h digital d e m o c r a c y involves a subtle a n d c o m p l e x fusing o f e l e m e n t s o f direct d e m o c r a c y a n d n e w w a y s o f representation. D a v i s a n d O w e n ( 1 9 9 8 : 127) fear the a d v o c a c y o f ' t e l e d e m o c r a c y ' stating that, ' a t t h e t o u c h o f a few k e y s t r o k e s , o p i n i o n s c a n be e x p r e s s e d a n d c o m m u n i c a t e d far a n d w i d e . Y e t s u c h rapid r e a c t i o n s h o u l d n o t b e the lodestone o f p u b l i c p o l i c y r e s o l u t i o n . ' W h i l e s o m e o f this v i e w is shared b y o u r authors, there is also d i v e r g e n c e in h o w d e m o c r a c i e s are c o n c e p t u a l i z e d . O n c e b e y o n d the dichotomies o f the past regarding either g o o d or b a d effects, w e can face the useful issues s u c h as h o w , in w h a t w a y s a n d w i t h w h a t variations, I C T a n d C M C affect d e m o c r a c i e s . W e c a n a s k i m p o r t a n t questions s u c h as d o e s increasing p u b l i c a c c e s s to g o v e r n m e n t d o c u m e n t s increase citizen e m p o w e r ­ m e n t and if s o , h o w d o e s this o c c u r ? W e h a v e to specify h o w n e w forms o f c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n m a y c o n t r i b u t e t o d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , as w e l l as h o w w e k n o w this to be t h e c a s e . It is a r g u a b l e that if t h e Internet s i m p l y b e c o m e s a n o t h e r c h a n n e l for t h o s e w h o a l r e a d y are h i g h in political sophistication, then it d o e s little to e n h a n c e d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n a n d a g r e a t d e a l t o e n h a n c e t h e status q u o o f e x i s t i n g d e m o c r a t i c or n o n - d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m s . I n c r e a s i n g attention is b e i n g g i v e n to the political u s e s o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s s u c h as t h e Internet and the W o r l d W i d e W e b . W h e t h e r o n e sees the n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s as s e r v i n g o r w o r k i n g against d e m o c r a c y , m o s t scholars agree that c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n are c h a n g i n g in relation to t h e n e w l y e m e r g i n g forms o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . S o m e o b s e r v e r s b e l i e v e that t h e n e w types o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n are revitalizing d e m o c r a c y a n d others p e r c e i v e d a n g e r s to d e m o c r a c y . F r o m a variety o f p e r s p e c t i v e s , this b o o k e x a m i n e s t h e c o n c e p t o f

4

Introduction and History

digital d e m o c r a c y as d i s c u s s e d in t h e o r y (Part II) a n d in descriptions o f applications (Part III). T o p i c s a d d r e s s e d in this b o o k i n c l u d e c o n c e p t s o f d e m o ­ cratization i n general, p r o p o s i t i o n s o f d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n in a digital e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e e m e r g e n c e o f n e w forms o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d p u b l i c s p h e r e s , t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f televoting, t h e potential e n h a n c e m e n t o f political participation t h r o u g h c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n , c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f citizens w i t h t h e g o v e r n m e n t t h r o u g h c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s a n d the v a r i o u s links o f digital d e m o c ­ racies to organic democracies. T h e r e a r e c o u n t l e s s c l a i m s t o d a y a b o u t t h e d e m o c r a t i z i n g effects o f t h e Internet in g e n e r a l a n d w i t h m o r e localized f o r m s o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) s u c h a s c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s , international discussion g r o u p s a n d t h e u s e o f electronic m a i l in o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A s n o t e d earlier, t h r o u g h o u t a c a d e m i a , a n d in the m a s s m e d i a as w e l l , t h e r e a r e n u m e r o u s rhetorical claims m a d e a b o u t t h e effects o n d e m o c r a c y created b y political I C T a n d C M C . T h e s e i n c l u d e t h e following: 1 2

I C T increases t h e s c a l e a n d s p e e d o f p r o v i d i n g information. T h i s h e l p s create m o r e i n f o r m e d citizens; Political participation is m a d e easier a n d certain obstacles like apathy, shyness, disabilities, t i m e , etc. c a n b e lessened;

3

C M C creates n e w w a y s o f o r g a n i z i n g w i t h subject-specific g r o u p s for d i s c u s ­ sion, c h e a p distribution costs, etc.;

4 5

T h e N e t allows n e w political c o m m u n i t i e s to arise free from state intervention; A hierarchical political s y s t e m b e c o m e s m o r e horizontal b y i n c r e a s i n g political C M C ;

6 7

C i t i z e n s will h a v e m o r e v o i c e in c r e a t i n g a g e n d a s for g o v e r n m e n t ; C M C will h e l p r e m o v e distorting m e d i a t o r s like j o u r n a l i s t s , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d parties;

8

Politics w i l l b e a b l e t o r e s p o n d m o r e directly to citizen c o n c e r n s as I C T a n d C M C e n a b l e a k i n d o f political m a r k e t i n g research; a n d I C T a n d C M C w i l l h e l p r e s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m s o f representative d e m o c r a c y s u c h as territorial b a s e s o f constituencies, etc.

9

T h i s b o o k is g r o u n d e d in t h e a s s u m p t i o n that t h e r e are t w o i m p o r t a n t sets o f issues for t h e study o f digital d e m o c r a c y ; o n e is theoretical a n d t h e o t h e r c o n c e r n s p r a c t i c e s . T h e theoretical i s s u e s c e n t r e a r o u n d c o n c e p t s o f d e m o c r a c y i n g e n e r a l , i d e a s a n d definitions for electronic d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , t h e role o f t h e Internet, I C T a n d C M C in t h e political s y s t e m , t h e influences o f existing political cultures, c o m p a r i s o n s o f A m e r i c a a n d E u r o p e in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f digital d e m o c r a c y , structural transformations o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s a n d n e w c o n c e p t s o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n . Practice (applications) issues c o n c e r n policies for constructing applications, policies in t h e design o f interaction, content policies, t h e relationship o f C M C t o o t h e r existing m e d i a as c h a n n e l s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , t h e g a p b e t w e e n c o m m u n i c a ­ tion rich and c o m m u n i c a t i o n p o o r , qualities o f virtual political debates, a n d m e a n s o f m a n a g i n g social interaction to m a i n t a i n democratic access and participation. M o r e specifically, p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c i e n t i s t s a r e a d d r e s s i n g t h e following kinds of questions:

ν/Λαί is Digital Democracy?

5

1 2

W h i c h theoretical m o d e l s o f digital d e m o c r a c y are m o s t desirable a n d w h y ? W h a t h a p p e n s w h e n anti-state o r a n t i - g o v e r n m e n t o p i n i o n is c o m b i n e d w i t h liberal policies o n e x p a n d i n g v o t i n g a n d i n d i v i d u a l a c c e s s t o t h e political system?

3

D o e s this r e s u l t in a n e m p h a s i s o n direct d e m o c r a c y as o p p o s e d to r e p r e ­ sentative d e m o c r a c y ? C o u l d a s y s t e m o f direct d e m o c r a c y w i t h t h e u s e of I C T b e e n v i s a g e d a n d b e m a d e to w o r k anyway? Is political c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n e q u a l to t h e c r e a t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y ? A r e all t y p e s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h C M C t o b e c o n s i d e r e d democratic? H o w d o e s t h e p u r s u i t o f c o m m e r c i a l interests affect a t t e m p t s t o e x t e n d d e m o c r a c y in v a r i o u s political s y s t e m s ? Is t h e c u r r e n t direction o f Internet e x p a n s i o n o f e c o n o m i c interests a n d m a r k e t s a l o n g w i t h g o v e r n m e n t distribution o f information w o r k i n g for or against d e m o c r a c y a n d in w h a t w a y s ? H o w d o the structural inequalities o f society affect t h e structural relation­ ships w i t h i n digital d e m o c r a c y ? A r e t h e y r e p l i c a t e d o r a m e l i o r a t e d ? Is t h e A n g l o , affluent, m a l e tilt o f C M C c h a n g i n g o r is this a p a t t e r n that r e q u i r e s m o r e efforts from e d u c a t i o n a n d g o v e r n m e n t in o r d e r t o e n c o u r a g e b r o a d e r participation w i t h m o r e diversity?

4 5 6 7 8

9 10

11 12 13 14 15 16 17

18

In w h a t w a y s d o g o v e r n m e n t information s u p e r h i g h w a y policies influence future p e r s p e c t i v e s o f d e m o c r a c y ? H o w d o e s d e m o c r a c y w h i c h often is s u p p o s e d to b e built from the b o t t o m w i t h g u i d a n c e from the top, get m o r e p e o p l e involved in the building p r o c e s s ? W h a t if t h e y are n o t interested o r m o t i v a t e d at this t i m e ? D o p e o p l e b e c o m e m o r e o r less active in political life as t h e y b e c o m e m o r e active in virtual c o m m u n i c a t i o n a b o u t politics? H o w c a n t h e c o n c e p t o f political interactivity b e refined a n d r e l a t e d t o t e c h ­ nical d e s i g n s for digital d e m o c r a c y s y s t e m s ? C a n citizens h a v e confidence in p r i v a c y , l e g i t i m a c y o f the c o u n t i n g , a n d o t h e r a s p e c t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y s y s t e m s ? H o w d o w e b a l a n c e t h e p o s i t i v e benefits like b r i n g i n g in i n d i v i d u a l s n o t i n v o l v e d before w i t h t h e n e g a t i v e factors like l o w g e n e r a l participation and c o m m u n i c a t i o n stratification? P e r h a p s m o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , h o w d o w e m o v e from the d i s c u r s i v e s p h e r e o f digital t o the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g s p h e r e w e call representative g o v e r n m e n t ?

Certainly, this is a l o n g list o f q u e s t i o n s a n d y o u w i l l n o t find a n s w e r s t o all of t h e m in this b o o k . H o w e v e r , y o u w i l l find ideas a n d reports a b o u t r e s e a r c h w h i c h s h e d light o n t h e m .

Content of the Book T h i s b o o k is d i v i d e d into four sections: introduction a n d history, theoretical issues, issues r e g a r d i n g p r a c t i c e s , a n d c o n c l u s i o n s . In C h a p t e r 2 , E v e r e t t R o g e r s

6

Introduction and History

and S h e e n a M a l h o t r a p r o v i d e a historical description o f the e m e r g e n c e of c o m p u t e r s a n d t h e Internet as a large n e w s y s t e m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e r e w e see early ideas about c o m m u n i t y formation w i t h c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) . B a c k g r o u n d o n the e m e r g e n c e o f the Internet from older n e t w o r k s is p r o v i d e d . T h e chapter also highlights the visions a n d accidental discoveries of the people w h o initiated the Internet. Connections are m a d e b e t w e e n these discoveries a n d a potential n e w form o f d e m o c r a t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Early Internet vision­ aries like J. Licklider s a w the Internet as functioning to p r o m o t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n leaders o f n a t i o n s in such a w a y as to facilitate t h e m a t c h b e t w e e n m e n ­ tal m o d e l s w h i c h leaders h a d for crisis situations. T h e authors s h o w h o w this c o n c e p t and others are part o f t h e history o f c y b e r s p a c e w h i c h a d d s to its ethos as a m e c h a n i s m for fostering d i a l o g u e , d e b a t e a n d sharing o f information. In C h a p t e r 3 , J a n v a n Dijk elaborates o n t h e definition o f digital d e m o c r a c y supplied a b o v e . T h e opportunities and limits o f digital d e m o c r a c y different p e o p l e a n d parties in society p e r c e i v e a p p e a r to d e p e n d u p o n their v i e w or conception o f d e m o c r a c y . V a n Dijk distinguishes six m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y , m o s t of t h e m b o r r o w e d from the British political scientist D a v i d Held: legalist, c o m p e t i t i v e , pluralist, plebiscitary, participatory a n d libertarian d e m o c r a c y . H e s h o w s h o w the supporters o f these v i e w s e m p h a s i z e particular p r o s and c o n s o f the use o f n e w m e d i a in politics a n d c h o o s e their o w n favourite applications. T h e context o f these applications is a political s y s t e m to b e m a p p e d in a ( s y s t e m ) d y n a m i c m o d e l o f politics in a d v a n c e d W e s t e r n and Eastern societies. T h e m a i n actors are the g o v e r n m e n t , t h e p u b l i c administration, political parties, (semi) public institu­ tions, civil o r g a n i z a t i o n s , private corporations, juridical institutions and inter­ national b o d i e s . All lines o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n these actors will b e altered b y the u s e o f l C T / C M C . S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h e p a t t e r n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n in t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n the actors m e n t i o n e d will c h a n g e w i t h the u s e o f I C T or C M C . M o s t p e o p l e think digital d e m o c r a c y m e a n s interactive politics. T h e y are right, b u t w h a t d o e s inter­ activity in political c o m m u n i c a t i o n really m e a n ? V a n Dijk d i s t i n g u i s h e s four p a t t e r n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , all interactive, b u t w i t h different m e a n i n g s : allocu­ tion (e.g. interactive b r o a d c a s t i n g ) , c o n s u l t a t i o n (e.g. i n f o r m a t i o n retrieval), registration (e.g. t e l e p o l l i n g or t e l e v o t i n g ) a n d c o n v e r s a t i o n (e.g. electronic mail and d i s c u s s i o n ) . W h a t k i n d o f interactivity will p r e v a i l in the future, political a d v e r t i s i n g o n interactive television, a d v a n c e d political i n f o r m a t i o n retrieval o n t h e Internet, a s y s t e m o f t e l e v o t i n g or p u b l i c d e b a t e s o n the Internet and other new media? T h e chapter b y M a r t i n H a g e n ( C h a p t e r 4) concentrates o n t h e issues o f digital d e m o c r a c y from a c o m p a r a t i v e perspective. It p r e s e n t s an analysis w h i c h s h o w s that c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y are h e a v i l y influenced b y the political culture and institutional settings o f the c o u n t r y for w h i c h they are intended (or in w h i c h t h e y are b e i n g c o n s t r u c t e d ) . In support o f this thesis, a c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n G e r m a n y , the U K and the U S is d e v e l o p e d . T h e political cultures and specific institutions o f the G e r m a n , British and A m e r i c a n political s y s t e m s b u i l d an i m p o r t a n t basis for different a c c e n t s a n d preferred applications o f digital d e m o c ­ r a c y in these countries.

What is Digital Democracy?

7

T h e differences o f political cultures and s y s t e m s require special care in the construction o f digital d e m o c r a c y for a particular polity. T h i s is especially true w h e n the a t t e m p t is m a d e to adopt A m e r i c a n c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y in other countries. O n e n e e d s a c o m p a r a t i v e f r a m e w o r k t a k i n g into a c c o u n t differ­ ent political cultures a n d institutional settings. H a g e n ' s c h a p t e r elaborates the necessity to carefully a n a l y s e d e m o c r a c i e s in their political and cultural contexts. It p o i n t s out the clear differences in national a p p r o a c h e s a n d h o w e a c h n a t i o n can learn m o r e about digital d e m o c r a c y w i t h c o m p a r a t i v e studies. T h e c h a p t e r b y J o h n K e a n e ( C h a p t e r 5) revisits his p r e v i o u s a r g u m e n t that traditional ideas o f a unified public sphere are obsolete. Instead, he says, public life t o d a y exists in interconnected public spheres, for instance o n the Internet. K e a n e says that a unified public sphere is obsolete b e c a u s e c y b e r s p a c e c o m m u n i c a t i o n is not limited to p h y s i c a l territory or n a t i o n states. H e also sees C M C as p a r t o f a n e w era in w h i c h the h e g e m o n y o f m a s s m e d i a like T V a n d r a d i o is c o m i n g to an end. W i t h i n c y b e r s p a c e , K e a n e argues there is an e m e r g i n g and i n t e r c o n n e c t e d ' m o s a i c ' o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s . T h e chapter d e s c r i b e s three levels o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s m i c r o , m e s o and m a c r o . K e a n e describes h o w t h e l o w e s t level, the m i c r o - s p h e r e s c o r r e s p o n d to political c o m m u n i c a t i o n o n c e d o n e in coffee s h o p s , t o w n m e e t i n g s a n d other local s p a c e s . H e presents a p i c t u r e o f m i c r o - C M C politics as s o m e t h i n g w h i c h assists in t h e creation of political c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d activity. K e a n e rejects the i m p o r t a t i o n o f ancient G r e e k a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t d e m o c r a c y into c o n t e m p o ­ rary d e b a t e s a b o u t d e m o c r a c y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e explains h o w all social and political classes a t t e m p t to u s e c o m m u n i c a t i o n to increase their o w n p o w e r a n d define their political s p a c e s . R a t h e r than d r a w i n g u p o n first principles o f d e m o c r a c y , K e a n e c h o o s e s to build from a non-foundationalist b a s e w h i c h a s s u m e s that digital d e m o c r a c y will w o r k best w h e n o p p o s i t i o n s are a l l o w e d a n d e n c o u r a g e d in digital political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . C h a p t e r 6, b y S i n i k k a Sassi, is an excellent follow-up to K e a n e ' s d i s c u s s i o n o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d p u b l i c s p h e r e s . Sassi d i s c u s s e s h o w the c o n c e p t o f p u b l i c sphere h a s c o m e o n t o the s c e n e b o t h with n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s a n d m o r e c o m p r e ­ h e n s i v e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e future o f d e m o c r a t i c g o v e r n a n c e a n d the viability o f civil society. F e m i n i s t scholars, a m o n g others, h a v e paid critical attention to the concept as it implies a division b e t w e e n p u b l i c a n d private affairs. T h e y h a v e elaborated it in a radical w a y b u t the critical formulation n o w a p p e a r s c h a l l e n g e d by n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n e n v i r o n m e n t s as t h e y are b l u r r i n g the p u b l i c - p r i v a t e distinction. T h e c o n c e p t is reformulated as consisting o f m u l t i p l e p u b l i c s p h e r e s including a strong notion o f a n d an a p p r e c i a t i o n o f differences w i t h i n and b e t w e e n these spheres. T h e r e is a g r o w i n g u n d e r s t a n d i n g that the p u b l i c s p h e r e s h o u l d b e c o n c e i v e d o f as plural and d e c e n t r e d , constituted b y conflict. O n t h e surface, it looks as t h o u g h traditional m o r e o r less rational political d i s c o u r s e a n d o r g a n i z e d civil society are v a n i s h i n g . Still, fascinating n e w p e r s p e c t i v e s a n d relations, characterized as undifferentiated, egalitarian, direct, e m o t i o n a l a n d existential, are unfolding o n t h e n e t w o r k . Sassi a d d r e s s e s the duality a n d inquires h o w these t w o representations o f n e t w o r k i n g , t h e f a d e - a w a y o f the unitary p u b l i c s p h e r e and the e x p e r i e n c e o f e m p o w e r m e n t a n d n e w h o r i z o n s , are to b e adjusted to o n e

8

Introduction and History

another. S h e a t t e m p t s t o c o m b i n e t h e c o n t r a d i c t o r y characteristics a n d t e n d e n c i e s o f t h e n e t w o r k . T h e m a i n t h e m e s a r e t h e d i l e m m a o f u n i t y v e r s u s fragmentation, t h e c h a n g i n g b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e p r i v a t e a n d t h e p u b l i c , a n d their potential i m p a c t s u p o n politics. Part III o f t h e b o o k b e g i n s w i t h a c h a p t e r written b y K e n n e t h L . H a c k e r w h o v i e w s t h e location o f digital d e m o c r a c y in relation to A m e r i c a n politics. T h e C l i n t o n administration consistently m a d e strong c l a i m s o n this subject m a t t e r i n t r o d u c i n g t h e ' i n f o r m a t i o n s u p e r h i g h w a y ' a s p a r t o f a w a y t o e n h a n c e partici­ p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y . H e n c e , their s u c c e s s e s a n d failures a r e i m p o r t a n t m a t t e r s o f inquiry w h e n c o n s i d e r i n g t h e potentials a n d risks o f digital d e m o c r a c y . I n H a c k e r ' s chapter, t h e s e s u c c e s s e s a n d failures a r e a n a l y s e d in light o f stated objectives a n d e m p i r i c a l l y d e r i v e d results. Sociological data about democracy networks, the Internet in general, the World W i d e W e b , a n d t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m a r e d i s c u s s e d w i t h special atten­ tion o n t r e n d s in t h e data that h a v e b e e n e m e r g i n g since 1 9 9 3 . Patterns o v e r t i m e are discussed, particularly in r e l a t i o n t o t h e c l a i m s a n d i m p l i c a t i o n s a b o u t d e m o c ­ ratization w h i c h w e r e attributed t o t h e Internet, t h e N a t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure a n d t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m . H a c k e r ' s b a l a n c e sheet k e e p s a central focus o n p r e s e n t i n g s o m e defensible generalizations a b o u t w h a t r o l e the C l i n t o n W h i t e H o u s e h a s h a d in s h a p i n g digital d e m o c r a c y . H a c k e r c o n c l u d e s t h e c h a p t e r w i t h g e n e r a l p r o p o s i t i o n s a b o u t political interactivity b e t w e e n citizens a n d national-level leaders. T h i s b r i n g s t o g e t h e r p a s t w o r k o n interactivity a n d current t h e o r y r e g a r d i n g reciprocity. C h a p t e r 8 is written b y A n i t a E l b e r s e , M a t t h e w H a l e a n d W i l l i a m H . D u t t o n a n d it e x a m i n e s t h e early e x p e r i e n c e s o f ' T h e D e m o c r a c y N e t w o r k ' ( D n e t ) . T h i s e l e c ­ tronic v o t e r g u i d e is u s e d for a c a s e study o f h o w t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b c a n b e u s e d t o o v e r c o m e b a r r i e r s t o m o r e informative political c a m p a i g n s , y e t still e n c o u n t e r p r o b l e m s . Specific limitations o f this t y p e o f p r o j e c t are n o t e d in rela­ tion t o o t h e r efforts at digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e a u t h o r s d e m o n s t r a t e h o w technol­ o g y a l o n e is n o t e n o u g h t o a s s u r e digital d e m o c r a c y a n d h o w there are m a n y questions a b o u t effective projects t h a t r e m a i n t o b e a n s w e r e d . In C h a p t e r 9 , N i c h o l a s J a n k o w s k i a n d M a r t i n e v a n S e l m e x a m i n e t h e quality o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n in digital d e m o c r a c y . O n e c o n d i t i o n for a p o s i t i v e contribution o f digital d e m o c r a c y t o existing political p r a c t i c e s , b r o a d l y c o n c e i v e d , is t h e quality o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n t e n t w h i c h s e r v e as its m a i n r e s o u r c e . T h e quality o f t h e information content a n d t h e d i s c u s ­ sions o n t h e Internet, for instance, are q u e s t i o n e d b y m a n y o b s e r v e r s . In this c h a p t e r t h e s e qualities a r e e v a l u a t e d - fully a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h e difficulties o f o p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e c o n c e p t o f quality - in a n u m b e r o f e m p i r i c a l l y - b a s e d e v a l u a t i o n studies o f p u b l i c electronic d i s c u s s i o n s in t h e N e t h e r l a n d s u s i n g t h e Internet. T h i s c h a p t e r p r e s e n t s g e n e r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a b o u t t h e interactivity ( e x p a n d i n g R a f a e l i ' s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n ) a n d quality o f Internet d i s c u s s i o n s . T h i s c h a p t e r ' s c o n t e n t is related t o t h e history o f t h e Internet, all o f t h e i s s u e s d i s c u s s e d i n p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s , a n d s o m e o f t h e i d e a s a b o u t political interactivity a n d r e c i p r o c i t y raised in H a c k e r ' s chapter. S t r o n g issues a b o u t t h e n a t u r e o f political d e b a t e o r its q u a l i t y a r e c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e c o m m o n confusion that m o r e

What is Digital Democracy?

9

c h a n n e l s constitute an a s s u r a n c e o f m o r e d e m o c r a c y . G e n e r a l i z a t i o n s from this c h a p t e r p r o v i d e a g o o d basis for r e s e a r c h that c a n b e d o n e r e g a r d i n g e x t a n t and future efforts to d e m o c r a t i z e w i t h C M C . N e x t , a c h a p t e r b y J a n v a n Dijk ( C h a p t e r 10) r e g a r d i n g information g a p s in relation to digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e principal p r o b l e m for participation in politics, d e m o c r a c y a n d society g e n e r a l l y is t h e h o t l y d e b a t e d ' g a p b e t w e e n information r i c h a n d p o o r ' . T h i s c h a p t e r d e a l s w i t h t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r t h e r e is s u c h a g a p a n d w h a t t h e a n s w e r m e a n s to d e m o c r a c y . E m p i r i c a l l y , v a n Dijk e x p l a i n s , it is a p p a r e n t that information inequality in the u s a g e o f I C T i n c r e a s e d in W e s t e r n countries d u r i n g t h e 1990s. T h i s g o e s for t h e different c a t e g o r i e s o f i n c o m e , o c c u p a t i o n , a g e a n d c o u n t r y or r e g i o n o f origin. T h e o n l y exception is the g e n d e r g a p w h i c h is n a r r o w i n g . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , t h e c o n c e p t s o f information inequality a n d a k n o w l e d g e o r information g a p are qualified; it is better to talk a b o u t a u s a g e g a p o f t h e n e w m e d i a ; s o m e will u s e t h e s i m p l e a n d others t h e a d v a n c e d applications. T a k i n g this qualification into a c c o u n t t h e analysis in this c h a p t e r w a r n s for the g r o w t h of structural inequalities, t h e rise o f information elites a n d the e x c l u s i o n o f large parts o f the p o p u l a t i o n in W e s t e r n d e m o c r a c i e s . T h i s w o u l d m e a n a threat to d e m o c r a c y in e v e r y v i e w . I n f o r m a t i o n inequality h a s a l w a y s existed a n d is likely t o r e m a i n . H o w e v e r , the scale o f it is no m a t t e r o f natural necessity. P o l i c i e s to p r e v e n t structural i n f o r m a t i o n inequalities a r e p o s s i b l e . T h e y a r e d e s c r i b e d a l o n g four s u c c e s s i v e h u r d l e s p e o p l e h a v e t o c r o s s w h e n t h e y w a n t to h a v e a c c e s s to t h e information society in g e n e r a l a n d digital d e m o c r a c y in particular: lacking digital skills, n o a c c e s s to c o m p u t e r s a n d net­ w o r k s , insufficient user-friendliness a n d the lack o f significant u s a g e o p p o r t u n i ­ ties o f t h e n e w m e d i a for p a r t i c u l a r p e o p l e . T h e last c h a p t e r in Part III is p r o v i d e d b y M i c h e l Catinat a n d T h i e r r y V e d e l . T h e i r c h a p t e r informs u s a b o u t t h e specific roles o f state authorities in t h e opera­ tion o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e roles t h e y e x p l a i n include o p e r a t o r s , r e g u l a t o r s , s p o n s o r s a n d catalyzers. Catinat a n d V e d e l confront t h e c o n t r o v e r s i e s r e g a r d i n g t h e c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n o f t h e Internet, the issues o f citizenship v e r s u s c o n s u m e r ship, h o w n a t i o n s like t h e U n i t e d States and F r a n c e differ in their a p p r o a c h e s to p u b l i c p o l i c i e s to a s s u r e positive c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o ­ gies to d e m o c r a c y . T h e b o o k c l o s e s w i t h a synthesis a n d s u m m a r y ( C h a p t e r 12) p r e s e n t e d b y the editors. W e d i s c u s s t h e r e c u r r e n t issues, p r o p o s i t i o n s , p r o b l e m s a n d d i r e c t i o n s for n e c e s s a r y research that h a v e e m e r g e d in the theoretical and e m p i r i c a l w o r k o f the contributors.

References Davis, R. and Owen, D. (1998) New Media and American Politics. New York: Oxford. Harrison, T., Stephen, T. and Falvey, L. (1999) 'Democracy and New Communication Technologies'. Paper presented at the conference of The Communication and Technology Division of ICA, San Francisco. Oppenheimer, T. (1997) 'The computer delusion', The Atlantic Monthly, 280: 4 5 - 6 2 . Steffen, J.O. (1994) 'Edenic expectations of new technology: a recurring pattern in American culture', Phi Kappa Phi Journal, LLXXIV: 11-15.

2 Computers as Communication: the Rise of Digital Democracy Everett M . Rogers and Sheena

Malfiotra

In a few years, man (sic) will be able to communicate more effectively through a machine than face to face. Licklider and Taylor (1968)

T h e w o r d s o f Licklider a n d T a y l o r , q u o t e d a b o v e , p r o v e d t o b e p r o p h e t i c in t h e t h r e e d e c a d e s since their p u b l i c a t i o n , as c o m p u t e r s h a v e b e c o m e a n i m p o r t a n t m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n for h u n d r e d s o f millions o f p e o p l e a c r o s s t h e w o r l d . I n d i v i d u a l s are able to e x c h a n g e information effectively t h r o u g h c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s like t h e Internet, c o n n e c t i n g w i t h o t h e r p e o p l e at a g r e a t distance. C o m p u t e r s w e r e n o t originally p e r c e i v e d to b e c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools. T h e early u s e o f c o m p u t e r s w a s limited to n u m b e r - c r u n c h i n g a n d other repetitive datah a n d l i n g tasks. T h e potential o f c o m p u t e r s for h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d t h u s for digital d e m o c r a c y , h o w e v e r , h a s b e e n realized m o s t fully o n l y in t h e 1990s w i t h t h e rapid diffusion o f u s e o f the Internet. H o w d i d c o m p u t e r s c h a n g e from n u m b e r - c r u n c h i n g d e v i c e s to b e c o m e c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n m e d i a ? T h i s c h a p t e r t r a c e s a history o f h o w t h e p e r c e p t i o n o f t h e c o m p u t e r in t h e 1960s u n d e r w e n t a crucial transition. A b u n d a n t funding, certain k e y institutions, a n d several v i s i o n a r y individuals p l a y e d a n important role in this d e v e l o p m e n t . O n e o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t factors w a s t h e vision o f c o m p u t i n g a s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n that w a s h e l d b y k e y individuals like J.C.R. Licklider, w h o g u i d e d c o m p u t e r d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e 1960s. B u t this d r a m a t i c c h a n g e , from n u m b e r - c r u n c h i n g d e v i c e s t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n c h a n n e l s , in h o w w e u s e c o m p u t e r s m o v e d s l o w l y until t h e 1990s. T h e n a r a p i d spread o f t h e Internet occurred. A s interactive f o r m s o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e c a m e w i d e s p r e a d , their potential u s e s for digital d e m o c r a c y e v o l v e d t h r o u g h a series o f specific a p p l i c a ­ tions, s u c h as t h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project, the P u b l i c E l e c t r o n i c N e t w o r k ( P E N ) in S a n t a M o n i c a , C A ; t h e B l a c k s b u r g E l e c t r o n i c V i l l a g e ( B E V ) in B l a c k s b u r g , V A ; a n d the L a P l a z a T e l e c o m m u n i t y in T a o s , N M . T h e s e c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d projects in digital d e m o c r a c y a r e a n a l y s e d in this chapter.

Computers as Communication

11

H o w e v e r , t h e p o t e n t i a l o f t h e Internet a n d t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b for p a r t i c i p a t o r y politics h a s n o t y e t b e e n fully realized.

The Evolution of Computers Four key visionaries guided the evolution of computers. Computers might have d e v e l o p e d in a q u i t e different w a y h a d t h e s e p i o n e e r s n o t articulated a v i s i o n t h a t e n t a i l e d c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s . W h o w e r e t h e s e v i s i o n a r i e s ? W h a t w a s their role in t h e e v o l u t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s a s c o m m u n i c a t i o n t o o l s ? Vannevar Bush B u s h w a s a n electrical e n g i n e e r w h o b e c a m e o n e o f t h e d o m i n a n t influences o n s c i e n c e a n d t e c h n o l o g y in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . In t h e 1930s B u s h , a professor at M I T , d e s i g n e d a n early n o n - e l e c t r o n i c c o m p u t e r (called t h e 'differential analyser'), a room-sized machine of gears and pulleys which could m a k e com­ p l e x m a t h e m a t i c a l c o m p u t a t i o n s ( Z a c h a r y , 1997). B u s h b e c a m e t h e s c i e n c e adviser t o P r e s i d e n t F r a n k l i n D . R o o s e v e l t d u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , a n d t h e m a i n o r g a n i z e r o f the M a n h a t t a n Project. After t h e W a r , h e s h a p e d t h e c o n c e p ­ tion o f t h e N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e F o u n d a t i o n a n d t h e U S D e p a r t m e n t o f D e f e n s e ' s A d v a n c e d R e s e a r c h Projects A g e n c y , A R P A ( Z a c h a r y , 1 9 9 5 : 6 5 ) . In 1 9 4 5 , B u s h w r o t e a n article entitled, ' A s w e m a y t h i n k ' , a b o u t a d e s k t o p c o m p u t i n g d e v i c e called t h e ' m e m e x ' ( B u s h , 1945). T h e m e m e x w a s t h e c o n ­ ceptual b l u e p r i n t for a d e s k t o p c o m p u t e r . B u s h ' s article p r o v i d e d t h e p a t h d o w n w h i c h future c o m p u t e r d e s i g n e r s w o u l d tread ( Z a c h a r y , 1995). It r e p r e s e n t s o n e o f t h e first articulated v i s i o n s o f p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g a s w e k n o w it t o d a y . B u s h ' s t h i n k i n g dealt w i t h t h e s y m b i o s i s b e t w e e n h u m a n s a n d c o m p u t e r s . H i s m e m e x m a c h i n e w o u l d a c c e s s a n d store v a s t k n o w l e d g e for u s e b y h u m a n b e i n g s in o r d e r for t h e m to c o p e w i t h information o v e r l o a d . T h e m e m e x w a s a step a w a y from c o m p u t e r s as m e r e n u m b e r - c r u n c h e r s a n d t o w a r d c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i ­ c a t i o n d e v i c e s , a l t h o u g h at t h e t i m e B u s h s u g g e s t e d microfilm as t h e b a s i c tech­ n o l o g y for t h e m e m e x . B u s h e n v i s i o n e d t h e i m p o r t a n t r o l e that information, a n d t h e ability to a c c e s s information, w o u l d p l a y in t h e y e a r s t o follow. J.C.R.

licklider

J.C.R. ( ' L i c k ' ) L i c k l i d e r w a s a n acoustical p s y c h o l o g i s t at M I T w h o b e c a m e o n e o f t h e m a i n v i s i o n a r i e s in t h e e v o l u t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s a s c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Licklider h a d a v i s i o n o f c o m p u t i n g that w a s r e v o l u t i o n a r y for h i s t i m e , a v i s i o n that b e c a m e the d o m i n a n t p a r a d i g m for t h e c o m p u t i n g w o r l d , a l t h o u g h it initially m e t w i t h strong o p p o s i t i o n from t h e leaders o f t h e c o m p u t e r industry. T h e y felt that c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y w a s t o o v a l u a b l e t o w a s t e o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e c o m p u t e r e s t a b l i s h m e n t criticized L i c k ' s A R P A p r o g r a m . M o s t c o m p u t e r m a n u ­ facturers a n d directors o f c o m p u t e r centres a r g u e d that t i m e - s h a r i n g w a s a n inefficient u s e o f m a c h i n e r e s o u r c e s a n d s h o u l d n o t b e p u r s u e d . B u t L i c k h a d t h e c o u r a g e t o p e r s e v e r e (Taylor, 1990). Licklider w a s a faculty m e m b e r at M I T in t h e 1950s, a n d t h e n w o r k e d at Bolt, B e r a n e c k & N e w m a n ( B B N ) , an architectural a n d c o m p u t e r c o n s u l t i n g c o m p a n y

12

Introduction and History

in C a m b r i d g e , M A , that w a s to p l a y an i m p o r t a n t role in creating n e t w o r k e d c o m p u t i n g . A t B B N , Licklider a n d his c o l l e a g u e s d e s i g n e d and built o n e o f the first t i m e - s h a r i n g s y s t e m s , b a s e d o n a D E C P D P - 1 m i n i c o m p u t e r . In 1962, he m o v e d to the P e n t a g o n to h e a d the r e s e a r c h p r o g r a m m e at the A d v a n c e d R e s e a r c h Projects A g e n c y ' s Information P r o c e s s i n g T e c h n i q u e s Office ( A R P A I P T O ) . H e r e , w i t h g e n e r o u s funding from the U S D e p a r t m e n t of D e f e n s e , Licklider i m p l e m e n t e d h i s v i s i o n of c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools. After the Soviet launch o f the Sputnik satellite in 1957, President E i s e n h o w e r h a d established a h i g h - t e c h n o l o g y R a n d D a g e n c y , A R P A , in t h e P e n t a g o n , in o r d e r to e n s u r e that the U n i t e d States w o u l d n o t again b e taken b y surprise b y a military-related t e c h n o l o g y (Hafner and L y o n , 1996: 14). T h e P r e s i d e n t and C o n g r e s s r e c o g n i z e d that future m i l i t a r y superiority w o u l d be e x p r e s s e d in technological t e r m s rather t h a n in t h e n u m b e r o f m e n u n d e r a r m s . 1

In 1960, L i c k l i d e r ' s influential article entitled ' M a n - c o m p u t e r s y m b i o s i s ' first articulated h i s v i s i o n (Licklider, 1 9 6 0 / 1 9 9 0 ) . H e a r g u e d that m o s t o f h u m a n ' t h i n k i n g t i m e ' w a s u s e d in 'activities that w e r e essentially clerical or m e c h a n i ­ c a l ' (Licklider, 1 9 6 0 / 1 9 9 0 : 5). T h e Licklider vision sought increased interaction b e t w e e n h u m a n s and c o m p u t e r s , so that c o m p u t e r s w o u l d p e r f o r m these clerical and m e c h a n i c a l tasks for h u m a n s , t h e r e b y freeing h u m a n t i m e w h i c h could b e d e v o t e d to i n n o v a t i v e a n d creative t h i n k i n g . H e outlined t h e direction in w h i c h c o m p u t e r s s h o u l d e v o l v e , in t e r m s o f m e m o r y , h a r d w a r e , organization require­ m e n t s , l a n g u a g e s and input/output e q u i p m e n t . L i c k l i d e r ' s p a s s i o n for c o m p u t e r s w a s b a s e d o n t h e general idea that technological p r o g r e s s could save h u m a n i t y . H e s a w a future in w h i c h c o m p u t e r s w o u l d h e l p citizens b e ' i n f o r m e d a b o u t a n d interested in, a n d i n v o l v e d in the p r o c e s s o f g o v e r n m e n t ' (Hafner and L y o n , 1996: 34). T h u s , L i c k l i d e r w a s o n e o f the first observers to envision digital d e m o c r a c y . C o m m u n i c a t i o n w a s a k e y e l e m e n t in L i c k l i d e r ' s vision o f c o m p u t ­ ing a n d its role in a participatory d e m o c r a c y . Licklider d e v e l o p e d h i s v i s i o n further in 1968, w h e n h e (and R o b e r t T a y l o r ) p u b l i s h e d their i m p o r t a n t article about t h e c o m p u t e r as a ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e ' , quoted at the start o f this chapter. T h i s v i s i o n p r o v e d to b e p r o p h e t i c in p o i n t i n g the directions for the evolution o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g as w e k n o w it t o d a y (Licklider a n d T a y l o r , 1968). Robert W Taylor Taylor, also a p s y c h o l o g i s t , w a s the k e y p e r s o n in i m p l e m e n t i n g L i c k l i d e r ' s vision o f c o m p u t i n g . T a y l o r started h i s career as a research m a n a g e r at N A S A in 1962, w h e r e h e funded r e s e a r c h o n interactive c o m p u t i n g a n d c o m p u t e r applica­ tions related to c o m m u n i c a t i o n (rather t h a n to d a t a - p r o c e s s i n g or to arithmetical u s e s o f c o m p u t e r s ) . ' B e c a u s e t h a t ' s the t h i n g that interested m e m o s t a b o u t c o m ­ p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s ( a n d still d o e s ) : Its u s e as a c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i u m ' (Taylor, 1993). S o to Taylor, t h e c o m p u t e r ' s visual display w a s the m o s t i m p o r t a n t part o f a c o m p u t e r ; the function o f the rest o f the electronic e q u i p m e n t w a s to deliver w h a t a p p e a r e d o n t h e c o m p u t e r ' s screen (Hiltzik, 1999). W h a t did Licklider and T a y l o r m e a n b y ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' in their statement a p p e a r i n g at the t o p o f this c h a p t e r ? T h e y m e a n t m o r e t h a n j u s t t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n

Computers as Communication

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o f i n f o r m a t i o n from o n e p o i n t t o a n o t h e r in the form o f c o d e s a n d signals, as in C l a u d e E. S h a n n o n ' s ( 1 9 4 9 ) I n f o r m a t i o n T h e o r y . Instead, Licklider a n d T a y l o r ( 1 9 6 8 ) m e a n t a t y p e o f interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n in w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n is not o n l y e x c h a n g e d , b u t in w h i c h n e w ideas e m e r g e in a creative p r o c e s s . L i c k l i d e r a n d T a y l o r ( 1 9 6 8 ) p r o v i d e d an e x a m p l e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n v i a c o m p u t e r s a m o n g a small n u m b e r o f c o m p u t e r scientists m e e t i n g at S R I I n t e r n a t i o n a l in P a l o A l t o , C A , u s i n g c o m p u t e r s e q u i p p e d w i t h D o u g l a s C. E n g e l b a r t ' s c o m p u t e r m o u s e (a user-interface t e c h n o l o g y w h o s e e v o l u t i o n is t r a c e d later in this chapter). T h e c o m p u t e r scientists w e r e able to e n g a g e in collaborative m o d e l l i n g t h r o u g h b e i n g i n t e r c o n n e c t e d b y w h a t t o d a y is called ' g r o u p w a r e ' . T h e individual participants t o g e t h e r p o s s e s s e d all o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e issue b e i n g r e v i e w e d , b u t n o single participant c o u l d r e m e m b e r all that t h e y k n e w (so t h e y c o n s u l t e d their c o m p u t e r files, and s h a r e d t h e m w i t h o t h e r participants in t h e m e e t i n g ) . T h e w o r k g r o u p participants d e v e l o p e d a s h a r e d written plan. 2

3

N e x t , Licklider a n d T a y l o r ( 1 9 6 8 ) p a r t i c i p a t e d in establishing A R P A N E T , w h i c h in following y e a r s w o u l d link c o m p u t e r s at A R P A w i t h its g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s p e r s e d contractors ( m a i n l y c o m p u t e r scientists at U S universities). A R P A N E T a l l o w e d participants in a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m to interact across large distances at m i n i m a l cost. A R P A N E T w a s t h e p r o t o t y p e for the p r e s e n t - d a y Internet. L i c k l i d e r w a s at B B N in B o s t o n w h i l e T a y l o r w a s in W a s h i n g t o n , D C , w h e n t h e y j o i n t l y a u t h o r e d their 1968 p a p e r about c o m p u t e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n . B y 1965, T a y l o r b e c a m e the A s s o c i a t e Director o f A R P A - I P T O . H e i n v o l v e d o u t s t a n d i n g c o m p u t e r researchers in the L i c k l i d e r / T a y l o r v i s i o n b y a w a r d i n g t h e m I P T O - f u n d e d r e s e a r c h contracts. T h e y g a t h e r e d e a c h y e a r for a c o n t r a c t o r s ' c o n f e r e n c e at an e x c i t i n g location (such as a ski l o d g e , a b e a c h resort, etc.). E a c h contractor g a v e a p r e s e n t a t i o n o n his/her r e s e a r c h project to t h e c o n f e r e n c e . T a y l o r e n c o u r a g e d p e o p l e to a r g u e , d e b a t e a n d to e x c h a n g e ideas a n d c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g i e s w i t h e a c h o t h e r (Taylor, 1993). M u t u a l stimulation o f t h e p r i n c i p a l investigators w a s o f special interest to T a y l o r . C o u l d this creative e x c h a n g e o c c u r via communication through a computer network? The Birth of ARPANET T a y l o r c o n c e i v e d of, a n d initiated, A R P A N E T . H e h a d o b s e r v e d Licklider start u p t h e early t i m e - s h a r i n g c o m p u t e r s y s t e m s . W h e n h e c a m e to A R P A , his office w a s e q u i p p e d w i t h teletype m a c h i n e s linking h i m to three A R P A - I P T O c o n t r a c t o r s : the S y s t e m s D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n ( S D C ) in L o s A n g e l e s ; t h e U n i v e r s i t y of California at B e r k e l e y c o m p u t e r s y s t e m ; a n d t h e M I T c o m p u t e r s y s t e m (Taylor, 1993). T a y l o r w a n t e d to link t h e m a c h i n e s : ' I f y o u h a v e got a c o m m u n i t y g r o w i n g a r o u n d a n y o n e o f t h e s e c o m p u t e r s y s t e m s , w h y n o t m a k e it p o s s i b l e for t h e c o m m u n i t i e s to talk to o n e a n o t h e r ? ' (Taylor, 1993). In F e b r u a r y 1966, T a y l o r w e n t t o t h e D i r e c t o r o f A R P A , C h a r l e s Herzfeld, a n d in a 2 0 - m i n u t e c o n v e r s a t i o n c o n v i n c e d h i m to a p p r o v e o f the c o m p u t e r net­ w o r k that h e e n v i s i o n e d (Hiltzik, 1999). Herzfeld g a v e T a y l o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y one m i l l i o n dollars to get t h e n e t w o r k started. T a y l o r h a d t h e g e n e r a l idea for linking c o m p u t i n g s y s t e m s in a n e t w o r k , b u t he n e e d e d a p r o g r a m m a n a g e r to i m p l e m e n t this project. H e identified L a w r e n c e R o b e r t s , t h e n at M I T ' s L i n c o l n L a b s , w h e r e he w o r k e d o n a r e s e a r c h project

14

Introduction and History

funded b y A R P A . T a y l o r tried t o c o n v i n c e R o b e r t s t o j o i n A R P A , b u t R o b e r t s did n o t w a n t t o b e c o m e a W a s h i n g t o n b u r e a u c r a t . After several m o n t h s , T a y l o r real­ ized that A R P A funded 51 p e r c e n t o f t h e L i n c o l n L a b s b u d g e t . S o h e e x p l a i n e d h i s p r o b l e m to C h a r l e s Herzfeld, w h o called L i n c o l n L a b s a n d e x p l a i n e d to t h e director that it w o u l d b e in L i n c o l n L a b ' s best interest if R o b e r t s c a m e t o W a s h i n g t o n . R o b e r t s a c c e p t e d t h e p o s i t i o n . B y 1967, A R P A N E T w a s u n d e r w a y . T a y l o r stated, Ί b l a c k m a i l e d L a r r y R o b e r t s into f a m e ' (Taylor, 1993). L a r r y R o b e r t s is n o w k n o w n a s t h e father o f A R P A N E T . It w a s T a y l o r ' s idea, b u t R o b e r t s m a d e it w o r k . T h e o t h e r p e r s o n w h o w a s influential in t h e p l a n n i n g o f A R P A N E T w a s W e s l e y C l a r k , a n A R P A c o n t r a c t o r at W a s h i n g t o n U n i v e r s i t y in St L o u i s . D u r i n g a c a b ride from t h e a n n u a l I P T O c o n t r a c t o r s m e e t i n g in A n n A r b o r t o t h e Detroit Airport, Taylor got Roberts and Clark talking about h o w to design a c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k that w o u l d link u n a l i k e c o m p u t e r s . C l a r k c a m e u p w i t h t h e i d e a o f i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g t h e u n a l i k e c o m p u t e r s at e a c h A R P A N E T site w i t h w h a t h e called a n Interface M e s s a g e P r o c e s s o r ( I M P ) . E a c h h o s t c o m p u t e r i n t h e net­ w o r k w o u l d h a v e a n I M P (a s m a l l c o m p u t e r ) a t t a c h e d t o it s o as t o p r o v i d e a n interface w i t h t h e c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k . T h e n e t w o r k w o u l d c o n n e c t t h e I M P s . T h i s s t r a t e g y w a s effective ( T a y l o r , 1993). B y m i d - 1 9 6 9 , t h r e e sites w e r e c o n n e c t e d v i a I M P s . T h e i n s p i r a t i o n for t h e p a r t i c u l a r d e c e n t r a l i z e d d e s i g n o f t h e Internet as w e k n o w it t o d a y o c c u r r e d o n a taxi ride t o D e t r o i t A i r p o r t , o r c h e s t r a t e d b y Taylor. In 1970, T a y l o r left A R P A , a n d j o i n e d X e r o x P A R C in P a l o A l t o , C A , t h e n e w l y e s t a b l i s h e d r e s e a r c h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t c e n t r e at w h i c h t h e C a m e l o t o f c o m ­ p u t i n g w o u l d s o o n occur. A t a b o u t this t i m e , D o u g l a s E n g e l b a r t at S R I t o o k c h a r g e o f t h e N e t w o r k I n f o r m a t i o n C e n t e r ( N I C ) , funded b y A R P A - I P T O , w h i c h w a s to a d v a n c e c o m p u t e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Douglas C. Engelbart W h i l e Licklider w a s p r o p o s i n g h i s v i s i o n a r y ideas o n m a n - c o m p u t e r s y m b i o s i s , a n e n g i n e e r at t h e Stanford R e s e a r c h Institute h a d a similar vision. D r D o u g l a s C . E n g e l b a r t b e l i e v e d that c o m p u t e r s s h o u l d p e r f o r m as a p o w e r f u l auxiliary to h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H i s 1962 article entitled, ' A u g m e n t i n g h u m a n intellect: a c o n c e p t u a l f r a m e w o r k ' ( E n g e l b a r t , 1962), a r g u e d that c o m p u t e r s c o u l d m a n i p u ­ late h u m a n l a n g u a g e a n d that individuals c o u l d u s e c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n t o o l s t o e x t e n d their h u m a n abilities. E n g e l b a r t s a w h u m a n intellect a s limited b y l a n g u a g e , a v i e w p o i n t influenced b y t h e w r i t i n g s o f t h e linguist B e n j a m i n L e e W h o r f ( 1 9 5 6 ) . E n g e l b a r t cited W h o r f a n d G e o r g e H e r b e r t M e a d , t h e social interactionist, as t w o scholars w h o influenced h i s t h i n k i n g a b o u t t h e role o f l a n g u a g e in c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d intellect. ' B u t t h e n I b e g a n t o realize t h e u n u s u a l c h a r a c ­ teristics that t h e c o m p u t e r a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s w e r e offering, in j u s t p l a i n s p e e d a n d quantity. I h a d d o n e e n o u g h w o r k o n scaling effects t o realize that t h e w h o l e qualitative n a t u r e o f s o m e p h e n o m e n o n c a n c h a n g e if y o u start c h a n g ­ i n g t h e scale o f s o m e part o f it. I b e g a n to realize in h o w m a n y w a y s , a n d h o w directly, t h e c o m p u t e r c o u l d interact w i t h t h e different capabilities t h a t w e ' v e a l r e a d y g o t ' ( E n g e l b a r t , 1992).

Computers as Communication

15

E n g e l b a r t set a b o u t i m p l e m e n t i n g his v i s i o n o f c o m p u t e r a u g m e n t a t i o n o f h u m a n intellect. ' B o o t s t r a p p i n g ' w a s a d e s i g n p r i n c i p l e at S R I , w h i c h m e a n t that E n g e l b a r t ' s r e s e a r c h e r s u s e d the t e c h n o l o g i e s that t h e y created. T h u s , the c o m ­ p u t e r u s e r d i s c o v e r e d a n d r e - i n v e n t e d the tools that h e / s h e m a d e , in an iterative learning p r o c e s s ( E n g e l b a r t , 1962). T h i s b o o t s t r a p p i n g p r o c e s s a l l o w e d t h e c o m ­ p u t e r r e s e a r c h e r s at S R I to m o r e fully u n d e r s t a n d the n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s t h e y w e r e creating. F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e y c o m m u n i c a t e d their t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s to o t h e r r e s e a r c h e r s w h o w e r e then able to a d v a n c e t h e m further (Taylor, 1993). P e r h a p s the m o s t i m p o r t a n t n e w c o m p u t e r interface t e c h n o l o g y that E n g e l b a r t d e s i g n e d w a s the c o m p u t e r m o u s e . T h i s d e v i c e w a s controlled b y o n e h a n d in o r d e r to e n a b l e a u s e r t o direct a c o m p u t e r c u r s o r b y m o v i n g the m o u s e o v e r a s m o o t h surface. B y c l i c k i n g o n e o f t h e three b u t t o n s o n E n g e l b a r t ' s m o u s e , a u s e r could c o m m u n i c a t e c o m m a n d s to t h e c o m p u t e r . T h e m o u s e w a s an i m p o r t a n t a d v a n c e in h u m a n - c o m p u t e r interaction. E n g e l b a r t ' s m o u s e w a s directly inspired b y the p l a n i m e t e r , a d e v i c e invented b y V a n n e v a r B u s h to m e a s u r e d i s t a n c e s (Engelbart, 1992). M o r e generally, E n g e l b a r t credits B u s h ' s 1945 idea of the m e m e x as h i s inspiration for t h i n k i n g o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s ( Z a c h a r y , 1997). 4

T a y l o r stated that E n g e l b a r t w a s t h e o n l y A R P A - I P T O contractor that h e h a d to force t o a c c e p t funding. E n g e l b a r t w a s u s i n g an i n a d e q u a t e c o m p u t e r tool, a C D C 160A, a relatively small c o m p u t e r , w i t h w h i c h to i m p l e m e n t h i s vision o f h u m a n - c o m p u t e r interfacing. T a y l o r forced several m i l l i o n dollars o f A R P A funds o n E n g e l b a r t , so that h e could p u r c h a s e a large m a i n f r a m e c o m p u t e r . E n g e l b a r t s o o n b e g a n to m a k e t e c h n o l o g i c a l a d v a n c e s t o w a r d his v i s i o n (Taylor, 1993). In 1967, E n g e l b a r t created t h e A R P A N e t w o r k I n f o r m a t i o n C e n t e r ( N I C ) , a ' c o m m u n i t y s u p p o r t center that w o u l d really g o after t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o l l a b o r a t i o n - s u p p o r t tools a n d m e t h o d s , a n d w o u l d p r o v i d e services to e n c o u r ­ a g e the A R P A N E T R a n d D folks to e v o l v e their w o r k i n g w a y s a c c o r d i n g l y ' (Engelbart, 1 9 8 8 : 2 2 6 ) . In 1 9 6 8 , N I C b e g a n d e l i v e r i n g the A R C o N L i n e S y s t e m ( N L S ) o v e r A R P A N E T . T h i s o n l i n e s y s t e m u s e d a m o u s e a n d e-mail, a n d h a d a m u l t i p l e w i n d o w s interface to c o n n e c t t h e v a r i o u s A R P A N E T r e s e a r c h and d e v e l o p m e n t w o r k e r s (at 3 0 sites in t h e U S ) . N I C w a s i m p o r t a n t in i m p l e m e n t ­ ing t h e visions o f Licklider, b y n e t w o r k i n g the c o m m u n i t y o f c o m p u t e r scientists t h r o u g h A R P A N E T . R o b e r t T a y l o r w a s the catalyst for this t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o ­ vation, w h i c h w a s a k e y step in s h a p i n g c o m p u t e r s into tools for c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Xerox PARC X e r o x P A R C (Palo A l t o R e s e a r c h C e n t r e ) w a s founded in 1970 in the Stanford Industrial Park, located o n t h e Stanford U n i v e r s i t y c a m p u s in P a l o A l t o . O n l y 5 years later, b y 1975, X e r o x P A R C h a d d e v e l o p e d m o s t o f the important p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s : (a) t h e w o r l d ' s first p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r , (b) an i m p r o v e d v e r s i o n o f E n g e l b a r t ' s m o u s e , (c) b i t - m a p p e d display, (d) icons a n d p u l l - u p m e n u s , (e) laser p r i n t i n g , a n d ( f ) E t h e r n e t t e c h n o l o g y ( w h i c h linked c o m p u t e r s into a local area n e t w o r k ) . T h e X e r o x C o r p o r a t i o n , t h e n t h e w o r l d ' s l e a d i n g p a p e r c o p i e r c o m p a n y , invested $ 1 5 0 m i l l i o n in X e r o x P A R C d u r i n g its first 14 y e a r s (Uttal, 1983). T h e c o m p a n y did n o t e x p e c t to o b t a i n m a r k e t a b l e t e c h n o l o g i e s

16

Introduction and History

from this i n v e s t m e n t in b a s i c r e s e a r c h for a b o u t a d e c a d e ( P a k e , 1985). U n f o r t u n a t e l y for X e r o x , n o n e o f t h e p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s created at P A R C ( e x c e p t for laser p r i n t i n g ) w e r e c o m m e r c i a l i z e d b y t h e X e r o x C o r p o r a t i o n into useful p r o d u c t s . Instead, m o s t o f t h e p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s that w e r e i n v e n t e d a n d d e v e l o p e d at X e r o x P A R C from 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 5 w e r e m a r k e t e d b y A p p l e C o m p u t e r after 1984 (in t h e form o f t h e M a c i n t o s h c o m p u t e r ) . O n e o f t h e r e a s o n s for X e r o x P A R C ' s a c h i e v e m e n t s in technological i n n o v a ­ tion w a s t h e p e c u l i a r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l culture o f t h e P A R C facility. P A R C w a s O n e of the most unusual corporate research organizations of our time' (Perry and W a l l i c h , 1985: 62). T h e R a n d D lab w a s n o t tied t o a n y o n e o f t h e X e r o x p r o d u c t lines. Instead it w a s set u p t o create ' t h e office o f t h e future', a n d g i v e n a rather h a z y m i s s i o n t o create t h e ' a r c h i t e c t u r e o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' . P A R C w a s located i n California, far from X e r o x ' s h e a d q u a r t e r s a n d existing laboratories o n t h e East Coast, b e c a u s e (a) X e r o x h a d j u s t p u r c h a s e d a Californian c o m p u t e r c o m p a n y , a n d (b) b e c a u s e X e r o x d i d n o t w a n t t h e n e w R a n d D centre t o b e limited b y existing ideas. T h i s p h y s i c a l a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a r r a n g e m e n t translated to a h i g h d e g r e e o f f r e e d o m for t h e P A R C r e s e a r c h e r s t o p u r s u e i n n o v a t i v e ideas that w e r e n o t limited b y c o m m e r c i a l considerations. X e r o x P A R C ' s s u c c e s s in d e v e l o p i n g i n n o v a t i v e c o m p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s w a s also d u e t o the o u t s t a n d i n g calibre o f t h e r e s e a r c h e r s w h o w o r k e d there. T a y l o r b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r a critical m a s s o f c o m p u t e r scientists at P A R C , m a n y o f w h o m h a d b e e n A R P A - Γ Ρ Τ Ο contractors. P A R C r e s e a r c h e r s like A l a n K a y later c o m ­ m e n t e d , ' o u t o f t h e 100 best c o m p u t e r scientists in t h e c o u n t r y , 7 6 o f t h e m w e r e at P A R C ! ' ( S m i t h a n d A l e x a n d e r , 1988: 76). W h i l e this s t a t e m e n t m i g h t h a v e b e e n a n e x a g g e r a t i o n , X e r o x P A R C in t h e early 1970s w a s ' t h e b e s t c o m p u t e r s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h e s t a b l i s h m e n t in t h e w o r l d ' ( S m i t h a n d A l e x a n d e r , 1 9 8 8 : 7 6 ) . T h e c l i m a t e for i n n o v a t i o n at X e r o x P A R C c o u l d b e attributed to T a y l o r ' s m a n a g e m e n t style, w h i c h e n c o u r a g e d t h e collaborative e x c h a n g e o f technical information a m o n g t h e P A R C r e s e a r c h e r s . T h e a t m o s p h e r e at P A R C facilitated interaction a n d creativity. T h e r e g u l a r m e e t i n g r o o m at P A R C w a s e q u i p p e d w i t h b e a n - b a g chairs a n d t h e w a l l s w e r e m a d e o f C h i n a b o a r d , so as t o p r o v i d e a d e ­ q u a t e s p a c e for d i a g r a m m i n g . R e s o u r c e s w e r e plentiful at P A R C . T a y l o r d i d n o t establish a h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n t h e laboratory, a n d a great deal o f freedom w a s a l l o w e d t h e P A R C r e s e a r c h e r s in c h o o s i n g t h e e x a c t directions o f their R a n d D activities. T h e early 1970s w e r e ripe for t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n in p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g . In 1 9 7 1 , Intel C o r p o r a t i o n h a d i n v e n t e d t h e m i c r o p r o c e s s o r , a crucial c o m p o n e n t for p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g ( N o y c e a n d Hoff, 1981). T h e m i c r o p r o c e s s o r m a d e t h e m i c r o c o m p u t e r p o s s i b l e , a n d h e l p e d fulfil t h e earlier v i s i o n o f a stand-alone per­ sonal c o m p u t e r ( B u s h , 1945), a n d thus the n o t i o n o f interactive c o m p u t i n g set forth b y Licklider a n d E n g e l b a r t . O n e o f t h e c o m p u t e r scientists at P A R C , A l a n K a y , created ' F l e x ' , a p r o g r a m ­ m i n g l a n g u a g e , a n d a m i n i a t u r e p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r t h a t h e h a d d e s c r i b e d in his 1969 P h D dissertation at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f U t a h . A t X e r o x P A R C , F l e x d e v e l o p e d b o t h as a l a n g u a g e (Smalltalk) that w a s accessible t o n o n - e x p e r t s , as w e l l as a m a c h i n e (the D y n a b o o k ) , forerunner t o t h e l a p t o p c o m p u t e r . G e o r g e P a k e , t h e

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Director of P A R C , did not support K a y ' s D y n a b o o k project because he m a i n t a i n e d that t h e requisite m i n i a t u r i z e d d i s p l a y t e c h n o l o g y a n d l o w e r - c o s t c o m p u t e r m e m o r y w o u l d n o t b e available for several y e a r s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , K a y convinced t w o of his P A R C colleagues to 'build an interim D y n a b o o k on a skunkworks basis' (Kay, 1992). This interim Dynabook, the Alto computer, did n o t t u r n o u t t o b e t h e D y n a b o o k that K a y h a d e n v i s i o n e d , b e c a u s e t h e A l t o c o m ­ p u t e r w a s n o t p o r t a b l e . H o w e v e r , t h e A l t o w a s t h e first p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g s y s t e m e v e r built, in t h a t it w a s a c o m p u t e r d e s i g n e d t o b e u s e d b y a single indi­ v i d u a l . U n t i l this point, m a i n f r a m e c o m p u t e r s o r m i n i c o m p u t e r s w e r e u s e d b y a n u m b e r o f individuals w h o w e r e l i n k e d in t i m e - s h a r i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s . T h e A l t o w a s originally c r e a t e d for u s e b y t h e individual c o m p u t e r r e s e a r c h e r s at P A R C . 5

I n 1979, S t e v e n J o b s , t h e c o - f o u n d e r o f A p p l e C o m p u t e r , I n c , m a d e a half-day visit t o X e r o x P A R C w h e r e h e w a s i m m e n s e l y i m p r e s s e d b y t h e p e r s o n a l c o m ­ p u t i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s that h e s a w d e m o n s t r a t e d at P A R C . T h e s e t e c h n o l o g i e s fit with his vision of a 'friendly', technologically advanced personal computer. W i t h i n a few m o n t h s , J o b s h i r e d several P A R C R a n d D w o r k e r s w h o m i g r a t e d t h e few m i l e s t o A p p l e C o m p u t e r in C u p e r t i n o , C A . T h u s , t h e c o m p u t i n g tech­ n o l o g i e s d e v e l o p e d at X e r o x P A R C b e c a m e t h e b a s i s for t h e w i d e l y selling M a c i n t o s h m i c r o c o m p u t e r , a n n o u n c e d in 1984.

Growth of Computer Networks ARPANET, BITNET and the Internet A R P A N E T , reflecting t h e c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n v i s i o n o f c h a m p i o n s like L i c k l i d e r a n d E n g e l b a r t , w a s i m p l e m e n t e d i n 1969. B o b T a y l o r s e c u r e d t h e fund­ i n g from A R P A , L a r r y R o b e r t s d e s i g n e d t h e n e t w o r k , a n d W e s C l a r k created w i t h t h e b r e a k t h r o u g h idea o f c o n n e c t i n g i n c o m p a t i b l e m a i n f r a m e c o m p u t e r s w i t h I M P s . T h e A R P A - I P T O funded c o m p u t e r at U C L A b e c a m e t h e first A R P A N E T n o d e , w h i c h c o n s i s t e d o f their S i g m a - 7 m a i n f r a m e c o m p u t e r a t t a c h e d t o I M P 1 ( H a f h e r a n d L y o n , 1 9 9 6 : 1 5 4 ) . S o o n thereafter, S R I in P a l o A l t o b e c a m e t h e s e c o n d n o d e in A R P A N E T . S R I h a d an S D S - 9 4 0 m a i n f r a m e c o m p u t e r a n d I M P 2. T h e third A R P A N E T n o d e w a s installed at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f California at S a n t a B a r b a r a , a n d t h e fourth at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f U t a h . T h e s e four n o d e s f o r m e d t h e b e g i n n i n g o f A R P A N E T , a n d r e p r e s e n t e d t h e forerunners o f t h e I n t e r n e t as w e k n o w it today. T h e first c r o s s - c o u n t r y circuit for t h e A R P A n e t w o r k w a s installed in M a r c h 1970, c o n n e c t i n g U C L A t o a n o d e in B o s t o n . T h u s , t h e essen­ tial e l e m e n t s for c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g w e r e in p l a c e b y 1972. H o w e v e r , A R P A N E T w a s restricted t o t h e c o m m u n i t y o f A R P A - f u n d e d c o m p u t e r scien­ tists w h o h a d d e v e l o p e d it. In O c t o b e r 1972, t h e first International C o n f e r e n c e o n C o m p u t e r C o m m u n i ­ c a t i o n w a s h e l d in W a s h i n g t o n , D C . L a r r y R o b e r t s w a s o n t h e p r o g r a m m e c o m m i t t e e a n d a r r a n g e d for a p u b l i c d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f A R P A N E T at t h e C o n f e r e n c e . T h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n i m p o s e d a d e a d l i n e o n all t h o s e i n v o l v e d w i t h A R P A N E T t o d e b u g t h e n e t w o r k , a n d t o h a v e t h e s y s t e m w o r k i n g flawlessly. T h e A R P A N E T d e m o n s t r a t i o n at t h e W a s h i n g t o n c o n f e r e n c e c o n v i n c e d its several t h o u s a n d participants o f t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y potential o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g

18

Introduction and History

(Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 186). ' T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f its [ A R P A N E T ' S ] role in the history o f c o m p u t e r and d a t a c o m m u n i c a t i o n c a n n o t b e u n d e r e s t i m a t e d - it e p i t o m i z e d this w h o l e p e r i o d ' ( H e l l i g e , 1994: 6 2 ) . E-mail on ARPANET A l t h o u g h A R P A N E T w a s n o t originally i n t e n d e d as a m e s ­ saging s y s t e m , that b e c a m e o n e o f its p r i m a r y u s e s b e t w e e n 1972 and the early 1980s (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 189). T h i s c o m m u n i c a t i o n function h a d n o t b e e n anticipated b y A R P A N E T ' S d e s i g n e r s . ' T h e w a y in w h i c h t h e military r e s e a r c h n e t w o r k w a s actually utilized in p r a c t i c e c a m e as a surprise t o t h e A R P A N E T e n g i n e e r s a n d o p e r a t o r s , b e c a u s e t h e central service t u r n e d out to b e t h e m a i l b o x service, d e v e l o p e d b y R o b e r t s in 1970 as an additional feature, and n o t t h e antici­ p a t e d w i d e area sharing o f r e s o u r c e s a n d l o a d s ' (Hellige, 1994: 6 3 ) . T h e e-mail function o f A R P A N E T w a s d e v e l o p e d w h e n R a y T o m l i n s o n , an e n g i n e e r at B B N in B o s t o n , w r o t e a c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m in 1972, called S N D M S G , to s e n d mail m e s s a g e s , a n d a c o r r e s p o n d i n g R E A D M A I L p r o g r a m to receive c o m p u t e r m e s s a g e s (Hafner and L y o n s , 1996: 1 9 1 - 2 ) . M e s s a g e s could n o w travel from o n e host c o m p u t e r to another, so t h e t w o software p r o g r a m s , in effect, p r o ­ vided t h e first electronic m a i l m e s s a g i n g s y s t e m . A b h a y B h u s h a n , a p r o g r a m m e r at M I T , finalized the p r o t o c o l for e-mail b a s e d o n T o m l i n s o n ' s software, t h e r e b y p r o v i d i n g t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f a global electronic mail s y s t e m . T o m l i n s o n c h o s e the ' @ ' sign in the m e s s a g e a d d r e s s , w h i c h thereafter b e c a m e a global icon o n the Internet (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 192). A R P A N E T w a s originally d e s i g n e d to b e a r e s o u r c e - s h a r i n g s y s t e m t h r o u g h w h i c h the A R P A c o n t r a c t o r s c o u l d e x c h a n g e c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m s a n d d a t a b a s e s . B u t as m o r e a n d m o r e u s e r s d i s c o v e r e d that t h e y could s e n d p e r s o n a l m e s s a g e s to friends a n d c o l l e a g u e s , e-mail b e c a m e o n e o f the m o s t p o p u l a r features o f the n e t w o r k . In 1 9 7 3 , S t e p h e n L u k a s i k , t h e Director o f A R P A , c o m m i s s i o n e d a study o f A R P A N E T u s e . T h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f all traffic w a s e-mail (Hafner and L y o n s , 1996: 194). M a n y o f t h e s e e-mail m e s s a g e s w e r e h u m o r o u s ( s o m e w e r e j o k e s ) ; m o s t w e r e h i g h l y p e r s o n a l . V e r y few m e s s a g e s dealt w i t h military/defence m a t t e r s . T h u s , A R P A N E T b e c a m e a p u b l i c l y available m e a n s of electronic c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n , p r o v i d e d gratis b y t h e P e n t a g o n . In J u n e 1975, a n A R P A p r o g r a m m a n a g e r at I P T O , Steve W a l k e r , a n n o u n c e d the first electronic d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p called M s g G r o u p (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 2 0 0 ) . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p r e p r e s e n t e d o n e o f t h e first n e t w o r k m a i l lists. M s g G r o u p p r o v i d e d for m a n y spirited discussions o n A R P A N E T o v e r t h e fol­ l o w i n g d e c a d e s . M s g G r o u p w a s , in e s s e n c e , t h e first virtual c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h u s e r s utilized in o r d e r to get a c q u a i n t e d w i t h a n d t o interact b y e-mail. Expansion of Computer

Networks

In t h e early 1970s, several other c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s w e r e established, u s i n g s u c h e l e c t r o n i c m e d i a as r a d i o w a v e s ( o n different islands in H a w a i i , c a l l e d A L O H A N E T ) and satellite t r a n s m i s s i o n ( S A T N E T ) . In 1972, B o b K a h n , w h o h a d m o v e d to A R P A from B B N , b e g a n thinking a b o u t linking all o f these different n e t w o r k s into a n e t w o r k o f n e t w o r k s . B y 1 9 7 3 , the Internetting Project w a s e s t a b ­ lished at A R P A (Hafner and L y o n s , 1996: 2 2 2 ) , in w h i c h K a h n b e g a n to

Computers as Communication

19

collaborate w i t h Vint Cerf, a c o m p u t e r scientist at U C L A . C e r f a n d K a h n realized that t h e y n e e d e d a routing c o m p u t e r b e t w e e n e a c h o f the different n e t w o r k s that w o u l d transfer m e s s a g e s from o n e n e t w o r k to t h e other. It w o u l d function, at a h i g h e r level, like the I M P in the early d a y s o f t h e A R P A N E T . C e r f and K a h n p u b ­ lished a p a p e r , Ά protocol for p a c k e t n e t w o r k i n t e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' , in 1974 in w h i c h t h e y d e s c r i b e d a t r a n s m i s s i o n control p r o t o c o l ( T C P ) (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 2 2 6 ) . M e s s a g e s w o u l d b e e n c a p s u l a t e d a n d d e c a p s u l a t e d in ' d a t a g r a m s ' , a k i n d o f m e s s a g e e n v e l o p e . G a t e w a y c o m p u t e r s w o u l d o n l y read the e n v e l o p e , and then route the m e s s a g e t o w a r d the a p p r o p r i a t e host c o m p u t e r , t h e r e b y trans­ m i t t i n g m e s s a g e s a c r o s s n e t w o r k s . W h i l e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the T C P d e s i g n t o o k several m o r e y e a r s , t h e 1974 C e r f and K a h n p a p e r outlined the future path for net­ working of computer networks. T h e c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k e x p a n d e d consistently o v e r the n e x t 2 y e a r s , w i t h an existing c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k a d d e d e a c h m o n t h . In 1978, Cerf, a l o n g w i t h researchers J o n Postel a n d D a n n y C o h e n , c a m e u p w i t h the idea o f b r e a k i n g u p t h e original T C P that dealt w i t h r o u t i n g p a c k e t s , a n d f o r m i n g a s e p a r a t e Internet Protocol o r IP. T h e resulting p r o t o c o l , T C P / I P , m a d e it p o s s i b l e to build rela­ tively i n e x p e n s i v e g a t e w a y s that could read the c o m p u t e r m e s s a g e c o d e , so as to r o u t e m e s s a g e p a c k e t s t o w a r d the appropriate destination c o m p u t e r (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 2 3 6 - 7 ) . T C P / I P b e c a m e the standard for the Internet, and greatly assisted its e x p a n s i o n . In 1 9 7 3 , B o b M e t c a l f e at X e r o x P A R C invented the Ethernet, a n e w k i n d o f local area n e t w o r k ( L A N ) that c o n n e c t e d c o m p u t e r s in different r o o m s o f a b u i l d ­ ing (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 2 3 9 ) . T h e s y s t e m w a s q u i c k l y a d o p t e d b y c o m p a ­ nies and b y universities, and b e c a m e a n o t h e r essential b u i l d i n g b l o c k in t h e e v e n t u a l Internet. In the late 1970s, it b e c a m e n e c e s s a r y to b u i l d a n e t w o r k for c o m p u t e r researchers that w o u l d b e m o r e accessible than A R P A N E T , and w h i c h c o u l d b e a c c e s s e d b y a n y individual i n v o l v e d w i t h the F e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t . T h e N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e F o u n d a t i o n ( N S F ) u n d e r w r o t e the d e v e l o p m e n t o f this n e w c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k for its first 5 years. T h u s , C S N E T ( C o m p u t e r Science R e s e a r c h N e t w o r k ) c a m e into b e i n g (Hafner a n d L y o n s , 1996: 2 4 3 ) . After 5 y e a r s , e a c h university u s i n g C S N E T p a i d a n n u a l d u e s . C S N E T w a s the forerunner for B I T N E T , w h i c h w a s l a u n c h e d in 1 9 8 1 . B I T N E T stands for ' B e c a u s e I t ' s T i m e N E T w o r k ' a n d w a s started in 1981 b y Ira F u c h s at the City U n i v e r s i t y of N e w Y o r k ( C U N Y ) a n d b y G r e y d o n F r e e m a n at Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y ( R o g e r s , 1 9 9 5 : 3 1 5 ) . B o t h universities h a d u s e d a L A N s y s t e m for several y e a r s , w h i c h p r o v e d useful for collaborative a c a d e m i c w o r k b y their professors. T h e y d e c i d e d to lease a t e l e p h o n e line to c o n n e c t t h e t w o university locations, t h e r e b y a l l o w i n g the e x c h a n g e o f m e s s a g e s b e t w e e n a n y o n e at the t w o universities. B I T N E T thus w a s b o r n ( R o g e r s , 1995: 3 1 5 ) . F o u r m o r e East C o a s t universities j o i n e d w i t h i n the year, e a c h o n e leasing a t e l e p h o n e line to the nearest university that a l r e a d y b e l o n g e d to B I T N E T . In 1982, the U n i v e r s i t y o f California at B e r k e l e y leased an e x p e n s i v e l o n g - d i s t a n c e t e l e p h o n e line to j o i n B I T N E T , a n d in d o i n g s o , m a d e B I T N E T available for other W e s t C o a s t univer­ sities. E a c h u n i v e r s i t y that j o i n e d helped defray the cost o f the transcontinental

20

Introduction and History

line. S o o n B I T N E T w a s a d o p t e d b y universities at a v e r y r a p i d rate. B e t w e e n 1984 a n d 1 9 8 5 , B I T N E T d o u b l e d i n size e v e r y 6 m o n t h s a n d t e l e p h o n e c o n n e c ­ t i o n s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d t o universities in c o u n t r i e s outside o f t h e U S ( R o g e r s , 1995: 316), forming a massive academic network across the globe. I n 1 9 8 5 , t h e N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e F o u n d a t i o n ( N S F ) built a ' b a c k b o n e n e t w o r k ' to c o n n e c t 5 s u p e r c o m p u t e r c e n t r e s that it h a d funded, e a c h at a different U S university. N S F offered t o g i v e o t h e r c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s a c c e s s t o this b a c k b o n e n e t w o r k , w h i c h w a s called N S F N E T . M a n y existing c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s j o i n e d N S F N E T a n d this c o n n e c t i o n o f i n t e r c o n n e c t e d T C P / I P n e t w o r k s g r a d u a l l y c a m e t o b e k n o w n a s t h e I n t e r n e t (Hafner a n d L y o n , 1996: 2 4 5 ) . B y late 1989, A R P A N E T had become obsolete, compared to N S F N E T , and w a s slowly dis­ m a n t l e d . E a c h site o n t h e A R P A N E T w a s a s s i g n e d t o a location o n t h e Internet (Hafner a n d L y o n , 1 9 9 6 : 2 5 6 ) . After 2 0 y e a r s , A R P A N E T h a d s e r v e d its p u r p o s e , a n d t h u s m e r g e d into t h e Internet, for w h i c h it h a d p r o v i d e d t h e p r o t o t y p e . How the Internet Worfe T h e Internet is a n e t w o r k l i n k i n g o v e r 2 0 , 0 0 0 p r e v i o u s c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , i n c l u d i n g t h e original A R P A N E T ( R o g e r s , 1 9 9 5 : 3 1 6 ) . D u r i n g t h e C o l d W a r e r a o f its creation, A R P A N E T h a d b e e n d e s i g n e d t o s u r v i v e a n u c l e a r attack b y t h e Soviet U n i o n . T h e r e f o r e , n o single c o n t r o l p o i n t existed for A R P A N E T . T h i s ' s u r v i v a b l e n e t w o r k ' h a d integrated data, text, p i c t u r e a n d v o i c e c o m m u n i c a t i o n (Hellige, 1994: 59). M o r e o v e r , b e c a u s e A R P A N E T w a s originally built as a d e f e n c e a n d as a r e s e a r c h n e t w o r k , t h e U S D e p a r t m e n t o f D e f e n s e p r o v i d e d a m p l e funds. R e s o u r c e s w e r e n o t a limiting factor. T h e Internet, formed o u t o f A R P A N E T in 1 9 8 3 , c o n t i n u e d A R P A N E T ' S decentralized n e t w o r k structure, w h i c h u s e d a ' m a n y - t o - m a n y ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n m o d e l . M i l l i o n s o f c o m p u t e r s are l i n k e d b y t e l e p h o n e lines t h r o u g h m a n y m i l l i o n s o f different n e t w o r k p a t h s . A n y m e s s a g e sent o n t h e Internet m o v e s t o w a r d its destination b y b e i n g p a s s e d a l o n g from c o m p u t e r t o c o m p u t e r . T h e m e s s a g e m a y t a k e a n y o n e o f a m u l t i t u d e o f p a t h s . If t h e c o m p u t e r m e s s a g e e n c o u n t e r s a b l o c k , it i m m e d i a t e l y s e e k s an alter­ native route. It is e x t r e m e l y difficult t o control t h e Internet, a decentralized c o m p u t e r net­ w o r k , a s it w a s d e s i g n e d t o c o u n t e r exactly s u c h control. T h u s it is difficult t o e s t i m a t e t h e actual n u m b e r s o f u s e r s o f t h e Internet, o r to e n s u r e t h e a c c u r a c y o f all m e s s a g e s t r a n s m i t t e d v i a t h i s c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k . F o r e x a m p l e , t h e I n t e r n e t contains numerous messages about cancer cures and A I D S cures, some of which a r e o f a d u b i o u s n a t u r e . F u r t h e r , c e n s o r s h i p o f t h e I n t e r n e t is e x t r e m e l y difficult, a n d m o s t a t t e m p t s t o d o s o h a v e failed. The Internet Today T h e n u m b e r o f Internet u s e r s d o u b l e d e a c h y e a r d u r i n g t h e 1990s, a n e x t r e m e l y r a p i d rate o f a d o p t i o n , p e r h a p s o n e o f t h e fastest rates o f diffusion for a n y i n n o ­ v a t i o n in t h e history o f h u m a n k i n d . E s t i m a t e s v a r y o n n u m b e r s o f I n t e r n e t u s e r s , b u t it is generally a c c e p t e d that t h e r e a r e o v e r 150 m i l l i o n u s e r s in t h e w o r l d a n d o v e r 7 0 m i l l i o n u s e r s in t h e U n i t e d States ( N U A S u r v e y s , 1 9 9 9 ; S h a p i r o , 1 9 9 9 ; U n i t e d N a t i o n s H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t R e p o r t , 1999).

Computers as Communication

21

T h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f the Internet w a s greatly h e l p e d b y t h e creation o f the W o r l d W i d e W e b in 1990 b y T i m B e r n e r s - L e e , a British r e s e a r c h e r at C E R N (the E u r o p e a n L a b o r a t o r y for particle P h y s i c s ) in G e n e v a (Hafner a n d L y o n , 1996: 2 5 7 ) . G r a d u a l l y , m i l l i o n s o f h o m e p a g e s w e r e created o n t h e W e b , c o n t a i n i n g an u n m a t c h e d i n f o r m a t i o n r e s o u r c e that attracted large n u m b e r s of p e o p l e to surf the N e t . I n c r e a s i n g l y , c o m m e r c i a l b u s i n e s s e s b e g a n to u s e t h e W e b for m a r k e t i n g a n d sales p u r p o s e s , as e - c o m m e r c e b e c a m e w i d e l y a c c e p t e d . In 1 9 9 3 , t w o c o m p u t e r s c i e n c e students at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Illinois i n v e n t e d M o s a i c , a graphics p r o g r a m that m a d e t h e W e b m u c h easier to u s e . M o s a i c w a s t h e forerunner to N e t s c a p e , a c o m m e r c i a l l y available b r o w s e r that m a d e the Internet m o r e accessible to t h e u s e r w i t h t h e p o i n t a n d click o f a c o m p u t e r m o u s e . T h e s e t w o t e c h n o l o g i e s (the W e b a n d M o s a i c ) w e r e essential in m a k i n g t h e Internet m o r e accessible a n d attractive to u s e r s , a n d h e l p e d set off t h e r a p i d i n c r e a s e in t h e rate o f a d o p t i o n o f t h e Internet d u r i n g t h e 1990s. W i t h i n its first several y e a r s o f e x i s t e n c e , M o s a i c w a s a d o p t e d b y t w o m i l l i o n u s e r s p e r year. T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e s e c o m p o n e n t t e c h n o l o g i e s like t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b a n d M o s a i c h e l p e d t h e Internet r e a c h critical m a s s in a v e r y short t i m e . A critical m a s s o c c u r s at t h e p o i n t w h e n e n o u g h individuals h a v e a d o p t e d an i n n o v a t i o n so that its further rate o f a d o p t i o n b e c o m e s self-sustaining ( R o g e r s , 1 9 9 5 : 3 1 3 ) . T h e c o n c e p t o f critical m a s s i m p l i e s that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s actions are in part d e p e n d e n t o n the actions o f o t h e r s ( R o g e r s , 1995: 3 1 8 ) . O n c e critical m a s s is a c h i e v e d , an i n n o v a t i o n ' s rate o f a d o p t i o n p r o c e e d s rapidly. T h e ability o f the Internet u s e r to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h o t h e r p e o p l e increases as t h e n u m b e r o f Internet u s e r s i n c r e a s e s . Since t h e Internet is a n interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n n o v a t i o n , it increases in v a l u e as it is utilized b y a greater n u m b e r o f u s e r s . T h e r e f o r e , o n c e t h e Internet r e a c h e d critical m a s s , d u e to the i n c r e a s e d accessibility a n d attrac­ tiveness p r o v i d e d b y the t e c h n o l o g i e s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e , it s p r e a d at an everincreasing p a c e . W e h a v e r e v i e w e d t h e evolution o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g in this chapter, s h o w ­ ing h o w early visions s h a p e d t h e directions t a k e n b y c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g i s t s (see T a b l e 2.1). B y t h e late 1980s c o m p u t e r s y s t e m s w e r e in p l a c e to a l l o w the c r e a t i o n o f virtual c o m m u n i t i e s . H o w did t h e s e social a n d political s y s t e m s e v o l v e in certain locations in the U n i t e d States?

Interactive Communication and Participatory Politics I n this section w e a n a l y s e a n d derive lessons learned from four interactive c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s : t h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project, established in 1978; t h e P u b l i c E l e c t r o n i c N e t w o r k ( P E N ) in Santa M o n i c a , C A , w h i c h b e c a m e o p e r a t i o n a l in 1 9 8 9 ; t h e B l a c k s b u r g E l e c t r o n i c V i l l a g e , I n c . ( B E V ) in B l a c k s b u r g , V A , f o u n d e d in 1 9 9 3 ; a n d L a Plaza T e l e c o m m u n i t y in T a o s , N M , established in 1995. W e selected t h e s e four projects b e c a u s e o f their p i o n e e r i n g n a t u r e , and t h e p r e s e n t a u t h o r s ' p e r s o n a l k n o w l e d g e a n d e x p e r i e n c e w i t h t h e m . E a c h o f these b r i e f c a s e studies identifies t h e original r e a s o n s for f o u n d i n g the c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d s y s t e m , a n d d e s c r i b e s its a p p l i c a t i o n s for d e m o c r a t i c politics a n d for v a r i o u s o t h e r u s e s .

22

Introduction and History

TABLE 2.1 Date 1930 1945 1960 1962 1965 1966 1969 1970 1972

1972-1980s 1973 1975 1981 1985 1990 1993 1990s

rime-line of the development of computers as devices Event

communication

Vannevar Bush designs an early non-electronic computer Bush writes article on the memex, a prototype desktop computer J.C.R. Licklider's article 'Man-computer symbiosis' is published J.C.R. Licklider directs ARPA-IPTO Robert Taylor joins ARPA-IPTO ARPANET is envisioned UCLA becomes the first ARPA node, followed by SRI, the University of California at Santa Barbara, and the University of Utah First cross-country circuit for the ARPA network links UCLA and BBN in Boston Development of e-mail on ARPANET First demonstration of ARPANET at the International Conference on Computer Communication (Washington, DC) E-mail becomes the central service on ARPA Ethernet is invented at Xerox PARC First electronic discussion group (MsgGroup) BITNET is launched (it evolved from CSFNET) NSF links five supercomputer centres via NSFNET, which comes to be known as the Internet World Wide Web is invented Mosaic graphics program is invented Use of the Internet spreads exponentially

Berkeley Community Memory Project T h e founder o f t h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project w a s L e e Felsenstein, o n e o f t h e c h i e f d e s i g n e r s o f t h e O s b o r n e c o m p u t e r , a n early p o r t a b l e m i c r o c o m ­ puter. F e l s e n s t e i n lived in a c o m m u n e in B e r k e l e y , C A , a n d w i t h h i s h o u s e m a t e s c a m e u p w i t h t h e i d e a o f u s i n g a c o m p u t e r to c o n n e c t e v e r y o n e in this u n i v e r s i t y city. P u b l i c t e r m i n a l s w e r e located in c o - o p e r a t i v e stores a n d other c o n v e n i e n t p u b l i c p l a c e s . A n y o n e c o u l d p o s t a notice, s u c h as ' F o r Sale: U s e d V W B u g ' , ' W a n t e d : small refrigerator', o r ' T h e G a y R i g h t s A s s o c i a t i o n will m e e t at t h e C i t y L i b r a r y at 7:00 p m n e x t T h u r s d a y ' . T h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project w a s its capacity; it w a s the e q u i v a l e n t o f a football field o n w h i c h o n e c o u l d p i n h u n d r e d s o f t h o u s a n d s o f 3 b y 5 c a r d s . F e l s e n s t e i n a n d his friends w a n t e d t o p r o v i d e c o m p u t e r p o w e r to t h e p u b l i c , so there w a s n o c h a r g e t o individuals for u s i n g t h e s y s t e m . F u n d i n g c a m e from F e l s e n s t e i n ' s e a r n i n g s from his s t o c k in t h e O s b o r n e C o m p u t e r C o m p a n y . T h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project c o n t i n u e s until t h e p r e s e n t , a l t h o u g h it is p r e s e n t l y limited to a d o z e n o r so p u b l i c t e r m i n a l s . P e r h a p s its m a i n significance h a s b e e n t h r o u g h its influence o n other c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects. Public Electronic Network (PEN) T h e P E N s y s t e m b e c a m e available to residents in S a n t a M o n i c a , C A in F e b r u a r y 1989 ( R o g e r s et al., 1994; S c h m i t z et al., 1995). P E N g r e w o u t o f a n e-mail s y s t e m linking the city g o v e r n m e n t ' s d e p a r t m e n t s chiefs a n d m e m b e r s o f t h e city

Computers as Communication c o u n c i l . O n e c o u n c i l m a n a s k e d , ' W h y c a n ' t w e link everyone to this s y s t e m ? ' T h u s P E N w a s b o r n .

23

in t h e c o m m u n i t y

S a n t a M o n i c a is a liberal, politically active c o m m u n i t y that h a s a relatively w e l l - e d u c a t e d p o p u l a t i o n o f a b o u t 9 0 , 0 0 0 , a l t h o u g h a large n u m b e r o f h o m e l e s s p e o p l e ( e s t i m a t e d at from 2 0 0 0 t o 10,000 in 1989) also live in t h e city. T h e H e w l e t t - P a c k a r d C o m p a n y gifted t h e city o f S a n t a M o n i c a w i t h a m i n i c o m p u t e r a n d o t h e r e q u i p m e n t in o r d e r t o l a u n c h P E N . A s a n afterthought, b e c a u s e o f k n o w i n g a b o u t t h e B e r k e l e y C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y Project, t h e H P official s u g ­ g e s t e d i n c l u d i n g a d o z e n or s o p u b l i c t e r m i n a l s in t h e $ 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 gift p a c k a g e . T h e p u b l i c t e r m i n a l s w e r e p l a c e d in C i t y H a l l , libraries a n d in recreation centres. S o o n , a b o u t o n e - t h i r d o f all l o g - o n t o t h e P E N s y s t e m w e r e m a d e at t h e p u b l i c terminals, a l t h o u g h a p p r o x i m a t e l y a q u a r t e r o f t h e c i t y ' s r e s i d e n t s h a d a c c e s s t o P E N v i a their o w n c o m p u t e r e q u i p m e n t . T h e first topic d i s c u s s e d o n t h e P E N s y s t e m w a s h o m e l e s s n e s s - m a n y o f t h e entries w e r e n e g a t i v e : ' W h y d o n ' t t h e s e p e o p l e get j o b s ? T h e y a r e so l a z y . ' S o o n , however, homeless people, using the public terminals, responded. They argued that t h e y w e r e not lazy; t h e y w a n t e d t o w o r k . B u t t h e y s e l d o m c o u l d g a i n a c c e s s to j o b i n t e r v i e w e r s d u e t o their soiled c l o t h i n g a n d b o d y smell. O u t o f this e l e c ­ tronic d i s c u s s i o n b e t w e e n t h e h o m e d a n d h o m e l e s s e v e n t u a l l y c a m e p l a n s for t h e S H W A S H L O C K Project, in w h i c h an e m p t y storefront b u i l d i n g i n Santa M o n i c a w a s c o n v e r t e d to p r o v i d e sAowers, washers, a n d lockers t o h o m e l e s s p e o p l e . S o o n a c o m p u t e r i z e d j o b listing w a s p r o v i d e d o n t h e P E N s y s t e m , a l o n g w i t h a training facility to t e a c h c o m p u t e r skills to h o m e l e s s p e o p l e . O n e result w a s that some hundreds of homeless people secured jobs. Interaction b e t w e e n t h e h o m e l e s s a n d t h e h o m e d in Santa M o n i c a , leading to S W A S H L O C K , c o u l d n o t h a v e o c c u r r e d w i t h o u t t h e electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m . H e r e w e s e e a n o t h e r d i m e n s i o n o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g , its ability to o v e r c o m e social d i s t a n c e ( p r e s u m a b l y b e c a u s e o f its lack o f m a n y t y p e s o f n o n ­ verbal c o m m u n i c a t i o n , like t h e c o m m u n i c a t o r s ' clothing, smell, a p p e a r a n c e , etc.), as w e l l as spatial d i s t a n c e . A s o n e h o m e l e s s m a n stated o n t h e P E N s y s t e m : ' N o o n e o n P E N k n e w that I w a s h o m e l e s s until I told t h e m . After I told t h e m , I w a s still treated like a h u m a n b e i n g . ' P E N r a p i d l y b e c a m e a r e g u l a r p a r t o f daily life for 3 0 0 0 - 4 0 0 0 Santa M o n i c a residents. T h e y u s e d t h e s y s t e m for e-mail a b o u t local political n e w s a n d e v e n t s , c o m m u n i t y issues, a n d o t h e r m a t t e r s , t o c h e c k o n t h e availability o f a b o o k in t h e c i t y ' s libraries, o r t o a c q u i r e a b u i l d i n g p e r m i t from a city g o v e r n m e n t a g e n c y . T h e p r e d o m i n a n t u s e o f P E N w a s for e-mail. E a r l y o n , P E N faced several i m p o r ­ tant p r o b l e m s , o n e o f w h i c h w a s ' f l a m i n g ' , in w h i c h certain individuals u s e d p r o ­ fanity or o t h e r t y p e s o f offensive e x p r e s s i o n . In t h e first y e a r o f P E N , s o m e y o u n g m a l e s e x p r e s s e d s e x u a l a g g r e s s i o n against female u s e r s o f P E N , b y e n t e r i n g their n a m e s in a s e x u a l fantasy g a m e . W o m e n users o r g a n i z e d an electronic d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p , P E N F E M M E , to c o u n t e r this p r o b l e m (Collins-Jarvis, 1 9 9 3 ; R o g e r s et al., 1994). P E N F E M M E e v o l v e d into a f e m a l e s u p p o r t g r o u p . O n e o f t h e important u s e s o f P E N , as m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d in a city actively c o n ­ c e r n e d with local politics, w a s for t h e discussion o f local political issues. F o r instance, c o m m u n i t y opposition to building a n e w hotel in a beachfront residential

24

Introduction and History

area of Santa M o n i c a w a s o r g a n i z e d o n P E N . T h e hotel d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y defeated. T h i s political function o f t h e P E N s y s t e m o c c u r r e d m a i n l y b y m e a n s o f e-mail and electronic discussion g r o u p s . Blacksburg Electronic Village (BEV) B E V w a s initiated b y Bell Atlantic, the t e l e p h o n e c o m p a n y serving t h e small university city o f B l a c k s b u r g . E a r l y d i s c u s s i o n s in 1992 led t e l e p h o n e c o m p a n y officials and city leaders to contact officials at Virginia T e c h n o l o g i c a l University. T h e B l a c k s b u r g Electronic V i l l a g e b e g a n p r o v i d i n g electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n services in a u t u m n 1 9 9 3 . B y spring 1 9 9 5 , 4 0 p e r cent o f the t o w n ' s residents w e r e u s i n g the Internet, a n d 6 0 p e r cent w e r e u s i n g e-mail o n B E V . U s e o f these t w o s y s t e m s e x p a n d e d j o i n t l y in B l a c k s b u r g , w i t h t h e local e-mail s y s t e m serving c o m m u n i t y residents. C o s t o f the B E V w a s p r o v i d e d b y a grant from the N a t i o n a l T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s Infrastructure A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a grant from t h e N a t i o n a l Science F o u n d a t i o n for educational applications, a n d b y contributions from the three s p o n s o r i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s (Cohill a n d K a v a n a u g h , 1997). B y a u t u m n 1 9 9 5 , critical m a s s w a s a c h i e v e d b y t h e B E V . N u m e r o u s training classes, m a n y p r o v i d e d b y t h e c i t y ' s libraries, w e r e i m p o r t a n t in diffusing the u s e o f B E V . B y 1997, t h e c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n of 3 6 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e sent o v e r 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 e-mail m e s s a g e s p e r d a y ! M a n y b u s i n e s s e s in B l a c k s b u r g h a v e W e b sites, due to e n c o u r a g e m e n t a n d funding b y t h e city g o v e r n m e n t . T h e university p r o v i d e d technical expertise to the B E V , and e n c o u r a g e d students a n d faculty to u s e t h e system. All m a t t e r o f topics are d i s c u s s e d o n the B E V , including local and national politics. T w o other Virginia cities, A b i n g d o n and Radford, h a v e followed B l a c k s b u r g ' s lead in p r o v i d i n g an electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n system. La Plaza Telecommunity T a o s C o u n t y is the p o o r e s t c o u n t y in N e w M e x i c o , the state w i t h the lowest p e r capita i n c o m e in the U n i t e d States. L a P l a z a T e l e c o m m u n i t y is a p i o n e e r i n g u s e of c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g in a c o m m u n i t y w i t h v e r y limited resources. T h e project b e g a n in 1993, w h e n c o m m u n i t y leaders from T a o s attended a c o m m u n i t y t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c o n f e r e n c e in Telluride, C o l o r a d o , w h e r e they s a w a d e m o n ­ stration o f the Infozone, a local c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k project in Telluride (like T a o s , a skiing c o m m u n i t y ) . L a Plaza T e l e c o m m u n i t y c a m e online o n 7 D e c e m b e r 1994, thanks to a grant from the N e w M e x i c o State Legislature; a gift of m i c r o c o m p u t e r s from A p p l e C o m p u t e r , Inc; a n d free u s e of a T-line p r o v i d e d b y n e a r b y Los A l a m o s N a t i o n a l L a b o r a t o r y to c o n n e c t the local c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k to the Internet. L a Plaza w o n a 3-year g r a n t o f $1 million from the K e l l o g g F o u n d a t i o n in 1996. In 1997, L a Plaza T e l e c o m m u n i t y b e g a n c h a r g i n g users a $ 6 per h o u r fee, later c h a n g e d to $15 p e r m o n t h for u n l i m i t e d u s e . By 1999, L a Plaza T e l e c o m m u n i t y , t h r o u g h a very active training p r o g r a m m e , had over 4 0 0 0 registered users in the small city of T a o s . L a Plaza launched out­ reach efforts in the nearby T a o s p u e b l o , and in the small H i s p a n i c c o m m u n i t i e s of Questa and P e n a s c o . Initial training o f potential users w a s p r o v i d e d in t h e waiting r o o m s o f local health clinics, both in English and in Spanish. D i a b e t e s is a health

Computers as Communication

25

p r o b l e m for 2 0 p e r cent o f the H i s p a n i c p e o p l e in T a o s , and for 3 0 p e r cent o f N a t i v e A m e r i c a n s in the N o r t h e r n N e w M e x i c a n p u e b l o s near T a o s . A h o m e p a g e o n diabetes w a s p r o v i d e d o n L a Plaza T e l e c o m m u n i t y . T h e health information w a s obtained from m e d i c a l j o u r n a l articles in the c o m p u t e r i z e d N a t i o n a l Library o f M e d i c i n e , w h i c h w a s t h e n organized in narrative form b y L a Plaza staff, as T a o s residents are a c c u s t o m e d to a storytelling tradition. T h e diabetes h o m e p a g e b e c a m e o n e o f the 10 m o s t p o p u l a r sites o n L a Plaza b y 1999. A n u m b e r o f small businesses arose in T a o s to construct h o m e p a g e s ; these start-ups g r e w out o f train­ ing classes p r o v i d e d b y L a Plaza staff o n h o w to build h o m e p a g e s .

Conclusions T h i s chapter h a s o u t l i n e d h o w t h e p e r c e p t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s in the 1960s under­ w e n t a crucial transition from d a t a - h a n d l i n g d e v i c e s to b e c o m i n g tools for c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n . Six factors w e r e important in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools. 1 Visions Visions are important in creating the envisioned future. C o m p u t e r s m i g h t h a v e c o m p l e t e l y different u s e s today, h a d it n o t b e e n for the guiding visions o f V a n n e v a r B u s h , J.C.R. Licklider and D o u g l a s Engelbart. C o m p u t e r s m i g h t h a v e b e e n limited to u s e for scientific p u r p o s e s . O r c o m p u t e r s m i g h t h a v e b e c o m e m a c h i n e s u s e d o n l y to a u t o m a t e and duplicate repetitious w o r k operations. H o w e v e r , the p e r s e v e r i n g visions o f Licklider a n d Engelbart, especially as i m p l e ­ m e n t e d b y R o b e r t Taylor, led to c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s today. T h i s c o m m u n i c a t i o n revolution b e g a n occurring globally d u r i n g the 1990s, and m a y eventually c h a n g e the nature o f h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Visions are r o a d m a p s for the future, and w h e n stated b y credible individuals at an ideal time, t h e y can h a v e great impact. 2 Adequate resources T h e availability o f g e n e r o u s r e s o u r c e s contributed to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools. T h e A d v a n c e d R e s e a r c h Projects A g e n c y ( A R P A ) in t h e U S D e p a r t m e n t o f D e f e n s e and, later, the X e r o x C o r p o r a t i o n i n v e s t e d m i l l i o n s of dollars in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r / c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s . R e s e a r c h e r s w e r e e n a b l e d to utilize the m o s t s o p h i s t i c a t e d e q u i p m e n t in d e v e l o p i n g n e w c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g i e s ( s o m e r e s e a r c h e r s , like D o u g l a s E n g e l b a r t , at SRI, h a d the e x p e n s i v e c o m p u t e r tools thrust o n t h e m ) . T h e availability o f g o v e r n m e n t funding also m e a n t that u n i v e r s i t y - b a s e d c o m p u t e r scientists w e r e n o t forced t o w a r d c o m m e r c i a l l y viable directions, as o t h e r w i s e m i g h t h a v e b e e n t h e c a s e . T h e i r i m a g i n a t i o n in creating t h e n e w c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g i e s did n o t h a v e to b e justified in the m a r k e t p l a c e . T h i s g e n e r o u s funding led to the e m e r g e n c e o f a n e w a c a d e m i c discipline, c o m p u t e r s c i e n c e . T h e A R P A - I P T O funds w e r e a w a r d e d in t h e late 1960s and early 1970s to R a n d D contractors for the d e v e l o p m e n t o f n e w c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s . Stanford, C a r n e g i e - M e l l o n , M I T , U C L A a n d the U n i v e r s i t y o f California at B e r k e l e y w e r e I P T O contractors that p i o n e e r e d e s t a b ­ lishing g r a d u a t e p r o g r a m m e s in the e m e r g i n g field o f c o m p u t e r s c i e n c e (Taylor, 1993). S o o n e side-effect o f the A R P A - I P T O funding w a s to establish c o m p u t e r

26

Introduction and History

s c i e n c e as a n e w scientific field i n universities. T h e c o m p u t e r scientists t h u s trained then c o n t i n u e d to a d v a n c e c o m p u t e r software t e c h n o l o g i e s . 3 Innovation champions A champion is a c h a r i s m a t i c individual w h o serves as an enthusiast for a n e w idea, t h u s o v e r c o m i n g indifference o r resistance ( R o g e r s , 1995: 3 9 8 ) . A s S c h o n ( 1 9 6 3 ) stated, ' t h e n e w i d e a either finds a c h a m p i o n o r d i e s . ' L i c k l i d e r a n d E n g e l b a r t a c t e d as t h e c h a m p i o n s for t h e v i s i o n in w h i c h t h e y b e l i e v e d strongly, e v e n w h e n their v i s i o n s w e r e criticized at t h e t i m e b y t h e c o m ­ p u t e r establishment. L i c k l i d e r ' s a n d E n g e l b a r t ' s v i s i o n s led t o the d e v e l o p m e n t o f p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r s , t h e m o u s e a n d c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s . W i t h o u t s u c h visions, and the appropriate technological innovations, computers might have remained number-crunching devices. 4 Key institutions T h r o u g h o u t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools, certain institutions p l a y e d a k e y role. A R P O - I P T O acted like a ' v e n t u r e capital firm', financing researchers in c o m p u t i n g technology, p l a y i n g a k e y role in e n c o u r a g i n g t h e g r o w t h o f c o m p u t e r science as a n e w field, a n d supporting t h e technologies n e e d e d to a d v a n c e c o m p u t e r s a s c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s . T h e U S D e p a r t m e n t o f D e f e n s e w a s a k e y institution in the p r o c e s s e s described here. M I T w a s the m o s t important training g r o u n d for almost all o f the k e y figures associated w i t h c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools; e x a m p l e s are B u s h , Licklider, R o b e r t s a n d m a n y others. Bolt, B e r n a n e k & N e u m a n ( B B N ) p l a y e d a crucial role in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f I M P s a n d in t h e s p r e a d o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g t h r o u g h A R P A N E T . X e r o x P A R C served as the R a n d D institution in w h i c h a critical m a s s o f brilliant c o m p u t e r scientists collaborated t o d e v e l o p the crucial technological innovations in personal c o m p u t i n g that p r o v i d e d a foundation for c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools. T h e crucial innovations occurred in p e r s o n a l c o m p u t i n g at X e r o x P A R C in o n l y a 5-year period, a b r i e f C a m e l o t from 1970 t o 1 9 7 5 . 5 Timing T h e p o p u l a r n o t i o n s that c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n t o o l s m a g i ­ cally a n d instantly b u r s t o n t o t h e s c e n e , a n d that t h e Internet b e c a m e p o p u l a r overnight, a r e m i s c o n c e p t i o n s . T h e r a p i d a d o p t i o n o f t h e Internet h a p p e n e d in a d e c a d e , b u t after a 2 0 - y e a r wait. T h e n o t i o n o f A R P A N E T as a c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k b e g a n i n 1966, a n d b y 1969 four n o d e s w e r e in p l a c e , b u t n o t until t h e d e c a d e s o f t h e 1990s d i d t h e Internet diffuse w i d e l y a m o n g t h e A m e r i c a n p u b l i c , after t h e p o i n t at w h i c h a critical m a s s o f u s e r s h a d a d o p t e d . W h y d i d t h e s p r e a d o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s require s o l o n g ? T h e p r i o r diffusion o f p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r s a n d m o d e m s in t h e 1980s w a s n e c e s ­ s a r y b e f o r e t h e s e c o m p u t e r s c o u l d b e i n t e r c o n n e c t e d in c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k s ; c o m p u t i n g as c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a d t o r e a c h a critical m a s s before this innovation w a s a d o p t e d r a p i d l y b y t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n - that is, t h e r a t e o f a d o p t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e v i c e s h a d to b e c o m e self-sustaining; a n d crucial t e c h n o l o g i e s like M o s a i c a n d t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b h a d t o b e d e v e l o p e d b e f o r e t h e Internet c o u l d b e e a s i l y a c c e s s e d b y m o s t i n d i v i d u a l s , a n d before it w o u l d c o n t a i n information r e s o u r c e s w i d e l y p e r c e i v e d as v a l u a b l e . 6 The role of communication scholars V a n n e v a r B u s h , J.C.R. L i c k l i d e r a n d D o u g l a s E n g e l b a r t b r o k e t h e p r e v i o u s l y existing p a r a d i g m o f c o m p u t i n g . A

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27

paradigm defines p r o b l e m s a n d g u i d e s t h e theoretical q u e s t i o n s to b e studied b y a particular c o m m u n i t y of scholars ( K u h n , 1970; R o g e r s , 1995: 4 4 ) . N o n e o f the k e y figures i n v o l v e d in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools w e r e c o m m u n i c a t i o n scholars, w h i c h is ironic, as c o m p u t e r s t o d a y are b r i n g i n g about a c o m m u n i c a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n o n a scale that m i g h t o n l y b e rivalled b y the t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s that o c c u r r e d w i t h the a d v e n t o f the p r i n t i n g p r e s s , radio a n d television. T h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f individuals at the cutting e d g e o f c o m p u t e r r e s e a r c h w e r e quite different from the v i e w p o i n t s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n scholars. T h e i n v e n t o r s / d e v e l o p e r s w e r e m a i n l y electrical e n g i n e e r s , c o m p u t e r scientists and p s y c h o l o g i s t s , a l t h o u g h D o u g E n g e l b e r t w a s influenced b y B e n j a m i n L e e W h o r f a n d b y G e o r g e H e r b e r t M e a d , w h o w e r e i m p o r t a n t founders o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n study ( R o g e r s , 1994). T h e disciplinary identification o f the visionaries a n d i m p l e m e n t e r s o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n tools p u t h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n scholars in the role o f investigating the effects o f this c o m m u n i ­ c a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n , r a t h e r t h a n i n t h e role o f r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . B u s h , Licklider and Engelbert w e r e A m e r i c a n s , and m a n y o f the historical events described in this chapter occurred in the U n i t e d States. This d o m i n a n t role o f A m e r i c a n visionaries and institutions, w h i c h generally characterizes c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n , is not necessarily a quality o f m a n y other c o m p u t e r - r e l a t e d t e c h n o l o g i e s , in w h i c h J a p a n , E n g l a n d , G e r m a n y or other nations p l a y e d i m p o r ­ tant roles. The Potential for Digital Democracy F o u r c o m m u n i t y - l e v e l projects w e r e r e v i e w e d in this c h a p t e r in order to derive lessons learned a b o u t t h e potential o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n for participa­ tory d e m o c r a c y . W e n o t e that special r e s o u r c e s w e r e n e c e s s a r y for e a c h o f t h e s e electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s . T h e s e financial inputs c a m e from a c o m p u t e r e n t r e p r e n e u r in B e r k e l e y , from an affluent city g o v e r n m e n t a n d a c o m p u t e r c o m ­ p a n y ( H e w l e t t - P a c k a r d ) in Santa M o n i c a , a n d from g o v e r n m e n t a n d foundation grants in B l a c k s b u r g a n d T a o s . M o s t A m e r i c a n c o m m u n i t i e s d o n o t h a v e a local c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k either b e c a u s e t h e y d o n o t feel a n e e d for a local c o m m u n i c a ­ tion s y s t e m , o t h e r t h a n t h e electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n available t h r o u g h the Internet, o r b e c a u s e t h e y c a n n o t s e c u r e the special r e s o u r c e s n e c e s s a r y to create and m a i n t a i n a local c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k . T o w h a t u s e s are local c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s p u t b y c o m m u n i t y r e s i d e n t s ? In B e r k e l e y , t h e first c o m m u n i t y project r e v i e w e d h e r e , t h e m a i n function o f the C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y P r o j e c t is for p o s t i n g n o t i c e s a n d a n n o u n c e m e n t s . In S a n t a M o n i c a a n d B l a c k s b u r g , P E N a n d B E V are utilized for t h e e x c h a n g e o f political a n d o t h e r c o m m u n i t y i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d to o r g a n i z e for certain c o m m u n i t y a c t i o n s , s u c h as to o p p o s e t h e hotel d e v e l o p m e n t in Santa M o n i c a . O u r r e s e a r c h o n P E N , h o w e v e r , s h o w e d that t h e m o s t active u s e r s o f this s y s t e m w e r e S a n t a M o n i c a n s w h o w e r e a l r e a d y t h e m o s t i n v o l v e d in political activity ( R o g e r s et al., 1994). T h i s C a l i f o r n i a city h a d a h i g h level o f p o l i t i c a l i n v o l v e m e n t o n t h e p a r t o f its citizens, a n d s o w h e n P E N w a s p r o v i d e d , it w a s u s e d h e a v i l y for political p u r p o s e s . B u t P E N d i d d o m u c h to b r o a d e n t h e n u m b e r o f politically active residents.

28

Introduction and History

In T a o s , a p o o r c o m m u n i t y in N e w M e x i c o , L a P l a z a T e l e c o m m u n i t y w a s u s e d particularly for c o n v e y i n g health-related information, for e d u c a t i o n a l p u r p o s e s t h r o u g h the schools, a n d for b u s i n e s s creation (the several s m a l l c o m p a n i e s that m a k e h o m e p a g e s ) . T h u s , e a c h c o m m u n i t y h a s particular local n e e d s , a n d , a s m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d , w h e n a n e w electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m is established, it is utilized t o fulfil t h e s e special n e e d s . T o date, a total of only 10,000 or so individuals are actively involved in t h e 4 c o m m u n i t y projects in c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g . S o t h e impact o f electronic c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n o n local political participation has b e e n v e r y small. T h e potential u s e s o f c o m p u t e r s as c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a v e n o t y e t b e e n fulfilled in local c o m m u n i t i e s . H o w e v e r , there is a g o o d deal o f political discourse o n the Internet today, although it is m o r e likely to deal w i t h national o r international issues than with local politics.

Notes The authors thank Dr Thierry Bardini of the Department of Communication at the University of Montreal for his help in conducting the personal interviews with Robert Taylor, Douglas C. Engelbart, Alan Kay and other pioneers and visionaries at ARPA and PARC. 1 An important event prior to Licklider's arrival in the Pentagon was the SemiAutomated Ground Environment (SAGE) system, an early warning system for air defence against a Soviet nuclear attack, developed from 1953 to 1963 (Hellige, 1994: 54). SAGE was the largest real-time information system of its time and represented a crucial decision made in the 1940s about developing digital systems (instead of the analogue models of computing that had been dominant). 2 The bit, which is the universal measure of information, originated in Shannon's Information Theory. Shannon conceptualized information as decreased uncertainty, trans­ mitted in the form of codes and signals. 3 At the time, SRI International was known as Stanford Research Institute (SRI). 4 Engelbart also created a key-set for the individual's other hand, which could convey keystrokes representing letters and numbers to a computer, and thus was equivalent to a computer keyboard. Unlike the mouse, Engelbart's key-set was not incorporated into later computer designs. 5 A skunkworks is an R and D unit that has certain privileges including special resources, and which enjoys freedom from many organizational constraints by the quasiclandestine nature of its operations (Rogers, 1995).

References Bush, V. (1945) 'As we may think', The Atlantic Monthly, 176: 101-8. Cerf, V.C. and Kahn, R.E. (1974) Ά protocol for packet-network intercommunication', IEEE Transactions on Communications, May. Cohill, A.M. and Kavanaugh, A.L. (1997) Community Networks: Lessons from Blacksburg, Virginia. Norwood, VA: Artech House. Collins-Jarvis, L. (1993) 'Gender representations in an electronic city hall: female adop­ tion of Santa Monica's PEN system', Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 37 (1): 4 9 - 6 5 . Engelbart, D.C. (1962) Augmenting Human Intellect: A Conceptual Framework, report to the Director of Information Sciences, US Air Force Office of Scientific Research. Menlo Park, CA: SRI International. Engelbart, D.C. (1988) 'The augmented knowledge workshop', in A. Goldberg (ed.), A History of Personal Workstations. New York: ACM Press, pp. 185-232.

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Engelbart, D.C. (1992) Personal interview with E.M. Rogers and T. Bardini, 15 December, Menlo Park, CA. Hafner, K. and Lyon, M. (1996) Where Wizards Stay Up Late: The Origins of the Internet. New York: Simon & Schuster. Hellige, H.D. (1994) 'From SAGE via ARPANET to Ethernet: stages in computer com­ munications concepts between 1950 and 1980', History and Technology, 11: 4 9 - 7 5 . Hiltzik, M. (1999) Dealers of Lightning: Xerox PARC and the Dawn of the ComputerAge. New York: HarperBusiness. Kay, A. (1969) 'The reactive engine'. PhD dissertation, University of Utah, Salt Lake City. Kay, A. (1992) Personal interview with E.M. Rogers and T. Bardini, 17 December, Los Angeles, CA. Kuhn, T.S. (1970) The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Licklider, J.C.R. (1960/1990) 'Man-computer symbiosis', in R.W. Taylor, In Memoriam: J.C.R. Licklider, 1915-1990. Palo Alto, CA: Digital Equipment Corporation, Systems Research Center Report. Licklider, J.C.R. and Taylor, R.W. (1968) 'The computer as a communication device', Science & Technology, April: 2 1 - 3 1 . Noyce, R.N. and Hoff, M.E., Jr. (1981) Ά history of microprocessor development at Intel', IEEE Micro, 7(1): 8-21. Pake, G.E. (1985) 'Research at Xerox PARC: A founder's assessment', IEEE Spectrum, October: 5 4 - 6 1 . Perry, T.S. and Wallich, P. (1985) 'Inside the PARC: the information architects', IEEE Spectrum, October: 6 2 - 7 5 . Rogers, E.M. (1994) A History of Communication Study: A Biographical Approach. New York: Free Press. Rogers, E.M. (1995) Diffusion of Innovations (4th edn). New York: Free Press. Rogers, E.M., Jarvis-Collins, L. and Schmitz, J. (1994) 'The PEN Project in Santa Monica: interactive communication and political action', Journal of the American Society for Information Sciences, 45(6): 1-10. Schmitz, J., Rogers, E.M., Phillips, K. and Paschal, D. (1995) 'The Public Electronic Network (PEN) and the homeless in Santa Monica', Journal of Applied Communication Research, 23: 2 6 - 4 3 . Schon, D.A. (1963) 'Champions for radical new inventions', Harvard Business Review, 4 1 : 77-86. Shannon, C.E. (1949) The Mathematical Theory of Communication. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Smith, D.K. and Alexander, R.C. (1988) Fumbling the Future: How Xerox Invented, then Ignored the First Personal Computer. New York: Quill William Morrow. Taylor, R.W. (1990) In Memoriam: J.C.R. Licklider, 1915-1990. Palo Alto, CA: Digital Equipment Corporation, Systems Research Center Report. Taylor, R.W. (1993) Personal interview with E.M. Rogers and T. Bardini, 18 March, Palo Alto, CA. Uttal, B. (1983) 'The lab that ran away from Xerox', Fortune, 78: 97-102. Whorf, B.L. (1956) Language, Thought and Reality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Zachary, G.P. (1995) 'Vannevar Bush on the engineer's role', IEEE Spectrum, November: 65-9. Zachary, G.P. (1997) Endless Frontier: Vannevar Bush, New York: Free Press.

PART II THEORY

3

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication ]an van Dijk

T h e p r e v i o u s chapter w a s a description o f the historical d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y a n d n e t w o r k i n g , t h e Internet in particular, w h i c h g a v e c a u s e for t h e notion of digital d e m o c r a c y . N o w t h e stage is o p e n t o s o m e theory a n d c o n c e p ­ tual clarification. W h a t is digital d e m o c r a c y ? W i l l it c h a n g e t h e current political s y s t e m s , first of all in t h e W e s t e r n d e m o c r a c i e s ? If so, will this c h a n g e b e evolu­ tionary o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y ? Is it unidirectional, o r c a n w e p e r c e i v e m o r e potential lines of d e v e l o p m e n t ? W h e n there are m o r e of t h e m , d o these lines p e r h a p s d e p e n d u p o n different v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ? F o r instance, s o m e p e o p l e a r e stressing t h e i m p r o v e m e n t o f information s u p p l y a n d retrieval w h i l e others e m p h a s i z e t h e n e w opportunities for interactivity o r c o n v e r s a t i o n t h e n e w m e d i a offer to politics. W h a t is t h e m o s t likely d e v e l o p m e n t o f I C T in rela­ tion to politics a n d d e m o c r a c y in t h e future? In t h e introduction to this b o o k , digital d e m o c r a c y w a s defined a s a n a t t e m p t to practise d e m o c r a c y w i t h o u t limits o f t i m e , p l a c e a n d other p h y s i c a l conditions, u s i n g I C T o r C M C instead. A l l t e r m s i n this definition m u s t b e qualified. First o f all, digita'l-tieftocracy is still an attempt to c h a n g e traditional age-old w a y s o f operation^nuHabits in politics. It is a m a t t e r o f e x p l o r a t i o n a n d e x p e r i m e n t . S o m e pe^jleatiflt^gly b e l i e v e in its potential, w h i l e others a r e e x t r e m e l y scepti­ cal. M o ^ t ^ f t n r t h e case is n o t a^matter of scientific exploration a n d e x p e r i m e n t . P J AtSiW^i©i^ejittiients with clearly defined goals a n d rtftlins, so vi^aLfor a n y ^WfW'fliSlfeftfteseaas'tific c o n c l u s i o n , a r e exceptional. U s u a l l y it is a practice o f ' ^ i M » ! i i ^ 6 S * r i 8 ^ f i i % ' ^ d d b y ' b e l i e v e r s ' w h o h a v e c o n v i n c e d s o m e politi­ cal "rjumfelfrfotrffcHfewJ g ^ M g f f n e w w a y s of govfjrhriient an< administration ro

t r

a

e

n

o r s e

Α

η

Η

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

31

or m a n a g e m e n t . T h e result is that m o s t c o n c l u s i o n s after these a t t e m p t s are contested. T h e ' b e l i e v e r s ' j u s t g o on, o n l y learning b y d o i n g , a n d the ' s c e p t i c s ' are not even convinced by highly acclaimed successes. S e c o n d l y , digital d e m o c r a c y a n n o u n c e s an altogether n e w type o f practice in politics, m a n a g e m e n t a n d p u b l i c administration. T h e extent o f c h a n g e is u n d e r ­ e s t i m a t e d m o s t o f t h e t i m e . If digital d e m o c r a c y w o u l d b e c o m e the d o m i n a n t p r a c t i c e , t h e b a s i c culture o f politics as a set o f typical w a y s o f action a n d c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n w o u l d c h a n g e substantially. In spite o f the steeply rising i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e (mass) m e d i a for politics and d e m o c r a c y in the twentieth century, almost every political decision is taken in meetings and face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n only accept­ ing m e d i a as m e a n s o f registration. Politics r e m a i n s an oral and p a p e r practice to a v e r y large d e g r e e . F r o m w a y b a c k politics is a m a t t e r o f verbal skills, m a n a g e ­ m e n t capacities and t h e art o f negotiation. It is a collective routine o f talkers and o r g a n i z e r s . In digital d e m o c r a c y this r o u t i n e w o u l d transform into a practice o f p e o p l e w o r k i n g p r i m a r i l y as individuals at s c r e e n s a n d terminals, c l i c k i n g p a g e s , reading and analysing information and p o s i n g or a n s w e r i n g questions. It is likely to b e c o m e a routine o f technical and symbolic-intellectual skill instead of a practicalorganizational and verbal-intellectual o n e . T h i s transformation is so radical that it will n o t h a p p e n overnight. S u c h political c h a n g e s take t i m e , as t h e y d o n o t s i m p l y follow the introduction o f a n e w m e d i u m . M o r e o v e r , these c h a n g e s are s u p p o r t e d or halted b y t h e interests of social a n d political g r o u p s . T h e i r positions a n d skills are at stake. T h e p r e s u m p t i o n o f a political practice n o t directly tied to the limits of physi­ cal conditions d e p a r t s from the familiar w o r k i n g s and e x p r e s s i o n s o f politics. T h i s h a s a l w a y s b e e n a p r a c t i c e strongly tied to p l a c e , t i m e and material resources o f all kinds. Often it is a c c u s e d o f b e i n g t o o s l o w in its reaction to current affairs a n d of b e i n g t o o m u c h c o m m i t t e d to local interests and financial c o n d i t i o n s . H o w e v e r , it r e m a i n s to be seen w h e t h e r the sole introduction o f n e w t e c h n i q u e s w h i c h e n a b l e political practice to cross barriers o f p l a c e , t i m e a n d material or organic conditions will reduce or radicalize the importance o f these dimensions and c o n d i t i o n s ( F e r g u s o n , 1990; v a n Dijk, 1999b). I C T or C M C h a v e accelerated a n d substantially c h a n g e d e c o n o m i c and financial p r o c e s s e s in b u s i n e s s n e t w o r k s a n d stock m a r k e t s . Still, I C T ( I C T / C M C ) h a s n o t (yet) p r o d u c e d r e v o l u t i o n a r y c h a n g e s in t h e b a s i c w o r k i n g s o f the m a r k e t e c o n o m y . In politics I C T is e x p e c t e d to intensify a n d s p e e d u p p r o c e s s e s o f o p i n i o n formation, representation a n d e v e n decision taking b y the directness o f the m e a n s o f transmission. E v e n so, t h e politi­ cal s y s t e m o f representation d o e s not a p p e a r to be substantially c h a n g i n g yet. Or d o e s it? Is the political s y s t e m in t h e a d v a n c e d d e m o c r a c i e s p e r h a p s c h a n g i n g in i m p e r c e p t i b l e w a y s b y the g r o w i n g use o f I C T in daily p r a c t i c e s ?

A Network Model of the Political System T o a n s w e r t h e s e q u e s t i o n s w e will h a v e to d r a w a m a p o f the political field first. F i g u r e 3.1 supplies a s y s t e m - d y n a m i c m o d e l o f politics as a n e t w o r k o f political actors a n d institutions. In this m o d e l the political s y s t e m is not restricted to

32

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g o v e r n m e n t , neither t o a c o m b i n a t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u b l i c administration. Their relationships w i t h o t h e r r e g u l a t i n g institutions a n d w i t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f civil society, c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d individual citizens c o v e r a large part o f t h e m o d e l . O n e c a n r e a d t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t characteristics o f W e s t e r n constitutions into it: t h e separation o f p o w e r s , t h e distinction b e t w e e n t h e state a n d civil society a n d t h e levels o f ( i n t e r n a t i o n a l , r e g i o n a l a n d local g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u b l i c a d m i n i s ­ tration. Politics is b r o a d l y c o n c e i v e d as the sum of acts in a community performed with the intention to organize and govern this community. T h e m o d e l p r o p o s e d is a relatively neutral o n e . It is d e s i g n e d t o b e descriptive, n o t e x p l a n a t o r y . T h e o n l y a s s u m p t i o n is a relational o r n e t w o r k c o n c e p t i o n o f politics a n d p o w e r in general. Politics a n d p o w e r a r e n o t v i e w e d a s properties o f individuals o r collectivities as such, b u t a s properties o f t h e d y n a m i c relationships b e t w e e n t h e m . T h e s e relationships a r e m a d e o f c o m m u n i c a t i v e actions a i m e d t o w a r d s t h e acquisition, a l l o c a t i o n a n d e x c h a n g e o f m a t e r i a l a n d i m m a t e r i a l rules a n d r e s o u r c e s ( G i d d e n s , 1984). In this chapter, t h e s e relationships a r e specified as relations o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h u s , t h e s y s t e m - d y n a m i c m o d e l p r e s e n t e d here is h e l d t o b e different from static o r functionalist m o d e l s o f t h e political s y s t e m like t h e classic o n e d e s i g n e d b y D a v i d E a s t o n ( 1 9 5 3 ) . T a k i n g this relational v i e w o f d e m o c r a c y as a p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e o n e feels t e m p t e d to a d o p t a n e t w o r k t h e o r y o f society a n d politics in general. In s o m e o f

political system

FIGURE 3.1

A system-dynamic

model of the political

system

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

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t h e s e theories o n e c a n find a lot o f e x p l a n a t o r y p o w e r w i t h r e g a r d to m o d e r n society (for instance Castells, 1996, 1997, 1998) a n d politics ( G u e h e n n o , 1995), b u t o n e s h o u l d n o t reify a n d e x a g g e r a t e the i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f n e t w o r k s to society and politics. S o , a c c o r d i n g to Castells ( 1 9 9 6 : 198) m o d e r n e c o n o m y and society consist o f n e t w o r k s . T h e y are t h e e c o n o m y a n d t h e society. T o o u r v i e w n e t w o r k s i n c r e a s i n g l y s h a p e the organization a n d structure o f m o d e r n societies still consisting o f individuals, g r o u p s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h their a g e n c i e s , rules, r e s o u r c e s a n d ( i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s ( v a n Dijk, 1 9 9 1 / 1 9 9 7 , 1999a, 1999b). O n the political field G u e h e n n o p r e d i c t s the e n d o f t h e nation, politics and d e m o c r a c y as w e k n o w t h e m , as t h e y are r e p l a c e d b y a relational s y s t e m o f net­ w o r k s w i t h o u t a significant c e n t r e . U s i n g social a n d m e d i a n e t w o r k s citizens are able to associate outside t h e artificial a n d increasingly irrelevant central institu­ tions o f traditional politics, as h e calls t h e m . Unfortunately, G u e h e n n o neglects t h e fact that n e t w o r k s h a v e a centre a n d that t h e y can b e u s e d b y p o w e r f u l central b u r e a u c r a c i e s as w e l l . Articulating and substantiating t h e formal d i m e n s i o n o f n e t w o r k s (the c o n n e c t i o n ) , o n e o v e r l o o k s their s u b s t a n c e (the rules, r e s o u r c e s a n d actions e x c h a n g e d ) . A n d , contrary to M c L u h a n , the m e d i u m (the n e t w o r k ) is not t h e m e s s a g e , at least n o t t h e w h o l e m e s s a g e . T h e formal and t e c h n o l o g i c a l p r o ­ perties o f n e t w o r k s a r e important, b u t t h e actions a n d e x c h a n g e s o f p e o p l e in t h e s e n e t w o r k s finally d e c i d e w h a t h a p p e n s . T h e d y n a m i c n a t u r e o f the m o d e l offered here rests u p o n c o n t i n u o u s c h a n g e o f t h e relationships b e t w e e n the actors a n d institutions it d e s c r i b e s . A s it represents a political s y s t e m , t h e y are relationships o f p o w e r first o f all. T h e central p r o p o ­ sition in this chapter h o l d s that political relationships are increasingly s h a p e d a n d m a t e r i a l i z e d b y m e a n s o f I C T . The use of these means changes the relationships between parts or actors in the model. It is still an o p e n q u e s t i o n w h i c h direction these c h a n g e s will take. T w o radically o p p o s i n g tendencies h a p p e n to b e possible: a centrifugal t e n d e n c y a n d a centralizing o n e .

The Spread and Concentration of Politics T h e m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e last t h r e e d e c a d e s o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y is t h e decentralization or spread o f politics from the m o d e r n nation state, w i t h its institutions o f the g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u b l i c administration, t o o t h e r actors inside and outside the political system (see Figure 3.2). National institutional poli­ tics j u s t c a n n o t b e called the o n l y political c e n t r e in society t h e s e d a y s . Politics is s p r e a d i n g into society and b e y o n d . T h i s d i s p e r s i o n is called t h e displacement of politics ( B e c k , 1992). O t h e r actors in t h e political s y s t e m at large w i t h its shift­ ing b o u n d a r i e s - s e e F i g u r e 3.1 - get involved. T h e s y s t e m is getting poly centric. All centres are c o n n e c t e d b y relationships o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s u p p o r t e d b y social a n d m e d i a n e t w o r k s . W e will a r g u e that I C T m a k e s a large c o n t r i b u t i o n to this d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e first step in t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t o r d i s p e r s i o n o f politics is t h e shift o f p o w e r from g o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t is still v i e w e d as ' t h e h e a d ' o f society, b u t actually a n y o n e can s e e that the e x e c u t i v e h a s g a i n e d a lot o f p o w e r in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y a n d is g o i n g to lead its o w n life in several

34

Theory

respects. T h e traditional b u r e a u c r a c y o f t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n h a s b e c o m e a powerful t e c h n o c r a c y or a so-called infocracy ( Z u u r m o n d , 1994) u s i n g t h e m e a n s o f I C T m u c h earlier a n d m u c h stronger t h a n t h e g o v e r n m e n t itself, t h e p a r l i a m e n t included. T h e u s e o f I C T clearly s t r e n g t h e n s t h e i n d e p e n d e n t w e i g h t o f p u b l i c administration in relationship t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t it is s u p p o s e d t o serve. T h e nor­ m a t i v e p o w e r o f traditional politics loses a n d t e c h n o c r a c y t a k e s over. T h e s e c o n d step in t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t o f politics is t h e current p o l i c y in W e s t e r n d e m o c r a c i e s t o m a k e i n d e p e n d e n t , o u t s o u r c e a n d privatize parts o f t h e p u b l i c administration. T h e s e m o v e s h a v e b e e n m a d e p o s s i b l e b y information s y s t e m s . U s i n g t h e m , t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n k e e p s controlling t h e o u t p u t o f p r i v a t i z e d organizations. S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s a r e forced t o s u r v i v e o n a c o m p e t i t i v e m a r k e t . I n this situation m a r k e t regulation easily o v e r t a k e s political regulation. W i t h the rise o f n e o - l i b e r a l i s m in t h e W e s t t h e nation states h a v e r e l i n q u i s h e d

FIGURE 3.2

The spread ofpolitics from the nation state

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

35

political p o w e r t o d e c i s i o n s m a d e b y t h e m a r k e t in g e n e r a l a n d t h e (trans)national c o r p o r a t i o n s in particular. T h e b o u n d l e s s n e t w o r k s o f I C T reinforce this d e v e l o p ­ m e n t . U s i n g t h e s e n e t w o r k s t h e transnational c o r p o r a t i o n s , first o f all, c a r r y a w a y e c o n o m i c d e c i s i o n s w i t h a great political i m p a c t . M o r e o v e r , political d e c i s i o n s a r e d i s p e r s e d a n d f r a g m e n t e d in this w a y . M o w s h o w i t z ( 1 9 9 2 ) s p e a k s a b o u t virtual feudalism, a s y s t e m clearly b y p a s s i n g d e m o c r a t i c constituencies. In virtual feudalism e v e r y transnational c o r p o r a t i o n f o r m s its o w n k i n g d o m , a p s e u d o political authority that is n o t b a s e d o n t h e control o f territory b u t t h e control o f international p r o d u c t i o n facilities c o - o r d i n a t e d in n e t w o r k s , first o f all n e t w o r k s o f I C T . T h e n a t i o n state is also losing g r o u n d to international b o d i e s g i v i n g u p parts o f its s o v e r e i g n t y a n d a u t o n o m y t o t h e m . In t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n t h e m e m b e r states transfer t h e s e p a r t s t o t h e C o u n c i l o f M i n i s t e r s a n d t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n , a m o n g o t h e r s b a c k e d b y t h e so-called S c h e n g e n I n f o r m a t i o n S y s t e m . In t h e w o r l d at large w e c a n o b s e r v e t h e s l o w l y i n c r e a s i n g role o f t h e Security C o u n c i l o f t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , N o r t h A t l a n t i c T r e a t y O r g a n i z a t i o n ( N A T O ) , W T O a n d r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i c b l o c k o r g a n i z a t i o n s like N A F T A a n d A S E A N . T h e clearest c a s e o f t h e i m p a c t o f I C T t o this t e n d e n c y is t h e p o w e r o f t h e financial a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e I M F a n d t h e W o r l d B a n k . B y m e a n s o f their a d v a n c e d i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s t h e y a r e in a better p o s i t i o n to calculate a n d control t h e b u d g e t s o f d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s t h a n t h e s e c o u n t r i e s t h e m s e l v e s . Finally, t h e n a t i o n state c o n c e d e s political, e c o n o m i c a n d cultural p o w e r t o r e g i o n s a n d city states ( B e c k et al., 1994; Castells, 1997; K a p l a n , 1 9 9 6 , 1 9 9 8 ) . I C T n o t o n l y stimulates g l o b a l i z a t i o n b u t also regionalization. It s u p p o r t s scale e x t e n ­ sions a n d scale r e d u c t i o n s b o t h b e i n g structural r e a c t i o n s to t h e g r o w i n g c o m ­ p l e x i t y o f social s y s t e m s ( v a n Dijk, 1 9 9 1 / 1 9 9 7 , 1999b). T h e r e f o r e , t h e l o c u s o f d e m o c r a t i c control will also shift, in this case from n a t i o n a l to international a n d regional bodies. T h e m o s t e x t r e m e c a s e o f a d i s p e r s i o n o r d i s p l a c e m e n t o f politics is t h e b r e a k ­ u p o f n a t i o n states in civil w a r s . In a n u m b e r o f d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s ( m o s t l y ) o n e o b s e r v e s the rise o f n a r c o - s t a t e s a n d territories c o n t r o l l e d b y w a r l o r d s o r ethnic a n d religious a r m i e s . I n 1999 e x a m p l e s i n c l u d e C o l o m b i a , S o m a l i a , Liberia, Sierra L e o n e , C o n g o , A n g o l a , A f g h a n i s t a n a n d Y u g o s l a v i a / B o s n i a . T h i s t e n d e n c y t o g e t h e r w i t h a t t e m p t s t o control it b y t h e N A T O o r t h e U N m i g h t lead t o a militarization o f international affairs. A t t h e s a m e t i m e international criminal o r g a n i z a t i o n s d e a l i n g in d r u g s , p o r n o g r a p h y a n d w e a p o n s o r e n g a g i n g in financial fraud, prostitution or t e r r o r i s m are g a i n i n g g r o u n d . T h e ' p e r v e r s e c o n ­ n e c t i o n s ' (Castells, 1998) o f t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s u s e a d v a n c e d information tech­ n o l o g y j u s t as diligently as their o p p o n e n t s : t h e military, t h e p o l i c e a n d security o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h e A m e r i c a n N a t i o n a l Security A g e n c y ( N S A ) , t h e Central Intelligence A g e n c y ( C I A ) , t h e P e n t a g o n a n d o t h e r s s u p e r v i s e e v e r y potential d a n g e r in t h e w o r l d w i t h their electronic s u r v e i l l a n c e b y t e c h n o l o g i c a l superior satellite a n d terrestrial n e t w o r k s o f I C T . U s i n g a d v a n c e d search e n g i n e s t h e y are able to spy o n e v e r y e x c h a n g e taking place o n the Internet (Science a n d T e c h n o l o g y O p t i o n s A s s e s s m e n t , 1999). T h e s e c a s e s o f a s p r e a d o f politics a r e v a l u e d n e g a t i v e l y in e v e r y c o n c e p t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y (see b e l o w ) . P o w e r is shifting to n o n - d e m o c r a t i c , less d e m o c r a t i c

36

Theory

or even anti-democratic u n a c c o u n t a b l e forces. In this prospect t h e future o f digital d e m o c r a c y l o o k s dark, indeed. It m e a n s that digitalization and I C T m i g h t j u s t as w e l l b r i n g t h e o p p o s i t e o f d e m o c r a c y . H o w e v e r , there are also cases o f a d i s p l a c e m e n t o f politics to b e valued positively in particular v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y . T h e first is the rise o f o g a n i z a t i o n s o f civil society like social and cultural insti­ tutions, s e m i - p u b l i c a g e n c i e s , n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l international o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d all kinds o f local p r e s s u r e a n d interest g r o u p s . A m o n g t h e m o n e o b s e r v e s a shift from the traditional v e s t e d interests o f civil society, like m a i n s t r e a m c h u r c h e s a n d labour m o v e m e n t s , to the n e w identities a n d organizations o f all k i n d s o f localists, ethnic representatives, religious fundamentalists, e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s and feminists (Castells, 1997). S o , t h e d e c l i n e o f interest for institutional politics to be o b s e r v e d in s o m e ( W e s t e r n ) countries, for instance in l o w e r turnouts at elec­ tions, d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e m o t i v a t i o n o f citizens to participate in political affairs m o r e generally is also d e c r e a s i n g . P e r h a p s t h e w a y s , c h a n n e l s , culture and organization o f political participation a r e O n l y ' c h a n g i n g . I C T n e t w o r k s certainly offer these n e w m o d e s of politics all t h e opportunities and m e a n s o f t r a n s m i s s i o n required. In the m e a n t i m e the u s e o f I C T is s t r e n g t h e n i n g the existing t e n d e n c i e s o f indi­ vidualization, fragmentation a n d t h e rise o f informal social n e t w o r k i n g in t h e W e s t e r n countries as well. It strongly supports organizations a n d individuals in the self-regulation o f their social a n d political affairs. In s o m e v i e w s o f d e m o c ­ racy this is the m o s t desirable w a y to g o a h e a d (see b e l o w ) . U s i n g the direct m e d i a o f I C T citizens get the c h a n c e to address the centres of institutional poli­ tics instantly and, if t h e y w a n t so, b y p a s s these centres altogether, p e r h a p s e v e n trying to create their o w n political s y s t e m . T h e last type of d i s p l a c e m e n t of politics to b e m e n t i o n e d is the juridification o f conflict m a n a g e m e n t in general and t h e w o r k i n g s o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t and the public administration in particular. B o t h the g o v e r n m e n t and the public a d m i n i s ­ tration reveal e x p a n d i n g p r o b l e m s in controlling or m a n a g i n g the rising c o m ­ plexity and diversity o f society. T h i s is t h e m a i n r e a s o n w h y the j u r i s d i c t i o n h a s to fill the g a p s increasingly. O n e o f the effects is the g r o w i n g i m p o r t a n c e of j u r i s p r u d e n c e , in practice often getting m o r e important than formal legislation. A s laws, j u r i s p r u d e n c e and regulation in general are s u m m a r i z e d a n d m a d e easily accessible o n C D - R o m s and information n e t w o r k s and the p r o s p e c t o f a m o r e or less a u t o m a t i c administration of j u s t i c e is t a k e n seriously b y a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f p e o p l e , I C T is reinforcing the t e n d e n c y o f juridification as w e l l . N o w w e are able to return to o u r m o d e l o f the political s y s t e m . I C T does not bring about the centrifugal t e n d e n c i e s j u s t described. T h i s t e c h n o l o g y only enables and reinforces these t e n d e n c i e s h a v i n g their o w n political, e c o n o m i c , social a n d cultural roots (this is a central thesis in v a n Dijk, 1999b). In t h e n e x t section w e will argue that they are also supported by a n u m b e r o f v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y . T h e centrifugal t e n d e n c i e s h a v e b e e n noticed b y m o s t o b s e r v e r s . Less evident and accepted are the o p p o s i n g tendencies of a concentration of poli­ tics in t h e state, that is t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . H o w e v e r , there are at least three tendencies bearing this centralizing m o v e m e n t in the politi­ cal s y s t e m and, w h a t is m o r e , t h e y are e n a b l e d b y the s a m e t e c h n o l o g y .

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

37

T h e first t e n d e n c y is the reaction of the nation state b e i n g u n d e r p r e s s u r e , striking b a c k a n d u s i n g all m e a n s to defend its position. A c c o r d i n g to H e l d ( 1 9 9 5 ) the a u t o n o m y o f states is restricted a n d their s o v e r e i g n t y is affected, but they h a v e n o t d i s a p p e a r e d . States are still the m o s t i m p o r t a n t single actors in the field o f global a n d local relationships. T h e i r share is n o t d i m i n i s h i n g as an increasing n u m b e r o f p r o b l e m s o f m o d e r n society are shifted o n to their back: (the financial effects o f ) individualization, o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , a g e i n g , migration, crimi­ nalization, t h e constipation o f infrastructure, the d e c a y o f the natural e n v i r o n m e n t a n d structural e m p l o y m e n t . It can b e o b s e r v e d that states are confronting these p r o b l e m s in a h a r d e r w a y and, a m o n g others, w i t h t h e m e a n s o f I C T . T h e regis­ tration s y s t e m s o f the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n are getting m o r e i m p o r t a n t for b o t h citizens a n d the state itself. States a r e investing c o n s i d e r a b l y m o r e in these s y s t e m s t h a n in s y s t e m s o f citizen information a n d m e a n s o f political parti­ cipation. O n e d o e s n o t h a v e t o talk about, or fear a so-called s u r v e i l l a n c e state ( B u r n h a m , 1 9 8 3 ; G a n d y , 1994; L y o n , 1995) to notice this d e v e l o p m e n t . T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t is related to a s e c o n d o n e . T h e state bureaucracy itself, as a k i n d o f state w i t h i n t h e state, is n o t helplessly s t a n d i n g b y the centrifugal t e n ­ d e n c i e s j u s t d e s c r i b e d . T h e b u r e a u c r a c y m o d e r n i z e s . M o s t often it is o n e o f the first organizations introducing I C T o n a large scale. Traditional b u r e a u c r a c y trans­ forms into infocracy. T h i s is a m o d e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n u s i n g t h e n e t w o r k s o f I C T for a clever c o m b i n a t i o n o f increased central control a n d decentralization o f e x e ­ c u t i v e tasks. A p p a r e n t l y this m o d e m a k e s o r g a n i z a t i o n s m o r e 'flat' a n d actually it r e m o v e s a lot o f inefficient b u r e a u c r a t i c w a y s o f w o r k i n g ( Z u u r m o n d , 1994). C o n n e c t i n g all k i n d s o f n e t w o r k s and files w i t h p e r s o n a l and other data in all sectors o f t h e p u b l i c administration a n d the g o v e r n m e n t infocracy p r o m i s e s to create a h i g h l y efficient, transparent a n d m a c h i n e - l i k e state a n d also a transparent citizenry. After all, an increasing n u m b e r o f personal data are collected and link­ ing files o f these data in c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s is a g r o w i n g p r a c t i c e . T h e third d e v e l o p m e n t also relates to t h e former o n e s . R e a c t i n g to t h e s a m e centrifugal forces the state and institutional politics p a c k t o g e t h e r c r e a t i n g s o m e k i n d o f party state. I n c r e a s i n g l y t h e p e o p l e serving the g o v e r n m e n t , t h e public a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d (regularly g o v e r n i n g ) political parties e x c h a n g e their p l a c e s and policies a m o n g e a c h other. T h i s is e v e n true for the b i g political parties as their active m e m b e r s , standing as candidates in elections, s e e m to aspire m o r e to a career in g o v e r n m e n t or the public administration than to serve as a representative o f citizens in p a r l i a m e n t . F o r m a n y o b s e r v e r s in society, political parties a p p e a r to h a v e b e c o m e a collection o f office s e e k e r s . T o r e a c h this goal, parties trans­ form t h e m s e l v e s in electoral c a m p a i g n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , e x c h a n g i n g their o t h e r traditional roles o f b e i n g p r o g r a m m a t i c a s s o c i a t i o n s and b o d i e s for citizens to o r g a n i z e t h e m s e l v e s politically. Clearly, I C T serves this transformation. It is a powerful election t e c h n o l o g y ( N e w m a n , 1994; R a s h , 1997; S e l n o w , 1994). H o w e v e r , it is n o t t h e o n l y w a y it c a n serve political parties or c a n d i d a t e s . I C T is also able to i n t e r m e d i a t e b e t w e e n political o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d their m e m b e r s or voters for t h e p u r p o s e o f association, d i s c u s s i o n a n d p r o g r a m m e b u i l d i n g , that is t h e other traditional roles j u s t m e n t i o n e d . T h i s c h o s e n direction h i g h l y d e p e n d s upon the view of democracy one supports.

38

Theory

T h e central a r g u m e n t in this c h a p t e r is that t h e opportunities a n d risks p e o p l e e x p e c t from the a p p l i c a t i o n o f n e w m e d i a in politics crucially d e p e n d u p o n their c o n c e p t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y a n d u p o n t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n capacities o f t h e n e w m e d i a . T h e a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t a n d c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f politics j u s t described, o f t h e liberating o r o p p r e s s i v e characteristics o f I C T in g e n e r a l a n d o f t h e r o l e o f g o v e r n m e n t , political parties a n d citizens in p a r t i c u l a r is defined b y familiar v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y a n d f r e e d o m o r central control in c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . In t h e n e x t section the relationship b e t w e e n v i e w s o n d e m o c r a c y a n d applications o f I C T w i l l b e e x p l a i n e d b y m e a n s o f six m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y . I n t h e s u b s e q u e n t section t h e relationship b e t w e e n o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d p a r t i c u ­ lar a p p l i c a t i o n s o f I C T w i l l b e p r e s e n t e d a s four a v a i l a b l e p a t t e r n s o f communication.

Models of Democracy T h e e n o r m o u s diversity o f c o n c e p t i o n s o f d e m o c r a c y c a n o n l y b e s u m m a r i z e d b y analytical m e a n s . A successful attempt to d o this h a s b e e n m a d e b y D a v i d H e l d in his Models of Democracy ( 1 9 8 7 ) . It is t o b e d e m o n s t r a t e d that five o f h i s n i n e ideal t y p e m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y in history a n d a sixth o n e a d d e d are related to particu­ lar applications o f I C T in politics. H e l d ' s o t h e r four m o d e l s n o l o n g e r a p p l y o r t h e y a p p e a r t o b e a r n o c l e a r c o n t e m p o r a r y relationship to applications o f I C T . ( T h e y are called classical d e m o c r a c y , protective d e m o c r a c y , d e v e l o p m e n t a l d e m o c r a c y a n d d e m o c r a t i c a u t o n o m y . ) T h i s m e a n s that six m o d e l s m a y s e r v e as an e x p l a n a t o r y basis for v i e w s to b e o b s e r v e d in t h e actual d e s i g n a n d u s e o f I C T in politics. T h e s e m o d e l s a r e ideal t y p e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s o n e c a n d e m o n s t r a t e their validity in real applications o f I C T in politics. S e e v a n Dijk ( 1 9 9 6 , 1997a) for a first a t t e m p t o f e m p i r i c a l d e m o n s t r a t i o n to b e e x t e n d e d in o t h e r studies. T h i s d e m o n s t r a t i o n a n d e m p i r i c a l s u p p o r t typically follow t h r e e steps o n e v e r y o c c a ­ sion. First, o n e h a s t o a n a l y s e t h e a r g u m e n t s a b o u t t h e p r o s a n d c o n s o f t h e u s e o f I C T in politics a m o n g p e o p l e e n g a g e d in t h e d e s i g n a n d u s e of political appli­ cations o f I C T . In t h e s e a r g u m e n t s t h e y will reveal particular v i e w s o n d e m o c ­ r a c y t o b e listed a m o n g o n e or m o r e m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y . T h i s is t h e s e c o n d step. Finally, o n e h a s t o o b s e r v e t h e favourite applications o f I C T a m o n g t h e s e a d v o c a t e s o f a particular m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y a n d see h o w t h e y (suggest to) d e s i g n a n d u s e these a p p l i c a t i o n s . T w o d i m e n s i o n s typify t h e differences in t h e m o d e l s t o b e e x p l a i n e d . First, w h a t s h o u l d b e t h e g o a l s a n d t h e m e a n s o f d e m o c r a c y ? S h o u l d its p r i m e goal b e opinion formation o r decision making? In o t h e r w o r d s , is d e m o c r a c y p r i m a r i l y a m a t t e r o f substantial i n p u t o r o f p r o c e d u r e (an output)? S e c o n d l y , s h o u l d these g o a l s b e r e a c h e d first o f all b y m e a n s o f representative or direct democracy! The six m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y t o b e e x p l a i n e d c a n b e located in this t w o - d i m e n s i o n a l analytical s p a c e (see T a b l e 3.1). A third distinction in the c o n c e p t i o n s o f d e m o c r a c y t o b e o b s e r v e d in t h e d e s i g n a n d u s e o f I C T in politics is t h e political strategy b e h i n d t h e m . I C T m a y b e u s e d a s a m e a n s to reinforce o r r e i n v i g o r a t e t h e p o s i t i o n o f institutional politics in t h e s y s t e m as a w h o l e (concentration) or as a m e a n s t o w e a k e n this

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication TABLE 3.1

Six models in two dimensions of political

Primary Goal

39

democracy

Opinion Formation

Decision Making

Primary Means Representative Democracy

Legalist Competitive Pluralist Participatory Libertarian

Direct Democracy

Plebiscitary

p o s i t i o n a n d to s p r e a d politics into society o r outside t h e traditional national b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e political s y s t e m . In t h e first t w o m o d e l s of d e m o c r a c y to b e d e s c r i b e d b e l o w , o n e e n d o r s e s t h e first strategy in the u s a g e o f I C T a n d in the last four m o d e l s o n e b a c k s t h e last-called. Legalist

Democracy

T h e first m o d e l is b a s e d u p o n t h e classical W e s t e r n c o n c e p t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y arising after the d e c l i n e o f t h e absolutist state in W e s t e r n E u r o p e . It is reflected in m o s t c o n t e m p o r a r y constitutions. T h e first a d v o c a t e s o f the legalist m o d e l w e r e L o c k e ( 1 6 9 0 ) a n d M o n t e s q u i e u ( 1 7 4 8 ) . It is called legalist as it clearly is a p r o c e d u r a l c o n c e p t i o n , r e g a r d i n g t h e constitution a n d the l a w as the foundations of democracy. A c c o r d i n g to m o s t c o n t e m p o r a r y constitutions the authority o f the state is separated into t h r e e p o w e r s (the so-called trias politica) controlled b y a s y s t e m o f c h e c k s a n d b a l a n c e s . A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t principle is majority rule. This rule is taken to b e universal e x c e p t for particular basic (freedom) rights o f the citizen also b e i n g p a r t o f t h e constitution. In the legalist m o d e l d e m o c r a c y is a m e a n s to safeguard t h e f r e e d o m o f individuals from authoritarian rule. It is n o t a goal in its o w n right. A s y s t e m o f representation is p r o p o s e d . T h e heart o f o u r political s y s t e m is t h e j u d g e m e n t o f h e t e r o g e n e o u s interests a n d c o m p l e x p r o b l e m s b y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e p e o p l e . D i r e c t d e m o c r a c y is rejected. P o p u l i s m is feared. T h e p o w e r o f e v e r y political institution a n d p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has to b e limited b y the least p o s s i b l e , but effective rules. T h e s y s t e m o f politics a n d p u b l i c administration h a s to b e small a n d effective. T h e basic a s s u m p t i o n in this m o d e l c o n c e r n i n g t h e m e a n i n g o f I C T for t h e political s y s t e m , to b e o b s e r v e d in the a r g u m e n t s u s e d b y the s u p p o r t e r s o f this m o d e l , is that it s h o u l d solve its p r e s u m e d m o s t b a s i c p r o b l e m : information short­ age. T h e p r e s e n t crisis o f the political s y s t e m and t h e n a t i o n state is v i e w e d as t h e crisis o f institutions n o t sufficiently able to deal w i t h t h e i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a n d t h e s y s t e m itself, as information is lacking, c a u s e d b y , a m o n g other r e a s o n s , t h e o b s t r u c t i o n s o f traditional b u r e a u c r a c y . T h e so-called g a p b e t w e e n g o v e r n o r s or administrators a n d citizens is also c o n c e i v e d as a k i n d o f i n f o r m a t i o n s h o r t a g e o n b o t h sides. Finally, all k i n d s o f threats to the separation o f p o w e r s a n d c h e c k s o r b a l a n c e s in t h e s y s t e m , m o s t often c a u s e d

40

Theory

b y t h e rising p o w e r o f t h e e x e c u t i v e as c o m p a r e d to the legislative state, are a c c o u n t e d t o deficiencies o f information a s w e l l . It is a m a t t e r o f sharing t h e p o w e r o f information. T h e p r o b l e m c a n b e solved b y an e q u a l s u p p l y o f t h e r e s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n t o t h e e x e c u t i v e a n d to p a r l i a m e n t s , m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l s , political parties a n d o t h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . S o , following t h e legalist m o d e l it c a n b e o b s e r v e d that t h e s u p p o r t e r s o f this m o d e l d e s i g n a n d u s e t h e a p p l i c a t i o n s o f I C T as a m e a n s t o r e m o v e information s h o r t a g e s a n d t o reinforce t h e p r e s e n t political s y s t e m b y m o r e effective a n d efficient w a y s o f information p r o c e s s i n g a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n . I C T is also a p p l i e d t o increase t h e t r a n s p a r e n c y o f t h e political s y s t e m . B y all t h e s e m e a n s t h e s y s t e m w o u l d b e c a p a b l e to confront t h e p r o b l e m s o f c o m p l e x i t y . W h i c h a r e t h e favourite a p p l i c a t i o n s o f I C T f o l l o w i n g this m o d e l o f d e m o c ­ r a c y ? ( S e e T a b l e 3.2 for t h e list referred to in this c h a p t e r . ) In this m o d e l t h e y s h o u l d s e r v e t w o functions. First, t h e y w o u l d h a v e t o s u p p l y m o r e a n d b e t t e r i n f o r m a t i o n t o g o v e r n o r s , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d citizens. S e c o n d l y , t h e interactivity o f t h e n e w m e d i a m i g h t c r e a t e a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e g o v e r n m e n t open and responsive to the people, not directly controlled by the people. Both functions c a n o n l y b e fulfilled b y a p p l i c a t i o n s o f I C T u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f g o v ­ ernors, administrators a n d representatives. T h e o n e s preferred ( a c c o r d i n g to v a n Dijk, 1996, 1997a) a r e c o m p u t e r i z e d i n f o r m a t i o n c a m p a i g n s , civic service a n d i n f o r m a t i o n c e n t r e s , m a s s p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s , registration s y s t e m s for t h e g o v e r n m e n t o r t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d c o m p u t e r - a s s i s t e d citizen e n q u i r i e s . R e g i s t r a t i o n a n d c o n v e r s a t i o n m e d i a s u c h as electronic p o l l s o r refer­ e n d a a n d electronic d e b a t e s b e t w e e n c i t i z e n s are n o t a d o p t e d at all. T h e y a r e d e e p l y distrusted.

TABLE 3.2 Applications of ICT in politics and democracy (arranged to communication concepts explained below) ALLOCUTION - computerized election campaigns - computerized information campaigns - computerized civic service and information centres CONSULTATION - mass public information systems - advanced public information systems (the Internet, etc.) REGISTRATION - registration systems for government and public administration - computer-assisted citizen enquiries - electronic polls - electronic referenda - electronic elections CONVERSATION - bulletin board systems - discussion lists - electronic mail and teleconferencing - electronic town halls - group decision support systems

according

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication Competitive

41

Democracy

T h e s e c o n d m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is also b a s e d o n a p r o c e d u r a l v i e w o f r e p r e s e n ­ tative d e m o c r a c y . T h e e l e c t i o n o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s is c o n s i d e r e d t o b e t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o p e r a t i o n in t h e political s y s t e m . T h e a d v o c a t e s o f this m o d e l strongly reject t h e possibility o f direct d e m o c r a c y . A c c o r d i n g to t h e b e s t k n o w n d e s i g n e r s o f this m o d e l , M a x W e b e r ( 1 9 2 1 ) a n d J o s e p h S c h u m p e t e r ( 1 9 4 2 ) , direct d e m o c ­ r a c y is impossible in large, c o m p l e x and h e t e r o g e n e o u s societies. A central role for bureaucracy, political parties a n d leaders w i t h authority is inevitable. Politics h a s t o b e s e e n a s a n e v e r l a s t i n g c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n p a r t i e s a n d their l e a d e r s for t h e s u p p o r t o f t h e v o t i n g p u b l i c . In this w a y t h e best leaders a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a r e elected. T h i s is t h e solution for t h e p r o b l e m s o f c o m p l e x i t y a n d t h e crisis o f t h e political system. It is also t h e m a i n difference as c o m p a r e d to t h e legalist m o d e l that is b a s e d o n a b a l a n c e o f e x e c u t i v e a n d legislative p o w e r a n d o n r e s p o n s i v e r e p r e ­ sentation. I n t h e c o m p e t i t i v e m o d e l , p o w e r is entrusted t o leaders a n d e x p e r t s in t h e e x e c u t i v e p o w e r . T h e y are s u p p o s e d to r u l e t h e a p p a r a t u s o f state, t o w e i g h m a t t e r s a n d interests against e a c h other, to s o l v e conflicts w i t h n e g o t i a t i o n s a n d t o c o m m a n d authority. A s l e a d e r s h i p is e m p h a s i z e d in this m o d e l , it is called c o m p e t i t i v e - e / t i i s i b y H e l d . I n o n e r e s p e c t this is n o t a g o o d label for it: p o p u l i s m is o n e o f t h e b e s t k n o w n electoral strategies in this m o d e l . T h e c o m p e t i t i v e m o d e l is p r a c t i s e d first o f all in presidential states a n d t w o p a r t y s y s t e m s . It is g a i n i n g p o p u l a r i t y in c o n t e m p o r a r y politics as t h e role o f p e r s o n s a n d personalities in politics g r o w s . T h i s role w a s reinforced b y o l d m e d i a such as television a n d w i l l b e s t r e n g t h e n e d o n c e a g a i n b y t h e a u d i o - v i s u a l n e w m e d i a e n a b l i n g all k i n d s o f t e c h n i q u e s in direct m a i l , m a r k e t i n g , targeting a n d visual m a n i p u l a t i o n . T h e last-called facilities s h o w t h e w a y to t h e d e s i g n a n d u s e o f I C T in politics a c c o r d i n g t o t h i s m o d e l . Preferably, I C T w i l l b e u s e d in e l e c t i o n a n d i n f o r m a t i o n c a m p a i g n s . T h e v o t i n g p u b l i c c a n b e r e a c h e d b y a c o m b i n a t i o n o f television a n d interactive m e d i a s e r v i n g as direct c h a n n e l s t o target a selective a u d i e n c e o f p o t e n t i a l v o t e r s w i t h differential political m e s s a g e s . In t h e s e c o n d p l a c e , t h e inter­ e s t e d p u b l i c a n d the electoral b a s e o f political leaders a n d p a r t i e s s h o u l d h a v e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o get i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t v i e w s , s t a n d s a n d v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r o f their leaders a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . S o t h e y n e e d a c c e s s t o m a s s a n d a d v a n c e d p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s . Finally, t h e registration s y s t e m s o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a r e vital t o a strong a n d efficient state authority. O t h e r m e a n s o f r e g i s t r a t i o n a n d c o n v e r s a t i o n , s u c h a s electronic p o l l s a n d t o w n h a l l m e e t i n g s , a r e o n l y u s e d for t h e benefit o f t h e political l e a d e r s h i p . T h e i r r e s e m b l a n c e t o direct d e m o c r a c y is d e c e p t i v e . F o r instance, t h e electronic p o l l s , c o n f e r e n c e s a n d interactive television s h o w s in t h e c a m p a i g n o f t h e A m e r i c a n p r e s i d e n t i a l c a n d i d a t e R o s s P e r o t in 1992 a n d 1996 w e r e m e a n s t o b o o s t t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f this leader in h i s c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h o t h e r c a n d i d a t e s in t h e first p l a c e ( N e w m a n , 1994; S e l n o w , 1994). Plebiscitary

Democracy

T h e d e s i g n a n d u s e o f direct c h a n n e l s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e political leaders a n d t h e c i t i z e n r y c a n b e t r a n s f o r m e d into a n a l t o g e t h e r different v i e w o n

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politics and d e m o c r a c y . In this case these c h a n n e l s are n o t u s e d to strengthen the position o f g o v e r n o r s , politicians a n d administrators, b u t to amplify the v o i c e of the citizenry. T h i s is the central tenet o f t h e plebiscitarian m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y . It is b a s e d o n notions o f direct d e m o c r a c y as a w a y o f decision m a k i n g . In the plebiscitarian m o d e l as few decisions as p o s s i b l e should be t a k e n b y political r e p ­ resentatives and as m a n y as p o s s i b l e b y individual citizens b y m e a n s o f plebiscites. F o r these radical v i e w s the s u p p o s e d d e m o c r a c y o f the A t h e n i a n a g o r a and t h e R o m a n forum, r e v i v e d in s o m e late-medieval Italian city states, h a v e a l w a y s b e e n the p r i m e s o u r c e o f inspiration. T h e a d v e n t o f I C T a n d the n e w interactive m e d i a stimulated a renaissance o f plebliscitarian v i e w s in the U n i t e d States from the 1960s o n w a r d s . T h e c o n c e p t o f teledemocracy w a s invented. M a n y local e x p e r i m e n t s h a v e b e e n w a g e d (see A r t e r t o n , 1987). In these e x p e r i m e n t s o l d a n d n e w m e d i a w e r e (re)designed a n d u s e d to o p e n c h a n n e l s b e t w e e n the local g o v e r n m e n t or administration and indi­ vidual citizens. W e l l - k n o w n A m e r i c a n e x p e r i m e n t e r s w e r e B e c k e r (1981) and B a r b e r ( 1 9 8 4 ) . T h e y set their h o p e s o n the technical capacities o f the n e w m e d i a . T h e s e w o u l d b e able to r e m o v e t h e age-old practical barriers o f direct d e m o c r a c y in a large, c o m p l e x society. T h e political p r i m a c y o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d institu­ tional politics, already in a state o f crisis, s h o u l d n o t b e saved at all costs. A politi­ cal s y s t e m b a s e d o n a c o n t i n u i n g registration o f the p e o p l e s ' will and, for s o m e a d v o c a t e s , the will o f c o n s u m e r s o n the m a r k e t as well, m i g h t b e able to replace this role and this p r i m a c y . F o l l o w i n g the plebiscitarian m o d e l the logical preferences in I C T are registra­ tion s y s t e m s o f the v o t e s and o p i n i o n s o f citizens. Telepolls, telereferenda and televotes b y m e a n s o f t e l e p h o n e and c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , t w o - w a y cable television or future information h i g h w a y s are the favourite applications. A s a w e l l - k n o w n criticism o f this c o n c e p t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y points at t h e risks o f the individualization a n d a t o m i z a t i o n o f the citizenry a n d a simplification o f issues, c o n v e r s a t i o n applications are a d d e d s o m e t i m e s . T h i s m e a n s the design o f electronic t o w n halls, teleconferencing and other n e w d i s c u s s i o n c h a n n e l s . O f course, consultation o f m a s s and a d v a n c e d public information s y s t e m s b y citizens t h e m s e l v e s c a n n o t b e d i s c a r d e d either. H o w e v e r , all s y s t e m s filled w i t h informa­ tion b y institutional politics are distrusted. Pluralist Democracy In the c o m p e t i t i v e , legalist a n d plebiscitarian m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y , n o t h i n g s e e m s to exist b e t w e e n the state a n d t h e political representation o n t h e o n e h a n d and t h e individual citizen o n the other. In the pluralist m o d e l , to the contrary, attention is called to the role o f t h e i n t e r m e d i a r y organizations and associations o f civil society. A l e x i s de T o c q u e v i l l e ( 1 8 6 4 ) o b s e r v e d the c o n s p i c u o u s role of these organizations in the A m e r i c a n d e m o c r a c y o f his age. R o b e r t D a h l ( 1 9 5 6 ) did the s a m e about a c e n t u r y later, depicting a political s y s t e m b a s e d u p o n a r e p ­ resentation o f c o m p e t i n g a n d n e g o t i a t i n g interest, pressure, religious and ethnic g r o u p s o r political parties. A c c o r d i n g to this v i e w , the political s y s t e m should consist o f m a n y centres o f p o w e r a n d administration. A n e t w o r k c o n c e p t i o n o f politics is favoured as o p p o s e d to the centralist v i e w s in the legalist and

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43

c o m p e t i t i v e m o d e l s (a p y r a m i d o f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n ) . In the pluralist m o d e l , d e m o c r a c y m e a n s n o t t h e s o v e r e i g n p o w e r o f t h e majority b u t an a l w a y s shifting coalition o f minorities. T h e state s h o u l d act as an arbiter. If it is s u p p o s e d to put t h e different parties in an e q u a l position b y s o m e k i n d o f social policy, y o u h a v e a p r o g r e s s i v e type o f pluralist d e m o c r a c y . If it is s u p p o s e d to refrain from d o i n g this, y o u m e e t a c o n s e r v a t i v e type o f it. T h e pluralist m o d e l is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f direct a n d representative d e m o c r a c y . R e p r e s e n t a t i o n is c o n t i n u a l l y m a d e , n o t o n l y b y professional politicians selected e v e r y four or five y e a r s , b u t also b y o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . T h e constitutional state c a n b e accepted, b u t its real s u b s t a n c e a n d r e s o u r c e s are p r o d u c e d b y the i n t e r m e d i a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f civil society. In W e s t e r n E u r o p e and E a s t e r n A s i a a frequent result w a s s o m e k i n d o f corporatist s y s t e m - a s y s t e m o r g a n i z e d into industrial a n d professional c o r p o r a t i o n s serving as o r g a n s o f political representation. A less e x t r e m e t y p e o f corporatist s y s t e m is b a s e d o n c o n s e n s u s b u i l d i n g b e t w e e n o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f e m p l o y e r s a n d e m p l o y e e s w i t h a strong influence o n g o v e r n m e n t . T h e w o r d s ' s u b s t a n c e ' and ' r e s o u r c e ' indicate that substantial d e m o c r a c y is preferred to a p r o c e d u r a l c o n c e p t i o n . U l t i m a t e l y , o p i n i o n formation in civil society, b a s e d o n interests, d i s c u s s i o n s a n d all k i n d s o f v i e w s , is m o r e i m p o r t a n t for d e m o c r a c y t h a n decision m a k i n g in the central state. T w o characteristics of t h e n e w m e d i a are v e r y attractive to this m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y . First, the multiplication o f c h a n n e l s a n d s t a n d - a l o n e m e d i a s u p p o r t s t h e potential pluriformity o f political information a n d discussion. E v e r y v i e w a n d e v e r y o r g a n i z a t i o n or association c a n h a v e its say. T h e y c a n r e a c h their o w n and e v e r y other interested a u d i e n c e . S e c o n d l y , interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k s perfectly fit to a ' h o r i z o n t a l ' n e t w o r k c o n c e p t i o n o f politics, in contrast t o current 'vertical' broadcasting networks. F o l l o w i n g these t w o general preferences, it can b e e x p e c t e d that all applications u s e d to reinforce information and c o m m u n i c a t i o n inside the organizations o f civil society or b e t w e e n t h e m will b e favoured. T h e s e are applications to inform and to register their m e m b e r s h i p and external a u d i e n c e s like m a s s and a d v a n c e d public information s y s t e m s , registration systems and c o m p u t e r i z e d self-surveys inside organizations. H o w e v e r , the m o s t favourite instruments to a pluralist m o d e l of d e m o c r a c y are conversation s y s t e m s inside or b e t w e e n organizations, associations a n d individual citizens: electronic mail, discussion lists, teleconferencing and decision support s y s t e m s for the m o s t c o m p l e x p r o b l e m s (van Dijk, 1997a). Participatory

Democracy

T h e fifth m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y to b e d e s c r i b e d is c l o s e to the pluralist m o d e l in several aspects. Just like pluralism it is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f representative and direct d e m o c r a c y . It is based o n v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y e m p h a s i z i n g the substantial aspects and resources o f d e m o c r a c y e v e n m o r e t h a n the pluralist m o d e l . T h e big difference is the shift in attention from organizations to citizens. T h e support o f citizenship is the central aim in the m o d e l o f participatory democracy. Jean-Jeacques R o u s s e a u is t h e first classical a d v o c a t e of this m o d e l . H e c a n b e c o n s i d e r e d as a p r o p o n e n t o f direct d e m o c r a c y , b u t not in its plebiscitarian brand. R o u s s e a u ' s notion o f the will o f the p e o p l e is not b a s e d u p o n t h e m e a s u r e m e n t o f t h e v i e w s o f

44

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individual citizens. Its p u r p o s e is t h e development o f citizenship b y m e a n s o f collective discussion a n d education. E d u c a t i n g citizens as active m e m b e r s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y is t h e p r i m a r y a i m in this m o d e l so clearly originating from t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t . F o r R o u s s e a u , the p e o p l e s ' will w a s n o t a s u m o f individual wills b u t s o m e k i n d o f totality revealing t h e sovereignty o f t h e p e o p l e as a collective. T h i s totality h a d to b e created in public m e e t i n g s a n d legislative assemblies. O n e o f t h e latter-day interpretations w a s t h e council or Soviet t y p e o f d e m o c r a c y covering a large p a r t o f t h e M a r x i s t tradition. H e r e t h e totality w a s m o s t often transformed in totalitarianism. A n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n o f this m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is the p r e s e n c e o f i n f o r m e d citizens. P r e s e n t - d a y p r o p o n e n t s o f participatory d e m o c r a c y , s u c h as C a r o l e P a t e m a n ( 1 9 7 0 ) a n d C . B . M a c p h e r s o n ( 1 9 7 1 ) , w a n t t o stimulate active citizen­ ship. T h e centres o f political p o w e r t h e m s e l v e s s h o u l d b e c o m e m o r e accessible t o citizens. T h e y s h o u l d b e r e s p o n s i v e t o their q u e s t i o n s a n d certainly n o t o n l y p o s e q u e s t i o n s to t h e m . T h e individualist bias o f the plebiscitarian a n d c o m p e t i ­ tive v i e w s is firmly o p p o s e d . Plebiscites, electronic o r o t h e r w i s e , a r e feared for the isolation o f t h e individual citizen a n d t h e potential o f central m a n i p u l a t i o n . A n o t h e r threat is a s e p a r a t i o n o f o p i n i o n p o l l i n g a n d o p i n i o n formation. P o l l i n g in its o w n right is c o n s i d e r e d t o b e a p o o r a n d p a s s i v e t y p e o f political participa­ tion directed b y s i m p l e a n d prefabricated q u e s t i o n s . A c o m p l e t e fragmentation o f political p r a c t i c e is e x p e c t e d . T h e r e f o r e collective o p i n i o n formation in d i s c u s ­ sions a n d e d u c a t i o n a l c o n t e x t s is preferred. T h e logical c o n s e q u e n c e o f this m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is t h e option o f I C T appli­ cations that are able t o inform a n d activate t h e citizenry. C o m p u t e r i z e d informa­ tion c a m p a i g n s a n d m a s s public information systems h a v e to b e d e s i g n e d a n d supported in such a w a y that t h e y h e l p to n a r r o w the g a p b e t w e e n t h e 'information r i c h ' a n d t h e 'information p o o r ' , o t h e r w i s e t h e s p o n t a n e o u s d e v e l o p m e n t o f I C T will w i d e n it. Therefore t h e access a n d t h e user-friendliness o f t h e n e w m e d i a should b e i m p r o v e d . A c c o r d i n g to t h e participatory v i e w this is t h e o n l y w a y t o really o p e n u p the political s y s t e m to t h e m a s s o f t h e citizenry. E l e c t r o n i c d i s c u s s i o n is t a k e n as a s e c o n d option. It is attractive as it c o u l d s e r v e o p i n i o n formation, learning a n d active participation. D i s c u s s i o n lists o n p u b l i c c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , teleconferences a n d electronic t o w n halls m i g h t b e v e r y useful. H o w e v e r , a first c o n d i t i o n is that n o t o n l y t h e social a n d intellectual elite will participate in t h e m . A s e c o n d o n e is their d e s i g n a s suitable i n s t r u m e n t s o f discussion. B o t h c o n d i t i o n s are b a d l y fulfilled at this m o m e n t (see C h a p t e r s 9 a n d 10 in this b o o k ) . Libertarian

Democracy

T h e last m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y to b e d i s c u s s e d h e r e is n o t d e v e l o p e d b y H e l d . H i s m o d e l o f D e m o c r a t i c A u t o n o m y looks similar, b u t actually it is m u c h m o r e t o t h e political left t h a n the L i b e r t a r i a n v i e w s t o b e d e s c r i b e d h e r e . L i b e r t a r i a n i s m h a s a p p e a r e d as a d o m i n a n t m o d e l a m o n g t h e p i o n e e r s o f t h e Internet c o m m u n i t y . T h i s d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e political v i e w s b e h i n d it a r e entirely n e w . M a n y observers h a v e n o t i c e d t h e affinity o f t h e Internet p i o n e e r s t o t h e r a d i c a l social m o v e m e n t s o f the 1960s a n d 1970s in m o s t W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s . T h e s e v i e w s r a n g e

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from classical anarchism; a n d left-wing s o c i a l i s m to all k i n d s or b r a n d s o f libertarianism. T h e last-called are m o s t i m p o r t a n t a m o n g these v i e w s in the 1990s. M o s t p r o m i n e n t l y t h e y are b a c k e d b y t h e editors o f t h e Wired m a g a z i n e (Katz, 1997a; K e l l y , 1994), t h e p r o g r e s s a n d F r e e d o m F o u n d a t i o n in a Magna Charta written b y D y s o n a n d c o l l e a g u e s ( 1 9 9 4 ) a n d the E l e c t r o n i c Frontier F o u n d a t i o n ( K a p o r , 1993) in t h e U n i t e d States. T h e libertarian m o d e l is close to t h e pluralist a n d plebiscitarian o n e s in several respects, as the c h a n c e s o f virtual c o m m u n i t i e s , telepolling and teleconversation are hailed. W h a t is special to it is the e m p h a s i s o f a u t o n o m o u s politics b y citizens in their o w n associations u s i n g the horizontal c o m m u n i c a t i o n capabilities o f I C T in general and t h e Internet in particular. In the m o s t e x t r e m e v i e w , it is held that institutional politics are o b s o l e t e a n d can b e p u t aside b y a n e w political reality collectively c r e a t e d in n e t w o r k s . T h i s is t h e r e a s o n w h y it is often called apoliti­ cal o r e v e n a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c b y its o p p o n e n t s . T h e basic p r o b l e m to b e solved, a c c o r d i n g to this m o d e l , is the centralism, b u r e a u c r a c y a n d o b s o l e t e n e s s o f insti­ tutional politics w h i c h fail t o live u p to e x p e c t a t i o n s (the p r i m a c y o f politics) and are not able to solve the m o s t important p r o b l e m s o f m o d e r n society. A c o m b i n a ­ tion o f ' I n t e r n e t d e m o c r a c y ' and a free-market e c o n o m y will serve as a replacement. S o m e call this c o m b i n a t i o n a ' C a l i f o r n i a n i d e o l o g y ' ( B a r b r o o k a n d C a m e r o n , 1996), b u t actually it is a p o p u l a r v i e w a m o n g p i o n e e r s o f t h e Internet in the w h o l e W e s t e r n w o r l d . It is w e l l s u m m a r i z e d b y K a t z ( 1 9 9 7 b : 4 9 ) : In "The Birth of a Digital Nation' I described a new 'postpolitical' community that blends the humanism of liberalism with the economic vitality of conservatism. I wrote that members of this group consistently reject both the interventionist dogma of the left and the intolerant ideology of the right. Instead, I argued, Digital Citizens embrace rationalism, revere civil liberties and free-market economics, and gravitate toward a moderated form of libertarianism. T o e n a b l e citizens to construct this ' N e w Digital N a t i o n ' s o m e applications o f I C T are vital. First, citizens h a v e to b e w e l l - i n f o r m e d b y a d v a n c e d , free a n d u n p r e j u d i c e d i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s , particularly o n the Internet. S e c o n d l y , they m u s t b e able to d i s c u s s this information in all k i n d s o f t e l e c o n v e r s a t i o n s y s t e m s ( n e w s a n d d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p s , chat r o o m s , interpersonal e-mail, etc). Finally, t h e y m u s t get in the p o s i t i o n t o give their o p i n i o n or to cast their v o t e in telepolls a n d televotes t o b e followed or at least taken seriously b y institutional politics, as long as it h a s n o t p a s s e d a w a y . T h e s e p r e f e r e n c e s i m p l y that t h e libertarian m o d e l is both a substantial a n d a p r o c e d u r a l c o n c e p t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y a n d that it is m u c h closer to direct t h a n t o r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d e m o c r a c y (see T a b l e 3.1).

Concepts of Communication and the Future Direction of Digital Democracy In the description o f the six m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y , it m u s t h a v e b e c o m e evident that the direction o f the relations o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n the actors o f the political s y s t e m is a decisive factor in the interpretation o f potential v e n u e s in politics and d e m o c r a c y u s i n g m e a n s o f I C T . S o m e h o p e a n d expect that this direction will b e m u c h m o r e horizontal than before. O t h e r s think that it will

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r e m a i n primarily vertical, as t h e representation a n d administration o f institutional politics c a n n o t b e s u s p e n d e d that easily o r should n o t b e w e a k e n e d in principle. T w o sets o f c o n c e p t s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n science are v e r y helpful in t h e explanation o f these potential directions. T h e first set consists o f four so-called information traffic patterns: allocution, consultation, registration a n d c o n v e r s a t i o n ( c o n c e p t s first c o i n e d in D u t c h b y B o r d e w i j k and v a n K a a m , 1982 a n d internationalized b y M c Q u a i l , 1987) a n d c o n c e p t s o f interactivity ( H a c k e r a n d T o d i n o , 1996; H a n s s e n a n d e t a l . , 1996; Rafaeli, 1988; v a n Dijk, 1 9 9 1 / 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 9 b ; W i l l i a m s et al., 1988). B o t h sets o f c o n c e p t s contain a d i m e n s i o n o f p o w e r b e t w e e n (inter)actors. Therefore t h e y m i g h t b e feasible for political analysis. T h e four information traffic patterns are appropriate, first o f all, for a classification o f t h e e x t r e m e l y d i v e r g i n g applications o f n e w m e d i a in politics (see T a b l e 3.2). Allocution is t h e m o s t typical p a t t e r n in the traditional m a s s m e d i a a n d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r a c t i c e s o f m a s s society. It is k n o w n a s o n e ­ w a y traffic, w h i c h d o e s n o t r u l e o u t a n a u d i e n c e b e i n g active in selection, per­ c e p t i o n a n d c o g n i t i o n . A l l o c u t i o n is t h e s i m u l t a n e o u s distribution o f information to a n a u d i e n c e o f local units b y a centre that serves as t h e s o u r c e a n d d e c i s i o n a g e n c y for the i n f o r m a t i o n in r e s p e c t o f its subject matter, t i m e a n d speed. In a traditional d e m o c r a c y , this p a t t e r n is realized in t h e d o m i n a n t p o s i t i o n o f t h e c e n ­ tres o f g o v e r n m e n t or political a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d t h e m a s s m e d i a o f t h e p r e s s a n d b r o a d c a s t i n g . In digital d e m o c r a c y this p a t t e r n m a r k s political n e w s o r advertis­ ing a n d g o v e r n m e n t information t o citizens u s i n g I C T (see T a b l e 3.2). H o w e v e r , in its w o r k i n g s I C T p r o d u c e s a clear shift from allocution t o consultation. Consultation is t h e selection o f i n f o r m a t i o n b y (primarily) local units at a c e n t r e that r e m a i n s its s o u r c e . I n traditional d e m o c r a c y t h e principal w a y s are t h e reference t o p a p e r s , b o o k s , m a g a z i n e s o r o t h e r s o u r c e s o f print a n d t h e oral c o u n ­ cil o f p u b l i c relations officers a n d political representatives a n d g o v e r n o r s . In digi­ tal d e m o c r a c y a n u m b e r o f n e w m e d i a a r e a d d e d , first o f all different k i n d s o f p u b l i c information s y s t e m s m o s t often u s i n g w e b s i t e s , c a b l e c h a n n e l s , informa­ tion pillars a n d C D - R o m s . Registration h a s a l w a y s b e e n o n e o f the p r i m e (re)sources o f g o v e r n m e n t s a n d public administrations (principally votes, opinions a n d basic information o f i n h a b ­ itants a n d real estate). Registration is the collection o f information b y a centre w h i c h determines the subject matter, t i m e a n d speed o f information sent b y a n u m b e r o f local units w h o are the sources and s o m e t i m e s take t h e initiative for this collection themselves to realize a transaction o r reservation. In traditional d e m o c ­ racy registration is a matter o f printed forms, questionnaires, v o t i n g ballots, archives and visual observation. In digital d e m o c r a c y the m e a n s of registration are considerably stronger. S o m e v i e w s o f d e m o c r a c y p u t their h o p e s o n these n e w tech­ nical m e a n s , first o f all legalist a n d plebiscitary d e m o c r a c y , each with a c o m p l e t e l y different perspective (an effective state versus direct d e m o c r a c y ) . So, otherwise v e r y divergent applications, such as registration systems o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e public administration, computer-assisted citizen enquiries a n d electronic polls or referenda, are all m a r k e d b y this pattern o f information traffic. T h e last information traffic pattern, conversation, spurs the imagination of t h o s e w i s h i n g t o i m p r o v e d e m o c r a c y e v e n m o r e . C o n v e r s a t i o n is a n e x c h a n g e o f information b y t w o o r m o r e local units, a d d r e s s i n g a s h a r e d m e d i u m instead o f a

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

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c e n t r e a n d d e t e r m i n i n g t h e subject matter, t i m e a n d s p e e d o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e m s e l v e s . I n traditional d e m o c r a c y c o n v e r s a t i o n is a m a t t e r o f political o r p u b l i c m e e t i n g s a n d oral interpersonal e x c h a n g e s b e t w e e n o r a m o n g citizens, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d civil servants. I n digital d e m o c r a c y t h e technical c o n v e r s a t i o n s y s t e m s o f electronic m a i l o r b i l l b o a r d s , t e l e c o n f e r e n c e s a n d g r o u p d e c i s i o n s u p p o r t s y s t e m s a d d t o o r r e p l a c e t h e s e traditional oral e x c h a n g e s . T h e strongest a p p e a l , p e r h a p s , o f digital d e m o c r a c y is t h e p o t e n t i a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f interactive politics b e t w e e n citizens, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , g o v e r n o r s a n d civil servants. B u t w h a t d o e s interactivity actually m e a n , this s o p o o r l y c o n c e i v e d a n d often m i s u s e d c o n c e p t o f social a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c i e n c e ? D o e s interactivity e q u a l t h e pattern o f c o n v e r s a t i o n , o r are information retrieval (consultation), selection a n d feedback in digital b r o a d c a s t i n g (allocution) a n d a r e p l y in e l e c ­ tronic q u e s t i o n n a i r e s a n d t r a n s a c t i o n s (registration) also interactive? T h e m o s t p r o m i s i n g e x p l i c a t i o n s o f this c o n c e p t in c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c i e n c e identify a n u m b e r o f levels of interactivity. Rafaeli ( 1 9 8 8 ) distinguishes t h r e e levels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n : t w o - w a y (non-interactive) c o m m u n i c a t i o n ; r e a c t i v e (or q u a s i interactive) c o m m u n i c a t i o n in w h i c h later m e s s a g e s refer to, or c o h e r e w i t h earlier o n e s ; a n d finally fully interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n requiring that b o t h sides react to e a c h other. W i l l i a m s a n d c o l l e a g u e s ( 1 9 8 8 ) define interactivity as t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h (inter)actors h a v e control o v e r a n d a r e able to e x c h a n g e r o l e s in a m u t u a l d i s c o u r s e . T h e y link this definition to a d e g r e e o f interactivity w i t h i n s y s t e m s . T h e l o w e s t d e g r e e o f interactivity is to b e found in i n f o r m a t i o n retrieval s y s t e m s . A h i g h e r d e g r e e is p o s s i b l e in t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n p e o p l e u s i n g a m e d i u m w h e r e b o t h content a n d context c a n b e m a n i p u l a t e d b y b o t h sides. T h e h i g h e s t d e g r e e o f interactivity is t o b e e x p e r i e n c e d in face-to-face c o n v e r s a t i o n . Rafaeli ( 1 9 8 8 ) a n d H a n s s e n et al. ( 1 9 9 6 ) e m p h a s i z e that interactivity is n o t (only) a m e d i u m characteristic. T h e c o n c e p t s h o u l d b e freed from t h e classic linear sender-message-receiver m o d e l and replaced b y a relational m o d e l . M e d i a t e d e n v i r o n m e n t s are created in the c o n t e x t o f social a n d spatial e n v i r o n m e n t s . M o d e r n e x p e r i e n c e is t h e collective s h a r i n g o f i n f o r m a t i o n in all t h e s e e n v i r o n ­ m e n t s t a k e n together, v a n D i j k ( 1 9 9 1 / 1 9 9 7 , 1999b) h a s m a d e a n a t t e m p t t o d i s ­ sect s u c h a n integrated c o n c e p t o f interactivity c o m b i n i n g (objective) m e d i u m characteristics a n d (intersubjective) c o n t e x t u a l a p p l i c a t i o n s . T h i s m o d e l is b a s e d o n four c u m u l a t i v e levels a n d d i m e n s i o n s o f interactivity w h i c h are c l o s e to t h e levels d e s c r i b e d b y W i l l i a m s et al. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e first a n d m o s t p r i m i t i v e level is t h e s h e e r e x i s t e n c e o r possibility o f twoway communication, that is action a n d r e a c t i o n (to r e a c t i o n s ) . T h i s is t h e spatial d i m e n s i o n o f interactivity. T h e s e c o n d level is synchronous communication: clearly interactivity is d a m a g e d b y a s y n c h r o n o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h t o o m u c h t i m e b e t w e e n action, r e a c t i o n a n d r e a c t i o n t o reaction. T h i s is t h e t i m e d i m e n s i o n o f interactivity. T h e third level is t h e d e g r e e o f control of communication by the (inter)actors i n v o l v e d : t h e possibility o f role e x c h a n g e ( s e n d e r a n d r e c e i v e r ) at w i l l a n d at e v e r y t i m e a n d a m o r e o r less e q u a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e c o n t e n t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h i s is the d i m e n s i o n o f action a n d control. T h e last a n d h i g h e s t level o f interactivity is t h e intelligence of contexts and shared understanding ( S u c h m a n n , 1987). T h i s is t h e c o n t e x t u a l a n d m e n t a l d i m e n s i o n . U n t i l n o w this

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Theory

level has not b e e n attained in the u s e o f m e d i a (face-to-interface c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) , but o n l y in face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Clearly, the level o f interactivity in online political activities explains a large part o f their popularity. In F i g u r e 3.3 the frequency of the m o s t important political activities o n the Internet in 1997 are c o m p a r e d to their offline equivalents. In this figure o n e can see that m o s t online political activities w e r e no serious c o m p e t i t o r to their offline equivalents in the y e a r m e n t i o n e d . T h i s g o e s first o f all for activi­ ties taking a d v a n t a g e o f face-to-face interaction: attending m e e t i n g s and rallies, contributing m o n e y , influencing others a n d discussing issues. O n l y relatively o n e - s i d e d online acts o f information e x c h a n g e h a v e b e c o m e a serious alternative: distributing information, writing officials and signing petitions. All current so-called interactive m e d i a get stuck s o m e w h e r e at the second or third level of interactivity. T o serve in a fully d e v e l o p e d social interaction t h e y h a v e to b e c o m b i n e d w i t h s o m e form o f face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n that is able to attain the fourth level. T h i s also g o e s for the applications o f digital d e m o c r a c y . M o s t o f t h e m o n l y offer a s y n c h r o n o u s t w o - w a y c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h m o r e con­ trol for the supplier, d e t e r m i n i n g all possibilities o f choice, t h a n for the u s e r w h o retrieves and reacts first o f all. T h i s h a s s o m e fundamental c o n s e q u e n c e s for the nature o f digital d e m o c r a c y as will b e explained in s o m e o f t h e following chapters. F o r instance, in C h a p t e r 7 H a c k e r will deal w i t h the q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m enables ' r e a l ' interaction b e t w e e n the g o v e r n m e n t and citizens and in C h a p t e r 9 J a n k o w s k i and v a n S e l m will look at the quality o f interactivity in electronic d e b a t e s . O n a h i g h e r level of abstraction levels of interactivity are related to a n u m b e r o f potential m o d e l s o f digital d e m o c r a c y in the future. W i t h the c o n c e p t s of inter­ activity a n d information traffic p a t t e r n s in m i n d w e are able to construct three 70

Ί

63.1

60 44.5

50

32.5

40 30

20.7

LI

19.2

20 10 0 Discuss Issues

Sign Petitions •

30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Offline

Write Officials •

31.2

10.5

Influence Others

Online

25.2 20

15.6

2.6

Attend Meeting

13 1.7

Distr. Information •

Offline

Attend Rally •

1.3

Contribute Money

Online

FIGURE 3.3 A comparison of online and offline political activities of Internet users in 1997 (Source: GVU Centre's WWW Survey)

Models of Democracy and Concepts of Communication

49

p o s s i b l e m o d e l s o f future digital d e m o c r a c y . O n c e a g a i n t h e y are ideal t y p e s . P r e s u m a b l y , o u r real future will be s o m e k i n d o f synthesis o f p a r t s o f t h e s e m o d ­ els, j u s t like real d e m o c r a c y in different political c u l t u r e s is a shifting c o m b i n a ­ tion o f or c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n the six g e n e r a l m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y w e h a v e distinguished. In the 1990s the m o s t p o p u l a r m o d e l o f the future o f d e m o c r a c y in the p e r s p e c ­ tive o f the information s u p e r h i g h w a y m a y be called the Internet

model.

In this

m o d e l o n e expects political c o m m u n i c a t i o n to b e c o m e horizontal increasingly. T h e patterns o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n explored on the p r e d o m i n a n t l y public, open, and uncontrolled Internet o f the 1990s are v i e w e d as the ones to be developed further. T h i s n e t w o r k of n e t w o r k s is s u p p o s e d to h a v e n o centre but only a count­ less n u m b e r of intermediaries in sites and relatively neutral search engines and navigating systems. T h e patterns o f conversation a n d consultation are d o m i n a n t in this m o d e l . T h e y offer citizens the opportunity to discuss all kinds o f social and political affairs (by electronic mail, n e w s and discussion groups or chat boxes) and retrieve all the public information n e e d e d o n i n n u m e r a b l e information sites and systems. A h i g h level o f interactivity, reaching at least level three (of control) in conversations is d e e m e d to be possible. S e e the third m o d e l in F i g u r e 3.4 b e l o w . T h e Internet m o d e l is v e r y attractive to p e o p l e w h o s u p p o r t the s p r e a d o f p o l i ­ tics into society or w h o w o u l d e v e n like to c o n s t r u c t a c o m p l e t e alternative to present d a y institutional politics like t h e p r o p o n e n t s o f p l e b i s c i t a r i a n or libertar­ ian d e m o c r a c y . T h e s u p p o r t e r s o f a pluralist a n d p a r t i c i p a t o r y society m i g h t h o p e for the future strength o f the Internet m o d e l as w e l l . H o w e v e r , b o t h a c c e p t a strong effort o f t h e state a n d institutional politics, the first as the p r o t e c t i v e frame­ w o r k for their favourite field o f action, civil society, a n d t h e s e c o n d to p r o t e c t and stimulate t h e p a r t o f the p o p u l a t i o n that is e x c l u d e d from participation. T w o other potential m o d e l s are d i s c u s s e d less often in t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f the future o f digital d e m o c r a c y . N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e y m i g h t t a k e a m u c h larger part o f the design a n d the p r a c t i c e o f politics o n the information s u p e r h i g h w a y to c o m e

•>->•

MARKETING

MODEL

STRESSING ALLOCUTION

FIGURE 3.4

*•

SUPPLY DEMAND

INFOCRATIC MODEL

INTERNET MODEL

STRESSING REGISTRATION

STRESSING CONSULTATION AND CONVERSATION

Three models of information flow on the information

superhighway

50

Theory

t h a n t h e s u p p o r t e r s o f t h e Internet m o d e l h o p e a n d expect. I n t h e s e c o n d part o f t h e 1990s three clear t r e n d s are t o b e o b s e r v e d o n t h e Internet. First, a strongly g r o w i n g c o m m e r c i a l s u p p l y a n d practice. S e c o n d l y , a g e n e r a l n e e d for order, structure, t r a n s p a r e n c y a n d m o d e r a t i o n a m o n g u s e r s o v e r w h e l m e d b y informa­ tion overload, j u n k o r h a t e m a i l a n d u n r e l i a b l e information. Finally, w e c o n c e i v e strong a t t e m p t s o f g o v e r n m e n t s a n d c o r p o r a t i o n s t o get a grip u p o n the so-called a n a r c h y o f t h e Internet. A l l this m e a n s that t h e Internet is o n its w a y t o b e c o m e a ' n o r m a l ' ( m a s s ) m e d i u m , w i t h t h e o n l y difference that it a l l o w s a h i g h e r level o f interactivity t h a n traditional m a s s m e d i a ( v a n Dijk, 1997a). T h e q u e s t i o n is w h a t level o f interactivity will b e attained? In t h e s e c o n d m o d e l o f t h e information s u p e r h i g h w a y , a marketing model w e g e t t h e p r e d o m i n a n t c o m m e r c i a l s u p p l y o f interactive television, p a y - p e r - v i e w a n d a d v e r t i s e m e n t s o n this h i g h w a y a s a b r o a d b a n d s u c c e s s o r to t h e j a m m i n g Internet. T h i s m o d e l c o r r e s p o n d s m u c h better to t h e p r e s e n t w o r k i n g s o f the m a s s m e d i a in b r o a d c a s t i n g , t h e p r e s s o r t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d t h e current practices o f institutional politics. In this m o d e l o n l y a w e a k f e e d b a c k c h a n n e l is a d d e d t o t h e allocution o f t h e traditional m a s s m e d i a , first o f all b r o a d c a s t i n g . S e e t h e first m o d e l in F i g u r e 3.4. In this m o d e l t h e s o u r c e a n d initiative o f t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g p a r t o f information p r o d u c e d r e m a i n s w i t h t h e (big) suppliers. C o n t r o l l e d feed­ b a c k c h a n n e l s serve as a m a r k e t i n g tool for t h e m , m e a s u r i n g a n d targeting selected a u d i e n c e s o f c o n s u m e r s a n d citizens. O n the e c o n o m i c m a r k e t it w o u l d m e a n that so-called interactive services o f information, e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d t r a n s ­ action take t h e larger part o f traffic o n t h e information s u p e r h i g h w a y . T h i s is exactly w h a t t h e large m e d i a c o r p o r a t i o n s are trying to a c h i e v e at t h e e n d o f t h e 1990s offering p a y - T V , i n f o r m a t i o n services, a d v e r t i s e m e n t s , electronic c o m ­ m e r c e a n d g a m e s o n t h e Internet a n d o t h e r n e t w o r k s . O n t h e political m a r k e t this m o d e l w o u l d m e a n t h e p r e d o m i n a n c e o f information c a m p a i g n s o f t h e g o v e r n ­ m e n t , t h e p u b l i c administration, political parties and, first o f all, e v e r y k i n d o f corporate a n d civil pressure group. In times o f election, actually almost continually, high-tech political c a m p a i g n i n g o r advertising w o u l d still shape t h e face o f politics b y m e a n s o f a h i g h l y selective political m a r k e t i n g o f t h e electorate. T h e m a r k e t i n g m o d e l m i g h t b e reinforced b y a third o n e , w h i c h is strong as a n ideal type o f its o w n : a n infocratic model. Selectivity a n d registration b o t h b e l o n g t o t h e strongest capacities o f I C T . In p u b l i c administrations, s e m i - p u b l i c o r g a n i ­ zations, large c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d political o r g a n i z a t i o n s powerful infocracies a r e g r o w i n g as s u c c e s s o r s to traditional b u r e a u c r a c i e s . S o m e t i m e s t h e y c o m p e t e w i t h e a c h other, s o m e t i m e s t h e y w o r k t o g e t h e r in e x c h a n g i n g information a b o u t citi­ z e n s , c o n s u m e r s , e m p l o y e e s a n d o t h e r relations. T o g e t h e r t h e y m i g h t s h a p e a surveillance society, n o t j u s t a surveillance state (Castells, 1 9 9 7 ; G a n d y , 1994; L o u d o n , 1986; L y o n , 1994). T h e largest p o s s i b l e control o f t h e organization a n d t h e m a r k e t is their u l t i m a t e a i m . In t e r m s o f t h e c o n c e p t o f information traffic patterns t h e y will s i m p l y e x t e n d t h e current p r a c t i c e o f m a n y applications o f I C T w h o transfer m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t local units to t h e c e n t r e o f service a n d s u p p l y t h a n t h e o t h e r w a y r o u n d . S e e t h e m o d e l in t h e m i d d l e o f F i g u r e 3.4. A n y w a y , this a p p e a r s t o b e t h e c a s e in t h e application o f I C T b y t h e g o v e r n m e n t s a n d t h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s o f a d v a n c e d W e s t e r n countries. In t h e first p l a c e ,

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I C T is u s e d to register t h e p o p u l a t i o n and real estate, to collect taxes a n d to a d m i n i s t e r social s e r v i c e s . F a r b e h i n d lie t h e applications d e s i g n e d for p u b l i c information supply, to o p e n u p and m a k e t r a n s p a r e n t c l o s e d w a y s o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n for the citizens a n d to g i v e t h e m a say in g o v e r n m e n t a l affairs. T h e p r i m e attention to registration is to b e o b s e r v e d a m o n g all k i n d s o f actors, v i e w s a n d interests in the political s y s t e m . It certainly is n o t o n l y a m a t t e r o f sur­ v e y i n g states a n d c o r p o r a t i o n s . It is b o t h p r e s e n t in the a i m s o f direct m a r k e t i n g o r m a r k e t r e s e a r c h at the service o f institutional politics a n d in t h e p r e s u m e d alternative political v i e w s o f plebiscitary a n d libertarian d e m o c r a c y stressing the i m p o r t a n c e o f telepolling a n d televoting. T h e substantial differences o f political direct m a r k e t i n g a n d t e l e d e m o c r a c y s h o u l d n o t hide their structural similarities. T h e actual future o f politics a n d d e m o c r a c y o n the information s u p e r h i g h w a y is likely to b e a m i x t u r e o f characteristics o f t h e s e three ideal types constructed for the p u r p o s e o f clarification. It is still o p e n w h i c h m o d e l will a c q u i r e the strongest impact, j u s t like this w a s c l a i m e d for t h e m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y a b o v e . Specific, national political cultures, like those in N o r t h A m e r i c a and E u r o p e , reveal different c o m b i n a t i o n s as will b e e x p l a i n e d in the n e x t chapter. T h i s p r e d o m i n a n t e l y c o n c e p t u a l c h a p t e r started w i t h a definition o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e n t h e context o f its g r o w i n g p r a c t i c e w a s described. A n e t w o r k structure o f the political s y s t e m h a s b e e n a n a l y s e d as part o f the structure o f the n e t w o r k society at large (van Dijk, 1 9 9 1 / 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 9 b ; Castells, 1 9 9 6 , 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 8 ) . T h i s structure e n a b l e s a spread a n d a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f politics (and p o w e r ) b o t h s u p p o r t e d b y I C T . B o t h directions indicate e v o l u t i o n a r y , rather than revolution­ ary d e v e l o p m e n t s o f t h e political s y s t e m . I C T amplifies existing t e n d e n c i e s first o f all. In this c h a p t e r e v e r y potential t e n d e n c y h a s b e e n related to particular appli­ cations o f I C T . T h e s a m e w a s d o n e w i t h a large n u m b e r o f v i e w s o n d e m o c r a c y . It w a s argued that t h e opportunities and risks assigned to digital d e m o c r a c y are related to l o n g e r existing m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y . Six m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d a n d an a t t e m p t w a s m a d e to s h o w that t h e y m i g h t help to explain p a r t i c u l a r preferences for applications a n d p u r p o s e s o f I C T in politics. N o t o n l y v i e w s a n d p r e f e r e n c e s in politics and p o w e r can b e related to appli­ cations o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e s a m e g o e s for v i e w s , p a t t e r n s a n d m o d e l s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . F o u r p a t t e r n s o f information o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d four levels o f interactivity c a n b e related t o particular preferences and applications o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T o g e t h e r t h e y s h a p e t h e potential future structures of digital democracy.

References Arterton, C.F. ( 1 9 8 7 ) Teledemocracy,

Can Technology Protect Democracy?

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Park/Beverly H i l l s / L o n d o n / N e w Delhi: S a g e .

Barber, B . ( 1 9 8 4 ) Strong Democracy: Participatory

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University o f California Press. Barbrook, R. and C a m e r o n , D . ( 1 9 9 6 ) Ά Californian i d e o l o g y ' , paper presented at Virtual D e m o c r a c y : 9th C o l l o q u i u m o n C o m m u n i c a t i o n and Culture, 'Virtual D e m o c r a c y ' , Prian, 1 0 - 1 4 April.

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Beck, U. (1992) Risk Society. London/New Delhi: Sage. Beck, U., Giddens, A. and Lash, S. (1994) Reflexive Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Becker, T. (1981) 'Teledemocracy: bringing power back to the people', Futurist, 15(6): 6-9. Bordewijk, J. and Van Kaam, B. (1982) Allocutie. Enkele gedachten over communicatievrijheid in een bekabeld land. Baarn: Bosch & Keuning. Burnham, D. (1983) The Rise of the Computer State. London: Wiedenfield & Nicholson. Castells, M. (1996) The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol. 1, The Rise of the Network Society. Cambridge, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. Castells, M. (1997) The Power of Identity, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol. II. Cambridge, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. Castells, M. (1998) End of Millennium, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol. III. Cambridge, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. Dahl, R. (1956) A Preface to Democratic Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dyson, E., Guilder, G., Keyworth, G. and Toffler, A. (1994) Λ Magna Charta for the Information Age. Washington: Progress and Freedom Foundation. Easton, D. (1953) The Political System. An Inquiry into the State of Political Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ferguson, M. (1990) 'Electronic media and the redefining of time and space', in M. Ferguson (ed.), Public Communication, The New Imperatives. London/Newbury Park: Sage. Gandy, O. (1994) The Panoptic Society. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Cambridge: Polity Press. Guehenno, J.-M. (1995) The End of the Nation-State. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. (Translation from: Guelienno (1994) La Fin de la Democratic Paris: Editions Flamarions.) Hacker, K. and Todino, M. (1996) 'Virtual democracy at the Clinton White House: an experiment in electronic democratization', The Public/Javnost, III(l): 71-86. Hanssen, L., Jankowski, N. and Etienne, R. (1996) 'Interactivity from the perspective of communication studies', in N. Jankowski and L. Hanssen (eds), Contours of Multimedia. Luton: University of Luton Press, John Libbey Media. Held, D. (1987) Models of Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press. Held, D. (1995) Democracy and the Global Order, From the Modern State to Cosmo­ politan Governance. Cambridge: Polity Press. Kaplan, R. (1996) The Ends of the Earth, A Journey at the Dawn of the 21st Century. New York: Random House. Kaplan, R. (1998) An Empire Wilderness, Travels into America's Future. New York: Random House. Kapor, M. (1993) 'Where is the digital highway really heading?' Wired, July/August: 53-9, 94. Katz, J. (1997a) Media Rants: Postpolitics in a Digital Nation. San Francisco, CA: Hardwired. Katz, J. (1997b) 'The birth of a digital nation', Wired, April. Kelly, K. (1994) Out of Control. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Locke, J. (1690/1963) Two Tracts on Government. London: Cambridge University Press. Loudon, K.C. (1986) The Dossier Society (Comments on Democracy in an Information Society). New York: Columbia University Press. Lyon, D. (1994) The Electronic Eye: The Rise of Surveillance Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Macpherson, C.B. (1977) The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McQuail, D. (1987) Mass Communication Theory, An Introduction (2nd edn). London/ Newbury Park: Sage.

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de Montesquieu, C. (1748/1870) De I'esprit des his. Paris: Gamier. Mowshowitz, A. (1992) 'Virtual feudalism, a vision of political organisation in the information age', in P. Frissen, A. Koers and I. Snellen (eds), Orwell of Athene?, Demo­ cratic en informetiesamenleving. Den Haag: NOTA/SDU. Newman, B.I. (1994) The Marteting of the President. Political Marteting as Campaign Strategy. Thousand Oaks/ London: Sage. Pateman, C. (1970) Participation and Democratic Theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Rafaeli, S. (1988) 'Interactivity: from new media to communication', in R.P. Hawkins, J. Wiemann and S. Pingree (eds), Advancing Communication Science. Newbury Park/ Beverley Hills/London: Sage. Rash, W. (1997) Politics on the Nets, Wiring the Political Process. New York: Freeman. Schumpeter, J. (1942/1976) Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. London: Allen & Unwin. Science and Technology Options Assessment (1999) Development of Surveillance Technology. Brussels: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Selnow, G.W. (1994) High-tech Campaigns: Computer Technology in Political Communication. Westport/London: Praeger. Suchmann, L. (1987) Plans and Situated Actions: The Problem of Human-Machine Communication. Cambridge, NY: Simon & Schuster, de Tocqueville, A. (1864) De la Democratic en Amerique, Oeuvres Completes, Part 1-3. Paris: Alexis de 4 Levy Freres. van Dijk, J. (1991/1997) De Netwerkmaatschappij, sociale aspecten van nieuwe media. Houten, Zaventem: Bohn, Stafleu van Loghum (1st and 3rd edns; see 1999b for English edn). van Dijk, J. (1996) 'Models of democracy, behind the design and use of ICT in polities', The Public/Javnost, 111(1): 43-56. van Dijk, J. (1997a) Nieuwe Media en Politiek (New Media and Politics). Houten/ Zaventem: Bohn, Stafleu van Loghum. van Dijk, J. (1997b) 'The reality of virtual communities', Trends in Communication, 1: 39-63. van Dijk, J. (1999a) 'The one-dimensional network society of Manuel Castells', New Media and Society, 1(1): 127-38. van Dijk, J. (1999b) 77je Network Society, Social Aspects of New Media. London/ Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: Sage. Weber, M. (1921) Gesammelte Politische Schriften. Tubingen: Mohr. Williams, F., Rice, R E . and Rogers, E. (1988) Research Methods and the New Media. New York: Free Press. Zuurmond, A. (1994) "The infocracy, a theoretical and empirical reorientation on Weber's idealtype of the rational legal bureaucracy in the information age', English summary of a Dutch PhD dissertation. The Hague: Phaedrus. pp. 318-28.

4 Digital Democracy and Political Systems Martin Hagen

In 1989, at t h e e n d o f his s e m i n a l w o r k Democracy and its Critics, R o b e r t D a h l s u g g e s t e d u s i n g an electronic ' m i n i p o p u l u s ' to fight t w o o f m o d e r n d e m o c r a c y ' s b i g g e s t p r o b l e m s , a less a n d less i n f o r m e d citizenry a n d a decline in political participation. W i t h the h e l p o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , a representative s a m p l e o f citizens c o u l d m e e t online to deliberate major p o l i c y issues a n d t h u s create an 'attentive p u b l i c ' ( D a h l , 1989: 3 3 8 - 4 1 ) . Since then, the rapid d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p u t e r - b a s e d information t e c h n o l o g y a n d its political applications h a v e trans­ f o r m e d this afterthought to d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y into a full-scale discussion o f m e r i t s a n d p r o b l e m s o f 'digital d e m o c r a c y ' , b o t h in the U S a n d E u r o p e (as dis­ c u s s e d in this b o o k ) . In this chapter, it will b e a s k e d h o w the specific national contexts in three c o u n ­ tries, the U n i t e d States, the U n i t e d K i n g d o m and G e r m a n y , h a v e an influence o n h o w these n a t i o n s think and feel about digital d e m o c r a c y and w h a t this m e a n s for c o n s t r u c t i n g c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e three n a t i o n s are all d e m o c r a c i e s characterized through a representative form o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d a separation o f p o w e r s b e t w e e n different b r a n c h e s o f g o v e r n m e n t . All three nations share a v e r y h i g h standard of s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d the 'infor­ m a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n ' in similar w a y s ( K u b i c e k et al., 1997). H o w e v e r , despite sharing central features o f d e m o c r a t i c political s y s t e m s , there are c o n s i d e r a b l e differences in the structure and the culture, e.g. t h e v a l u e s , n o r m s and traditions, b e t w e e n the A m e r i c a n , British and G e r m a n political s y s ­ t e m s . O n e s u c h difference is that the U S is a presidential d e m o c r a c y , w h i l e the U K a n d G e r m a n y are p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c i e s . T h i s m e a n s that in t h e latter c a s e the executive b r a n c h is ruled b y a p r i m e minister or c h a n c e l l o r p r e s i d i n g o v e r a cabinet elected b y t h e majority faction in t h e legislature. G e r m a n y and the U S are federal republics, w h i l e t h e U K is a constitutional m o n a r c h y . In G e r m a n y , t h e public a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s y s t e m is a ' c l a s s i c ' o n e , m a r k e d b y its s t r o n g adher­ e n c e to the W e b e r i a n principles o f m o d e r n public administrations, h i e r a r c h y , dif­ ferentiation o f labour and tasks, and c o m p e t e n c e . T h e p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n sector h a s b e e n v e r y stable and h a s outlived quite a few different political r e g i m e s , e.g. m o n a r c h y , totalitarian dictatorship a n d d e m o c r a c y . A l t e r n a t i v e l y ,

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t h e U S a n d the U K h a v e political cultures formed b y a stable political r e g i m e , in w h i c h p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s h a v e d e v e l o p e d differently from that in G e r m a n y . In t h e first t w o countries, the ' c i t i z e n r y r e g a r d s t h e b u r e a u c r a c y as p e r f o r m i n g in a service capacity a n d b e i n g p r o p e r l y subjected to firm political control, h o w e v e r expert the b u r e a u c r a t m a y b e , a n d h o w e v e r intimately h e m a y b e i n v o l v e d in the c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f p o l i c y alternatives. Partial m y t h t h o u g h it is, t h e b u r e a u c r a c y is v i e w e d as t h e neutral a g e n t o f t h e political d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s ' ( H e a d y , 1995: 2 3 9 ) . A n o t h e r difference exists w i t h reference to the a g e o f t h e d e m o c r a c y . T h e U n i t e d States declared i n d e p e n d e n c e from Britain in 1776 a n d is o n e o f t h e old­ est d e m o c r a c i e s in the w o r l d . T h e c o n t e m p o r a r y British s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t h a s e v e n older roots, dating b a c k at least into t h e s e v e n t e e n t h century. G e r m a n y ' s d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t is m u c h y o u n g e r , established in its p r e s e n t form o n l y after the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r in 1949 for t h e w e s t e r n part and in 1990, after re-unification, for the eastern part, the former c o m m u n i s t G e r m a n D e m o c r a t i c R e p u b l i c . T h e first d e m o c r a t i c state in G e r m a n y , t h e W e i m a r R e p u b l i c , w a s short-lived: established in 1919 after the First W o r l d W a r , it e n d e d in political turmoil following the e c o n o m i c crisis o f the late 1920s/early 1930s a n d w a s a b o l i s h e d w i t h t h e t a k e - o v e r o f t h e N a z i r e g i m e in 1 9 3 3 .

The Importance of National Contexts for the Theoretical Debate on Digital Democracy A g a i n s t simplistic v i e w s that the Internet will ' s a v e ' d e m o c r a c y (Clift, 1998: 20) m o s t scholars agree that I C T will not c h a n g e per se a political s y s t e m (see, for e x a m p l e , K u b i c e k et al., 1997). D e f e n d e r s o f the latter c a n p o i n t to a long history o f n e w I C T d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d raised h o p e s for a better-fitted d e m o c r a c y w h i c h h a v e n o t b e e n fully successful. C a b l e television s p a r k e d a similar d e b a t e about technically s u p p o r t e d d e m o c r a c y v e r y m u c h like t o d a y ' s in t h e early 1970s (see Pool and A l e x a n d e r , 1973; S m i t h , 1972), w h i c h c o n t i n u e d until the 1990s, w h e n the Internet fuelled t h e d e b a t e o n digital d e m o c r a c y again. B y the e n d o f the 1980s it w a s clear that d e m o c r a c y h a d n o t benefited m u c h from cable T V or v i d e o cassettes ( a m o n g others, see A r t e r t o n , 1987; Elshtain, 1982). R e s e a r c h o n I T applications in politics and g o v e r n m e n t h a s found over­ w h e l m i n g e v i d e n c e that political, cultural, e c o n o m i c and social factors s h a p e the forms and extents o f political u s e s o f c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y . I C T d o not c h a n g e political institutions and p r o c e s s e s b y virtue o f their m e r e existence. R a t h e r , their u s e m a y amplify existing social b e h a v i o u r s a n d trends. T h i s c a n b e c o n t r i b u t e d to the fact that t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f technological a p p l i c a t i o n s is controlled b y specific d o m i n a n t interests. W i t h its i n s t r u m e n t a l character, I C T b e c o m e s a trendamplifier in a g i v e n area o f application ( R e e s e et al., 1979). T h e role o f actors a n d their interests has b e e n d e c i s i v e in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f n e w applications (see R o g e r s and M a l h o t r a , C h a p t e r 2 in this b o o k ) . A r t e r t o n c o n c l u d e d from an early survey o n t e l e d e m o c r a c y that a p r o j e c t ' s design and success is d e t e r m i n e d not b y the t e c h n o l o g y e m p l o y e d but from the o r g a n i z a ­ tional c h o i c e s m a d e b y the project initiators and their respective values a n d p r e ­ s u m p t i o n s about participation ( 1 9 8 8 : 6 2 3 ) .

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T h e c o n s e q u e n c e w h i c h follows from this is that c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y is n o t a n i n d e p e n d e n t force w o r k i n g for t h e better o r w o r s e o f d e m o c r a c y , b u t it is amplifying o t h e r political t r e n d s at w o r k o r reinforces existing institutions. T h i s also e x p l a i n s w h y o n t h e w h o l e , m o s t l y t h o s e projects w h i c h h a v e a i m e d t o s u p ­ p o r t traditional, w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d structures a n d p r o c e s s e s o f d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m s h a v e b e e n m o r e successful t h a n t h o s e w h i c h h a v e tried to e m p l o y n e w , transfor­ m a t i v e d e m o c r a t i c w a y s a n d m e a n s (for e x a m p l e s see A b r a m s o n et al., 1988 a n d T s a g a r o u s i a n o u et al., 1998). B e c a u s e I C T is a trend-amplifier, c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e t o t a k e into a c c o u n t current social, political, e c o n o m i c a n d cultural t r e n d s ' w o r k i n g ' o n t h e political s y s t e m if t h e y a r e t o s e r v e politicians a n d citizens in assessing benefits a n d c o s t s o f I C T - s u p p o r t e d d e m o c r a t i c structures a n d p r o c e s s e s . T h i s is as i m p o r t a n t a s relating c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y t o v a r i o u s n o r m a t i v e m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c i e s , s u c h as c o m p e t i t i v e , plebiscitary, pluralist a n d participa­ tory d e m o c r a c y (see v a n Dijk, C h a p t e r 3 in this b o o k ) . A c o m p a r i s o n o f different national contexts s h o w s h o w specific political institutions a n d cultural t r e n d s shape v a r i o u s c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y .

The Political System in the US and Concepts of Digital Democracy Political Participation and Institutional

Reform

In the U S , a continuous crisis in political participation lays t h e basis for m o s t c o n ­ cepts o f digital d e m o c r a c y (see H a g e n , 1997). A t the e n d o f the twentieth century, voter turn-out h a s b e e n v e r y low. N o t e v e n half o f the total population is partici­ pating in presidential elections a n d d u r i n g off-year elections, the turn-out is e v e n lower (see Flanigan and Zingale, 1998). T o address this p r o b l e m m a n y scholars agree that o n e n e e d s to foster the civic education o f the individual and re-invigorate public discourse. T h e p r o p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e taken u p this line o f argument. Electronic m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n can h e l p the citizen b e c o m e active in m a n y different roles, w h e n it transforms a n ordinary citizen into ' a publisher, an eyewitness reporter, a n advocate, an organizer, a student or teacher, a n d potential participant in a w o r l d - w i d e citizen-to-citizen conversation' (Rheingold, 1993). Civic education, b u t also n e w f o r m s o f direct d e m o c r a c y , c a n h e l p transform t h e weak democracy o f t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d e m o c r a c y into a strong d e m o c r a c y , as B e n j a m i n B a r b e r h a s a r g u e d in h i s influential b o o k Strong Democracy. H e sug­ gested u s i n g electronic m e d i a t o s u p p o r t t h e n e c e s s a r y re-vitalization o f citizen­ ship. In 1984, h e called for electronic t o w n m e e t i n g s , a civic v i d e o t e x service a n d a s y s t e m o f electronic balloting. T o d a y , h e h a s t u r n e d h i s attention to t h e u s e o f t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b for similar p u r p o s e s (Barber, 1997a). In addition, 'futurologist' A l v i n Toffler h a s long b e e n arguing that o n l y a series o f direct-democratic institutional r e f o r m s c a n h e l p o v e r c o m e t h e sclerosis o f t h e representative s y s t e m : ' U s i n g a d v a n c e d c o m p u t e r s , satellites, t e l e p h o n e s , c a b l e , p o l l i n g t e c h n i q u e s , a n d other tools, a n e d u c a t e d citizenry can, for t h e first t i m e in history, b e g i n m a k i n g m a n y o f its o w n political d e c i s i o n s ' (Toffler, 1 9 8 0 : 4 3 0 ) . First stated in 1980, t h e s e ideas w e r e w i d e l y p o p u l a r i z e d in 1995, w h e n t h e y w e r e

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c h a m p i o n e d b y t h e then n e w l y elected S p e a k e r o f t h e H o u s e , N e w t G i n g r i c h (Toffler a n d T o m e r , 1 9 9 5 ; see also P F F , 1994). T h e U S h a s s e e n a long series o f practical e x p e r i m e n t s in electronically s u p ­ p o r t e d institutions o f direct d e m o c r a c y . Political scientists a n d activists T e d B e c k e r a n d C h r i s t a D a r y l Slaton h a v e b e e n e x p e r i m e n t i n g w i t h t h e m in v a r i o u s l o c a t i o n s (Slaton, 1992); J a m e s F i s h k i n h a s b e e n h o l d i n g ' N a t i o n a l Issues C o n v e n t i o n s ' in c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h P B S (Fishkin, 1995); and v a r i o u s scholars h a v e tried different formats o f electronic t o w n m e e t i n g s ( A b r a m s o n , 1 9 9 2 ; Elgin, 1993). Lastly, T e d W a c h t e l h a s suggested establishing a third c h a m b e r o f C o n g r e s s , t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e citizenry c a n i n v o l v e t h e m s e l v e s in t h e legislative p r o c e s s w i t h t h e h e l p o f electronic m e d i a ( W a c h t e l , 1992). All o f these ideas a n d a p p l i c a t i o n s can b e interpreted as e x p r e s s i o n s o f a long A m e r i c a n tradition, w h i c h h a s a c c o m m o d a t e d several r e f o r m s inspired b y direct d e m o c r a t i c ideas. T h e s e c a n b e traced from J a c k s o n i a n D e m o c r a c y via the P r o g r e s s i v e M o v e m e n t to t h e m o d e r n presidential p r i m a r i e s a n d the r e c e n t p o p u ­ larity o f direct d e m o c r a t i c f o r m s o f participation, s u c h as ballot initiatives and referenda. T h e s e m o v e m e n t s reflect a h a n d s - o n p e r s p e c t i v e , w h i c h sees the d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m a s a l o n g e x p e r i m e n t o r a l a b o r a t o r y w h i c h c a n b e altered a n d modified a c c o r d i n g to c h a n g i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Direct Communication Between Constituency and Representatives A s e c o n d r e a s o n for t h e a p p e a l o f n e w m e d i a in t h e political p r o c e s s is t h e over­ a r c h i n g i m p o r t a n c e w h i c h is c o n t r i b u t e d to the direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n c o n s t i t u e n t s a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . In t h e a b s e n c e o f strong parties, t h e representa­ tives (including s e n a t o r s , m a y o r s , g o v e r n o r s a n d the President) are m o r e or less i n d e p e n d e n t 'political e n t r e p r e n e u r s ' , w h o s e c h a n c e s for re-election rely h e a v i l y o n h o w well political a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s are c o m m u n i c a t e d to the c o n s t i t u e n t s . T h i s is w h y t e c h n o - s a v v y representatives a r e v e r y likely to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h e v e r y k i n d o f n e w m e d i a . F o r e x a m p l e , senators Patrick L e a h y and E d w a r d K e n n e d y w e r e v e r y q u i c k to a d o p t electronic bulletin b o a r d s , d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p s and the W o r l d W i d e W e b to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h their c o n s t i t u e n c i e s (see C a s e y , 1996 for a detailed a c c o u n t ) . V e r y rapidly, t h e n e w w a y o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g v i a the Internet h a s b e c o m e o n e o f t h e standards in t h e U S C o n g r e s s . T h i s c o m e s as n o surprise a s t o d a y a b o u t 4 0 p e r c e n t o f the A m e r i c a n p u b l i c can b e a d d r e s s e d effectively v i a the Internet (see P e w R e s e a r c h , 1999). Part o f the m o t i v e in u s i n g t h e s e m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o m e s from the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ' intentions to p o r t r a y t h e m s e l v e s as b e i n g ' c l o s e to h o m e ' . I C T g i v e s t h e m a c h a n c e t o b r i d g e t h e g a p m a n y A m e r i c a n s see b e t w e e n t h e m s e l v e s a n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t . E v e n m o r e s o , politicians a p p r e c i a t e t h e s y m b o l i s m o f c y b e r s p a c e . T h e Internet, the s y m b o l o f decentralization, a n a r c h y a n d selfregulation is the perfect antithesis to the federal g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h is often p i c ­ tured as the e s s e n c e o f centralization a n d h i e r a r c h y . Absence of Public Broadcasting

System

N e x t to the crisis in political participation a n d t h e n e e d for institutional reforms, A m e r i c a n c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y criticize the role m a s s m e d i a currently

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p l a y in t h e A m e r i c a n political s y s t e m . T h e latter h a v e a l w a y s b e e n v i e w e d as an integral part o f the A m e r i c a n political s y s t e m a n d its s y s t e m o f checks and balances, frequently justifying their description as the fourth branch o f g o v e r n m e n t . In recent days, h o w e v e r , m a s s m e d i a c o v e r a g e h a s b e e n h e l d responsible for t h e a b o v e m e n t i o n e d crisis in political participation ( D i a m o n d a n d Silverman, 1995; Patterson, 1996). Television is a c c u s e d o f inappropriate, negative a n d cynical reporting o f election c a m p a i g n s a n d there is s o m e e v i d e n c e that broadcast m a s s m e d i a (including m e d i a formats s u c h as talk radio) h a v e c a u s e d an alienation o f the A m e r i c a n public from t h e political p r o c e s s . S o m e h a v e a r g u e d that T V is t o b l a m e for the erosion o f 'social c a p i t a l ' , e.g. the willingness o f p e o p l e to e n g a g e in c o m m o n l y shared, public activities - o n c e t h e heart o f the A m e r i c a n p o l i t y , as m a n y scholars since A l e x i s d e T o c q u e v i l l e h a v e m a i n t a i n e d (see P u t n a m , 1995). W h i l e empirical corroboration for this thesis is contestable, there c a n b e n o d o u b t that d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h the role o f traditional m a s s m e d i a in t h e political p r o c e s s is w i d e s p r e a d in t h e U S . W i t h i n this c l i m a t e , t h e arrival o f a n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology, s u c h as the Internet, is p r o n e to b e c o m e a crystallization point o f h o p e for a better a n d m o r e meaningful political discourse in t h e public sphere. T w o o f t h e m o r e influential writers o n c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e m a d e t h e call for p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g t h e core o f their political a g e n d a . Instead o f letting political c o v e r a g e b e t h e subject o f an exclusively c o m m e r c i a l system, Benjamin Barber has suggested a 'Civic Communications Cooperative' (Barber, 1984: 277f.) a n d L a w r e n c e G r o s s m a n , w h o w a s b o t h t h e p r e s i d e n t o f N B C N e w s and P B S , w o u l d like t o create a ' F e d e r a l C o m m i s s i o n o n C i t i z e n s h i p ' ( G r o s s m a n , 1995: 2 4 3 ) , w h i c h w o u l d h e l p to o r g a n i z e political arenas o f d i s ­ c o u r s e a n d t o d e v e l o p u n i v e r s a l l y r e c e i v a b l e , high-quality a n d c i v i c - m i n d e d fea­ tures. W h a t t h e s e scholars a r e p r o p o s i n g in effect is a p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g s y s t e m , m u c h like that w h i c h h a s b e e n in p l a c e in Britain a n d G e r m a n y for a l o n g t i m e . Technological Optimism, the Founding Fathers and the Frontier T h e political culture o f t h e U n i t e d States h a s b e e n v e r y o p e n to t e c h n o l o g y . Since t h e f o u n d i n g o f t h e U S , t e c h n o l o g y and d e m o c r a c y h a v e a l w a y s b e e n r e g a r d e d as b e i n g d e e p l y intertwined, if n o t c o m p l e m e n t a r y to e a c h other. T h e founding fathers r e g a r d e d the creation o f t h e republic as t h e creation o f a g o v e r n m e n t a l t e c h n o l o g y . Just as s c i e n c e h e l p e d t o m a n a g e a n d control t h e forces o f n a t u r e , d e m o c r a c y in its A m e r i c a n c o n c e p t i o n w a s m e a n t t o b e t h e a p p r o p r i a t e m e a n s o f m a n a g i n g a n d controlling t h e political life o f t h e y o u n g republic. F r o m its b e g i n ­ ning, the n e w l y created n a t i o n w a s a ' t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e p u b l i c ' ( M c W i l l i a m s , 1993). F o r this r e a s o n , n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s h a v e a l w a y s b e e n w e l c o m e d as ' t e c h ­ n o l o g i e s o f f r e e d o m ' ( P o o l , 1983) m u c h m o r e readily in t h e U S t h a n in E u r o p e . T h i s optimistic v i e w t o w a r d t e c h n o l o g y h e l p s t h e c a u s e o f digital d e m o c r a c y c h a m p i o n s : ' I f n o t h i n g else, A m e r i c a is a n a t i o n o f b u t t o n p u s h e r s . W e love g a d g e t s , dials, digital d i s p l a y s , m e c h a n i c a l o p e r a t i o n s ' , as R i c h a r d H o l l a n d e r ( 1 9 8 5 : 2 9 ) , a journalist interested in the u s e o f interactive T V for direct d e m o c r a ­ tic p u r p o s e s , h a s o b s e r v e d . In addition, c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y in t h e U S refer to t h e American creed, a p e c u l i a r m i x t u r e o f political t h e o r y a n d history o f t h e U S . T h e strong

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e m p h a s i s w i t h w h i c h T h o m a s Jefferson u n d e r s c o r e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f the availability o f u n i v e r s a l m e d i a for t h e creation o f a n ' i n f o r m e d c i t i z e n r y ' h a s b e e n invoked b y m a n y p r o p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y (see, for e x a m p l e , Arterton, 1987: 14; D a h l , 1 9 8 9 : 3 3 9 ; G r o s s m a n , 1995: 2 3 9 ) . W h a t is m o r e , w h e n n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y creates a ' c y b e r s p a c e ' , it b e c o m e s a n e w 'frontier'. A s w i t h the W e s t , it is natural for m a n y p r o p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y to believe that this n e w space n e e d s t o b e ' c i v i l i z e d ' . S t e v e n M i l l e r (1996), a c o m m u n i c a t i o n p o l i c y specialist, n a m e d h i s a n a l y s i s o f r e l e v a n t p o l i c y issues associated w i t h t h e i n f o r m a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n ' C i v i l i z i n g C y b e r s p a c e ' , a n d a n interest g r o u p c h a m p i o n ­ ing f r e e d o m o f s p e e c h a n d p r o t e c t i o n against p r i v a c y invasion a s its political c a u s e calls itself ' E l e c t r o n i c F r o n t i e r F o u n d a t i o n ' . T h u s , digital d e m o c r a c y in t h e U S c a n t r a c e a cultural link b a c k t o t h e founding fathers a n d t h e W e s t w a r d e x p a n ­ sion, w h i c h h a s h e l p e d it in g a i n i n g s u p p o r t a m o n g t h e A m e r i c a n p u b l i c . Prevalence of Communitarian

Weals

C o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e to b e s e e n in close c o n n e c t i o n w i t h a r e vitalization o f c o m m u n i t a r i a n ideals p o p u l a r i z e d b y M i c h a e l W a l z e r , A m i t a i Etizioni a n d others. T o a g r e a t d e g r e e , a u t h o r s w r i t i n g a b o u t c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s a n d their significance for d e m o c r a t i c politics h a v e u n d e r s c o r e d w h a t t h e y see as a m u t u a l l y reinforcing relationship b e t w e e n n e t w o r k s a n d c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z i n g ( D o h e n y - F a r i n a , 1996; O g d e n , 1994). H o w a r d R h e i n g o l d , w h o d e s c r i b e d h o w m e m b e r s o f t h e B u l l e t i n - B o a r d - S y s t e m ' T h e W E L L ' ( W h o l e Earth ' L e c t r o n i c L i n k ) built their o w n c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h created n o t o n l y a w e a l t h o f n e w friend­ ships, b u t h e l p e d its m e m b e r s ' I R L ' - in real life, too, b e l i e v e s that this creation o f c o m m u n i t y c a n b u i l d t h e m u c h m i s s e d social capital so y e a r n e d for b y A m e r i c a n political scientists a n d politicians: I suspect that one of the explanations for this phenomenon [i.e. virtual communities] is the hunger for community that grows in the breasts of people around the world as more and more informal public spaces disappear from our real lives. I also suspect that these new media attract colonies of enthusiasts because CMC enables people to do things with each other in new ways, and to do altogether new kinds of things - just as telegraphs, telephones, and televisions did. (Rheingold, 1993) F o l l o w i n g suit t o t h e c o m m u n i t a r i a n i d e a s , p a r t i c u l a r s t r a n d s o f d e m o c r a t i c t h o u g h t a r e also a m o t o r b e h i n d t h e d e b a t e o n digital d e m o c r a c y in t h e U S . M u c h o f it h a s originated in California, w h e r e t w o d r e a m s o f a n e w 'virtual c l a s s ' h a v e c o n v e r g e d : t h e ' h i p p i e ' d r e a m for a direct, s e l f - e m p o w e r e d citizen g o v e r n m e n t , a n d the ' y u p p i e ' d r e a m for m a t e r i a l w e a l t h , generally m e a s u r e d in dollars a n d s t o c k v a l u e s . B o t h d r e a m s a r e a n interpretation o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l p u r s u i t o f h a p p i n e s s a n d m e e t in a n anti-statist o u t l o o k o n politics: t h e state is v i e w e d as a potential threat b o t h to individual freedom a n d t h e m a x i m i z a t i o n o f w e a l t h . T h i s n o r m a t i v e o u t l o o k w a s labelled ' C a l i f o r n i a n I d e o l o g y ' b y R i c h a r d B a r b r o o k and James Cameron (1996). The San Francisco-based authors James Brook and I a n B o a l c o m p a r e t h e shift f r o m t h e m a t e r i a l political s p h e r e t o cyberspace as a central reference p o i n t for political t h e o r y as a virtual flight, paralleling in c a u s e a n d a i m t h e white flight from t h e i n n e r cities a n d their p r o b l e m s to a m o r e ' c i v i l i z e d ' - a n d o r d e r e d - suburbia:

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Theory The wish to leave body, time and place behind in search of electronic emulation of community does not accidentally intensify at a time when the space and time of every­ day life have become so uncertain, unpleasant, and dangerous for so many - even i f it is the people best insulated from risk who show the greatest fear. (Brook and Boal, 1995: IX)

The Political System in the UK and Concepts of Digital Democracy Decentralization of Political and Administrative System O n e of t h e biggest reforms in U K politics at t h e e n d o f the twentieth c e n t u r y is the decentralization o f t h e political s y s t e m a n d t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e Scottish P a r l i a m e n t a n d t h e W e l s h A s s e m b l y . W i t h t h e n e w institutions b e i n g i m p l e ­ m e n t e d , it c o m e s a s n o surprise that p u b l i c interest g r o u p s h a v e d r a w n u p visions o n h o w t o u s e I C T in c o n d u c t i n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y business. R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s b y the J o h n W h e a t l e y C e n t r e ' s report, Ά P a r l i a m e n t F o r t h e M i l l e n n i u m ' , suggest p u b l i c access t o p a r l i a m e n t i n f o r m a t i o n , o n l i n e possibilities for p e t i t i o n s , P a r l i a m e n t a r y Television, a n d similar initiatives to support t h e representative institution o f t h e Scottish P a r l i a m e n t (quoted in C o l e m a n , 1998). In W a l e s , t h e N e w W a l e s R e s e a r c h G r o u p h a s p r o d u c e d a report called Ά V i s i o n F o r W a l e s : T h e W e l s h A s s e m b l y , Electronic G o v e r n m e n t a n d Participatory D e m o c r a c y in the T w e n t y First C e n t u r y ' , w i t h e v e n farther r e a c h i n g p r o p o s a l s , s u c h a s t h e r e m o t e linkage o f A s s e m b l y M e m b e r s in their R e g i o n a l Offices, creating a digi­ tal p a r l i a m e n t . M o s t important, t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e p r o v i s i o n o f information a n d p u b l i c service delivery h a v e resurfaced in t h e c o m p r e h e n s i v e study b y t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y Office of Science a n d T e c h n o l o g y , ' E l e c t r o n i c G o v e r n m e n t : Information T e c h n o l o g y a n d t h e C i t i z e n ' . M u c h o f B r i t a i n ' s institutional politics in t h e 1990s is centred a r o u n d a far-reaching effort t o restructure t h e public service, m a i n l y t h r o u g h separation b e t w e e n p o l i c y m a k i n g a n d e x e c u t i v e functions o f a g e n c i e s a n d s u b s e q u e n t privatization. T h e T h a t c h e r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n initiated this far-reaching effort; b u t it is b e i n g c o n t i n u e d u n d e r t h e ' N e w L a b o u r ' g o v e r n m e n t o f T o n y Blair. T h i s h a s led t o a n e m p h a s i s o n m a r k e t principles in the w a y g o v e r n m e n t c o n d u c t s b u s i n e s s . M o s t significantly, t h e ' C i t i z e n ' s C h a r t e r ' issued b y J o h n M a j o r d i d n o t spell o u t civil, b u t c o n s u m e r rights, it a i m e d to extend ' a c c e s s t o official inform­ ation, a n d t o r e s p o n d t o reasonable requests for information e x c e p t w h e r e dis­ closure w o u l d n o t b e in t h e p u b l i c interest' (Connell, 1996: 9 4 ; e m p h a s i s a d d e d ) . British electronic g o v e r n m e n t initiatives, s u c h a s ' G o v e r n m e n t . d i r e c t ' ( M a j o r administration) a n d ' B e t t e r G o v e r n m e n t ' (Blair administration), a r e clearly m o r e interested in t h e e c o n o m i c than in t h e d e m o c r a t i c potential o f I C T ( C o l e m a n , 1998). A s is the case w i t h their U S counterpart, t h e ' A c c e s s A m e r i c a ' initiative o f V i c e P r e s i d e n t G o r e , these reform p a p e r s basically support t h e representative s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d d o n o t w a n t t o c h a n g e institutions o f political partici­ pation. Rather, t h e y w a n t t o increase c u s t o m e r service, thus e c h o i n g t h e strong p u b l i c service attitude o f their respective p u b l i c administration s y s t e m s . T h i s is also true for t h e Blair a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s initiative t o deliver 25 p e r cent of all g o v ­ e r n m e n t transactions electronically b y 2 0 0 2 . In a r e c e n t report o n ' m o d e r n i z i n g

Digital Democracy and Political Systems

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g o v e r n m e n t ' , a further g o a l w a s stated that all d e a l i n g s w i t h g o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d b e d e l i v e r a b l e e l e c t r o n i c a l l y b y 2 0 0 8 (Modernising Government, 1999). H o w e v e r , it is far from clear w h a t this will actually m e a n a n d - if t h e g o a l is not r e a c h e d - w h i c h services will really b e d e l i v e r e d electronically. It is characteristic o f British w o r k o n t h e ' i n f o r m a t i o n p o l i t y ' that t h e y m i x ' e l e c t r o n i c service d e l i v e r y ' w i t h issues o f ' e l e c t r o n i c d e m o c r a c y c a p a b i l i t i e s ' (see L o a d e r , 1997; R a a b et al., 1996). M o s t n o t a b l y , Christine B e l l a m y a n d J o h n T a y l o r h a v e d e v e l o p e d a vision o f ' c o n s u m e r d e m o c r a c y ' ( B e l l a m y a n d Taylor, 1 9 9 8 : 9 0 - 1 1 8 ) . I n s t e a d o f o r g a n i z i n g a n d instigating a n a l r e a d y alienated a n d often cynical p u b l i c for m o r e participation, t h e y s u g g e s t to deliver p u b l i c services in the b e s t w a y p o s s i b l e ; this c a n b e a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h m a r k e t - l i k e p o w e r s , s u c h as rights to c h o o s e b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t p r o d u c t s . T h e delivery o f p u b l i c services a n d t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t information to create i m p r o v e d c u s t o m e r v e n d o r relations b e t w e e n t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u b l i c b e c o m e crucial e l e m e n t s of the political p r o c e s s . T h e significance o f this t h e o r y is the fact that t h e c o n s u m e r d e m o c r a c y thesis neglects the sovereign capabilities o f the p e o p l e , w h i c h as citi­ z e n s a n d voters c a n d e t e r m i n e ' w h o gets w h a t , w h e n a n d h o w ' . B y v o t i n g or par­ ticipating in political activities, social a n d o t h e r policies are d e c i d e d . A m e r e ' c u s t o m e r ' o f p u b l i c services m i g h t h a v e s o m e p o w e r in d e t e r m i n i n g t h e quality o f these services, but will not b e able to d e c i d e n o r m a t i v e a n d distributive q u e s ­ tions, for e x a m p l e , w h o will b e entitled to w h i c h benefits a n d h o w h i g h these will be. T h i s k i n d o f r e a s o n i n g m a r k s a decisive switch in p e r s p e c t i v e o n the v i e w o f the d e m o c r a t i c potential o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y . W h i l e in t h e U S c o n c e p t s o f d i g i t a l d e m o c r a c y are d e v e l o p e d in r e s p o n s e to ( p e r c e i v e d ) deficiencies o f the political s y s t e m o n t h e input side, e.g. that the representative s y s t e m is not r e s p o n s i v e e n o u g h to c i t i z e n s ' d e m a n d s ( ' i n p u t s ' ) , in the U K , digital d e m o c r a c y is m o r e closely linked to t h e p e r c e p t i o n that the d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m a n d especially the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c a n no longer serve the n e e d s o f t h e c u s t o m e r , as the m e m b e r s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n are p r e d o m i n a n t l y t h o u g h t of, e.g. that t h e political s y s t e m is not r e s p o n s i v e o n the ' o u t p u t ' side. Access to Information U n l i k e in the U S , w h e r e t h e ' f r e e d o m o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' p a r a d i g m h a s m a n d a t e d the publication o f n u m e r o u s g o v e r n m e n t p u b l i c a t i o n s , r a n g i n g from bills a n d reports o f C o n g r e s s to lists o f financial contributors, and to c a n d i d a t e s ' c a m ­ p a i g n s , there has b e e n a rather long history o f g o v e r n m e n t ' s e c r e c y ' in the U K . A s m a n y o b s e r v e r s n o t e , it is v e r y h a r d in Britain to control or o b s e r v e t h e inner w o r k i n g o f the political s y s t e m from t h e outside. R e c e n t reforms o f t h e Official Secrets A c t h a v e not c h a n g e d this in principal ( S t u r m , 1996). T h e attempts to introduce ' F r e e d o m o f I n f o r m a t i o n ' legislation b y the Blair g o v e r n m e n t are an a d v a n c e , b u t it is u n c l e a r if t h e y will h a v e a strong impact. A s a result, t h e d e b a t e o n digital d e m o c r a c y in the U K is c o n c e n t r a t e d o n issues o f access to informa­ tion. This has inspired o n e o f the m o r e p u b l i c l y n o t i c e a b l e initiatives, the U K Citizen O n l i n e D e m o c r a c y project, w h i c h set u p a w e b - s i t e to discuss the F r e e d o m o f Information A c t p r o p o s e d b y the L a b o u r G o v e r n m e n t . A l t h o u g h

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p u b l i c information is a prerequisite o f political participation, b y itself it is n o t likely to foster it. A l s o , as p u b l i c information is v i e w e d m o r e a n d m o r e as an asset a n d n e w w a y s are l o o k e d for to ' s e l l ' this information t o t h e private sector in o r d e r to generate m o r e r e v e n u e , t h e focus o n access to information lends itself m o r e t o output-oriented d i s c u s s i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y t h a n t o input-oriented o n e s , focusing o n v o t i n g or political activism. Public Broadcasting

System

I n Britain there is a similar d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h m a s s m e d i a as in t h e U S , thus creating a similar incentive t o d i s c u s s the u s e o f alternative m e d i a (see C o l e m a n , 1998; C o n n e l l , 1996). H o w e v e r , t h e h o p e U S writers a s s o c i a t e w i t h p u b l i c b r o a d ­ casting s y s t e m s c a n n o t b e replicated h e r e . T h e B B C h a s b e e n a p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t ­ ing s y s t e m for a l o n g t i m e . In r e c e n t y e a r s , it h a s lost substantial m a r k e t - s h a r e to private b r o a d c a s t e r s , s u c h as B S k y B a n d I T V . T h e c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n , w h i c h is full-blown in t h e U S , is thus a d o m i n a n t trend in t h e U K as well. I n this regard, h o p e s that a p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g s y s t e m c a n h e l p t h e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s s o u n d a l m o s t ironical, since t h e m a j o r p r o b l e m o f p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g in t h e U K is h o w it c a n attract its v i e w e r s h i p in c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h c o m m e r c i a l T V a n d r a d i o b r o a d ­ casters a n d their m o r e e n t e r t a i n m e n t - o r i e n t e d p r o g r a m m e s . US Influences T h a t digital d e m o c r a c y is a topic in t h e U K , t h e n , is m o s t l y d u e t o t h e fact that t h e A m e r i c a n debate h a s inspired a t t e m p t s to c o p y practical initiatives. F o r e x a m ­ p l e , U K Citizen O n l i n e D e m o c r a c y is o r g a n i z e d b y p e o p l e closely c o n n e c t e d with 'Minnesota Ε-Democracy', a U S online-forum which has pioneered online d i s c u s s i o n s a n d d e b a t e s w i t h c a n d i d a t e s for office since t h e 1994 election (see Clift, 1998). A l s o , there h a v e b e e n s o m e a t t e m p t s to o r g a n i z e c o m m u n i t y net­ w o r k s , b u t t h e y h a v e n e v e r h a d t h e s a m e focus o n citizen participation as w a s s e e n in early U S o r o t h e r E u r o p e a n , s u c h as D u t c h o r Italian, projects (see B r y a n et al., 1998). O n e s h o u l d also n o t e that F i s h k i n ' s e x p e r i m e n t s w i t h ' I s s u e s C o n v e n t i o n s ' w e r e also p r a c t i s e d in t h e U K , b u t h i s efforts s e e m to h a v e g o n e b y largely u n n o t i c e d b y current d i s c u s s i o n s o f o n l i n e d e m o c r a c y in Britain. B e l l a m y a n d T a y l o r c o n c l u d e : ' W e h a v e s e e n t h e electronic assistance t o t h e p r o c e s s e s o f d e m o c r a c y h a s so far d o n e little to disturb the politics o f t h e U K . It is far easier t o d i s c e r n t h e d e p l o y m e n t o f t h e n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s in t h e shoring u p o f old p r a c ­ tices t h a n it is to see that t h e y offer profound c h a l l e n g e s t o e s t a b l i s h e d political institutions' ( 1 9 9 8 : 116).

The Political System in Germany and Concepts of Digital Democracy Static Political System T h e G e r m a n p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c y , i n a u g u r a t e d in its p r e s e n t form after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , is a static polity. W h e r e a s the U S C o n s t i t u t i o n established o n l y basic principles a n d left a lot o f r o o m for a d y n a m i c < volution of d e m o c r a c y , t h e G e r m a n political institutions set forth in t h e Grunt gesetz a r e d e s c r i b e d in

Digital Democracy and Political Systems 63 detail a n d h a v e h a r d l y e v e r b e e n modified. After t h e ill-fated e x p e r i e n c e w i t h t h e first G e r m a n d e m o c r a t i c state, t h e W e i m a r R e p u b l i c , G e r m a n s a r e rather satisfied w i t h their current s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t , c o m m o n l y v i e w e d as h a v i n g g u a r a n t e e d t h e m a n e x c e p t i o n a l l y peaceful a n d p r o s p e r o u s t i m e for t h e last 5 0 y e a r s . After the fall o f t h e B e r l i n W a l l , this s y s t e m w a s applied o n e - t o - o n e t o t h e five n e w ' E a s t e r n ' states (Lander); w i t h virtually n o constitutional r e f o r m ( e v e n t h o u g h such c h a n g e s w e r e d e b a t e d at t h e t i m e , b u t w i t h n o s u b s e q u e n t action). T h u s , a n y initiative trying t o instil n e w p r a c t i c e s o f d e m o c r a c y in G e r m a n y will h a v e t o fight w i d e s p r e a d r e l u c t a n c e against it. After t h e failure o f t h e W e i m a r R e p u b l i c , w h i c h h a d c o m p a r a t i v e l y strong ele­ m e n t s o f direct d e m o c r a c y , t h e founders o f t h e W e s t G e r m a n state deliberately e x c l u d e d a n y form o f it in t h e b a s i c l a w . R e f e r e n d a h a d b e e n a b u s e d in t h e W e i m a r R e p u b l i c in a p o p u l i s t m a n n e r a n d did little to foster trust in d e m o c r a t i c institutions. T h e r e f o r e , t h e scepticism against direct d e m o c r a t i c m e a n s o n a national level is e v e n m o r e w i d e s p r e a d in G e r m a n y t h a n in t h e U S a n d p o s s i b l y the U K . ( T h i s , o f c o u r s e , is h a r d t o m e a s u r e in quantifiable t e r m s , for data see Gabriel a n d Falter, 1996.) It w a s left u p t o t h e Lander t o i n c l u d e s o m e possibilities for ballot initiatives a n d forms o f direct d e m o c r a c y . O n l y in r e c e n t t i m e s , t h o u g h , h a v e t h e s e forms b e e n u s e d m o r e w i d e l y , f o l l o w i n g a w a k e o f successful c a m p a i g n s o n t h e Lander-level t o institutionalize r e f e r e n d a ( R o t h , 1997). L o c a l g o v e r n m e n t s , w h i c h h a v e b e e n o n e o f t h e e x p e r i m e n t a l g r o u n d s for d e m o c r a c y in G e r m a n y , j u s t like t h e states h a v e b e e n in t h e U S , h a v e a l m o s t all i n t r o d u c e d t h e direct election o f t h e m a y o r , a s w e l l as n e w i n s t r u m e n t s for p u b l i c referenda. H o w e v e r , this c o m e s at a t i m e w h e n t h e effective p o l i c y g r o u n d o f local g o v e r n m e n t h a s b e e n s e v e r e l y limited b y g o v e r n m e n t b u d g e t cuts. It s h o u l d also b e n o t e d that t h e G e r m a n Lander h a v e less a u t h o r i t y t h a n t h e U S states. T h e result is that m a j o r p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s , s u c h a s t a x e s , a r e n o t left t o b e d e c i d e d b y a n y direct d e m o ­ cratic m e a n s . Party System and its Requirements for Political Communication G e r m a n elected representatives d o n o t rely as h e a v i l y o n direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h their c o n s t i t u e n c y a s their U S c o u n t e r p a r t s . I n a v e r y c o m p l i c a t e d s y s t e m , c a n d i d a t e s for p a r l i a m e n t s a r e a l m o s t exclusively c h o s e n b y parties, for w h i c h c a n d i d a t e s r u n . T h i s applies to c a n d i d a t e s w h i c h represent a regional district in p a r l i a m e n t , t o o . Parties a r e g e n e r a l l y able t o d e c i d e w h i c h c a n d i d a t e t h e y will r u n in a n y district. T h e p r o c e s s o f p r i m a r i e s a n d e x c l u s i v e s i n g l e - m e m b e r representation in t h e U S a r e u n k n o w n in G e r m a n y . T h e result o f this s y s t e m is that m e m b e r s o f p a r l i a m e n t h a v e t o c o m m u n i c a t e their a c h i e v e m e n t s p r i m a r i l y to their o w n p a r t y l e a d e r s h i p , w h o t h e n will c o m m u n i c a t e it to t h e general p u b l i c . T h u s , t h e r e is less i n c e n t i v e for single r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o c o m m u n i c a t e directly with the c o n s t i t u e n t s . C o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y d e v e l o p e d in t h e U S h a v e n o t taken into a c c o u n t t h e p r o b l e m I C T p o s e s for strong political parties. A m e r i c a n c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a l m o s t u n i v e r s a l l y v i e w t h e p o w e r o f I C T t o h e l p o r g a n i z e interest g r o u p s a s a p o s i t i v e force. Y e t , t h e y fail t o theorize about w h a t h a p p e n s

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w h e n existing institutions, such as t h e parties in G e r m a n y a n d t h e U K , u s e this t e c h n o l o g y t o foster their o w n political effectiveness, or, alternatively, w h e n t h e s e parties fear losing political p o w e r to n e w , m e d i a - s a w y political actors. A c c o r d i n g l y , G e r m a n s c h o l a r s h a v e c o n c e n t r a t e d their a n a l y s i s o f t h e potential roles o f I C T in a d e m o c r a c y o n its effects o n p a r t y g o v e r n m e n t a n d political c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n (Gellner a n d v o n Korff, 1998; Jarren, 1998). A s parties h a v e t o m a n a g e t h e transition from t h e industrial t o t h e information a g e , t h e y s e e t h e m s e l v e s confronted w i t h d e c l i n i n g m e m b e r s h i p s a n d less and less social c o h e s i o n . Therefore, t h e y m u s t v i e w a t t e m p t s to e m p o w e r citizens directly w i t h t h e h e l p o f I C T w i t h suspicion. T h i s is especially true since a n e w t y p e o f politician, s u c h as C h a n c e l l o r G e r h a r d S c h r o d e r , is v e r y effective in ' p l a y i n g ' t h e m a s s m e d i a , w h e r e , a lot o f t i m e s , content follows s e c o n d t o style. I C T is m o s t l y u s e d t o h e l p the parties in their P R efforts a n d to p r o v i d e a m e a n s o f effective internal c o m m u n i c a t i o n . M a i n l y , t h e large p a r t i e s in G e r m a n y h a v e b e e n able t o s p e n d significant r e s o u r c e s o n Internet projects. T h e i r effectiveness h a s n o t b e e n e v a l u a t e d w i t h substantial e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e , h o w e v e r . A n d since t h e Internet h e l p s political e x t r e m i s t s in their o r g a n i z i n g t o o , there is a n a m b i v a ­ lent attitude t o w a r d s n e w m e d i a w i t h i n t h e established parties. Technological

Scepticism

In addition, G e r m a n s in general a r e v e r y sceptical a b o u t t h e benefits o f n e w tech­ n o l o g y . W h i l e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n is h e r a l d e d m u c h in t h e s a m e w a y as it is in t h e U S a n d t h e U K b y politicians a n d b u s i n e s s leaders, d e m o c r a t i c u s e s o f I C T p l a y a n insignificant r o l e in their visions o f t h e information a g e . N e w I C T in particular is n o t v i e w e d as w o r k i n g t o foster d e m o c r a c y only. Instead, G e r m a n y r e a l i z e d from firsthand e x p e r i e n c e h o w m e d i a c a n also b e u s e d for reinforcing less b e n i g n s y s t e m s o f g o v e r n m e n t . T h e N a z i dictatorship e m p l o y e d t h e Volksempfanger, a r a d i o set p r o d u c e d c h e a p l y a n d readily available in t h e 1930s, v e r y effectively t o relay H i t l e r ' s p r o p a g a n d a directly t o t h e p e o p l e .

US Influences O f c o u r s e , political a p a t h y a n d a decline in v o t e r turn-outs create t h e s a m e seed­ b e d for c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y in G e r m a n y as in t h e U S a n d t h e U K . T h e few theoretical w o r k s a b o u t digital d e m o c r a c y are inspired m o s t l y b y t h e A m e r i c a n d e b a t e o n digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e y either p o i n t o u t n e g a t i v e c o n s e ­ q u e n c e s o f I C T , s u c h as information inequality, w h i c h h a v e to b e b a l a n c e d against their p o s i t i v e effects ( B u c h s t e i n , 1996), o r t h e y t a k e t h e U S d e b a t e as a c u e to call for either m o r e direct d e m o c r a t i c p r a c t i c e s ( L e g g e w i e , 1997) or m o r e t r a n s p a r e n c y o f t h e political p r o c e s s ( K l e i n s t e u b e r a n d H a g e n , 1998). Practical e x p e r i m e n t s w i t h t h e u s e o f I C T in d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s e s h a v e b e e n far a n d few b e t w e e n . O n e o f t h e earliest e x a m p l e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y projects in G e r m a n y , w h e n H e l m u t K r a u c h u s e d television t o b r o a d c a s t political d e b a t e s a n d t h e n tallied a p u b l i c v o t e o n t h e issue w i t h t h e h e l p o f t h e t e l e p h o n e , w a s inspired b y a similar project at B e r k e l e y i n w h i c h K r a u c h h a d participated before (see K r a u c h , 1972). C o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s w h i c h h a v e h e l p e d so m u c h to

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p u b l i c i z e t h e d e b a t e o n digital d e m o c r a c y in t h e U S , h a v e n o t successfully b e e n established o n a larger scale. T h i s c a n also b e attributed t o t h e different political cultures in b o t h c o u n t r i e s , m o s t significantly t h e a b s e n t culture o f c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z i n g in G e r m a n y ( K u b i c e k a n d W a g n e r , 1998).

Conclusions T h e b a s i c p r o b l e m all c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a d d r e s s is t h e p e r c e i v e d cri­ sis in political participation a n d t h e dysfunctional r o l e o f m a s s m e d i a in t h e politi­ cal p r o c e s s . W h i l e in t h e U K a n d G e r m a n y there are similar p r o b l e m s w i t h political p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d t h e r o l e o f m a s s m e d i a a s in t h e U S , c o n c e p t s o f d i g i ­ tal d e m o c r a c y h a v e n o t p l a y e d t h e s a m e p a r t in t h e p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e o n t h e infor­ m a t i o n a g e as t h e y h a v e in t h e U S . T h i s is b e c a u s e t h e r e a r e different institutional a n d cultural particularities in e a c h political s y s t e m , w h i c h either lend t h e m s e l v e s f a v o u r a b l y t o i d e a s o f digital d e m o c r a c y as in t h e U S o r are a d v e r s e to s u c h d e b a t e s as in t h e U K a n d G e r m a n y . S o far, t h e reality o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a g e in all t h r e e c o u n t r i e s is l e a d i n g t h e majority o f e x p e r t s t o v e r y critical a s s e s s m e n t s o f t h e h i g h h o p e s p r o p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e raised. C o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s h a v e g i v e n w a y to c o m ­ mercial Internet service p r o v i d e r s . Citizen-oriented W e b sites p l a y an i n c r e a s ­ ingly m a r g i n a l i z e d role c o m p a r e d t o e n t e r t a i n m e n t - o r i e n t e d W e b sites (see also Barber, 1997b). A n d i n n o n e o f t h e t h r e e c o u n t r i e s h a v e digital d e m o c r a c y p r o ­ j e c t s b e e n i m p l e m e n t e d o n a larger scale. T h e majority o f political c o m m u n i c a ­ tion scientists in t h e U S , t h e U K a n d G e r m a n y d o n o t share t h e n o r m a t i v e a s s u m p t i o n s a n d v a l u e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y n o r d o t h e y instil h i g h h o p e s in t h e use of new communication technologies. T h e e x p l a n a t i o n for t h e m e a g r e results o f practical e x p e r i m e n t s w i t h I C T in t e r m s o f fostering political participation c a n b e found in a large b o d y o f r e s e a r c h w h i c h h a s s h o w n t h a t t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h a n i n d i v i d u a l i s politically active is largely d e p e n d e n t o n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status a n d a g e , factors w h i c h c a n n o t b e affected e a s i l y b y I C T . T h i s is t h e so-called ' s t a n d a r d m o d e l ' o f political partici­ p a t i o n , f o r m u l a t e d b y V e r b a a n d N i e ( 1 9 7 2 ) . H o w e v e r , t h e form o f t h e political activity is a function o f t h e institutionally m a n d a t e d a n d socially a c c e p t e d f o r m s o f political participation, w h i c h r a n g e from v o t i n g a c r o s s p a r t y a n d interest g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p t o c a m p a i g n w o r k to participation in d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a n d similar activities. If t h e political s y s t e m is modified w i t h t h e h e l p o f I C T , it c a n p l a y a role in h o w , b u t n o t h o w m u c h , p e o p l e participate in t h e political p r o c e s s . A s t e c h n o l o g y d o e s n o t c a u s e , b u t m e r e l y amplifies social t r e n d s , t h e b a s i c a s s u m p t i o n o f m a n y c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y that traditional m e d i a , s u c h as T V a n d n e w s p a p e r s , c a u s e political disillusionment, m u c h b e rejected. T h e r e a s o n w h y all t h r e e n a t i o n s a r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h a s e n s e o f political d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t a n d mistrust in g o v e r n m e n t t o c o p e w i t h current p r o b l e m s is m o r e likely t o b e found in larger social t r e n d s o f globalization. T w o o f t h e s e w o r l d - w i d e t r e n d s , t h e free flow o f capital, r e s o u r c e s a n d p e o p l e a r o u n d t h e g l o b e a n d a m u l t i p l y i n g o f ideas, n o r m s a n d v a l u e s , p r e s e n t n e w c h a l l e n g e s to existing political institutions

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w h i c h o n c e w e r e created to a d m i n i s t e r the industrial nation state a n d are n o w imperfectly suited to deal effectively w i t h t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f globalization (see B e c k , 1997). I C T is w e l c o m e d w a r m l y in the U S , since there exists a culture w h i c h has long believed in the ' t e c h n o l o g i c a l fix' o f t h e political system. H i g h v a l u e is seen in direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n political representatives a n d constituents, a n d the a b s e n c e of a p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g s y s t e m is an additional i m p e t u s for hopeful c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . W h e n traditional m e d i a , such as T V a n d radio, c a n n o t be ' u n - c o m m e r c i a l i z e d ' , m a y b e n e w m e d i a can be u s e d in m o r e ' c i v i c o r i e n t e d ' w a y s , w h a t e v e r this actually m e a n s . A l s o , the anti-statist political culture and the p r e v a l e n c e of c o m m u n i t a r i a n ideas are c o n g r u e n t w i t h the n o n hierarchical u s e s o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , w h i c h p r e v a i l e d in A m e r i c a n universi­ ties and c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s at least in t h e early and m i d - 1 9 9 0 s . In the U K , the decentralization o f the political system, the creation o f m o r e independent regional p a r l i a m e n t s a n d a deliberate attempt b y the administration to u s e I C T in its c a m p a i g n to better the c u s t o m e r service quality o f p u b l i c a d m i n i s ­ trations are the o n l y trends to w h i c h concepts o f digital d e m o c r a c y can connect. Therefore, the debate o n digital d e m o c r a c y is not focused o n creating n e w possi­ bilities for political participation. N e w forms of citizen's input are hardly dis­ cussed in the framework of direct vs. representative d e m o c r a c y , b u t m o s t l y in association w i t h its public service delivery orientation. A l s o , since the public broadcasting system is facing serious competition from c o m m e r c i a l m e d i a a n d has to c o p e with the c o m p a r a t i v e l y less appeal of ' i n f o r m a t i v e ' p r o g r a m m i n g , there is hardly any reason w h y there should be h o p e in n e w I C T as alternative m e d i a . In G e r m a n y , a m o r e state-centrist culture and especially t h e central role parties p l a y in g o v e r n i n g the c o u n t r y create yet a third political-institutional context for c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . H e r e , t h e y s e e m to b e o n l y relevant in so far as t h e y refer to possibilities o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g (or w e a k e n i n g ) large o r g a n i z a t i o n s , such as parties or u n i o n s . F r o m its historical e x p e r i e n c e , a b u s e o f n e w m e d i a is v e r y well k n o w n in G e r m a n y , a n d thus scepticism about the d e m o c r a t i c uses o f n e w m e d i a prevails. Therefore, as w a s s h o w n in this chapter, in discussing digital d e m o c r a c y one n e e d s to p l a c e c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y in the context o f national political s y s t e m s and cultures. K e y c o n t e x t s to c o n s i d e r are the institutional forms of representation, the role o f political parties, current and past roles o f m a s s m e d i a , especially in regard to p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g s y s t e m s , and attitudes t o w a r d tech­ n o l o g y . T h e better p r o m o t e r s o f c o n c e p t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y try to take into a c c o u n t theories of d e m o c r a c y a n d actual political s y s t e m s , the m o r e such con­ cepts are likely to b e c o m e g u i d i n g principles for d e m o c r a t i c u s e s of I C T in the information age.

Note T h e author w o u l d like to thank the editors, all participants o f the Euricom C o l l o q u i u m in Piran, Hans J. Kleinsteuber and Herbert Kubicek for criticizing earlier v e r s i o n s o f this arti­ cle, as w e l l as his w i f e , K e l l y H a g e n , for correcting it.

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Grossman, L.K. (1995) The Electronic Republic: Reshaping Democracy in the Information Age. New York: Viking (20th Century Fund). Hagen, M. (1997) Elektronische Demokratie: Computemetzwerke undpolitische Theorie in den USA. Hamburg: Lit-Verlag. Heady, F. (1995) Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective (5th edn). New York: Marcel Dekker. Hollander, R. (1985) Video Democracy: The Vote-From-Home Revolution. Mt Airy, MD: Lomond. Jarren, O. (1998) 'Internet - neue Chancen fur die politische Kommunikation?', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B40/98: 13-21. Kleinsteuber, H.J. (ed.) (1996) Der 'Information Superhighway': Amerikanische Visionen und Erfahrungen. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Kleinsteuber, H.J. and Hagen, M. (1998) '"Elektronische Demokratie": Ansatze und Argumente in USA und Deutschland', Zeitschrift fur Parlamentsfragen, 1: 128-42. Krauch, H. (1972) Computer-Demokratie. Diisseldorf: VDI Verlag. Kubicek, H., Dutton, W.H. and Williams, R. (eds) (1997) The Social Shaping of Information Superhighways. Frankfurt/New York: Campus/St Martin's Press. Kubicek, H. and Wagner, Rose M.M. (1998) 'Community networks in a generational per­ spective', paper presented at the workshop 'Designing Across Borders: The Community Design of Community Networks', Participatory Design Conference (PDC), Seattle, WA, USA, 12-14 Nov. Leggewie, C. (1997) 'Netizens oder: der gut informierte Burger heute. Ein neuer Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit?', Transit, 13, Medien und Demokratie: 3-25. Loader, B. (ed.) (1997) The Governance of Cyberspace: Politics, Technology, and Global Restructuring. London: Routledge. McWilliams, W.C. (1993) 'Science and freedom: America as the technological republic', in A. Melzer, J. Weinberger and M.R. Zinman (eds), Technology in the Western Political Tradition. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, pp. 85-108. Miller, S.E. (1996) Civilizing Cyberspace: Policy, Power, and the Information Superhighway. New York: ACM Press. Modernising Government (1999) Cm 4310. London. Ogden, M.R. (1994) 'Politics in a parallel universe. Is there a future for cyberdemocracy?', Futures, 26(7): 713-29. Patterson, T.E. (1996) 'Bad news, bad governance', Annals, AAPSS, 546, July: 97-108. Pew Research (The Pew Research Center For The People & The Press) (1999) 'The Internet News Audience Goes Ordinary', manuscript, Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. PFF (Progress and Freedom Foundation [E. Dyson, G. Gilder, G. Keyworth and A. Toffler]) (1994) A Magna Charta for the Information Age. Washington: Progress and Freedom Foundation. Pool, I. de Sola (1983) Technologies of Freedom. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pool, I. de Sola and Alexander, H.E. (1973) 'Politics in a wired nation', in I. de Sola Pool (ed.), Talking Back. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Putnam, R.D. (1995) 'Bowling alone: America's declining social capital', Journal of Democracy, 6(1): 65-78. Raab, C. et al. (1996) "The information polity: electronic democracy, privacy, and sur­ veillance', in W. Dutton (ed.), Information and Communication Technology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 283-99. Reese, J., Kubicek, H., Lange, B., Lutterbeck, B., Reese, U. (1979) Gefahren der informationstechnologischen Entwicklung. Frankfurt/New York: Campus. Rheingold, H. (1993) The Virtual Community. New York: HarperCollins. Roth, R. (1997) 'Die kommune als ort der burgerbeteiligung', in A. Klein and R. SchmalzBruns (eds), Politische Beteiligung und Biirgerengagement in Deutschland, Schriftenreihe Band 347. Bonn: Bundeszentrale fur politische Bildung. pp. 404-42.

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Slaton, C D . (1992) Televote: Expanding Citizen Participation in the Quantum Age. New York: Praeger. Smith, R.L. (1972) The Wired Nation. Cable TV: the Electronic Communications Highway. New York: Harper & Row. Sturm, R. (1996) 'Staatsordnung und politisches system', in H. Kastendiek, K. Rohe and A. Voile (eds), Ldnderbericht Grofibritannien, Schriftenreihe Band 326. Bonn: Bundeszentrale fur politische Bildung. pp. 185-212. Tomer, A. (1980) The Third Wave. New York: Bantam. Toffler, A. and Tomer, H. (1995) Creating a New Civilization: The Politics of the Third Wave. Atlanta: Turner. Tsagarousianou, R., Tambini, D. and Bryan, C. (1998) Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities, and Civic Networks. London: Routledge. Verba, S. and Nie, N. (1972) Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wachtel, T. (1992) The Electronic Congress: A Blueprint for Participatory Democracy. Pipersville, PA: Pipers Press.

5 Structural Transformations of the Public Sphere ]ohn Keane

T h e t e r m ' p u b l i c s p h e r e ' is a m o n g t h e m o s t p o p u l a r w i t h i n c o n t e m p o r a r y studies o f m e d i a a n d politics - i n d e e d , it is so m u c h part o f their c o m m o n sense that its g e n e a l o g y is n o r m a l l y o v e r l o o k e d . B r o a d l y s p e a k i n g , in m o d e r n t i m e s t h e r e h a v e b e e n three o v e r l a p p i n g historical p h a s e s in t h e invention, refinement a n d p o p u ­ larization o f t h e c o n c e p t a n d s u c h ' p a r t n e r ' t e r m s as p u b l i c o p i n i o n , p u b l i c life a n d t h e p u b l i c g o o d . It is i m p e r a t i v e t o recall this g e n e a l o g y , for an u n d e r s t a n d ­ ing o f t h e history o f t h e s e t e r m s d e e p e n s o u r appreciation o f their multiple m e a n ­ i n g s , e m p i r i c a l utility a n d n o r m a t i v e potential - a n d t h e political pitfalls o f u s i n g early m o d e r n t e r m s s u c h as ' t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e ' in t h e m u c h - c h a n g e d c i r c u m ­ s t a n c e s o f t h e late t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . T h e m o d e r n p r o m i n e n c e o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e c o n c e p t w a s initially b o u n d u p w i t h t h e struggle against d e s p o t i c states in t h e E u r o p e a n region. T h e l a n g u a g e o f ' t h e p u b l i c ' , ' p u b l i c v i r t u e ' a n d ' p u b l i c o p i n i o n ' w a s a w e a p o n in support o f ' l i b ­ erty o f t h e p r e s s ' a n d o t h e r p u b l i c l y s h a r e d f r e e d o m s . T a l k o f ' t h e p u b l i c ' w a s directed against m o n a r c h s a n d courts s u s p e c t e d o f acting arbitrarily, a b u s i n g their p o w e r , a n d furthering their ' p r i v a t e ' , selfish interests at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e r e a l m . D u r i n g t h e s e v e n t e e n t h a n d e i g h t e e n t h centuries, t h e n o r m a t i v e ideal o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e - a r e a l m o f life in w h i c h citizens i n v e n t e d their identities w i t h i n t h e s h a d ­ o w s o f state p o w e r - w a s a central t h e m e o f t h e r e p u b l i c a n politics o f t h e m i d ­ d l i n g classes. R e p u b l i c a n s like t h e ' C o m m o n w e a l t h m e n ' s i m u l t a n e o u s l y l o o k e d b a c k to t h e R o m a n r e p u b l i c ( a n d s o m e t i m e s t o t h e G r e e k polis) a n d f o r w a r d t o a w o r l d w i t h o u t m e a n - s p i r i t e d e x e c u t i v e p o w e r , s t a n d i n g a r m i e s a n d clericalism ( R o b b i n s , 1961). R e p u b l i c a n s w e r e sharply critical o f the w a y s in w h i c h a b s o ­ l u t i s m i n d u c e d a p a t h y a m o n g its subjects, p r o m o t e d c o n f o r m i t y in m a t t e r s o f religion a n d statecraft, a n d c o r r u p t e d its rulers, to t h e p o i n t (as M o l e s w o r t h c o m ­ p l a i n e d in his attack o n D a n i s h a b s o l u t i s m ) w h e r e e v e n t h e t o w n c l o c k s o f C o p e n h a g e n c h i m e d in u n i s o n w i t h t h e t i m e - p i e c e s o f t h e p a l a c e . R e p u b l i c a n s a c c o r d i n g l y e m p h a s i z e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f cultivating p u b l i c virtue a n d p u b l i c spirit. T h e y y e a r n e d for t h e radical r e f o r m o f existing polities b y m e a n s o f t h e right o f free e x p r e s s i o n o f citizens a n d constitutional d e v i c e s to s e c u r e t h e rule o f

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law, m i x e d g o v e r n m e n t a n d f r e e d o m from ' p a r t y ' a n d ' f a c t i o n ' - especially that p r o m o t i n g internal d i s s e n s i o n a n d t h e ' p r i v a t e ' d e s i g n s o f m o n a r c h s , m i n i s t e r s and ambitious m e n of wealth. W i t h t h e g r o w i n g p o w e r a n d d y n a m i s m o f m o d e r n capitalist e c o n o m i e s , t h e ideal o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e c a m e to b e u s e d p r i n c i p a l l y to criticize t h e m o n o p o l y grip o f c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n u p o n a r e a s o f life c o n s i d e r e d t o b e in n e e d o f p r o t e c t i o n from c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f rationally calculated profit a n d loss. Public Life and Late Capitalism ( K e a n e , 1984) t r a c e d t h e g r o w i n g c o n c e r n w i t h i n t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y G e r m a n political t h o u g h t , especially after t h e d e a t h o f M a x W e b e r , t o define a n d t o p r o t e c t a p u b l i c sphere against t h e e x p a n d i n g p o w e r o f o r g a n i z e d c a p i t a l i s m , a d v e r t i s i n g a g e n c i e s a n d o t h e r professional b o d i e s b e n t o n d i v i n i n g ' p u b l i c o p i n i o n ' a n d m a k i n g it s p e a k in their favour. F e r d i n a n d T o n n i e s ' Kritik der offentlichen Meinung ( 1 9 2 2 ) h i g h l i g h t e d t h e d a n g e r s o f deify­ ing p u b l i c o p i n i o n in an e r a in w h i c h o r g a n i z e d interests, especially t h e capitalist p r e s s , profited from its m a n i p u l a t i o n . K a r l J a s p e r s ( 1 9 6 9 ) d e f e n d e d t h e v a l u e o f ' u n l i m i t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' in an a g e o f m a r k e t - d r i v e n , rational calculation. H a n n a h A r e n d t ' s Vita Activa ( 1 9 6 0 ) m o u r n e d t h e m o d e r n loss o f p u b l i c life, u n d e r s t o o d as t h e capacity o f citizens t o s p e a k a n d t o interact for t h e p u r p o s e of defining a n d redefining h o w t h e y w i s h t o live t o g e t h e r in c o m m o n ; a c c o r d i n g to A r e n d t , s u c h p u b l i c interaction h a s b e e n g r a d u a l l y c o r r o d e d in m o d e r n t i m e s b y t h e acid o f c o n s u m e r i s m trickling t h r o u g h a society o f labourers i g n o r a n t o f t h e j o y s a n d f r e e d o m s that result from c o m m u n i c a t i n g in p u b l i c a b o u t m a t t e r s o f p u b l i c i m p o r t a n c e . Jiirgen H a b e r m a s ' Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit (1962) refined a n d e x t e n d e d this p e s s i m i s t i c thesis b y t r a c i n g t h e rise in early m o d e r n E u r o p e o f a b o u r g e o i s p u b l i c s p h e r e a n d t h e s u b s e q u e n t ' r e p l a c e m e n t o f a read­ ing p u b l i c that d e b a t e d critically a b o u t m a t t e r s o f culture b y t h e m a s s p u b l i c o f culture c o n s u m e r s ' ( 1 9 6 2 : 162). C o m m o n t o e a c h o f t h e s e interpretations o f p u b l i c life is t h e insistence that c o m m o d i t y - s t r u c t u r e d e c o n o m i e s e n c o u r a g e m o r a l selfishness a n d d i s r e g a r d o f t h e p u b l i c g o o d ; m a x i m i z e t h e t i m e citizens a r e c o m p u l s o r i l y b o u n d to p a i d labour, t h e r e b y m a k i n g it difficult for t h e m to b e i n v o l v e d a s citizens in p u b l i c life; a n d p r o m o t e i g n o r a n c e a n d d e c e p t i o n t h r o u g h profit-driven m e d i a m a n i p u l a t i o n . T h e first t w o p h a s e s o f defining a n d d e f e n d i n g t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e h i g h l i g h t e d , respectively, t h e u n i q u e l y m o d e r n p r o b l e m s o f territorially defined state p o w e r u n a c c o u n t a b l e t o its citizens a n d t h e b u s i n e s s - b i a s e d e g o i s m o f o r g a n i z e d m a r k e t capitalism. D u r i n g t h e third, m o s t r e c e n t p h a s e o f u s a g e o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e c o n ­ cept, t h e s e t w i n p r o b l e m s , characteristic o f m o d e r n societies, are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y e m p h a s i z e d a n d t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e ideal is l i n k e d t o t h e institution o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g . T h i s is s e e n to h a v e a n elective affinity w i t h p u b l i c life a n d to b e t h e best g u a r a n t e e o f its survival in t h e era o f state-organized, c o n s u m e r capitalism. T h e ' W e s t m i n s t e r S c h o o l ' o f N i c h o l a s G a r n h a m , P a d d y Scannell a n d o t h e r r e s e a r c h e r s h a s a r g u a b l y d o n e m o s t to invent, refine a n d p o p u l a r i z e this third ver­ sion o f t h e t h e o r y o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . A m o n g its m o s t influential c o n t r i b u t i o n s is a series o f e s s a y s b y N i c h o l a s G a r n h a m , w h o h a s p r o p o s e d t h e thesis that d e b a t e a b o u t b r o a d c a s t i n g p o l i c y h a s hitherto b e e n c o n d u c t e d t o o n a r r o w l y in

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t e r m s o f t h e state/market d u a l i s m ( G a r n h a m , 1990). B o r r o w i n g explicitly from H a b e r m a s ( w h o curiously i g n o r e d t h e p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g m o d e l ) , G a r n h a m a r g u e s for a third term, ' t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e ' , for t h e analytic-empirical and n o r m a t i v e p u r p o s e o f identifying a ' s p a c e for a rational a n d universalistic politics distinct from b o t h t h e e c o n o m y a n d t h e s t a t e ' ( 1 9 9 0 : 107). G a r n h a m insists that t h e best g u a r a n t o r o f s u c h a politics is t h e p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g m o d e l , w h i c h is d e s i g n e d t o m e d i a t e a n d c o u n t e r b a l a n c e state a n d corporate p o w e r a n d c a n in fact d o s o b e c a u s e it is b o u n d b y neither t h e i m p e r a t i v e s o f m a x i m i z a t i o n o f political p o w e r n o r t h e m a x i m i z a t i o n o f profit. W h i l e G a r n h a m admits that t h e actual practice o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g is a n imperfect reali­ zation o f the H a b e r m a s i a n ideal o f a p u b l i c s p h e r e o f deliberating citizens, h e is a d a m a n t about its superiority. to the market as a means of providing all citizens, whatever their wealth or geographi­ cal location, equal access to a wide range of high-quality entertainment, information and education, and as a means of ensuring that the aim of the programme producer is the satisfaction of a range of audience tastes rather than only those tastes that show the largest profit. (1990: 120) M a r k e t - d r i v e n m e d i a , G a r n h a m insists, a r e inimical to p u b l i c life. In stark c o n ­ trast t o p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g , m a r k e t - d r i v e n m e d i a n a r r o w t h e s c o p e o f w h a t it is p o s s i b l e t o s a y publicly. T h e n u m b e r o f enterprises w h i c h control (or strongly influence) t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d circulation o f information a n d culture is reduced; inequitable p o w e r relationships d e v e l o p b e t w e e n d o m i n a n t , m e t r o p o l i ­ tan enterprises a n d cultures a n d subordinate a n d peripheral identities; a n d these m a r k e t - p r o d u c e d inequalities in turn reinforce d e e p - r o o t e d social inequalities, w h i c h future m a r k e t - d r i v e n t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e in t h e field o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s will a l m o s t certainly d e e p e n - u n l e s s t h e castles o f public service b r o a d c a s t i n g are p r o t e c t e d t h r o u g h g u a r a n t e e d t a x - b a s e d funding.

T h e D e c a y of P u b l i c S e r v i c e B r o a d c a s t i n g T h e p r o p o s e d defence o f t h e p u b l i c sphere t h r o u g h p u b l i c service m e d i a a c c u ­ rately spots t h e limits o f m a r k e t rhetoric a n d practice. It is m o r e o v e r an i m p o r t a n t contribution t o t h e task o f clarifying a n d amplifying publicly felt c o n c e r n a b o u t the future o f electronic m e d i a in t h e o l d d e m o c r a c i e s o f such c o u n t r i e s as Britain, F r a n c e a n d t h e N e t h e r l a n d s . T h e p r o p o s e d d e f e n c e o f p u b l i c life a l s o s e r v e s a s a vital r e m i n d e r o f t h e i m p o r t a n t practical a c h i e v e m e n t s of public service m e d i a . T h e t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y project o f p r o v i d i n g a service o f m i x e d p r o g r a m m e s on national radio a n d television c h a n n e l s , available to all citizens, often in t h e face o f severe technical p r o b l e m s a n d p r e s s i n g financial constraints - as G a r n h a m a n d others h a v e a r g u e d - h a s k e p t alive p u b l i c spirit a n d w i d e n e d t h e h o r i z o n s o f citi­ zens' awareness of the world. For half a century, the 'provision of basic services' (Grundversorgung a s t h e G e r m a n F e d e r a l Constitutional C o u r t p u t it) h e l p e d t o d e c o m m o d i f y electronic m e d i a . It r e d u c e d t h e role o f b u d g e t - c o n s c i o u s account­ ing a n d corporate greed as t h e principal qualities necessary to m e d i a m a n a g e m e n t .

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T h e p u b l i c service m o d e l also enforced specific n a t i o n a l rules c o v e r i n g s u c h m a t t e r s as t h e a m o u n t a n d t y p e o f advertising, political access, ' b a l a n c e d ' n e w s c o v e r a g e , a n d q u o t e s o f foreign p r o g r a m m i n g . It s u c c e e d e d for a t i m e in protect­ ing e m p l o y m e n t levels in t h e national b r o a d c a s t i n g industries o f c o u n t r i e s such as the Netherlands, Canada, N o r w a y , Britain and the Federal R e p u b l i c of G e r m a n y . T h e p u b l i c service m o d e l - partly in r e s p o n s e to c h a l l e n g e s p o s e d b y m a r k e t b a s e d tabloid m e d i a - also legitimized the p r e s e n c e o f o r d i n a r y citizens in p r o g r a m m e s d e a l i n g w i t h controversial issues. It h e l p e d to m a k e r e s p e c t a b l e ver­ n a c u l a r styles b y p u b l i c i z i n g t h e p l e a s u r e s o f ordinariness a n d c r e a t i n g entertain­ m e n t out of citizens p l a y i n g g a m e s , talking about their p r i v a t e e x p e r i e n c e s , or i m m e r s i n g t h e m s e l v e s in e v e n t s as disparate as tennis m a t c h e s , skiing c o m p e t i ­ tions, religious c e r e m o n i e s , and d a n c i n g to r a p , r o c k a n d r e g g a e . W h i l e these a c h i e v e m e n t s o f the p u b l i c service m o d e l are i m p r e s s i v e , there are major p r o b l e m s inherent in t h e a r g u m e n t that existing public service m e d i a are a b u l w a r k o f t h e p u b l i c sphere. F o r r e a s o n s o f s p a c e , I shall set a s i d e q u e s t i o n s a b o u t the fault lines evident in G a r n h a m ' s a t t e m p t to s y n t h e s i z e an originally s e v e n t e e n t h - a n d e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y ideal w i t h t h e peculiarly t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y p r a c t i c e o f electronic b r o a d c a s t i n g . I also w a n t deliberately to o v e r l o o k a n o t h e r b u n d l e o f p r o b l e m s , internal to G a r n h a m ' s account, s u c h as h i s silence about the rise a n d survival o f p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s y w i t h i n the m a r k e t - d o m i n a t e d sector o f print a n d b r o a d c a s t i n g m e d i a , or the q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r a ' r a t i o n a l ' a n d universalistic politics w a s descriptive o f either t h e intended a i m or t h e actual p r a c t i c e o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g in its h e y d a y . I shall instead c o n c e n t r a t e for a m o m e n t o n t h e m o u n t i n g difficulties faced b y c o n t e m p o r a r y p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g and, h e n c e , o n the p e r i l o u s strategy o f a t t e m p t i n g to tie the fortunes o f t h e p u b l i c sphere ideal to an ailing institution. T h e r e is t o d a y a l o n g - t e r m crisis settling o n t h e p u b l i c service m o d e l . T h e status q u o is c e a s i n g to b e an option. P u b l i c service m e d i a in E u r o p e a n d else­ w h e r e are slipping a n d sliding into a p r o f o u n d identity crisis - the s a m e identity crisis that from the b e g i n n i n g h a s d o g g e d A m e r i c a n p u b l i c service m e d i a , w h i c h h a v e suffered p e r m a n e n t insecurities a b o u t their financial basis, legal status a n d p u b l i c role. D e e p l y u n c e r t a i n a b o u t their sources o f funding a n d the s c o p e a n d n a t u r e o f their c o n t e m p o r a r y political role, E u r o p e a n p u b l i c service m e d i a are e n m e s h e d in a w i d e r political p r o b l e m , evident in all t h e old d e m o c r a c i e s , in w h i c h political parties, professional associations, trades u n i o n s , c h u r c h e s a n d other m e a n s o f defining, projecting and r e p r e s e n t i n g c i t i z e n s ' o p i n i o n s to d e c i s i o n m a k e r s are either losing their v i b r a n c e or p r o m p t i n g n e w disputes a b o u t their o w n d e g r e e o f ' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s ' . S u c h c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t the best m e a n s o f p u b l i c l y r e p r e s e n t i n g c i t i z e n s ' o p i n i o n s are s y m p t o m a t i c o f an u p s w i n g in the m o d e r n d e m o c r a t i c r e v o l u t i o n first o u t l i n e d b y T o c q u e v i l l e ; contrary to m a n y W e s t e r n o b s e r v e r s , the defeat o f the Soviet E m p i r e , the chief e n e m y o f parlia­ m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c y , is l e a d i n g n o t to s p o n t a n e o u s o u t b u r s t s o f self-satisfied a p p l a u s e w i t h i n the old d e m o c r a c i e s b u t to loud q u e s t i o n i n g o f the l e g i t i m a c y and effectiveness o f t h e e n t r e n c h e d p r o c e d u r e s o f liberal d e m o c r a c y . T h e c o n t e m p o r a r y m a l a i s e o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g h a s several d e e p s e a t e d c a u s e s , three o f w h i c h b e a r directly o n t h e t h e o r y o f the p u b l i c s p h e r e :

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1 Fiscal squeeze T h e financial footings o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g in t h e European region are tending to crack and crumble. A s N o w a k (1991), Blumler ( 1 9 9 5 ) a n d o t h e r s h a v e s h o w n , licence fee i n c o m e increases, w h i c h r e s u l t e d d u r i n g m u c h o f t h e p o s t - w a r p e r i o d from t h e steady diffusion t h r o u g h o u t civil society o f b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e a n d t h e n c o l o u r sets, p e a k e d d u r i n g t h e 1970s. W i t h t h e saturation o f h o u s e h o l d s w i t h televisions a n d r a d i o s , t h e o n s e t o f inflation, t h e p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y steeper increases in p r o g r a m m e p r o d u c t i o n costs, a n d g o v e r n ­ m e n t c u t b a c k s , licence fee r e v e n u e t h e n b e g a n to decline in real t e r m s - for e x a m ­ p l e , b y 3 0 p e r cent d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d from 1972/73 until 1983/84 in S w e d e n . T h i s fiscal s q u e e z e n o t o n l y p i n c h e d t h e p r o s p e c t s for a v i g o r o u s p u b l i c service r e s p o n s e to t h o s e critics favouring ' d e r e g u l a t i o n ' , for w h o m m a r k e t c o m p e t i t i o n a n d m o r e advertising a r e t h e k e y c o n d i t i o n s o f p r e s s a n d b r o a d c a s t i n g freedom, u n d e r s t o o d as p r i v a t e b r o a d c a s t e r s ' f r e e d o m from state interference. T h e longt e r m fiscal s q u e e z e a l s o r u l e d o u t a n y sustained i n v o l v e m e n t o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t e r s in the current t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n - e x c e p t h e r e a n d there, as exemplified b y m o d e s t teletext initiatives o r satellite services o p e r a t e d b y B B C a n d t h e G e r m a n b r o a d c a s t e r s , A R D a n d Z D F . M o s t o f t h e p i o n e e r i n g interven­ t i o n s in t h e field o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e c o n s e q u e n t l y left in t h e h a n d s o f n a t i o n a l a n d international private e n t r e p r e n e u r s - an instructive s y m b o l o f w h i c h w a s t h e inability o f B S B , t h e British satellite o p e r a t i o n licensed as a p u b l i c service v e n t u r e b y t h e I n d e p e n d e n t B r o a d c a s t i n g A u t h o r i t y , to s u r v i v e cut-throat financial c o m p e t i t i o n from R u p e r t M u r d o c h ' s S k y television. Finally, t h e longt e r m fiscal s q u e e z e o n p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t e r s h a s forced t h e m to intensify c o - p r o d u c t i o n d e a l s , t o privatize o r subcontract parts o f their p r o g r a m m i n g a n d p r o d u c t i o n facilities, to e n g a g e in international m a r k e t i n g v e n t u r e s , a n d in g e n ­ eral to speak t h e l a n g u a g e o f profit-conscious b u s i n e s s e x e c u t i v e s . S u c h t r e n d s t o w a r d ' s e l f - c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n ' a r g u a b l y w e a k e n t h e legitimacy o f the p u b l i c service m o d e l b y diluting its p r o g r a m m i n g distinctiveness a n d h e a r t e n i n g d e r e g ­ u l a t e d in their c r u s a d e to m a r g i n a l i z e p u b l i c m e d i a . 2 Legitimacy problems P u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t e r s c o u l d in principle e x e r c i s e t h e o p t i o n o f publicly c a m p a i g n i n g to r e n e w t h e a p p e a l o f their activities, b u t in p r a c t i c e s u c h fightbacks t e n d to b e h a m s t r u n g b y a g r o w i n g l e g i t i m a c y p r o b l e m . D e f e n d e r s o f t h e existing p u b l i c service m o d e l typically u n d e r s t a t e t h e w a y s in w h i c h t h e alleged ' b a l a n c e ' , ' q u a l i t y ' standards a n d u n i v e r s a l i s m o f existing p u b l i c service m e d i a are r o u t i n e l y p e r c e i v e d b y certain a u d i e n c e s as ' u n r e p r e ­ s e n t a t i v e ' . F o r their part, p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t e r s r o u t i n e l y p e r c e i v e that t h e repertoire o f p r o g r a m m e s c h a n n e l l e d t h r o u g h existing p u b l i c service m e d i a c a n ­ n o t satisfy the m u l t i t u d e o f o p i n i o n s in a c o m p l e x (if less t h a n fully pluralist) society in m o t i o n . In o t h e r w o r d s , b o t h a u d i e n c e s a n d b r o a d c a s t e r s s e n s e that t h e p u b l i c service c l a i m to r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s is in fact a defence o f virtual r e p r e s e n ­ tation o f a fictive w h o l e , a resort to p r o g r a m m i n g w h i c h simulates t h e actual o p i n ­ ions a n d tastes o f s o m e o f t h o s e at w h o m it is directed. T h e fate o f m u s i c p r o g r a m m i n g o n p u b l i c service r a d i o w e l l illustrates this l e g i t i m a t i o n p r o b l e m . A l t h o u g h , for o b v i o u s r e a s o n s , m u s i c h a s a l w a y s o c c u p i e d t h e b u l k o f r a d i o t i m e , it h a s p r o v e d i m p o s s i b l e in t h e l o n g r u n to p r o v i d e

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of the Public Sphere

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p r o g r a m m i n g w i t h g e n e r a l a p p e a l o n p u b l i c service r a d i o b e c a u s e in a n y o n e c o u n t r y a n a t i o n a l l y s h a r e d m u s i c a l culture h a s n e v e r existed in t h e past, and certainly d o e s not exist in t h e present. Different forms o f m u s i c a p p e a l to differ­ ent p u b l i c s , w h o s e dislikes are often as strong as their likes, a n d that is w h y the t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y history o f p u b l i c service radio h a s b e e n t h e h i s t o r y o f the g r a d u a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f the fragmentation o f m a s s a u d i e n c e s into different taste p u b l i c s . T r e n d s in t h e w o r l d o f m u s i c illustrate t h e k e y p o i n t h e r e : t h e p u b l i c service m o d e l corsets its a u d i e n c e s a n d r e g u l a r l y violates its o w n principle o f equality o f access for all to e n t e r t a i n m e n t , current affairs a n d cultural p r o g r a m ­ m i n g in a c o m m o n p u b l i c d o m a i n . T h e corset is t i g h t e n e d further b y t h e fact that, for r e a s o n s o f g o v e r n m e n t p r e s s u r e s , t h r e a t e n e d litigation a n d a stated c o m m i t ­ m e n t to ' b a l a n c e ' , t h e p u b l i c service r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f s u c h topics as d o m e s t i c life, sexuality a n d political dissent is p e r c e i v e d b y s o m e a u d i e n c e s as too timid. It is routinely t h o u g h t that certain things c a n n o t be transmitted, o r n o t in a par­ ticular w a y ; or that w h e n they are transmitted, their t r o u b l e s o m e o r o u t r a g e o u s implications a r e c h o k e d off. T h e s e n s e that p u b l i c service m e d i a are p r o n e to ' b i a s ' is further reinforced b y the fact that p u b l i c service m e d i a - here t h e y are no different from their c o m m e r c i a l c o m p e t i t o r - u n e v e n l y distribute entitlements to s p e a k and to b e h e a r d a n d seen. T h e y too d e v e l o p a cast o f regulars - presenters, r e p o r t e r s , a c a d e m i c e x p e r t s , professionals, politicians, b u s i n e s s p e o p l e , s h o w b i z figures w h o s e regular a p p e a r a n c e o n t h e m e d i a e n a b l e s t h e m to function as accredited r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f p u b l i c e x p e r i e n c e . T h e c o m b i n e d effect o f these corseting effects is to d e c r e a s e the legitimacy o f p u b l i c service m e d i a . A u d i e n c e s tend to b e c o m e restless; as b r o a d c a s t e r s k n o w , t h e y g r a d u a l l y lose their ' o n t o l o g i c a l ' status b y b e c o m i n g less p r e d i c t a b l e in their tastes and m o r e r e c e p t i v e of c o m m e r c i a l forms o f m e d i a (see A n g , 1991). 3 Technological change A third difficulty faced b y t h e p u b l i c service m o d e l - the a d v e n t o f cable, satellite television, c o m m u n i t y radio, c o m p u t e r i z e d n e t w o r k s is a r g u a b l y the m o s t serious, since it h a s d e s t r o y e d the traditional a r g u m e n t that t h e scarcity o f available s p e c t r u m blesses p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g w i t h the status o f a ' n a t u r a l m o n o p o l y ' w i t h i n t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f a g i v e n n a t i o n state. C o n t e m p o r a r y t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e is n o t s i m p l y encircling p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g and forcing it to c o m p e t e w i t h p r i v a t e l y o w n e d firms w i t h i n a multi­ c h a n n e l e n v i r o n m e n t . L e s s o b v i o u s l y , it is e x p o s i n g t h e spatial m e t a p h o r d e e p l y e n c o d e d w i t h i n t h e p u b l i c sector m o d e l , a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h citizens, acting w i t h i n an integrated p u b l i c s p h e r e , p r o p e r l y b e l o n g to a carefully defined territory g u a r d e d b y the sovereign nation state, itself positioned within a wider, e n g l o b i n g s y s t e m o f territorially defined states. T h e a s s u m p t i o n that p u b l i c service m e d i a p r o p e r l y function as servants a n d g u a r a n t o r s o f territorially fixed n a t i o n states p r e s e r v e d intact a similar g e o g r a p h i c m e t a p h o r e n c o d e d w i t h i n nationally d e m a r c a t e d s t e m s o f print j o u r n a l i s m (as B e n e d i c t A n d e r s o n ' s s t u d y o f print c a p i t a l i s m a n d n a t i o n states h a s s h o w n ( A n d e r s o n , 1982)). It nevertheless h a d to b e fought for politically d u r i n g the infant stage o f broadcasting, as e v i d e n c e d not o n l y in the global struggle o f E u r o p e a n fascism a n d Soviet c o m m u n i s m to tailor radio a n d film to their respective

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e x p a n s i o n i s t states, b u t also in the d e s p e r a t e efforts o f early p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t e r s t o justify p u b l i c l y w h y b r o a d c a s t i n g m e d i a c o u l d b e o r g a n i z e d in a ' t h i r d w a y ' - i n c o r p o r a t i n g t h e m into a p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a t i c state in w h i c h electronic m e d i a c o u l d serve t o g e n e r a t e a n d sustain p u b l i c life w i t h i n a g i v e n territory. T h e f a m o u s d o c u m e n t p r e p a r e d for t h e C r a w f o r d C o m m i t t e e in 1925 b y J o h n Reith, t h e first D i r e c t o r - G e n e r a l o f t h e B B C , m a d e t h e p o i n t explicitly. P u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g , R e i t h a r g u e d , s h o u l d function a s a national service. It s h o u l d act as a p o w e r f u l m e a n s o f social unity, b i n d i n g together g r o u p s , r e g i o n s a n d classes t h r o u g h t h e live r e l a y i n g o f national e v e n t s , s u c h as t h e first b r o a d ­ cast b y K i n g G e o r g e V at t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r ' s E m p i r e E x h i b i t i o n , w h i c h h a d the effect o f ' m a k i n g t h e nation as o n e m a n ' (Reith, 1 9 2 5 : 4 ) . A half-century later, Sir M i c h a e l S w a n n , c h a i r m a n o f t h e B B C ' s B o a r d o f G o v e r n o r s , a r g u e d before t h e A n n a n C o m m i t t e e that a n ' e n o r m o u s a m o u n t o f t h e B B C ' s w o r k h a s in fact social c e m e n t o f o n e sort o r another. R o y a l o c c a s i o n s , religious services, sports c o v e r a g e a n d p o l i c e series all reinforce t h e sense o f b e l o n g i n g t o o u r country, b e i n g i n v o l v e d in its c e l e b r a t i o n s a n d a c c e p t i n g w h a t it stands for' ( A n n a n C o m m i t t e e , 1977: 2 6 3 ) . Still t o d a y this s a m e a s s u m p t i o n that the p u b l i c service m o d e l is t h e p r i n c i p a l f o r u m w h i c h e n a b l e s t h e w h o l e n a t i o n t o talk t o itself is s o m e t i m e s stated explicitly, as w h e n F r e n c h P r e s i d e n t s d u b their television a n d r a d i o services ' t h e v o i c e o f F r a n c e ' a n d B B C p o l i c y d o c u m e n t s reiterate t h e p r i n ­ ciple that ' p u b l i c l y funded b r o a d c a s t e r s h a v e a p r i m a r y obligation t o t h e p u b l i c ' a n d style the corporation as ' t h e national i n s t r u m e n t o f b r o a d c a s t i n g ' . T h e p o i n t is e c h o e d in virtually e v e r y r e c e n t a c a d e m i c study o f t h e public service/public s p h e r e n e x u s (see C u r r a n , 1 9 9 1 ; P e t e r s , 1994; Scannell, 1989). I w a n t to argue that s u c h talk - t h e talk o f those w h o s u p p o s e an elective affinity b e t w e e n p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g a n d ' t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e ' - is h a r d e n i n g into d o g m a , p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e t h e l e a d i n g spatial m e t a p h o r u p o n w h i c h it rests is n o w out o f t o u c h w i t h l o n g - t e r m m e d i a t r e n d s in t h e o l d p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c i e s . W e are living in t i m e s in w h i c h spatial f r a m e w o r k s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n are in a state o f u p h e a v a l . T h e o l d d o m i n a n c e o f state-structured a n d territorially b o u n d e d p u b l i c life m e d i a t e d b y r a d i o , television, n e w s p a p e r s a n d b o o k s is c o m i n g t o an e n d . Its h e g e m o n y is rapidly b e i n g e r o d e d b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a multiplicity o f n e t w o r k e d s p a c e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h a r e n o t tied i m m e d i a t e l y to terri­ tory, a n d w h i c h therefore irreversibly outflank a n d fragment a n y t h i n g formerly r e s e m b l i n g a single, spatially integrated p u b l i c sphere w i t h i n a n a t i o n state f r a m e ­ w o r k . T h e ideal o f a unified p u b l i c s p h e r e a n d its c o r r e s p o n d i n g v i s i o n o f a terri­ torially b o u n d e d r e p u b l i c o f citizens striving t o live u p to their definition o f t h e p u b l i c g o o d are o b s o l e t e . In their p l a c e , figuratively s p e a k i n g , p u b l i c life is t o d a y subject t o ' r e f e u d e l i z a t i o n ' , n o t in t h e sense in w h i c h H a b e r m a s ' Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit u s e d t h e t e r m , b u t in t h e different sense o f the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a c o m p l e x m o s a i c o f differently sized, o v e r l a p p i n g a n d i n t e r c o n n e c t e d p u b l i c s p h e r e s that force u s radically to revise o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f p u b l i c life a n d its ' p a r t n e r ' t e r m s s u c h as p u b l i c o p i n i o n , t h e p u b l i c g o o d a n d t h e public/private distinction. A l t h o u g h these p u b l i c s p h e r e s e m e r g e w i t h i n differently sized m i l i e u x w i t h i n t h e n o o k s a n d c r a n n i e s o f civil societies a n d states, all o f t h e m are stages o f p o w e r

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a n d i n t e r e s t - b o u n d action that d i s p l a y t h e essential characteristics o f a p u b l i c s p h e r e . A p u b l i c s p h e r e is a p a r t i c u l a r t y p e o f spatial r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t w o or m o r e p e o p l e , u s u a l l y c o n n e c t e d b y a certain m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n (television, r a d i o , satellite, fax, t e l e p h o n e , etc.), in w h i c h n o n - v i o l e n t c o n t r o v e r s i e s erupt, for a b r i e f o r m o r e e x t e n d e d p e r i o d o f t i m e , c o n c e r n i n g t h e p o w e r r e l a t i o n s operat­ ing w i t h i n their g i v e n m i l i e u o f interaction a n d / o r w i t h i n t h e w i d e r m i l i e u x o f social a n d political structures w i t h i n w h i c h t h e d i s p u t a n t s a r e situated. P u b l i c s p h e r e s in this s e n s e n e v e r a p p e a r in p u r e form - t h e f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n is a t y p i c a l e x a m p l e - a n d t h e y rarely a p p e a r in isolation. A l t h o u g h t h e y typically h a v e a n e t w o r k e d , i n t e r c o n n e c t e d character, c o n t e m p o r a r y p u b l i c s p h e r e s h a v e a fractured quality w h i c h is n o t b e i n g o v e r c o m e b y s o m e b r o a d e r t r e n d t o w a r d an integrated p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h e e x a m p l e s selected b e l o w illustrate their h e t e r o ­ g e n e i t y a n d v a r i a b l e size, a n d that is w h y I c h o o s e , at t h e risk o f b e i n g m i s ­ u n d e r s t o o d , to d i s t i n g u i s h a m o n g micro-public spheres in w h i c h t h e r e a r e d o z e n s , h u n d r e d s o r t h o u s a n d s o f disputants interacting at t h e s u b - n a t i o n state level; meso-public spheres w h i c h n o r m a l l y c o m p r i s e m i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e interacting at t h e level o f t h e n a t i o n state framework; a n d macro-public spheres w h i c h n o r m a l l y e n c o m p a s s h u n d r e d s o f m i l l i o n s a n d e v e n billions o f p e o p l e e n m e s h e d in d i s p u t e s a t t h e supranational a n d global levels o f p o w e r . I s h o u l d like t o e x a m i n e e a c h in t u r n - a n d t o e x p l o r e their i m p l i c a t i o n s for a r e v i s e d political t h e o r y o f t h e role of public spheres within democratic republics. Micro-Public

Spheres

T h e coffeehouse, t o w n - l e v e l m e e t i n g a n d literary circle, in w h i c h early m o d e r n p u b l i c spheres d e v e l o p e d , t o d a y find their counterparts in a w i d e variety o f local s p a c e s i n w h i c h citizens e n t e r into d i s p u t e s a b o u t w h o d o e s a n d w h o o u g h t t o g e t w h a t , w h e n a n d h o w . J o h n F i s k e ' s Power Plays ( 1 9 9 3 ) h a s m a d e a c o n v i n c i n g c a s e for t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f b o t t o m - u p , small-scale locales in w h i c h citizens forge their identities, often in opposition t o t o p - t o w n ' i m p e r i a l i z i n g ' p o w e r s b e n t o n r e g ­ ulating, redefining o r extinguishing (or ' s t a t i o n i n g ' ) p u b l i c life at t h e local level. W h i l e F i s k e (following F o u c a u l t ) correctly e m p h a s i z e s that t h e s e m i c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e fact that all large-scale institutions ultimately rest o n t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n o f their s u b o r d i n a t e s , a n d that c h a l l e n g e s a n d c h a n g e s at t h e micro-level therefore necessarily h a v e b r o a d e r macro-effects, h e underestimates t h e importance o f internal disputes within these locales - instead preferring to e m p h a ­ size t h e contestatory relationship b e t w e e n 'imperializing p o w e r ' a n d locales - a n d unfortunately i g n o r e s t h e rich significance o f these localized disputes for the c o n v e n t i o n a l t h e o r y o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . T w o e x a m p l e s will h e l p t o clarify t h e s e p o i n t s - a n d t o illustrate w h a t is m e a n t b y a m i c r o - p u b l i c sphere. M i c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s are t o d a y a vital feature o f all social m o v e m e n t s . A s P a u l M i e r , A l b e r t o M e l u c c i a n d o t h e r s h a v e o b s e r v e d , c o n t e m p o r a r y social m o v e ­ m e n t s are less p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h s t r u g g l e s o v e r t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d distribution o f m a t e r i a l g o o d s a n d r e s o u r c e s a n d m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e w a y s in w h i c h postindustrial societies g e n e r a t e a n d w i t h h o l d i n f o r m a t i o n a n d p r o d u c e a n d sustain m e a n i n g s a m o n g their m e m b e r s ( M e l u c c i , 1989). T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f t h e w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t , for instance, r a i s e i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n s a b o u t t h e m a t e r i a l

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inequalities suffered b y w o m e n . T h e y also, at the s a m e t i m e , c h a l l e n g e d o m i n a n t masculinist c o d e s b y signalling to the rest o f society the i m p o r t a n c e o f s y m b o l i ­ cally r e c o g n i z i n g differences. W h i l e t h e m o v e m e n t s h a v e millenarian t e n d e n c i e s , their c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n d e n n i n g a n d redefining s y m b o l i c differences ensures that t h e y are not driven b y g r a n d visions o f a future Utopian order. T h e supporters and s y m p a t h i z e r s and actors w i t h i n the m o v e m e n t s are ' n o m a d s o f the p r e s e n t ' . T h e y focus u p o n the present, w h e r e i n t h e y practise the future social c h a n g e s they seek, and their organizational m e a n s are therefore v a l u e d as e n d s in t h e m s e l v e s . Social m o v e m e n t s n o r m a l l y c o m p r i s e l o w profile n e t w o r k s o f small g r o u p s , organiza­ tions, initiatives, local contacts a n d friendships s u b m e r g e d in e v e r y d a y life. T h e s e s u b m e r g e d n e t w o r k s , noted for their stress o n solidarity, individual n e e d s and p a r t - t i m e i n v o l v e m e n t , constitute the laboratories in w h i c h n e w e x p e r i e n c e s are invented a n d p o p u l a r i z e d . W i t h i n these local laboratories, m o v e m e n t s utilize a variety o f m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n (telephones, faxes, p h o t o c o p i e r s , c a m ­ c o r d e r s , v i d e o s , p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r s ) to question a n d transform the d o m i n a n t c o d e s of e v e r y d a y life. T h e s e laboratories function as p u b l i c s p a c e s in w h i c h the e l e m e n t s o f e v e r y d a y life are m i x e d , r e m i x e d , d e v e l o p e d and tested. Such public spheres as the d i s c u s s i o n circle, the p u b l i s h i n g h o u s e , the c h u r c h , the clinic and a political chat over a d r i n k w i t h friends o r a c q u a i n t a n c e s are the sites in w h i c h citizens question t h e p s e u d o - i m p e r a t i v e s o f reality and c o u n t e r t h e m w i t h alter­ native e x p e r i e n c e s o f t i m e , s p a c e a n d interpersonal relations. O n occasion, these public s p h e r e s c o a l e s c e into publicly visible m e d i a events, such as d e m o n s t r a ­ tions in favour o f g a y m a l e and lesbian rights or sit-ins against r o a d b u i l d i n g or G M c r o p projects. But, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , these m i c r o - p u b l i c spheres d r a w their strength from the fact that t h e y are m o s t l y latent. A l t h o u g h they a p p e a r to b e ' p r i ­ v a t e ' , acting at a distance from official p u b l i c life, party politics and the glare o f m e d i a publicity, they in fact display all the characteristics of small g r o u p p u b l i c efforts, w h o s e c h a l l e n g i n g o f the existing distribution o f p o w e r can be effective exactly b e c a u s e t h e y o p e r a t e u n h i n d e r e d in the u n n e w s w o r t h y n o o k s a n d crannies of civil society. M i c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s m a y also b e d e v e l o p i n g a m o n g children within h o u s e ­ h o l d s , as the disputed e x a m p l e o f v i d e o g a m e s illustrates. F o r m a n y adults, par­ ticularly those w i t h o u t children, the w i d e s p r e a d a p p e a l o f v i d e o g a m e s r e m a i n s i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e ; c o n t e m p l a t i n g a four-button k e y p a d leaves t h e m w i t h a powerful sense o f w a s t e d t i m e , i g n o r a n c e b a s e d u p o n i n n o c e n c e , e v e n disgust at the t h o u g h t that t h e current generation of children will g r o w u p as t h e first ever in m o d e r n t i m e s to learn to c o m p u t e before t h e y learn to read and write. B u t for m o s t children, at least m o s t b o y s b e t w e e n eight a n d eighteen, the e x p e r i e n c e o f playing v i d e o g a m e s and creating an e v e r y d a y culture o f s c h o o l r o o m stories, s w a p p i n g a n d sharing v i d e o s , a n d a n e w critical lexicon (filled w i t h c o d e w o r d s like ' c r a p ' , ' s m e l l y ' , and ' c a c k y ' ) that generates tensions with adults has b e c o m e a routine part o f c h i l d h o o d - as routine as old-fashioned w a y s of hating p a r e n t s or s q u a s h i n g a w o r m or overfeeding a goldfish to death. T h e g r o w t h within h o u s e h o l d s o f micro-public spheres o f this k i n d has b e e n dra­ matic. D u r i n g the first half o f the 1990s in the United K i n g d o m , for e x a m p l e , t h e v i d e o g a m e s market, d o m i n a t e d b y the J a p a n e s e c o m p a n i e s Sega a n d N i n t e n d o ,

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g r e w from virtually nothing to a turnover o f around 800 millions p e r a n n u m . Eight out o f ten children b e t w e e n 11 and 14 n o w p l a y v i d e o g a m e s ; six out o f ten h a v e their o w n g a m e consoles (the h a r d w a r e n e e d e d to p l a y g a m e s o n television monitors); w h i l e in 1992 alone, around t w o million n e w consoles w e r e sold. Industry figures like to cite t h e p o w e r o f advertising ' h o o k ' to explain their marketing success, but this underestimates the w a y in w h i c h the popularity o f v i d e o g a m e s a m o n g children is c h o s e n b y subjects striving, if o n l y intuitively, for the p o w e r to c o - d e t e r m i n e the o u t c o m e s of their electronically m e d i a t e d play. It is true that the currently m a r k e t e d form o f v i d e o g a m e s n o r m a l l y t h w a r t s c h i l d r e n ' s choices. T h e sex-typing o f w o m e n as figures w h o are acted u p o n , and often vic­ timized as k i d n a p victims in n e e d of rescue, is a typical case in p o i n t ( P r o v e n z o , 1991). V i d e o g a m e s nevertheless challenge children to c o m e to t e r m s with the n e w m e d i a o f digital c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Their appeal stems not o n l y from t h e fact that for brief m o m e n t s children c a n escape the d e m a n d s of h o u s e h o l d and school b y b e c o m i n g part o f an alternate world o f bionic m e n , d a m s e l s in distress, galactic invasions and teenage m u t a n t turtles. V i d e o g a m e s also p r o m i s e interactivity and actually e n c o u r a g e users to i m p r o v e their h a n d - e y e co-ordination and interpreta­ tive skills b y b r o w s i n g through texts in an orderly but non-sequential manner. U n l i k e t h e process o f learning to read b o o k s , w h i c h reduces children initially to m e r e readers with n o freedom but that of accepting or rejecting the rules o f a text, the playing o f v i d e o g a m e s confronts children with a form o f hypertext (Nelson, 1987). Players are required to c h o o s e their o w n p a t h w a y s through texts c o m p o s e d o f blocks of w o r d s , i m a g e s and s o u n d s that are linked electronically b y multiple paths, chains o r trails that are unfinished and open-ended. V i d e o g a m e s blur the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n readers and writers b y e n c o u r a g i n g their users to deter­ m i n e h o w they m o v e through a forest o f possibilities to d o with rescue and revenge, and g o o d versus evil, constrained only b y the permitted h o u s e h o l d rules governing playtime, the m a n u f a c t u r e r s ' m i s e en scene, and the c h i l d ' s capacity for inventiveness in the face o f persistent adult suspicion or outright opposition to the p h e n o m e n o n . Meso-public

Spheres

T h e t r e a t m e n t of m e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s c a n b e c o m p a r a t i v e l y brief, since t h e y are the m o s t familiar o f the three types o f public sphere e x a m i n e d h e r e . M e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s are t h o s e s p a c e s o f c o n t r o v e r s y about p o w e r that e n c o m p a s s millions of p e o p l e w a t c h i n g , listening or r e a d i n g across vast distances. T h e y are m a i n l y c o - e x t e n s i v e w i t h the nation state, but they m a y also e x t e n d b e y o n d its b o u n d ­ aries to e n c o m p a s s n e i g h b o u r i n g a u d i e n c e s (as in t h e case o f G e r m a n - l a n g u a g e p r o g r a m m i n g and p u b l i s h i n g in A u s t r i a ) ; their r e a c h m a y also b e limited to r e g i o n s within states, as in t h e case o f the n o n - C a s t i l i a n - s p e a k i n g r e g i o n s of Spain like Catalonia and the B a s q u e country. M e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s are m e d i a t e d b y large circulation n e w s p a p e r s such as t h e New York Times, Le Monde, die Zeit, the Globe and Mail, and the C a t a l a n daily, Avui. T h e y are also m e d i a t e d b y elec­ tronic m e d i a s u c h as B B C radio a n d television, S w e d i s h R a d i o , R A I a n d (in the United States) N a t i o n a l P u b l i c R a d i o and the four national n e t w o r k s ( C B S , N B C , A B C and F O X ) .

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Although constantly pressured 'from b e l o w ' by micro-public spheres, m e s o p u b l i c s p h e r e s display c o n s i d e r a b l e tenacity. T h e r e is n o n e c e s s a r y z e r o - s u m relationship b e t w e e n t h e s e differently s i z e d p u b l i c d o m a i n s , in part b e c a u s e e a c h feeds u p o n t e n s i o n s w i t h t h e o t h e r (readers o f n a t i o n a l n e w s p a p e r s , for i n s t a n c e , m a y a n d d o consult locally p r o d u c e d m a g a z i n e s o r bulletins, p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e o f their different t h e m e s a n d e m p h a s e s ) ; a n d in p a r t b e c a u s e m e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s thrive u p o n m e d i a w h i c h a p p e a l t o particular national o r r e g i o n a l l a n g u a g e g r o u p ­ i n g s , a n d w h i c h h a v e well-established a n d powerful p r o d u c t i o n a n d distribution structures that sustain their p r o v e n ability t o circulate to m i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e cer­ tain types o f n e w s , c u r r e n t affairs, films a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t t h a t d a i l y reinforce certain styles a n d h a b i t s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a b o u t m a t t e r s o f p u b l i c c o n c e r n . T h e strength o f reputation, funding a n d distribution is certainly a n i m p o r t a n t r e a s o n w h y p u b l i c service m e d i a , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g their self-commercialization, a r e u n l i k e l y t o d i s a p p e a r as p r o p s o f p u b l i c life. T h e r e is another, m o r e surprising r e a s o n w h y p u b l i c life at t h e m e s o - l e v e l is u n l i k e l y to disappear. T h e a b o v e m e n t i o n e d e x a m p l e s o f t h e m e d i a sustaining m e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s highlight t h e p o i n t - foreign to r e c e n t a t t e m p t s t o tie t h e t h e o r y o f t h e p u b l i c sphere t o t h e fate o f p u b l i c service m e d i a - that p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t p o w e r a r e also r e g u l a r l y facilitated b y p r i v a t e l y controlled m e d i a o f civil society. T h e r e is p l e n t y o f e v i ­ d e n c e that j u s t a s p u b l i c service m e d i a are e v e r m o r e subject to m a r k e t forces, m a r k e t - l e d m e d i a a r e subject t o a l o n g - t e r m p r o c e s s o f self-politicization, in t h e s e n s e that t h e y a r e forced t o a d d r e s s m a t t e r s o f c o n c e r n to citizens c a p a b l e o f d i s ­ t i n g u i s h i n g b e t w e e n m a r k e t ' h y p e ' a n d p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s . T h e e n t r y into official politics o f c o m m e r c i a l m e d i a figures such as R o n a l d R e a g a n a n d Silvio B e r l u s c o n i are e x t r e m e i n s t a n c e s o f this trend. T h e British t a b l o i d s ' r u t h l e s s p r o b i n g o f t h e private lives o f m o n a r c h s a n d politicians d u r i n g t h e p a s t d e c a d e is s y m p t o m a t i c o f t h e s a m e trend. S o also a r e p o p u l a r current affairs p r o g r a m m e s s u c h as C N N ' s L a r r y K i n g L i v e a n d t h e r e m a r k a b l e proliferation o f fast-cut tele­ v i s i o n talk s h o w s like R i c k i L a k e , w h i c h , a m i d a d v e r t i s e m e n t s for c o m m o d i t i e s s u c h as m o u t h w a s h , c h o c o l a t e s , i n n e r - s p r i n g m a t t r e s s e s a n d p i z z a , s i m u l a t e r a u c o u s d o m e s t i c quarrels a b o u t s u c h m a t t e r s as t e e n a g e sex, p r e g n a n c y a n d child a b u s e , in front o f selected a u d i e n c e s w h o a r g u e bitterly a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s and, a m i d u p r o a r , talk b a c k to t h e presenter, e x p e r t s a n d i n t e r v i e w e e s , contradicting their v i e w s , calling t h e m ' r e a l a s s e s s ' , u r g i n g t h e m t o ' g e t r e a l ' , a n d insisting t h a t s o m e t h i n g o r other ' s u c k s w i t h a capital S ' .

Macro-public Spheres T h e recent g r o w t h o f m a c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s at t h e global o r regional (e.g. E u r o p e a n U n i o n ) level is a m o n g t h e m o s t striking, least r e s e a r c h e d d e v e l o p m e n t s r u n n i n g contrary t o t h e o r t h o d o x t h e o r y o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . M a c r o - p u b l i c s o f h u n d r e d s o f millions o f citizens are t h e ( u n i n t e n d e d ) c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e interna­ tional c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f m a s s m e d i a firms p r e v i o u s l y o w n e d a n d o p e r a t e d at t h e n a t i o n state level. A prior form o f concentration o f m e d i a capital h a s o f c o u r s e b e e n u n d e r w a y for a c e n t u r y , especially in the m a g a z i n e a n d n e w s p a p e r i n d u s ­ tries a n d in the c o r e g r o u p o f n e w s a g e n c i e s , d o m i n a t e d b y A m e r i c a n , British, G e r m a n a n d F r e n c h firms that c a r v e d u p t h e w o r l d w i t h i n t h e s p h e r e s o f

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influence o f their respective g o v e r n m e n t s . T h e current globalization o f m e d i a firms r e p r e s e n t s a projection o f this p r o c e s s o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t o the international p l a n e . It involves the c h a i n o w n e r s h i p o f n e w s p a p e r s , c r o s s - o w n e r s h i p o f n e w s ­ p a p e r s , t h e acquisition o f m e d i a b y o r d i n a r y industrial c o n c e r n s , a n d significantly, the r e g i o n a l a n d global d e v e l o p m e n t o f satellite-linked c o m m u n i c a t i o n s s y s t e m s . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f globe-girdling c o m m u n i c a t i o n s firms s u c h as N e w s C o r p o ­ ration International, R e u t e r s , T i m e - W a r n e r and B e r t e l s m a n n w a s not driven b y the m o t i v e o f funding t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f international p u b l i c s . A l t h o u g h research o n t h e p e r c e i v e d m o t i v e s a n d benefits o f globalization r e m a i n s limited, it is clear that the p r o c e s s , w h i c h is virtually w i t h o u t historical p r e c e d e n t s , is driven b y r e a s o n s o f political e c o n o m y . M e d i a firms o p e r a t i n g at t h e global level h a v e cer­ tain a d v a n t a g e s o v e r their n a t i o n a l l y - b a s e d c o u n t e r p a r t s . H e a d e d b y a tiny g r o u p o f p e o p l e w h o h a v e b e c o m e adept at ' t u r n i n g a r o u n d ' ailing m e d i a firms a n d fully utilizing their assets, transnational firms take a d v a n t a g e o f e c o n o m i e s o f scale. T h e y are able t o shift r e s o u r c e s o f expertise, m a r k e t i n g skills a n d j o u r n a l i s t i c tal­ ent, for instance, from o n e part o f t h e m e d i a field to another; t h e y can also r e d u c e costs a n d i n n o v a t e b y t a p p i n g t h e specialist w o r k forces o f v a r i o u s societies. T h e s e firms c a n also effect synergies o f v a r i o u s k i n d s , such as trying out a n o v e l in o n e c o u n t r y a n d p r o d u c i n g a m o v i e b a s e d u p o n it in another, or releasing a w o r k s u c c e s s i v e l y t h r o u g h s u c h m e d i a as c a b l e , v i d e o , television, m a g a z i n e s and p a p e r b a c k b o o k s , w i t h o u t the difficult rights-negotiation a n d s c h e d u l i n g p r o b ­ l e m s that inevitably arise w h e n a diversity o f c o m p e t i n g national c o m p a n i e s is i n v o l v e d . H i g h l y i m p o r t a n t as w e l l is t h e a d v a n t a g e o u s fact that transnational m e d i a firms a r e often able to e v a d e n a t i o n state regulations a n d shift t h e core energies o f t h e w h o l e o p e r a t i o n from o n e m a r k e t to a n o t h e r as political and legal a n d cultural c l i m a t e s c h a n g e . A m o n g t h e central ironies o f this riskdriven, profit-calculating p r o c e s s is its n u r t u r i n g o f t h e g r o w t h o f p u b l i c s stretch­ ing b e y o n d t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f the nation state. M o s t o f these p u b l i c s p h e r e s are so far fledglings. T h e y o p e r a t e briefly a n d informally - t h e y h a v e few g u a r a n t e e d s o u r c e s o f funding a n d legal protection, a n d are therefore h i g h l y fragile, often fleeting p h e n o m e n a . International m e d i a e v e n t s , w h i c h are n o w staged virtually e v e r y w e e k , a r e c a s e s in point. A s D a n i e l D a y a n a n d Elihu K a t z ( 1 9 9 2 ) , D a n i e l Hallin ( 1 9 9 4 ) a n d o t h e r s h a v e s h o w n , global m e d i a events like s u m m i t s are h i g h l y c h a r g e d s y m b o l i c p r o c e s s e s c o v e r e d b y the entire m e d i a o f the w o r l d and a d d r e s s e d p r i m a r i l y to a Active ' w o r l d a u d i e n c e ' . In the t h r e e m a j o r s u m m i t s hosted b y R e a g a n a n d G o r b a c h e v - at G e n e v a in 1985, W a s h i n g t o n in 1987 and M o s c o w in 1998 - a u d i e n c e s straddling t h e g l o b e w a t c h e d as m e d i a c h a n n e l s such as C N N , A B C ' s N i g h t l i n e a n d the Soviet m o r n i n g p r o g r a m m e 9 0 M i n u t e s relayed versions o f a s u m m i t that signalled t h e e n d o f the C o l d W a r . It is c o m ­ m o n l y objected that s u c h c o v e r a g e s p r e a d s rituals o f pacification, r e n d e r i n g global a u d i e n c e s m u t e in their fascination w i t h the spectacle o f the event. T h a t could i n d e e d b e legitimately said o f t h e h e a v i l y c e n s o r e d M a l v i n a s W a r a n d G u l f W a r c o v e r a g e , b u t still t h e r e are signs that t h e global casting o f s u m m i t s a n d other events tends to b e c o n d u c t e d in t h e subjunctive tense, in that t h e y h e i g h t e n audi­ e n c e s ' sense that t h e existing ' l a w s ' o f p o w e r politics are far from ' n a t u r a l ' a n d that the s h a p e o f the w o r l d is therefore d e p e n d e n t in part o n current efforts to

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refashion it a c c o r d i n g to certain criteria. T h e d r a m a t i c e m p h a s i s u p o n t h e subjunctive, c o m b i n e d w i t h t h e p r o s p e c t o f r e a c h i n g a w o r l d - w i d e a u d i e n c e , c a n incite n e w p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t p o w e r stretching b e y o n d the limited b o u n d a r i e s o f m e s o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s . D u r i n g t h e R e a g a n - G o r b a c h e v s u m m i t s , for e x a m p l e , political a r g u m e n t s a b o u t t h e d a n g e r o u s proliferation o f n u c l e a r a n d c o n v e n t i o n a l w e a p o n r y h e r e c o m m o n p l a c e a m o n g t h e citizens a n d g o v e r n m e n t s o f v a r i o u s c o u n t r i e s at t h e s a m e t i m e ; a n d in t h e Soviet U n i o n , w h e r e a u t o n o m o u s p u b l i c life h a d l o n g b e e n c o n s i d e r e d a c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y c r i m e , the support­ ers o f B o r i s Y e l t s i n w e r e h e a r t e n e d b y t h e w a y in w h i c h t h e d e m o t e d p a r t y l e a d e r ' s i n t e r v i e w s w i t h C B S a n d t h e B B C d u r i n g the M o s c o w s u m m i t forced M i k h a i l G o r b a c h e v to r e s p o n d w i t h a televised p r e s s c o n f e r e n c e ; m e a n w h i l e , Soviet religious dissidents successfully l o b b i e d P r e s i d e n t R e a g a n t o grant t h e m a p u b l i c m e e t i n g , at w h i c h t h e r e w a s a frank airing o f conflicting v i e w s a b o u t e l e c ­ tions, t h e future o f religion a n d t h e c o m p a r a t i v e ' s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g ' o f A m e r i c a a n d t h e Soviet U n i o n . P r o b a b l y t h e m o s t d r a m a t i c e x a m p l e so far o f t h e w a y in w h i c h global m e d i a e v e n t s c a n a n d d o incite p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t p o w e r before a u d i e n c e s o f h u n d r e d s o f m i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e is t h e crisis in T i a n a n m e n S q u a r e in C h i n a d u r i n g t h e late s p r i n g o f 1989. B r o a d c a s t live b y C N N , 2 4 h o u r s a day, t h e T i a n a n m e n e p i s o d e w a s a t u r n i n g p o i n t in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f global n e w s . N o t o n l y w a s it p e r c e i v e d a s t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t n e w s story yet t o b e c o v e r e d b y international satellite television; it w a s also ( a c c o r d i n g to L e w i s F r i e d l a n d ( 1 9 9 2 ) a n d others) t h e first o c c a s i o n e v e r w h e n satellite television directly s h a p e d t h e e v e n t s t h e m ­ selves, w h i c h u n f o l d e d rapidly o n t h r e e p l a n e s : w i t h i n n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s , t h r o u g h o u t global d i p l o m a t i c circles a n d o n t h e stage o f international p u b l i c a r g u ­ m e n t s about h o w to r e s o l v e the crisis. C N N ' s wire-service-like c o m m i t m e n t t o b r i n g its v i e w e r s all significant stories from all sides o f t h e political s p e c t r u m h e l p e d to p u b l i c i z e t h e d e m a n d s o f t h e students, m a n y o f w h o m h a d travelled a b r o a d a n d u n d e r s t o o d w e l l t h e political potential o f t h e television m e d i u m in establishing p u b l i c s p h e r e s in o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e totalitarian C h i n e s e state. N o t coincidentally, t h e y c h o s e ' T h e G o d d e s s o f D e m o c r a c y ' as their central s y m b o l , w h i l e their p l a c a r d s carried q u o t a t i o n s from A b r a h a m L i n c o l n a n d others, all in E n g l i s h for t h e benefit o f W e s t e r n a u d i e n c e s . T h e students r e c k o n e d , accurately, that b y k e e p i n g t h e c a m e r a s a n d cellular t e l e p h o n e s (and, later, 8 m m ' h a n d i c a m s ' carried a r o u n d o n b i c y c l e s ) trained o n t h e m s e l v e s t h e y w o u l d m a x i m i z e t h e c h a n c e s o f their survival a n d international recognition. T h e i r c a u s e certainly w o n international r e c o g n i t i o n from o t h e r states a n d citizens. B y d a m a g i n g t h e international reputation o f t h e Party, t h e global c o v e r a g e o f t h e T i a n a n m e n e v e n t s m a y also h a v e b o o s t e d t h e l o n g - t e r m c h a n c e s o f a n o n - v i o l e n t self-dismantling o f t h e c o m m u n i s t r e g i m e ( a l o n g t h e lines o f K a d a r ' s H u n g a r y ) . I n t h e short r u n , t h e c o v e r a g e a l m o s t certainly p r o l o n g e d t h e life o f t h e protest, w h i c h e n d e d in t h e m a s s a c r e o f b e t w e e n 4 0 0 a n d 8 0 0 students. A c c o r d i n g t o C N N ' s A l e c M i r a n , w h o w a s e x e c u t i v e p r o d u c e r in C h i n a d u r i n g t h e crisis ' P e o p l e w e r e c o m i n g u p to u s in t h e street, telling u s t o " K e e p g o i n g , k e e p b r o a d c a s t i n g , that t h e y w o n ' t c o m e in w h i l e y o u ' r e o n t h e air". T h a t t u r n e d o u t t o b e t r u e . T h e t r o o p s w e n t in after o u r c a m e r a s w e r e shut d o w n ' (cited in F r i e d l a n d , 1992: 5).

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T h e p a t h b r e a k i n g d e v e l o p m e n t d u r i n g t h e past t w o d e c a d e s o f an international s y s t e m o f c o m p u t e r i z e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k s p r o v i d e s a final illustration o f m a c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s . B a s e d u p o n s u c h t e c h n i q u e s as p a c k e t s w i t c h i n g d e v e l o p e d d u r i n g t h e 1960s b y t h e A d v a n c e d R e s e a r c h Projects A g e n c y ( A R P A ) for t h e U n i t e d States D e p a r t m e n t o f D e f e n s e , a w o r l d - w i d e n e t w o r k o f c o m p u t e r s funded b y g o v e r n m e n t s , b u s i n e s s e s , universities a n d citizens, is b e g i n n i n g t o d r a w t o g e t h e r u s e r s from all continents a n d w a l k s o f life. T h e Internet, t h e m o s t talked a b o u t a n d talked t h r o u g h n e t w o r k , c o m p r i s e s millions o f c o m p u t e r s s e r v i n g a s h o s t s t h a t a r e i n t u r n directly c o n n e c t e d t o other c o m p u t e r s u s e d b y o v e r 2 0 0 m i l l i o n p e o p l e . T h e n u m b e r o f Internet ' c i t i z e n s ' is g r o w i n g rapidly (by a n estimated 1 m i l l i o n users a m o n t h ) , in part b e c a u s e o f h e a v y subsidies that k e e p access costs t o a m i n i m u m , partly b e c a u s e o f p e e r p r e s s u r e to get an e-mail address, a n d in part b e c a u s e o f the lack o f constraints, globality a n d informality currently enjoyed b y u s e r s c o m m u n i c a t i n g for a variety o f self-chosen e n d s . S o m e ' s u r f the Internet, l o g g i n g o n to servers t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r l d j u s t for t h e h e l l o f it. C o m p a n i e s a n d o t h e r organizations c o n d u c t b a n k i n g transactions a n d transmit financial a n d administrative data b y m e a n s o f it. L i v e telecasts o f s p e e c h e s a n d transmissions o f s c a n n e d i m a g e s o f w e a t h e r m a p s , paintings a n d n u d e p h o t o ­ g r a p h s are c o m m o n p l a c e . Still others u s e ' t h e n e t ' t o obtain detailed print-outs o f data d o w n l o a d e d from libraries o r to ' c h a t ' w i t h a friend o n a n o t h e r continent. T h e m a n i f o l d p u r p o s e s for w h i c h t h e Internet c a n b e u s e d at r e a s o n a b l e cost o r free o f c h a r g e h a s led s o m e o b s e r v e r s (e.g. K r o l , 1994) t o liken its u s e r s , in n e o R o m a n t i c t e r m s , t o e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y travellers s e e k i n g food a n d shelter in h o u s e s t h e y r e a c h at nightfall. W h i l e c o r r e c t l y d r a w i n g attention t o t h e c o n t r a c ­ tual o r v o l u n t a r y c h a r a c t e r o f electronic interactions, t h e s i m i l e is a r g u a b l y m i s ­ p l a c e d . It n o t m e r e l y u n d e r s t a t e s t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e often c l u m s y o r g a n i z a t i o n o f information s o u r c e s g e n e r a t e s confusion a m o n g users w h o are p o s t i n g items w i t h t h e c o n s e q u e n c e that travellers o n t h e i n f o r m a t i o n h i g h w a y find t h e m s e l v e s h a z y a b o u t their r o u t e s , their m e a n s o f travel, their h o s t s ' h o u s e rules, a n d (inso­ far as m e s s a g e s are frequently f o r w a r d e d several t i m e s , often b y u n k n o w n r e c e i v e r / s e n d e r s ) their u l t i m a t e destinations. M o r e pertinent is t h e fact that t h e s i m i l e fails b e c a u s e t h e I n t e r n e t s t i m u l a t e s t h e g r o w t h o f m a c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s . T h e r e is a c a t e g o r y o f users w i t h a ' n e t p r e s e n c e ' w h o utilize t h e m e d i u m n o t as travellers b u t as citizens w h o g e n e r a t e c o n t r o v e r s i e s w i t h o t h e r m e m b e r s o f a farflung ' i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t y ' a b o u t m a t t e r s o f p o w e r a n d principle. T h e A s s o c i a ­ tion for P r o g r e s s i v e C o m m u n i c a t i o n s ( A P C ) , for e x a m p l e , functions as a world-wide partnership of m e m b e r networks dedicated to providing low-cost and a d v a n c e d c o m p u t e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s e r v i c e s for t h e p u r p o s e o f n e t w o r k strengthening and information-sharing a m o n g organizations and individuals w o r k i n g for e n v i r o n m e n t a l sustainability, e c o n o m i c a n d social j u s t i c e , a n d h u m a n rights. W i t h i n t h e A P C f r a m e w o r k , s p h e r e s o f p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s y ( ' p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n f o r u m s ' ) stretching t o all four c o r n e r s o f t h e earth h a v e a p e r m a n e n t p r e s e n c e . S o t o o d o reflections u p o n t h e p o w e r relations o p e r a t i n g it - t h e global networks themselves. 'Netizens' w h o s e approach to the public forums of the Internet e x u d e s selfishness - t a k i n g rather t h a n g i v i n g - c a n g e n e r a l l y e x p e c t to b e a b u s e d ( ' f l a m e d ' ) , as u n s o l i c i t e d advertisers find t o their e m b a r r a s s m e n t .

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C o n t r o v e r s i e s are e r u p t i n g about the m e r i t s o f state-subsidized, cost-free access o f citizens to the Internet; p r o p o s a l s are surfacing (in the U n i t e d States) for the formation o f a Corporation for Public Cybercasting that w o u l d serve as a clearing h o u s e for federal funds, h e l p to increase the density and tensility o f the n e t w o r k , a n d l o b b y for c i t i z e n s ' a c c e s s ; and fears are e x p r e s s e d that t h e t e l e c o m m u n i c a ­ tions and entertainment industries are building a d v a n c e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s s y s t e m s that w o u l d enable t h e m to control parts o f the Internet a n d thereby levy consider­ ably higher access c h a r g e s .

Research Implications T h e a b o v e a t t e m p t radically to rethink the t h e o r y o f t h e public sphere, like all lines o f e n q u i r y that transgress the limits o f c o n v e n t i o n a l w i s d o m , o p e n s u p n e w b u n d l e s of c o m p l e x q u e s t i o n s w i t h i m p o r t a n t implications for future research in the fields o f politics a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e m o s t o b v i o u s implication is that the n e o - r e p u b l i c a n attempt to tie the t h e o r y o f t h e p u b l i c sphere to t h e institution o f p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g h a s failed o n e m p i r i c a l a n d n o r m a t i v e g r o u n d s a n d that, m o r e positively, there are empirical r e a s o n s a l o n e w h y t h e c o n c e p t o f ' p u b l i c s p h e r e s ' s h o u l d b e b r o u g h t to b e a r o n p h e n o m e n a as disparate as c o m ­ p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g , c i t i z e n s ' initiatives, n e w s p a p e r circulation, satellite b r o a d c a s t ­ ing and children p l a y i n g v i d e o g a m e s . Public spheres are n o t exclusively ' h o u s e d ' w i t h i n state-protected p u b l i c service m e d i a ; n o r (contrary to H a b e r m a s ) are they s o m e h o w tied, b y definition, to t h e z o n e o f social life n a r r o w l y w e d g e d b e t w e e n t h e w o r l d o f p o w e r and m o n e y ( s t a t e / e c o n o m y ) and the pre-political g r o u p associations of civil society. T h e political g e o g r a p h y s u p p o s e d b y b o t h the H a b e r m a s i a n and p u b l i c service m o d e l theories of ' t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e ' is i n a d e ­ q u a t e . Public s p h e r e s c a n a n d d o d e v e l o p w i t h i n v a r i o u s r e a l m s of civil society and state institutions, including w i t h i n the s u p p o s e d e n e m y territory o f c o n s u m e r m a r k e t s and within t h e w o r l d o f p o w e r that lies b e y o n d the r e a c h o f n a t i o n states, the H o b b e s i a n w o r l d c o n v e n t i o n a l l y d o m i n a t e d b y s h a d o w y a g r e e m e n t s , suited d i p l o m a c y , b u s i n e s s t r a n s a c t i o n s , a n d w a r and r u m o u r s o f war. W h e t h e r or not there is a l o n g - t e r m m o d e r n t e n d e n c y for p u b l i c spheres to spread into areas o f life p r e v i o u s l y i m m u n e from controversies about p o w e r is necessarily a subject for a larger enquiry. Y e t a m o n g the implications o f this reflection u p o n the t h e m e o f p u b l i c life in the old d e m o c r a c i e s is the fact that there are n o r e m a i n i n g areas o f social or political life a u t o m a t i c a l l y p r o t e c t e d against p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t the distribution o f p o w e r . T h e early m o d e r n a t t e m p t to represent patterns o f p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p , m a r k e t conditions, h o u s e h o l d life, and events like birth a n d death as ' n a t u r a l ' is gradually w i t h e r i n g a w a y . S o too is the older, originally G r e e k a s s u m p t i o n that the p u b l i c s p h e r e o f citizenship necessarily rests o n the tight-lipped p r i v a c y (literally, t h e idiocy) o f the oikos. A s the p r o c e s s o f m e d i a t e d publicity spreads - television talk s h o w s like Ricki L a k e a n d children p l a y i n g v i d e o g a m e s suggest - s u p p o s e d l y private p h e n o m e n a are b e i n g d r a w n into the vortices o f negotiated c o n t r o v e r s y that are t h e h a l l m a r k o f p u b l i c s p a c e s . T h e r e a l m o f p r i v a c y d i s a p p e a r s . T h e p r o c e s s of politicization u n d e r m i n e s t h e con­ v e n t i o n a l l y a c c e p t e d division b e t w e e n ' t h e p u b l i c ' ( w h e r e p o w e r c o n t r o v e r s i e s

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are r e c k o n e d to b e the legitimate b u s i n e s s o f others) a n d ' t h e p r i v a t e ' ( w h e r e s u c h c o n t r o v e r s y is said to h a v e a legitimate role before t h e t h r o n e s o f ' i n t i m a c y ' or i n d i v i d u a l c h o i c e o r G o d - g i v e n or b i o l o g i c a l ' n a t u r a l n e s s ' ) . Politicization e x p o s e s the arbitrariness or c o n v e n t i o n a l i s m o f traditional definitions o f ' t h e p r i v a t e ' , m a k i n g it h a r d e r ( a s v a r i o u s figures o f p o w e r a r e t o d a y painfully l e a r n ­ ing) to justify a n y action as a p r i v a t e matter. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e s a m e p r o c e s s o f politicization also triggers a n e w c a t e g o r y o f p u b l i c disputes a b o u t the m e r i t s o f defining or redefining certain z o n e s o f social a n d political life as ' p r i v a t e ' - a n d therefore as n o b o d y e l s e ' s b u s i n e s s . L e g a l authorities p u b l i c i z e the p r o b l e m o f r a p e w h i l e insisting u p o n t h e n e e d to k e e p private t h e identities o f those w h o h a v e suffered the c r i m e ; g a y m a l e s and lesbians c a m p a i g n p u b l i c l y for their right to live w i t h o u t intrusions b y b i g o t s a n d g a w k i n g j o u r n a l i s t s ; a d v o c a t e s o f the right to p r i v a c y p r e s s p u b l i c l y for d a t a p r o t e c t i o n legislation; m e a n w h i l e , e m b a t t l e d politicians and scandalized m o n a r c h s insist p u b l i c l y that the m e d i a h a s n o p l a c e in their b e d r o o m s . S u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s cannot adequately b e u n d e r s t o o d from within the orthodox perspective o n the public sphere, w e d d e d as it is to a version o f the early m o d e m division b e t w e e n 'the p u b l i c ' and 'the p r i v a t e ' . Its defenders m i g h t reply that at least s o m e o f the public spheres m e n t i o n e d a b o v e are b o g u s p u b l i c spheres, in that they are neither p e r m a n e n t nor structured b y rational argumentation, or w h a t G a r n h a m calls ' a rational a n d universalistic p o l i t i e s ' . Certainly - a s the imperma­ nent public controversy generated b y social m o v e m e n t s s h o w s - not all the e x a m ­ ples of public life cited a b o v e display longevity, but that arguably signals the need to question t h e conventional a s s u m p t i o n that a public sphere is only a public sphere insofar as it persists through time. T h e point about rational argumentation is m o r e difficult to answer, although it is again clear that there is no reason in principle w h y the concept o f the public sphere must necessarily be w e d d e d to the ideal type of c o m m u n i c a t i o n oriented toward reaching c o n s e n s u s based u p o n the force o f the best a r g u m e n t (or w h a t H a b e r m a s calls verstandigungsorientierten Handelns ( H a b e r m a s , 1976)). In their study o f television talk s h o w s , Sonia Livingstone and Peter Lunt (1991) usefully highlight the several w a y s in w h i c h audience discussion p r o g r a m m e s defy t h e d o m i n a n t philosophical notion o f rationality, derived from deductive logic, according to w h i c h there exists a set o f formal reasoning p r o c e ­ dures that express tacit inference rules concerning the truth or falsity o f assertions independently o f the content or context o f utterances. F o l l o w i n g W i t t g e n s t e i n ' s Philosophische Untersuchungen (1958), Livingstone and H u n t defend the legiti­ m a c y o f lay or 'ordinary r e a s o n i n g ' , such as quarrels (characterized b y emotional intensity and a c o m m i t m e n t to assert o n e ' s point o f v i e w at all costs) and preach­ ing, political oratory and storytelling, in which points are built u p in a h a p h a z a r d m a n n e r b y layering, recursion and repetition. Their m o v e is c o n v i n c i n g , b u t their conclusions r e m a i n a trifle too rationalist. Early m o d e r n public spheres - as I proposed from a p o s t - W e b e r i a n perspective in Public Life and Late Capitalism (Keane, 1984) and O s k a r N e g t a n d A l e x a n d e r K l u g e ( 1 9 7 2 ) insisted from a n e o - M a r x i a n standpoint in Offentlichkeit und Erfahrung did not conform to the H a b e r m a s i a n ideal type of rational discussion. M u s i c , opera, sport, painting, dancing w e r e a m o n g the forms o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n propelling the g r o w t h o f public

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life, and there is therefore n o principled reason, aside from philosophical prejudice, w h y their late twentieth-century popular counterparts - the rambunctiousness of M T V ' s annual v i d e o a w a r d s , t h e simulated u p r o a r o f Ricki L a k e s h o w s , or the hypertext o f video g a m e s - should not b e understood as legitimate potential m e d i a of p o w e r conflicts. T o s u p p o s e that p u b l i c controversies a b o u t p o w e r c a n a n d s h o u l d unfold b y m e a n s o f a variety o f m o d e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n is n o t t o fall into t h e relativist trap o f c o n c l u d i n g that any a n d e v e r y p o w e r struggle c o u n t s as a legitimate p u b l i c sphere. V i o l e n t confrontation a m o n g subjects d o e s not d o s o , since, as t h e origi­ nally G r e e k u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f w a r as external t o t h e polis maintained, it seeks physically t o silence o r d e s t r o y outright its antagonists. T h e essential p o i n t (detailed in K e a n e , 1988, 1991) is this: the p l e a for a pluralistic u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e variable forms o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n that currently constitute public life shares a n elective affinity w i t h a non-foundationalist u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f d e m o c r a c y as a type o f r e g i m e w h i c h e n a b l e s a g e n u i n e plurality o f individuals a n d g r o u p s o p e n l y to express their solidarity with, or opposition to, o t h e r s ' ideals a n d forms o f life. B y a b a n d o n i n g t h e futile a n d often d a n g e r o u s h i g h r o a d s o f s u p p o s e d transhistorical Ideals a n d definite Truths, t h e plea for a pluralistic account o f public life implies that there is n o ultimate criterion for d e t e r m i n i n g w h i c h particular t y p e o f p u b l i c controversy is universally preferable. T h e m o s t that c a n b e said, n o r m a t i v e l y speaking, is that a h e a l t h y d e m o c r a t i c r e g i m e is o n e in w h i c h v a r i o u s types o f public spheres are thriving, w i t h n o single o n e o f t h e m actually enjoying a m o n o ­ p o l y in public disputes about t h e distribution o f p o w e r . In contrast, a r e g i m e d o m i n a t e d b y television talk s h o w s o r b y spectacular m e d i a events w o u l d c o m ­ p r o m i s e its c i t i z e n s ' integrity. It m i g h t p r o v e to b e as stifling as a r e g i m e in w h i c h seminar-style 'rational d i s c u s s i o n ' o r d e m a g o g i c political p r e a c h i n g s e r v e d a s t h e sole ' c i v i l i z e d ' standard o f disputation about w h o gets w h a t , w h e n a n d h o w . T h e e m p h a s i s h e r e u p o n p l u r a l i s m b r i n g s u s b a c k t o t h e subject o f s p a c e , w h i c h w a s t h e p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e o f this b r o a d r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e structural transfor­ m a t i o n s o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e in t h e old d e m o c r a c i e s . W i t h i n t h e r e p u b l i c a n tradi­ tion o f political t h i n k i n g that e x t e n d s t h r o u g h to t h e r e c e n t a t t e m p t t o tie p u b l i c life t o t h e p u b l i c service m o d e l , it is n o r m a l l y a s s u m e d that p o w e r is best m o n i ­ t o r e d a n d its a b u s e m o s t effectively c h e c k e d b y m e a n s o f o n g o i n g a r g u m e n t a t i o n w i t h i n t h e international f r a m e w o r k o f t h e n a t i o n state. R e p u b l i c a n i s m s u p p o s e s that public-spirited citizens c a n best act t o g e t h e r w i t h i n a n integrated, politically constructed space that is u l t i m a t e l y r o o t e d in t h e p h y s i c a l p l a c e o c c u p i e d b y state p o w e r . T h i s supposition n e e d s t o b e rejected, since a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s - t h e Internet a n d global m e d i a events, for instance - a r e politically c o n ­ structed spaces that h a v e n o i m m e d i a t e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h p h y s i c a l territory. P u b l i c life, o n e c o u l d say, is p r e s e n t l y subject to a p r o c e s s o f de-territorialization w h i c h e n s u r e s that c i t i z e n s ' s h a r e d s e n s e o f p r o x i m i t y t o o n e a n o t h e r in v a r i o u s m i l i e u x b e a r s a declining relationship to t h e p l a c e s w h e r e t h e y w e r e actually b o r n , w h e r e t h e y g r e w u p , fell in l o v e , w o r k e d a n d lived, a n d w h e r e t h e y will e v e n t u a l l y d i e . It m i g h t b e objected that the a t t e m p t to categorize c o n t e m p o r a r y p u b l i c life into s p a c e s o f v a r y i n g s c o p e or ' r e a c h ' is m i s t a k e n o n b o t h e m p i r i c a l a n d n o r m a t i v e g r o u n d s . E m p i r i c a l l y s p e a k i n g , it c o u l d b e said that t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e s d i s c u s s e d

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in this e s s a y are n o t discrete s p a c e s , as t h e c a t e g o r i e s m i c r o - , m e s o - , and m a c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e i m p l y ; that t h e y rather r e s e m b l e a m o d u l a r s y s t e m o f over­ l a p p i n g n e t w o r k s d e n n e d b y t h e lack o f differentiation a m o n g s p h e r e s . Certainly, t h e c o n c e p t o f m o d u l a r i z a t i o n s e r v e s as a useful r e m i n d e r o f the d a n g e r s o f reify­ ing t h e distinction a m o n g m i c r o - , m e s o - a n d m a c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s . It is also h e l p ­ ful in u n d e r s t a n d i n g the g r o w i n g c o m p l e x i t y o f c o n t e m p o r a r y p u b l i c life. B u t this d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e b o u n d a r i e s a m o n g v a r i o u s l y sized p u b l i c s p h e r e s are obliterated c o m p l e t e l y . T o t h e contrary, m o d u l a r s y s t e m s thrive o n internal dif­ ferentiation, w h o s e w o r k i n g s can thus o n l y b e u n d e r s t o o d b y m e a n s o f ideal type c a t e g o r i e s that h i g h l i g h t t h o s e s y s t e m s ' inner b o u n d a r i e s . T h e r e c e n t d e v e l o p ­ m e n t o f c o m p u t e r i z e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n is illustrative o f this point. C o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s originally linked t e r m i n a l s to m a i n f r a m e s for t i m e - s h a r i n g , b u t d u r i n g t h e p a s t t w o d e c a d e s a pattern o f distributed structures at the m i c r o - , m e s o - , a n d m a c r o - l e v e l s h a s c o m e to p r e d o m i n a t e . D u r i n g the 1980s, local area n e t w o r k s ( L A N s ) p r o v i d i n g h i g h - s p e e d data c o m m u n i c a t i o n within an o r g a n i z a t i o n spread rapidly; t h e y h a v e s u b s e q u e n t l y b e e n linked into m e t r o p o l i t a n area n e t w o r k s ( M A N s ) that a r e often associated w i t h a ' t e l e p o r t ' o f satellite dishes, a n d into w i d e area n e t w o r k s ( W A N s ) that m a y c o v e r several c o n t i n e n t s - a n d yet still the differentiation b e t w e e n m i c r o - / m e s o - / m a c r o - d o m a i n s r e m a i n s a vital feature o f t h e overall s y s t e m . T h e triadic distinction a m o n g differently sized p u b l i c s p h e r e s c a n also b e c o n ­ tested o n n o r m a t i v e g r o u n d s . D u r i n g t h e early y e a r s o f t h e twentieth century, at the b e g i n n i n g o f t h e era o f b r o a d c a s t i n g , J o h n D e w e y ' s The Public and its Problems f a m o u s l y e x p r e s s e d t h e outlines o f t h e c o m p l a i n t that m o d e r n societies are m a r k e d b y t h e fragmentation o f p u b l i c life. ' T h e r e a r e t o o m a n y p u b l i c s and t o o m u c h o f p u b l i c c o n c e r n for o u r existing r e s o u r c e s to c o p e w i t h , ' w r o t e D e w e y . ' T h e essential n e e d , ' h e a d d e d , 'is t h e i m p r o v e m e n t o f a unified s y s t e m o f m e t h o d s a n d c o n d i t i o n s o f debate, discussion, and p e r s u a s i o n , that is the p r o b l e m o f the p u b l i c ' ( 1 9 2 7 : 142). T h i s k i n d of a p p e a l (repeated m o r e recently b y R o b e r t Bellah ( 1 9 6 7 ) and others) to r e v i v e r e p u b l i c a n i s m is q u e s t i o n a b l e . It fails t o s e e that t h e structural differentiation o f p u b l i c spaces is u n l i k e l y to b e u n d o n e in t h e c o m i n g d e c a d e s , a n d that therefore the c o n t i n u e d u s e o f ' t h e ' p u b l i c s p h e r e ideal is b o u n d to e m p t y it o f e m p i r i c a l content a n d to turn t h e ideal into a n o s t a l g i c , u n r e a l i z a b l e Utopia. W e are m o v i n g , as H e n r i L e f e b v r e p r e d i c t e d , from a society in w h i c h s p a c e is s e e n as an ' a b s o l u t e ' t o w a r d o n e in w h i c h there are o n g o i n g 'trials o f s p a c e ' ( 1 9 7 4 : 116). O r t h o d o x r e p u b l i c a n i s m also ignores the u n d e m o c r a t i c i m p l i c a t i o n s o f its o w n h a n k e r i n g after a unified p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h e supposition that all p o w e r disputes c a n ultimately b e sited at t h e level o f t h e terri­ torially b o u n d e d n a t i o n state is a r e m n a n t from t h e era o f state-building a n d the c o r r e s p o n d i n g struggles o f its inhabitants to w i d e n the franchise - and, h e n c e , to direct public c o n t r o v e r s i e s p r i m a r i l y at the o p e r a t i o n s o f the s o v e r e i g n state. In t h e present era o f t h e universal franchise, b y contrast, it is n o t s o m u c h w h o votes b u t where p e o p l e v o t e that is b e c o m i n g a central issue for d e m o c r a t i c politics. F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e proliferation o f m o s a i c s o f differently sized p u b l i c s p h e r e s o u g h t to b e w e l c o m e d and practically reinforced b y m e a n s o f political struggles, law, m o n e y a n d i m p r o v e d m o d e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . E x a c t l y b e c a u s e

88

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o f their c a p a c i t y t o m o n i t o r t h e exercise o f p o w e r from a variety o f sites w i t h i n state a n d social institutions, p u b l i c s p h e r e s e n s u r e that n o b o d y O w n s ' p o w e r a n d i n c r e a s e t h e likelihood that its exercise e v e r y w h e r e is r e n d e r e d m o r e a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h o s e w h o m it directly o r indirectly affects. T h e trends described i n this chapter a r e admittedly o n l y trends. W i t h i n t h e o l d d e m o c r a c i e s , there a r e plenty o f anti-democratic countertrends, a n d it should therefore n o t b e s u p p o s e d that w e a r e at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e e n d o f t h e e r a o f u n a c c o u n t a b l e p o w e r . A l l political classes, H a r o l d Innis ( 1 9 9 1 ) o n c e r e m a r k e d , h a v e sought t o e n h a n c e their p o w e r b y utilizing certain m e d i a o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n to define a n d t o control t h e spaces in w h i c h their subjects live. Statues o f military a n d political h e r o e s sited in p u b l i c squares a r e o n l y t h e m o s t o b v i o u s e x a m p l e o f a m u c h older a n d highly c o m p l e x history o f r u l e r s ' attempts t o define space i n their h o n o u r , a n d t h e r e b y t o inspire d e v o t i o n a m o n g their subjects b y m a k i n g t h e exercise o f p o w e r s e e m u n b l e m i s h e d - a n d u n c h a l l e n g e a b l e . W h e n reflecting u p o n t h e twentieth century, Innis d o u b t e d w h e t h e r this struggle b y d o m i n a n t p o w e r g r o u p s t o regulate their subjects' living space c o u l d b e resisted. H e s u p p o s e d that space-biased m e d i a s u c h a s n e w s p a p e r s a n d radio broadcasting, despite their p r o m i s e t o d e m o c r a t i z e information, i n fact entrench n e w m o d e s o f d o m i n a t i o n . W a s Innis right in this global c o n v i c t i o n ? Is m o d e r n i t y , j u s t like p r e v i o u s e p o c h s , d i s t i n g u i s h e d b y d o m i n a n t f o r m s o f m e d i a that a b s o r b , r e c o r d a n d t r a n s ­ form information into s y s t e m s o f k n o w l e d g e c o n s o n a n t w i t h t h e d o m i n a n t insti­ tutional p o w e r structures? Is t h e e r a that lies b e y o n d p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g likely t o p r o v e unfriendly t o w a r d p u b l i c life? Is t h e vision o f a d e m o c r a t i c p l u ­ rality o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a b a d Utopia? O r is t h e future likely t o see a variety o f c o n t r a d i c t o r y t r e n d s , i n c l u d i n g n o t o n l y n e w m o d e s o f d o m i n a ­ t i o n b u t also u n p r e c e d e n t e d p u b l i c battles t o define a n d t o c o n t r o l t h e s p a c e s in w h i c h citizens a p p e a r ? I n t h e disciplines o f political s c i e n c e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n studies, s u c h q u e s t i o n s a r e at p r e s e n t p o o r l y formulated, w h i l e t h e tentative a n s w e r s t h e y elicit a r e b y definition either n o t y e t available o r h i g h l y speculative. P e r h a p s t h e m o s t that c a n b e said at p r e s e n t is that a t h e o r y o f p u b l i c life that clings d o g m a t i c a l l y t o t h e v i s i o n o f a unified p u b l i c s p h e r e i n w h i c h ' p u b l i c o p i n ­ i o n ' a n d ' t h e p u b l i c interest' a r e defined is a c h i m e r a - a n d that for t h e s a k e o f d e m o c r a c y it o u g h t n o t t o b e j e t t i s o n e d .

References Anderson, B . (1982) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Ang, L. (1991) Desperately Seeking the Audience. London: Routledge. Annan Committee (1977) Report of the Committee on the Future of Broadcasting. London: HMSO. Arendt, H. (1960) Vita Activa. Stuttgart: W. Koblhammer. Bellah, R.N. (1967) 'Civil religion in America', Daedalus, 96 (Winter): 1-21. Blunder, J. (1995) 'Broadcasting finance and programme quality: An international review', European Journal of Communication 1(3): 343-64. Curran, J. (1991) 'Rethinking the media as a public sphere', in P. Dahlgren and C. Sparks (eds), Communication and Citizenship: Journalism and the Public Sphere in the New Media Age. London/New York: Routledge. pp. 27-57.

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Dayan, D. and Katz, E. (1992) Media Events: The Live Broadcasting History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Dewey, J. (1927) The Public and its Problems. New York: H. Holt & Co. Fiske, J. (1993) Power Plays, Power Works. London: Verso. Friedland, L.A. (1992) Covering the World: International Television News Services. New York: Twentieth Century Fund. Garnham, N . (1990) Capitalism and Communication: Global Culture and the Economics of Information. London: Sage. Habermas, J. (1962) Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer kategorie der biirgerlichen Gesellschaft. Neuwied: Luchterhand. (English edn, 1989: The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: MTT Press.) Habermas, J. (1976) 'Was heisst Universalpragmatik?', in K.O. Apel (ed.), Sprachpragmatik und Philosophie. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkarnp. Hallin, D.C. (1994) We Keep America on Top of the World: Television Journalism and the Public Sphere. London/New York: Routledge. Innis, H. (1991) The Bias of Communication. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Jaspers, K. (1969) Philosophy is for Everyman. A Short Course in Philosophical Thinking. New York: Harcourt, Brace. Keane, J. (1984) Public Life and Late Capitalism. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Keane, J. (1988) Democracy and Civil Society. London: Verso. Keane, J. (1991) The Media and Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press. Krol, E. (1991) The Whole Internet: Users Guide and Catalogue. Sebastopol, CA: O'Reilly & Associates. Lefebvre, H. (1974) La production de Tespace. Paris: Editions Anthropos. Livingstone, S. and Lunt, P. (1991) Talk on Television: Audience Participation and Public Debate. London: Routledge. Melucci, A. (1989) Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, P. Mier and J. Keane (eds). London/Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Negt, O. and Kluge, A. (1972) Offentlichkeit und Erfahrung: Zur Organisationsanalyse von biirgerlicher undproletarischer Offerntlichkeit. Frankfurt an Main: Suhrkamp. Nelson, T.H. (1987) Computer Lib: Dream Machines. Redmond, WA: Tempus Books. Nowak, K. (1991) 'Television in Sweden: position and prospects', in J. Blunder and T.J. Nossiter (eds), Broadcasting Finance in Transition: A Comparative Handbook. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 235-59. Peters, B. (1994) 'Der Sinn von Offentlichkeit', Kolner Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie und sozialpsychologie, 34: 42-76. Provenzo, E.F. (1991) Video Kids: Making Sense of Nintendo. Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press. Reith, J. (1925) 'Memorandum of information on the scope and conduct of the broad­ casting service'. Caversham, Great Britain: BBC Written Archives. Robbins, C. (1961) The Eighteenth-century Commonwealthmen: Studies in the Transmission, Deployment and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Scannell, P. (1989) 'Public service broadcasting and modern public life', in Media, Culture and Society, 11(2): 135-66. Tonnies, F. (1922) Kritik der dffentlichen Meinung. Berlin: Springer. Wittgenstein, L. (1958) Philosophical Investigations, G. Anscombe and R. Rhees (eds). Oxford: Blackwell.

6 The Controversies of the Internet and the Revitalization of Local Political Life Sinikka

Sassi

E v e r y time the m e d i a l a n d s c a p e c h a n g e s - as w i t h the e m e r g e n c e and extension o f t h e information n e t w o r k s t o d a y - the Utopia o f the c a p a c i t y o f n e w m e d i a for i m p r o v i n g d e m o c r a c y a n d e m p o w e r i n g citizens arises a n e w . In R o s e n ' s w o r d s ( 1 9 9 4 ) , w e confront t h e real b u t u n r e a l i z e d possibility o f a c o m m u n i c a t i n g p u b l i c . A relevant theory o f d e m o c r a c y p r e s u p p o s e s a notion o f the p u b l i c sphere as a space w h e r e the diversified and critical c o n v e r s a t i o n s are c o n d u c t e d a l o n g w i t h the notion o f a c o m m u n i c a t i n g public. R e c e n t l y , transformations o f e c o n o m i c and political p o w e r structures h a v e g i v e n rise to lively d e b a t e s o n the forms o f politi­ cal action and, conjointly w i t h it, the qualities o f the p u b l i c sphere, m o s t l y confined to national b o r d e r s . A fair share o f t h e current global a n d national c h a n g e s can b e attributed to the e m e r g e n c e o f the digital n e t w o r k s , n i c k n a m e d the M a t r i x ( G i b s o n , 1984), but a l t h o u g h the source m a y b e easily identified, its impli­ cations are m u c h m o r e difficult to d e t e r m i n e . T h e Internet, the best k n o w n part o f the n e t w o r k , is i n t e r m i n g l e d with the c h a n g e s and is a reason for at least s o m e o f the p r e s e n t reconfigurations o f t h e p u b l i c sphere. It e n c o m p a s s e s controversial qualities and elicits conflicting t e n d e n c i e s such as fragmentation and unification of the various sectional p u b l i c s . F u r t h e r m o r e , it h a s t h e capacity t o m o u l d the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the private and the public, that is to essentially redefine the r e a l m o f the c o m m o n c o n c e r n s . T h e D u a l O r i g i n of t h e N e t w o r k T h e dual roots of the network can b e found through its early history (see Rogers and Malhotra, Chapter 2 in this b o o k ; H a u b e n , 1990), one originating in the basic processes of modernization and the other in the sphere of sociality and spontaneous need for communication. This dual heritage has consequences both in the m e t h o d ­ ological choices in conducting n e t w o r k research, and in understanding the con­ straints and potential o f citizen political action. First, the fundamental trends of modernization, rationalization in particular, h a v e given rise to the n e t w o r k as a

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necessary m e a n s o f controlling and m a n a g i n g c o m p l e x systems of production (see, for e x a m p l e , v a n Dijk, 1993). T h e e c o n o m y and the administration, the system in H a b e r m a s ' t e r m s (1987), m a k e use of the digital networks largely to get better results or m o r e surplus value with fewer inputs. T o d a y the effects o f rationalization appear as acceleration and intensification of immaterial and material flows and the general speeding u p o f life. T h u s , no matter h o w casual the e m e r g e n c e o f the net­ w o r k m a y s e e m , it nevertheless h a s its historical causes and precedents. S e c o n d l y , w h i l e military and e c o n o m i c interests b y a n d large b r o u g h t the net­ w o r k into existence, t h e h u m a n n e e d s o f intercourse and sharing h a v e s h a p e d t h e Internet a n d a c c o u n t for its specific social qualities and, for t w o d e c a d e s , its ethos of equality. A t the s a m e t i m e as o u r social interaction h a s b e e n invigorated a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n facilitated, e v e r y d a y living, the lifeworld in H a b e r m a s ' v o c a b u ­ lary ( 1 9 8 7 ) , h a s b e e n n e g a t i v e l y affected b y s o m e functions o f n e t w o r k e d e c o ­ n o m i c s a n d administration. In the political s p h e r e , the established institutions s e e m to b e c o m e d i s a b l e d in r e s p o n d i n g to the effects o f t h e globalizing e c o n o m y and n e w transnational o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and the surveillance functions o f the state s e e m to shrink t h e c i t i z e n s ' r e a l m o f p r i v a c y . It is fair to say that w h i l e the Internet o p e n s u p an entirely n e w s p h e r e o f citizen activities, the o p t i o n s are d e p e n d e n t o n the w a y t h e w h o l e n e t w o r k structure is constituted a n d m a n a g e d . H e r e t h e g o v e r n m e n t s are n o t neutral parties, h o w e v e r m u c h the a u t o n o m o u s and u n c o n t r o l l e d n a t u r e o f t h e I n t e r n e t is celebrated. All these interdependencies, the effects o f the m a c r o - s y s t e m s u p o n the m i c r o ­ s y s t e m s of social a n d political life, m a k e it n e c e s s a r y to a p p l y a m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l a p p r o a c h to the s t u d y o f t h e Internet (Sassi, 1995). A c c o r d i n g l y , g i v e n its d e m o ­ cratic potential a n d especially its i m p a c t u p o n the p u b l i c sphere a d o u b l e strategy h a s b e e n c h o s e n h e r e . T h e Internet will b e l o o k e d at h e r e b o t h from the structural point o f v i e w , from a b o v e , and from b e l o w , from t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f the c i t i z e n ' s e v e r y d a y life. Finally, these t w o p i c t u r e s are p u t t o g e t h e r in order to get s o m e idea o f w h a t h a p p e n s at t h e j u n c t u r e b e t w e e n s y s t e m i c constraints and e v e r y d a y c o n c e r n s . T h i s c h a p t e r will also focus on n e i g h b o u r h o o d , since it is in a particu­ lar locality that political initiatives and d e m o c r a t i c practices e m e r g e , or at least should d o so. In all, the a i m is to e x p l a i n s o m e central features o f the Internet w i t h an e y e to their r e l e v a n c e to theorization o f the public s p h e r e .

The Varying Senses of the Public Sphere T o b e g i n with, t h e basic c o n c e p t o f p u b l i c sphere has to be e x a m i n e d a n d m a d e familiar. A t o n e e n d o f the s p e c t r u m o f definitions is the a c a d e m i c notion o f the p u b l i c sphere, c o m m o n l y associated w i t h H a b e r m a s . H e has b e c o m e largely r e s p o n s i b l e for its current interpretation, e v e n t h o u g h the discussion o n the p u b l i c sphere as part o f t h e d e m o c r a t i c tradition h a d arisen long before h i m . In fact, h e has returned t h e c o n c e p t to w h e r e it originally b e l o n g e d , n a m e l y t h e liberal A n g l o - A m e r i c a n tradition (Peters, 1993). H a b e r m a s ( 1 9 8 9 ) gives a t h o r o u g h a c c o u n t o f the history and sociological institutions o f p u b l i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h included n e w s p a p e r s , n o v e l s , letters, c o n v e r s a t i o n , d e b a t e , salons and coffeehouses, c o n c e r t s a n d the theatre, secret societies, living r o o m s and p u b l i c

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p a r k s , a n d p a r l i a m e n t s . C r u c i a l t o t h e b o u r g e o i s p u b l i c s p h e r e w a s the articulation o f principles o f rational-critical d e b a t e c o n d u c t e d p r i m a r i l y t h r o u g h face-to-face d i s c u s s i o n a n d t h e print m e d i a . P e t e r s ( 1 9 9 3 ) s h o w s h o w translations o f H a b e r m a s ' t e r m h e l p t o r e m o v e s o m e o f its exotic aura. Offentlichkeit, t h e G e r m a n t e r m translated a s p u b l i c s p h e r e , c o m b i n e s t w o o f t h e m o s t o r d i n a r y a n d fundamental political t e r m s o f t h e A n g l o A m e r i c a n tradition: ' p u b l i c i t y ' in t h e sense o f o p e n n e s s a n d a c c e s s ; a n d ' t h e p u b l i c ' a s a s o v e r e i g n b o d y o f citizens. I n current G e r m a n , it m e a n s p r e t t y m u c h w h a t E n g l i s h - s p e a k e r s m e a n b y ' t h e p u b l i c ' : a sociological a g g r e g a t e o f r e a d e r s , v i e w e r s o r citizens, that e x c l u d e s n o o n e a priori a n d i s e n d o w e d w i t h k e y politi­ cal a n d critical p o w e r s . T h e E n g l i s h equivalent, publicity, w h i c h similarly o n c e m e a n t t h e c o n d i t i o n o f b e i n g p u b l i c , h a s b e e n incapacitated for political o r t h e o ­ retical u s a g e a n d t o d a y o n l y s u g g e s t s p u b l i c relations. T h e s e m a n t i c c h a n g e in publicity thus mirrors H a b e r m a s ' thesis about structural transformation from criti­ cal participation t o c o n s u m e r i s t m a n i p u l a t i o n . A s P e t e r s says, t h e l a n g u a g e o f p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e t h e r e b y participates i n t h e structural t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c sphere. A t t h e other e n d o f t h e c o n c e p t u a l spectrum, a n o t h e r sign o f t h e transformation is revealed b y t h e current c o m m o n s e n s e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e public sphere. P o p u l a r o p i n i o n generally associates t h e p u b l i c sphere w i t h t h e m e d i a a n d , in particular, d o m i n a n t m a i n s t r e a m m e d i a , s i m p l y ignoring o r forgetting t h e other institutions. C o m m o n s e n s e often e q u a t e s t h e public sphere w i t h publicity a n d associates it w i t h t h e d o i n g s o f celebrities. F r o m t h e perspective o f e v e r y d a y life, the a c a d e m i c considerations m a y s e e m distant a n d e v e n uninteresting, if k n o w n at all. T h e n a r r o w u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e t e r m reflects a fundamental aspect o f t h e c o n ­ t e m p o r a r y public sphere: it is n o t public. If p u b l i c n e s s is c o n c e i v e d a s t h e e q u i v a ­ lent o f o p e n n e s s , it is exactly w h a t this sphere is currently not, a n d c o m m o n sense h a s g o t it right. A l t h o u g h w e still h a v e a rich variety o f p l a c e s a n d events t o c o n v e r s e , these discussions largely m i s s t h e c h a n c e o f b e i n g c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e political sphere a n d m o s t l y affect it o n l y indirectly, u n d e r t h e p u b l i c surface. H e r e t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e is b r o a d l y u n d e r s t o o d i n H a b e r m a s ' sense a s a s p a c e w h e r e c o m m o n m a t t e r s b e c o m e p u b l i c a n d a r e d i s c u s s e d a n d thus b e c o m e t h e objects o f politics. T h e p u b l i c sphere is i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e it is t h e s p a c e w h e r e t h e individual a n d collective interests o f t h e lifeworld will b e m e d i a t e d t o t h e administration, a n d v i c e versa. I n p r i n c i p l e , it is a site g o v e r n e d n e i t h e r b y t h e authority o f t h e state, n o r t h e e x c h a n g e o f t h e m a r k e t , b u t b y p u b l i c r e a s o n i n g , r e a c h i n g for t h e best possible a r g u m e n t s . I n its present form, as a m e d i a publicity, it i s a site w h e r e t h e interests o f elites g e n e r a l l y p r e v a i l .

The Debate about the Concept W h i l e it is c o m m o n l y a g r e e d that H a b e r m a s h a s d o n e a great service b y r e c o n ­ structing a largely forgotten c o n c e p t that still lies at t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f constitu­ tional g o v e r n m e n t , h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n a n d historical a c c o u n t h a v e m e t w i t h s h a r p criticism. F e m i n i s t s c h o l a r s , a m o n g o t h e r s , h a v e p a i d critical attention t o t h e c o n c e p t a n d e l a b o r a t e d it in a radical w a y ( s e e M c L a u g h l i n , 1993). S o m e

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relevant e l e m e n t s o f t h e r e f o r m u l a t i o n s will b e p r e s e n t e d here a n d c o n s i d e r e d t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e a p p a r e n t effects o f t h e Internet u p o n t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . F o r a n u m b e r o f feminist s c h o l a r s t h e general idea o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e is i n d i s p e n s a b l e to critical t h e o r y , b u t t h e y are c o n c e r n e d a b o u t t h e u n d e r l y i n g p r e s u m p t i o n s . T h e original b o u r g e o i s p u b l i c s p h e r e , a c c o r d i n g to F r a s e r ( 1 9 9 2 : 110), rested o n and w a s i m p o r t a n t l y c o n s t i t u t e d b y a n u m b e r o f significant e x c l u s i o n s , especially t h e e x c l u s i o n o f w o m e n , t h e proletariat a n d p o p u l a r culture. Instead o f a single p u b l i c s p h e r e she a r g u e s for a multiplicity o f p u b l i c s in stratified societies ( 1 9 9 2 : 115). T h e p r o b l e m o f H a b e r m a s ' n o t i o n is n o t o n l y that it idealizes t h e liberal p u b l i c s p h e r e b u t also that h e fails to e x a m i n e other c o m p e t i n g , non-liberal, n o n - b o u r g e o i s , p u b l i c s p h e r e s . R e v i s i o n i s t h i s t o r i o g r a p h y d e m o n s t r a t e s that t h e b o u r g e o i s p u b l i c w a s n e v e r the p u b l i c . A h o s t o f c o u n t e r - p u b l i c s like those o f t h e feminist a n d l a b o u r m o v e m e n t s a r o s e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , contesting t h e e x c l u s i o n ­ ary n o r m s o f t h e b o u r g e o i s p u b l i c a n d e l a b o r a t i n g alternative styles of political b e h a v i o u r a n d alternative n o r m s o f p u b l i c speech. F r a s e r s e e s that counterpublics c a n partially offset t h e unjust participatory privileges enjoyed b y m e m b e r s o f d o m i n a n t social g r o u p s , a l t h o u g h not w h o l l y e r a d i c a t e t h e m . S e c o n d l y , s h e a r g u e s for the inclusion o f p r i v a t e interests a n d issues instead o f a universal c o m m o n c o n c e r n defined in a d v a n c e o f the d i s c o u r s e . O n l y partici­ p a n t s t h e m s e l v e s can d e c i d e w h a t is a n d w h a t is n o t o f c o m m o n c o n c e r n to t h e m . F r a s e r ' s p o i n t is that there are n o n a t u r a l l y g i v e n , a priori b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the p u b l i c a n d the private d o m a i n s . D e m o c r a t i c publicity requires p o s i t i v e g u a r a n t e e s o f opportunities for minorities to c o n v i n c e o t h e r s that w h a t w a s n o t p u b l i c in the past s h o u l d b e so n o w . H a b e r m a s ' stress o n a c o m m o n g o o d t r a n s c e n d i n g the m e r e s u m o f individual preferences can w o r k against t h e principal a i m o f delib­ eration; n a m e l y , to h e l p participants clarify their interests. In particular, the less powerful m a y n o t find w a y s to d i s c o v e r that the p r e v a i l i n g s e n s e o f ' w e ' d o e s not a d e q u a t e l y i n c l u d e t h e m . In general, F r a s e r invites a m o r e critical l o o k at t h e t e r m s ' p r i v a t e ' and ' p u b l i c ' since t h e y are cultural classifications u s e d to repress s o m e interests, v i e w s a n d t o p i c s and to valorize others. Instead o f a coherent, h o m o g e n e o u s p u b l i c , feminist scholars p r o p o s e multiple p u b l i c s p h e r e s , w h e r e differences are r e c o g n i z e d a n d appreciated. T h e r e is a c o m m o n u n d e r s t a n d i n g a m o n g t h e critics that t h e c o n c e p t o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e should b e r e a d as plural a n d decentred, constituted b y conflict, and c o m b i n i n g t h e n o t i o n s o f interest a n d identity. In the light o f v a r i o u s feminist critiques, H a b e r m a s ( 1 9 9 2 : 4 5 8 ) h a s c o n c e d e d that h i s earlier f o r m u l a t i o n o f the public/private distinction m a y h a v e failed to note h o w this distinction w a s gender-specific. T h i s critique h a s led h i m t o s u g ­ gest that it m a y be m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e to s p e a k o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s r a t h e r t h a n s i m p l y the p u b l i c s p h e r e . H i s later formulation o f t h e c o n c e p t constitutes it in a m o r e fragmented a n d u n o r g a n i z e d form ( H a b e r m a s , 1992: 4 4 5 ) . B a y n e s ( 1 9 9 4 ) also e m p h a s i z e s that H a b e r m a s ' c o n c e p t i o n d o e s n o t anticipate the idea of a h o m o g e n e o u s p u b l i c w h i c h e x c l u d e s difference or diversity. N e i t h e r d o e s it rely o n a m o d e l o f face-to-face interaction that has b e c o m e i n c r e a s i n g l y irrelevant for m o d e r n forms o f social integration. B a y n e s defines t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e b r o a d l y as a vast array o f institutions in w h i c h a w i d e variety o f practical d i s c o u r s e s o v e r l a p .

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T h u s it r a n g e s from the m o r e or less informal m o v e m e n t s a n d associations in civil society w h e r e solidarities are formed, t h r o u g h t h e v a r i o u s institutions o f t h e p u b l i c m a s s m e d i a , to t h e m o r e formal institutions o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e b a t e a n d legal a r g u m e n t .

The Net as a Public Sphere F r o m t h e structural p o i n t o f v i e w , w h a t m i g h t t h e effects o f t h e Internet u p o n t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e b e ? First, w h i l e it h a s certain implications for t h e m e d i a - c e n t r e d p u b l i c sphere, it c a n justifiably b e called a p u b l i c sphere itself. W i t h p r i v a t e b u s i ­ n e s s a n d g o v e r n m e n t a l services g r o w i n g in v o l u m e o n t h e N e t , it still is typically a r e a l m o f p u b l i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d d e b a t e . A s to t h e r e f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h e c o n c e p t , t h e N e t n o w s e e m s t o realize, a l m o s t t o o well, t h e s u g g e s t e d qualities o f pluralization a n d inclusion o f p r i v a t e interests a n d issues. W h i l e t h e multiplicity o f publics is strongly e m p h a s i z e d as a n e c e s s a r y exten­ sion o f t h e established p u b l i c s p h e r e , t h e t e n d e n c y is v e r y a m b i g u o u s in e s s e n c e . Multiplicity a n d plurality, b o t h o f t h e s a m e origin, point t o a d e e p e r p r o c e s s o f m o d e r n social life. In general, to u n d e r s t a n d m o d e r n i t y is t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e dialectical interplay b e t w e e n its disintegrating and reintegrating forces. I n d i v i d u a l i s m is c o m m o n l y a c c e p t e d as a specific feature o f m o d e r n societies a n d r e g a r d e d a s a n i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e o f d i m i n i s h i n g social c o h e s i o n . S e l i g m a n ( 1 9 9 2 : 120) c l a i m s that it w a s t h e a u t o n o m y o f t h e individual citizen stressed t h r o u g h o u t the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y that led to a d e c r e a s e in solidarity b e t w e e n citi­ z e n s , a n d gradually to t h e fragmentation o f social life. In L i i ' s ( 1 9 9 8 ) v i e w , the i d e a o f t h e individual a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m g r e w w i t h t h e c h a n g i n g f o r m s o f social g a t h e r i n g a n d it d i d n o t e m e r g e until t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the m o d e r n era. A c o m m o n c o n c e r n about w h e t h e r a g e n e r a l interest d e s i g n e d t o serve as a foundation o f social life can still e m e r g e is e x p r e s s e d today. B e c a u s e o f the plurality o f c o m ­ p e t i n g interests it is doubtful in o u r h i g h l y c o m p l e x societies in a n y c a s e , b u t t h e N e t n o w s e e m s to b e r e s p o n s i b l e for e v e n m o r e intensified fragmentation. T h e p u b l i c , p r e v i o u s l y a national entity, is p r e s e n t l y d i s p e r s e d into smaller g r o u p s w h i c h r e a c h across n a t i o n a l b o r d e r s a n d h a v e casual relations t o e a c h other if a n y . Paradoxically, t h e p r o s p e c t s o f t h e N e t lie p r e c i s e l y in its capacity t o create t h e s e n e w publics since, b y definition, a plurality o f o p i n i o n s s h o u l d b e a p p r e c i a t e d in a d e m o c r a c y . T h u s , t h e quality o f pluralization is found at t h e s a m e t i m e truly promising and very alarming. T o r e s p o n d t o the disintegrating tendencies, the n o t i o n o f a global public sphere w i t h its c o r r e s p o n d i n g p u b l i c h a s arisen. In t o d a y ' s w o r l d t h e r e a r e o t h e r forces acting against fragmentation o f social life b u t t h e y often a r e distressing in e s s e n c e s u c h as w a r s a n d ecological disasters. It is s u s p e c t e d that, b e c a u s e o f t h e n e g a t i v e attitudes involved, t h e y m a y not p r o d u c e strong affiliations a n d w h a t w e a r e left w i t h instead is, as T o m l i n s o n ( 1 9 9 4 ) says, a n attenuated sense o f global c o m ­ m o n a l i t y . In his v i e w , t h e s i m p l e p e r c e p t i o n o f c o m m o n risks is liable to b e frag­ ile a n d easily displaced from t h e foreground o f c o n s c i o u s n e s s . W h a t is r e q u i r e d in t h e current situation is a m u c h stronger s e n s e o f c o m r tonality. B e c a u s e t h e r e is n o t h i n g like a global p u b l i c s p h e r e it is not surprising for T o m l i n s o n that w e

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s e e t h e g l o b a l c o n t e x t largely a s a set o f d e t e r m i n i n g structures, n o t o f a potential political a n d cultural c o m m u n i t y . W e c a n further a s k w h e t h e r t h e n o t i o n o f a global p u b l i c or global p u b l i c sphere is itself an a n o m a l y , b e c a u s e it w o u l d h a v e to i n c l u d e all o f h u m a n i t y . In s u c h a c a s e , s o c i a l m o v e m e n t s a n d t h e institutional a r e n a o f t h e i r interaction w o u l d h a v e to b e o f international s c o p e a n d n o t limited to t h e confines o f a particular n a t i o n state. In t h e s e n s e o f a c o m m u n i c a t i n g p u b l i c , t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s s e e m t o b e u n a t t a i n a b l e , a l t h o u g h international o r g a n i z a t i o n s as w e l l a s m a s s a u d i e n c e s c r e a t e d b y t h e m e d i a h a v e existed for a l o n g t i m e . T h e f o r m e r a r e still t o o restricted a n d t h e latter t o o fragile a n d i m a g i n a r y t o act as a w o r l d - w i d e p u b l i c . H o w e v e r , s o m e t h i n g like a s e n s e o f c o m m o n a l i t y h a s g r o w n o n t h e N e t a n d a l t h o u g h it is t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y m e d i a t e d , it differs significantly from t h e m a s s m e d i a t e d o n e . T h e s i m p l e r e a s o n is that t h e m o d e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n o n t h e N e t is m i x e d , c o n t a i n i n g interpersonal a n d g r o u p interaction in addition t o t h e O n e to m a n y ' t y p e . T h e N e t p u b l i c s p h e r e c a n alternately o p e r a t e dialogically a n d h e n c e t h e e n v i r o n m e n t c a n actually p r o d u c e c o n d i t i o n s for a p u b l i c t o b e b o r n . D o e s t h e s e n s e o f c o m m o n a l i t y r e a c h a level that is i n s o m e r e s p e c t s g l o b a l ? T o a n s w e r t h e question w e can e x a m i n e the global public sphere, n o t from the perspective o f a structure, b u t from that o f a p r o c e s s a n d flow. W h i l e there is a rapidly g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations and their transnational n e t w o r k s creating t h e institutional structure o f a global public sphere, it still m o r e often e m e r g e s a r o u n d a topic, evolving for a m o m e n t and then fading a w a y . Currently m a n y social m o v e m e n t s take the form o f a c a m p a i g n to appeal against a national g o v e r n m e n t o r a multinational corporation and, although these c a m p a i g n s m a y b e p r o l o n g e d a n d r e n e w e d , they are generally transitory a n d their publics occa­ sional. C a m p a i g n s against M a c D o n a l d s , Shell and M o n s a n t o m a y serve as e x a m ­ ples o f the n e w activism, continuing to p r o c e e d virtually e v e n w h e n the activities s e e m publicly to cease. A slogan o f the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e N e t public sphere m i g h t b e that the publics are fragmenting, the issues are uniting. T h e N e t will give birth t o an a b u n d a n c e o f n e w publics w h i c h , d u e to the w o r l d - w i d e process o f modernization, increasingly share the s a m e topics. W h e r e the N e t is c o n c e r n e d the truth, h o w e v e r , is not as simple as that. W h i l e the publics fragment, t h e y m a y simultaneously b e global, that is, stretching across the continents. A n d w h i l e the topics m a y b e local, t h e y c a n acquire a global public. All kinds o f combinations of issues and publics, local a n d global, b e c o m e possible o n the N e t , a n d this is the m o s t obvious difference b e t w e e n it a n d the previous, m o r e stable public sphere.

The Private and Public Dilemma T h e s e c o n d r e f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e c o n c e r n s t h e inclusion o f interests a n d i s s u e s f o r m e r l y p a r t o f t h e private s p h e r e a n d t h e q u e s t i o n i n g o f a fixed n o t i o n o f t h e c o m m o n g o o d . T h e a b o v e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e plurality o f p u b l i c s a n d t h e fear o f d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f social life fall entirely w i t h i n t h e confines o f p o l i ­ tics. T o m a k e t h e distinction b e t w e e n p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c is to d e t e r m i n e the subjects o f c o m m o n d i s c u s s i o n a n d d e c i s i o n a n d thus t h e b o r d e r s o f politics. C o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i a c a n actually b e v i e w e d as t h e site o f continual disputes

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over the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n the p u b l i c and private spheres and it is c o m m o n l y a c c e p t e d that precisely these shifting interactions should b e e x p l o r e d ( M u r d o c k , 1993). M o r e o v e r , it h a s also b e e n s u g g e s t e d that in relation to the N e t t h e w h o l e division is simplistic a n d unhelpful and s h o u l d b e dismissed. H o w e v e r , the d i s ­ tinction is o f p r i m a r y i m p o r t a n c e here b e c a u s e the w h o l e c o n c e p t o f t h e p u b l i c sphere rests o n it. First, it is a r g u e d that the public sphere is constituted o f e x c l u s i o n s , s o m e of w h i c h are b a s e d o n this division. A set o f objections against the m o d e l o f the p u b l i c s p h e r e focuses o n the hierarchical o r d e r i n g o f r e a s o n o v e r affection, the u n i v e r s a l o v e r t h e particular, and m a l e over female ( B e n h a b i b , 1992; P a t e m a n , 1988; v a n Z o o n e n , 1991). A s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f this o r d e r i n g a m o d e l o f t h e p u b l i c sphere w a s established w h i c h w a s h o m o g e n i z i n g in its effects. C o n v e n ­ tionally, these pairs can b e c o m b i n e d as o n e set incorporating reason, the univer­ sal and m a l e , a n d the other incorporating affection, the particular and female. E v e n if this description is simplifying, the p u b l i c s p h e r e can b e said to b e consti­ tuted largely as a privileged area o f m a n w h e r e a s the private sphere w a s reserved for w o m a n . A c c o r d i n g l y , the d o m a i n o f t h e h o u s e h o l d , o f m e e t i n g the daily n e e d s o f life, o f sexuality and reproduction, a n d o f care o f the y o u n g , t h e sick a n d the elderly, w a s not defined as a p u b l i c issue. B e n h a b i b ( 1 9 9 2 ) a r g u e s that c o n t e m p o r a r y political theory still c o n t i n u e s to neglect these issues and ignores the transformation o f t h e private sphere resulting from m a s s i v e c h a n g e s in w o m e n ' s a n d m e n ' s lives. She sees the traditional m o d e s o f d r a w i n g this distinction as part o f a d i s c o u r s e o f d o m i n a t i o n that legiti­ m i z e s the locking o f w o m e n ' s interests into t h e private realm. T h i s g e n d e r e d s u b ­ text o f the p u b l i c s p h e r e is n o w s l o w l y b e i n g r e c o g n i z e d b y scholars, b u t in e v e r y d a y routine a n d political practice t h e division will p r e s u m a b l y s u r v i v e for years to c o m e . In B a y n e s ' v i e w ( 1 9 9 4 ) , h o w e v e r , it is not t h e c o n c e p t itself that is p r o b l e m a t i c b e c a u s e it is inherently structured to e x c l u d e h e t e r o g e n e i t y or par­ ticularity. T h o u g h the p u b l i c sphere p r e s u p p o s e s s o m e distinction b e t w e e n the public and t h e private, h e ascribes it a self-referential character that o p e n s it u p to self-transformation. T h e b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the p u b l i c and the private are then n o t fixed b u t rather r e m a i n o p e n to criticism a n d p o s s i b l e renegotiation. In recent years, there h a s also b e e n positive c h a n g e at this b o r d e r l i n e , c o n c e r n i n g for e x a m ­ ple physical integrity and issues o f private o w n e r s h i p b o t h o f w h i c h u s e d t o b e l o n g to the private realm. F a m i l y v i o l e n c e a n d pollution of p r i v a t e land p r o ­ perty h a v e b e c o m e issues o f c o m m o n c o n c e r n and m e a s u r e s h a v e b e e n taken to prevent and punish malpractices. H o w e v e r , the distinction h a s g i v e n rise to a n o t h e r c o n c e r n , contrary to the fear of an issue b e c o m i n g e x c l u d e d from the p u b l i c sphere. It is e x p r e s s e d as a c o n c e r n about t h e potential e m p t y i n g o f the p u b l i c sphere c a u s e d b y t h e exten­ sion o f the private. T h e notion h a d already a p p e a r e d in H a b e r m a s ' analysis w h e n he w a s tracing t h e reduction of the public s p h e r e to an arena o f private interests, incapable of r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e w h o l e . S e l i g m a n ( 1 9 9 2 : 132) p o i n t s to the w a y the relations b e t w e e n p u b l i c and private spheres are currently c o n c e i v e d . In his v i e w , the shared p u b l i c r e a l m , w i t h i n w h i c h the citizen is constituted, h a s itself dis­ appeared. W h a t h a s t a k e n its p l a c e is t h e individual existing in p u b l i c o n l y in the

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m o s t abstract a n d g e n e r a l i z e d form. S e l i g m a n suggests that t o d a y t h e private is projected into the p u b l i c arena and m a d e p u b l i c . A l t h o u g h t h e a r g u m e n t s are rather radical, t h e y a r e n o t difficult t o a g r e e u p o n l o o k i n g at t h e c o n t e n t o f m a n y media. A d m i t t e d l y , b o t h o f t h e s u g g e s t i o n s m e n t i o n e d here, that o f i n c l u d i n g formerly e x c l u d e d p u b l i c s into the p u b l i c s p h e r e , a n d that o f t r a n s f o r m i n g t h e b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c issues, are justified. W h a t m a k e s the p o s i t i o n difficult is that t h r o u g h t h e Net, it s e e m s , s o m e undesirable t e n d e n c i e s inherent in c o n ­ t e m p o r a r y society s u c h as disintegration a n d privatization m a y b e intensified. A n e x a m p l e m a y d e m o n s t r a t e t h e d i l e m m a w e face: a few y e a r s a g o , t h e C o u n c i l o f M a s t u r b a t i o n E d u c a t o r s p r o c l a i m e d an a n n i v e r s a r y o n t h e Net, d e d i c a t e d to soli­ tary or m u t u a l m a s t u r b a t i o n w o r l d - w i d e o n N e w Y e a r ' s E v e . T h e y e x p e c t e d m i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e to participate in t h e event b o t h t h r o u g h the N e t a n d in other local c e l e b r a t i o n s . W a s the action a j o k e , sheer exhibitionism o r an e x a m p l e o f n e w politics? B e i n g sexual b y n a t u r e , it is hard to ascribe this to a n y other than the intimate s p h e r e , b u t since it w a s intended to raise m o n e y for safe sex p r o ­ g r a m m e s , it w a s clearly political. T h e o r g a n i z e r s called o n p e o p l e to participate in an international orgy, that is, in a collective event. H o w s h o u l d this action b e e v a l u a t e d ? O b v i o u s l y n o t o n l y b y rational-critical criteria but, p e r h a p s , a c c o r d i n g to the intentions and potential c o n s e q u e n c e s . W h i l e it certainly a n n o y s m a n y , leaves others u n t o u c h e d , a n d m a k e s still others enjoy it, it is s y m p t o m a t i c o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f b r e a k i n g the c o n v e n t i o n a l b o r d e r s b e t w e e n p u b l i c a n d private. In all, w e h a v e to get a c q u a i n t e d w i t h forms o f politics that e v a d e established c o d e s and s t u d y t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y transformations b e t w e e n p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c carefully. In t o d a y ' s politics, m a t t e r s involving e m o t i o n s a n d relations o f care, issues o f the traditionally female lifeworld, c a n c o m e u n d e r discussion, m e a n i n g a w e l c o m e e n l a r g e m e n t o f the political r e a l m a n d v o c a b u l a r y alike. H o w e v e r , it also s e e m s clear that s o m e issues r e m a i n private in e s s e n c e e v e n w h e n t h e y enter publicity a n d should at least p a r t l y b e repulsed. M o r e o v e r , w e s h o u l d p a y atten­ tion to the s p h e r e o f p r i v a c y as the n e c e s s a r y g r o u n d o f o u r political life since if w e lose it, e v e r y t h i n g b e c o m e s political a n d w e h a v e lost t h e refuge. T h e b o r d e r ­ line b e t w e e n these t w o s p h e r e s is neither fixed n o r universal, but n e e d s to b e r e t h o u g h t . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e N e t are confusing in m a n y w a y s , to say the least. T h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o p e n e d u p are v e r y p r o m i s i n g , b u t often u n d e r u s e d , a n d still m o r e often v e r y e m b a r r a s s i n g . It s e e m s that p r o m i n e n t features, b o t h n e g a ­ tive and positive, o f t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y culture are liable to gain strength o n the N e t . W h a t w e a r e left w i t h is n o t a c h o i c e b e t w e e n alternatives b u t a n e n d e a v o u r t o b a l a n c e c o n t r a d i c t o r y t r e n d s a n d a w i s h to avoid the e x t r e m e s .

The Lost Glory of Politics T h e essence o f the public sphere is s u p p o s e d to be politics, i m p l y i n g that c o m m o n c o n c e r n s a r e discussed a n d contested in p u b l i c . In t h e d e m o c r a t i c tradition, t h e notion o f political life w i t h o u t a well-established public sphere w o u l d b e unthink­ able, and H a b e r m a s in effect u s e d to call it the political public sphere. T h e v e r y

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low e s t e e m generally enjoyed b y politics in W e s t e r n countries, h o w e v e r , reveals t h e decreasing legitimation o f political s y s t e m s in t h e m i n d s o f t h e citizens. In R o s e n ' s v i e w (1994), t h e d o m i n a n t t r e n d o f c o n t e m p o r a r y society is t o d o w n g r a d e citizens m o r e or less to t h e role o f spectators. In fact, in the c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f representative d e m o c r a c y a n d t h e m a s s m e d i a , the idea o f a w i d e l y accessible, critical-rational political discourse also s e e m s e x t r e m e l y Utopian. M u r d o c k ( 1 9 9 3 ) sees it a s a p r o b l e m o f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n t o u c h i n g u p o n t h e rela­ tionship b e t w e e n t h e d i s c o u r s e s o f major parties a n d t h e institutions o f p u b l i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n s available. In A r e n d t ' s v i e w ( 1 9 5 8 ) , t h e p r i n c i p l e o f r e p r e s e n t a ­ t i o n h a s led to t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a n oligarchic class a n d t h e p r i v i l e g e d g o v e r n i n g o f t h e majority b y t h e few. T h e current d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m d o e s n o t really e n c o u r ­ a g e the systematic a n d active participation o f citizens in m a t t e r s that affect o u r e v e r y d a y living s u c h as city p l a n n i n g o r w o r k organization. Industrial m o d e r n ­ ization h a s b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d b y a s t r o n g p l a n n i n g s y s t e m t a k i n g care o f social a r r a n g e m e n t t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t it s e e k s t o r e n d e r citizens m e a n i n g l e s s t o t h e s y s t e m e x c e p t o n v o t i n g d a y . T h e p r e v a i l i n g m o d e l o f political t h o u g h t s e e m s to anticipate a citizen w h o is d e t a c h e d from i n t e r m e d i a r y social g r o u p s a n d c o m m u n i t i e s , traditions, special interests, class a t t a c h m e n t s a n d p r e j u d i c e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s r e s e m b l e a serious b r e a k b e t w e e n politics a n d t h e p e o p l e . In t h e H a b e r m a s i a n s e n s e , h o w e v e r , politics should b e r e a l i z e d as t h e interplay b e t w e e n a constitutionally f o r m e d s y s t e m a n d s p o n t a n e o u s flows o f citizen c o m m u n i c a t i o n . In t h e a b s e n c e o f citizen deliberation, c o n v e r s a t i o n a n d d e c i s i o n m a k i n g , t h e p u b l i c w o r l d w i l l t e n d t o dissipate. If this c o n d i t i o n s h o u l d b e c o r r e c t e d b y rein­ stalling t h e p u b l i c as t h e subject o f politics, h o w w i l l t h e N e t contribute to it? I n recent y e a r s , t h e e x p o n e n t i a l g r o w t h o f t h e N e t s e e m e d t o c o m e a b o u t in a n y area e x c e p t that o f politics, if defined as initiatives t a k e n b y citizens. T o d a y t h e v i e w h a s shifted, largely b e c a u s e o f a n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f political projects that h a s e v o l v e d , b u t also b e c a u s e o f better u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e m e r g i n g forms o f politics ( B e c k , 1994, 1997; M e l u c c i , 1996). T h e s e considerations h a v e h e l p e d t o discern political a c t i v i s m w h e r e p r e v i o u s l y there s e e m e d t o b e n o t h i n g . N e w social a n d cultural g r o u p s utilize t h e N e t t o create m e d i a - t y p e a c t i o n a n d to invent d i s ­ c o u r s e s unfamiliar t o t h e m e d i a p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h u s , it c a n b e stated that t h e principle o f representation h a s to s o m e e x t e n t g i v e n w a y to t h e possibility o f participation, a l t h o u g h t h e n e w activities h a v e n o t yet m u c h influenced t h e insti­ tutional forms o f politics. H e r e w e c o m e to the relation b e t w e e n the N e t public sphere and t h e m e d i a public sphere w h i c h h a s to b e e x a m i n e d b e c a u s e in t h e n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n e n v i r o n m e n t it is precisely their interaction that is interesting. W h i l e the micro-public spheres d r a w their strength, paradoxically, from the fact that t h e y are m o s t l y latent ( K e a n e , 1995), to b e c o m e k n o w n t o a w i d e r public a n d b e politically m o r e effective t h e y n e e d the major m e d i a . T h e productivity o f n e w political projects is largely d e p e n ­ dent o n t h e m a n d w h a t e v e r their goals t h e y h a v e t o consider their m e d i a strategies. T h e fact that micro-public spheres a i m to establish direct contacts w i t h major m e d i a is also in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the c o m m o n s e n s e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e m e d i a as t h e real public sphere. In t h e long run, their p r e d o m i n a n c e over publicity could b e

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reduced b y the micro-public spheres linking w i t h o n e another. In addition, the reverse interaction also exists b e t w e e n the N e t and the m e d i a . T h e information circulated o n the N e t , p r e v i o u s l y often ignored b y the media, has n o w b e c o m e largely acceptable. N o w the N e t has b e c o m e a m a s s m e d i u m itself and journalists h a v e started to e m p l o y it to gather information and to c o m p i l e their stories. H o w e v e r , it is m o r e than j u s t a tool: it has also c h a n g e d the d o m i n a n t discourses o f the m e d i a either b y offering counter-information or b y eliciting entirely n e w issues.

Locality and Everyday Life H a v i n g c o n s i d e r e d b a s i c structural features o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e and t h e N e t , t h e focus will n o w turn to t h e social life o f a locality. W h a t m i g h t t h e functions o f t h e N e t as a p u b l i c s p h e r e b e for s o m e o n e living in a s u b u r b a n n e i g h b o u r h o o d ? First, it is p r e s u m e d that the w i d e s p r e a d indifference to politics e x p o s e d b y G a l l u p polls a n d elections is p r o p o r t i o n a l a n d is, m o s t o f all, directed to political parties and established institutions. B r i n g i n g politics closer to e v e r y d a y life and locality w o u l d p r o b a b l y increase interest in it (see B e c k , 1994). In u r b a n belts, s u b u r b s a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , p e o p l e w o u l d o b v i o u s l y h a v e their s a y o n m a t t e r s o f the i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t a n d e v e r y d a y a r r a n g e m e n t s . E v e r y b o d y lives s o m e w h e r e a n d therefore d e v e l o p s a relationship w i t h t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , often a w e a k and t e m p o r a r y o n e , b u t still m e a n i n g f u l . F r o m the n e i g h b o u r h o o d p e r ­ spective, p u b l i c s p h e r e a n d politics, w h i c h at t h e national level often a r e e x p e r i ­ e n c e d as r e m o t e a n d b e y o n d individual control, could b e c o m e significant again. B o o k c h i n ( 1 9 8 7 : 2 4 5 ) further c l a i m s that there c a n b e n o politics w i t h o u t c o m ­ m u n i t y . H i s v i s i o n o f t h e authentic unit o f political life is the municipality, w h e t h e r as a w h o l e , if it is h u m a n l y scaled, or as its v a r i o u s s u b d i v i s i o n s , n o t a b l y t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d . H e finds the significance o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y all the greater b e c a u s e it constitutes the discursive arena in w h i c h p e o p l e c a n intellectually a n d e m o t i o n a l l y confront e a c h other, indeed, e x p e r i e n c e e a c h o t h e r t h r o u g h d i a l o g u e , b o d y l a n g u a g e , p e r s o n a l i n t i m a c y a n d face-to-face m o d e s o f e x p r e s s i o n in t h e c o u r s e o f m a k i n g collective d e c i s i o n s . A p p a r e n t l y , d e m o c r a t i c participation c a n n o t b e b a s e d o n t h e d e l e g a t i o n o f p o w e r a n d t h e p r i n c i p l e o f representation in a n e i g h b o u r h o o d . P r o c e d u r e s o f local politics, to b e m e a n i n g f u l , s h o u l d in principle i n c l u d e e v e r y o n e . A r e n d t ( 1 9 5 8 ) has e x a m i n e d the d i m e n s i o n s o f p o w e r a n d structures o f the political w o r l d in a w a y that c a n assist u s to reconfigure t h e situation. In h e r v i e w , p o w e r is essen­ tially c o m m u n i c a t i v e b y n a t u r e , e v o l v i n g b o t h as action a n d d i s c o u r s e , a n d i n s e p ­ arable from politics. S h e interprets it as a potential for s o m e t h i n g . In this sense, it is not repressive b u t a n e c e s s a r y quality especially for t h o s e w i t h o u t a share o f e n t i t l e m e n t s a n d w i s h i n g to p u r s u e c h a n g e . Characteristic o f A r e n d t ' s political w o r l d is its irreversibly o p e n a n d p r o c e s s u a l n a t u r e : it is a l w a y s a sphere o f differences a n d a m b i g u i t y , a n d conflict a n d d i s p u t e a r e e x a c t l y t h e forces creat­ ing p r o g r e s s . T h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e m o d e l still h a s a strong influence u p o n o u r m i n d s , a n d b o t h scientific a n d practical objections are s o o n raised against a m o r e participatory m o d e l . T h e y r a n g e from t h e inability o f citizens to deal w i t h c o m ­ p l e x issues to t h e c o n t r o v e r s i e s b o u n d to b e stirred u p a m o n g local inhabitants.

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If a s t r o n g e r c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e p a r t i c i p a t o r y m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is inevitable, w h e r e d o w e find t h e local p u b l i c s p h e r e s t o c a r r y o u t t h e essential p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n s in t h e first p l a c e ? T h e r e a r e , i n fact, a w i d e v a r i e t y o f local s p a c e s in w h i c h citizens e n t e r into discussions. T h e s e m i c r o - p u b l i c s p h e r e s a r e t o d a y a vital feature o f all social m o v e m e n t s ( M e l u c c i , 1996) a l t h o u g h their local c o n n e c t i o n s m a y b e o b s c u r e a n d diffuse. F o r K e a n e ( 1 9 9 5 ) , t h e d i s c u s s i o n circle, t h e p u b l i s h i n g h o u s e , t h e c h u r c h , t h e clinic a n d a political chat o v e r a d r i n k w i t h friends or a c q u a i n t a n c e s r e p r e s e n t s u c h p u b l i c spheres. T h e y a r e t h e sites in w h i c h citizens q u e s t i o n the p s e u d o - i m p e r a t i v e s o f reality a n d c o u n t e r t h e m w i t h alternative e x p e r i e n c e s o f t i m e , space a n d interpersonal relations. K e a n e finds t h e m effective s i m p l y b e c a u s e m o s t o f t h e t i m e t h e y w o r k u n n o t i c e d b y t h e m e d i a a n d t h e authorities. H o w e v e r , their c h a n c e o f c h a l l e n g i n g t h e existing d i v i s i o n s o f p o w e r r e m a i n largely latent a n d their radical role h i d d e n from m o s t o f t h e partici­ p a n t s . W e d o n o t u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h o u r n e i g h b o u r s or friends as political acts c h a l l e n g i n g the status q u o . M o r e o v e r , there are n o established w a y s t o interpret a n d m e d i a t e t h e s e c o n v e r s a t i o n s t o t h e political institutions.

Sociality as a Basis of Politics T h e political n a t u r e o f t h e p r e s e n t m i c r o - p u b l i c spheres looks rather faint if c o m ­ p a r e d t o t h e early m o d e r n p u b l i c s p h e r e s as k n o w n from H a b e r m a s ' a c c o u n t . A n influential space o f c o n s u m p t i o n h a s n o w g r o w n , e v o l v i n g a l o n g t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e a n d flourishing as a rich r e a l m o f m a s s - p r o d u c e d i m a g e s a n d s y m b o l s . T h i s imagi­ n a r y sphere is shared b y t h e m e m b e r s o f a culture w h o thus b e c o m e related o n e t o a n o t h e r t h r o u g h it, t h o u g h in a w e a k a n d r e m o t e w a y . T h e q u e s t i o n t h e n arises o f h o w to link t h e far-removed w o r l d s o f c o n s u m p t i o n a n d e v e r y d a y c o n c e r n s a n d politics t o g e t h e r w h e n there s e e m s to b e j u s t an e m p t y space b e t w e e n t h e m . H o w w o u l d t h e c o n c e r n for c o m m o n m a t t e r s a n d solidarity w i t h others arise in a late m o d e r n n e i g h b o u r h o o d ? T h e classical A t h e n i a n p o l i s m i g h t give u s a n insight b y serving u s w i t h a n o t i o n o f citizenship w h i c h consisted n o t o n l y o f political, b u t o f social a n d cultural d i m e n s i o n s alike. T o b e a citizen in A t h e n s implied an array o f p e r s o n a l qualities, v a r i o u s fora o f discussion, a n d a r a n g e o f educational m e a n s a n d a i m s . T o d a y t h e m o d e l c a n s h o w u s t h e w a y to politics: t o g o b e y o n d the political s p h e r e to the social sphere, or sociality in B a u m a n ' s sense ( 1 9 9 2 ) . B e y o n d politics, all societies, i n c l u d i n g p r e v i o u s o n e s , h a v e h a d their specific w a y s o f o r g a n i z i n g t h e m s e l v e s . Lii ( 1 9 9 8 ) e m p l o y s t h e t e r m ' s o c i a l s p h e r e ' to deliberately distinguish this m o d e from t h e p u b l i c sphere. B o o k c h i n ( 1 9 8 7 : 39) e x p l a i n s t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e t w o b y t h e g r o w t h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e social into t h e political. Political life h a s d e v e l o p e d o u t o f social life t o a c q u i r e a distinct identity of its o w n , w h i c h itself p r e s u p p o s e s social f o r m s as its u n d e r ­ p i n n i n g s . T h e social s p h e r e c a n b e c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a form o f societal selfo r g a n i z a t i o n a n d t h e creation o f a cultural l a n d s c a p e in w h i c h private individuals c a n b e b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r into a social collectivity. I n a n e i g h b o u r h o o d , w e c a n find m a n y s u c h o c c a s i o n s , l i k e lectures, c o n c e r t s , b a z a a r s , e x c u r s i o n s , v o l u n t a r y w o r k d a y s , sport a n d g y m n a s t i c e x e r c i s e s that b r i n g p e o p l e t o g e t h e r a n d t h r o u g h w h i c h , finally, p u b l i c life is m a d e p o s s i b l e .

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W h i l e t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e strives to rise a b o v e p a r t i c u l a r interests to a c h i e v e a c o m m o n m i n d , t h e social s p h e r e , Lii s a y s , c r e a t e s a s h a r e d living c o n t e x t from w h i c h a social fabric d e v e l o p s a m o n g its m e m b e r s . T h i s social fabric t h e n c r e a t e s a n ethical r e l a t i o n w h i c h is essential for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f p u b l i c life. In this context, city p l a n n i n g s e e m s vital since t h e w a y o u r p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t is c o n s t r u c t e d c a n either p r e v e n t rich social relations arising o r greatly assist in f o r m i n g t h e m . T h r o u g h o u t history, p e o p l e h a v e s h o w e d t h e m s e l v e s c a p a b l e o f creating their o w n political institutions a n d f o r m s o f o r g a n i z a t i o n o u t s i d e t h e official r e a l m , b u t t h e p h y s i c a l a n d social structures c a n b e c o m e a constraint. T h e origin o f t h e N e t s h o u l d therefore b e recalled, as t h e c a u s e o f its e m e r g e n c e , aside from t h e m i l i t a r y o n e s , w a s p r e c i s e l y h u m a n sociality a n d t h e d e s i r e o f its early d e v e l o p e r s t o s h a r e t h e information, i d e a s , o p i n i o n s a n d i n n o v a t i o n s t h e y h a d at d i s p o s a l w i t h e a c h other. T o d a y it is still t h e n e e d for c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d inter­ c o u r s e that largely a c c o u n t s for its e x t e n s i o n . I n this s e n s e , t h e N e t is contribut­ ing t o establishing t h e social b a s i s o f future politics. I n d e e d , it w o u l d b e useless t o found p e r m a n e n t political fora u n l e s s p e o p l e h a d n o o t h e r o p p o r t u n i t y to get t o g e t h e r a n d s h a r e their e v e r y d a y e x p e r i e n c e s . L o c a l p u b l i c s p h e r e s c o u l d t h e n b e intentionally c r e a t e d o n the N e t a n d their interrelations b e s t r e n g t h e n e d . W i d e r c o n t a c t s a r e also a s vital as t h e h o r i z o n t a l c o n n e c t i o n s : t h e local p u b l i c s p h e r e s s h o u l d exploit t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e d e - n a t i o n a l i z e d p u b l i c s p h e r e s o f t h e N e t t o b e c o m e m o r e influential a n d t o a v o i d t h e p a r o c h i a l i s m i n h e r e n t in a local context. In r e c e n t y e a r s , s o m e b a s i c e l e m e n t s o f societal life, in p a r t i c u l a r t h e f o r m s o f family a n d w o r k , h a v e b e e n radically c h a n g i n g . T h e c o n c o m i t a n t diversification h a s t u r n e d w h a t u s e d t o b e a n e x p e c t i o n a l m o d e i n t o a n o r m . A n e w d e m a n d for civil society t o t a k e m o r e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for social a r r a n g e m e n t s a n d w e l l - b e i n g is therefore g r o w i n g , i m p l y i n g , in B e c k ' s w o r d s ( 1 9 9 7 ) , t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a n e w political society. O n t h e p r e s u m p t i o n that t h e m o d e r n p u b l i c h a s to a great e x t e n t lost its solid a n d collective c h a r a c t e r a n d i n d i v i d u a l s h a v e instead e m e r g e d a s t h e centres o f social relations, w e c a n n o t e x p e c t a n e a s y revival o f t h e political p u b l i c sphere. However, there are ongoing processes, seemingly paradoxical, which can b e p o i n t e d o u t h e r e as c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e political society aspired t o . A l t h o u g h individuals a r e t o d a y p u l l e d a w a y from their traditional m o d e s o f social c o n n e c ­ tion, s u c h as family l i n e a g e s , o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s a n d c l a s s e s , it d o e s n o t lead to t h e e n d o f all k i n d s o f society b u t to n e w m o d e s o f social c o n n e c t e d n e s s ( B e c k , 1997: 9 4 - 5 ) . T h e y o u n g o f t o d a y a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n s o f p u b e r t y are an e x a m p l e . In W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s this p e r i o d o f d i s e n g a g e m e n t from t h e family ties h a s in g e n e r a l b e c o m e rather e x h a u s t i n g to t h e parties c o n c e r n e d b e c a u s e o f t h e v e r y strong aspiration to a u t o n o m y a n d a self-centred w a y o f life led b y t h e y o u n g . P u b e r t y is at t h e v e r y h e a r t o f t h e i n d i v i d u a t i o n p r o c e s s , r e v e a l i n g p l a i n l y s o m e b a s i c qualities o f o u r culture. In s o m e E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s w i t h w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d welfare a r r a n g e m e n t s a n d a secularized culture, y o u t h b e h a v i o u r h a s t a k e n asocial f o r m s w h i c h a r e g e n ­ erally found u n d e s i r a b l e . T h e y o u n g tend t o form a tribe o f their o w n w i t h specific c o d e s a n d rites, a n d w i t h a r e m o t e r e l a t i o n to t h e o t h e r society. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , it w a s t h e welfare state that created t h e c o n d i t i o n s for e g o - c e n t r e d w a y s o f life ( B e c k , 1997: 9 7 ) , c o n s u m e r c a p i t a l i s m assisting significantly in e x p r e s s i n g t h e m .

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P r e s u m a b l y there is also s o m e t h i n g g o o d in the e x t r e m e p h a s e o f individuation. B y identifying and separating p e r s o n s as different b o d i e s , individuation b e c o m e s a p r e c o n d i t i o n o f subjectivity (Lii, 1 9 9 8 : 127), m e a n i n g a g r o w i n g a w a r e n e s s o f a n d responsibility for individual c h o i c e s . W i t h t h e s e notions in m i n d , w e m i g h t start constructing m o r e diversified u r b a n structures p r o v i d i n g the y o u n g w i t h their o w n social s p a c e s and spheres o f responsibility and e n l a r g i n g t h e possibil­ ity o f separate a g e g r o u p s c o m i n g together. H e r e w e c a n c o m b i n e t h e o l d idea o f the polis w i t h the n e w i n n o v a t i o n , t h e Net. T h e latter is n e e d e d to p r o d u c e a sense o f u n i v e r s a l i s m a n d to h e l p to o v e r c o m e t h e s o m e t i m e s too close relations o f a locality.

Contradictions on the Net T h e N e t is b y no m e a n s a neutral z o n e o f citizen activities or a r e a l m of freedom. T h e e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e n e t w o r k structure a n d functions s u g g e s t s that citizens a r e n o t e v e n free to c h o o s e w h e t h e r t h e y w a n t to u s e the N e t . T h e current p u s h t o w a r d s the information society is realized through transfers o f o p e r a t i o n s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s a n d e c o n o m i e s alike to the N e t - o f o u r request, it is often said. M o r e o v e r , to r e m a i n o u t s i d e t h e N e t m e a n s t o r e m a i n outside civil society, w h i c h is also increasingly constituted u p o n it. For future p r o s p e c t s , w e should not j u s t react to s y s t e m i c i m p e r a t i v e s , b u t should take o u r o w n initiatives and invent n e w approaches concerning the Net. A b u r n i n g question t o d a y is w h e t h e r w e can h a v e a n y e x p e r i e n c e of c o m m u ­ nity in o u r fully individualized societies. W h i l e a c a d e m i c d e b a t e o n t h e c o n t r o ­ versy between individualism and communitarianism continues, people become s p o n t a n e o u s l y c o m m i t t e d to civic a c t i o n in e v e r y d a y m a t t e r s . T h e s e include r e s p o n s e s and reactions to deterioration of n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , h e a v y d r i n k i n g b y t e e n a g e r s , and neglect o f old p e o p l e , a m o n g other things. T h e s e m o d e s o f local co-operation, already k n o w n from m a n y c o m m u n i t i e s , h a v e b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d b y n e w efforts at e m p l o y i n g t h e N e t . L o c a l associations h a v e started to establish W e b sites, informing p e o p l e for e x a m p l e o n c o m i n g social events a n d o n city p l a n n i n g , a n d v a r i o u s cultural or social g r o u p s are supporting their interests and identities t h r o u g h t h e N e t . N o t o n l y individual, but also collective identities are e n c o u r a g e d b y collecting and e x p o s i n g histories and personal m e m o r i e s o n t h e N e t . T h e s e activities t o u c h u p o n a p r o b l e m T o m l i n s o n ( 1 9 9 4 ) called ' t h e audience lacking a past in c o m m o n ' . H e e x a m i n e d the constitution of a global c o m m u n i t y v i a the global m e d i a a n d w a s c o n c e r n e d a b o u t it lacking a shared basis. In u r b a n n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , it s e e m s that history is n o w e m e r g i n g as an i m p o r t a n t source o f identity. R e c e n t l y , in a m e e t i n g o f African librarians great e n t h u s i a s m w a s also e x p r e s s e d a b o u t their n e w l y acquired access to t h e cultural heritage o f m a n k i n d , available o n the N e t . T h e s e e x a m p l e s s h o w h o w a n e w technological i n n o v a t i o n is often e m p l o y e d b y the p e o p l e in u n e x p e c t e d w a y s or for r e a s o n s n o t anticipated in a d v a n c e . T h e n e w activities, b o t h inside a n d o u t s i d e t h e N e t , h a v e also a r o u s e d c o n c e r n a m o n g s o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s . T h e a i m s and m o t i v e s involved are t h o u g h t d u b i o u s b e c a u s e o f the fear that t h e y m a y p r o m o t e particularistic and p r i v a t e interests.

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T h e activities a r e seen as defensive a n d p a r o c h i a l , p r o m o t i n g selfish e n d s , a n d social m o v e m e n t s are a c c u s e d o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e for c r e a t i n g discord instead o f h a r m o n y a n d solidarity. A d m i t t e d l y , b o t h present a n d p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s partly p r o v e these a c c u s a t i o n s justified. H o w e v e r , w e c a n n o t s i m u l t a n e o u s l y m a k e a c l a i m for m o r e diversified p u b l i c s a n d j u d g e t h e m , w h e n t h e y appear, a s w o r t h ­ less, n o t at least w i t h o u t discussing t h e principles o f j u d g e m e n t . If w e c o n s i d e r politics as p u b l i c e m p o w e r m e n t a n d participatory action, w e a r e b o u n d t o e n c o u n t e r c o n t r o v e r s i e s a n d disputes. W h a t w o u l d t h e alternative b e a return t o t h e h o m o g e n i z e d p u b l i c sphere, in t h e singular? L e t u s recall A r e n d t ' s v i e w o n politics a s t h o r o u g h l y o p e n a n d p r o c e s s u a l a n d a s a s p h e r e o f differences a n d a m b i g u i t y , o f conflicts a n d disputes. F o r her, these w e r e t h e qualities that create p r o g r e s s . H e g e l ( 1 9 7 3 ) , k n o w n for h i s c o m m i t m e n t to t h e idea o f a unified collective will, a r g u e d for t h e particularist interests o f a c o m m u n i t y as its prerequisite. H e p u t strong e m p h a s i s o n t h e h e r m e n e u t i c n a t u r e o f t h e general interest, originating in t h e p r o c e s s o f t e m p o r a r y p u b l i c o p i n i o n s b e i n g d e v e l o p e d a n d interpreted as a m o r e generalized o n e . T h e disintegration o f a c o m m u n i t y into a t o m i z e d individuals c o u l d b e a v o i d e d b y interpretative discussions a n d a s H e g e l ( 1 9 7 3 : 2 9 4 ) p o i n t e d out, in t h e c o u r s e o f history freedom o f s p e e c h h a s t u r n e d o u t to b e far less d a n g e r o u s than enforced silence. Finally, since t h e specific interests o f a c o m m u n i t y h a v e to b e b a l a n c e d against m o r e general o n e s , there is a n e e d for t h e e x i s t e n c e o f international political o r g a n s (Peters, 1993) a n d global p u b l i c spheres. W e c a n call it t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f cultural u n i v e r s a l i s m , in contrast t o that o f cultural relativism, i m p l y i n g t h e d e m o c r a t i c criteria b y w h i c h t o c h a r g e racist, neo-fascist or c h a u v i n i s t m o v e m e n t s , a n d e x c l u d e t h e m . I n all, the N e t projects o u r self-portrait before u s , with its beautiful a n d u g l y traits, a n d c a n t h e r e b y h e l p us t o c h o o s e the direction to take.

Note The article is based on a case study on local politics and ecological urban planning employing the Net as a tactical medium. Since the project aims at changes in the agendas and procedures of local democracy, how the concept of public sphere is defined and how the role of politics is conceived are important factors. Although the Web site of the project originally represented the particular interests of a few - the researcher and her husband and was confined to a specific geographical area, they were meant to advance the public good more generally (Sassi, 1997).

References Arendt, H. (1958) The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bauman, Z. (1992) Ά sociological theory of postmodemity', in Z. Bauman, Intimations of Postmodemity. London: Routledge. Baynes, K. (1994) 'Communicative ethics, the public sphere and communication media', Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 11: 315-26. Beck, U. (1994) 'The reinvention of politics: towards a theory of reflexive modernization', in U. Beck, A. Giddens and S. Lash, Reflexive Modernization. Cambridge: Polity Press. Beck, U. (1997) 77ie Reinvention of Politics. Rethinking Modernity in the Global Social Order. Cambridge: Polity Press.

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Benhabib, S. (1992) 'Models of public space: Hannah Arendt, the liberal tradition, and Jurgen Habermas', in C. Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge: MIT Press. Bookchin, M. (1987) The Rise of Urbanization and the Decline of Citizenship. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. Fraser, N. (1992) 'Rethinking the public sphere: a contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy', in C. Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge: MIT Press. Gibson, W. (1984) Neuromancer. London: Grafton Books. Habermas, J. (1987) The Theory of Communicative Action. Volume 2. Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Funtionalist Reason, translated by Thomas McCarthy, first pub­ lished in 1981. Cambridge: Polity Press. Habermas, J. (1989) The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: MIT Press. (Originally published 1962.) Habermas, J. (1992) 'Further reflections on the public sphere', in C. Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge: MIT Press, pp. 4 2 1 - 6 1 . Hauben, R. (1990) 'From Arpanet to Usenet News. On the nourishment or impediment of the NET.Common wealth'. Paper presented at the IAMCR conference in Dublin, June 1990. Hegel, G.W.F. (1973/1852) Hegel's Philosophy of Right, translated with notes by T.M. Knox. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Keane, J. (1995) 'Structural transformations of the public sphere', The Communication Review, 1(1): 1-22. Lii, D. (1998) 'Social spheres and public life. A structural origin', Theory, Culture & Society, 15(2): 115-35. McLaughlin, L. (1993) 'Feminism, the public sphere, media and democracy. Review essay', Media, Culture and Society, 15: 599-620. Melucci, A. (1996) Challenging Codes. Collective Action in the Information Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Murdock, G. (1993) 'Communications and the constitution of modernity', Media, Culture and Society, 15: 521-39. Pateman, C. (1988) 'The fraternal social contract', in J. Keane (ed.), Civil Society and the State. London: Verso, pp. 101-27. Peters, J.D. (1993) 'Distrust o f representation: Habermas on the public sphere', Media, Culture and Society, 15: 541-71. Rosen, J. (1994) 'Making things more public: on the political responsibility of the media intellectual', Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 11: 362-88. Sassi, S. (1995) Ά self-willed and odd thing called the Net. Remarks on the quality of the network world', Nordicom information, 2: 49-58. Sassi, S. (1997) "The Internet and the art of conducting politics: considerations of theory and action', Communication, 22(4): 451-69. Seligman, A. (1992) The Idea of Civil Society. New York: Free Press. Tomlinson, J. (1994) Ά phenomenology of globalization? Giddens on global modernity', European Journal of Communication, 9: 149-72. van Dijk, J. (1993) 'Communication networks and modernization', Communication Research, 20(3): 384-407. van Zoonen, L. (1991) Ά tyranny of intimacy? Women, femininity and television news', in P. Dahlgren and C. Sparks (eds), Communication and Citizenship. Journalism and the Public Sphere in the New Media Age. London: Routledge. pp. 217-35. .

PART III PRACTICE

7 The White House Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) System and Political Interactivity Kenneth L. Hacker

A s w e h a v e s e e n in t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s o f this b o o k , t h e r e are m a n y a n d varied c l a i m s m a d e r e g a r d i n g digital d e m o c r a c y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , m a n y o f t h e m lack r i g o r o u s theoretical a n d / o r e m p i r i c a l g r o u n d i n g . Often, t h e results o f c o m p u t e r m e d i a t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s fall b e h i n d t h e rhetorical c l a i m s m a d e r e g a r d i n g their role in n e w forms o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d c h a n g i n g d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m s . M o r e o v e r , o b s e r v e r s m a y n e g l e c t to a c k n o w l e d g e t h e p o s s i ­ b l e n e g a t i v e effects o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s . T h i s c h a p t e r a c k n o w l e d g e s t h e s e issues w h i l e a d d r e s s i n g s o m e specific p r a c ­ tice issues in r e g a r d to the r o l e o f t h e C l i n t o n W h i t e H o u s e c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) s y s t e m . S i n c e 1 9 9 3 , this s y s t e m h a s h a d t h e potential o f m a k i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s to d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , political interactivity a n d n e w forms o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . A s w i t h m o s t e m e r g i n g s y s t e m s a n d t e c h n o l o g i e s , it h a s d o n e s o m e g o o d , w h i l e it h a s also fallen short o f a c c o m p l i s h i n g its stated objectives. T h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C ( W H C M C ) s y s t e m goals are d e s c r i b e d in this c h a p t e r in relation to t h e c l a i m s m a d e b y t h e W h i t e H o u s e c o n c e r n i n g h o w this t e c h n o ­ logy w o u l d facilitate d e m o c r a c y in t h e U n i t e d States. T h e W h i t e H o u s e c l a i m s are e v a l u a t e d in light o f d a t a g a t h e r e d ( b y s y s t e m e v a l u a t o r s ) o n s y s t e m users r e p o r t e d in 1996 (the last year that s u c h data h a v e b e e n available for p u b l i c scrutiny). T h e y are also c o m p a r e d to t h e s t a n d a r d s o f d e m o c r a t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n suggested b y a typology of democracies and various perspectives of democratic c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e c o n c l u s i o n s r e a c h e d in this c h a p t e r focus o n w h a t the

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s y s t e m p l a n n e r s p r o m i s e d a n d w h a t t h e s y s t e m h a s delivered as a n e w m e a n s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Finally, s o m e early g r o u n d w o r k for initiating s o m e theoretical constructs a n d m o d e l s o f political interactivity is p r e s e n t e d in an effort t o usefully relate d e m o c r a c y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n in w a y s that c a n influence future W H C M C d e v e l o p m e n t a n d evaluation.

The White House (WHCMC) Technology/System T h e C l i n t o n W H C M C s y s t e m ( h t t p : / / w w w . w h i t e h o u s e . g o v ) b e g a n as an e x t e n ­ sion o f the intensive u s e s o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s b y t h e C l i n t o n presidential c a m p a i g n in 1992. O f t h e t h r e e m a j o r c a m p a i g n s ( B u s h , Clinton, P e r o t ) in 1992, o n l y t h e C l i n t o n c a m p a i g n m a d e early u s e o f c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s to d i s s e m i n a t e its m e s s a g e s . T h e distribution o f C l i n t o n c a m p a i g n d o c u m e n t s b e g a n w i t h t h e u s e o f C o m p u S e r v e ( C h a p m a n , 1993). In t i m e , all three c a m p a i g n s e v e n t u a l l y u s e d c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g for s u c h p u r p o s e s ( H a c k e r et al., 1996). After the election victory, t h e C l i n t o n - G o r e t e a m m o v e d into t h e W h i t e H o u s e in 1993 a n d installed n e w p h o n e lines, c o m p u t e r s , m o d e m s , F A X m a c h i n e s a n d e-mail t e c h n o l o g y ( D i a m o n d a n d S i l v e r m a n , 1997). T h e staff p e r c e i v e d that t h e y were ending a Dark Ages of communication technologies used by the Bush administration. F o r e x a m p l e , P r e s i d e n t B u s h d i d not get direct dial tone o n h i s o w n p h o n e ; h e h a d to p l a c e his calls w i t h the assistance o f h i s operator. W h e t h e r o r not t h e C l i n t o n W H C M C s y s t e m ever a c c o m p l i s h e d its stated objectives for d e m o c r a c y , its d e s i g n e r s c a n legitimately c l a i m that t h e C l i n t o n administration w a s t h e first t o m a k e C M C part o f U S g o v e r n m e n t c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h its citi­ z e n s ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998). T h e W H C M C s y s t e m h a s n u m e r o u s c o m p o n e n t s i n c l u d i n g d o c u m e n t retrieval, W o r l d W i d e W e b ( W W W ) p a g e s a n d electronic m a i l w h i c h m a k e s it p o s s i b l e for citizens to w r i t e to t h e p r e s i d e n t a n d other g o v e r n m e n t officials. T h e p e o p l e w h o h a v e d e s i g n e d a n d m a n a g e d t h e W H C M C s y s t e m a r e confident that A m e r i c a n d e m o c r a c y will b e e n h a n c e d w i t h C M C . A l t h o u g h t h e y a c k n o w l e d g e that this will t a k e t i m e , t h e y say that t h e i n c r e a s i n g u s e o f t h e s y s t e m will e n c o u r a g e greater citizen participation in t h e political s y s t e m (Hacker, 1996a). In its earliest d a y s , W h i t e H o u s e e-mail w a s p r i n t e d o n p a p e r a n d treated as p a p e r c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b y p o s t a l p e r s o n n e l ( C h a p m a n , 1993). T o d a y t h e e-mail sent t o t h e W h i t e H o u s e is s c a n n e d b y subject lines a n d from there f o r w a r d e d to a specific a g e n c y in t h e federal g o v e r n m e n t . T h e s e n d e r o f t h e m a i l u s u a l l y receives a computerized acknowledgement and thank-you note. The White House s y s t e m h a d r e c e i v e d o v e r 6 0 , 0 0 0 m e s s a g e s b y S e p t e m b e r 1993 ( B r a d l e y a n d F r e d e r i c k , 1994). In the y e a r 1996, the m a i l h a d r e a c h e d n e a r l y 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 n o t e s for t h e year, t h e first t i m e that e-mail letters w e r e e x c e e d i n g t h e n u m b e r o f p a p e r m a i l letters at t i m e s ( R o t h m a n , 1997). B y A p r i l 1999, the s y s t e m h a d r e c e i v e d over 2.8 m i l l i o n m e s s a g e s since its inception. T h e W h i t e H o u s e Office o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n s o b t a i n e d assistance from t h e Artificial Intelligence ( A l ) L a b o r a t o r y at M I T t o construct software that w o u l d a n a l y s e t h e c o n t e n t s o f e-mail m e s s a g e s r e a c h i n g t h e W h i t e H o u s e . T h e assis­ t a n c e o f M I T A l experts w a s necessary b e c a u s e o f t h e e n o r m o u s v o l u m e o f e-mail

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r e a c h i n g t h e W h i t e H o u s e ( C h a p m a n , 1993). A s stated earlier, this p r o g r a m r e a d s k e y w o r d s in m e s s a g e s a d d r e s s e d t o t h e p r e s i d e n t o r v i c e p r e s i d e n t a n d r o u t e s t h e i n c o m i n g m e s s a g e s t o t h e m o s t a p p r o p r i a t e federal a g e n c i e s . F o r e x a m p l e , a m e s s a g e w i t h r e p e a t e d references to ' B o s n i a ' o r ' K o s o v o ' will b e r o u t e d t o t h e State D e p a r t m e n t ( C h a p m a n , 1993). D e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e t e c h n o l o g y h a s b e e n said t o i n c l u d e n a t u r a l l a n g u a g e p r o c e s s i n g in t h e A l p r o g r a m w h i c h will a l l o w t h e c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m s t o ascertain t h e t o n e o f i n c o m i n g m e s s a g e s . I n t i m e , this s y s t e m w i l l b e able to p r o v i d e a c u m u l a t i v e attitudinal t r a c k i n g s y s t e m for t h e p r e s i d e n t a n d h i s / h e r a d v i s e r s ( D i a m o n d a n d S i l v e r m a n , 1997). T h e W h i t e H o u s e will b e able to u s e t h e s y s t e m t o t r a c k p u b l i c c o n c e r n s o n a v a r i e t y o f issues a n d policies o v e r t i m e . T h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b site h a s links to v a r i o u s federal a g e n c i e s , W h i t e H o u s e p h o t o a r c h i v e s , p r e s s r e l e a s e s o f p r e s i d e n t i a l s t a t e m e n t s o r p r e s s secretary, a n d a virtual t o u r o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e . T h e W e b site is p a r t o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e e l e c ­ tronic p u b l i c a t i o n s service w h i c h distributes transcripts o f s p e e c h e s , e x e c u t i v e o r d e r s a n d o t h e r presidential d o c u m e n t s . B y 1996, the site w a s getting n e a r l y a m i l l i o n hits p e r m o n t h ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998). T h e site w a s c o n s t r u c t e d in 1994 u n d e r the s u p e r v i s i o n o f political scientist D a v i d L y t e l ( R o t h m a n , 1997). A v e r a g e daily hits for t h e site in 1997 w e r e 7 2 , 0 0 0 p e r d a y ( R o t h m a n , 1997). T h e W h i t e H o u s e a r g u e s t h a t t h e central objective o f its C M C s y s t e m is t o c o n n e c t g o v e r n m e n t a n d p e o p l e . T h r o u g h its high-profile a d v o c a t e s , P r e s i d e n t C l i n t o n a n d V i c e P r e s i d e n t G o r e , a n d its h o s t o f lower-profile a d v o c a t e s like t h e system designers and evaluators, the W H C M C system has been repeatedly touted as a n i n s t r u m e n t o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y c h a n g e in A m e r i c a n political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . E v e n t h e a u t o r e s p o n d e r m e s s a g e sent b a c k to p e o p l e w h o s e n d e-mail t o t h e W h i t e H o u s e declares, ' O n l i n e c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a s b e c o m e a tool t o b r i n g g o v e r n ­ m e n t a n d t h e p e o p l e closer t o g e t h e r . ' 1

The Claims made by the White House In 1 9 9 3 , t h e C l i n t o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n n o u n c e d p l a n s for t h e N a t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure ( N i l ) , w h i c h t h e y said w o u l d e v e n t u a l l y p r o v i d e all A m e r i c a n s w i t h affordable a c c e s s to a n a t i o n a l s y s t e m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d i n f o r m a t i o n ( H a c k e r , 1996a). In A u g u s t 1 9 9 3 , a n a n n o u n c e m e n t from t h e W h i t e H o u s e said that t h e W h i t e H o u s e e-mail s y s t e m w a s part o f its efforts to ' r e i n v e n t g o v e r n ­ m e n t ' . A c o m p o n e n t o f the N i l w o u l d b e t h e W h i t e H o u s e c o m m u n i c a t i o n system. In various press releases, speeches, interviews a n d documents, the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c l a i m e d that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m w o u l d lead to m o r e citizen participation, less t o p - d o w n information d i s s e m i n a t i o n , a n d a l o w e r i n g o f t h e feelings o f d i s c o n n e c t i o n that m a n y A m e r i c a n s feel in relation to t h e federal g o v ­ e r n m e n t ( H a c k e r , 1996a). T h e y also a r g u e d t h a t t h e W h i t e H o u s e e-mail s y s t e m w o u l d m a k e the n e w presidential a d m i n i s t r a t i o n m o r e a c c e s s i b l e t o t h e p e o p l e (Jones, 1995). In S e p t e m b e r 1 9 9 3 , t h e C l i n t o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e v e a l e d its N i l ' A g e n d a for A c t i o n ' . T h i s d o c u m e n t c l a i m e d that m o r e g o v e r n m e n t i n f o r m a t i o n w o u l d b e 2

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m a d e available to p e o p l e over t h e Internet, that c o m m u n i c a t i o n with g o v e r n m e n t officials w o u l d b e facilitated, that n e t w o r k u s a g e w o u l d i m p r o v e h o w A m e r i c a n s participate in d e m o c r a c y , that accessibility of g o v e r n m e n t information w o u l d i m p r o v e , and that the N i l w o u l d result in a ' m o r e o p e n and participatory democracy'. O n 21 D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 3 , V i c e President A l G o r e said that c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k i n g can build c o m m u n i t i e s w h e r e a s a d v a n c e m e n t s in transportation had contributed to a fracturing o f c o m m u n i t i e s . G o r e claimed that n e w m e a n s o f c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n i n c l u d i n g the Internet w o u l d p r o v i d e a healthier, m o r e educated and m o r e p r o s p e r o u s A m e r i c a n society ( ' R e m a r k s b y the V i c e P r e s i d e n t . . . ' , 1993). O t h e r t h a n t h e president a n d vice president, the c o n c e p t u a l p l a n n e r s o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n J o c k Gill, M a r k B o n c h e k , R o g e r H u r w i t z a n d J o h n M a l l e r y . I will refer t o t h e s e p e o p l e as t h e W H C M C s y s t e m analysts. J o n a t h a n ' J o c k ' Gill, the director of the W H C M C s y s t e m a n d former Clinton 1992 c a m p a i g n e-mail director, a d d r e s s e d the Political C o m m u n i c a t i o n division of the International C o m m u n i c a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n in 1 9 9 3 . H e said that the admini­ stration w a s w o r k i n g w i t h a n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n m o d e l that w o u l d facilitate m o r e t w o - w a y and lateral c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Gill argued the p r e v i o u s t o p - d o w n , o n e - w a y m o d e l s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n w o r k e d against c o m m u n i t y a n d interactivity. H e also argued that the e m p o w e r m e n t o f citizens involves h e l p i n g p e o p l e m a k e better personal decisions a n d helping t h e m w i t h personal responsibilities. 4

In 1994, I w e n t t o the O l d E x e c u t i v e Office B u i l d i n g offices o f the W h i t e H o u s e to interview J o c k Gill. H e told m e that the n e w president h a d oriented his election c a m p a i g n a r o u n d three m a i n t h e m e s : c o m m u n i t y , o p p o r t u n i t y and responsibility. Part of this, he said, is getting p e o p l e to b e m o r e interactively i n v o l v e d with their g o v e r n m e n t . R e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t a n d citizens w o u l d build c o m m u n i t y w h i c h w o u l d m a k e opportunities and responsibilities m o r e possible. M o r e specifically, Gill said that President Clinton w a n t e d to get m o r e p e o p l e involved w i t h the political s y s t e m and that o v e r t i m e p e o p l e will learn from their positive e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h t h e W H C M C system, as well as h o w to c o m m u n i c a t e m o r e w i t h g o v e r n m e n t (Hacker, 1996a). In other interviews, J o c k Gill a r g u e d that P r e s i d e n t Clinton w i s h e d to inform p e o p l e directly o f political e v e n t s a s t h e y o c c u r r e d a n d thus to c r e a t e c o m m u n i ­ cation that w o u l d result in a m o r e informed electorate and possibly o n e that is less disaffected ( B r a d l e y and Frederick, 1994). H e also argued that t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C p l a n n e r s w e r e trying to p u t m o r e control into the h a n d s o f its users ( ' E l e c t r o n i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n at the W h i t e H o u s e ' , 1994). Gill m a d e it clear that t h e p r e v i o u s administration h a d n o C M C infrastructure at all and that the Clinton administration h a s established one ( ' E l e c t r o n i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n at t h e W h i t e H o u s e ' , 1994). A 1995 d o c u m e n t r e l e a s e d b y t h e N a t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l m a d e the following c l a i m s about e n h a n c i n g participatory d e m o c r a c y with C M C . T h e y c l a i m e d that the N i l w o u l d i m p r o v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t and constituents, e n h a n c e delivery o f information, p r o v i d e user-friendly information s o u r c e s s u c h as t h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b p a g e , e n c o u r a g e

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m o r e responsive and efficient government, and enable citizens to actively participate in political p r o c e s s e s ( N i l , 1995). T h e d o c u m e n t a r g u e s that Internet c o m m u n i ­ cation offers a n ' u n p r e c e d e n t e d o p p o r t u n i t y ' to e n h a n c e p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y . T h e N i l C o u n c i l s a y s that as A m e r i c a n s learn to u s e C M C to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h their g o v e r n m e n t , g o v e r n m e n t will b e c o m e m o r e r e s p o n s i v e . In turn, t h e r e will b e a flourishing o f participatory d e m o c r a c y ( N i l , 1995). M a r k B o n c h e k ( 1 9 9 5 ) argues that C M C facilitates political activity b y r e d u c i n g costs o f m o v i n g information, f o r m i n g g r o u p s , c o - o r d i n a t i n g actions and recruit­ ing m e m b e r s . H e notes that in 1994, a b o u t 10,000 p e o p l e w e r e visiting t h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b site e a c h day. W i t h less cost, there is m o r e likelihood o f activity. M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , B o n c h e k ( 1 9 9 5 ) d r a w s attention to the fact that t h e m a n y - t o m a n y n a t u r e o f the Internet a l l o w s p e o p l e t o tap into k n o w l e d g e b a s e s a n d online c o m m u n i t i e s w h i l e p o s s i b l y participating in constructing s o m e political n e t w o r k s o f their o w n . M a r k B o n c h e k a n d J o c k Gill a r g u e that Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n is superior to m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e c a u s e t h e former c a n m o r e easily facilitate g r o u p c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n and c o - o p e r a t i o n a m o n g citizens ( B o n c h e k a n d Gill, 1996). T h e y also assert that there are m a n y false c l a i m s about N e t u s e r s b e i n g politically different from n o n - N e t users. T h e y argue that users a n d n o n - u s e r s are the s a m e in t e r m s o f p a r t y identification, w h o t h e y v o t e d for in t h e 1992 presidential election, and c o n ­ cern for g o v e r n m e n t h e l p i n g the d i s a d v a n t a g e d ( B o n c h e k a n d Gill, 1996). In 1997, M a r k B o n c h e k , R o g e r H u r w i t z a n d J o h n M a l l e r y a r g u e d that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m h a d m i x e d results a n d that Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n in general m a y i m p r o v e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s e s b y m a k i n g it easier to b e informed, m a k i n g it easier for citizens to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h e a c h other, a n d b y facilitating c o m m u ­ nication a m o n g citizens and leaders or a g e n c i e s . H o w e v e r , t h e y also n o t e that inequalities b l o c k m a n y o f these benefits from b e i n g w i d e s p r e a d ( B o n c h e c k et al., 1997). A r e c e n t addition t o t h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b site is a p a g e labelled ' C u s t o m e r S e r v i c e ' . T h i s p a g e m a k e s the c l a i m that t h e W h i t e H o u s e is ' l e a d i n g a r e v o l u ­ tion to give y o u better service from y o u r g o v e r n m e n t ' . W h i l e this m a y s o u n d like Total Q u a l i t y M a n a g e m e n t rhetoric, it is consistent w i t h p r e v i o u s c l a i m s about b r i n g i n g g o v e r n m e n t and citizens closer together. T h e W h i t e H o u s e site contin­ u e s to offer d o c u m e n t s , i m a g e s , s c r a p b o o k p h o t o s , a virtual t o u r o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e a n d a u d i o m e s s a g e s . It also facilitates the e-mail s y s t e m b y p r o v i d i n g note writers w i t h a m e n u o f o p t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the subject o f their m e s s a g e to the p r e s i ­ dent ( D a v i s and O w e n , 1998). All o f this reflects d e s i g n efforts to m a k e the W H C M C s y s t e m easier to u s e . 5

W i t h qualifications, w e see that over the y e a r s , the W h i t e H o u s e has c l a i m e d that its C M C s y s t e m w o u l d d o the following: m a k e g o v e r n m e n t information easily and m o r e w i d e l y available to citizens; increase citizen participation in d e m o c r a c y ; d e c r e a s e political disaffection; m a k e g o v e r n m e n t m o r e accessible; a n d lessen t o p - d o w n political information d i s s e m i n a t i o n . Before assessing the strength and validity o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e c l a i m s about increasing or i m p r o v i n g c i t i z e n - l e a d e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h r o u g h the W H C M C s y s t e m , it is instructive to briefly e x a m i n e s o m e sociological data a b o u t Internet

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a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b u s a g e in general since t h e s e a r e t h e m a i n platforms o f t h e W H C M C system. Sociological

Data

Information from the U S Department o f C o m m e r c e indicates that only about 3 million people u s e d the Internet in 1994, fewer than 4 0 million people around the w o r l d w e r e using the Internet in 1996 and b y the end o f 1997 m o r e than 100 million in t h e w o r l d w e r e u s i n g it ( M a r g h e r i o et al., 1998). T h e report indicates that traffic o n t h e Internet h a s b e e n d o u b l i n g e v e r y 100 d a y s . S o m e experts a r g u e that as m a n y as 1 billion p e o p l e in t h e w o r l d w i l l b e u s i n g t h e Internet b y t h e y e a r 2 0 0 2 ( M a r g h e r i o et al., 1998). A s o f 1999, Internet u s e r statistical e s t i m a t e s v a r i e d from 6 4 m i l l i o n A m e r i c a n s o n l i n e ( M e d i a m a r k R e s e a r c h , 1999) t o 83 m i l l i o n A m e r i c a n s o n l i n e (Intelliquest, 1999). In 2 0 0 0 , e s t i m a t e s o f w o r l d u s a g e w e r e o v e r 3 0 0 m i l l i o n ( N U A S u r v e y s , M a r c h 2 0 0 0 ) . S u c h e s t i m a t e s are generally for all p e o p l e w i t h a n y t y p e o f n e t a c c e s s . A l l o f t h e individual survey n u m b e r s are subject to validity p r o b l e m s , b u t t h e t r e n d data is w h a t c o u n t s m o s t . T h e t r e n d s a c r o s s s u r v e y s i n d i c a t e that b o t h t h e Internet a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b h a v e r e a c h e d critical m a s s a n d a r e b e i n g a d o p t e d at rates so fast that t h e r e a r e clearly n o indi­ cations o f digital c o m m u n i c a t i o n lessening o r n o t b e c o m i n g as w i d e l y u s e d , b y t h o s e w h o c a n afford a c c e s s , as p r e v i o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s o f t h e past. Just a b o u t 2 0 y e a r s a g o , t h e r e w e r e a b o u t 5 0 , 0 0 0 c o m p u t e r s in t h e entire w o r l d . T o d a y , that m a n y c o m p u t e r s are sold e v e r y 10 h o u r s a r o u n d t h e w o r l d ( G l a d i e u x a n d Swail, 1999). In 1 9 8 5 , t h e r e w e r e a b o u t 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 e-mail u s e r s w o r l d - w i d e . T o d a y , A m e r i c a n s a l o n e a c c o u n t for a b o u t 8 0 m i l l i o n e-mail a d d r e s s e s ( G l a d i e u x a n d Swail, 1999). O v e r 4 0 p e r cent o f t h e U S p o p u l a t i o n h a d s o m e form o f net a c c e s s b y t h e y e a r 2 0 0 0 ( N i e l s e n N e t R a t i n g s , F e b r u a r y 2 0 0 0 ) . A s s h o w n in t h e R o g e r s a n d M a l h o t r a c h a p t e r o f this b o o k , t h e g r o w t h o f t h e Internet a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b h a s e x c e e d e d early e x p e c t a t i o n s a n d w e truly h a v e a n e w m e d i u m o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . W h i l e in 1996 o n l y 6.4 p e r cent o f U S h o u s e h o l d s h a d o n e o r m o r e Internet u s e r s , t h e n u m b e r o f Internet u s e r s increases e x p o n e n t i a l l y e v e r y y e a r ( W h i l l o c k , 1997). D e s p i t e this r a p i d a d o p t i o n o f t h e Internet as a n o t h e r c h a n n e l o f c o m m u ­ nication, t h e political u s e s o f t h e Internet a r e n o t as substantial as o n e m i g h t sur­ m i s e from t h e statistics r e g a r d i n g d r a m a t i c i n c r e a s e s in general n e t w o r k u s a g e . S t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d that in 1996, a b o u t 5 0 p e r cent o f Internet u s e r s c l a i m e d t o b e o n l i n e at least 10 h o u r s p e r w e e k ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998). T h o s e w h o get n e w s o n t h e Internet are m o s t likely t h e s a m e p e o p l e w h o s e e k o u t n e w s in traditional m e d i a s u c h a s print a n d television ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998). P e w R e s e a r c h C e n t e r data indicated that a b o u t 12 p e r cent o f t h e A m e r i c a n v o t i n g a g e p o p u l a t i o n u s e d o n l i n e s o u r c e s for political information in 1996. T h e s a m e data set indicated that o n l y a b o u t 4 p e r cent o f t h e s a m e p o p u l a t i o n u s e d online s o u r c e s d u r i n g t h e e l e c ­ t i o n o f 1996 ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998). O f t h e U s e n e t g r o u p s o n t h e Internet, o n l y a b o u t 12 p e r cent o f t h e m c o n c e r n politics (Hill a n d H u g h e s , 1998). A c c o r d i n g t o t h e G V U 5 t h S u r v e y d o n e in 1996, W e b u s e r s t e n d t o b e inter­ ested in politics as reflected in t h e finding that 9 2 p e r cent o f t h o s e w h o c o m p l e t e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e s are r e g i s t e r e d t o v o t e a n d 6 0 p e r cent o f t h e m report participating

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in recent elections. T h e data also indicated that o v e r 4 0 p e r cent o f t h e W e b users self-report b e i n g m o r e i n v o l v e d w i t h political issues since c o m i n g o n l i n e ( G V U , 1996a). Hill and H u g h e s ( 1 9 9 8 ) a r g u e that s u r v e y data indicate that Internet activists are m o r e politically active t h a n b o t h n o n - N e t u s e r s a n d Internet u s e r s w h o are n o t activists. B y a c t i v i s m , t h e y refer to political c o m m u n i c a t i o n o n t h e Net. O f course, w e m u s t r e m e m b e r that causal directions are still at issue regard­ ing these types o f generalizations. D o activists b e c o m e m o r e politically active d u e to their u s e o f the Internet or d o t h e y m e r e l y add the Internet to their o n g o i n g activism? W h i l e t h e Internet u s e r a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b u s e r s t e n d to b e m o r e affluent a n d m o r e e d u c a t e d t h a n a v e r a g e A m e r i c a n s , these are the p e o p l e that are m o s t likely to v o t e , a n d are, therefore, target a u d i e n c e s for c a n d i d a t e s and leaders. S o m e data indicate that N e t u s e r s are m o r e i n f o r m e d that n o n - N e t citizens. W h i l l o c k ( 1 9 9 7 ) a r g u e s that this s u g g e s t s that N e t u s e r s a r e m o r e a c t i v e t h a n p a s ­ sive in information seeking and t h e y are reinforced in their u s e o f information.

Data on the White House CMC System A n M I T Artificial Intelligence L a b s u r v e y o f W H C M C users in 1996 ( 1 4 7 2 r e s p o n d e n t s ) indicates that b y J u l y 1996, o v e r 6 4 0 0 d o c u m e n t s w e r e distributed and archived. W h i t e H o u s e d o c u m e n t s w e r e distributed to o v e r 4 0 0 0 e-mail s u b ­ scribers. T h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b site w a s b e i n g referred to b y m o r e than 3 0 , 0 0 0 W e b p a g e s ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). S o m e k e y data about users a n d u s a g e are s h o w n in T a b l e s 7 . 1 , 7.2 a n d 7.3. A s seen in T a b l e 7 . 1 , t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t k i n d s o f b i a s (positive differences scores in the table) for the W H C M C s y s t e m are for gender, i n c o m e a n d e d u c a ­ tion. T h e s u r v e y ' s data indicate that p r e s e n t users o f the W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m are w e a l t h i e r t h a n the general p o p u l a t i o n , m o r e e d u c a t e d t h a n m o s t A m e r i c a n s , y o u n g e r t h a n m o s t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , a n d that t h e s y s t e m is u s e d b y p e o p l e w h o are m o r e politically active than other citizens ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). T h e r e is also a g e n d e r a d v a n t a g e for m a l e s (80 p e r cent o f t h e total u s e r s ) . H o w e v e r , the W h i t e H o u s e C M C analysts a r g u e that w h e n y o u c o m p a r e the bias o f the s y s t e m t o w a r d A n g l o s , m a l e s , w e a l t h i e r p e o p l e , m o r e e d u c a t e d a n d y o u n g e r p e o p l e , that t h e t r e n d s are similar to the W e b p a t t e r n s found in t h e G V U s u r v e y s . This includes a gradual d i m i n i s h i n g in t h e s e biases ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). P e r h a p s o d d l y , t h e y s u g g e s t that w o m e n m a y b e l o w e r in u s e r p e r c e n t a g e b e c a u s e w o m e n h a v e a l o w e r interest in p u b l i c affairs. T h e G V U data for 1996 indicated that W e b u s a g e a p p e a r e d to b e a p p r o x i m a t e l y 6 9 p e r cent m a l e and 31 p e r cent female ( G V U , 1996b). In T a b l e 7.2, there are data r e g a r d i n g the u s e s o f the W h i t e H o u s e C M C system. T h e s e data a r e m u c h m o r e p r o m i s i n g than the d e m o g r a p h i c figures j u s t discussed b e c a u s e t h e y indicate that there m a y b e s o m e i n f o r m a t i o n - s e e k i n g r e s o u r c e s available to u s e r s . T h e u s e s d a t a ( T a b l e 7.2) indicate that W H C M C users find politically useful functions for d o c u m e n t s that t h e y retrieve. T h e s y s t e m a n a l y s t s ' inference from this o b s e r v a t i o n , w h e t h e r defensible o r not, is that t h e ease o f retrieval a n d the

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TABLE 7.1 1996 WHCMC user Factor Male users Income over $50,000/year Anglo users Over 55 years of age Under 35 years of age College-educated

TABLE 7.2 Factor

data/users WHCMC 80% 47% 82% 8% 46% 69%

1996 WHCMC user data/system

US 49% 27% 75% 21% 39% 28%

Difference + 31 + 20 +7 -13 +7 + 41

uses Data 48% 50% 35% 68%

White House documents used asfirst-handnews Have sent e-mail to White House Get more information about political processes Redistribute documents online

TABLE 7.3 Factor

1996 WHCMC user

data/attitudes Data 37% 62% 61% 43%

Web helps connect with similar people Web makes government more personal and accessible More involved with issues now More involved with personally relevant issues now

fact that m a n y u s e r s forward information t o other citizens h e l p s citizens b e c o m e m o r e c o n n e c t e d w i t h their g o v e r n m e n t ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). T h e y a r g u e that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m is a useful m e c h a n i s m for ' c o n n e c t i n g citizens directly w i t h their g o v e r n m e n t ' . It m a y b e m o r e accurate t o c o n c l u d e that t h e s y s t e m a p p e a r s to facilitate citizen retrieval o f g o v e r n m e n t - p o s t e d d o c u m e n t s . T h e 1996 data also s h o w interesting findings about u s e r attitudes a b o u t t h e utility o f t h e system. K e y findings a r e s h o w n in T a b l e 7 . 3 . T h e s e data reveal that 6 2 p e r cent o f t h e W H C M C s y s t e m users find g o v e r n ­ m e n t b e c o m i n g m o r e p e r s o n a l a n d accessible a s t h e y u s e t h e s y s t e m a n d t h e W W W . T h e y also indicate that 6 1 p e r cent p e r c e i v e t h e m s e l v e s a s b e c o m i n g m o r e i n v o l v e d w i t h i m p o r t a n t issues ( B o n c h e k et al., 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e s u r v e y a l s o s h o w s that s o m e u s e r s report that t h e y e n g a g e in c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h g o v e r n ­ m e n t officials, distribution o f political data, a n d i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h political initia­ tives online w h i l e n o t d o i n g s o offline ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). T h e d a t a also s h o w that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m u s e r s e m p l o y retrieved d o c u m e n t s t o u s e in interper­ sonal or C M C c o n v e r s a t i o n s . T h e s y s t e m analysts a c k n o w l e d g e that ' . . . t h e citizens w h o a r e utilizing t h e n e w m e d i a a r e p r e d o m i n a n t l y t h o s e w h o a r e already privileged a n d politically a c t i v e ' ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997: 7 ) . D e s p i t e this a d m i s s i o n , h o w e v e r , t h e y s a y that t h e s y s t e m , a l o n g w i t h t h e Internet a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b , is contributing t o i m p r o v e d feelings o f political efficacy. T h i s g o e s w e l l b e y o n d t h e s i m p l e obser­ v a t i o n s b y o t h e r s that W H C M C u s e r s a r e d o i n g m o r e w i t h this t y p e o f informa­ tion t h a n w i t h that o b t a i n e d from traditional m a s s m e d i a (Whillock, 1997). 6

The White House C M C System TABLE 7.4

Verbatim reactions of student WHCMC

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users

Positive Reactions

Negative Reactions

'It is very important if the White House considers the messages.'

Ί think this e-mail is a waste of time ... In this way voters can think Clinton is paying attention to communities.' 'Get a team of REAL people to reply - it's still we the people, right?'

'It is very important in letting the people participate with their opinions and making them feel that they are part of the government.'

Ά good idea if it is taken seriously. A good 'It will help people who have access to e-mail and first step. The next step is to get politicians who have an interest in becoming more informed. to act upon this new system.' Since it doesn't allow for people to express feelings, thoughts, opinions, etc. this is more like a one-sided conversation.' 'It makes me feel that I can build a closer relationship with the federal government.' 'It is very important in giving people information about government.'

'It is not as personal as I anticipated.'

Ί can't recommend any improvements to the system until I get familiar with it.'

'It seems like a waste of time and money. It just reinforces my old beliefs that the government is nothing but a bunch ofredtape.'

'... it's just bureaucracy as usual... Our messages are not even read by the President, so what's the use?'

Ά symbolic attempt to bring the American 'It's obvious that my message was received because people "in touch" with the lofty house on I received a reply, but I don't know if it was ever the hill. If having messages scanned, read. I'd like to know what they thought of it.' tallied, or instantly deleted with a boiler plate response is important, it could be a little [important to improve communication]. '... if you were toreallyuse the system, I think you would feel involved. It is faster and the President can receive citizen input on all aspects.'

Ί got the impression that my e-mail message was not important and that they didn't have time to answer my questions, so they sent a message back that they send to everyone.' "This system does not make me feel involved, but it does give me another channel for possible information. Thereplyshould have some content pertaining to the user's questions.'

W h i l e t h e c l a i m a b o u t i n c r e a s i n g political efficacy r e m a i n s u n p r o v e n , there is e v i d e n c e s u p p o r t i n g t h e c l a i m s that t h e s y s t e m a n d W W W are facilitating t h e ability o f u s e r s t o contact g o v e r n m e n t officials a n d a g e n c i e s , t o retrieve i n f o r m a ­ tion, t o c o n d u c t o n l i n e petitioning, t o c o o r d i n a t e political activities a n d t o h e l p p e o p l e locate others w i t h similar interests ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). Still, t h e d a t a s h o w that t h e m o s t p r e v a l e n t r e a s o n for u s i n g W h i t e H o u s e o n l i n e d o c u m e n t s o v e r o t h e r s o u r c e s i s t h e s p e e d o f a c c e s s ( 3 2 p e r cent). O t h e r r e a s o n s for this s o u r c e p r e f e r e n c e a r e all b e l o w 2 5 p e r cent ( B o n c h e k et al., 1997). O n e o f the current m e t h o d s for ascertaining h o w p e o p l e r e s p o n d t o W e b sites is t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f u s e r studies, usually in small samples w i t h either quantitative, qualitative or both kinds o f data (Rich, 1999). Such studies reveal w h a t p e o p l e like o r dislike about this n e w form o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Often t h e user studies reveal perceptions o r attitudes that w e r e n o t anticipated b y t h e site designers. Sixteen

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students in a basic c o m m u n i c a t i o n course w e r e asked to try out the W H C M C system and to describe their reactions to it. Their reactions are listed in Table 7.4. F r o m this small set of qualitative data ( T a b l e 7.4), w e can see that these student users o f the W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m p e r c e i v e it as a n o t h e r c h a n n e l o f information a n d o n e that c a n b e useful for retrieving information. O n the other h a n d , m a n y o f t h e m also p e r c e i v e an i m p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y to the s y s t e m and a n e e d for r e s p o n s e s t o specific m e s s a g e content - w h a t Rafaeli ( 1 9 8 8 ) calls inter­ activity in c o m m u n i c a t i o n . If s u c h v i e w s are held b y larger n u m b e r s o f u s e r s , there is an indication that W H C M C users are m i x e d in their v i e w s about the system. Positive reactions include p e r c e p t i o n s about o b t a i n i n g information a n d s e n d i n g input m e s s a g e s to the W h i t e H o u s e . N e g a t i v e reactions include p e r c e p ­ tion o f l o w social p r e s e n c e in t h e t e c h n o l o g y . Social p r e s e n c e is a t e r m u s e d in studies a n d theories o f C M C to indicate h o w m u c h c o m m u n i c a t o r s h a v e a sense of interpersonal relationship w h i l e u s i n g a particular m e d i u m . Social p r e s e n c e tends to b e a function o f a particular m e d i u m a n d h o w it is u s e d (Short et al., 1976). O b v i o u s l y , all o f the m i n o r e m p i r i c a l observations j u s t d e s c r i b e d n e e d to be tested w i t h p r o b a b i l i t y - s a m p l e a n d e x t e n s i v e analysis research m e t h o d s . 7

P e r s p e c t i v e s of E v a l u a t i o n T h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f evaluation that will b e a d d r e s s e d for the W H C M C s y s t e m c o n c e r n theories o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n for d e m o c r a c y and theoretical m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c i e s . T h e r e are three general orientations o f evaluation r e g a r d i n g the n e w m e d i a o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n : optimistic, pessimistic a n d objective. T h e optimists h o l d that political C M C reinvigorates or e v e n creates d e m o c r a c y (Barber, 1984; G r o p e r , 1996; Naisbitt, 1982; Schneider, 1996; W h i l l o c k , 1997). P e s s i m i s t s a r g u e that political C M C s i m p l y reinforces or t r a n s f o r m s old inequities a n d injustices into n e w o n e s ( M c C h e s n e y , 1996; Schiller, 1996; W e b s t e r and R o b i n s , 1989). Alternatively, objectivists hold that there are b o t h positive a n d negative c o n s e q u e n c e s to the n e w m e d i a a n d that the contributions to d e m o c r a c y will only follow t h e o r y and political will dedicated to d e m o c r a t i ­ zation o f society ( D a v i s a n d O w e n , 1998; Graber, 1996; H a c k e r , 1996a; Hill and H u g h e s , 1998; Pavlik, 1998; Rucinski, 1 9 9 1 ; v a n Dijk, 1996). T h e a s s u m p t i o n or h y p o t h e s i s that greater acquisition of information results in h i g h e r levels o f political participation h a s yet to b e tested (Whillock, 1997). Still, W H C M C analysts a s s u m e that connectivity and participation are gradual processes w h i c h will take y e a r s to e v o l v e . T h e y c l a i m that it can b e e n c o u r a g e d b y the federal g o v e r n m e n t yet m o v e d b y private m a r k e t forces. T h e y also argue that an information infrastructure will benefit all or m o s t A m e r i c a n s in t e r m s o f k n o w l e d g e , political information a n d d e m o c r a c y in general. M o r e o v e r , t h e y a s s u m e that the learning and e x p e r i e n c i n g o f h i g h levels o f political participation are part o f a l o n g - t e r m evolution that will take at least one g e n e r a t i o n to g r o w into. In other w o r d s , A m e r i c a n s will gradually learn to b e c o m e m o r e involved w i t h g o v e r n m e n t over t i m e as g o v e r n m e n t b e c o m e s m o r e accessible w i t h t h e N i l and W H C M C system. F r o m a scientific p o i n t o f v i e w , these c l a i m s are p r o b l e m ­ atic b e c a u s e t h e y p u s h e m p i r i c a l confirmation or falsification far into t h e future

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a n d unspecified p o i n t s in t i m e . In an e-mail i n t e r v i e w w i t h former W h i t e H o u s e e-mail director J o c k Gill, I a s k e d h i m to c o m m e n t o n t h e fact that o t h e r m e d i a w e r e o n c e hailed as w a y s o f e n h a n c i n g d e m o c r a c y , b u t s e e m e d to fail w i t h their c h a r g e . Gill a r g u e d the following ( p e r s o n a l mail, N o v e m b e r 1996): ' E a r l y stages o f diffusion a r e n o t v e r y useful for t h e long t e r m implications. W h o h a d tele­ p h o n e s in 1920? T V s in 1950? T h e Internet in 1994? T h e interesting data will e m e r g e in 2 0 or so y e a r s . ' Gill also a r g u e d that the g r o w t h in the n u m b e r o f g o v e r n m e n t W e b sites is a sign that citizens are b e c o m i n g m o r e i n v o l v e d w i t h g o v e r n m e n t . W h i l e s h o r t - t e r m scientific e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e W H C M C s y s t e m r e m a i n s p r o b l e m a t i c , there a p p e a r s to be s o m e m e r i t in the W h i t e H o u s e a r g u ­ ment about possible long-term changes. W e k n o w that social scientists n e e d to test v a r i o u s a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t t h e link­ a g e s b e t w e e n c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s a n d citizen i n v o l v e m e n t . Q u i t e a w h i l e b a c k , G i n a G a r r a m o n e , A l l a n H a r r i s a n d G a r y P i z a n t e ( 1 9 8 6 ) tested citizen m o t i v a t i o n to u s e c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s ( C M P C S ) . T h e s e researchers n o t e h o w c o m m o n it is to a s s u m e that interactive m e d i a release citi­ z e n s from t h e constraints o f m a s s m e d i a w h i l e n e v e r testing t h e a s s u m p t i o n . T h e i r study found that traditional political participation predicts m o t i v a t i o n to u s e c o m ­ puters for political c o m m u n i c a t i o n for c o m p u t e r o w n e r s . A n o t h e r significant p r e ­ dictor is anticipated satisfaction. T h e researchers n o t e t h a t ' . . . rather t h a n closing the gap b e t w e e n t h e politically active and the politically inactive, the C M P C S m a y w i d e n the g a p ' ( 1 9 8 6 : 4 5 5 ) . T h i s is a striking finding w h e n found in t h e m i d ­ dle o f a discursive c o n t e x t created b y so m a n y U t o p i a n c l a i m s a b o u t ' t e l e d e m o c ­ racy' and 'cyberdemocracy'. A b o v e a n d b e y o n d t h e data g a t h e r e d b y the W h i t e H o u s e C M C analysts, there are m a n y issues w h i c h h a v e to b e systematically a d d r e s s e d in o r d e r to e m p l o y C M C as an i n s t r u m e n t u s e d to d e m o c r a t i z e political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . First, there are a c c e s s variables s u c h as universal or available service, c o m p u t e r / t e r m i n a l access, etc. T h e r e are also factors o f e d u c a t i o n a n d training. In addition, citizens w h o benefit from C M C u s e are the o n e s m o s t likely to c o n t i n u e u s i n g it. T h e fed­ eral a g e n c y , the N a t i o n a l T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d I n f o r m a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( N T I A ) , h a s d o c u m e n t e d , in 1995, 1997 a n d 1999 that m i n o r i t y g r o u p m e m b e r s h a v e b e e n b e h i n d A n g l o (majority) g r o u p m e m b e r s in b o t h c o m p u t e r o w n e r s h i p a n d o n l i n e activity. T h i s is true e v e n w h e n controlling for e d u c a t i o n a n d i n c o m e . T h e N T I A data also indicate that at h i g h e r levels o f i n c o m e , p e o p l e h a v e the r e s o u r c e capabilities that m a k e online political activity m o r e p r o b a b l e for t h e m . U S h o u s e h o l d s w i t h an a n n u a l i n c o m e o f $ 7 5 , 0 0 0 or m o r e , are 2 0 t i m e s as likely to h a v e Internet a c c e s s as t h o s e h o u s e h o l d s at the lowest i n c o m e levels ( ' F a l l i n g t h r o u g h the n e t ' , 1999). A s v a n Dijk s h o w s ( C h a p t e r 10), m a n y o f the digital d i v i d e s in Internet u s a g e such as the ethnic digital d i v i d e , h a v e w o r s e n e d in recent years. D o r i s G r a b e r ( 1 9 9 6 ) a r g u e s that t h e Internet inequalities and divides a m o n g rich a n d p o o r g r o u p s are creating a situation w h e r e o u r polity will b e c o m e m o r e fragmented. R e c e n t l y , several o n l i n e r e p o r t s h a v e c h a l l e n g e d the N T I A studies a n d h a v e asserted a closure in the ethnic g a p . I contacted t w o o f these s o u r c e s for e x p l a n a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g m e t h o d o l o g i e s , n o replies w e r e received.

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T h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C p l a n n e r s u s e d a variety o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n c e p t s in d e s i g n i n g t h e s y s t e m . T h e i r d e s i g n w a s f o u n d e d o n s t r o n g a r g u m e n t s a b o u t t h e n e e d t o c h a n g e t h e b r o a d c a s t , o r t o p - d o w n n a t u r e o f p r e v i o u s presidential c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h citizens. H o w e v e r , the c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y c o n c e p t s o f feedback, interactivity a n d reciprocity w e r e sparsely e m p l o y e d b y t h e s y s t e m d e s i g n e r s , if t h e y w e r e u s e d at all. T h e s e theoretical constructs c o u l d b e useful in g r o u n d i n g future s y s t e m d e v e l o p m e n t in a theoretical b a s e r e g a r d i n g political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . S u c h a c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o u l d t h e n b e b r o u g h t together w i t h a t h e o r y - g r o u n d e d perspective o f d e m o c r a c y a n d d e m o c ­ ratic c o m m u n i c a t i o n . O n e m i g h t w o n d e r if a strong indictment is in order h e r e since interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n m i g h t n o t b e p o s s i b l e for c i t i z e n - g o v e r n m e n t C M C . P e r h a p s t h e p r o b l e m s w i t h interactivity as described a b o v e a b o u n d w i t h all C M C . W i l l m i s let t h e W h i t e H o u s e off t h e h o o k in t e r m s o f m a i n t a i n i n g a s y s t e m that is n o t m e e t i n g its strongest c h a l l e n g e s ? A n e x a m i n a t i o n o f C M C research a n d political c o m m u ­ nication literature indicates that it d o e s not. First o f all, w e k n o w from t h e recent studies b y R o b e r t K r a u t a n d others ( 1 9 9 8 ) that interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n is t h e u s e o f t h e Internet that a p p e a r s t o b e driving o t h e r u s e s . Electronic m a i l is o n e u s e o f t h e Internet found repeatedly as a major activity o f N e t users. T h e research o f W a l t h e r a n d B u r g o o n ( 1 9 9 2 ) , P a r k a n d F l o y d ( 1 9 9 6 ) a n d others r e g a r d i n g C M C a n d interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n , indicates that p e o p l e c a n form friendships a n d relationships o v e r t h e Internet. T h e y c a n also w o r k o n tasks w i t h C M C a n d o n t h e Internet. N u m e r o u s studies r e g a r d i n g organizational c o m m u n i c a t i o n , distance education, virtual c l a s s r o o m s a n d c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d interpersonal c o m m u n i c a ­ tion indicate that w o r k a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n c a n b e a c c o m p l i s h e d b y C M C , in t h e a b s e n c e o f face-to-face contact (Fulk a n d Steinfield, 1990; R o g e r s , 1986). W i t h all o f this in m i n d , it is apparent that interactivity a n d d i a l o g u e are possible w i t h C M C , albeit in different forms a n d structures t h a n found w i t h face-to-face o r other c o m m u n i c a t i o n m o d a l i t i e s . Therefore, there is little m e r i t t o t h e suggestion that C M C is inherently p r o b l e m a t i c a s a form o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n in contrast to face-toface c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

Political Interactivity and CMC T r a d i t i o n a l m a s s m e d i a - o r i e n t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n involves c h a n n e l s that p r o v i d e o n e - w a y d i s s e m i n a t i o n o f political information s u c h a s n e w s a n d W h i t e H o u s e p r e s s releases. S o m e o b s e r v e r s believe that c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i ­ c a t i o n ( C M C ) offers a n alternative to m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d its linear flow o f information. J a m e s C a r e y ( 1 9 8 7 ) a r g u e s that interactivity is n e c e s s a r y to trans­ f o r m c o n s u m e r s into citizens. W i t h this alternative, citizens c a n a r g u a b l y b e i n v o l v e d w i t h m o r e interaction a b o u t policies a n d issues. C o n s u m e r s are m o r e likely t o r e s p o n d t o m e s s a g e s in r o u t i n e w a y s . H u m b e r t o G o n z a l e s ( 1 9 8 9 ) a r g u e s that p u b l i c policies a r e b a s e d u p o n p u b l i c a r g u m e n t a t i o n . F e e d b a c k , in h i s v i e w , is n o t g e n e r a t e d solely b y r e c e i v e r s o f m e s s a g e s . R a t h e r , f e e d b a c k results from s e n d e r s o f m e s s a g e s s t i m u l a t i n g their r e c e i v e r s t o p r o v i d e feedback. T h i s is consistent w i t h t h e technical m e a n i n g o f t h e

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t e r m f e e d b a c k as it is u s e d in cybernetics w h e r e t h e t e r m originated ( P o w e r s , 1976). A c c o r d i n g l y , effective political c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o d u c e s a feedback l o o p b e t w e e n c o m m u n i c a t o r s d i s c u s s i n g a political subject. T h i s l o o p is initiated b y the first s e n d e r o f m e s s a g e s . T h e c o n c e p t o f feedback, so essential to a n y valid d e s c r i p t i o n o f h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n in g e n e r a l , is o b v i o u s l y essential to theoretical d i s c u s s i o n s o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . In c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y , the interactivity construct h a s b e e n d e v e l o p e d m o s t b y c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientist S h e z a f Rafaeli ( 1 9 8 8 ) . H e defines interactivity as m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e . In a n y e p i s o d e o f social interaction ( c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) , t h e r e is a d e g r e e to w h i c h c o m m u n i c a t o r s react to s t a t e m e n t s m a d e b y e a c h party. S i m p l e r e a c t i o n s p r o d u c e w h a t Rafaeli calls m e s s a g e d e p e n d e n c e . M e s s a g e d e p e n d e n c e is a situation w h e r e t h e c o n t e n t o f o n e u t t e r a n c e a d d r e s s e s the c o n ­ tent o f a n o t h e r u t t e r a n c e . A n e x a m p l e o f this is w h e r e an a n s w e r is g i v e n in rela­ tion to a question. W i t h m e s s a g e d e p e n d e n c e , s t a t e m e n t s refer o n l y t o p r e c e d i n g u t t e r a n c e s . G o i n g further, i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o f m e s s a g e s is a situation w h e r e state­ m e n t s refer b a c k t o m o r e o f t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n t h a n i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g utter­ a n c e s . Interactivity is c o m p r i s e d o f m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e s i n c e s t a t e m e n t s b u i l d u p o n each o t h e r a n d subject m a t t e r is d e v e l o p e d b y the t w o - w a y m e s s a g e exchange of the communicators. 8

D i a n n e R u c i n s k i ( 1 9 9 1 ) d e v e l o p s the construct o f reciprocity to discuss t h e role o f old a n d n e w m e d i a in serving d e m o c r a c y . R u c i n s k i a r g u e s that a n y i m p r o v e m e n t o f d e m o c r a t i c participation or p o l i c y m a k i n g m u s t b e p r e c e d e d b y a n a l y s i s o f r e l e v a n t c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . R e c i p r o c i t y a d d s to the ideas of feedback and interactivity b y signifying t h e s h a r e d k n o w l e d g e o f the interests a n d p e r s p e c t i v e s o f o t h e r s e n g a g e d in a political c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o c e s s or e p i s o d e . H a v i n g k n o w l e d g e o f o t h e r s ' interests a n d p e r s p e c t i v e s o f situations that form topics o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a l l o w s c o m m u n i c a t o r s to participate in t h e k i n d o f c o n ­ ciliatory p r o c e s s e s n e c e s s a r y to d e m o c r a t i c p o l i c y formulations ( R u c i n s k i , 1991). W i t h a l o w d e g r e e o f reciprocity, a c o m m u n i c a t o r k n o w s o n l y his/her o w n point o f v i e w , thus h a v i n g k n o w l e d g e o f o n l y o n e political p e r s p e c t i v e a n d o n e set o f interests. C o n c i l i a t o r y d i s c o u r s e , w h i c h d e p e n d s o n reciprocity, facilitates c o - o p e r a t i v e political decisions t h r o u g h discussions w h i c h r e s p e c t a n d c o n s i d e r a diversity o f v i e w p o i n t s ( R u c i n s k i , 1991). If w e b r i n g t h e s e three c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y c o n c e p t s together, w e c a n gain a stronger u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h o w C M C m i g h t b e u s e d to e n c o u r a g e m o r e d e m o c ­ ratic c o m m u n i c a t i o n . C o m m u n i c a t i o n a b o u t g o v e r n m e n t a n d w i t h g o v e r n m e n t that involves feedback, m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e a n d reciprocity m e e t s the c o n ­ ditions n e c e s s a r y for t h e types o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n that h a v e historically c o n ­ tributed to d e m o c r a t i c political s y s t e m s . A s t h e s e c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y c o n c e p t s a p p e a r absent in t h e W H C M C design, interactivity w a s left at a m i c r o a n d tech­ nical level o f u s e r operability a n d m e s s a g e d e p e n d e n t interactions with the W h i t e H o u s e . I n c o m i n g e-mail m e s s a g e s m a y b e r e s p o n d e d to w i t h m e s s a g e r e s p o n s e s ( m e s s a g e d e p e n d e n c e ) from a p p r o p r i a t e a g e n c y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . M o r e o v e r , feed­ b a c k is m e c h a n i c a l a n d reciprocity is s c a r c e . L a u r a G u r a k ( 1 9 9 7 ) o b s e r v e d the W h i t e H o u s e r e s p o n s e s to w h a t she describes as online activism, in this case, protests against the C l i n t o n p r o p o s a l s for the

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Clipper C h i p . She found that C M C w a s useful for activists' efforts at forming a c o m m u n i t y o f protest as well as creating coalitions o f g r o u p s to form a unified m o v e m e n t o f protest. H o w e v e r , she did n o t o b s e r v e w h a t w e c a n call interactivity as described a b o v e . A c c o r d i n g to G u r a k ( 1 9 9 7 : 127), W h i t e H o u s e r e s p o n s e s t o p r o t e s t o r s ' questions w e r e t o o simplistic a n d d i d not directly address their c o n ­ cerns: "The g o v e r n m e n t ' s p o s t i n g suggests that officials a v o i d e d a true opportunity for dialogue in c y b e r s p a c e a n d instead relied o n conventional c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e t h o d s (the formal-sounding press release) a n d traditional m e a n s o f seeking public input ( m e e t i n g s a n d h e a r i n g s ) . ' Such observations d o not support the W h i t e H o u s e c l a i m s about u s i n g C M C to increase responsiveness t o citizen c o n c e r n s a n d t o increase citizen input into g o v e r n m e n t . Still, G u r a k (1997) c o n c l u d e s that W H C M C s y s t e m a n d other forms o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n are still in their infancy a n d will b e s h a p e d b y t h o s e w h o seek p o w e r . A c c o r d i n g l y , G u r a k ( 1 9 9 7 : 43) r e m i n d s us that the political aspects o f C M C are linked to the political aspects o f other spheres o f p o w e r : ' C l a i m s about t h e Internet, d e m o c r a c y , a n d the p o w e r o f t h e v o x p o p u l i m u s t b e carefully t e m p e r e d w i t h considerations o f t h e greater social and political forces at w o r k . ' N o w that w e h a v e discussed standards o f interactivity that are derived from c o m m u n i c a t i o n theory to serve as criteria for evaluating t h e W H C M C system, w e n e e d to a d d t h e standards derivable from v a r i o u s theoretical m o d e l s o f d e m o c r a c y .

What Type of Democracy for Electronic Democratization? J a n v a n Dijk ( 1 9 9 6 ) a r g u e s that there are several t y p e s o f d e m o c r a c y a n d that w e n e e d to k n o w differences a m o n g t h e s e types t o c o m p r e h e n d v a r y i n g directions in a n a l y s e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . In C h a p t e r 3 o f this b o o k , h e e x p l a i n s a sixth m o d e l k n o w n as a libertarian m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y . O n l y five o f these a r e r e v i e w e d h e r e in o r d e r t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e analytical differences that are n e c e s ­ s a r y for an e v a l u a t i o n o f the W H C M C s y s t e m . O n e type o f d e m o c r a c y is legalist d e m o c r a c y . T h i s is a k i n t o w h a t is k n o w n as liberal d e m o c r a c y as a d v o c a t e d b y the political theorists J o h n L o c k e a n d C h a r l e s d e M o n t e s q u i e u . L i k e t h e original i d e o l o g y o f liberalism, liberal d e m o c r a t i c t h o u g h t stresses liberties o f individuals, majority rule, free s p e e c h a n d private o w n e r s h i p o f p r o p e r t y (Ball a n d D a g g e r , 1995). Liberal d e m o c r a c y is g r o u n d e d in t h e belief that d e m o c r a c y is n o t a g o a l in itself, b u t that d e m o c r a c y s h o u l d safe­ g u a r d freedoms and liberties o f individuals. It is s u b s c r i b e d t o b y b o t h liberals and conservatives. A n o t h e r m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is t h e c o m p e t i t i v e d e m o c r a c y m o d e l . T h i s o n e is strongly c o m m i t t e d to representative d e m o c r a c y a n d v i e w s politics as c o m p e t i ­ tion b e t w e e n parties a n d leaders for t h e s u p p o r t o f voters. T h r o u g h competition, t h e best leaders a r e a s s u m e d t o get elected ( v a n Dijk, 1996). P o w e r is g i v e n t o t h e leaders a n d their experts. It is clearly reinforced b y t w o - p a r t y s y s t e m s in w h i c h c a n d i d a t e s e m p l o y m a s s m e d i a t o c o m p e t e w i t h e a c h other. Plebiscitary d e m o c r a c y is direct d e m o c r a c y a n d a s s u m e s that political decision m a k i n g s h o u l d b e g i v e n to private a n d individual v o t e r s . It is rule b y r e f e r e n d u m . Ball a n d D a g g e r ( 1 9 9 5 ) describe direct d e m o c r a c y or ' p e o p l e ' s d e m o c r a c y ' as a

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s y s t e m that c a n fit s y s t e m s as d i v e r s e as that o f t h e ancient A t h e n i a n s a n d that o f c o n t e m p o r a r y C o m m u n i s t s . R u l e in this k i n d o f d e m o c r a c y favours t h e d e m o s , o r c o m m o n p e o p l e , b u t it is p e r m i s s i b l e to h a v e dictatorship enforce s u c h rule (Ball a n d D a g g e r , 1995). T h i s m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y a s s u m e s that citizens should m a k e d e c i s i o n s b y plebiscites. A fourth m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y is pluralist d e m o c r a c y . O r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d a s s o ­ ciations o f civil society m e d i a t e b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t a n d citizens. D e m o c r a c y is s e e n as a shifting coalition o f minorities r a t h e r t h a n t h e p o w e r o f majority v o t e ( v a n Dijk, 1996). Civil society h a s a role in this m o d e l o f d e m o c r a c y . T h e politi­ cal s y s t e m is c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a s y s t e m o f p o w e r centres rather t h a n as a p y r a ­ m i d o r o t h e r hierarchical structure ( v a n Dijk, 1996). T h u s , there are shifting coalitions that constitute t h e largest a m o u n t o f p o w e r , rather t h a n single majority. A fifth m o d e l is participatory d e m o c r a c y . Its central a i m is citizenship. It b o r r o w s h e a v i l y from t h e political t h e o r y o f J e a n - J a c q u e s R o u s s e a u . R o u s s e a u a r g u e d that t h e will o f t h e p e o p l e is n o t s h o w n in m e a s u r i n g t h e v i e w s o f indi­ v i d u a l citizens, b u t r a t h e r in collective d i s c u s s i o n a n d education. It is n e c e s s a r y to e d u c a t e t h e citizens as active m e m b e r s o f c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e totality k n o w n as t h e will o f t h e p e o p l e is created in p u b l i c discussion. T h i s a r g u m e n t o p p o s e s direct d e m o c r a c y a n d s e e s it isolating individuals a n d e n c o u r a g i n g m a n i p u l a t i o n . P u b l i c will c a n b e created in d i s c u s s i o n s a n d e d u c a t i o n . P r o b l e m s e m e r g e if w e try t o m a t c h C M C s y s t e m t y p e s w i t h m o d e l s o f d e m o c ­ racy. M o r e e m p i r i c a l w o r k is n e c e s s a r y b e f o r e s u c h m a t c h i n g c a n b e confidently relied u p o n . W e m u s t b e critical o f h o w d e m o c r a c i e s a r e defined a n d h o w m a n y actual t y p e s o f d e m o c r a c i e s exist. C a u t i o n m a y b e in o r d e r w h e n w e a s s u m e that a n y c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n a C M C s y s t e m a n d t y p e o f d e m o c r a c y is fixed or p r e - d e t e r m i n e d . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , if a political s y s t e m n a m e s its preferred type o f d e m o c r a c y , a n d w e k n o w w h a t t h e C M C in q u e s t i o n is c a p a b l e of, w e c a n m a k e j u d g e m e n t s a b o u t h o w m u c h t h e s y s t e m c a n aid that t y p e o f d e m o c r a c y . T h e W H C M C s y s t e m m u s t b e e v a l u a t e d in light o f t h e s y s t e m s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e , b u t particularly in relation t o p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y b e c a u s e o f t h e fact that n u m e r o u s W h i t e H o u s e s t a t e m e n t s c l a i m e d that t h e s y s t e m w o u l d aid that form o f d e m o c r a c y . A s s h o w n earlier, t h e W h i t e H o u s e r e p e a t e d l y a s s u r e d p e o p l e that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m , a l o n g w i t h t h e N i l , w o u l d h e l p p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c ­ r a c y t o e x p a n d a n d flourish in t h e U n i t e d States. T h i s m e a n s that t h e s y s t e m should b e facilitating collective d i s c u s s i o n a n d p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n r e g a r d i n g i m p o r ­ tant political p o l i c i e s .

Evaluation of the WHCMC System Contributions to Digital Democracy In light o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e c l a i m s , u s e r data, a n d theoretical p e r s p e c t i v e s o n d e m o c r a c y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n , it is n o w p o s s i b l e to e v a l u a t e t h e W H C M C s y s t e m for w h a t it h a s a c c o m p l i s h e d t o date. It is clear that t h e s y s t e m h a s m a d e g o v e r n m e n t d o c u m e n t s easier t o retrieve t h a n e v e r before. T h i s is d u e directly to t h e t e c h n o l o g y o f W e b p a g e s , b r o w s e r s and archives. T h e W h i t e H o u s e c l a i m e d that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m w o u l d d i m i n i s h

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t o p - d o w n information d i s s e m i n a t i o n a n d t h e n a t u r e o f the W e b h a s m a d e that p o s s i b l e as online explorers c a n search a n d n a v i g a t e t h r o u g h d o c u m e n t archives quite easily. B r a d l e y a n d F r e d e r i c k ( 1 9 9 4 ) found that the W H C M C s y s t e m m a d e s o m e d o c u m e n t s available that w e r e not found in traditional s o u r c e s . T h e claims regarding the W H C M C system linking people m o r e w i t h their g o v e r n m e n t are true, albeit in a superficial sense. T h e r e is greater potential for con­ tact because there are m o r e and faster channels o f m e s s a g e sending and receiving. Yet greater contact d o e s not assure improved participation or increased influence. If the W H C M C s y s t e m is w o r k i n g as it is claimed, w e should find c h a n g e s , even if slow ones, in political efficacy. B e t w e e n 1992 a n d 1996, h o w e v e r , the percentage o f A m e r i c a n s w h o agree with the statement, ' P e o p l e like m e d o n ' t h a v e any say about w h a t g o v e r n m e n t d o e s ' , rose from 36 p e r cent to 4 4 p e r cent (Flanigan and Zingale, 1998). This is the highest percentage o f problematic political efficacy since 1952. During 1952 and 1996, no m o r e than about 10 per cent of the A m e r i c a n population has b e e n actively involved with political party work, donations or meet­ ings (Flanigan and Zingale, 1998). Voting turnout in 1996 w a s lower than in 1992. In 1956 and 1960, political scientists report that political efficacy w a s high for 6 4 p e r cent o f the electorate in the United States; that in 1980, it had sunk to 39 p e r cent; and b y 1996, it w a s d o w n to 28 per cent ( A b r a h a m s o n et al., 1999). Clearly o n e m u s t p o n d e r if digital d e m o c r a c y is having a n y positive effect if organic d e m o c r a c y continues to decline in the areas of participation and citizen confidence. 9

W h i l e the W H C M C s y s t e m h a s p r o v i d e d m o r e connectivity, it is not clear that its c l a i m s a b o u t increased g o v e r n m e n t r e s p o n s i v e n e s s to citizens c a n b e confirmed. Certainly there is faster routing o f m e s s a g e s w i t h e-mail t h a n w i t h p a p e r mail, b u t w e do n o t k n o w if the former h a s stronger impact t h a n the latter. If the i m p a c t is the s a m e , citizens s i m p l y h a v e an alternative c h a n n e l . S o m e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m analysts s u g g e s t that local levels o f C M C are m o r e important than t h e W H C M C for t a n g i b l e contributions to d e m o c r a c y . T h i s m a y p r o v e to b e true if, as J o h n K e a n e argues (in C h a p t e r 5), political C M C m a k e s its m a i n contribution b y creating n u m e r o u s political a n d private spheres w h i c h are interrelated and t h r o u g h the spaces t h e m s e l v e s and t h r o u g h their c o n n e c t e d n e s s , p o w e r is e n c o u r a g e d t h r o u g h v a r i o u s p r o c e s s e s of interactivity. O f course, it can also b e true in the m u n d a n e sense o f local issues a n d p r o b l e m s b e i n g easier to a d d r e s s b y g o v e r n m e n t officials. T h e pattern of use o f the W h i t e H o u s e e-mail s y s t e m a p p e a r s consistent with, patterns o f c o m p u t e r u s e and C M C u s e r in general. T h a t is, there is a stratification in w h o u s e s the W h i t e H o u s e s y s t e m despite the fact that it is o p e n for all. T h e a r g u m e n t s m a d e b y analysts of the s y s t e m that it d e p e n d s o n t i m e and that it m u s t e v o l v e from the b o t t o m u p are interesting, but not d e m o n s t r a b l e (and not falsifiable). P e r h a p s m o s t political interactivity, in early stages o f i n n o v a t i o n at least, will o c c u r w i t h local g o v e r n m e n t C M C s y s t e m s . A t the local levels, it is m u c h m o r e likely that citizens c a n create m i c r o - C M C p u b l i c s p h e r e s . T h e s e spheres, w h i l e not c a p a b l e o f social transformation, can p r o v i d e active centres of political discussion w h i c h result in activism and solidarity for certain c a u s e s . F o r n o w , w e c a n s u m m a r i z e w h a t the W h i t e H o u s e a c c o m p l i s h e d in light o f w h a t it c l a i m e d it w o u l d do w i t h its C M C system. T a b l e 7.5 s h o w s the claims a n d

The White House CMC System 121 TABLE 7.5 Claimed

WHCMC claims and

accomplishments Accomplished

Greater connectivity of government and citizens Easier citizen access to government documents More/enhanced democracy in the United States Decreases in political disaffection Less top-down information dissemination Greater citizen participation in government

+ + ? ? ?

w h i c h o n e s a r e verifiably (substantiated b y e m p i r i c a l data) a c c o m p l i s h e d . A ' + ' indicates s o m e t h i n g w h i c h e m p i r i c a l data indicate is a c c o m p l i s h e d , a ' - ' indi­ cates a n a p p a r e n t lack of a c c o m p l i s h m e n t , a n d a ' ? ' indicates that w e d o n o t h a v e e v i d e n c e o f s u c h an a c c o m p l i s h m e n t . 10

T h e tally a b o v e indicates that t h e W H C M C s y s t e m a d d e d m o r e c h a n n e l s to political c o m m u n i c a t i o n in the U n i t e d States, m a d e citizen a c c e s s t o a g e n c i e s a n d d o c u m e n t s easier, a n d p r o v i d e d m o r e c h a n n e l s for m e s s a g e input. T h e s e are important accomplishments and should not b e minimized. However, the changes in d e m o c r a c y that w e r e c l a i m e d a r e n o t the c h a n g e s m a d e b y t h e system. T h e political s y s t e m in t h e U n i t e d States r e m a i n s as it w a s before the C l i n t o n a d m i n i s ­ tration. It is a representative d e m o c r a c y w i t h m o s t citizens h a v i n g o n l y m i n o r roles in the g o v e r n a n c e o f the nation. T h e W H C M C s y s t e m h a s contributed to p r o c e s s e s that h e l p those w h o are a l r e a d y i n v o l v e d w i t h political participation. A s noted earlier, the a r g u m e n t b y W h i t e H o u s e analysts that the C M C s y s t e m h a s l o n g - t e r m effects that c a n n o t b e assessed in the short-term loses it force each year. If w e look at political attitudes o v e r t i m e , w e s e e v e r y little difference o r significant c h a n g e s . Polling data still indicate that m o s t A m e r i c a n s h a v e l o w trust for g o v e r n m e n t officials, politicians, C o n g r e s s , e t c . a n d that political c y n i c i s m in the U S A , as in E u r o p e , r e m a i n s a strong political p r o b l e m ( T s a g a r o u s i a n o u et al., 1998). N o c h a n g e s at this level c a n b e associated w i t h the W H C M C system. D e s p i t e the sharp c h a l l e n g e s m a d e o n u s i n g digital d e m o c r a c y or t h e Internet to p r o m o t e d e m o c r a c y or d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , there is s o m e h o p e in u s i n g this form o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n as a n e w form o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n that c a n b e directed t o w a r d p r o m o t i n g m o r e d e m o c r a t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n in general. T h i s w i l l only c o m e about to a significant extent, h o w e v e r , o n c e a scientific a n d rigorous approach is t a k e n to m a k i n g political interactivity a k e y factor in the d e s i g n o f n e w k i n d s of citizen-government communication.

Learning Political Participation by Enhancing Political Interactivity T h r o u g h routines a n d p r a c t i c e o f social interactions, a n y o n e b e g i n s to learn h a b i t s and scripts. If citizens h a v e learned to b e c o m e c o n s u m e r s , it s h o u l d b e p o s s i b l e to h e l p these c o n s u m e r s learn to b e c o m e citizens. T h i s m a y b e the m o s t i m p o r ­ tant contribution o f the C l i n t o n W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m . It m a y h a v e gener­ ated s o m e i m p e t u s t o w a r d t h i n k i n g a b o u t a n e w k i n d o f political socialization, o n e d o n e n o t o n l y t h r o u g h m e d i a o r s c h o o l s , b u t also b y p e r s o n a l s e a r c h i n g a n d interaction w i t h i n p u b l i c l y available virtual s p a c e s .

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Political participation, in general, is affected b y c h i l d h o o d socialization ( F l a n i g a n a n d Z i n g a l e , 1994; S a v a g e , 1995), social class ( F l a n i g a n a n d Z i n g a l e , 1994), m a s s m e d i a , a n d control o v e r w o r k that is e x p e r i e n c e d in o n e ' s j o b a n d w o r k p l a c e ( D e e t z , 1992). Political efficacy h a s b e e n found t o b e related to sociali­ zation. F o r s o m e w o r k i n g c l a s s children, for e x a m p l e , w i t h d o m i n e e r i n g fathers w h o d o n o t a l l o w c h i l d r e n ' s input into family d e c i s i o n s , l o w efficacy c a n b e a learned orientation for political m a t t e r s in later life ( F l a n i g a n a n d Z i n g a l e , 1994). P e r h a p s political C M C c a n p r o v i d e n e w opportunities a n d e x p e r i e n c e s o f initiat­ ing political i n p u t that result in r e w a r d i n g feedback. S u c h e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n m i g h t facilitate t h e k i n d o f l e a r n i n g o f political participation that is n o t found in early socialization. T w o critical c o n c e p t s h e r e are the learning o f political b e h a v i o u r a n d t h e l o n g - t e r m n a t u r e o f socialization a n d learning. J o c k Gill a n d other W H C M C analysts m a y b e correct in arguing that t h e m o s t significant effects o f t h e s y s t e m are l o n g e r - t e r m m o r e t h a n short-term. It is p l a u ­ sible that w o r k i n g w i t h t h e s y s t e m will a l l o w citizens t o g a i n m o r e e x p e r i e n c e w i t h c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h t h e federal g o v e r n m e n t . H o w e v e r , w h a t will m a k e t h o s e e x p e r i e n c e s p o s i t i v e a n d reinforcing, t h e r e b y truly related t o l e a r n i n g n e w f o r m s o f political participation, a r e m o s t likely c o n n e c t e d t o h o w interactive t h e s y s t e m b e c o m e s a n d h o w political t h e interactivity b e c o m e s in t e r m s o f t a n g i b l e benefits. M y a r g u m e n t s a b o u t political interactivity h i n g e a r o u n d t h e t e r m 'politi­ c a l ' . In o t h e r w o r d s , I a m n o t talking a b o u t s i m p l e c o n v e r s a t i o n b e t w e e n citizens o r b e t w e e n citizens a n d leaders, b u t rather m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e t h a t is politi­ cal in n a t u r e . A s v a n Dijk a r g u e s in C h a p t e r 3 o f this b o o k , politics involves rela­ tionships a m o n g m e m b e r s o f society a n d t h o s e relationships a r e constituted b y c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Gill a n d t h e others s e e m t o articulate this c o n c e r n , b u t w i t h o u t t h e theoretical constructs o r m o d e l s n e c e s s a r y t o m a x i m i z e t h e s y s t e m ' s political interactivity. Political interactivity is m o r e t h a n interactivity a n d interactivity is more than present W H C M C message dependence. T h e r e is a connection b e t w e e n this faith in socialization a n d w h a t K e a n e d e s ­ cribes with his three layers o f spheres. It m a y b e possible to e n c o u r a g e m o r e m i c r o level c o m m u n i c a t i o n about political matters in such w a y s that citizens learn h o w to organize political actions from channels or sites o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . This is w h a t I m i g h t h a v e d o n e in m y accidental case study that will b e discussed shortly. A s s u m i n g a n essential i m p o r t a n c e o f political interactivity a s multi-directional dialogue w i t h i n a political s y s t e m , t h e construct o f political interactivity can b e b a s e d o n a specific application o f t h e interactivity a n d feedback c o n c e p t s dis­ c u s s e d earlier. F r o m this, a b a s i c m o d e l o f political interactivity can b e formulated. A s s h o w n in t h e m o d e l o f political interactivity ( F i g u r e 7.1), t h e r e are specific lines o f interaction a n d m e s s a g e flow w h i c h m a k e u p a d e q u a t e interaction to p r o d u c e political interactivity. W h i l e n o r m a l e v e r y d a y c o n v e r s a t i o n a b o u t light t o p i c s s u c h a s t h e w e a t h e r m a y suffice w i t h s i m p l e interacts ( o n e m e s s a g e —> r e s p o n d i n g m e s s a g e ) or d o u b l e interacts ( m e s s a g e 1 - > m e s s a g e 2 - > r e s p o n s e to first m e s s a g e ) , political interactivity r e q u i r e s t w o additional lines o f interaction. A s s h o w n i n t h e m o d e l , t h e first m e s s a g e m o v e s from t h e citizen to t h e g o v e r n ­ m e n t ( m l ) . T h e s e c o n d m e s s a g e m o v e s from t h e g o v e r n m e n t b a c k a s o u t p u t from t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d as f e e d b a c k t o t h e citizen ( m 2 ) . T h i s feedback c o n n e c t i o n

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m3

Citizens ml

Government

m2

m5

Τ FIGURE 7.1

A model of basic political

interactivity

from the g o v e r n m e n t to t h e citizen is a p e r s o n a l i z e d r e s p o n s e . It is likely that the quality o f the ml link d e t e r m i n e s h o w m u c h further the p r o c e s s o f political inter­ activity will g o . If t h e quality m e e t s the information n e e d s or expectations o f the initiator (citizen), the citizen will m o s t likely evaluate t h e r e s p o n s e as a d e q u a t e o r i n a d e q u a t e a n d r e s p o n d t o the g o v e r n m e n t m e s s a g e ( m 3 ) . T h e g o v e r n m e n t m a y react to the s e c o n d citizen m e s s a g e w i t h either political action ( m 4 ) or an e x p l a n a t i o n o f w h y a particular action c a n n o t b e taken ( m 5 ) . W h i l e m o r e m e s s a g e s m a y b e e x c h a n g e d , this five-step flow o f interaction c o n ­ stitutes a basic w o r k i n g m o d e l o f political interactivity from w h i c h m o r e c o m p l e x m o d e l s c a n b e built. B e c a u s e it is political, t h e m o d e l s h o w s that c o m m u n i c a t i o n results in either political action o r inaction. Inaction is e x p l a i n e d to the p e r s o n a s k i n g for action. T h i s m o d e l relates citizen input to g o v e r n m e n t output in a w a y that truly e m p o w e r s t h e citizen a n d d o e s n o t s i m p l y p r o v i d e a rhetorical r e s p o n s e to the first request, c o m m e n t o r d e m a n d . A n additional part o f this m o d e l m a y b e the i n t e r c h a n g e s ( m e s s a g e e x c h a n g e s ) b e t w e e n citizens w h i c h o c c u r before o n e (or a g r o u p ) s e n d s input to t h e W h i t e H o u s e . T h i s is w h e r e a coalition or c o m ­ m u n i t y o r g a n i z i n g for political p u r p o s e s b e c o m e s political w i t h its interaction w i t h g o v e r n m e n t . A l l o f t h e sections or links o f this m o d e l , o f c o u r s e , are in n e e d o f empirical testing. An Accidental Case Study of Possible Political Interactivity D u r i n g w o r k o n a p h a s e o f this r e s e a r c h project, I h a d an interesting p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e w i t h political interactivity a n d t h e C l i n t o n C M C s y s t e m . It b e g a n w i t h an e-mail m e s s a g e to P r e s i d e n t Clinton ( m l ) reporting h o w m y wife, w h o is a soldier, o b s e r v e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against female soldiers in the military, specifically in t h e state o f N e w M e x i c o . 1 r e c e i v e d confirmation of m y e-mail note from t h e presidential chief o f c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . Later, in a short t i m e , the director

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o f t h e E q u a l O p p o r t u n i t y Office for a military b r a n c h in t h e P e n t a g o n , p h o n e d m e a n d c o n v e r s e d a b o u t t h e allegations ( m 2 ) . Letters c a m e later from a colonel a n d general. After I e x p r e s s e d c o n t i n u i n g c o n c e r n after receiving t h e s e letters ( m 3 ) , a n o t h e r letter o f e x p l a n a t i o n arrived from a c o l o n e l at t h e P e n t a g o n . W h i l e I wit­ n e s s e d n o e v i d e n c e that t h e d i s c r i m i n a t i o n c e a s e d , I w a s i m p r e s s e d w i t h t h e a m o u n t o f interactivity that b e g a n w i t h o n e e-mail m e s s a g e t o t h e W h i t e H o u s e . U p o n closer inspection o f t h e accidental interactivity, h o w e v e r , I realized that n o t h i n g m o r e t a n g i b l e t h a n w r i t t e n e x c u s e s w e r e p r o v i d e d t o u s . T h e military t o o k n o c o n c r e t e actions a g a i n s t t h e r e p o r t e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . In fact, o n e letter from a general i n d i c a t e d that t h e discrimination b e i n g p r o t e s t e d w a s , in fact, n o t h ­ ing m o r e t h a n w h a t h e called ' l e g a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ' . T h e military r e s p o n d e n t s d i d p r o v i d e r e a s o n s as to w h y t h e y w o u l d t a k e n o specific actions ( m 5 ) . W h i l e I w a s n o t h a p p y w i t h t h e e n d results ( n o m 4 ) , I r e c o g n i z e d that t h e g o v e r n m e n t officials d i d o p e n , albeit in a s m a l l w a y , c h a n n e l s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n r e g a r d i n g future c a s e s o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d d i d p r o v i d e a n s w e r s to specific q u e s t i o n s I h a d r e g a r d i n g t h e possibility o f c o n s t r u c t i n g a n e w military b a s e w h e r e m o r e w o m e n could b e e m p l o y e d . F r o m p h o n e calls to letters, I w a s informed a b o u t their evalua­ tions a n d decisions. F u t u r e interaction c o u l d h a v e b e e n c o n t i n u e d if I h a d c h o s e n to c o n t i n u e t h e feedback loops. I did not, h o w e v e r , a n d t h e interactivity s o o n c e a s e d . " It is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e that, as G o n z a l e s a r g u e s , t h e feedback s t o p p e d w h e n t h e actions o f the initiator o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n c e a s e d s e n d i n g m e s s a g e s . A l s o , I c o u l d h a v e g e n e r a t e d m o r e layers o f interactivity b y starting a g r o u p o f face-to-face activists, a W e b site, etc. t o a u g m e n t t h e letters a n d p h o n e calls. B e c a u s e this w a s n o t i n t e n d e d t o b e a c a m p a i g n , I e n d e d t h e feedback l o o p a n d interaction at t h e p o i n t that I felt that I h a d a c c o m p l i s h e d m y g o a l o f d r a w i n g attention t o t h e d i s c r i m i ­ n a t o r y p r a c t i c e s a n d getting h i g h e r authorities t o e x a m i n e the matter. I also v i e w e d t h e fact that t h e military b r a n c h in q u e s t i o n h a d b e e n called to task b y the W h i t e H o u s e a s a form o f political action. B o t h t h e P e n t a g o n a n d t h e W h i t e H o u s e w e r e e x a m i n i n g t h e matter. W h i l e this scenario o r a c c i d e n t a l c a s e study m a y m a k e it a p p e a r that m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o r interactivity i s a l r e a d y p a r t o f t h e W H C M C s y s t e m , I n e e d t o m a k e three c o m m e n t s a b o u t this. First, I h a v e written m a n y e-mail n o t e s t o t h e P r e s i d e n t a n d this is t h e o n l y c a s e w h e r e this a m o u n t o f interaction occurred. A l l o t h e r o c c a s i o n s w e r e c a s e s o f either s i m p l e replies o r m e s s a g e d e p e n d e n c e . S e c o n d l y , it is i m p o r t a n t to recognize that t h e s y s t e m is c a p a b l e o f a c c o m m o d a t ­ ing political interactivity at a technical level b u t t h e t e c h n i c a l level is n o t e n o u g h for w i d e s p r e a d social c h a n g e s . Finally, t h e interactivity c e a s e d a t t h e p o i n t that I g a v e u p t h e p r o c e s s . T h i s latter o b s e r v a t i o n suggests t h e possibility that citizen m o t i v a t i o n , in addition t o g o v e r n m e n t motivation, m a y b e t h e d r i v i n g force o f political interactivity in this t y p e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n system.

Toward More Political Interactivity D a v i s a n d O w e n ( 1 9 9 8 ) a r g u e that there are four m a i n functions for c o m p u t e r m e d i a t e d political c o m m u n i c a t i o n : a c c e s s i n g information; links b e t w e e n p u b l i c

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officials a n d citizens; f o r u m s for political d i s c u s s i o n s ; a n d p u b l i c o p i n i o n m e a s u r e m e n t . T h e first t h r e e o f t h e s e a r e m o s t r e l e v a n t h e r e a l o n g w i t h t h e t h r e e m a j o r c o n c e p t s o f f e e d b a c k l o o p s , interactivity a n d r e c i p r o c i t y a s w e l l a s w h a t John Keane describes as spheres of communication. A s stated earlier, s o c i o l o g i c a l d a t a indicate that b o t h t h e W h i t e H o u s e a n d t h e W o r l d W i d e W e b c y b e r s p a c e o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n t i n u e t o b e u s e d m a i n l y b y t h o s e A m e r i c a n citizens w h o a l r e a d y h a v e e c o n o m i c a n d political p o w e r a n d w h o a r e a l r e a d y politically a c t i v e . It is l i k e l y to offer t h e s e p e o p l e n e w a n d useful c h a n n e l s , b u t there is little m o v e m e n t t o w a r d e m p o w e r m e n t o f citizens w h o d o n o t c u r r e n t l y h a v e a c c e s s t o p o w e r . W h i t e H o u s e d a t a s h o w that u s e r s o f t h e s y s t e m b r o w s e its c o n t e n t s a n d d o p a s s o n w h a t t h e y find significant to o t h e r s . O t h e r d a t a , s u c h a s that g a t h e r e d b y R A N D ( A n d e r s o n et al., 1995) s h o w t h a t t h e i n f o r m a t i o n r i c h a r e i n c r e a s i n g their p r o g r e s s into digital d e m o c r a c y at a faster rate t h a n o t h e r s . E x p l o r a t o r y u s e r d a t a indicate that n e w u s e r s m a y find t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m useful for d o c u m e n t retrieval m o r e t h a n for p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h g o v e r n m e n t officials. N e w u s e r s o f T h e W h i t e H o u s e W e b site find b r o w s i n g activities useful in t e r m s o f d i s c o v e r i n g s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n or documents. 12

In o r d e r t o c o n c l u d e that C M C aids d e m o c r a c y , it is n e c e s s a r y t o specify h o w this is d o n e . C o m m u n i c a t i o n t h e o r y a n d t h e o r i e s o f d e m o c r a t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n m u s t g u i d e s u c h a n a l y s e s . A t this time, s u c h sophisticated analysis is r a r e . Instead, w e h a v e a m o r a s s o f U t o p i a n v i s i o n s o f a n e w A t h e n i a n A g e o f D e m o ­ c r a c y that e m e r g e s from i n c r e a s i n g a m o u n t s o f c o m p u t e r s e r v e r s , t e l e p h o n e lines, n e t w o r k n o d e s a n d fibreoptic b a c k b o n e s . W h e n w e c o m m u n i c a t e , in g e n e r a l , w e reduce uncertainties, produce knowledge and form relationships. A t the basic level o f c o n n e c t i v i t y , w h i c h s i m p l y a l l o w s social interaction, n o t h i n g h a p p e n s that g u a r a n t e e s d e m o c r a c y . G i v i n g m o r e p o w e r t o either s e n d e r s o r r e c e i v e r s o v e r h o w t h e y c o d e o r d e c o d e m e s s a g e s h a s n o certain effect o n p o w e r in their rela­ tionship. H o w e v e r , i n c r e a s i n g political interactivity, w h i c h m e a n s i n c r e a s i n g h o w m u c h c i t i z e n s c a n m e a n i n g f u l l y interact w i t h their leaders a b o u t i s s u e s , w i t h u s e ­ ful f e e d b a c k a b o u t citizen c o n c e r n s , c a n m o v e a s o c i e t y in i n c r e m e n t a l w a y s toward enhancing democratization. T o a c c o m p l i s h political interactivity as a n e w political c o m m u n i c a t i o n project in digital d e m o c r a c y , it m a y first b e n e c e s s a r y t o a d d r e s s t h e barriers to C M C e n c o u n t e r e d b y all citizens o f a n a t i o n . T h e s e barriers a r e identified earlier b y v a n Dijk a s a c c e s s , o p p o r t u n i t i e s , skills, confidence, etc. Y e t t h e r e a r e o t h e r o b s t a c l e s s u c h a s u n c e r t a i n t i e s r e g a r d i n g t h e efficacy o f C M C in i n t e r p e r s o n a l relation­ ships. N e w r e s e a r c h indicates p o s s i b l e dysfunctional i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a ­ tion d o n e w i t h C M C ( K r a u t et al., 1998). C l a i m s m a d e b y social scientists about status equalization w i t h C M C t u r n e d o u t t o b e either false o r e x a g g e r a t e d ( M a n t o v a n i , 1995). T h i s also o c c u r r e d w i t h certain c l a i m s a b o u t t h e e d u c a t i o n a l benefits o f installing c o m p u t e r s in schools ( O p p e n h e i m e r , 1997). A s d i s c u s s e d earlier in reference t o l e a r n i n g political participation, it m a y b e p o s s i b l e t o e n c o u r a g e m o r e political interactivity b y p r o c e s s e s o f socialization. I w i s h t o a c k n o w l e d g e t w o p o s s i b l e areas o f political e m p o w e r m e n t d i s c u s s e d b y others. O n e is t h e interactive n a t u r e o f C M C in t e r m s o f h u m a n - c o m p u t e r /

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m e d i u m interaction and the other is the p o w e r o f p r o g r a m m i n g and learning h o w to c h a n g e c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m c o d e s . J a c q u e s V a l l e e ( 1 9 8 2 ) noted that those w h o learn c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m m i n g a l w a y s s e e m to gain p o w e r in o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d societies. M o r e important t h a n this, h o w e v e r , is the fact that p r e v i o u s c h a n n e l s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n involving m a s s m e d i a h a v e i n v o l v e d citizens in the role o f p a s s i v e spectators w h o w a t c h political debates and deliberation. T h e nature o f c o m p u t e r s a n d C M C generally call for greater physical and cognitive i n v o l v e m e n t if political discussion or deliberation is b e i n g attended. R a t h e r than a s i m u l a c r u m o f spectatorship, n e w formations o f C M C can e n c o u r a g e exploration, possible contacts or debate, and the ability to g a t h e r a n d redistribute information. A s K o l k e r ( 1 9 9 9 ) n o t e s , c o m p u t e r i n v o l v e m e n t involves the learning o f skills w h e r e a s attending m a s s m e d i a s i m p l y i n v o l v e p a s s i v e reception. T h r o u g h a socialization in political i n v o l v e m e n t and interactivity b y u s i n g C M C , it is possible that p e o p l e will learn h o w to u s e e-mail to generate discus­ sions in civil society a n d contact a n d discuss issues w i t h g o v e r n m e n t representa­ tives, explore political W e b sites to get official a n d non-official information and a r g u m e n t s about issues, a n d to create their o w n repositories ( W e b sites) for politi­ cal opinion expression and potential dialogue. T h e s e activities alone m a y s e e m trivial b u t taken as a g r o u p o f i n v o l v i n g actions, o n e can see that citizens w h o d o all o f these activities will m o s t likely increase their level o f participation in politi­ cal discussions. Still, this g u a r a n t e e s absolutely n o t h i n g about d e m o c r a c y . It c a n b e s u r m i s e d that the l e a r n i n g o f m o r e and m o r e participation b e h a v i o u r s , if t h e y b e c o m e fulfilling, are likely to entice m o r e p e o p l e into political i n v o l v e m e n t w h i c h is certainly critical to a n y d e m o c r a t i c political system. P e r h a p s the m o s t C M C o f a n y sort, at this point in t i m e , can truly a c c o m p l i s h o n its o w n is the e n h a n c e m e n t of d e m o c r a c y , rather than the creation or e x p a n s i o n o f d e m o c r a c y . E x p e c t a t i o n s for social c h a n g e often a c c o m p a n y the a d o p t i o n o f n e w c o m m u ­ nication technologies. A s J o n e s ( 1 9 9 5 ) notes, the W h i t e H o u s e e-mail s y s t e m w a s p r o m o t e d as a m e a n s o f c o n n e c t i n g citizens to the W h i t e H o u s e , to m a k e the P r e s i d e n c y m o r e accessible to the p e o p l e and to increase citizen participation in g o v e r n m e n t . B e c a u s e the p u r p o r t e d intentions a n d effects o f the W h i t e H o u s e s y s t e m are long-term in nature, there are three general c o n c l u s i o n s that can b e argued about its role in d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n . First, it can b e argued, as t h e W h i t e H o u s e analysts assert, that citizens are b e c o m i n g m o r e e m p o w e r e d over t i m e and d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n is thus in m o t i o n . T h e s e c o n d v i e w , w h i c h is t h e c o n v e r s e , is that the w h o l e p r o c e s s mystifies a n actual lack o f e m p o w e r m e n t w h i c h is not on the w a y . A n alternative and third v i e w , w h i c h I p r o p o s e , is that the s y s t e m h a s initi­ ated i m p o r t a n t steps toward electronic democratization that are n o w d e p e n d e n t u p o n p o l i c y g u i d a n c e in o r d e r to g e n u i n e l y contribute to digital d e m o c r a c y . H o w e v e r , there are critical qualifiers o n b e i n g optimistic a b o u t these steps. First, the initiation o f first steps t o w a r d d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n d o e s not equal d e m o c r a t i z a ­ tion. T o s o m e extent, the goals o f d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n h a v e b e e n confused w i t h early steps taken t o w a r d those goals. This is a c o n c e p t u a l blurring o f n e c e s s a r y c o n d i ­ tions as sufficient conditions. S e c o n d l y , m u c h m o r e w o r k is n e c e s s a r y to supple­ m e n t these steps, n a m e l y greater political interactivity a id m o r e c o n c r e t e steps t o w a r d e x p a n d i n g participation a n d enfranchisement inti · digital d e m o c r a c y . W e

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will k n o w t h e s y s t e m is w o r k i n g a s c l a i m e d w h e n m o r e p e o p l e , a n d p e o p l e w h o d i d n o t participate in o t h e r w a y s , b e c o m e i n v o l v e d in d e m o c r a t i c political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d d e m o c r a t i c political p r a c t i c e s . W h e n t h e digital divides b e g i n to close significantly for all social categories, w h e n t h e o r g a n i c a n d digital d o m a i n s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d politics w o r k closely together for t h e c o m m o n g o o d o f all A m e r i c a n s a n d w h e n political interactivity is part o f g o v e r n m e n t c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h its citizens, the n e w technologies o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n such as the W H C M C system, will b e able to contribute to a n e n h a n c e m e n t o f participatory d e m o c r a c y in t h e U n i t e d States.

Notes 1 You can presently get this message by sending e-mail to [email protected] 2 Press release from the White House, 30 August, 1993. 3 'The National Information Infrastructure: Agenda for Action', 15 September, 1993. Available at http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov 4 Political Communication Division Pre-Conference, International Communication Association, Washington, DC, 27 May 1993. 5 http://www.info.gov/info/html/customer-service.html 6 It must be noted that the attitude figures reflect feelings about the Web in toto. 7 Nothing can be concluded from such convenience data, especially such a small sample such as this. All that is useful in this description is the simple observation that larger-scale analyses can test the mentioned indications. 8 This concept of interactivity should not be confused with another 'interactivity' concept which refers to human-technology user-friendliness or ease of user control over various technical options. 9 The numbers reported by the researchers are listed for 'white' Americans. 10 By 'evidence', I refer to substantial or significant evidence. 11 One reason for ceasing the interactivity was due to a suspicion my wife and I had that my wife might suffer negative career repercussions if we continued in light of the fact that some of the authorities appeared irritated with the President or his staff inquiring about the issue. I received one angry phone call from a New Mexico military officer who was flushed at the idea of being taken to task by the White House. This particular inter­ change was fruitless and cannot be considered political interactivity due to the lack of rec­ iprocity in the officer's discourse. 12 There are at least two opposing views on matters like this. First, one can argue that empowering the empowered is a good thing since those who participate will partici­ pate more. The opposing view, and the one I believe most, is that empowerment must not be lopsided in a participatory democracy and that as more and new people are brought into the system of deliberation and decision making, the system becomes more democratic.

References Anderson, R.H., Bikson, T.K., Law, S.A. and Mitchell, B.M. (eds) (1995) Universal Access to E-mail: Feasibility and Societal Implications. Santa Monica, CA: RAND. Ball, T. and Dagger, R. (1995) Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal. New York: HarperCollins. Barber, B . (1984) Strong Democracy. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Bonchek, M. (1995) 'Grassroots in cyberspace: using computer networks to facilitate political participation'. Paper presented to the Midwest Political Science Association, April, Chicago.

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Bonchek, Μ. and Gill, J. (1996) 'The internet and retail polities', available on http://www. casti.com/gill/presentations/essays/essay0296.html Bonchek, M., Hurwitz, R. and Mallery, J. (1997) 'Will the Web democratize or polorize the political process?', WWW Journal, 3 (http://www.w3.org). Bradley, D. and Frederick, J. (1994) "The Clinton electronic communications project: an experiment in electronic democracy', Internet Research, 4: 64-70. Carey, J.W. (1987) "The press and public discourse', The Center Magazine, March/ April: 14. Chapman, G. (1993) 'Sending a message to the White House', Technology Review, July: 16-17. Davis, R and Owen, D. (1998) New Media and American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. Deetz, S. (1992) Democracy in the Age of Corporate Colonization. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Diamond, E. and Silverman, R.A. (1997) White House to Your House: Media and Politics in Virtual America. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 'Electronic communication at the White House' (1994) Educom Review, January/ February: 16-18. 'Falling through the Net: defining the digital divide' (1999) Available on htt^://www.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahomeVfto99/(X)nteiits.html Flanigan, W.H. and Zingale, N.H. (1994) Political Behavior of the American Electorate. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press. Flanigan, W.H. and Zingale, N.H. (1998) Political Behavior of the American Electorate (9 edn). Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press. Fulk, J. and Steinfield, C. (eds) (1990) Organizations and Communication Technology. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Garramone, G.M., Harris, A.C. and Pizante, G. (1986) 'Predictors of motivation to use computer-mediated political communication systems', Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 30: 445-57. Gladieux, L.E. and Swail, W.S. (1999) The Virtual University and Educational Opportunity. Washington, DC: The College Board. Gonzales, H. (1989) 'Interactivity and feedback in Third World development campaigns', Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 6: 295-314. Graber, D. (1996) "The "new" media and politics: what does the future hold?', Political Science and Politics, 1: 33. Groper, R. (1996) 'Electronic mail and the reinvigoration of American democracy', Social Science Computer Review, 14: 157-68. Gurak, L. (1997) Persuasion and Privacy in Cyberspace. N e w Haven, CT: Yale University Press. GVU 5th W W W user Survey (1996a) Available on http://www.cc.gatech.edu/gvu/ user_surveys/survey-04-1996/ GVU 6th W W W user Survey (1996b) conducted from 10 Oct.-lO Nov. 1996. Available on http://www.cc.gatech.edu/user_surveys/survey-10-1996/ Hacker, K. (1996a) 'Virtual democracy: a critique of the Clinton administration citizen-White House electronic mail system', in R.E. Denton and R.L. Holloway (eds), The Clinton Presidency: Images, Issues, and Communication Strategies. Westport, CT: Praeger. pp. 43-76. Hacker, K. (1996b) 'Missing links in the evolution of electronic democratization', Media, Culture & Society, 18: 213-32. Hacker, K., Howl, L., Scott, M. and Steiner, R. (1996) 'Uses of computer-mediated political communication in the 1992 presidential campaign: a content analysis of the Bush, Clinton and Perot computer lists', Communication Research Reports, 13: 138-46. Hill, K.A. and Hughes, J.E. (1998) Cyberpolitics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New York: Rowman & Littlefield.

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Jones, S.G. (1995) 'Understanding community in the Information Age', in S.G. Jones (ed.), Cybersociety: Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. pp. 10-35. Kolker, R. (1999) Film, Form, and Culture. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Kraut, R., Lundmark, V., Patterson, M., Kiesler, S., Mukopadhyay, T. and Scherlis, W. (1998) 'Internet paradox: a social technology that reduces social involvement and psy­ chological well-being?', American Psychologist, 53: 1017-31. Mantovani, G. (1995) New Communication Environments: From Everyday to Virtual. London: Taylor & Francis. Margherio, L., Henry, D. and Montes, S. (1998) The Emerging Digital Economy. Washington, DC: United States Department of Commerce. McChesney, R. (1996) 'Telecon', In These Times, July 10: 17. Nil (1995) 'Common ground: fundamental principles for the National Information Infrastructure', National Information Infrastructure Advisory Council release, March. Oppenheimer, T. (1997) 'The computer delusion', The Atlantic, 280: 45-62. Park, M. and Floyd, K. (1996) 'Making friends in cyberspace', Journal of Communication. Pavlik, J.V. (1998) New Media Technology. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Powers, W. (1976) Behavior: The Control of Perception. New York: Aldinede Gruyter. Rafaeli, S. (1988) 'Interactivity: from new media to communication', in R.P. Hawkins, J.M. Wiemann and S. Pingree (eds), Advancing Communication Science: Merging Mass and Interpersonal Processes. Newbury Park: Sage. pp. 110-34. 'Remarks by the Vice President at the National Press Club Newsmaker luncheon' (1993). National Press Club, Washington, DC, 21 December. Rich, C. (1999) Creating Online Media. New York: McGraw Hill. Rogers, E. (1986) Communication Technology. New York: Free Press. Rothman, D.H. (1997) 'Inside the White House Web Site', Yahoo! Internet Life, 3: 66-71. Rucinski, D. (1991) 'The centrality of reciprocity to communication and democracy', Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8: 184—94. Savage, R. (1995) 'Creating the eye of the beholder: candidate images and political social­ ization', in K. Hacker (ed.), Candidate Images in Presidential Elections. Westport, CT: Praeger. pp. 37-49. Schiller, H. (1996) Culture, Inc.: The Corporate Takeover of Public Expression. New York: Oxford University Press. Schneider, S.M. (1996) 'Creating a democratic public sphere through political discussion', Social Science Computer Review, 14: 373-93. Short, J., Williams, E. and Christie, B . (1976) The Social Psychology of Telecommuni­ cations. London: John Wiley & Sons. Tsagarousianou, R., Tambini, D. and Bryan, C. (eds) (1998) Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities and Civic Networks. London: Routledge. Vallee, J. (1982) Network Revolution: Confessions of a Computer Scientist. Berkeley, CA: And/Or Press. van Dijk, J. (1996) 'Models of democracy - behind the design and use of new media in polities', Javnost/The Public, 3: 43-56. Walther, J. and Burgoon, J . (1992) 'Relational communication in computer-mediated interaction', Human Communication Research, 19: 50-88. Webster, F. and Robins, K. (1989) 'Towards a cultural history of the Information Society', Theory and Society, 18: 323-51. Whillock, R.K. (1997) 'Cyber-politics', American Behavioral Scientist, 40: 1208.

8 Guiding Voters through the Net: the Democracy Network in a California Primary Election Anita Elberse, Matthew L. Hale and William H. Dutton

Initiatives t o e n c o u r a g e digital d e m o c r a c y - s o m e t i m e s called ' t e l e d e m o c r a c y ' , 'electronic d e m o c r a c y ' or ' c y b e r p o l i t i c s ' - are w i d e r a n g i n g . T h e y e n c o m p a s s all the v a r i o u s w a y s in w h i c h information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s c a n b e u s e d to alter relationships b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t s a n d citizens a s w e l l a s in p r o v i d i n g n e w opportunities for citizens to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h o n e a n o t h e r ( A b r a m s o n et al., 1988; B e c k e r , 1 9 8 1 ; D u t t o n , 1992). In t h e 1990s, t h e p u b l i c ' s w i d e s p r e a d interest a n d t a k e - u p o f t h e Internet r e k i n d l e d t h e d e b a t e o v e r e l e c ­ tronic d e m o c r a c y ( D u t t o n , 1999: 1 7 4 - 9 3 ; R a a b et al., 1996; Street, 1997). O n e p r o m i s e linked particularly t o t h e Internet a n d ( W o r l d W i d e ) W e b t o foster m o r e d e m o c r a t i c participation h a s b e e n t h r o u g h its u s e t o stimulate a n d inform m o r e issue-oriented c a m p a i g n s ( W e s t e n , 1998). H o w e v e r , sharp divisions b e t w e e n t e l e d e m o c r a c y p r o p o n e n t s a n d detractors r e m a i n o v e r t h e i m p a c t that t h e Internet a n d W e b will h a v e o n c a m p a i g n s a n d elections ( H a c k e r , 1996; S o l b e r g , 1996). Digital Democracy Proponents and their Detractors O n t h e o n e h a n d , m a n y b e l i e v e that information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s ( I C T s ) such as t h e Internet c a n e n h a n c e d e m o c r a c y b y facilitating closer links a m o n g citizens as w e l l as b e t w e e n citizens a n d politicians ( W e s t e n , 1998). I C T s c o u l d also increase t h e possibilities for larger-scale d e b a t e s a n d m o r e direct f o r m s o f d e m o c r a t i c participation, t h r o u g h such m e c h a n i s m s as electronic p o l l i n g a n d v o t i n g , w h i c h m i g h t e n c o u r a g e t h e e x p a n d e d u s e o f s u c h a p p r o a c h e s to direct d e m o c r a c y as t h e r e f e r e n d u m . A related p r o m i s e is that I C T s c o u l d h e l p l o w e r e c o n o m i c barriers c r e a t e d b y c o n v e n t i o n a l m e d i a , s u c h as w i t h t h e p r o h i b i t i v e costs associated w i t h T V advertising, a n d t h e r e b y e n a b l e m o r e c a n d i d a t e s a n d m o r e issues to r e a c h t h e p u b l i c at large. B y increasing p u b l i c access t o h i g h q u a l i t y information, I C T s c o u l d n u r t u r e g r e a t e r interest in politics, a n d political d i s c o u r s e in general ( B e c k e r , 1 9 8 1 ; D u t t o n et al., 1998). O n e w a y o f i n c r e a s i n g t h e quality o f political d i s c o u r s e is b y m o v i n g d i s c u s s i o n a w a y from t h e c u r r e n t s o u n d bite, i m a g e - d r i v e n n a t u r e o f c a m p a i g n s t o c a m p a i g n s focused o n m o r e

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thoughtful a n d i n f o r m e d d i s c u s s i o n s of p o l i c y issues, w h a t h a s b e e n called a m o v e from ' t h i n ' t o ' s t r o n g d e m o c r a c y ' (Barber, 1984). M o r e i s s u e - b a s e d politi­ cal d i s c u s s i o n c o u l d h e l p v o t e r s ' w o r k t h r o u g h ' t h e v a l u e c h o i c e s that a r e t h e e s s e n c e o f politics, a n d r e a c h m o r e c o n s i d e r e d j u d g e m e n t s ( Y a n k e l o v i c h , 1991). O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , c o n c e r n h a s also b e e n raised o v e r t h e p o t e n t i a l for I C T s to u n d e r m i n e d e m o c r a t i c institutions. F o r e x a m p l e , it is p o s s i b l e t o a r g u e that e l e c ­ tronic m e d i a w i l l d i m i n i s h t h e significance a n d quality o f i n f o r m a t i o n in c a m ­ p a i g n s a n d e l e c t i o n s - u p d a t i n g a criticism frequently levelled at T V ( S a b a t o , 1981). M a n y early u s e s o f t h e W e b s i m p l y b r o a d c a s t t h e s a m e i n f o r m a t i o n d i s ­ tributed o v e r other m e d i a ( M u s s o et al., 2 0 0 0 ) . A l s o , I C T s c o u l d b e u s e d in w a y s t h a t further d i s t a n c e t h e p u b l i c from c a n d i d a t e s a n d e r o d e the q u a l i t y o f d e b a t e s b y e n c o u r a g i n g single-issue politics, a n d o n l y s e r v i n g actively i n v o l v e d partici­ p a n t s . I C T s c o u l d therefore reinforce existing patterns o f control b y h e l p i n g politicians to m o r e efficiently a n d frequently g a u g e a n d m a n a g e p u b l i c o p i n i o n a n d v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r ( D u t t o n , 1992; L a u d o n , 1 9 7 7 ; M c Q u a i l , 1995). A related fear is that I C T s m i g h t d e e p e n inequalities in a c c e s s t o information, w i d e n i n g ' k n o w l e d g e g a p s ' b e t w e e n i n f o r m a t i o n ' h a v e s ' a n d ' h a v e - n o t s ' o f a n information society ( v a n Dijk, this v o l u m e , C h a p t e r 10). Conceptions of the {Online) Voter, the Netizen D e b a t e o v e r w h e t h e r t h e Internet c a n b e u s e d to s t i m u l a t e m o r e issue-oriented v o t e r information, a n d t h e r e b y e n c o u r a g e v o t e r s t o w e i g h t h e issues in their c h o i c e o f c a n d i d a t e s , h i n g e s o n c o m p e t i n g c o n c e p t i o n s o f t h e voter, w h i c h h a v e b e e n a m a t t e r o f d e b a t e for d e c a d e s . A r e v o t e r s ' r a t i o n a l ' a n d w h a t d o e s it m e a n t o b e h a v e rationally as a v o t e r in m o d e r n d e m o c r a t i c societies (see B e n n e t t , 1 9 9 5 ; C u k i e r m a n , 1 9 9 1 ; D o w n s , 1957; K e y , 1966; K u e c h l e r , 1 9 9 1 ; O ' K e e f e a n d Sheinkopf, 1974)? T h a t is, d o citizens w e i g h t h e issue p o s i t i o n s o f c a n d i d a t e s in their v o t i n g c h o i c e s ? O n e v i e w is t h a t t h e ' r e s p o n s i b l e ' v o t e r s h o u l d a n d c a n m a k e r a t i o n a l c h o i c e s o f c a n d i d a t e s if t h e y a r e w e l l i n f o r m e d o n t h e i s s u e p o s i t i o n s o f e a c h c o n t e n d e r . K e y ' s ( 1 9 6 6 : 7) s e m i n a l w o r k o n this q u e s t i o n p u t this clearly in s a y i n g : ' . . . v o t e r s a r e n o t fools. . . . in t h e l a r g e t h e e l e c t o r a t e b e h a v e s a b o u t as r a t i o n a l l y a n d r e s p o n s i b l y a s w e s h o u l d e x p e c t , g i v e n t h e clarity o f t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s p r e ­ s e n t e d t o it a n d t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o it.' T h i s a s s u m p t i o n u n d e r p i n s c o u n t l e s s initiatives to i m p r o v e t h e q u a l i t y o f i s s u e - o r i e n t e d i n f o r m a ­ tion a v a i l a b l e to v o t e r s , from t h e c r e a t i o n o f v o t e r g u i d e s t o t h e t e l e v i s i n g o f debates. T h e r e are several alternative v i e w s o f t h e voter. O n e is that v o t e r s are ' m a n ­ a g e a b l e f o o l s ' , w h o c a n b e m a n i p u l a t e d b y a p p e a l s t o party, character, r e g i o n , religion a n d o t h e r b u t t o n s that c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r s c a n p u s h w i t h p r e d i c t a b l e results ( K e y , 1966: 5). A n o t h e r v i e w is that it is ' r a t i o n a l ' for v o t e r s t o m a k e fheir c h o i c e s o n t h e b a s i s o f such c u e s as p a r t y affiliation, n e w s p a p e r e n d o r s e m e n t s , regional loyalties o r liberal-conservative identifications o f t h e c a n d i d a t e s . F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , v o t e r s a r e sophisticated e n o u g h to u s e s u c h c u e s a n d create a f r a m e w o r k for rational c h o i c e that a v o i d s t h e efforts o f political c a m p a i g n s t o s w a y their v o t e s t h r o u g h calculated, issue-oriented a p p e a l s .

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T h e thrust o f d e c a d e s o f social science research o n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r has supported the v i e w that t h e position o f c a n d i d a t e s c a n m a k e a significant differ­ e n c e in the v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r o f t h e electorate a n d the o u t c o m e o f elections (Alverez, 1999: 7 - 2 3 ) . B u t issue v o t i n g d e p e n d s o n the ' c a m p a i g n c o n t e x t ' w h e t h e r issues are salient and w h e t h e r t h e information is available for rational c h o i c e (Alverez, 1999). T h e proliferation o f m e d i a outlets m i g h t s u p p l y voters w i t h a m p l e sources o f information for m a k i n g informed c h o i c e s . Y e t m a n y p u b l i c efforts to p r o v i d e information to t h e voter, s u c h as v o t e r g u i d e s , are b a s e d o n a belief that there is m o r e noise than clear signals a b o u t the p o s i t i o n s o f c a n d i d a t e s o n t h e issues ( D o c t e r a n d D u t t o n , 1998). H o w e v e r , n o m a t t e r w h i c h side o f the rational v o t e r d e b a t e o n e t a k e s , the e x p e c t e d effect o f l o w e r i n g t h e costs o f p r o v i d i n g a n d g a t h e r i n g information, s u c h as b y l o w e r i n g barriers o f access to information, is to increase the n u m b e r o f voters a w a r e o f major issues and to increase the r i c h n e s s o f t h e information gathered ( D u t t o n et al., 1998). L o w e r i n g the costs o f o b t a i n i n g information about c a n d i d a t e s and issues s h o u l d e n a b l e m o r e issue-oriented v o t i n g t h a n o t h e r w i s e possible.

Digital D e m o c r a c y in P r a c t i c e Since the 1960s, a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f initiatives and trial projects centred o n digital d e m o c r a c y h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d in b o t h N o r t h A m e r i c a and E u r o p e ( T s a g a r o u s i a n o u et al., 1998). M o s t h a v e focused o n p r o v i d i n g electronic a c c e s s to g o v e r n m e n t a l information a n d institutions. H o w e v e r , s o m e g o v e r n m e n t a l a n d n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l initiatives are a i m e d at r e f o r m i n g c a m p a i g n s a n d elections. International

Initiatives

A w e l l - k n o w n e x a m p l e o f an early effort to e n h a n c e p u b l i c access to g o v e r n m e n t is the Public Electronic N e t w o r k ( P E N ) in Santa M o n i c a , California, w h i c h w a s l a u n c h e d in 1989. This g o v e r n m e n t - s p o n s o r e d c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k - an 'electronic city h a l l ' - a l l o w e d citizens o f t h e city to interact w i t h p u b l i c officials a n d w i t h e a c h other. A l t h o u g h initially intended to i m p r o v e access to city r e c o r d s and officials, the s y s t e m h a s b e c o m e p r i m a r i l y a forum for discussions o n a w i d e r a n g e o f topics ( D o c t e r and D u t t o n , 1998; G u t h r i e and D u t t o n , 1992; O ' S u l l i v a n , 1995; V a r l e y , 1991). T h e City o f Santa M o n i c a expressly prohibited t h e u s e o f P E N for political c a m p a i g n s a n d elections ( D u t t o n and Guthrie, 1991). In the late 1990s, a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f g o v e r n m e n t s in t h e U S h a v e p u r s u e d m o v e s t o w a r d electronic service delivery, l a u n c h i n g m a j o r p u b l i c sector projects like San D i e g o C o u n t y ' s p r o p o s a l for creating a ' V i r t u a l G o v e r n m e n t ' . In E u r o p e , t h e Digital C i t y projects in A m s t e r d a m , T h e N e t h e r l a n d s , h a v e received a great deal of attention. T h e s e projects, d e v e l o p e d in t h e early 1990s, seek to n a r r o w t h e g a p b e t w e e n politicians and citizens a n d to increase political participation (Francissen and B r a n t s , 1998), b u t p r i m a r i l y focus o n the p r o v i s i o n o f v a r i o u s t y p e s o f p u b l i c information in electronic forms. V a r i o u s n e w I C T s , i n c l u d i n g the Internet, are u s e d to a c h i e v e these goals in similar e x p e r i m e n t s a r o u n d the w o r l d (Brants et a l , 1996; R a a b et al., 1996).

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M a n y a s s u m e that t h e c o n d i t i o n s for u s i n g electronic n e t w o r k s to e n h a n c e d e m o c r a c y in the m o r e traditional E u r o p e a n political s y s t e m s are less favourable t h a n in the U S (Berra, 1997; H a g e n a n d Jurinic, 1996; T a y l o r , 1999). F o r e x a m ­ p l e , s o m e a r g u e that A m e r i c a n 'fascination w i t h direct d e m o c r a c y ' (Fishkin, 1992) m a k e s the U S especially w e l l suited for electronic d e m o c r a c y applications (also see C a l a b r e s e a n d B o r c h e r t , 1996). W i t h i n t h e U S , California h a s b e e n identified as t h e m o s t fertile g r o u n d for g r o w i n g digital d e m o c r a c y initiatives w i t h its i d e o l o g y o f direct citizen participation, w h i c h h a s g i v e n rise to such related forms o f direct d e m o c r a c y as the r e f e r e n d u m (e.g. B a r b r o o k a n d C a m e r o n , 1996; W e s t e n , 1998).

The Democracy Network (DNet) California d i d i n d e e d give birth to T h e D e m o c r a c y N e t w o r k ( D N e t ) - o n e o f t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t U S initiatives a i m e d at u s i n g the Internet and W o r l d W i d e W e b to s u p p o r t m o r e i s s u e - o r i e n t e d v o t i n g ( h t t p : / / w w w . d n e t . o r g ) . D N e t is an electronic v o t e r g u i d e g e a r e d p r i m a r i l y t o the A m e r i c a n electorate. 1

T h e C e n t e r for G o v e r n m e n t a l Studies ( C G S ) , a non-profit organization, d e s i g n e d D N e t as a m e a n s for e n h a n c i n g t h e quality o f information p r o v i d e d about t h e issues at stake in political c a m p a i g n s a n d elections. Its d e v e l o p m e n t w a s in part inspired b y the o p t i m i s m s u r r o u n d i n g interactive cable television in the early 1990s. Initial applications w e r e all b a s e d o n interactive v i d e o c o m m u ­ nication o v e r interactive cable television n e t w o r k s such as W a r n e r ' s Full Service N e t w o r k ( F S N ) outside O r l a n d o , Florida. W i t h t h e collapse o f interactive cable television i n v e s t m e n t s b y industry in t h e m i d - 1 9 9 0 s , a n d t h e closing o f W a r n e r ' s F S N , C G S shifted its attention to the rising m e d i a o f t h e t i m e , the Internet a n d W o r l d W i d e W e b . D N e t ' s W e b site w a s l a u n c h e d d u r i n g t h e s u m m e r o f 1996 ( D o c t e r and D u t t o n , 1998). D N e t d e v e l o p e r s s o u g h t to anticipate t h e next g e n e r a t i o n o f p u b l i c affairs tele­ vision that w o u l d eclipse services, s u c h as t h e Cable-Satellite P u b l i c Affairs N e t w o r k ( C - S P A N ) . It w a s to b e interactive, c o m m u n i t y - o r i e n t e d a n d centred o n the T V . W i t h t h e c o m m e r c i a l failure o f i n t e r a c t i v e - T V trials, it shifted to b e c o m e m o r e a n c h o r e d o n the Internet a n d W e b , b u t r e m a i n e d focused o n fostering m o r e issue-oriented c a m p a i g n s and m o r e issue-based v o t i n g , b y p r o v i d i n g i m p r o v e d information a b o u t t h e position o f all c a n d i d a t e s on issues o f the c a m p a i g n . 2

T h e A p p r o a c h of t h i s S t u d y O u r a p p r o a c h to the study o f the I n t e r n e t ' s role in stimulating issue-oriented politi­ cal c a m p a i g n s h a s b e e n to focus o n a case study o f D N e t and its u s e in t h e 1998 California gubernatorial p r i m a r y elections. D N e t w a s o n e o f a variety o f p a p e r and electronic voter g u i d e s , such as the 1998 California P r i m a r y Election V o t e r Information G u i d e / B a l l o t P a m p h l e t (http://primary98.ss.ca.gov/voterguide/), yet D N e t w a s the m o s t explicitly focused a t t e m p t to stimulate a m o r e informed, issueoriented debate. M o r e o v e r , D N e t has b e e n o n e o f the earliest and m o s t successfully i m p l e m e n t e d efforts to create non-profit, non-partisan, interactive tools for local,

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state a n d national political participation ( D o c t e r a n d D u t t o n , 1998). It h a s b e e n e m p l o y e d in elections across t h e U S a n d a b r o a d ( C G S , 1998a). In o r d e r t o p l a c e t h e s t u d y o f D N e t w i t h i n a m e a n i n g f u l context, w e focused specifically o n c o v e r a g e o f t h e 1998 California P r i m a r y Election. Y e t e v e n this w a s t o o w i d e r a n g i n g t o systematically a s s e s s . In t h e five w e e k s prior t o the e l e c ­ tion, D N e t offered California v o t e r s position s t a t e m e n t s a n d information from c a n d i d a t e s for g o v e r n o r , U S S e n a t e a n d attorney general. In addition, D N e t p r o ­ v i d e d b a s i c information o n all other state-wide c a n d i d a t e s , i n c l u d i n g e a c h c a n d i ­ d a t e ' s ballot p a m p h l e t statement. D N e t also offered official information o n all n i n e state-wide ballot m e a s u r e s , links t o local c a n d i d a t e s ' W e b sites a n d o t h e r electronic v o t e r i n f o r m a t i o n s o u r c e s , c o n n e c t i o n s t o t h e m e d i a sites c o v e r i n g t h e elections, an o n l i n e d e b a t e a n d v i d e o c a n d i d a t e s t a t e m e n t s ( C G S , 1998b). W e therefore c h o s e o u r study o n t h e role o f D N e t in t h e 1998 California p r i m a r y o n t h e r a c e for governor. Case Study Methods W e triangulated o n t h e role o f D N e t from several v a n t a g e p o i n t s . First, w e e x a m ­ i n e d h o w issues w e r e treated o n D N e t as c o m p a r e d w i t h television a d v e r t i s i n g a n d w i t h t h e c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites. A l l three m e d i a a l l o w c a n d i d a t e s to c o n ­ trol content directly, a possibility t h e y d o n o t h a v e in t h e c a s e o f n e w s reports. T V ads are a particularly i m p o r t a n t p o i n t o f c o m p a r i s o n b e c a u s e o f their p r i m a c y as a s o u r c e o f information ( A t k i n a n d B o w e n , 1 9 7 3 ; L e a r y , 1974; Patterson a n d M c C l u r e , 1976; Z h a o a n d Chaffee, 1995). O n l y t h e major c o n t e n d e r s for office c a n afford u s i n g television ads, or creat­ ing a n d m a i n t a i n i n g their o w n W e b sites in election c a m p a i g n s . T h i s h a s b e e n o n e p r i m a r y rationale for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f D N e t . W h i l e w e studied all t h e g u b e r n a ­ torial c a m p a i g n s o v e r D N e t for t h e c o m p a r i s o n s w e d r a w a c r o s s T V a n d t h e Internet, w e focused o n t h e four m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s , all o f w h o m r a n m a j o r T V a d c a m p a i g n s a n d d e v e l o p e d their o w n W e b sites. F o r t h e s e c a n d i d a t e s , w e c o m ­ p a r e d m e d i a in t e r m s o f t h e b r e a d t h a n d d e p t h o f issue-oriented discussion, focus­ ing o n w h i c h issues w e r e d i s c u s s e d in t h e s e m e d i a outlets, a n d h o w c a n d i d a t e s treated t h e issues. W e also i n t e r v i e w e d c a m p a i g n staff, i n c l u d i n g t h e c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r s from t h r e e o f t h e four m a j o r g u b e r n a t o r i a l c a m p a i g n s . A d d i t i o n a l interviews w e r e c o n d u c t e d w i t h other c a m p a i g n staff, s u c h as ' W e b m a s t e r s ' , w h o w o r k e d w i t h i n t h e c a m p a i g n s . T h e p r i m a r y p u r p o s e o f t h e s e i n t e r v i e w s w a s to p r o v i d e m o r e qualitative insight i n t o t h e w a y in w h i c h c a m p a i g n staff v i e w e d t h e Internet a n d , in particular, D N e t . T h i s w a s u s e d to h e l p u s u n d e r s t a n d t h e r e a s o n s b e h i n d t h e ways each campaign used DNet. 3

Finally, w e e x a m i n e d h o w v o t e r s u s e D N e t t h r o u g h a n analysis o f a u t o m a t i ­ cally g e n e r a t e d utilization data, particularly server log files. W e specifically l o o k e d at files for t h o s e sections o f D N e t c o n t a i n i n g information a b o u t t h e California p r i m a r y election ( h t t p : / / w w w . d n e t . o r g / C A / ) . F u r t h e r m o r e , o n l y u s a g e d e a l i n g w i t h t h e g u b e r n a t o r i a l election w a s studied. T h e s c o p e o f this analysis o f u s a g e data w a s limited t o t h e w e e k i m m e d i a t e l y prior t o t h e J u n e 1998 election, w h e n v o t e r interest w a s at its p e a k . 4

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DNet's Strategies for Improving the Quality of Information O b s e r v a t i o n o f D N e t , i n t e r v i e w s w i t h k e y staff, a n d reports o f the C G S u n d e r ­ score the centrality o f several strategies e m p l o y e d to e n c o u r a g e c a n d i d a t e s to p r o ­ vide m o r e issue-oriented information to v o t e r s . F o r e x a m p l e , t h e C G S p r o v i d e d a variety o f entry p o i n t s , so that users c o u l d find material in w h i c h they w e r e specifically interested. DNet's v o t i n g in coverage. providing c h a n c e to

site w a s d i v i d e d into several sections. I n f o r m a t i o n w a s p r o v i d e d about general, local elections, ballot m e a s u r e s , c a m p a i g n finance a n d m e d i a Visitors (users) w e r e invited to share their v i e w s in a chat r o o m . B y v o t e r s w i t h t h e e-mail a d d r e s s o f c a n d i d a t e s , visitors w e r e also g i v e n a start u p a d i a l o g u e w i t h c a n d i d a t e s .

A l s o , candidates for g o v e r n o r w e r e asked to post a 5-minute v i d e o clip o f t h e m ­ selves o n the D N e t site, w h i c h w o u l d enable t h e m to go b e y o n d the s o u n d bites of a 3 0 - s e c o n d c o m m e r c i a l . S o m e candidates decided to u s e these m i n u t e s to air regular television c o m m e r c i a l s . O t h e r s took t h e opportunity to m o r e extensively introduce t h e m s e l v e s . H o w e v e r , s o m e d i d u s e this clip to explain their v i e w on issues. F u r t h e r m o r e , D N e t h a d a n u m b e r o f k e y features d e s i g n e d to e n c o u r a g e candidates to c o m m e n t o n a b r o a d e r array o f issues than m i g h t b e c o v e r e d b y the traditional m a s s m e d i a and to k e e p their position statements u p to date. In particu­ lar the issue grid and 'digital d e b a t e ' s h o w e d h o w issues could b e dealt with o n the Internet, and h o w digital d e m o c r a c y tools could be shaped. The 'Issue Grid' D N e t ' s 'issue g r i d ' allowed voters to read each c a n d i d a t e ' s position o n a w i d e range o f issues. E a c h r o w o f this grid represented an individual candidate for the respective office, in this case governor. E a c h c o l u m n represented a particular issue. T h e cells formed b y t h e intersection o f r o w s and c o l u m n s identified a c a n d i d a t e ' s position o n the particular issue. A cell w a s c h e c k e d if the candidate p r o v i d e d a position statement o n the specific issue identified b y the respective c o l u m n . Clicking o n the c h e c k e d b o x e s led a user to the c a n d i d a t e ' s statement. If candi­ dates did not p r o v i d e a statement, a ' n o c o m m e n t ' w o u l d b e displayed in the cell. T h e issues w e r e a r r a n g e d alphabetically in an a t t e m p t t o treat all issues equally and to avoid editorial d e c i s i o n s b y t h e C G S staff. C a n d i d a t e s could ask for issues to b e included in t h e grid. O t h e r c a n d i d a t e s c o u l d then s u b m i t their o p i n i o n s o n these topics. N a m e l y , a c a n d i d a t e ' s n a m e w o u l d be m o v e d to the t o p o f the c a n ­ didate list w h e n e v e r that c o n t e n d e r p r o v i d e d n e w information. Inattention could lead a c a n d i d a t e to m o v e further and further d o w n the issue grid, creating an incentive t o a d d r e s s n e w issues and u p d a t e their issue p o s i t i o n s . Since the issue grid g r e w to be s p r e a d o v e r six screens full o f cells, inactive c a n d i d a t e s c o u l d b e in far less visible p o s i t i o n s . Priming the Issue Pump D N e t c l a i m e d to give v o t e r s the 'first a n d o n l y o n l i n e d e b a t e featuring all candi­ dates in the G u b e r n a t o r i a l R a c e ' ( C G S , 1998a). T o a c c o m p l i s h this, D N e t staff p r i m e d the p r o c e s s b y pulling k e y issue p o s i t i o n s o f t h e four m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s o n t o t h e D N e t issue grid. T h e four l e a d i n g c a n d i d a t e s for g o v e r n o r w e r e :

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D e m o c r a t s A l C h e c c h i , a w e a l t h y b u s i n e s s leader a n d former h e a d o f N o r t h w e s t Airlines, G r a y D a v i s , t h e t h e n i n c u m b e n t L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r , J a n e H a r m a n , a C o n g r e s s w o m a n from S o u t h e r n California, a n d R e p u b l i c a n D a n L u n g r e n , t h e sitting A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l . T h e s e w e r e t h e o n l y c a n d i d a t e s g i v e n a c h a n c e t o e x p r e s s their o p i n i o n s in a traditional televised d e b a t e s p o n s o r e d b y t h e Los Angeles Times n e w s p a p e r . T h e p a p e r p u b l i s h e d transcripts o n t h e following day. C G S staff b r o u g h t t h e s e transcripts o n t o their issue grid a n d h e l p e d to create a critical m a s s o f issue p o s i t i o n s t a t e m e n t s that w o u l d e n c o u r a g e others a m o n g t h e 13 c a n d i d a t e s for g o v e r n o r to c o m m e n t o n t h e s e issues (see A p p e n d i x , p . 145).

The Breadth and Depth of Issue-oriented Information on DNet D N e t a i m e d t o b r o a d e n t h e election b y a l l o w i n g all c a n d i d a t e s m o r e equal a c c e s s to the debate than possible over T V and radio. Candidates dubbed marginal by t h e traditional m e d i a theoretically h a d t h e s a m e o p p o r t u n i t y to participate in D N e t activities. O f c o u r s e , c a n d i d a t e s w i t h o u t staff, t e c h n o l o g i c a l expertise a n d m o n e y m a y n o t h a v e h a d truly e q u a l a c c e s s , if c o m p a r e d t o c a n d i d a t e s w i t h w e l l funded c a m p a i g n s . E v e n s o , w h e n c o m p a r e d to a c c e s s t o television a d s o r tele­ v i s e d d e b a t e s , t h e b a r r i e r s t o e n t r y for m i n o r p a r t y c a n d i d a t e s w e r e significantly l o w e r for D N e t . T h i s w a s reflected b y t h e fact that 16 o f t h e 17 gubernatorial c o n ­ t e n d e r s participated in D N e t b y s u b m i t t i n g p o s i t i o n s t a t e m e n t s o n a total o f 31 issues (see A p p e n d i x , p . 145). F o r e x a m p l e , C G S staff p e r m i t t e d c a n d i d a t e s t o call or fax issue-position s t a t e m e n t s o r o t h e r material, s u c h as b i o g r a p h i c a l infor­ m a t i o n , to e n s u r e that t h e lack o f Internet a c c e s s w o u l d n o t d e s t r o y a c a n d i d a t e ' s access to voters over DNet. N o t e v e r y c a n d i d a t e participated at t h e s a m e level. S o m e p r o v i d e d s t a t e m e n t s o n a l m o s t all 31 issues, w h i l e o t h e r s o n l y s u b m i t t e d a few p o s i t i o n s t a t e m e n t s a n d frequently u s e d t h e ' n o c o m m e n t ' o p t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , o n e c a n d i d a t e ( P i n e d a ) d i d n o t participate at all, e x c e p t for a short introduction p r o v i d e d for b y C G S staff. T a b l e 8.1 gives a m o r e detailed o v e r v i e w o f t h e level in w h i c h t h e four major c a n d i d a t e s participated in D N e t . T a b l e 8.1 i n d i c a t e s that t h e four m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s , particularly C h e c c h i a n d D a v i s , s u b m i t t e d a r e a s o n a b l e n u m b e r o f issue s t a t e m e n t s t o t h e site. H o w e v e r , t h e m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s a p p e a r e d t o give priority to their o w n T V a d s a n d W e b sites, u s i n g these to feed m a t e r i a l to D N e t . F o r instance, C h e c c h i ' s o p i n i o n s o n e d u c a t i o n c o u l d b e found in all t h r e e m e d i a outlets. In h i s television a d s , C h e c c h i o n l y m e r e l y t o u c h e d u p o n t h e issue. In o n e ad, a v o i c e - o v e r stated Ά 1 C h e c c h i will cut state b u r e a u c r a c y 10 p e r cent a n d invest t h e s a v i n g s in e d u c a t i o n ' . I n a n o t h e r c o m m e r c i a l , a v o i c e - o v e r c o u l d b e h e a r d s a y i n g ' A l C h e c c h i - t h e o n l y c a n d i d a t e t o sign t h e E a s t i n p l e d g e t o raise California s c h o o l funding t o t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e ' in a n a i m t o create a distinct profile for Checchi. O n his W e b site (http://www.alchecchi.com) Checchi discussed t h e issue in m o r e depth. W h i l e in h i s television a d s h e r a r e l y talked a b o u t p r o p o s e d action, h e d e v o t e d a n entire section o f h i s W e b site t o issue p o s i t i o n s . In this section h e d i s c u s s e d ' T e n b i g c h a n g e s for California E d u c a t i o n ' , a m o n g

Guiding Voters through the Net TABLE 8.1

Issues discussed Web sites

on the Democracy

Checchi DNet own site

DNet

Network versus

Davis own site

137

candidates'

Herman DNet own site

Lungren DNet own site

Issue • • Abortion Accountability of • • • • • • • educators Agriculture Attracting • • • • teachers Audits • • Auto insurance Bilingual • • • • • • education • • • • • Budget surplus Corruption • • • • • Crime • • Death penalty • • • • Diversity Economic • • • development • • • • • Education • Electoral reform • Environment Full-term • • • • commitment Gay/lesbian • rights • • • • • Gun control • • • • Health • • Housing • Immigration • • • Juvenile crime Military platform • • • • • Prisons • Racism Responsible investing Responsible representation • • Tax relief Workers • compensation • 2 • Other issues ' Including tobacco, protecting theflag,women'srights,veterans, small business,fiscalresponsibility and college fees. Including local governmentfinancing,gaming, labour, and women and families. Including public safety, business and growth, water, transportation and drug use. 3

2

3

o t h e r things. H e r e h e dealt w i t h a c t i o n i t e m s in e l e m e n t a r y a n d s e c o n d a r y e d u c a ­ t i o n : t e a c h e r t r a i n i n g a n d s t a n d a r d s , s c h o o l facilities a n d s c h o o l safety, t e x t b o o k s a n d c o m p u t e r s , r e t u r n t o b a s i c skills, bilingual e d u c a t i o n , u n i v e r s a l

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p r e - s c h o o l , twenty-first c e n t u r y trade schools, local control a n d charter schools, after-school p r o g r a m m e s , l o n g - t e r m p l a n n i n g . A m o r e elaborate discussion o f his opinion o n bilingual e d u c a t i o n could also b e found o n h i s site. A m o n g h i s p o s i ­ tion statements o n D N e t w e r e c o m m e n t s o n ' e d u c a t i o n ' in general, ' a c c o u n t ­ ability o f e d u c a t o r s ' , 'attracting t e a c h e r s ' a n d ' b i l i n g u a l e d u c a t i o n ' . T h e latter three c o m m e n t s w e r e h i s a n s w e r s taken from the Los Angeles Times F o r u m tran­ scripts b y C G S staff. C h e c c h i d i d n o t s u b m i t a n y revisions or additions t o h i s c o m m e n t s m a d e in that television p r o g r a m m e . A l s o , C h e c c h i ' s s u b m i t t e d v i e w s o n ' e d u c a t i o n ' w e r e identical to those o n h i s o w n W e b site. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e is p r o v i d e d b y t h e w a y D e m o c r a t i c c a n d i d a t e J a n e H a r m a n treated health issues. In o n e o f h e r television c o m m e r c i a l s , s h e dealt w i t h patient rights a n d H e a l t h M a i n t e n a n c e O r g a n i z a t i o n s ( H M O s ) b y stating: ' I t ' s a n insult w h e n w o m e n n e e d p e r m i s s i o n t o see their o w n gynaecologist. A n d i t ' s outra­ g e o u s w h e n p e o p l e w i t h c h r o n i c conditions n e e d p e r m i s s i o n to s e e a s p e c i a l i s t . . . A s governor, I'll fight for p a t i e n t s ' right t o c h o o s e their o w n doctor. H M O s m u s t start putting p e o p l e a h e a d o f insurance c o m p a n y profits'. O n h e r o w n W e b site ( h t t p : / / w w w . j a n e h a r m a n f o r g o v e r n o r . c o m ) s h e p r o v i d e d voters w i t h a m o r e ela­ b o r a t e v i e w . In bullet list format, s h e discussed v a r i o u s o p i n i o n s a n d p r o p o s e d m e a s u r e m e n t s w i t h regard t o t h e health issue: p a t i e n t s ' bill o f rights, p r e v e n t i v e care, t r e a t m e n t o p t i o n s , t o b a c c o , health research, health insurance. O n D N e t h o w e v e r , s h e o p t e d for a ' n o c o m m e n t ' b o x - n o t submitting a position o n the health issue. The Lure of a Candidate's Own Homepage All t h e major p r i m a r y c a n d i d a t e s h a d their o w n Internet h o m e p a g e s o n t h e W e b , and these influenced t h e role o f D N e t in t w o k e y w a y s . First, c a n d i d a t e W e b p a g e s , like T V a n d t h e n e w s p a p e r s , b e c a m e a n o t h e r source from w h i c h t o d r a w material for t h e issue grid a n d c a n d i d a t e b i o g r a p h i e s . T h e cannibalization o f o n e m e d i a b y a n o t h e r is c o m m o n over t i m e a n d across m e d i a , s u c h as in t h e early days o f cable T V , w h e n cable o p e r a t o r s g a i n e d critical content b y s i m p l y relay­ ing over-the-air b r o a d c a s t stations. L i k e w i s e , m a n y n e w s p a p e r s print stories reported first o n t h e W e b . I n similar w a y s , candidate h o m e p a g e s b e c a m e a resource for D N e t to create a critical m a s s o f k e y issue positions, w h i c h d r e w other c a n d i d a t e s to t h e issue grid. I n fact, a large part o f the issue-oriented infor­ m a t i o n from t h e four major candidates w a s derived indirectly from sources, like the Los Angeles Times, n o t from t h e candidates directly. W e c o m p a r e d issues discussed o n D N e t w i t h those a p p e a r i n g o n c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites a n d w i t h t h e Los Angeles Times transcripts (Table 8.1), a n d p r o b e d the p e r c e p t i o n s o f c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r s . T h e differences in television a n d t h e W e b w e r e apparent to at least o n e c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r , w h o said: The fundamental advantage of the Net in communicating to voters is that the other media are quite limited in their capacity to talk about politics. Obviously TV news doesn't cover politics, so you're reduced to 30-second ads created by the campaigns which voters know are self serving ... what the Net offers is basically the ability to make infinite amounts of information available and also because it is so democratic it is empowering to outsiders, notably third parties.

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W h e n c o m p a r i n g D N e t w i t h c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites it is also a p p a r e n t that D N e t w a s successful at t h e m a r g i n s in fostering a m o r e e q u i t a b l e d e b a t e b y g i v i n g all c a n d i d a t e s t h e possibility t o state their p o s i t i o n s o n certain issues and s u b m i t a d d i t i o n a l issues t o b e d e b a t e d . F o r e x a m p l e , t h e Los Angeles Times transcripts focused o n c o m p a r i n g t h e r e s p o n s e s o f t h e major c a n d i d a t e s o n q u e s ­ tions c o n c e r n i n g eight issues (accountability o f e d u c a t o r s , attracting t e a c h e r s , bilingual education, t h e b u d g e t surplus, diversity, full-term c o m m i t m e n t , g u n control a n d p r i s o n s ) . D N e t invited all gubernatorial c a n d i d a t e s t o s u b m i t their a n s w e r s o n these s a m e q u e s t i o n s . Visitors c o u l d v i e w these a n s w e r s in t h e ' d i g i ­ tal d e b a t e ' section o f t h e site or in t h e ' i s s u e g r i d ' . T h e majority o f p o s i t i o n s t a t e m e n t s w e r e t a k e n from t h e Los Angeles Times. H o w e v e r , three o f t h e four major c a n d i d a t e s s u b m i t t e d other issue s t a t e m e n t s a s well. O n l y t h e R e p u b l i c a n c a n d i d a t e , D a n L u n g r e n , failed to s u b m i t a n y addi­ tional s t a t e m e n t s . Therefore, t h e u s e of material from t h e Los Angeles Times s e e m s t o h a v e h e l p e d generate additional issue s t a t e m e n t s from t h e major c a n d i ­ dates, a n d also attract c o m p a r a b l e issue-position s t a t e m e n t s from m i n o r p a r t y candidates. In a n o t h e r w a y , t h e c a n d i d a t e h o m e p a g e s actually u n d e r m i n e d participation in D N e t . I n t e r v i e w s w i t h c a m p a i g n staff indicated that m o s t c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r s k n e w little or n o t h i n g about D N e t , despite g o o d m e d i a c o v e r a g e a n d great effort b y D N e t staff t o p u b l i c i z e its existence. A staffer for t h e C h e c c h i c a m p a i g n essen­ tially d e s c r i b e d D N e t , y e t clearly d i d n o t k n o w that it existed. A s h e p u t it: 5

If we had been approached by someone on the Internet we would certainly have done it. I think it is a great idea. There is not enough of a focus on issues, it is just shocking, there is not a focus on issues. So I think if there were an independent site or issueorientated site for comparison it would be a great idea. W h e n t h e r a n g e o f position s t a t e m e n t s on D N e t a r e c o m p a r e d w i t h t h o s e o n t h e four m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites (also s e e T a b l e 8.1), a m i x e d situation arises. In general, t h e c a n d i d a t e s ' h o m e p a g e s c o n t a i n a w e a l t h o f issue-oriented information. H o w e v e r , c a n d i d a t e s often d i d n o t s u b m i t issue s t a t e m e n t s available o n their o w n site to D N e t . O n e e x a m p l e for c a n d i d a t e H a r m a n w a s d i s c u s s e d a b o v e . Several other issues that C h e c c h i , D a v i s a n d H a r m a n d i s c u s s e d o n their o w n W e b sites w e r e also n o t submitted t o D N e t ' s grid. S o m e t i m e s , i n c l u d i n g L u n g r e n , these c a n d i d a t e s g a v e statements o n issues other than t h e 31 included in t h e grid. T h e c a n d i d a t e s could h a v e a s k e d for t h e s e issues - a p p a r e n t l y p e r c e i v e d t o b e i m p o r t a n t in their c a m p a i g n s - t o b e included in the grid, b u t t h e y m o s t often d i d not. T h e fact that c a n d i d a t e s s e e their o w n W e b sites t o b e increasingly important as a c a m p a i g n tool, s u c h a s for o r g a n i z i n g , s e a r c h i n g for v o l u n t e e r s , soliciting contributions, a n d registering v o t e r s , c o u l d b e o n e r e a s o n for c a n d i d a t e s ' desire to strengthen their o w n sites ( s e e W a s s e r m a n , 1998). O n e c a m p a i g n m a n a g e r s e e m s to c o n c u r w i t h t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f e a c h c a m p a i g n ' s W e b site for activities other than informing v o t e r s . H e said: There are other avenues that help us besides informing the voters, that is part of this, that we probably wouldn't be able to do on a general access site. I doubt we would be

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able to put up a finance card [laughing] on these [general] sites: 'Please contribute to us by the way'. I n p o i n t o f fact, D N e t d i d i n c o r p o r a t e o p t i o n s for v o t e r s t o m e s s a g e c a n d i d a t e s , s u c h as if t h e y w i s h e d t o v o l u n t e e r for an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c a m p a i g n . In addition to u s i n g t h e Internet a s a m e a n s for r e a c h i n g o u t t o voters for c o n ­ tributions a n d v o l u n t e e r s , t h e c a m p a i g n staffers s a w t h e b i g g e s t a d v a n t a g e o f t h e Internet as a m e a n s for c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h i n t h e c a m p a i g n o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d n o t o n l y w i t h v o t e r s . All o f t h e c a m p a i g n s c l a i m e d t o m a k e w i d e u s e o f t h e Internet as a m e a n s o f c o n t a c t i n g t h e v a r i o u s c o n s u l t a n t s a n d field offices. T h e C h e c c h i c a m p a i g n e v e n u s e d t h e Internet a s a m e a n s for transporting a n d e d i t i n g tele­ vision c o m m e r c i a l s w i t h great speed. A l s o , all o f t h e c a m p a i g n s indicated that t h e Internet a n d W e b assisted t h e m in v a r i o u s r e s e a r c h activities, s u c h as e x p l o r i n g t h e s t a t e m e n t s o f c o m p e t i n g c a n d i d a t e s . T h i s focus o n u s i n g t h e Internet as a m e a n s for internal c a m p a i g n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d as a r e s e a r c h t o o l m a y h a v e b l i n d e d t h e c a m p a i g n s t o t h e possibilities o f u s i n g t h e t e c h n o l o g y as a m e c h a n i s m for a p p e a l i n g directly t o v o t e r s . In s o m e c a s e s , a s t h e C h e c c h i e x a m p l e d e m o n s t r a t e d , position s t a t e m e n t s w e r e c o p i e d from c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites t o D N e t . T h i s m a y s t e m from t h e fact that in c a m p a i g n s , t i m e is c o n s i d e r e d a v e r y p r e c i o u s r e s o u r c e . All o f t h e staffers i n t e r v i e w e d indicated t h a t t h e y c o n s t a n t l y h a v e t o m a k e difficult t i m e allocation decisions. O n e m a n a g e r s p o k e for t h e others b y s a y i n g : ' A s y o u k n o w , in a c a m ­ p a i g n y o u o n l y h a v e a finite a m o u n t o f t i m e a n d y o u h a v e t o p i c k a n d c h o o s e w h a t y o u d o . ' T h e d u p l i c a t i o n from t h e c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n sites to D N e t a n d their g e n ­ eral lack o f interest in i n t r o d u c i n g n e w issues m a y s i m p l y b e t h e m o s t e x p e d i e n t resolution o f this t i m e allocation p r o b l e m o n t h e p a r t o f t h e c a m p a i g n staff. A s o n e c a m p a i g n staffer t h o u g h t : ' I t d i d n ' t m a k e sense t o try a n d replicate p i e c e s o f o u r site e v e r y w h e r e out t h e r e . W e figured p e o p l e c o u l d j u s t l o o k at o u r site. M a y b e t h a t ' s s o m e t h i n g w e s h o u l d h a v e l o o k e d at, I d o n ' t k n o w . ' N e v e r t h e l e s s , w e found clear c a s e s in w h i c h c a n d i d a t e s s u b m i t t e d s t a t e m e n t s n o t i n c l u d e d o n their o w n sites o r in t h e Los Angeles Times d e b a t e . I n t h e s e c a s e s , t h e issue grid d i d i n d e e d foster t h e p r o v i s i o n o f m o r e issue-oriented information t o e m e r g e w i t h i n t h e p r i m a r y election c a m p a i g n . T h i s is t h e c a s e , for e x a m p l e , b o t h for C h e c c h i o n issues s u c h as h o u s i n g a n d r a c i s m , a n d G r a y D a v i s o n issues s u c h a s crime and health care. Television Commercials U n d o u b t e d l y , as is o b v i o u s from o n l y a c u r s o r y v i e w o f t h e c a m p a i g n , a n d as e x a m p l e s a b o v e h e l p illustrate, D N e t offered m o r e in-depth information o n m o r e c a n d i d a t e s a n d m o r e c a m p a i g n issues t h a n offered b y television a d s . In general, television a d s o n l y briefly m e n t i o n issues i m p o r t a n t for c a n d i d a t e s . T h e n a t u r e o f t h e m e d i u m - o n l y a few s e c o n d s t o c o m m u n i c a t e a m e s s a g e - m a k e s television a d s less suitable for e x t e n s i v e t r e a t m e n t o f i s s u e s . T h i s w a s o n e o f t h e d o m i n a n t rationales b e h i n d t h e creation o f D N e t a n d it r e m a i n s a valid a r g u m e n t . This u n d e r s c o r e s t h e r o l e p l a y e d b y T V a d s w i t h i n election c a m p a i g n s , a n d h o w this role differs from that p l a y e d b y v o t e r g u i d e s in print o r o n t h e Internet. In c o m m e r c i a l s , e m p h a s i s is often p u t o n n a m e r e c o g n i t i o n , a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h

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central issues a n d s l o g a n s a n d i m a g e b u i l d i n g , s u c h a s t h e s l o g a n ' D a v i s . E x p e r i e n c e m o n e y c a n ' t b u y ' that c o n c l u d e d e v e r y D a v i s a d d u r i n g this p r i m a r y . Television c o m m e r c i a l s are also often u s e d to attack other c a n d i d a t e s ' statements and records a n d t o better distinguish a candidate from competitors. E x a m p l e s o f this i n c l u d e : C h e c c h i ' s a d s attacking D a v i s ( ' D a v i s h a s w a s t e d m i l l i o n s o f t a x d o l l a r s ' a n d ' D a v i s e v e n c h a r g e d t h e t a x p a y e r s for h i s political fund-raising c a l l s ' ) , a n d D a v i s ' r e s p o n s e s ( ' [ C h e c c h i is] a m a n w h o killed k i n d e r g a r t e n legis­ lation to save a t a x b r e a k for h i s a i r l i n e ' , a n d ' a m a n w h o fired 4 0 0 0 p e o p l e , forced t h o u s a n d s t o t a k e p a y c u t s w h i l e p a y i n g h i m s e l f $ 1 0 m i l l i o n a y e a r ' ) . T h e r e a r e m a n y e x a m p l e s that s u p p o r t c o n v e n t i o n a l w i s d o m a n d t h e e x p e c t a ­ tions o f t h e C G S staff that t h e D N e t c o u l d treat a b r o a d e r r a n g e o f issues t h a n c o m m e r c i a l s . T h i s w a s reinforced b y t h e fact that c a m p a i g n staffers v i e w e d tele­ v i s i o n a d s a n d t h e Internet as t w o quite different m e c h a n i s m s for r e a c h i n g voters. M a n a g e r s from t h e H a r m a n a n d C h e c c h i c a m p a i g n s , for e x a m p l e , indicated that t h e Internet w a s useful, o r not, d e p e n d i n g o n t h e n e e d t o target o n l i n e v o t e r s in a strategic fashion. T h e H a r m a n m a n a g e r indicated this w i t h t h e following; I am still a believer that in political campaigns your basic responsibility is to figure out who are your persuadable voters, target swing. I f Jane Doe is a target for Jane Harman and she is a suburban mother of two, education, choice, child care, and family leave issues are important to her. How do we get that message to her? Right now the Internet is not a way. She doesn't log on, I think, to figure out which candidate is best for her on those issues. Right now the best way is with television. T h u s , o n D N e t , c a n d i d a t e s w e r e p e r h a p s c h a l l e n g e d t o participate in d e b a t e s o n a b r o a d e r r a n g e o f issues. Unfortunately, t h e m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s o n l y m a d e limited u s e o f this possibility. T h e y rarely b r o a d e n e d t h e d e b a t e b y i n t r o d u c i n g state­ m e n t s that v o t e r s c o u l d n o t h a v e h e a r d or r e a d b e f o r e . M o r e often, t h e y u s e d D N e t t o reinforce m e s s a g e s c o n v e y e d o v e r other m e d i a a s w e l l . M a n y c a m p a i g n s failed t o look at t h e v o t e r a s rationally driven b y t h e issues, b u t b y m o r e general i m a g e s o f t h e p a r t y c a n d i d a t e ' s i m a g e , s u c h as o n e m a n a g e r noted: It [the race] is going to come down to potentially who the voters like better, character and personality, who is the funnier guy, a nicer guy, who is the more down to earth kind of guy that you can trust and all that kind of stuff. I think the pictures help and com­ mercials although quick sound bites flashes. It (commercials) shows what kind of person that they are. H o w e v e r , D N e t g a v e m i n o r c a n d i d a t e s a c h a n c e t o enter t h e d e b a t e , a n d gain attention for their v i e w p o i n t s . I n that s e n s e , D N e t created a m o r e level p l a y i n g field for all c a n d i d a t e s . It also m a n a g e d t o c o m p i l e a great a m o u n t o f issueoriented information.

Usage of DNet Site T h e c o n t e n t o f T V a d s a n d W e b p a g e s is o n l y o n e side o f t h e coin. T h e other involves w h e t h e r a n d h o w r e a d e r s , v i e w e r s a n d N e t i z e n s s e e a n d u s e this content. Therefore, w e e x a m i n e d t h e extent t o w h i c h D N e t visitors e x p l o r e d c a n d i d a t e s ' v i e w p o i n t s a n d issue p o s i t i o n s . A n analysis o f server l o g files, h e r e g e n e r a t e d for

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TABLE 8.2 DNet visits, pages and hits running up to primary'' Date Visits Pages

Hits

Wednesday 27 May Thursday 28 May Friday 29 May Saturday 30 May Sunday 31 May Monday 1 June Tuesday 2 June

517 526 467 346 581 1170 1838

1609 1719 1455 1157 2454 5714 6796

1635 1730 1461 1163 2460 5730 6800

Total

5445

20,904

20,979

* Visits are defined as a series of hits, not separated by more than 20 minutes, while a page is a down­ load of either a file with the extension 'htm', 'html' or 'cgi'. A hit is download of any file type, includ­ ing 'gif and 'jpg' files.

t h e w e e k leading u p t o the p r i m a r y (27 M a y until 2 J u n e ) , r e v e a l e d m u c h a b o u t D N e t u s a g e b y visitors w h o a r e p r e s u m a b l y potential v o t e r s . O n e p i e c e o f evi­ d e n c e c a n b e found in t h e daily n u m b e r o f ' v i s i t s ' , w h i c h a r e c o u n t e d as a series o f ' h i t s ' that a r e n o t separated b y m o r e t h a n 2 0 m i n u t e s . A n o t h e r indicator is t h e n u m b e r o f ' p a g e s ' v i e w e d , w h i c h is defined as a d o w n l o a d o f a file w i t h either t h e e x t e n s i o n ' h t m ' , h t m l ' o r ' c g i ' . A ' h i t ' is a d o w n l o a d o f a n y file t y p e , includ­ ing a ' g i f o r ' j p g ' file. O n e W e b p a g e , for e x a m p l e , c a n b e c o m p o s e d o f a large n u m b e r o f ' g i f a n d ' j p e g ' files (see T a b l e 8.2). U s a g e o f D N e t steadily i n c r e a s e d in t h e last d a y s before a n d o n t h e d a y o f t h e p r i m a r y elections. T h e n u m b e r o f visits increased from 5 1 7 o n W e d n e s d a y 2 7 M a y to 1170 o n M o n d a y 1 J u n e a n d 1838 o n election day. T h i s c o u l d s u g g e s t that D N e t w a s especially useful for v o t e r s w h o d i d n o t h a v e t i m e to closely follow m e d i a c o v e r a g e o f t h e P r i m a r y Election in the w e e k s prior to 2 J u n e . T h e fact that u s a g e o f the p a g e s c o n t a i n i n g issue-oriented information i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g this w e e k m a y indicate that u s e r s are particularly interested in issues as t h e election d r a w s near. A n o t h e r c a u s e for the trend c o u l d w e l l b e t h e increasing m e d i a atten­ tion for the elections. M e d i a attention for a certain subject usually results in a n increase in Internet traffic o n sites related t o that subject. T h e fact that several sites c o v e r i n g t h e P r i m a r y Election a n d s o m e c a n d i d a t e s ' o w n W e b sites also fea­ t u r e d a link t o D N e t , p r o b a b l y reinforced this trend. In total, 3 4 3 1 u n i q u e visitors w e r e identified in t h e w e e k r u n n i n g from 2 7 M a y until 2 J u n e . T h e s e n u m b e r s are c o m p a r a b l e , certainly n o t l o w , w i t h u s a g e o f o t h e r sites w i t h information a b o u t elections o r political c a m p a i g n s ( W a s s e r m a n , 1998). M o r e o v e r , it s h o u l d b e t a k e n into a c c o u n t that D N e t is a fairly n e w initia­ tive o n a m e d i u m that, despite a n incredible g r o w t h in r e c e n t y e a r s , still h a s a m a r g i n a l r e a c h c o m p a r e d with m o r e traditional m a s s m e d i a . H o w e v e r , this limited n u m b e r o f visitors d o e s i m p l y that D N e t ' s role in the political a r e n a is at t h e m a r g i n s . T h e p e r c e p t i o n that Internet sites like D N e t h a v e a limited r e a c h w a s a significant factor n o t e d b y c a m p a i g n staff for n o t participating in D N e t . D a i l y a n d h o u r l y a v e r a g e s for hits, p a g e s , visitors a n d pages/visitors d i s p l a y e d a relatively e v e n distribution o f u s e t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r k d a y a n d e v e n i n g h o u r s . T h i s c o u l d b e an indication o f t h e fact that t h e site w a s a c c e s s e d from locations b o t h at w o r k a n d h o m e .

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W e w e r e u n a b l e t o g a t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e characteristics o f D N e t u s e r s . H o w e v e r , it is likely ( o n t h e b a s i s o f o t h e r studies) that D N e t u s e r s are t h o s e m o s t interested in t h e p r i m a r y elections a n d politics in g e n e r a l , a n d therefore m o s t likely to u s e o t h e r m e d i a as w e l l ( B i m b e r , 1998; G u t h r i e et al., 1990). T h e p r o v i d e r s o f D N e t are reluctant t o s u r v e y their o w n u s e r s in light o f their c o n c e r n s o v e r their p r i v a c y a n d limited t i m e . T h e o n l y information that t h e log files p r o ­ v i d e is that t h e u s e r s originated from different d o m a i n s , m o s t n o t a b l y ' c o m ' ( U S c o m m e r c i a l ) , ' n e t ' ( n e t w o r k ) , ' e d u ' ( U S e d u c a t i o n a l ) a n d ' u s ' ( U S general) d o m a i n s . A m o n g the first g r o u p are m a n y A m e r i c a O n l i n e ( A O L ) subscribers. D e s p i t e a lack o f d o c u m e n t e d information a b o u t t h e characteristics o f D N e t users, there w a s a g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n a b o u t c a m p a i g n a n d C G S staff that t h e u s e r s w e r e likely to b e i m p o r t a n t constituencies. T h e m o s t c o m m o n e x a m p l e cited b y o u r i n t e r v i e w e e s w a s t h e w i d e s p r e a d p e r c e p t i o n that j o u r n a l i s t s a n d c a m p a i g n staff u s e d D N e t a n d t h e Internet m o r e g e n e r a l l y to r e s e a r c h t h e c a n d i ­ dates. M o r e o v e r , t h e r e w a s a general e x p e c t a t i o n that c o m p u t e r o w n e r s a n d A O L subscribers r e p r e s e n t e d i m p o r t a n t s e g m e n t s o f o p i n i o n leaders. A k e y strategy o f D N e t h a s b e e n to p o s i t i o n their g u i d e so that it w o u l d b e visi­ b l e to Internet u s e r s . A O L p r o v i d e d a link t o D N e t o n its site - t h e site that m a n y A O L s u b s c r i b e r s v i e w w h e n e v e r t h e y log into their A O L a c c o u n t - a n d D N e t staff v a l u e this p l a c e m e n t as o n e k e y m e c h a n i s m for r e a c h i n g potential v o t e r s . H o w e v e r , t h e log files d i d n o t reveal t h e site w h e r e visitors originated from, o n l y t h e d o m a i n t h e y l o g g e d in at, so it is n o t certain h o w m a n y users w e r e funnelled t o D N e t b y A O L or o t h e r g a t e k e e p e r s . T h e u n c e r t a i n t y s u r r o u n d i n g t h e identity o f u s e r s h a s a n i m p a c t o n t h e w a y c a m p a i g n s t h o u g h t a b o u t t h e u s e o f t h e Internet. F o r e x a m p l e , this h a s c o n ­ tributed to c a m p a i g n staff s e e i n g t h e Internet as o f less utility to t h e c a m p a i g n , b e c a u s e t h e y d i d n o t v i e w it as v a l u a b l e for targeting specific ' s w i n g ' v o t e r s . Patterns for Using the Issue Grid W h e t h e r and h o w users navigated through the issue grid are important to assessing t h e limits o f its utility. T h e log files e n a b l e d u s t o g a u g e t h e frequency w i t h w h i c h users l o o k e d at specific p a g e s o f issue-oriented information. T h e size o f t h e i s s u e grid (32 c o l u m n s , c o m p r i s e d o f 31 issues and 1 general introduction) r e q u i r e d that it be s p r e a d o v e r 7 separate p a g e s o r s c r e e n s o f information. T h e issue grid attracted m o r e viewers t h a n other features o n D N e t , w i t h the n u m ­ ber o f grid p a g e s v i e w e d b e i n g relatively high c o m p a r e d to other parts o f the site. F o r instance, users v i e w e d the California I n d e x p a g e - t h e p a g e that p r o v i d e d users an o v e r v i e w o f all information w i t h regard to the California P r i m a r y Election avail­ able o n the site - a total o f 1238 times during the w e e k ; o n e third o f t h e total for the first p a g e o f t h e grid. F o r m a n y visitors the grid thus s e e m e d the heart o f D N e t . H o w e v e r , o u r analysis found that m a n y visitors o n l y l o o k e d at t h e first c o u p l e o f p a g e s o f the grid. T h e first p a g e w a s v i e w e d 3 4 6 5 t i m e s c o m p a r e d t o 3 2 9 t i m e s for p a g e 6 (9 p e r cent o f t h e total for t h e first p a g e ) , a n d 193 times for p a g e 7 (6 p e r cent o f t h e total for t h e first p a g e ) . T h u s , t h e r e w e r e relatively few visitors that e v e n s c a n n e d or b r o w s e d t h r o u g h t h e c o m p l e t e grid, e v e n t h o u g h i s s u e s w e r e listed alphabetically, rather t h a n in o r d e r o f i m p o r t a n c e . 6

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T h e issue grid did not force all v i e w e r s to take the candidates in order. A l t h o u g h the four major c a n d i d a t e s w e r e n o t d i s p l a y e d at the top o f t h e candidate list, issue statements p r o v i d e d b y these c a n d i d a t e s ( C h e c c h i , D a v i s , H a r m a n a n d L u n g r e n ) w e r e v i e w e d m o r e often t h a n statements p r o v i d e d b y other c a n d i d a t e s . It s e e m s that n a m e r e c o g n i t i o n , the p o p u l a r i t y o f t h e c a n d i d a t e s a n d m e d i a atten­ tion therefore also p l a y e d a role. O n l y a few other c a n d i d a t e s ' p a g e s , u s u a l l y those located n e a r the top o f the issue grid, a p p e a r e d in the t o p 2 5 of p a g e s v i e w e d b y users. The Digital Debate In the s a m e m a n n e r an o v e r v i e w can b e m a d e o f the p a g e s c o n c e r n i n g the digital d e b a t e that w e r e a c c e s s e d m o s t frequently. A s n o t e d a b o v e , D N e t o p e n e d u p the Los Angeles Times F o r u m b y a l l o w i n g all gubernatorial c a n d i d a t e s to participate. T h e questions w e r e listed o n o n e p a g e , a n d c a n d i d a t e s ' a n s w e r s w e r e listed o n a total o f 8 p a g e s ( o n e for e a c h o f the questions p o s e d ) . T h e s a m e results e m e r g e . First, the order in w h i c h q u e s t i o n s o r issues w e r e discussed o n the site influenced v i e w i n g . T h e first d e b a t e q u e s t i o n s w e r e v i e w e d m o s t frequently. T h i s linear reading o f W e b p a g e s from ' b e g i n n i n g to e n d ' , despite the possibilities that hypertext creates, is consistent w i t h findings in other studies o f h o w p e o p l e read hypertext ( D o u g l a s , 1993). S e c o n d l y , the o p i n i o n s o f the four major c a n d i d a t e s ( C h e c c h i , D a v i s , H a r m a n a n d L u n g r e n ) w e r e v i e w e d m o r e frequently t h a n those of other candidates. O n l y a few m i n o r i t y c a n d i d a t e s ' o p i n i o n s a p p e a r e d a m o n g the t o p 2 5 o f p a g e s v i e w e d .

Summary and Discussion: Developing a Virtuous Cycle of Utilization T h e aim of this study w a s to p r o v i d e lessons from early u s e s of an i n n o v a t i v e electronic voter g u i d e d e s i g n e d to better inform voters about the full r a n g e of issues a n d c a n d i d a t e s . W e c h o s e t o c o n d u c t a case s t u d y o f D N e t in t h e 1998 California gubernatorial p r i m a r y , w h i c h enabled u s t o triangulate o n o u r q u e s ­ tions t h r o u g h direct o b s e r v a t i o n , interviews w i t h d e v e l o p e r s and c a m p a i g n staff, analysis of u s a g e statistics, and c o m p a r i s o n s w i t h other m e d i a , including T V , n e w s p a p e r s and c a n d i d a t e W e b sites. T h i s case study reinforces t h e v i e w that D N e t d o e s not p r o v i d e a q u i c k t e c h n i ­ cal fix t o p r o b l e m s o f c a m p a i g n financing, and the limited role that issues can s o m e t i m e s p l a y in v o t i n g decisions. H o w e v e r , at the m a r g i n s , the Internet can, as D N e t has d e m o n s t r a t e d , m a k e a difference in the c o v e r a g e o f candidates and issues in political c a m p a i g n s and elections. D N e t did contribute to t h e provision o f a b r o a d e r and m o r e in-depth d i s c u s s i o n o f the issues t h a n available over the m a s s m e d i a , if in p a r t b e c a u s e t h e Internet c a n build u p o n the content p r o v i d e d t h r o u g h other m e d i a . T h e n a t u r e o f the m e d i u m and the design o f D N e t c o n ­ tributed to this o u t c o m e . D N e t g a v e c a n d i d a t e s outside the m a i n s t r e a m , t h o s e w i t h limited m e a n s to reach the public in other w a y s , a c h a n c e to b e included in t h e d e b a t e a n d to m a k e voters a w a r e o f their ideas. It thus created a relatively m o r e level p l a y i n g field for

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all c a n d i d a t e s . It also c o m p i l e d a useful array o f issue-oriented information o f v a l u e t o c a m p a i g n staff, j o u r n a l i s t s a n d other political i n f o r m a t i o n - s e e k e r s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e limited participation b y t h e m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s a n d t h e v a s t majority o f v o t e r s s h o w s that D N e t h a s far to g o to r e a c h its l o n g - t e r m objectives. Its n o v e l t y a n d limited u s e b y Californians in t h e 1998 p r i m a r y a l l o w e d m a j o r c a n d i d a t e s t o focus o n their o w n W e b sites, a n d o n m o r e traditional m e d i a c a m ­ p a i g n s , that staff k n e w h o w t o u s e t o target specific g r o u p s o f v o t e r s . H o w e v e r , there a r e r e a s o n s for o p t i m i s m about t h e prospects o f D N e t a n d sim­ ilar applications o f t h e Internet. First, t h e p u b l i c ' s u s e o f this n e t w o r k increased dramatically as election d a y a p p r o a c h e d . U s a g e in t h e 1998 general election in California w a s m u c h h i g h e r t h a n in the primary. S e c o n d l y , D N e t , in particular, h a s gained t h e support o f important b a c k e r s a n d gatekeepers o n t h e W e b , such as A O L , a n d in real-life politics, s u c h as t h e L e a g u e o f W o m e n V o t e r s . Finally, C G S staff h a v e learned from early e x p e r i e n c e s , a n d h a v e e m b a r k e d o n efforts to r e d e s i g n features of their W e b site, including aspects o f their issue grid, t o fit their increasingly sophisticated conceptions o f their users. T h e s e d e v e l o p m e n t s - with t i m e - could e x p a n d t h e n a t i o n - w i d e r e a c h o f providers like C G S a n d increase uti­ lization. If this h a p p e n s , a small n u m b e r o f electronic voter guides could gain a critical m a s s o f users that will p r i m e a virtuous cycle for e n c o u r a g i n g major as w e l l a s m i n o r candidates t o follow a n d support a m o r e issue-oriented d e b a t e o n t h e W e b . T h e n e w q u e s t i o n m i g h t b e c o m e : will t h e n e w information p r o v i d e r s increase their editorial role a n d functionality in w a y s that will a c h i e v e this critical m a s s , b u t also m a k e t h e Internet c o n v e r g e t o w a r d m o r e c o n v e n t i o n a l m a s s m e d i a ?

Appendix Gubernatorial candidates and issues in the 1998 California Primary Election Candidates Bloomfield H.H. Checci A. Crawford J.D. Davis G. Feinland M. Hamburg D.

Harman J. Jensen P. Johnson N.E. Kubby S.W. La Riva G.E. Lungren D.

Palitz M. Peron D. Pineda Jr. C. Rivera E.M. Williams J.

Diversity Economic development Education Electoral reform Environment Full-term commitment Gay/lesbian rights

Immigration Juvenile crime

Issues Abortion Accountability of educators Agriculture Attracting teachers Audits Auto insurance Bilingual education Budget surplus Corruption Crime Death penalty

Gun control Health Housing

Military platform Prisons Racism Responsible investing Responsible representation Tax relief Workers compensation

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Notes This manuscript is a revised and expanded version of a manuscript submitted for publica­ tion in Communications of the ACM (Dutton et al., 1999). 1 Similar electronic guides for voters include Minnesota Ε-Democracy (http://www. e-democracy.org). 2 Docter and Dutton (1998) provide a more detailed discussion of the motivations and aims behind the development and design of DNet. 3 These included the managers of the Checchi, Harman and Lungren campaigns, Gray Davis' campaign manager was unavailable for interviews in part because he was busy run­ ning the general election campaign. 4 These log files were analysed in two ways. First, server statistics such as hits, pages viewed, visits and visitors were obtained by using 'SurfReport software. Secondly, more detailed information about users' navigating behaviour was gained by analysing raw log files, generated for different times and days included in the sample period, and for visitors originating from different domains. 5 Personal interview with A. Madaras, Project Manager and Producer, The Democracy Network, Center for Government Studies, Sept. 1998. 6 The low number of times pages were viewed can be explained by the fact that only those answers that users viewed after clicking on a certain candidate were recorded. They also had the option to scroll down the page to view candidates' answers on a cer­ tain question, but because that did not require clicking, that could not be recorded in the log files. >

References Abramson, J.B., Arterton, C. and Orren, G . R (1988) The Electronic Commonwealth. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Alverez, R.M. (1999) Information and Elections. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Atkin, C.K. and Bowen, L. (1973) 'Quality versus quantity in televised political ads', Public Opinion Quarterly, 37(2): 209-24. Barber, B.R. (1984) Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics in a New Age. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Barbrook, R. and Cameron, A. (1996) "The Californian ideology'. Paper presented at the 9th Colloquium on Communication and Culture, Piran, Slovenia, April. Becker, T. (1981) 'Teledemocracy', Futurist (December) 7(6): 6-9. Bennett, S.E. (1995) 'Comparing Americans' political information in 1988 and 1992', Journal of Politics, 57(2): 521-32. Berra, M. (1997) 'Le reti civiche fra comunita e mercato' ('Civic networks linking com­ munity and market'), Quaderni di Sociologia, 41(13): 5-32. Bimber, B. (1998) 'Toward an empirical map of political participation on the internet'. Paper presented at the 1998 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston, MA, September. Brants, K., Huizenga, M. and Van Meerten, R. (1996) "The new canals of Amsterdam: an exercise in local electronic democracy', Media, Culture and Society, 18(2): 233-47. Calabrese, A. and Borchert, M. (1996) 'Prospects for electronic democracy in the United States: rethinking communication and social policy', Media, Culture and Society, 18(2): 249-68. The Center for Governmental Studies (1998a) 'The democracy network', Los Angeles, CA, June. Available on http://www.dnet.org The Center for Governmental Studies (1998b) 'The democracy network wins in California: a report from the primary election', Los Angeles, CA, June. Cukierman, A. (1991) 'Asymmetric information and the electoral momentum of public opinion polls', Public Choice, 70(2): 181-213.

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Docter, S. and Dutton, W.H. (1998) 'The First Amendment online: Santa Monica's Public Electronic Network', in R. Tsagarousianou, D. Tambini and C. Bryan (eds), Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities, and Civic Networks. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 125-51. Douglas, J . (1993) 'Social impacts: the framing of hypertext: revolutionary for whom?', Social Science Computer Review, 11(4): 417-29. Downs, A. (1957) An Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper & Row. Dutton, W.H. (1992) 'Political science research on teledemocracy', Social Science Computer Review, 10(4): 505-22. Dutton, W.H. (1999) Society on the Line: Information Politics in the Digital Age. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dutton, W. and Guthrie, K. (1991) 'An ecology of games: the political construction of Santa Monica's Public Electronic Network', Informatization and the Public Sector, 1(4): 1-24. Dutton, W.H., Westen, T., Madaras, A. and Weare, C. (1998) 'Designing digital democ­ racy: a field experiment with an Internet initiative aimed at fostering issue-oriented campaigns and elections'. Proposal submitted to the National Science Foundation, 29 January. Dutton, W.H., Elberse, A. and Hale, M. (1999) Ά casestudy of a Netizen's guide to elec­ tions', Communications of the ACM, 42(12): 49-54. Fishkin, J . S . (1992) 'Beyond teledemocracy: America on the line', Responsive Community, 2(3): 13-19. Francissen, L. and Brants, K. (1998) 'Virtually going places: square-hopping in Amsterdam's Digital City', in R. Tsagarousianou, D. Tambini and C. Bryan (eds), Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities, and Civic Networks. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 18-40. Guthrie, K.K. and Dutton, W.H. (1992) 'The politics of citizen access technology', Policy Studies Journal, 20: 574-97. Guthrie, K., Schmitz, J., Ryu, D., Harris, J., Rogers, E. and Dutton, W. (1990) 'Communication technology and democratic participation: PENners in Santa Monica'. Paper presented at the Association for Computer Machinery (ACM) Conference on Computers and the Quality o f Life, Washington, DC, September. Hacker, K.L. (ed.) (1995) Candidate Images in Presidential Elections. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. Hacker, K.L. (1996) 'Missing links in the evolution of electronic democratization', Media, Culture and Society, 18(2): 213-32. Hagen, M. and Jurinic, M. (1996) 'Americki koncepti elektronicke demokracije i njihovo znacenje za njemacku politiku' ('American concepts o f electronic democracy and their implications for German polities'), Medijska Istrazivanja, 2(1): 47-70. Key, V.O., Jr. (1966) The Responsible Electorate: Rationality in Presidential Voting 1936-1960. New York: Vintage. Kuechler, M. (1991) 'Issues and voting in the European elections 1989', European Journal of Political Research, 19(1): 81-103. Laudon, K.C. (1977) Communications Technology and Democratic Participation. New York and London: Praeger. Leary, M.L. (1974) Phantom Politics: Campaigning in California. Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press. McQuail, D. (1995) 'New roles for new times?', Media Studies Journal, 9(3): 11-19. Musso, J., Weare, C. and Hale, M. (2000) 'Designing web technologies for local gover­ nance reform: good management or good democracy?', Political Communication, 17(1): 1-19. O'Keefe, M. and Sheinkopf, K.G. (1974) 'The voter decides: candidate image or campaign issue?', Journal of Broadcasting, 18(4): 403-12. O'Sullivan, P.B. (1995) 'Computer networks and political participation: Santa Monica's teledemocracy project', Journal of Applied Communication Research, 23(2): 93-107.

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Patterson, T.E. and McClure, R.D. (1976) 'Television and the less-interested voter: the costs of an informed electorate', Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 425: 88-97. Raab, C , Bellamy, C , Taylor, J., Dutton, W.H. and Peltu, M. (1996) "The information polity: electronic democracy, privacy, and surveillance', in W.H. Dutton (ed.), Information and Communication Technologies - Visions and Realities. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 283-99. Sabato, L.J. (1981) The Rise of Political Consultants. New York: Basic Books. Solberg, J. (1996) 'Disconnected: haves and have nots in the information age', Library Journal, 121(14): 200-20. Street, J. (1997) 'Remote control? Politics, technology, and electronic democracy', European Journal of Communication, 12(1): 27-42. Taylor, J. (1999) 'The information polity', in W.H. Dutton (ed.), Information and Communication Technologies - Visions and Realities. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 197-8. Tsagarousianou, R., Tambini, D. and Bryan, C. (eds) (1998) Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities, and Civic Networks. London and New York: Routledge. Varley, P. (1991) 'Electronic democracy', Technology Review, 94(8): 4 2 - 5 1 . Wasserman, E. (1998) 'Washington's new strategists spin the web', CNN Interactive, June. Available on http://wwwcnn.com/TECH/computing/9806/10/netspin.idg Westen, T. (1998) 'Can technology save democracy?', National Civic Review, 87(1): 47-56. Yankelovich, D. (1991) Coming to Public Judgement: Making Democracy Work in a Complex World. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University. Zhao, X. and Chaffee, S.H. (1995) 'Campaign advertisements versus television news as sources of political issue information', Public Opinion Quarterly, 59(1): 4 1 - 6 5 .

9 The Promise and Practice of Public Debate in Cyberspace Nicholas ]ankowski and Martine van Selm

W i d e s p r e a d i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e I n t e r n e t h a s b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d b y h o p e for a r e v i v a l o f citizen interest a n d i n v o l v e m e n t in t h e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s . T h i s h o p e w a s t h e b a s i s for a n e x p l o s i o n o f initiatives in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e 1 9 9 0 s m a k i n g r e f e r e n c e t o ' v i r t u a l ' d e m o c r a c y , t e l e d e m o c r a c y , digital d e m o c r a c y , e l e c t r o n i c d e m o c r a c y a n d s i m i l a r notions." F u r t h e r , g o v e r n m e n t a l b o d i e s w e r e a n d still a r e - b u s i l y c o n s t r u c t i n g W e b s t e r a n d e x p e r i m e n t i n g w i t h v a r i o u s w a y s t o i n v o l v e c i t i z e n s in p o l i c y d i s c u s s i o n s v i a p u b l i c d e b a t e s h e l d in cyberspace. 2

Although m u c h of this h o p e can b e traced to the h y p e c o m m o n l y associated w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a l m o s t a n y n e w m e d i u m , s u c h 'guilt b y a s s o c i a t i o n ' d o e s n o t qualify as s e r i o u s a r g u m e n t w i t h w h i c h t o support, refute or r e v i s e t h e c l a i m s . R a t h e r , e m p i r i c a l l y - b a s e d investigations are n e e d e d o f s u c h p u b l i c d e b a t e s in o r d e r to test t h e c l a i m s . It is t o o early in t h e h i s t o r y o f digital d e m o c r a c y , h o w ­ ever, for m a n y s u c h investigations to h a v e b e e n c o n d u c t e d a n d r e p o r t e d . A few o f t h e p r e s e n t l y a v a i l a b l e s t u d i e s a r e r e v i e w e d h e r e a s illustrations o f t h e r e s e a r c h that m a y e v e n t u a l l y p r o v i d e t h e k i n d o f scientifically g r o u n d e d b a s i s for a s s e s ­ sing their v a l u e . I n this c h a p t e r findings from t h r e e s u c h studies a r e p r e s e n t e d : a y e a r - l o n g i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f a U s e n e t d i s c u s s i o n , an e x p e r i m e n t w i t h specially d e v e l o p e d Internet software for supporting public discussions a n d decision m a k i n g , a n d a d e b a t e b e t w e e n s e n i o r citizens a n d political c a n d i d a t e s o n t h e e v e o f a n a t i o n a l election. In o r d e r to p r o v i d e a c o n c e p t u a l b a c k d r o p for t h e s e studies, t h e ' p r o m i s e ' o f c y b e r s p a c e r e g a r d i n g citizen p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e political p r o c e s s is c o n s i d e r e d . H e r e , s o m e o f the literature is briefly r e v i e w e d as w e l l as r e c e n t tracts p r o m o t i n g t h e features o f virtual d i s c u s s i o n s for political participation. It w o u l d b e u n w i s e to formulate s w e e p i n g c o n c l u s i o n s b a s e d o n t h r e e m o d e s t e m p i r i c a l studies; it w o u l d b e e q u a l l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o c o n c l u d e this c h a p t e r w i t h ­ o u t s u g g e s t i n g a r e a s w o r t h y o f further e m p i r i c a l scrutiny and critical a s s e s s m e n t r e g a r d i n g public d e b a t e s in c y b e r s p a c e . T h a t s u c h d e b a t e s will transpire is certain;

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that the design o f such d e b a t e s transpires in t h e light o f systematic study of these p i o n e e r i n g initiatives is the ultimate objective o f this contribution.

A T y p o l o g y of P r o m i s e s T h e claims m a d e for digital d e m o c r a c y p r e d a t e the Internet b y several d e c a d e s and can be traced to the d e v e l o p m e n t of earlier c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n d u i t s , parti­ cularly radio and television. Television, in its early y e a r s , w a s p r o c l a i m e d as the l o n g - a w a i t e d tool for e n l i g h t e n i n g the ' m a s s e s ' (see Kellner, 1990); radio w a s envisioned as an i n s t r u m e n t for a c h i e v i n g e m a n c i p a t o r y objectives and facilitat­ ing political m o b i l i z a t i o n ( E n z e n s b e r g e r , 1970). Later, w i t h the introduction o f cable delivery s y s t e m s and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n with c o m m u n i t y television, the ' p r o m i s e ' took o n a local orientation, but generally w i t h the s a m e aspirations: to contribute to the a w a r e n e s s and e n g a g e m e n t o f citizens in c o m m u n i t y action and d e v e l o p m e n t (e.g., J a n k o w s k i , 1988). A n d then, w i t h technological innovations like the t w o - w a y television e x p e r i m e n t Qube in C o l u m b u s , O H , the ' p r o m i s e ' shifted t o w a r d s the possibility o f direct d e m o c r a c y t h r o u g h instant p o l l i n g o f the p o p u l a t i o n o n any issue o f the d a y (Arterton, 1987). R h e i n g o l d ( 1 9 9 5 ) h a s p e r h a p s p o p u l a r i z e d the societal possibilities o f elec­ tronic n e t w o r k s m o r e t h a n a n y other author. In his n o w - c l a s s i c tract o n virtual c o m m u n i t i e s he p h i l o s o p h i z e s on the i m p a c t these n e t w o r k s m a y h a v e for the functioning o f politics. H e suggests they m a y a l l o w users to challenge the c o n ­ ventional hierarchies o f these s y s t e m s and t h e r e b y reinvigorate citizen i n v o l v e ­ m e n t in the political p r o c e s s . T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t , he c o n t e n d s , m a y a l l o w the d o m i n a n t role played b y traditional m a s s m e d i a to be c i r c u m v e n t e d . Similar U t o p i a n p r o c l a m a t i o n s h a v e b e e n m a d e , albeit in modified form, b y A m e r i c a n politicians such as A l G o r e and N e w t Gingrich, a n d E u r o p e a n c o m ­ m i s s i o n s s u c h as found in the report b y B a n g e m a n n and colleagues ( 1 9 9 4 ) . A l t h o u g h e m p h a s i s b y these figures is generally p l a c e d o n i m p r o v i n g access to information through its availability o n the Information H i g h w a y , G i n g r i c h is noted for a d v a n c i n g electronic versions o f the classic t o w n hall m e e t i n g , and s u g ­ gesting input from diverse g e o g r a p h i c locations to national g o v e r n m e n t c o m m i t ­ tee sessions. S u c h claims h a v e b e e n e c h o e d , if not endorsed, b y various scholarly c o m m e n ­ tators. B r a n t s , H u i z e n g a and V a n M e e r t e n ( 1 9 9 6 : 2 3 6 ) , for e x a m p l e , suggest that electronic n e t w o r k s h a v e ' t h e potential to d e v e l o p into the m e a n s o f d e m o c r a c y ' . T h e y suggest that it m a y b e c o m e p o s s i b l e for citizens to select information m o r e accurately and for politicians to direct this information at m o r e n a r r o w l y defined target a u d i e n c e s . O n c e again, increasing the a m o u n t and a c c e s s to information is seen as o n e o f the potential values o f electronic n e t w o r k s r e g a r d i n g the rein­ forcement o f d e m o c r a c y . B e y o n d information, h o w e v e r , electronic n e t w o r k s m a y also r e d u c e t h e gap b e t w e e n p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e and p r o v i s i o n s for i n v o l v e m e n t in decision m a k i n g (Brants et al., 1996: 2 4 3 ) . In a study of i n v o l v e m e n t b y a c a d e m i c professionals in electronic forums, Rojo and R a g s d a l e ( 1 9 9 7 ) identify a n u m b e r of characteristics o f Internet n e w s g r o u p s

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a n d discussion lists that relate to s o m e of the ' p r o m i s e s ' o f digital d e m o c r a c y . O n e o f the positive characteristics cited is d e v e l o p m e n t o f a shared pool o f information for participants. T h e information contributed to the site b e c o m e s a collective 'public g o o d ' available to all, independent o f t h e labour or contribution o f a par­ ticular person. T h e authors also signal less positive aspects o f electronic forums s u c h as the required investment of t i m e a n d potential risk to reputation that m a y result from association. T h e y also note t h e 'free rider' or ' l u r k e r ' s y n d r o m e c o m m o n to m a n y n e w s g r o u p s a n d discussion lists: that m a n y p e o p l e passively attend or subscribe to these services, but few actively contribute. A n extensive o v e r v i e w o f initiatives w i t h digital d e m o c r a c y has b e e n c o m p i l e d b y T s a g a r o u s i a n o u , T a m b i n i and B r y a n in 1998. T h e s e a u t h o r s s u g g e s t that digital d e m o c r a c y initiatives m a y increase t h e efficiency a n d ease in a c c e s s i n g information, i m p r o v e p o l l i n g of citizens and p r o v i d i n g feedback m e c h a n i s m s , a n d contribute to a c l i m a t e favourable to collective political action. Further, these initiatives m a y facilitate formation o f interest-oriented g r o u p s a n d e n c o u r a g e for­ m u l a t i o n o f ideas b y citizens. In addition, the ' m i d d l e m e n ' - j o u r n a l i s t s , politi­ cal parties a n d politicians - m a y b e c o m e less influential in the p r o c e s s o f political d e b a t e a n d d e c i s i o n m a k i n g . Finally, digital d e m o c r a c y is t h o u g h t to generate services targeted at specific g r o u p s , and to contribute to solving k e y p r o b l e m s associated with representative d e m o c r a c y , e.g. proportional representation, a g e n d a setting, territorial basis o f constituencies. T h e s e points are p r e s e n t e d in the form o f an o r d e r e d list and s u g g e s t m o r e structure t h a n d e s e r v e d . T h e r e is little r e a s o n to a s s u m e m o r e v a l u e or i m p o r t a n c e is attributed to the first c l a i m in the list than to the last. M o r e o v e r , there appears to be overlap in s o m e of the illustrations cited u n d e r different claims. Such matters are c o m m o n p r o b l e m s w i t h initial t y p o l o g i e s a n d should not b e c o n s t r u e d as fundamental criticisms. F u r t h e r m o r e , one o f the a u t h o r s o f the edited v o l u m e ( T s a g a r o u s i a n o u , 1999) has since c o n t i n u e d t h e search for a suitable o v e r v i e w o f t h e claims of digital d e m o c r a c y . In h e r m o r e c o m p a c t t y p o l o g y , T s a g a r o u s i a n o u suggests three core c l a i m s : • • •

obtaining information; e n g a g i n g in deliberation; participating in decision m a k i n g .

In this u n o r d e r e d list, obtaining information is directly related to the issue regard­ ing w h i c h m e m b e r s o f society c a n - and cannot - h a v e access to information m a d e available via electronic n e t w o r k s . Stated in question form, ' a r e citizens able to interact within the s y s t e m or is the latter inflexible and therefore characterized b y limited access and interactivity?' ( T s a g a r o u s i a n o , 1999: 195). T h e point ' d e l i b e r a t i o n ' as noted a b o v e is associated with the public sphere a n d its relation to citizen i n v o l v e m e n t in a d e m o c r a t i c state. T s a g a r o u s i a n o u d o e s not restrict this point to the H a b e r m a s i a n formulation o f a single p u b l i c sphere, b u t to a multitude o f such opportunities for representation and negotiation. A c c o r d i n g to T s a g a r o u s i a n o u ( 1 9 9 9 : 1 9 5 - 6 ) , ' n e w technologies clearly h a v e the potential to sustain such spaces as t h e y enable b o t h deliberation (citizen to citizen c o m m u n i ­ cation) and " h e a r i n g " (citizen to authorities c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . '

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T h e third a n d last point, participating i n decision m a k i n g , is said t o h a v e t w o manifestations: t h r o u g h i n v o l v e m e n t i n institutionalized channels such a s elections a n d referenda, a n d t h r o u g h collective actions occurring outside t h e vested political order. T s a g a r o u s i a n o u believes t h e s e c o n d type, collective actions, m a y h a v e m o r e p r o m i s e regarding digital d e m o c r a c y . H e r e , a s w i t h t h e second point, interactivity is said t o b e t h e m o s t important factor for a c h i e v e m e n t o f t h e potential. T h i s t y p o l o g y constitutes, i n o u r opinion, t h e essence o f activities related t o t h e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s ; t h e related political activities c a n , in contrast t o t h e w a y T s a g a r o u s i a n o u presents t h e m , b e considered o r d e r e d a n d c u m u l a t i v e in n a t u r e . U n h a m p e r e d access t o information relevant t o a particular political issue is a p r e ­ requisite for e n g a g i n g in rational p u b l i c debate, a n d s u c h d e b a t e is a desired p r e ­ liminary p h a s e prior t o political action - b e it in a n institutionalized form s u c h a s v o t i n g o r in a form o r g a n i z e d outside t h e conventional political structures such a s m a s s demonstrations. T h e central question, then, is i n w h a t m a n n e r a n d t o w h a t d e g r e e c a n electronic n e t w o r k s contribute to this political p r o c e s s ? M o r e speci­ fically, w h a t is t h e place o f virtual p u b l i c debates i n t h e political p r o c e s s ? It is m u c h t o o p r e m a t u r e t o c o n s i d e r a n s w e r i n g s u c h questions o r t o c o n d u c t i n g a n overall a s s e s s m e n t o f initiatives regarding digital d e m o c r a c y , b u t initial steps in that direction c a n b e m a d e t h r o u g h e x a m i n a t i o n o f initiatives w h i c h h a v e b e e n subjected t o empirical study, m a k i n g u s e o f t h e three-point t y p o l o g y o f p r o m i s e s introduced a b o v e . In t h e following section, a n illustrative r e v i e w is p r o v i d e d o f three such studies: a U s e n e t discussion g r o u p , a n e x p e r i m e n t w i t h t e l e d e m o c r a c y v i a a n Internet site, a n d a political d e b a t e w i t h electoral candidates ' a s s e m b l e d ' o n an Internet site established for senior citizens. T h e s e three illustrations o f e m p i r i ­ cal study indicate t h e c o n t o u r s o f a n d n e e d for further research t o assess t h e c l a i m s m a d e in favour o f digital d e m o c r a c y ; s o m e o f these contours a n d n e e d s a r e sketched in t h e final section o f this chapter.

Usenet Discussion Groups as Venues for Public Debate S t e v e n S c h n e i d e r ( 1 9 9 6 , 1997) h a s carried o u t a n e x t e n s i v e e m p i r i c a l investiga­ tion o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n related t o a s p e c t s o f d e m o c r a c y o n a U s e n e t n e w s g r o u p d e a l i n g w i t h t h e issue o f abortion. S c h n e i d e r m e a s u r e d t h e p r e s e n c e o f four core d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e c o n c e p t p u b l i c sphere i n p o s t i n g s t o t h e n e w s g r o u p talkabortion. H e investigated t h e n e w s g r o u p for a y e a r ( A p r i l 1 9 9 4 M a r c h 1995), a p e r i o d in w h i c h n e a r l y 4 6 , 0 0 0 m e s s a g e s w e r e p l a c e d b y a l m o s t 3000 authors. Schneider t a k e s t h e w o r k o f H a b e r m a s ( 1 9 7 4 , 1 9 8 9 ) a s p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e a n d differentiates t h e so-called idealized from t h e liberal vision o f t h e p u b l i c sphere. B a s e d o n a n interpretation o f t h e relation o f p u b l i c s p h e r e t o participatory d e m o ­ cratic theory, S c h n e i d e r identifies four d i m e n s i o n s h e c o n s i d e r s i m p o r t a n t for d e v e l o p m e n t o f a n idealized v e r s i o n o f p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h e first d i m e n s i o n is called equality a n d involves r e m o v a l o f barriers i m p e d i n g i n v o l v e m e n t in t h e p u b l i c sphere. E q u a l i t y p r e s u p p o s e s access t o t h e n e c e s s a r y e q u i p m e n t for a n y t y p e o f substantive i n v o l v e m e n t , a s w e l l a s c o m p e t e n c e in basic c o m m u n i c a t i v e

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skills. T h i s d i m e n s i o n is related t o t h e status o f participants a n d implies a horizontal f r a m e w o r k for d i s c o u r s e . T h e s e c o n d d i m e n s i o n , diversity, involves the r a n g e o f topics u n d e r consider­ ation. T h i s d i m e n s i o n g o e s b e y o n d m e r e o p p o r t u n i t y to d i s c u s s issues a n d stresses i n c l u s i o n o f o p i n i o n s a c r o s s the s p e c t r u m o f a particular subject o n the p u b l i c a g e n d a . T h e third d i m e n s i o n , reciprocity, is c o n c e r n e d w i t h gaining a w a r e n e s s o f t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f o t h e r s a n d is quite similar to w h a t others (e.g. H a n s s e n et al., 1996; Rafaeli, 1988; W i l l i a m s et al., 1988) t e r m interactivity in the c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o c e s s . Finally, t h e fourth d i m e n s i o n is the quality o f t h e dis­ c o u r s e a n d can b e c o n s i d e r e d , a c c o r d i n g to Schneider, as a m e a s u r e o f the ability o f contributors to r e m a i n e n g a g e d w i t h t h e topic at h a n d , a n d w a s o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d in this study as t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f m e s s a g e s c o n c e r n e d w i t h abortion. S c h n e i d e r o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d e a c h o f t h e s e d i m e n s i o n s in s u c h a m a n n e r that a series o f quantitative tests c o u l d b e c o n d u c t e d o n the 4 6 , 0 0 0 p o s t i n g s to t h e U s e n e t n e w s g r o u p . T h e sheer v o l u m e o f p o s t i n g s subject to analysis necessitated a quantitative, a u t o m a t e d m e t h o d o l o g y . E l a b o r a t i o n o f t h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o ­ c e d u r e s followed in t h e study g o e s b e y o n d the s c o p e o f this chapter; h e r e , o n l y the m a i n c o n c l u s i o n s are s u m m a r i z e d . Overall, c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h e n e w s g r o u p w e r e found to b e diverse a n d r e c i p r o ­ cal, b u t w e r e lacking in S c h n e i d e r ' s formulation o f equality a n d quality. T h e r a n g e o f c o n v e r s a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s w a s m e a s u r e d as an indicator o f the d i m e n s i o n diversity. S c h n e i d e r found that t h e n u m b e r o f p o s t i n g s fluctuated c o n s i d e r a b l y d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f t h e y e a r o f study. A l s o , m u c h fluctuation w a s seen r e g a r d i n g t h e n u m b e r o f participants w h o w o u l d enter a n d exit at a n y particular t i m e . Still, there w a s b o t h a consistent g r o u p o f r e g u l a r c o n t r i b u t o r s as well as a subset o f a u t h o r s w h i c h w a s c o n s t a n t l y c h a n g i n g , and S c h n e i d e r thus c o n c l u d e s that the r a n g e of participants in the n e w s g r o u p w a s h i g h l y diverse. In order to collect indications o f reciprocity, S c h n e i d e r applied citation analy­ sis p r o c e d u r e s as d e v e l o p e d in b i b l i o m e t r i c studies. A l o n g all s e v e n g r o u p s o f contributors, r a n g i n g from the ' v e r y frequent' to the ' o n e - t i m e ' a u t h o r s , it a p p e a r e d that all g r o u p s o f a u t h o r s interrelated w i t h sizeable n u m b e r s o f other c o n t r i b u t o r s . S c h n e i d e r ( 1 9 9 7 : 94) calculated that an a v e r a g e c o n t r i b u t o r inter­ acted w i t h a r o u n d 35 other authors. H i s c o n c l u s i o n w a s that this d i m e n s i o n w a s particularly p r o m i n e n t o n the n e w s g r o u p . A s for the d i m e n s i o n equality, t h e n e w s g r o u p d i s p l a y e d a characteristic c o m ­ m o n t o m o s t n e w s g r o u p s - unrestricted opportunities to post m e s s a g e s a n d e n g a g e in d i s c u s s i o n w i t h o t h e r contributors - a n d in this sense it reflected the equality d i m e n s i o n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e distribution o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s from partici­ p a n t s w a s h i g h l y s k e w e d . O f the 3 0 0 0 - o d d c o n t r i b u t o r s , about 150 (0.05 p e r cent) p e r s o n s w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e for m o r e than 4 0 p e r cent o f the 4 6 , 0 0 0 p o s t i n g s . M e a s u r e d slightly differently, s o m e 5 p e r cent o f the c o n t r i b u t o r s to t h e n e w s ­ g r o u p a u t h o r e d a l m o s t 8 0 p e r cent o f t h e articles. T h i s relation b e t w e e n authors and p o s t i n g s is graphically r e p r e s e n t e d in a L o r e n z c u r v e w h i c h relates the p e r c e n t a g e o f total m e s s a g e s p e r a u t h o r w h i l e r a n k i n g t h e a u t h o r s in t e r m s o f frequency o f m e s s a g e s ; s e e F i g u r e 9 . 1 . R e g a r d i n g the d i m e n s i o n quality, t h e m o s t frequent c o n t r i b u t o r s to t h e d e b a t e w e r e , in fact, t h o s e least likely to p o s t 3

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Ο

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

Number of authors FIGURE 9.1

Concentration

of ownership (Source: Schneider, 1997: 83)

m e s s a g e s O n t o p i c ' , i.e., related t o t h e issue abortion. S c h n e i d e r ( 1 9 9 7 : 105) s u g ­ gests this finding s t r o n g l y e x a c e r b a t e s t h e inequality n o t e d a b o v e a m o n g contri­ b u t o r s t o the d e b a t e . S c h n e i d e r ' s g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n is that n e w s g r o u p s h a v e m u c h potential for c o n t r i b u t i n g to t h e idealized v e r s i o n o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . A l t h o u g h t w o o f t h e d i m e n s i o n s o f p u b l i c s p h e r e d i d n o t m e a s u r e p o s i t i v e l y in this study, S c h n e i d e r b e l i e v e s that this form o f c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n is preferable o v e r alternatives e m p l o y i n g m o d e r a t e d C M C d i s c u s s i o n s . S u c h editorial control m i g h t r e d u c e t h e r a n g e o f topics t o t h o s e d e e m e d suitable b y t h e editorial g a t e k e e p e r . T h e A c h i l l e s ' h e e l in S c h n e i d e r ' s s t u d y is the d i s p u t a b l e m a n n e r i n w h i c h the four c o n c e p t s h a v e b e e n o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . I n particular, t h e quantitative exercise t o m e a s u r e t h e quality o f a d e b a t e is suspect, a n d o n e o f t h e efforts to replicate S c h n e i d e r ' s w o r k ( H e i l b r o n , 1 9 9 9 ) h a s a d d e d a qualitative interpretative a n a l y s i s o f n e w s g r o u p texts to t h e d a t a collection in a n effort to c o m p e n s a t e for this deficiency. Further, t h e a n a l y s i s is e x c l u s i v e l y text-oriented; p o s s i b l e e l a b o r a t i o n o r interpretation from t h e p e r s o n s i n v o l v e d in t h e n e w s g r o u p d i s c u s s i o n is absent from t h e o v e r v i e w . A s for t h e three central ' p r o m i s e s ' o f digital d e m o c r a c y outlined earlier, this s t u d y s e e m s to i m p l y a n a b u n d a n c e o f information m a d e available, g i v e n t h e v o l ­ u m e o f p o s t i n g s . A n d , g i v e n t h e a b s o l u t e n u m b e r o f c o n t r i b u t o r s - 4 6 , 0 0 0 - it a l s o a p p e a r s a s if a c c e s s t o t h e d e b a t e w a s o p e n a n d relatively easily a r r a n g e d . It w o u l d b e difficult, h o w e v e r , t o c l a i m that deliberation t o o k p l a c e in t h e s e n s e o f e x t e n s i v e e x c h a n g e s b e t w e e n c o n t r i b u t o r s . S c h n e i d e r ' s efforts to m e a s u r e this a s p e c t s u g g e s t a relatively small n u m b e r o f s u c h e x c h a n g e s m e e t i n g t h e r e q u i r e ­ m e n t s o f a n interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o c e s s . Finally, i n v o l v e m e n t in d e c i s i o n

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m a k i n g is t h e m o s t difficult t o a s s e s s . A t best, t h e n e w s g r o u p p r o v i d e d c o n t r i b u ­ t o r s w i t h t h e o p p o r t u n i t y for d e v e l o p i n g a n d e n a c t i n g collective actions. N o e v i ­ d e n c e is p r e s e n t e d as to w h e t h e r s u c h a c t i o n e m e r g e d d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f t h e p e r i o d studied.

Experiment with Teledemocracy A n Internet d e b a t e explicitly r e l a t e d t o m a n y o f t h e traditional c o m p o n e n t s o f electoral politics t o o k p l a c e in t h e N e t h e r l a n d s in 1996. In N o v e m b e r o f that y e a r a m o n t h - l o n g e x p e r i m e n t w a s h e l d w i t h Internet software d e s i g n e d t o s u p p o r t p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n s , o p i n i o n p o l l i n g a n d v o t i n g . It focused a r o u n d r e g i o n a l land u s e policy, a t o p i c w i t h h i g h s t a n d i n g o n t h e political a g e n d a o f t h e p r o v i n c e in which the debate w a s organized. T h e d e v e l o p e r s o f t h e software h a d m a d e a r r a n g e m e n t s w i t h t h e r e g i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d w i t h a l a r g e n u m b e r o f social a n d cultural o r g a n i z a t i o n s t o test t h e software a n d a specially d e s i g n e d m o d e l for political d e b a t e . F o r practical r e a s o n s , t h e n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s invited t o participate w a s limited t o 100. T h e r e s e a r c h that a c c o m p a n i e d t h e initiative w a s c o n c e r n e d w i t h d e t e r m i n i n g t h e characteristics a n d levels o f i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e participants, their e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h a n d a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e d e b a t e , a n d t h e n a t u r e a n d quality o f t h e d i s c u s s i o n c o n d u c t e d . H e r e , o n l y a b r i e f sketch is g i v e n o f t h e central findings a s r e l a t e d t o the three-point typology of promises sketched above. 4

It is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e that participants w e r e n o t selected in s u c h a m a n n e r so a s to e n s u r e t h e y w e r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e for residents o f t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l r e g i o n . O n t h e contrary, p e r s o n s p r e d i s p o s e d t o t h e topic o f d i s c u s s i o n , land u s e p o l i c y , a n d t h o s e w i t h interest a n d e x p e r i e n c e i n I n t e r n e t - b a s e d d i s c u s s i o n s w e r e m o r e likely t o take part. In fact, this last r e a s o n - interest in virtual d e b a t e s - m a y h a v e b e e n t h e o v e r r i d i n g m o t i v a t i o n o f a large n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s in registering for this e x p e r i m e n t . B y t h e start o f t h e e x p e r i m e n t 87 p e r s o n s h a d c o m p l e t e d t h e r e q u i r e d electronic registration form - c o n s i d e r a b l y less t h a n t h e n u m b e r w h i c h t h e o r g a n ­ izers h a d anticipated. T h e p e r s o n s r e g i s t e r e d t o t a k e part in t h e e x p e r i m e n t r a n g e d in a g e from 15 to 74 years, 40 being the average age. The group was overwhelmingly male domi­ n a t e d ; o n l y t w o w o m e n registered for t h e event. A l m o s t h a l f h a d c o m p l e t e d a u n i ­ versity d e g r e e a n d m o r e t h a n 9 0 p e r cent w e r e e m p l o y e d . N e a r l y t w o - t h i r d s lived in a n u r b a n area o f t h e r e g i o n , m o s t w i t h a p a r t n e r a n d children. T h e participants o w n e d their o w n h o m e s a n d w e r e b o m a n d raised in t h e r e g i o n . I n s u m m a r y , this profile s u g g e s t s that t h e p e r s o n s w h o registered t o participate in t h e t e l e d e m o ­ c r a c y e x p e r i m e n t w e r e w e l l - e d u c a t e d m a l e s e m p l o y e d a n d living for a l o n g t i m e w i t h i n t h e p r o v i n c e . A p a r t from t h e g e n d e r b i a s , t h e g r o u p c o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d a reflection o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d a n d settled sector o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n w i t h l o n g - t e r m ' r o o t s ' in t h e r e g i o n . A s for t h e i n f o r m a t i o n m a d e a v a i l a b l e o n t h e site, t h e r e w a s m o r e t h a n a n y sin­ g l e participant w o u l d w a n t t o c o n s u m e o n t h e t o p i c o f r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g . T h e r e g i o n a l n e w s p a p e r o p e n e d its a r c h i v e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d action g r o u p s p o s t e d statements and documentation, and the provincial government placed policy

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d o c u m e n t s o n t h e site. R e g a r d i n g t h e point O b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n ' formulated earlier in t h e t y p o l o g y o f p r o m i s e s , then, it s e e m s as if m u c h w a s m a d e available to t h e g r o u p i n v o l v e d in t h e e x p e r i m e n t . Individuals a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f organizations w e r e able to contribute state­ m e n t s a n d r e a c t i o n s to other postings d u r i n g the four-week period. T h e n u m b e r o f contributions to o n e discussion, h o w e v e r , far surpassed all others: a discussion initiated b y a political representative within t h e provincial g o v e r n m e n t responsi­ ble for land u s e policy. N e a r l y three times a s m a n y contributions w e r e m a d e to that discussion a s t o all o t h e r s . A n o t h e r w a y t o e x a m i n e participation is b y c o m ­ p a r i n g t h e total n u m b e r o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s from individuals w i t h t h e n u m b e r o f reactions each o f t h e s e individuals received t o h i s or h e r c o n t r i b u t i o n s . O n c e again, t h e political representative from t h e regional g o v e r n m e n t h a d a h i g h e r a v e r a g e n u m b e r o f reactions p e r contribution t h a n a n y other participant d u r i n g the debate. T h e s e findings indicate that t h e d i s c u s s i o n r e v o l v e d a r o u n d t h e politi­ cal representative a n d m u c h less a r o u n d a n y individual citizen or organizational representative. T h i s aspect h a s serious implications for t h e equality c l a i m often m a d e for Internet-based d e b a t e s : there w a s a clustering o f d e b a t e activity a r o u n d the participant m o s t o b v i o u s l y r e p r e s e n t i n g political p o w e r . T a k e n t o g e t h e r w i t h the fact that o n l y a s m a l l handful o f participants w e r e responsible for m o s t o f the contributions, this suggests that a small elite m a i n l y c o n d u c t e d t h e debate. A b o u t h a l f o f all t h e p e r s o n s registered to participate w e r e responsible for t h e 2 9 8 con­ tributions, a n d m o s t o f these p e r s o n s m a d e n o m o r e t h a n a single contribution d u r i n g t h e debate. In fact, 15 p e r s o n s w e r e responsible for three-quarters o f all contributions t o t h e d e b a t e . Essentially t h e s a m e elitist character w a s found as in t h e m u c h larger U s e n e t study that w a s d e s c r i b e d earlier. It m a y b e , then, that o n l i n e discussions a r e quite similar to real-life discussions w h e n it c o m e s t o par­ ticipation b e i n g confined t o a small minority. O n e of t h e m o s t important intentions o f the experiment w a s that the results o f the debate w o u l d contribute in s o m e m a n n e r t o formulation o f regional land u s e policy - the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g point in the typology of p r o m i s e s presented earlier. T h i s aspect w a s p e r h a p s t h e m o s t problematic - and unfulfilled - aspect o f t h e entire experiment. O n e r e a s o n for this w a s that the debate w a s initiated outside the division o f the provincial g o v e r n m e n t responsible for land u s e policy; t h e govern­ m e n t officials from this department c o n s e q u e n t l y played a v e r y limited role during the debate. M o r e o v e r , there w a s from t h e very b e g i n n i n g uncertainty as to h o w the debate m i g h t contribute to policy formation. In fact, land u s e policy h a d already r e a c h e d an a d v a n c e d stage o f c o m p l e t i o n and it w a s consequently unclear w h a t role there m i g h t e v e n b e for 'interesting i d e a s ' e m e r g i n g from the public debate. Political D e b a t e o n

Seniorweb.nl

A public debate related to the 1998 national elections in t h e N e t h e r l a n d s w a s organized on a W e b site especially d e s i g n e d for senior citizens, Seniorweb.nl. T h i s W e b sites h a d b e e n operational for s o m e t i m e prior t o t h e d e b a t e , a n d is a ' v i r t u a l ' p l a c e w h e r e elderly Internet users c a n ' m e e t ' , gather information a n d participate in m o d e r a t e d discussions a b o u t v a r i o u s topics. Older adults h a v e b e e n

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c o n s i d e r e d t h e m o s t resistant g r o u p in a d o p t i n g n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s . A s u r v e y con­ d u c t e d a m o n g U S citizens a g e d 55 and older s u g g e s t s that this stereotype n o longer h o l d s ; this a g e g r o u p h a s b e g u n to m a k e u s e o f c o m p u t e r s in substantial n u m b e r s . A l s o in E u r o p e a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f seniors are m a k i n g u s e o f c o m ­ p u t e r s and Internet services (Gilligan et al., 1998). E u r o p e a n , n a t i o n a l a n d local initiatives h a v e b e e n u n d e r t a k e n to create virtual s p a c e s specifically for older a d u l t s . In addition, barriers for o l d e r adults in assessing the information society h a v e b e e n specified, a n d r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for p o l i c y , a i m e d at the further inclu­ sion o f older adults are b e i n g formulated ( C a m p b e l l et al., 1999). 5

6

Seniorweb.nl d e c i d e d to h o s t an electronic d e b a t e prior to the national elections s c h e d u l e d for M a y 1998. W e l l - k n o w n political c a n d i d a t e s w e r e a s k e d to j o i n a forum discussion, and representatives of organizations for the elderly w e r e invited to participate in the editorial b o a r d . T h e d e b a t e w a s m o d e r a t e d b y an i n d e p e n d e n t host and centred o n four t h e m e s c o n s i d e r e d relevant to the lives o f senior citizens: h e a l t h care; c r i m e ; participation in politics; e m p l o y m e n t a n d i n c o m e . T h e d e b a t e h a d a n o p e n c h a r a c t e r and w a s accessible b y all visitors to Seniorweb.nl; regis­ tration w a s not required. T h i s particular d e b a t e w a s different from m a n y earlier d e b a t e s in that t h e topics d i s c u s s e d did n o t centre o n a local issue, n o r w a s it the case that t h e participants lived w i t h i n a specific g e o g r a p h i c a l locality. T h e par­ ticipants w e r e interested in discussing political issues, a n d could b e c o n s i d e r e d a so-called c o m m u n i t y o f interest. F r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f c a n d i d a t e s participat­ ing in t h e d e b a t e , it constituted o n e o f the m a n y c a m p a i g n activities d e s i g n e d to increase c o n t a c t w i t h potential electoral s u p p o r t e r s . O n e objective of this study w a s to investigate w h e t h e r and h o w t h e three p r o m i s e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y d e s c r i b e d earlier s h a p e d this particular political d e b a t e . A s an indication of the first p r o m i s e , t h e issue o f w h o h a d a c c e s s to the d e b a t e w a s e x a m i n e d . T h e second p r o m i s e , e n g a g i n g in deliberation, c a n b e e x a m i n e d in v a r i o u s w a y s . R e g a r d i n g this d e b a t e , focus w a s p l a c e d o n the m a n ­ n e r in w h i c h d e l i b e r a t i o n transpired: t h e extent t o w h i c h interaction b e t w e e n participants w a s m a d e p o s s i b l e in t h e discussion, and o n the style o f c o n v e r s i n g e m p l o y e d b y t h e participants d u r i n g the d e b a t e . T h e third p r o m i s e , d e c i s i o n m a k i n g , w a s a d d r e s s e d b y illustrating s o m e p a r t i c i p a n t s ' e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e relationship b e t w e e n t h e d e b a t e ' s content a n d real-life political decisions. T h e s e evaluations c a m e to the fore in r e s p o n s e s to q u e s t i o n s p o s e d in an online q u e s ­ tionnaire a n d in face-to-face i n t e r v i e w s held w i t h senior participants. In order to address the issue of access, the Seniorweb.nl site w a s designed for older Internet users. N o t surprisingly, the participants in the debate deviated with respect to age from the stereotypical affluent y o u n g m a l e surfer in cyberspace, as their age ranged from 50 to 77. T h e site appeared to b e successful in its objective to trigger participation o f the not so ' a v e r a g e ' Internet users. T h i s could i m p l y that the creation of specific spaces o n the Internet for specific groups of users is valu­ able in order to support access to these non-typical users. M o s t of the senior par­ ticipants had m o r e than t w o years experience with various Internet services; around 6 0 p e r cent spent b e t w e e n t w o and five hours w e e k l y logged onto the Internet. E x a m i n a t i o n w a s m a d e o f the n u m b e r a n d direction o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s p o s t e d b y three g r o u p s o f participants: individual senior citizens, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of

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Χ = undirected contributions; total = 83 FIGURE 9.2

Number and direction ofparticipants'

contributions

(absolute

figures)

o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d n a t i o n a l political c a n d i d a t e s . T h e n u m b e r a n d direction o f c o n ­ tributions b y participants are reflected in F i g u r e 9.2. T h e a r r o w s p o i n t i n g at t h e ' X ' in the m i d d l e o f t h e figure indicate m e s s a g e s n o t a d d r e s s e d to a n y o n e in par­ ticular. E l s e w h e r e , t h e figure indicates the relative n u m b e r o f m e s s a g e s b e t w e e n t h e three g r o u p s o f participants. T h e politicians a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s w e r e e a c h r e s p o n s i b l e for a q u a r t e r o f t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s , w h i l e senior citizens p o s t e d the o t h e r h a l f o f t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s . M a n y o f the s e n i o r citizens p o s t e d o n l y a s i n g l e m e s s a g e ; o n l y three p o s t e d m o r e t h a n t w o contributions. T h i s s k e w e d n e s s w a s characteristic o f t h e overall d e b a t e : 7 o f t h e 31 participants w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e for m o r e t h a n h a l f o f all c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A s is s h o w n in F i g u r e 9.2, the p o s t i n g s m a d e b y t h e s e n i o r citizens w e r e directed at t h e organizational r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d t h e political c a n d i d a t e s . T h e politicians a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n s directed m o s t o f their p o s t i n g s t o w a r d s e a c h other; o n l y a few o f their p o s t i n g s w e r e a d d r e s s e d at t h e senior citizens. T h e s e n i o r citi­ z e n s w e r e t h e m o s t active g r o u p o f participants, b u t r e c e i v e d t h e least n u m b e r o f r e a c t i o n s t o their p o s t i n g s . Participants from o r g a n i z a t i o n s , in contrast, c o n c e n ­ trated o n c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h t h e political c a n d i d a t e s , w h e r e a s politicians did so w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . T h e r e w a s , in fact, a o n e - w a y s t r e a m o f m e s s a g e s from individual senior participants to t h e c a n d i d a t e s . H o w did the s e n i o r citizens p e r c e i v e this i m b a l a n c e in t h e d e b a t e ? I n t h e o n l i n e q u e s t i o n n a i r e a n d t h e face-to-face interviews t h e .enior p a r t i c i p a n t s w e r e a s k e d to c o m m e n t o n t h e i r a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e interaction b e t w e e n t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s .

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B o t h satisfaction a n d d i s a p p o i n t m e n t c o n c e r n i n g t h e level of interaction w e r e e x p r e s s e d . N e a r l y a quarter o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s m e n t i o n e d t h e interactive p r o c e s s as a p o s i t i v e a s p e c t o f t h e d e b a t e , w h i l e a n o t h e r quarter s u g g e s t e d that t h e level of interactivity in t h e d e b a t e could b e i m p r o v e d . S o m e r e s p o n d e n t s e x p r e s s e d disappointment about the unwillingness of the candidates to answer questions p o s e d b y t h e elderly p a r t i c i p a n t s : I received only one real answer in which no reference was made to what I really meant in my comments. I definitely expected more of it [the debate]. The most important [aspect of the debate] was that I could contact candidates directly. This makes you feel that your opinion is heard, although nobody responded to my con­ tribution, which was a pity. This medium [the Internet] is over-estimated. People are free to respond, but also free not to. There were no reactions to my critical remarks... .In fact, it was only a small group of in-crowd persons who participated in the debate. In order t o assess t h e quality o f t h e deliberation, t h e style of c o n v e r s i n g e m p l o y e d b y t h e participants w a s e x a m i n e d . A content analysis w a s c o n d u c t e d o n p o s t i n g s t o o n e o f the d i s c u s s i o n s . A c o d i n g s c h e m e w a s d e v e l o p e d in w h i c h c a t e g o r i e s indicating formality ( e . g . ' D e a r M r J a n s e n ' v e r s u s ' H i S i m o n ' ) , e m o ­ tionality (e.g. u s e o f capitals, e x c l a m a t i o n m a r k s ) , a n d e m p h a s i s (e.g. u s e o f q u o ­ tations, familiar s a y i n g s ) . C o n t r i b u t i o n s from t h e senior participants a n d political candidates were compared on these aspects. T h e senior citizens e m p l o y e d c o n v e n t i o n a l o p e n i n g s in their p o s t i n g s m o r e often t h a n t h e political c a n d i d a t e s did. In t h e event a n o p e n i n g w a s e m p l o y e d , b o t h g r o u p s t e n d e d t o u s e formal l a n g u a g e . T h e senior participants also e m p l o y e d e n u m e r a t i o n s , q u o t a t i o n s a n d s a y i n g s m o r e often than t h e political c a n d i d a t e s . O n e e x p l a n a t i o n for t h e s e differences m a y b e that t h e topics d i s c u s s e d w e r e m o r e central t o t h e lives o f t h e senior citizens t h a n t o t h e c a n d i d a t e s . A n o t h e r e x p l a n a ­ tion m a y b e that t h e senior citizens w e r e m o r e familiar w i t h t h e Internet t h a n t h e c a n d i d a t e s , a n d t h e r e b y followed general n e w s g r o u p c o n v e n t i o n s . T h e specific characteristics o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g in a n electronic d e b a t e w e r e c o m m e n t e d u p o n in t h e o n l i n e q u e s t i o n n a i r e a n d t h e face-to face i n t e r v i e w s . Well, I was personally addressed by [a candidate]. In his opening words he wrote 'My best Hubert/Dear Hubert', even though I don't know him personally. I wasn't really bothered, but it surprised me. I think this familiar way of speaking or addressing someone is a characteristic of the medium. T h e participants s e e m e d a w a r e o f the o p p o r t u n i t y this form o f d e b a t e offers t o carefully c o m p o s e c o n t r i b u t i o n s a n d to d i s c u s s i n a structured m a n n e r . I edited my contributions several times. It's actually nice to read and change your con­ tributions before sending them off. This medium makes you discuss to-the-point. I like an electronic debate more because it is better structured. Real-life discussions always 'run out of hand' and are dominated by a few persons. Here you can express exactly what you mean; you feel freer. This means that more opinions can came to the fore.

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A l t h o u g h t h e electronic d e b a t e a l s o a p p e a r e d t o b e d o m i n a t e d b y a few, t h e participants appreciated t h e d e b a t e for its structure a n d for t h e possibility t o formulate a n d r e a c t at their o w n t e m p o . T h i s characteristic o f electronic d e b a t e m a y b e o f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e for o l d e r Internet u s e r s , as w i t h a g e t h e ability t o formulate p r o m p t r e a c t i o n s in g e n e r a l d e c r e a s e s (e.g. Salthouse, 1991). O f c o n s i d e r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e , h o w e v e r , r e m a i n s t h e issue o f p o w e r , w h i c h relates to t h e third p o i n t in the t y p o l o g y o f p r o m i s e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T o w h a t e x t e n t a n d in w h a t m a n n e r d o citizens influence political d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s e s b y participating in electronic d e b a t e s ? I n this particular d e b a t e , t h e p o s ­ sible c o n s e q u e n c e s for 'real-life' politics w e r e n o t c o n s i d e r e d . T h e r e w e r e , h o w ­ ever, a few references to this issue s p o n t a n e o u s l y m a d e b y participants: This debate has shown what a tremendous medium the Internet is in expressing opinions. On the other hand, we should not be too optimistic about our influence. Politicians normally forget immediately any suggestions given by citizens. I liked the debate because it gave you the feeling of having some say in the overall political discussion. T h i s d e b a t e o n Seniorweb.nl manifested, a s c o m p a r e d w i t h o t h e r Internetb a s e d p u b l i c d e b a t e s , at best a m o d e s t level o f participant i n v o l v e m e n t . In t h e first p l a c e d i s c u s s i o n s c o n s i s t e d o f a limited n u m b e r o f reactions, a n d t h e r e w e r e m a n y single p o s t i n g s w i t h o u t r e s p o n s e . S e c o n d l y , t h e senior citizens directed m a n y o f their c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e political c a n d i d a t e s , b u t r e c e i v e d less r e s p o n s e t h a n t h e y w o u l d h a v e liked. A t h i r d i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e m o d e s t level o f i n v o l v e m e n t i s t h a t a small n u m b e r o f participants w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e for m o r e t h a n h a l f o f t h e contribu­ tions. T h e senior citizens p e r c e i v e d t h e i m b a l a n c e b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r o f their own postings versus the number of reactions as a negative aspect of the debate. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e possibility o f formulating a r g u m e n t s carefully a n d d i s ­ c u s s i n g i n a structured m a n n e r , a s p r o v i d e d b y t h i s a n d o t h e r electronic d e b a t e s , w a s seen as v a l u a b l e . In addition, s o m e senior participants b e l i e v e d their level o f political influence w a s e n h a n c e d t h r o u g h t h e d e b a t e .

Conclusions T h e three e m p i r i c a l studies p r e s e n t e d e x a m i n e versions o f digital d e m o c r a c y a n d c o n s i d e r p u b l i c d e b a t e as a b a s e l i n e for political e n g a g e m e n t . T h e studies differ in their relation t o traditional politics a n d t h e electoral p r o c e s s , a n d in t h e specific c o n c e p t s e m p h a s i z e d a n d investigated. T h e ' t y p o l o g y o f p r o m i s e s ' initially for­ m u l a t e d b y T s a g a r o u s i a n o u ( 1 9 9 9 ) reflects t h e c o r e c l a i m s o f digital d e m o c r a c y : o b t a i n i n g information, e n g a g i n g i n deliberation, a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d e c i s i o n m a k i n g . W e e x a m i n e d t h e e v i d e n c e for t h e s e p r o m i s e s in a U s e n e t discussion, an e x p e r i m e n t w i t h t e l e d e m o c r a c y , a n d in a political d e b a t e h e l d o n an Internet site. T h e U s e n e t d i s c u s s i o n reflected participants, a n d w a s c o n s i d e r e d t h e participants. T h e s a m e k i n d o f m o n i t o r e d in t h e o t h e r t w o studies. b u t i o n s clustered a r o u n d a political

a s k e w e d distribution o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s from lacking in equality o f i n v o l v e m e n t a m o n g inequality also characterized t h e d i s c u s s i o n s In t h e e x p e r i m e n t w i t h t e l e d e m o c r a c y contri­ representative. In t h e Internet-based electoral

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d e b a t e , m o s t p o s t i n g s w e r e similarly a d d r e s s e d t o t h e political c a n d i d a t e s . I n this d e b a t e , inequality also w a s e v i d e n t in t h e m a n n e r participants a d d r e s s e d e a c h other. W h e r e a s t h e s e n i o r c i t i z e n s often a d d r e s s e d political c a n d i d a t e s b y m e a n s o f a f o r m a l salutation, t h e c a n d i d a t e s r a r e l y u s e d s u c h f o r m a l e x p r e s s i o n s . T h i s suggests that differences in status in r e a l life w e r e also p r e s e n t in t h e virtual d e b a t e . I n s u m m a r y , all t h r e e o f t h e e m p i r i c a l studies p r e s e n t e d failed t o s u p p o r t t h e e q u a l i t y c l a i m often m a d e for I n t e r n e t - b a s e d d e b a t e s . A n o t h e r important issue h e r e , is a c c e s s t o t h e n e c e s s a r y e q u i p m e n t for i n v o l v e ­ m e n t in a debate, as w e l l as proficiency in t h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e a n d technical skills d e m a n d e d o f t h e h a r d w a r e . T h i s aspect w a s not investigated in d e p t h in a n y o f t h e t h r e e studies, b u t participants in t h e t e l e d e m o c r a c y e x p e r i m e n t s e e m e d t o r e s e m b l e t h e stereotypical affluent y o u n g m a l e 'surfer in c y b e r s p a c e ' . A s stated, the Seniorweb.nl site w a s specifically created for senior participants a n d s u c c e e d e d in attracting participants w h o deviated w i t h respect t o a g e from this stereotype. In analysis of the Usenet debate, quality of deliberation in the typology of p r o m i s e s w a s defined as t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h t h e d e b a t e d i s p l a y e d characteristics o f a rational-critical a r g u m e n t , a s p r o p o s e d in H a b e r m a s ' idealized v i s i o n o f t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h i s s t u d y d i d n o t s t r o n g l y d i s p l a y this d i m e n s i o n b e c a u s e o f t h e limited n u m b e r o f p h r a s e s in p o s t i n g s related to a b a s e list o f w o r d s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e central topic u n d e r discussion. In t h e t e l e d e m o c r a c y e x p e r i m e n t a n d Seniorweb.nl d e b a t e , this d i m e n s i o n w a s e x a m i n e d differently: e m p h a s i s w a s p l a c e d o n p a r t i c i p a n t s ' e x p e r i e n c e s a n d a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e d e b a t e . T h i s partici­ p a n t s in t h e Seniorweb.nl d e b a t e w e r e m i x e d in their a s s e s s m e n t s . O n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e y e v a l u a t e d t h e e x p e r i e n c e p o s i t i v e l y b e c a u s e o f its textual c h a r a c t e r w h i c h p r o v i d e d t i m e for carefully constructing p o s t i n g s , a n d t h e participatory c h a r a c t e r o f t h e d e b a t e w h i c h p r o v i d e d participants w i t h a k i n d o f 'political v o i c e ' . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , participants criticized t h e o v e r a l l lack o f quality in the d e b a t e , a n d c o m p l a i n e d about t h e d i s a p p o i n t i n g n u m b e r o f r e s p o n s e s from politi­ cal c a n d i d a t e s t o their p o s t i n g s . T h e third p r o m i s e in t h e t y p o l o g y , participating in d e c i s i o n m a k i n g , refers to a yet u n r e s o l v e d issue r e g a r d i n g t h e relation o f virtual political d e b a t e s t o t h o s e h e l d in real life, a n d t o their relation with further political a c t i o n ( s e e F e r n b a c k a n d T h o m p s o n , 1995). A central q u e s t i o n d o m i n a t i n g s u c h initiatives is: in w h a t m a n n e r a n d t o w h a t e x t e n t c a n initiatives w i t h digital d e m o c r a c y influence t h e real-life political p r o c e s s ? It m a y b e that s u c h initiatives c a n n o t o n l y c o n t r i b u t e to a n increase in citizen i n v o l v e m e n t , b u t also to a r e f o r m u l a t i o n o f w h a t is c o n ­ sidered part o f t h e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s . V i r t u a l d e b a t e s m a y l e n d m o r e l e g i t i m a c y to t h e principles o f participatory, o r ' s t r o n g ' ( B a r b e r , 1984) d e m o c r a c y in w h i c h c o m m u n i c a t i o n is s e e n as t h e c o r e c o m p o n e n t o f a n o n - g o i n g d e m o c r a c y p r o c e s s . F r o m this view, various ' b o t t o m - u p ' conceptualizations of democracy h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d a n d m a y p r o v i d e a s e n s e o f p e r s o n a l e m p o w e r m e n t for p a r t i c i p a n t s , w h i c h results in political a c t i o n . 7

FurtrteT Research T h e e m p i r i c a l studies p r e s e n t e d in this c h a p t e r s u g g e s t a n u m b e r o f a r e a s for fur­ t h e r investigation. A central c o n c e r n r e m a i n s a c q u i r i n g a c c e s s t o t h e f o r u m s o f

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electronically m e d i a t e d p u b l i c d e b a t e s . T h i s c o n c e r n relates t o b o t h t h e h a r d w a r e a n d t h e software o n w h i c h initiatives o f t e l e d e m o c r a c y d e p e n d , as w e l l a s t h e technological a n d c o m m u n i c a t i v e skills n e c e s s a r y t o m a k e u s e o f t h e t e c h n o l o g y (see J a n k o w s k i , 1995). P o l i c y initiatives related t o this aspect h a v e a l r e a d y b e e n identified as objects o f study (e.g. C u i l e n b u r g , 1999; C u i l e n b u r g a n d V e r h o e s t , 1998), a n d this w o r k s h o u l d b e e x p a n d e d t o i n c l u d e empirical investigations as well. In particular, attention should b e paid to h o w access c a n b e increased for those g r o u p s in society traditionally d e n i e d o r d e p r i v e d access - the e c o n o m i c a l l y poor, minorities a n d w o m e n - again m a k i n g u s e o f various studies a l r e a d y c o m p l e t e d in this area (e.g. E b o , 1998; Pfister, 1999). Secondly, m o r e research is n e c e s s a r y o n t h e w a y control a n d p r o c e d u r a l m e c h ­ a n i s m s i m p o s e d o n virtual d e b a t e s influence t h e d e g r e e o f citizen i n v o l v e m e n t . In the studies p r e s e n t e d h e r e , the role o f m o d e r a t o r s w a s n o t highlighted e v e n t h o u g h both t h e t e l e d e m o c r a c y e x p e r i m e n t a n d the Seniorweb.nl d e b a t e incor­ p o r a t e d this function. M u c h research d o n e in t h e context of G r o u p D e c i s i o n R o o m s a n d other G r o u p D e c i s i o n S u p p o r t S y s t e m s h a s b e e n c o n c e r n e d w i t h the role o f m o d e r a t o r s a n d a n o n y m i t y o f participants (see, e.g. P o s t m e s , 1997); these findings and t h e strategies d e v e l o p e d in this e n v i r o n m e n t s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d in the arena o f digital d e m o c r a c y . 8

A third area for further research h a s t o d o w i t h t h e similarities a n d differences b e t w e e n characteristics o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o electronically m e d i a t e d d e b a t e s a n d those m a d e during real-life d e b a t e s . Participants in t h e Seniorweb.nl debate com­ m e n t e d o n typical characteristics o f electronic debates ( n o face-to-face contact, disjuncture o f time a n d p l a c e ) b o t h positively a n d negatively. In future studies, such evaluations should b e systematically c o m p a r e d w i t h characteristics o f reallife debates. In other settings such c o m p a r i s o n s b e t w e e n real-life a n d virtual c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n h a v e b e e n m a d e (e.g. A l t h a u s , 1997; K r a u t et al., 1998; P a r k s a n d F l o y d , 1996) and could serve to g u i d e this investigation in this arena. Finally, m o r e research on the relation o f virtual debates to real-life debates and subsequent political action remains necessary in order to develop an understanding of the consequences o f Internet-based public debates m a y h a v e for the public sphere and, m o r e generally, for political life. F o r e x a m p l e , there m a y b e a similar feeling o f group association experienced b y the ' l u r k e r s ' passively attending to virtual debates as there often is a m o n g the 'silent majority' attending to real-life discus­ sions. It m a y also b e the case that the degree o f involvement changes for different types of individuals, d e p e n d i n g on w h i c h o f these environments the debate takes place, the virtual or the ' r e a l ' . T h e speculative statements n o w formulated o n these matters could b e transformed into empirically-grounded expressions with the aid of a research p r o g r a m m e concentrating on such initiatives for digital d e m o c r a c y . Notes 1 Unravelling this terminology would be a valuable exercise; in this respect, Hagen (1997) has proposed a useful typology for his over-arching term electronic democracy: teledemocracy, cyberdemocracy and electronic democratization. Briefly, teledemocracy is associated with forms of electronic polling and voting. Digital democracy is a more general term encompassing other activities usually associated with the democratic process.

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2 Connell (1996) describes some of the early government initiatives at site-building in the UK, and Boussen (1997) examines the organizational considerations in developing a Web site at a Dutch government ministry. For other examples see the following Web site: http://www.gotzespace.dk/gol-democracy/ 3 The Lorenz curve is a technique for summarizing the concentration of data. In the case of the Usenet newsgroup study, it depicts the percentage of total postings attributed to an individual to the newsgroup, with the authors ranked in order of the frequency of their postings. The Gini coefficient, noted in Figure 9.1, is a summary measure of concentration; the value shown in this figure suggests a high level of concentration (Schneider, 1997: 80). 4 Elaboration of the research design and other findings may be found in the project report and subsequent publications (Jankowski et al., 1997; Leeuwis et al., 1997). 5 See further: http://www.seniornet.org/research/survey2.html 6 Examples of such sites are: http://www.eurolinkage.org/euro, http://www.euroag. org, http://www.ThirdAge.com 7 There are other 'bottom-up' formulations in fields as diverse as community develop­ ment and action (Alinsky, 1969; Beck, 1974) and organization communication (Evers and Putte, 1995). Initiatives have also been undertaken to incorporate this perspective into new definitions of politics. 8 The Usenet abortion debate was unmoderated.

References Alinsky, S. (1969) Reveille for Radicals. New York: Vintage Books. Althaus, S.L. (1997) 'Computer mediated communication in the university classroom: an experiment with on-line discussions', Communication-Education, 46(3): 158-74. Arterton, F.C. (1987) Teledemocracy: Can Technology Protect Democracy!. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Bangemann, M. et al. (1994) 'Europe and the global information society: recommenda­ tions to the European Council', http://www.cec.lu/en/comm/20c/bange.html Barber, B.R. (1984) Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Beck, W. (1974) Democratic in de wijken: Een onderzoek naar buurtacties in Nederland. (Democracy in Neighborhoods: A Study of Neighborhood Actions in the Netherlands). Amsterdam: Van Gennep. Boussen, H. (1997) 'De digitale verkeersplein van Verkeer en Waterstaat' ('The digital traffic square of the Ministry of Transport'). Master's thesis, University of Nijmegen, Department of Communication. Brants, K., Huizenga, M. and Van Meerten, R. (1996) 'The new canals of Amsterdam: an exercise in local electronic democracy', Media, Culture and Society, 18: 233-47. Campbell, R., Dries, J. and Gilligan, R. (1999) Inclusion of Older People in the Information Society: Policies and Initiatives in Europe at EU and National Level and in the USA. Dusseldorf: European Institute for the Media. Connell, I. (1996) 'Cyberspace: the continuation of political education by other means', Javnost/The Public, 3(1): 87-102. Cuilenburg, J. van (1999) 'Access and diversity in communications and information. Some remarks on communications policy in the Information Age', New Media & Society, 1(2): 183-207. Cuilenburg, J . van and Verhoest, P. (1998) 'Free and equal access to communications: in search of policy models for converging communications systems', Telecommunications Policy, 22: 171-81. Ebo, B . (ed.) (1998) Cyberghetto or Cybertopia: Race, Class, and Gender on the Internet. Westport, CT: Praeger. Enzensberger, H.M. (1970) 'Constituents of a theory of the media', New Left Review, 64: 13-36.

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Evers, W. and Putte, M. van (1995) 'Organisationele openbaarheid. Interne communicatie vanuit communicatiewetenschappelijk perspectief ('Public sphere in organizations. Internal communication from the perspective of communication science'), in E. Hollander, C. van der Linden and P. Rutten (eds), Communication Culture and Community. Houten, The Netherlands: Bonn Stafleu Van Loghum. pp. 307-20. Femback, J. and Thompson, B . (1995) 'Virtual communities: abort, retry, failure?' http://vww.cor_/user/hir/textsA'Ccivil.html Gilligan, R , Campbell, R. and Dries, J. (1998) The Current Barriers for Older People in Assessing the Information Society. Dusseldorf: European Institute for the Media. Habermas, J. (1974) Communication and the Evolution of Society. Boston: Unwin Hyman. Habermas, J. (1989) The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Hagen, M. (1997) Ά typology of electronic democracy'. http://www.uni-giessen. de/fb03/vinci/labore/netz/hag_en.htm Hanssen, L., Jankowski, N.W. and Etienne, R. (1996) 'Interactivity from the perspective of communication studies', in N.W. Jankowski and L. Hanssen (eds), The Contours of Multimedia; Recent Technological, Theoretical and Empirical Developments. London: John Libbey Media, pp. 6 1 - 7 3 . Heilbron, B. (1999) 'Internet als openbaarheid. Vier diemensies van de publieke sfeer binnen drie Nederlandse nieuwsgroepen' ('Internet as public sphere. Four dimensions of the public sphere within three Dutch newsgroups'). Master's thesis, University of Nijmegen. Jankowski, N. (1995) 'Reflections on the origins and meanings of media access', The Public/Javnost, 2(4): 7-19. Jankowski, N.W. (1988) 'Community television in Amsterdam; access to, participation in and use of the "Lokale Omroep Bijlmermeer"'. PhD dissertation, University of Amsterdam. Jankowski, N., Leeuwis, C , Martin, P., Noordhof, M. and Rossum, J. van (1997) 'Teledemocracy in the province: an experiment with public debate and opinion polling Internet-based software'. Paper presented at Media and Politics conference, Brussels, 27 F e b . - l March. Kellner, D. (1990) Television and the Crisis of Democracy. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Kraut, R , Lundmark, V., Patterson, M., Kiesler, S., Mukopadhyay, T. and Scherlis, W. (1998) 'Internet paradox. A social technology that reduces social involvement and psy­ chological well-being?', American Psychologist, 53(9): 1017-31. Leeuwis, C , Jankowski, N., Martin, P., Noordhof, M. and Rossum, J. van (1997) Besliswijzer beproefd. Een onderzoek naar teledemocratie in de provincie (Testing Besliswijzer. A Study of Teledemocracy in the Province). Amsterdam: Instituut voor Publiek en Politiek. Parks, M.R. and Floyd, K. (1996) 'Making friends in cyberspace', Journal of Communication, 46(1): 80-97. Pfister, R. (1999) 'Africa's right to information: a review of past developments and future prospects', Social Science Computer Review, 17(1): 88-106. Postmes, T. (1997) 'Social influence in computer-mediated groups'. PhD dissertation, University of Amsterdam. Rafaeli, S. (1988) 'Interactivity from new media to communication', in R. Hawkins, J.M. Wieman and S. Pingree (eds), Advancing Communication Science: Merging Mass and Interpersonal Processes. Sage Annual Review of Communication Research 16. Newbury Park: Sage. pp. 110-34. Rheingold, H. (1995) The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. London: Minerva. Rojo, A. and Rogsdale, R.G. (1997) 'Participation in electric forums: implications for the design and implementation of collaborative distributed multi media', Telematics and Informatics, 14: 83-96.

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Salthouse, T.A. (1991) Theeoretical Perspectives on Cognitive Aging. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Schneider, S. (1996) Ά case study of abortion conversation on the Internet', Social Science Computer Review, 14(4): 373-93. Schneider, S. (1997) 'Expanding the public sphere through computer-mediated communi­ cation: political discussion about abortion in a Usenet newsgroup'. PhD dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA. http://www.sunyit.edu/! steve/ Tsagarousianou, R. (1999) 'Electronic democracy: rhetoric and reality', Communications; The European Journal of Communication Research, 24(2): 189-208. Tsagarousianou, R., Tambini, D. and Bryan, C. (eds) (1998) Cyberdemocracy: Technology, Cities, and Civic networks. London: Routledge. Williams, F., Rice, R. and Rogers, E. (1988) Research Methods and the New Media. New York: Free Press.

10 Widening Information Gaps and Policies of Prevention }an van Dijk

O n e o f t h e m o s t hotly d e b a t e d issues o f t h e information society is the d i v i d e o f the so-called ' i n f o r m a t i o n h a v e s ' a n d ' h a v e - n o t s ' . W h a t is m o s t striking in this discussion is the simplification o f t h e subject w h i c h actually is v e r y c o m p l i c a t e d . It is a m a t t e r o f information inequality - to b e d e n n e d h e r e as t h e i n e q u a l i t y in t h e p o s s e s s i o n a n d t h e u s a g e o f s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n a par­ ticular society. In this contribution it a p p e a r s that information inequality is a s u b ­ j e c t m a t t e r w i t h m a n y a s p e c t s a n d that s o m e o f t h e m m a y g r o w w h i l e others d e c l i n e in i m p o r t a n c e . A n y w a y , a d i c h o t o m y o f h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p s o f infor­ m a t i o n rich a n d p o o r , w i t h a w i d e g a p in b e t w e e n , is s h o w n to b e a false i m a g e o f a two-tiered society. It is far t o o s i m p l e as c o n t e m p o r a r y society actually is n o t c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p s b u t b y a v e r y c o m p l e x differentiation. T h i s a l s o g o e s for t h e distribution o f r e s o u r c e s a n d u s e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n . It will b e c l a i m e d that t h e potential d i v i d e b e t w e e n information rich a n d p o o r w o u l d h a v e to b e seen as t h e stretching o f a c o n t i n u a l l y differentiating spectrum of positions taken by people anyway. T h e potential increase o f information inequality is crucial for t h e p r o s p e c t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . F o r its a d v o c a t e s p r o m i s e j u s t t h e o p p o s i t e . T h e a d v e n t o f I C T w o u l d i m p r o v e t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f participation in political p r o c e s s e s r e m o v i n g barriers o f p l a c e a n d t i m e a n d offering n e w c h a n n e l s for t h e e x c h a n g e o f politi­ cal information a n d d i s c u s s i o n . F o r m a n y writers o n t h e subject I C T is a t e c h ­ n o l o g y o f f r e e d o m w i t h lots o f n e w c h a n c e s for d e m o c r a c y in societies a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n s (e.g. P o o l , 1983). H o w e v e r , w h e n it is o b s e r v e d that a c c e s s t o t h e n e w m e d i a increasingly is u n e q u a l at t h e p r e s e n t stage o f their a d o p t i o n , as it is d o n e in this chapter, this p r o m i s e w o u l d n o t b e fulfilled. Instead, t h e p r o s p e c t o f digital d e m o c r a c y w o u l d b e in serious trouble. T h e n o t i o n o f increasing differences b e t w e e n information rich a n d p o o r is v e r y old actually. T h i s n o t i o n h a s a p p e a r e d w i t h e v e r y arrival o f a n e w m e d i u m in history. In c o n t e m p o r a r y society, it w a s r e i n v e n t e d b y T i c h e n o r et al. in their thesis o f t h e so-called k n o w l e d g e g a p . T h e i r description o f this g a p is s u m m a r i ­ z e d in t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e : ' A s t h e infusion o f m a s s m e d i a information into a

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social s y s t e m i n c r e a s e s , s e g m e n t s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n w i t h h i g h e r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status t e n d t o a c q u i r e this i n f o r m a t i o n at a faster rate t h a n t h e l o w e r status s e g m e n t s , so t h a t t h e g a p i n k n o w l e d g e b e t w e e n t h e s e s e g m e n t s t e n d s t o i n c r e a s e rather t h a n d e c r e a s e ' ( T i c h e n o r et al., 1970: 159). T w o n o t e s s h o u l d b e a d d e d t o this thesis. First, it is a b o u t i n c r e a s i n g differences, n o t a b o u t t h e first a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e m . S e c o n d l y , t h e g a p w i d e n s as ( m a s s m e d i a ) information is distributed in society, n o t b e c a u s e a c c e s s is d e n i e d t o s o m e p e o p l e . H o w e v e r , t h e thesis o f t h e k n o w l e d g e g a p w a s n o t s u p p o r t e d b y sufficient e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e in a large n u m b e r o f r e s e a r c h projects c o n d u c t e d d u r i n g t h e 1970s. S o m e d a t a a p p e a r e d t o s u p p o r t it, o t h e r s d i d not. See G a z i a n o ( 1 9 8 3 ) for a s u m m a r y . In t h e 1980s c o m p a r a b l e t h e s e s w e r e m a d e f o l l o w i n g t h e a d v e n t o f c o m p u t e r s a n d t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society. N o w t h e s u p p o s e d differences w e r e called a n i n f o r m a t i o n g a p . W h i l e t h e thesis o f a k n o w l e d g e g a p w a s o n l y about i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l i e d b y t h e m a s s m e d i a a n d a b o u t differences in c o g n i t i o n and information processing, the information gap theses were m u c h broader. They h a v e dealt first o f all w i t h c o n d i t i o n s o f a c c e s s , that is to say t h e differences in social a n d e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n a n d t h e u s a g e opportunities o f different k i n d s o f information t e c h n o l o g y u s e r s . Particularly t h e y w e r e about t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f c o m p u t e r s a n d t h e skill to m a s t e r t h e m . T h e s e characteristics w e r e s e e n a s c o n ­ ditions o f a c c e s s to t h e information society a n d abilities t o u s e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n g a t h e r e d a n d p r o c e s s e d w i t h I C T . T h e u s a g e itself w a s b a r e l y investigated. In t h e 1990s it h a s b e c o m e c l e a r that u s a g e p a t t e r n s are o f p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e . In this c h a p t e r it w i l l b e a r g u e d that inequality o f a c c e s s t o I C T a p p e a r s in at least four s u c c e s s i v e s t a g e s p r e s e n t i n g t h e m s e l v e s a s barriers o r h u r d l e s to p e o p l e w h o w a n t t o u s e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y in o n e w a y o r another. A p r o b l e m is t h a t t h e c o m m o n s e n s e c o n c e p t access (to t e c h n o l o g y ) is freely u s e d a n d b a d l y operationalized. A c t u a l l y it is a multifaceted c o n c e p t , as will b e s h o w n in t h e c o u r s e o f d e s c r i b i n g four t y p e s o f a c c e s s in this chapter. A c c e s s t o I C T n o t o n l y m e a n s p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e n e c e s s a r y c o m p u t e r s , software a n d c o n n e c t i o n s , b u t also b a s i c skills o f u s i n g t h e m a n d actual u s a g e o f t h e s e r e s o u r c e s . It w i l l b e c l a i m e d that a c q u i r i n g significant u s a g e opportunities is t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t t y p e o f a c c e s s a n d u l t i m a t e l y t h e m o s t difficult h u r d l e to clear in g e t t i n g a c c e s s t o c o m ­ p u t e r s , n e t w o r k s , t h e information society, digital political p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d so forth. It m e a n s that if inequalities o f a c c e s s c a n b e s h o w n to exist a m o n g p e o p l e , t h e g r o w t h o f a u s a g e g a p will h a v e t h e m o s t lasting effect. A l t h o u g h o n e c a n i m a g i n e that t h e large m a j o r i t y o f t h e W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s w i l l p o s s e s s a c o m ­ p u t e r a n d a n e t w o r k c o n n e c t i o n w i t h i n a few d e c a d e s , a n d is able to o p e r a t e this e q u i p m e n t , it is still to b e e x p e c t e d that p e o p l e w i l l d o i n c r e a s i n g l y different t h i n g s w i t h t h e s e m e d i a . O n e o f t h e s e t h i n g s is a different level a n d n a t u r e o f political participation. First o f all, w e h a v e t o give sufficient e v i d e n c e o f n o t o n l y a n e x i s t i n g b u t also an increasing g a p in t y p e s o f a c c e s s b e t w e e n different k i n d s o f p e o p l e . W e c a n l o o k at their a g e , e d u c a t i o n , i n c o m e , sex, ethnicity a n d c o u n t r y or r e g i o n o f ori­ gin. T h i s h a s to b e d o n e b e c a u s e k n o w l e d g e g a p s , i n f o r m a t i o n g a p s a n d u s a g e g a p s h a v e a l w a y s existed a m o n g p e o p l e , at least s i n c e t h e i n v e n t i o n o f w r i t i n g a n d p e r h a p s e v e n s i n c e t h e first p r i m i t i v e division o f labour. A n d t h e y are v e r y

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likely to r e m a i n in a d v a n c e d societies. W h a t w o u l d b e striking is the g r o w t h o f these g a p s in u s i n g particular m e d i a in a g i v e n society, in this case the m e d i a of I C T in c o n t e m p o r a r y W e s t e r n society. M o r e o v e r , it h a s to b e m a d e plausible that the g r o w t h o f these differences is n o t e m p o r a r y p h e n o m e n o n o n l y a p p e a r i n g w i t h the introduction o f a n e w t e c h n o l o g y , as w e h a v e seen in the first y e a r s o f the radio, the T V , the t e l e p h o n e a n d t h e video-recorder. After s o m e t i m e , s o m e t i m e s short (radio a n d television) a n d s o m e t i m e s long (the t e l e p h o n e ) , these m e d i a w e r e a d o p t e d b y the majority o f the W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s a n d u s e d in relatively equal ways. W e will supply all the e v i d e n c e w e can get to describe the p r e s e n t situation o f information (in)equality in t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f the potential u s e r of I C T . S u c c e s s i v e barriers o f entry a n d u s e will b e a n a l y s e d a n d p r e s e n t e d as a series o f h u r d l e s to cross b y a potential user. It will b e specified w h a t these barriers o r hur­ dles m e a n for political information p r o c e s s i n g a n d political participation. T h e n t h e data will b e e x p l a i n e d p r e s e n t i n g a n u m b e r o f b a c k g r o u n d s o f current infor­ m a t i o n inequality. In section four the situation will b e evaluated. W h a t is w r o n g w i t h increasing differences in t h e u s a g e o f I C T in a m u l t i f o r m a n d differentiating society a n y w a y ? A r e t h e y a risk or a c h a n c e for d e m o c r a c y in such a society? Finally, a n u m b e r o f general policies with r e g a r d to c o n t e m p o r a r y information inequality a n d political participation will b e suggested.

Four Hurdles of Access to the Information Society 1

Lack of Basic Skills and 'Computer Fear'

T h e first h u r d l e l o o m i n g u p for a user willing to u s e electrical d e v i c e s in general and c o m p u t e r s in particular is a m a t t e r o f routines a n d p s y c h o l o g y . F o r a large n u m b e r of p e o p l e , first o f all the old and illiterate o n e s , the c o m m a n d o f t h e s e d e v i c e s is found to b e difficult. First attempts m i g h t h a v e p r o d u c e d n e g a t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s . O n e should n o t u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e n u m b e r o f these p e o p l e . In 1996 a general survey w a s m a d e for t h e so-called digital skills o f t h e D u t c h p o p u l a t i o n ( D o e t s a n d H u i s m a n , 1997). T h e N e t h e r l a n d s b e l o n g s to the E u r o p e a n countries m o s t a d v a n c e d in u s i n g I C T . Still the results m u s t b e s h o c k i n g to p e o p l e daily talking about t h e splendid opportunities o f t h e Internet, m u l t i m e d i a and t h e infor­ m a t i o n s u p e r h i g h w a y . A m o n g the D u t c h p o p u l a t i o n b e t w e e n 18 a n d 7 0 years old a large p r o p o r t i o n did n o t master, or v e r y p o o r l y m a s t e r e d t h e following actions o n the electronic e q u i p m e n t t h e y p o s s e s s e d o r h a d access to in 1996: p l a y i n g a C D ( 3 3 p e r cent), u s i n g Teletext o n T V (23 p e r cent), p l a y i n g a video-recorder, p r o g r a m m i n g a video-recorder (62 p e r cent), p a y i n g w i t h a P I N - c a r d (23 p e r cent), b u y i n g a train ticket from a v e n d i n g - m a c h i n e (61 p e r cent). A small majority o f t h e D u t c h population (52 p e r cent) c l a i m e d to b e able to c o m m a n d a P C in 1996, but the following o f its applications w e r e not, or very poorly m a s t e r e d b y the u s e r s : w o r d p r o c e s s i n g (54 p e r cent), using spreadsheets (85 per cent), transferring m o n e y (93 p e r cent), playing c o m p u t e r g a m e s (81 p e r cent), s e n d i n g m e s s a g e s o f e-mail (89 p e r cent), searching for information on the Internet (92 p e r cent). L a r g e differences o f m a s t e r i n g these actions a n d applications a p p e a r e d b e t w e e n the y o u n g and the old a n d b e t w e e n p e o p l e with h i g h and l o w education. H o w e v e r ,

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169

almost e v e r y r e s p o n d e n t found it difficult to p r o g r a m m e a video-recorder a n d serve t h e just-called P C - a p p l i c a t i o n s . M o s t i m p o r t a n t is t h e fact that t h e majority o f the p e o p l e i n t e r v i e w e d called the lack o f these skills a ' p e r s o n a l s h o r t c o m i n g ' : o n e finds t h e m important, b u t is n o t able to practise t h e m in a satisfactory w a y . N o t b e i n g able to c o m m a n d a P C w a s e x p e r i e n c e d as a large personal s h o r t c o m i n g b y 2 6 per cent o f the D u t c h b e l o w 50 years o f a g e and m o r e t h a n 4 0 p e r cent o f the p e o p l e a b o v e 50. S i x t y - t w o p e r c e n t o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s a g r e e d t o t h e proposition that if y o u c a n n o t u s e electronic e q u i p m e n t and cards y o u will eventually b e c o m e m a r g i n a l i z e d in society. H o w e v e r , 2 8 p e r cent o f the D u t c h p o p u l a t i o n , 6 6 p e r cent o f its low educated, 41 p e r cent o f its u n e m p l o y e d and 5 4 p e r cent o f the part o f its old people a g e d 64—70 h a v e a negative attitude to the 'digitalization' o f society (1997: 2 6 - 8 ) . N e g l e c t i n g t h e objective level o f difficulty o f these applications and t h e lack o f p r e s e n t e x p e r i e n c e w i t h t h e m for a m o m e n t - t h e y will b e c o n s i d e r e d b e l o w - o n e h a s to a d m i t that subjective a n d e m o t i o n a l factors are a p r i m e c a u s e o f t h e lack of these b a s i c ' d i g i t a l ' skills. T h e feeling o f p e r s o n a l s h o r t c o m i n g ( l e a d i n g to insecurity), t h e fear o f b e i n g e x c l u d e d and the n e g a t i v e attitude t o w a r d s 'digital­ ization' o f p e o p l e m o s t l a c k i n g t h e s e skills give rise to ' c o m p u t e r fear' o r ' b u t t o n fear'. T h e o p e r a t i o n s m e n t i o n e d are said to b e difficult a n d p e o p l e are afraid to start m a s t e r i n g t h e m . W h a t d o e s this first h u r d l e m e a n t o t h e prospects o f digital d e m o c r a c y ? It m e a n s that for a large part o f the W e s t e r n population the first condition o f digital d e m o c ­ racy (inclusion) is not fulfilled yet. It entails that the use of I C T in politics does not m a k e it easier for these p e o p l e to participate in political and other social affairs. T h e p r o m i s e o f r e m o v i n g limits o f time, place and insufficient channels or opportunities for political information a n d discussion m a y b e better fulfilled for sick, disabled, remotely living and b u s y people, b u t for p e o p l e lacking any digital skills conditions get w o r s e . A hurdle is a d d e d instead o f r e m o v e d . T h i s will surely h a p p e n w h e n analogous m e d i a are prematurely replaced b y digital m e d i a . F o r those m a n a g i n g to use digital m e a n s another potential effect is a restriction to relatively simple m o d e s o f participation like voting and polling, m o d e s s o m e t i m e s disparagingly called ' p u s h button d e m o c r a c y ' . 2

No Access to Computers and Networks

S o m e people m i g h t s u p p o s e that clearing this first hurdle is j u s t a matter o f time. It concerns people with old age and l o w education in the first place. T h e ageing o f the 'digital g e n e r a t i o n ' , the d y i n g o f the old generations, the penetration o f c o m p u t e r s in society, rising educational levels with m a n y m o r e c o m p u t e r courses w o u l d solve this p r o b l e m all b y themselves. This a s s u m p t i o n w o u l d be partly incorrect. M o r e o v e r , it w o u l d b e ethically unacceptable. T h e survey m e n t i o n e d a b o v e reveals that a majority o f the D u t c h population below 5 0 in 1996 experienced personal shortcomings c o m m a n d i n g a P C and 6 0 p e r cent o f p e o p l e a b o v e 50. Still m a n y elderly p e o p l e w a n t e d to learn to c o m m a n d a P C (29 p e r cent o f p e o p l e aged 5 7 - 6 3 and 20 per cent o f those aged 6 4 - 7 0 ) . W i t h these k i n d o f figures in m i n d it w o u l d b e ethically u n a c c e p t a b l e t o a b a n d o n t h e elderly for participation in t h e information society in w h i c h they h a v e to live for so m a n y years to c o m e yet. T h e p e o p l e

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concerned are not s i m p l y ' w a n t - n o t s ' , as claimed b y p e o p l e belittling t h e p r o b l e m o f t h e ' h a v e - n o t s ' a n d information inequality in general. N o w , s u p p o s e that t h e p e o p l e e x p e r i e n c i n g p e r s o n a l s h o r t c o m i n g s m a n a g e t o get across t h e first t h r e s h o l d a n d are r e a d y t o u s e c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s like t h e Internet. T h e n t h e y w o u l d m e e t t h e evident h u r d l e o f n o t p o s s e s s i n g a c o m p u t e r a n d a n e t w o r k c o n n e c t i o n o r n o t h a v i n g a c c e s s to t h e m at w o r k o r at s c h o o l . T h e d i s c u s s i o n a b o u t this h u r d l e d o m i n a t e s p u b l i c o p i n i o n a b o u t t h e accessibility o f t h e n e w m e d i a . It is t h e m o s t c o m m o n m e a n i n g o f a c c e s s . F r o m e v e r y investiga­ tion o f t h e social c o m p o s i t i o n o f c o m p u t e r a n d n e t w o r k users it b e c o m e s evident that t h e differences a r e l a r g e a n d p e r m a n e n t a m o n g m o s t social c a t e g o r i e s . S o it s e e m s justified t o call t h e m g a p s . T h e v a s t majority o f u s e r s are m a l e , relatively y o u n g , well-trained, h a v i n g a h i g h o r m e d i u m - s i z e d i n c o m e a n d are originating from a n affluent W e s t e r n c o u n t r y , m o s t often e v e n a n a d v a n c e d r e g i o n o f it (Cyberatlas, 1996-99; G V U Centre, 1994-99; Nielsen Media/CommerceNet, 1995; N i e l s e n M e d i a R e s e a r c h , 1 9 9 6 - 9 9 ; a n d t h e D u t c h s u r v e y d e s c r i b e d a b o v e ) . A large longitudinal s u r v e y a m o n g A m e r i c a n h o u s e h o l d s s h o w e d that m o s t o f t h e s e g a p s h a v e w i d e n e d b e t w e e n 1989 a n d 1993 (see A n d e r s o n et al., 1995 a n d F i g u r e 10.1 d r a w n from U S c e n s u s s u r v e y s U S - C e n s u s B u r e a u 1 9 8 4 - 9 7 ) . A c c e s s t o c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s is rising in a b s o l u t e figures a m o n g all social c a t e ­ g o r i e s . H o w e v e r , t h e y o u n g , t h e well-trained, t h e relatively rich a n d t h e p e o p l e from affluent W e s t e r n countries a n d r e g i o n s are increasing their advantage to t h e old, t h e less-educated, t h e relatively p o o r a n d t h e p e o p l e from p o o r c o u n t r i e s a n d regions (Western and non-Western). See the gaps of income, education and age in F i g u r e 1 0 . 1 . T h i s w a s t h e situation at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1990s in the U S . After 1993 people with low income and education and of older age have caught up some­ w h a t , p r i m a r i l y in t h e U S (see t h e b i a n n u a l s u r v e y s o f t h e G V U C e n t r e , 1 9 9 4 - 9 9 a n d F i g u r e 10.1). O n e o f the r e a s o n s for this is that the a b s o l u t e n u m b e r o f p e o p l e w i t h n o h i g h i n c o m e o r e d u c a t i o n a n d a b o v e 3 5 y e a r s o f a g e is b i g g e r a n d h a s a h i g h e r g r o w t h potential. H o w e v e r , this d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e (relative) g a p is closing. T h e rate o f a d o p t i o n o f t h e n e w m e d i a still is m u c h h i g h e r a m o n g t h e rich, t h e w e l l - e d u c a t e d a n d t h e y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n s t h a n a m o n g their counter­ parts. T h e r e is o n l y o n e e x c e p t i o n : t h e g a p o f a c c e s s to c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s b e t w e e n m a l e s a n d f e m a l e s is n a r r o w i n g ( A n d e r s o n et al., 1 9 9 5 ; G V U C e n t r e , 1 9 9 4 - 9 9 ) , b e it m u c h m o r e i n t h e U S t h a n in E u r o p e ( G V U C e n t r e , 1 9 9 7 - 9 9 ) . S e e F i g u r e 10.2 for t h e g e n e r a l trend. A t this point, m a n y e c o n o m i s t s a n d m e d i a e x p e r t s will n o t e that this is a n o r ­ m a l pattern in t h e a d o p t i o n o f n e w m e d i a , like t h o s e for t h e introduction o f t h e t e l e p h o n e , t h e r a d i o , t h e television a n d t h e V C R . S o m e p e o p l e a r e m u c h faster in a d o p t i n g n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s t h a n o t h e r s and, in fact, p a y for further d e v e l o p m e n t . In that c a s e , t h e a d o p t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s will h a v e j u s t left t h e p h a s e o f the ' p i o n e e r s ' a n d the ' e a r l y a d o p t e r s ' a n d will b e n o w taking its first b e n d u p w a r d s in t h e w e l l - k n o w n S-curve. Indeed, such a c u r v e m a y o c c u r in this c a s e as w e l l . B u t w h e n it d o e s , it r e m a i n s to b e s e e n w h e t h e r this c u r v e will rise a s fast a n d as h i g h as h a s b e e n o b s e r v e d in t h e diffusion o f t h e r a d i o , t h e television a n d t h e V C R . T h e a d o p t i o n p a t t e r n o f t h e t e l e p h o n e , a c o m p a r a b l e m e d i u m l i n k e d in

Widening Information

Gaps

GAP OF INCOME USA 8 4 - 9 7 : USE OF COMPUTERS A T H O M E , WORK, SCHOOL 90

10 0

χ

- "

-I

1

1

1

1984

1989

1993

1997

GAP OF EDUCATION U S A 84-97: USE OF COMPUTERS A T H O M E , W O R K , SCHOOL

. Elementary^ school -if 1984

1989

1993

1997

GAP OF AGE U S A 84-97: USE OF COMPUTERS A T H O M E , WORK, SCHOOL 70

ο

τ

I

1

1

1

1984

1989

1993

1997

FIGURE 10.1

Gaps of Income, 1984-97.

Education

and Age in using computers,

USA

(Source: US-Census Bureau, 1984, 1989, 1993, 1997)

171

172

Practice

FIGURE 10.2

Gap of gender in the use of the Internet world-wide (Source: Ist-lOth GVU (Georgia University) WWW User Surveys)

n e t w o r k s , s e e m s m u c h m o r e likely. T h e t e l e p h o n e n e e d e d o v e r 7 0 y e a r s t o b e c o m e m o r e o r l e s s g e n e r a l l y diffused a s a m e d i u m in t h e d e v e l o p e d countries. A n d e v e n n o w , a b o u t h a l f o f t h e w o r l d p o p u l a t i o n d o e s n o t h a v e access t o a tele­ p h o n e , a n d in t h e rich W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s a b o u t o n e - q u a r t e r o r one-fifth o f t h e l o w - i n c o m e h o u s e h o l d s in p a r t i c u l a r cities o r r e g i o n s still h a s n o t e l e p h o n e . E v e n in t h e m o t h e r l a n d o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , the U n i t e d States, 7 m i l l i o n h o m e s h a d n o t e l e p h o n e in 1995. It w o u l d b e fair t o a s s u m e that t h e n e w m e d i a are m o r e likely t o follow t h e a d o p t i o n pattern o f t h e t e l e p h o n e t h a n that o f television. If this is true, it is n o t v e r y likely that c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s will r e a c h a level o f diffusion o f 8 0 o r 9 0 p e r cent w i t h i n t h e n e x t d e c a d e s , e v e n in t h e m o s t d e v e l o p e d countries. Several a r g u m e n t s c a n b e p u t forward for t h i s v i e w : •

all e x p e n d i t u r e s t a k e n t o g e t h e r t h e n e w m e d i a are c o n s i d e r a b l y m o r e e x p e n ­ sive t h a n t h e old o n e s , a m o n g o t h e r r e a s o n s b e c a u s e t h e y are o b s o l e t e m u c h faster a n d b e c a u s e n e w p e r i p h e r a l e q u i p m e n t a n d software a r e c o n t i n u a l l y needed;

•

with the development of multimedia the need of audio-visual hardware and software is i n c r e a s i n g ; h o w e v e r , t h e y a r e t h e m o s t c o s t l y in t e r m s o f e q u i p ­ m e n t , b a n d w i d t h a n d intellectual p r o p e r t y rights; old m e d i a d o n o t disappear; n e w m e d i a are a d o p t e d b e s i d e t h e o l d o n e s in a pattern o f a c c u m u l a t i o n ; h o w e v e r , in t h e total h o u s e h o l d b u d g e t t h e part s a v e d for m e d i a a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n reveals n o t m u c h elasticity a n d extensi­ bility, certainly n o t for t h e l o w i n c o m e s ;

•

•

t h e g e n e r a l diffusion o f o l d m e d i a like t h e television a n d t h e t e l e p h o n e e m e r g e d in a p e r i o d o f s t r o n g e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , massification a n d l e v e l l i n g o f i n c o m e s in t h e W e s t e r n w o r l d ; t h e n e w m e d i a a r e i n t r o d u c e d in a p e r i o d

Widening Information Gaps

•

173

o f a relative s l a c k e n i n g o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , individualization, social a n d cultural differentiation, i n c r e a s i n g i n c o m e differences a n d t h e rise o f so-called m o d e r n p o v e r t y in W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s ; t h e diffusion o f t h e s e old m e d i a w a s s u p p o r t e d b y a p o l i c y o f u n i v e r s a l service a n d p u b l i c service, m a i n l y s u p p o r t e d b y t h e state; t h e s p r e a d o f n e w m e d i a , i n c l u d i n g t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n s u p e r h i g h w a y s , is a l m o s t c o m ­ p l e t e l y left t o t h e m a r k e t w i t h t h e i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t t h a t c o m m e r c i a l m o t i v e s a r e getting m o r e i m p o r t a n t a n d u n i v e r s a l a n d p u b l i c services are g e t t i n g u n d e r pressure.

N e v e r t h e l e s s , as c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s b e c o m e indispensable to living a n d w o r k i n g in m o d e r n society, it s e e m s likely that w i t h i n 2 5 y e a r s a large majority o f the W e s t e r n a n d s o m e E a s t e r n - A s i a n p o p u l a t i o n s will p o s s e s s c o m p u t e r s a n d net­ w o r k s in their h o m e s a n d h a v e a c c e s s to t h e m at w o r k , at school o r at p u b l i c build­ ings. C o m p u t e r s a n d their n e t w o r k s a r e supplied in ever m o r e s i m p l e a n d c h e a p versions: b e s i d e s g a m e a n d h o m e c o m p u t e r s w e n o w get p a l m t o p a n d n e t w o r k c o m p u t e r s . T h e Internet b e c o m e s available o n all k i n d s o f platforms, including cable a n d satellite. H o w e v e r , e v e n w h e n t h e e l e m e n t a r y condition o f access t o n e w m e d i a e q u i p m e n t will b e fulfilled w i t h i n t w o o r three d e c a d e s , questions w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e accessibility for u s e r s in practice r e m a i n (see h u r d l e three b e l o w ) . First w e h a v e t o c l a i m that t h e s e c o n d h u r d l e m a k e s t h e p r o s p e c t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a s a v i a b l e w a y t o p r a c t i s e politics for e v e r y o n e e v e n w o r s e . T h e cru­ cial fact is that w e l l - k n o w n c o r r e l a t e s o f r e l a t i v e l y l o w political p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e W e s t e r n d e m o c r a c i e s , t h a t is l o w - e d u c a t i o n , l o w - i n c o m e , l o w - o c c u p a t i o n , f e m a l e s e x a n d ( m o s t often) m i n o r i t y e t h n i c o r i g i n relate as w e l l w i t h l o w a c c e s s to c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s (see earlier in t h i s c h a p t e r ) . T o s a y it b l u n t l y , t h o s e a l r e a d y p r a c t i s i n g a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h level o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d p o s s e s s i n g a large n u m b e r of m e d i a and other channels of communication get yet other m e a n s at their d i s p o s a l . T h o s e r e v e a l i n g l o w levels o f political p a r t i c i p a t i o n remain excluded as before. Compared to people with high rates of connection to t h e n e w m e d i a a n d w i t h h i g h political p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h e y a r e in fact l o s i n g ground. There is only o n e important exception: the older generations, usually the m o s t faithful p e o p l e in v o t i n g a n d o t h e r e n g a g e m e n t s in official p o l i t i c s , h a v e less a c c e s s t o I C T t h a n t h e y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n s . H o w e v e r , m a n y y o u n g p e o p l e u s e I C T for e i t h e r apolitical p u r p o s e s o r o t h e r w a y s o f o n l i n e political activity than supporting institutional politics (see G V U , 7th W W W survey, April 1997 for differences o f o n l i n e a n d offline political activity b e t w e e n y o u n g a n d o l d people).

3

Insufficient User-Friendliness

Until r e c e n t t i m e s p e r s o n a l c o m p u t e r s a n d e v e n m o r e c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , w e r e n o t o r i o u s l y unfriendly in their o p e r a t i o n s . W i t h t h e a d v e n t o f n e w g r a p h i c a l a n d a u d i o - v i s u a l interfaces a n d o p e r a t i o n s y s t e m s t h e situation h a s i m p r o v e d . Still, it is all b u t r o s y as o n e c a n g a t h e r from t h e d a t a o f l a c k i n g e l e m e n t a r y skills s u p p l i e d a b o v e , t o b e p a r t l y e x p l a i n e d b y t h e insufficient user-friendliness o f h a r d w a r e , software a n d o p e r a t i n g instructions. A m o n g t h e m o s t p o p u l a r

174

Practice

electronic e q u i p m e n t this qualification is the m o s t valid for are v i d e o - r e c o r d e r s and personal c o m p u t e r s . In H o l l a n d 14 p e r cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n w a n t e d to h a v e a c o m p u t e r in 1996, b u t did not p u r c h a s e it b e c a u s e the operation w a s p e r c e i v e d to b e too difficult; 23 p e r cent o f p e o p l e p o s s e s s i n g P C s did not u s e it at all for the s a m e reason ( D o e t s and H u i s m a n , 1997: 37). A b r o a d e r interpretation o f user-friendliness is the u s a g e style offered. S o m e say that the u s a g e style offered w i t h the n e w m e d i a is not attractive to m a n y w o m e n , low e d u c a t e d p e o p l e a n d particular ethnic minorities (van Dijk, 1 9 9 1 , 1994; v a n Z o o n e n , 1994). T h i s style w o u l d not m e e t the n e e d s a n d practice o f seeking information o f these categories. N o t m u c h h a s been p r o v e d yet o n this score. B u t a c c o r d i n g to a c o n c e p t i o n o f t e c h n o l o g y as h u m a n effort it w o u l d b e no surprise that the d e s i g n o f n e w m e d i a t e c h n i q u e s leaves the traces o f the social-cultural characteristics o f its p r o d u c e r s : p r e d o m i n a n t l y m a l e , welle d u c a t e d , E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g a n d b e i n g m e m b e r s o f the ethnic majority in a par­ ticular country. User-friendliness a n d u s e r styles are relevant as well for the practice o f digital d e m o c r a c y . M o s t e x p e r i m e n t s in digital d e m o c r a c y require rather h i g h levels o f intellectual a n d technical skill. It is not e a s y for an o r d i n a r y citizen to look for political information in a search e n g i n e o n the Internet or to follow o r contribute to o n e o f its m a n y d i s c u s s i o n g r o u p s . T o say n o t h i n g o f the participation in all k i n d s o f a d v a n c e d individual or g r o u p decision s u p p o r t systems invented to help p e o p l e in decisions o f v o t i n g or o p i n i o n formation in social and political affairs. M o r e o v e r , t h e u s a g e style offered in all these applications m o s t often reveals the intellectual skills and w a y s o f thinking o f their inventors that m i g h t not b e attrac­ tive to e v e r y o n e . H o w e v e r , insufficient user-friendliness and unattractiveness of the u s a g e style offered m i g h t not e v e n be t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t reasons for the lacking e l e m e n t a r y skills d e s c r i b e d a b o v e . T h e user-friendliness and u s a g e style o f the n e w m e d i a and their political applications can b e i m p r o v e d a n d m a d e m o r e p o p u l a r relatively easy, and this will certainly be d o n e by the I C T industry for evident c o m m e r c i a l reasons. E v e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t s e e m s to be lacking experience w i t h P C applica­ tions w h i c h in turn is caused b y lacking and u n e q u a l l y distributed usage oppor­ tunities. It will be c l a i m e d that this fourth h u r d l e is the m o s t difficult to p a s s . 4

Insufficient and Unevenly Distributed Usage

Opportunities

In practice, w o r d p r o c e s s i n g turns out to be b y far t h e m o s t important application o f P C s . It is followed at a great distance b y the other applications m e n t i o n e d ear­ lier, w h i c h in 1998 w e r e o n l y used b y an a v e r a g e o f 10 to 2 0 p e r cent o f the W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s (the Internet, electronic mail and the like). A n exception is the use o f c o m p u t e r g a m e s as this is v e r y c o m m o n a m o n g y o u n g p e o p l e . T o the a v e r a g e user, h o w e v e r , t h e P C is n o t h i n g but an e n h a n c e d typewriter. It is w e l l - k n o w n that this multifunctional d e v i c e is utilized far b e l o w its capacity. Applications other than w o r d p r o c e s s i n g , c o m p u t e r g a m e s and, recently, refer­ e n c e and e d u c a t i o n u s i n g C D - R o m s , are w i t h m i n o r exceptions used o n l y b y p r o ­ fessionals for w o r k and education. H o u s e h o l d applications are still lagging behind. M a n y h o m e c o m p u t e r s , p u r c h a s e d through subsidies for P C o w n e r s h i p

Widening \nformation Gaps

175

b y students a n d e m p l o y e e s or b o u g h t for t h e benefit o f the children, are left u n u s e d in t h e s t u d y o r t h e attic. In the m e a n t i m e t h e u s a g e opportunities for professional applications at w o r k or at school are increasing rapidly. T h i s is so to such an extent that m a n y users h a v e the i m p r e s s i o n o f not b e i n g able to catch u p a n y m o r e . A n e w v e r s i o n or u p d a t e is already available before t h e old o n e is mastered. H o w e v e r , this is a real­ ity for about 2 0 or 30 p e r cent of s o m e W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s . T h o s e w h o h a v e n o t h i n g to d o w i t h c o m p u t e r s in e d u c a t i o n or o c c u p a t i o n are p r o b a b l y not g o i n g t o u s e t h e m at their o w n initiative. T h e o n l y e x c e p t i o n is that o f p a r e n t s o f children attending school, w h o are a m o n g the m o s t i m p o r t a n t p u r c h a s e r s o f h o m e c o m p u t e r s : t h e y h a v e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y to learn to m a s t e r a c o m p u t e r , often w i t h the help o f their children. A first indication o f a u s a g e g a p is the fact that increased h o m e P C and Internet access d o e s not result in increased u s e . A n Arbitron study revealed that t h e h o m e penetration o f P C s in the U S rose from 2 9 p e r cent in 1995 to 5 4 p e r cent in 1999. H o w e v e r , t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f P C o w n e r s w h o actually u s e d their P C fell from 9 0 per cent in 1995 to 53 p e r cent in 1999. T h e s a m e g o e s for Internet access 38 p e r cent o f A m e r i c a n h o u s e h o l d s r e p o r t e d to h a v e a W e b subscription, w h i l e o n l y 24 p e r cent actually u s e d t h e W e b (Arbitron N e w M e d i a , 1999). Further analysis o f the d o m e s t i c u s e o f c o m p u t e r s s h o w s w e l l - e d u c a t e d p e o p l e m a k i n g far m o r e u s e o f applications in w o r k , p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s and education. T h e fav­ ourite applications o f p e o p l e with l o w education and the y o u t h are a m u s e m e n t a n d / o r c o m p u t e r g a m e s , followed b y education (Nielsen M e d i a R e s e a r c h , 1996, 1998). H e r e a u s a g e gap appears. T h e important thing is that it is likely to g r o w , instead o f decline, w i t h the larger distribution o f c o m p u t e r s a m o n g the population. If this turns out to be true, the difference b e t w e e n a d v a n c e d and simple u s e s will increase. T h e s a m e pattern m i g h t a p p e a r w i t h different k i n d s o r levels o f political participation. In this case relatively l o w levels or simple kinds o f political partici­ pation w o u l d b e practised and attained b y s o m e classes o f I C T users, while h i g h levels and complicated kinds w o u l d be r e a c h e d b y other classes. T h e n it m a y be projected that t h e existing unequal distribution o f the following kinds and levels of political participation a m o n g the populations o f the W e s t e r n d e m o c r a c i e s as it is portrayed in T a b l e 10.1 will be reinforced by the use o f I C T in politics. T h e p r o j e c t i o n entails that t h e m a s s o f citizens u s i n g m e a n s o f I C T in politics w o u l d stick to the first three k i n d s a n d levels o f participation in T a b l e 1 0 . 1 , e v e n m o r e than before the introduction o f I C T . T h i s p r a c t i c e is called ' p u s h button d e m o c r a c y ' s o m e t i m e s a n d it closely c o r r e s p o n d s to t h e m a r k e t i n g m o d e l o f the future information s u p e r h i g h w a y (see C h a p t e r 2). Still, these p e o p l e are partici­ pating in o n e w a y or another, as at the o n e e n d o f the w h o l e s p e c t r u m of elec­ tronic political activity w e will find the e x c l u d e d , w h o do not e v e n vote or poll electronically. A t the o t h e r end o f the s p e c t r u m w e will b e confronted w i t h t h e politically active elite using a d v a n c e d electronic m e a n s to i m p r o v e their say in social a n d political affairs or to take part in political discussions. P e r h a p s t h e y e v e n b e c o m e a m e m b e r of an electronic or traditional political o r g a n i z a t i o n and stand a s a c a n d i d a t e . ( S e e t h e k i n d s o f political p a r t i c i p a t i o n at t h e b o t t o m o f T a b l e 10.1.) T h e y w o u l d s h a p e the Internet m o d e l o f the future information

176

Practice

TABLE 10.1 OWN INITIATIVE AND ACTION REQUIRED

Kinds and levels ofpolitical

participation

LOW • responding to an opinion poll • signing a petition • voting • having a say in a political or social affair • contributing to a mass political discussion • active membership of a political organization • running as a candidate for a seat or office HIGH

SKILLS REQUIRED

1r

s u p e r h i g h w a y ( s e e C h a p t e r 3 ) . O f c o u r s e , this rather d a r k p r e d i c t i o n h a s t o b e tested i n t i m e series o f a large n u m b e r o f y e a r s a s t h e p r e s e n t d a t a a r e still scarce a n d t h e y h a v e a short t i m e s p a n . L e t ' s d r a w a first partial c o n c l u s i o n . It c a n n o t b e r u l e d out, a n d in fact it is likely, that in t h e l o n g - t e r m t h e first three h u r d l e s o f a c c e s s t o t h e n e t w o r k society w i l l b e c r o s s e d b y t h e majority o f p o p u l a t i o n s i n t h e d e v e l o p e d countries. H o w e v e r , in s a y i n g this, o n e h a s t o a c k n o w l e d g e that a c o n s i d e r a b l e m i n o r i t y w i l l c o n t i n u e t o b e e x c l u d e d . A t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g a n a v e r a g e o f 10 p e r cent o f t h e adult, n o n - h a n d i c a p p e d p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s is still a r e a l illite­ rate o r a functional illiterate ( U n i t e d N a t i o n s , 1998). T h e n u m b e r o f ' d i g i t a l illite­ r a t e s ' w i l l p r o b a b l y r e m a i n m u c h h i g h e r for s o m e t i m e . P r i m a r y skills w i l l gradually increase a n d ' c o m p u t e r fear' will d i m i n i s h . I n t i m e t h e o w n e r s h i p o f a n d a c c e s s t o c o m p u t e r s a n d n e t w o r k s m a y r e a c h t h e majority o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . G r e a t i m p r o v e m e n t s c a n still b e m a d e i n respect o f t h e user-friendliness o f h a r d ­ w a r e , software a n d m a n u a l s , a n d t h e u s e r style offered c a n b e m a d e m o r e a p p e a l ­ ing. H o w e v e r , all this d o e s n o t rule o u t a n increase o f differences in u s a g e . H o w c a n this b e e x p l a i n e d ? W h y s h o u l d a t e c h n o l o g y , so m u c h suited for t h e s p r e a d o f information in society a n d into t h e w o r l d , i n p r a c t i c e lead t o m o r e p r i v a t e appropriation a n d greater inequality i n t h e u s a g e o f it?

Backgrounds of Increasing Information Inequality T h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n is p e r c e i v a b l e i n a large n u m b e r o f p r o b l e m s o f t h e i n f o r m a ­ tion society w h i c h a p p e a r t o b e difficult t o solve. T a k e t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e right o f intellectual a n d m a t e r i a l p r o p e r t y in t h e context o f I C T (authors rights, c o p y ­ right, safety o f p a y m e n t ) a n d t h e right o f p r i v a c y . T h e difficulty o f t h e s e p r o t e c ­ tions i n digital e n v i r o n m e n t s is b o t h a n e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e societalization o f information a n d t h e desire t o k e e p it in o u r o w n h a n d s . T h e t e n d e n c y o f societal­ ization is t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y s u p p o r t e d b y t h e ease o f distribution, registration a n d c o p y i n g b y digital m e d i a . H o w e v e r , in current ( W e s t e r n ) societies t h e r e a r e a n u m b e r o f strong c o u n t e r - t e n d e n c i e s s u p p o r t i n g t h e o p p o s i t e w a y , that is p r i v a t e

Widening Information Gaps

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appropriation. T h e first t e n d e n c y is a social-cultural o n e . It is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f p r o c e s s e s o f differentiation a n d individualization in ( p o s t ) m o d e r n society. I C T supports these p r o c e s s e s b e c a u s e its m o s t i m p o r t a n t m e d i u m , the c o m p u t e r , p r e - e m i n e n t l y is a d e v i c e to b e s e r v e d b y individuals, a l t h o u g h it is also able to c o n n e c t individuals in g r o u p s a n d c o m m u n i t i e s b y m e a n s o f n e t w o r k s . Socialcultural differentiation is also s u p p o r t e d b y c o m p u t e r s and n e t w o r k s b e c a u s e their u n i f o r m digital substructure helps to p r o d u c e a n d spread all k i n d s o f cultural arte­ facts in e v e r y quality a n d q u a n t i t y desired. S o , increasing i n f o r m a t i o n inequality m i g h t j u s t b e an a s p e c t o f g e n e r a l social-cultural differentiation a n d c h o i c e o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n society. H o w e v e r , t h e r e is m o r e , if w e l o o k a t a s e c o n d t e n d e n c y w h i c h is a p a r t o f current s o c i a l - e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t . It is the rising material inequality a n d differences o f i n c o m e s p e r c e i v a b l e in all W e s t e r n countries to s o m e d e g r e e since t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1980s. T h i s t e n d e n c y c a u s e s increasing u n e q u a l divisions o f m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s a n d in e x t r e m e cases e v e n an exclusion o r m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n o f s e g m e n t s o f t h e l o w e r social classes living o n welfare or m i n i m u m w a g e s . T h e m e a n s o f information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n are a part o f t h e s e r e s o u r c e s . In this case increasing i n f o r m a t i o n inequality m i g h t b e a c o n s e ­ q u e n c e o f rising relative costs o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n in general and t h e g o o d s a n d services o f I C T in particular, w h i l e t h e h o u s e h o l d b u d g e t is shrink­ ing o r r e m a i n s the s a m e . T h e third t e n d e n c y is a political o n e . It s e r v e s to tolerate rising m a t e r i a l inequalities. It is the p o l i c y o f privatization a n d stimulation o f the free m a r k e t e c o n o m y in m o s t c o u n t r i e s . It is leading to the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n o f formerly p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n facilities a n d the surge o f private e d u c a t i o n . Inevitably it e x p a n d s the o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f information inequality. F o r instance, a c o n s e q u e n c e m i g h t b e that p e o p l e w i t h l o w i n c o m e a n d l o w education w i l l u s e t h e c h e a p a n d s i m p l e content o n the Internet, w h i l e p e o p l e w i t h high i n c o m e a n d h i g h e d u c a t i o n will benefit from its e x p e n s i v e a n d a d v a n c e d content, j u s t like these g r o u p s p r e s e n t l y d o in t h e u s e o f c o m m e r c i a l b r o a d c a s t i n g . Finally, w e h a v e to m e n t i o n the continually diverging areas o f application of I C T . This technological t e n d e n c y originates from t h e multifunctional capacities o f c o m p u t e r s . T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t p r o p e r t y o f t h e s e d e v i c e s i s that they a r e ( r e ) p r o g r a m m a b l e for e x t r e m e l y diverging activities. O n e can u s e c o m p u t e r s not only for v e r y a d v a n c e d and difficult applications, b u t also for familiar and simple affairs. C o m p u t e r s are u s e d for c o m p l e x e c o n o m i c a n d political decisions and for high-level education. T h e y are also u s e d , m o s t often e v e n the s a m e c o m p u t e r s , for relatively simple actions like p a y i n g a n d receiving m o n e y , ordering p r o d u c t s , typ­ ing letters a n d p l a y i n g g a m e s . T h e multifunctionality o f I C T is m u c h m o r e e x t e n d e d than the functionalities o f old m e d i a like the p r e s s , broadcasting and the t e l e p h o n e . T h e press and b r o a d c a s t i n g o n l y h a v e information contents o f a dif­ ferent k i n d a n d level. T h e t e l e p h o n e allows all k i n d s o f interpersonal c o m m u n i c a ­ tion. T h e e x t e n d e d multifunctionality o f I C T is a neutral p r o p e r t y in its o w n right, b u t in particular c i r c u m s t a n c e s it offers m a n y m o r e opportunities t h a n less func­ tional m e d i a and t e c h n i q u e s to e x p a n d existing information inequalities. Such a c o m b i n a t i o n o f c i r c u m s t a n c e s is t h e k e y to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f present i n f o r m a t i o n inequality. W h e n t h e four t e n d e n c i e s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e c o m e t o g e t h e r and i n t e r w e a v e , as t h e y d o in t h e current era, t h e y p r o d u c e a force w h i c h easily

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i n d u c e s greater information inequality a n d is v e r y difficult to p r e v e n t w h e n this w o u l d b e desired.

An Evaluation of Present Information Inequality W h a t is w r o n g w i t h increasing differences a m o n g p e o p l e a n y w a y ? S o m e m i g h t p e r c e i v e a t o n e o f c o n c e r n a n d threat in this text. It s e e m s like it w o u l d b e the p r i m e p u r p o s e o f t h e a u t h o r t o h e l p e v e r y o n e , w i t h o u t exception, to h a v e access t o a c o m p u t e r a n d u s e it t o t h e m a x i m u m a s s o o n as possible. O f course, t h e fact that large parts o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e p e r s o n a l s h o r t c o m i n g s n o t h a v i n g a c o m ­ p u t e r or b e i n g able to c o m m a n d a c o m p u t e r or other electronic e q u i p m e n t , w o u l d b e a sufficient r e a s o n for w a n t i n g t o m a k e u p for these s h o r t c o m i n g s . Still, this is n o t t h e p r i m e m o t i v a t i o n a n d c o n c e r n e x p r e s s e d in this text. T o say it bluntly, u s i n g a c o m p u t e r or a n o t h e r n e w m e d i u m d o e s n o t necessarily m a k e o n e m o r e h a p p y . It is n o t e v e n sure that it gives o n e a better position in society, certainly n o t w h e n simple entertainment a n d repetitive w o r k o f data entry prevail. T h e considera­ tion here is primarily strategic. It is based o n a support o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t values o f civil society since the French revolution (freedom, equality a n d solidarity) a n d a s o b e r scientific analysis o f structural information inequalities g r o w i n g in net­ w o r k society (Castells, 1996, 1998; Schiller, 1996; v a n Dijk, 1 9 9 1 , 1994, 1997). T h e n e t w o r k society is an expression for a society shaped b y m o r e or less diffuse social n e t w o r k s increasingly supported a n d supplanted b y m e d i a n e t w o r k s gradu­ ally replacing the so-called m a s s society o f d e n s e gatherings o f p e o p l e w i t h pri­ m a r i l y face-to-face interactions ( v a n Dijk, 1999). In n e t w o r k society t h e positions p e o p l e take in m e d i a n e t w o r k s will b e decisive for their influence in taking deci­ sions o n all k i n d s o f social affairs. T o h a v e access t o this m e d i a , in all t h e senses described a b o v e , is absolutely vital for t h e participation in this society. H o w e v e r , it a p p e a r s to b e that t h e present u s e o f I C T is m u c h m o r e to the benefit o f t h e exist­ ing information elite, as it is to t h e rest o f society. T h e r e is e v e n a risk o f social a n d c o m m u n i c a t i v e exclusion o f g r o u p s already m a r g i n a l in society. O n c e again this is n o s i m p l e d i c h o t o m y , as in fact b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o sides o f society, t h e elite and the m a r g i n a l , the w h o l e s p e c t r u m o f positions, t a k e n b y the majority o f t h e W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s , is b e i n g stretched. T h i s g o e s for positions o n the l a b o u r m a r k e t , in education, in social-cultural life a n d in political participation (see A n d e r s o n et al., 1995). T h e s a m e g o e s for t h e d i c h o t o m y o b s e r v e d b y Castells ( 1 9 9 6 ) in t h e u s a g e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e t w o r k s . O n t h e o n e e n d h e describes t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a fairly h o m o g e n e o u s , globally operating elite u s i n g their net­ w o r k s a n d o t h e r m e d i a to appropriate, transmit a n d control capital a n d information w i t h o u t limits o f t i m e a n d p l a c e . A t t h e other e n d all k i n d s o f subordinate g r o u p s , m u c h m o r e tied to t i m e a n d p l a c e , are filling these resources a n d n e t w o r k s w i t h labour, data a n d increasingly h e t e r o g e n e o u s cultural e x p r e s s i o n s w i t h o u t h a v i n g any h o l d o n the market, t e c h n o l o g y a n d t h e w o r l d outside (Castells, 1996: 4 6 9 ) . T h e a s s u m p t i o n b e h i n d this analysis is certainly n o t that information inequality is a n e w p h e n o m e n o n . A s h a s b e e n said, this t y p e o f inequality h a s existed ever since t h e i n v e n t i o n o f w r i t i n g , at least. It is v e r y likely t o r e m a i n . P e r h a p s w e w i l l e v e n h a v e t o a c c e p t the fact t h a t information inequality will i n c r e a s e in t h e

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n e t w o r k society. It m i g h t b e a n i n e s c a p a b l e side-effect o f social a n d cultural differentiation. H o w e v e r , w e h a v e t o b e v e r y careful n o t t o let structural o r b a s i c inequalities arise w i t h i n a society a n d b e t w e e n societies. T h i s w o u l d certainly u n d e r m i n e political, social a n d cultural d e m o c r a c y a n d strip formal civil rights from their actual s u b s t a n c e . Structural inequality w o u l d a p p e a r w h e n o n t h e o n e h a n d , a n ' i n f o r m a t i o n e l i t e ' strengthens its p o s i t i o n , w h i l e o n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h o s e g r o u p s a l r e a d y living o n t h e m a r g i n s o f society b e c o m e e x c l u d e d from c o m m u ­ n i c a t i o n s in society b e c a u s e t h e s e a r e p r a c t i s e d in m e d i a t h e y d o n o t p o s s e s s or control. T h e differences b e c o m e structural w h e n t h e p o s i t i o n s p e o p l e o c c u p y in n e t w o r k s a n d o t h e r m e d i a d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r t h e y h a v e a n y influence o n d e c i ­ sions m a d e in s e v e r a l fields o f society. I n this c a s e e v e r y political, social a n d c u l ­ tural d e m o c r a c y w o u l d b e c o m e h o l l o w a n d citizen rights w o u l d b e e m p t i e d o f their s u b s t a n c e s . In fact w e w o u l d get first-, s e c o n d - a n d third-class citizens a n d digital d e m o c r a c y w o u l d t u r n from a hopeful d r e a m into a terrible n i g h t m a r e .

The Prevention of Structural Information Inequality So, it is possible to mitigate information inequality, b u t it is necessary to prevent structural inequality. B o t h require effective social and information policies. First o f all, they are a matter o f m a k i n g the right strategic choices a m o n g the conditions determining w h e t h e r p e o p l e are included or e x c l u d e d in the information society. F o r this p u r p o s e o n e c a n devise m o r e general a n d m o r e specific policies. T h e s e policies are not o n l y a matter for g o v e r n m e n t s and public aclministrations, b u t for the organizations o f civil society a n d socially responsible private corporations as well. First the general policies. T h e m o s t important action to b e taken is t h e real­ ization, in o n e w a y or another, o f a m i n i m u m o f provisions o f information a n d c o m ­ munication for e v e r y citizen, if n o t every inhabitant o f a particular country. T h e question is w h i c h information a n d facilities o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n e v e r y o n e should h a v e in an information society. Basic Resources In t h e first p l a c e it is a m a t t e r o f g i v i n g a c c e s s to t h e following b a s i c r e s o u r c e s o f information and communication elaborating policies of extension of universal service a n d m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f p u b l i c service i n a n i n f o r m a t i o n society character­ ized b y e c o n o m i c p r i v a t i z a t i o n a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l c o n v e r g e n c e . T h e q u e s t i o n is w h i c h information a n d facilities o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n e v e r y o n e s h o u l d h a v e in an information society. 1 Basic private and public communication connections, t o b e able to participate in society a n d social life generally. U n t i l n o w this function h a s b e e n realised t o a large d e g r e e b y t h e t e l e p h o n e a n d p r i n t e d m a i l (requiring u n i v e r s a l a c c e s s ) a l o n g w i t h face-to-face c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . In t h e n e w m e d i a e n v i r o n m e n t t h e existing u n i v e r s a l a c c e s s in t e l e p h o n y h a s t o b e e x t e n d e d t o electronic m a i l a n d a u d i o - v i s u a l c h a n n e l s o f b r o a d c a s t i n g in a short o r m e d i u m - t e r m ( A n d e r s o n et al., 1995; I n f o r m a t i o n S o c i e t y F o r u m , 1999). F o r t h e p r e s e n t p r a c t i c e o f digital d e m o c r a c y it m e a n s that n o r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s , l e g i t i m a c y o r d e c i s i v e n e s s c a n

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b e attached to t h e results o f its applications as long as there are not sufficient c o n n e c t i o n s at h o m e or at p r o x i m a t e p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s . 2 Public information and communication for a citizen w h o is s u p p o s e d to k n o w the law a n d able to participate in a d e m o c r a t i c society. In the n e w m e d i a e n v i ­ r o n m e n t t h e traditional m e a n s o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d the public administration h a v e to be e x t e n d e d to electronic sources. A s citizens h a v e the d u t y to k n o w t h e law a n d the right to inspection o f official d o c u m e n t s a d o p t e d b y p a r l i a m e n t s , c o u n c i l s , etc., all d o c u m e n t s c o n t a i n i n g l a w s and regulations o r decisions o f official b o d i e s a n d sources o f information u s e d for these decisions - paid o u t o f tax m o n e y ! - h a v e to b e supplied in electronic s h a p e for free or v e r y l o w prices: the p r i c e o f real extra costs o f electronic supply as a m a x i m u m . M o r e o v e r , citi­ z e n s m u s t be g i v e n the o p p o r t u n i t y to react to t h e m a l o n g electronic c h a n n e l s ( c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . In p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t i n g it h a s to b e safeguarded that all citizens k e e p access to a diversity o f s o u r c e s and feedback c h a n n e l s putting in m i n d the trends t o w a r d s n a r r o w c a s t i n g a n d p a y - T V . 3 Health communication e m e r g e n c y services.

and information,

for evident vital reasons, for e x a m p l e

4 Educational information and communication pulsory education.

as a logical c o n s e q u e n c e o f c o m ­

Basic Skills B e s i d e s these r e s o u r c e s basic skills of dealing w i t h t h e m are essential. T h e transformation o f these r e s o u r c e s in m e a n i n g f u l u s a g e opportunities is an i m p o r ­ tant capacity to a c q u i r e as w e l l . O f c o u r s e , o n e h a s to be able to c o m m a n d hard­ w a r e a n d software to a c h i e v e this. Still, it is not the m o s t i m p o r t a n t skill in this case. This is the capacity to search, select a n d p r o c e s s information from the fast g r o w i n g supply o f information and m e d i a . T h i s capacity is p e r h a p s the m o s t u n e q u a l l y distributed one a m o n g W e s t e r n p o p u l a t i o n s . Yet, it is decisive for the potential to live a n d w o r k in the information society. S c h o o l subjects o f informa­ tion a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n in general or m e d i a e d u c a t i o n will o n l y partly satisfy the n e e d for this potential. M u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t than these fairly m a r g i n a l subjects are the m a i n school subjects o f m a t h e m a t i c s and l a n g u a g e . T h e y will h a v e to b e partly t r a n s f o r m e d into c o u r s e s o f data p r o c e s s i n g and o f searching, selecting a n d p r o c e s s i n g information respectively. In t h e l a n g u a g e c o u r s e s m u c h m o r e atten­ tion s h o u l d b e g i v e n to t h e l a n g u a g e o f i m a g e s and to a u d i o - v i s u a l c o n t e n t s . M o r e specific policies for the p r e v e n t i o n of information inequality should con­ front the four h u r d l e s described in the m o s t direct w a y . L e t ' s m e n t i o n t h e policies required briefly. Basic skills in the command of electronic equipment, c o m p u t e r s in particular, are acquired first o f all in e v e r y d a y u s e s a n d in education. T h e integration o f learning c o m p u t e r skills in education, first o f all in the obligatory subjects, in adult education a n d in the m a s t e r y o f e q u i p m e n t at h o m e are t h e best w a y s forward. In t h e context o f the h o m e p e o p l e c a n also learn from e a c h other. T h e y o u n g and better-trained m a y teach their older and lesser-trained h o u s e h o l d

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m e m b e r s in practice. A c o m m o n u s e o f t h e s a m e e q u i p m e n t b y h o u s e - m a t e s m i g h t b e helpful against the c u r r e n t inclination to u s e t h e m a l o n e . H o w e v e r , m o s t i m p o r t a n t is the d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e technical i m a g e o f digital d e v i c e s . T h i s m i g h t h a p p e n w h e n m o r e user-friendly digital e q u i p m e n t is integrated in e v e r y d a y activities. T h e possession of and the access to computers and networks c a n b e s u p p o r t e d b y t h e distribution o f the four r e s o u r c e s o f p u b l i c infrastructure called a b o v e . T h e e x t e n s i o n o f u n i v e r s a l service a n d t h e m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f the offerings o f p u b l i c administration, b r o a d c a s t i n g a n d other p u b l i c information services in g e n e r a l will m o t i v a t e all p e o p l e in n e e d o f these services. It will i m p r o v e their c h a n c e s to p u r c h a s e t h e m s e l v e s t h e h a r d w a r e a n d software n e e d e d . U l t i m a t e l y , this h a s to h a p p e n in e v e r y h o u s e h o l d . T h e s u p p l y o f p r o v i s i o n s in p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s is o n l y a s e c o n d - b e s t solution, a l t h o u g h it offers better opportunities to g u i d e starting computer users. F o r the remainder, possession of and access to e q u i p m e n t are a matter o f general i n c o m e policies. T h e s e are m u c h m o r e p o p u l a r in E u r o p e t h a n in the U S . Y e t , b o t h o f t h e m h a v e s o m e p o l i c y for welfare, p o v e r t y a n d m i n i m u m w a g e s . H o w e v e r , the basic s u b s i s t e n c e level d e e m e d n e c e s s a r y in t h e s e p o l i c i e s is r u n ­ n i n g b e h i n d all k i n d s o f d e v e l o p m e n t s in m o d e r n society. T h e increasing part o f a v e r a g e h o u s e h o l d e x p e n d i t u r e s for c o m m u n i c a t i o n and m e d i a is n o t t a k e n into a c c o u n t at all. It follows that s o m e E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s w i t h relatively h i g h levels o f social welfare feel u r g e d to p r o v i d e the p e o p l e living o n welfare a n d the u n e m p l o y e d w i t h s u p p l e m e n t a r y benefits o f t e l e p h o n e c o n n e c t i o n s , daily n e w s p a p e r s and e v e n c o m p u t e r s w i t h Internet c o n n e c t i o n s (an e x p e r i m e n t in A m s t e r d a m in 1997). User-Friendliness and a More Equal Distribution of Usage Opportunities T h e user-friendliness o f hardware, software a n d operating instructions can i m p r o v e considerably yet. F o r c o m m e r c i a l reasons the industry concerned will certainly do this. H o w e v e r , this d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e users a n d their organizations (user groups, c o n s u m e r organizations and trade unions) will b e engaged in the design. This ideal - for m a n y concerned - has barely b e e n p u t into practice. It m e a n s , for instance, that users get the chance, in o n e w a y or another, to ' n e g o t i a t e ' about designs offered and to learn w h a t fits to their daily practice ( L e e u w i s , 1996). Unfortunately, it is still c o m m o n practice that suppliers reason too m u c h from the capacities of their o w n technical and e c o n o m i c supply and too less from the n e e d s and contexts of users. It follows that the u s a g e styles offered remain unattractive to exactly those parts o f the population with the lowest access to the n e w media. Finally, the lack o f m e a n i n g f u l u s a g e opportunities m i g h t also d i s a p p e a r w i t h increasing user-friendliness a n d the p e n e t r a t i o n o f n e w m e d i a in h o u s e h o l d s , schools and w o r k i n g p l a c e s . W h e n this h a p p e n s , the c h a n c e s o f an u n e q u a l dis­ tribution o f these opportunities g r o w a c c o r d i n g l y . T h i s c a n n o t b e prevented, and it d o e s n o t h a v e to b e p r e v e n t e d . W h a t m a t t e r s m o s t is the r e m o v a l o f stiffening structures systematically sticking particular parts of the p o p u l a t i o n to s o m e applications, in this case s o m e k i n d and level o f political participation, w h i l e other parts get t h e c h a n c e to c h o o s e e v e r y application. F o r e x a m p l e , this w o u l d

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h a p p e n w h e n t h e l o w e r social classes will only u s e t h e n e w m e d i a for cashing a n d p a y i n g electronic m o n e y , t e l e s h o p p i n g o r e n t e r t a i n m e n t at h o m e a n d s i m p l e d a t a entry o r a n e x e c u t i o n o f o t h e r c o m p u t e r tasks at w o r k . I n politics t h e y m i g h t practise k i n d s o f participation r e q u i r i n g t h e least skills a n d effort o r initiative ( a n s w e r i n g o p i n i o n p o l l s o r v o t i n g ) . I n t h e m e a n t i m e t h e h i g h e r social classes w o u l d p r i m a r i l y u s e t h e n e w m e d i a for t h e interpretation a n d utilization o f data in a d v a n c e d applications, for taking decisions at w o r k a n d for s u p p l e m e n t a r y p r o ­ fessional w o r k a n d e d u c a t i o n a l m u l t i m e d i a p r o g r a m m e s at h o m e . I n politics t h e y m i g h t b e t h e a b s o l u t e l y d o m i n a n t participants in electronic d i s c u s s i o n s , decision s u p p o r t s y s t e m s a n d t h e active contribution o f ideas, issues a n d c a n d i d a t e s . S u c h divisions a r e e x t r e m e l y difficult t o p r e v e n t . T h e y a r e d e e p l y e n t r e n c h e d in o u r societies a n d w a y s o f p r a c t i s i n g politics. T h e biggest m i s t a k e m a d e b y m a n y a d v o c a t e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y is t h e p r e s u m p t i o n that t h e technical features o f t h e n e w m e d i a ( b r e a k i n g p a r t i c u l a r limits o f t i m e , p l a c e a n d p h y s i c a l necessity) will solve f u n d a m e n t a l p r o b l e m s o f citizen participation in politics in their o w n right. T h e s e p r o b l e m s h a v e d e e p social, cultural a n d m e n t a l roots. T h e y c a n n o t e v e n b e s o l v e d b y specific information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n policies a l o n e . M u c h broader and generally supported policies would be needed. They would have to deal w i t h lifelong learning, m o b i l i t y o n t h e j o b , s c h e m e s o f j o b rotation, p o l i c i e s for e m p l o y m e n t a n d for t h e e m a n c i p a t i o n o f w o m e n a n d ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , t o m e n t i o n o n l y t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o n e s . W i t h r e g a r d t o politics it w o u l d m e a n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f sufficiently attractive m e a n s o f b o t h traditional a n d digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e y s h o u l d n o t r e q u i r e t o o m u c h skill a n d effort for a n a v e r a g e citizen. S i m u l t a n e o u s l y , t h e y s h o u l d n o t y i e l d t o o m u c h t o t h e a u d i o - v i s u a l w a y s o f p o p u l a r i z i n g politics b y m e a n s o f (electronic) g a m e s , contests, t a l k s h o w s a n d c o m m e r c i a l s . C h a l l e n g i n g structural information inequality in politics a n d society h a s t o b e a n integral part o f t h e s e g e n e r a l policies first o f all.

References Anderson, R., Bikson, T., Law, S.-A. and Mitchell, B . (eds) (1995) Universal Access to E-mail: Feasability and Societal Implications. Santa Monica, CA: RAND; http://www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR650 Arbitron New Media (1999) 'PC home ownership doubles while home usage stagnates reveals pathfinder study', http.7/www.arbitron.com/article4.htm Castells, M. (1996) The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol I: The Rise of the Network Society. Cambridge, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Castells, M. (1998) The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol III: End of Millennium. Cambridge, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell. CommerceNet/Nielsen Internet Demographics (1996-99) 'Recontact study March/April 1996', http://www.commerce.net/work/pilot/nielsen_96/exec.html Cyberatlas (1996-99) 'Internet demographics, usage patterns', http://www.cyberatlas.com/ demographics.html Doets, C. and Huisman, T. (1997) Digital Skills, The State of the Art in the Netherlands. 's-Hertogenbosch: CINOP; http://www.cinop.nl (English summary) Gaziano, C. (1983) "The knowledge gap: an analytical review of media effects', Communication Research, 10: 447-86. GVU Centre (1994-99) 1st-10th WWW User Surveys, Georgia University. http://www. gvu.gatech.edu/user_surveys/

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Information Society Forum (1999) 'Report 1997; working group 3, universal service and consumer protection', Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Leeuwis, C. (1996) 'Communication technologies for information-based services', in N. Jankowski and L. Hanssen (eds), The Contours of Multimedia, Luton: University of Luton Press/John Libbey Media. Nielsen Media Research (1996,1999) 'Home technology report 1996 and 1998', New York: Nielsen Media Research Interactive Services; http://www.nielsenmedia.com/news Pool, I. de Sola (1983) Technologies of Freedom. Harvard, MA: Belknap Press. Schiller, H. (1996) Information Inequality. The Deepening Social Crisis in America. New York/London: Routledge. Tichenor, P.J., Donohue, G. and Olien, C. (1970) 'Mass media flow and differentia] growth in knowledge', Public Opinion Quarterly, 34: 159-70. United Nations (1998) Human Development Report 1998. UN Development Programme. New York: Oxford University Press, van Dijk, J. (1991, 1994, 1997) De Netwerkmaatschappij: Sociale aspecten van nieuwe media, 1st, 2nd, 3rd edns. Houten: Both Stafleu van Loghum. van Dijk, J . (1997a) Nieuwe Media en Politiek. Informatie- en communicatietechnologie voor politici, ambtenaren en burgers (New Media and Politics, ICT for Politicians, Citizens and Civil Servants). Houten/Diegem: Bohn Stafleu van Loghum. van Dijk, J. (1997b) 'The reality of virtual communities', Trends in Communication 1997/1, New Media Developments: 3 9 - 6 1 . van Dijk, J. (1999) The Network Society, Social Aspects of New Media. London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: Sage, van Zoonen, L. (1994) Feminist Media Studies (Media, Culture and Society Series). London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: Sage.

11 Public Policies for Digital Democracy Michel Catinat and Thierry Vedel

D e v i s i n g a p u b l i c p o l i c y for a digital d e m o c r a c y m a y s o u n d surprising. Traditionally, t h e idea o f d e m o c r a c y i m p l i e s a limitation o f s t a t e ' s p o w e r s a n d e v o k e s m o r e a b o t t o m - u p p r o c e s s , in w h i c h individuals initiate action, t h a n p u b l i c intervention. S e c o n d l y , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f information s u p e r h i g h w a y s h a s illus­ trated a shift in t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s p o l i c i e s a n d m a r k e d a retreat o f the state. In all industrialized c o u n t r i e s , t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e information infrastructure is m a r k e t - l e d a n d should p r i m a r i l y d e p e n d o n private initiatives. Finally, t h e Internet, to w h i c h t h e n o t i o n o f digital d e m o c r a c y is intimately linked, m a y a p p e a r as an inherently d e m o c r a t i c m e d i u m b e c a u s e o f its structure a n d o f t h e principles o n w h i c h it functions. T h i s chapter a r g u e s that, in o r d e r t o o p e n the w a y t o a digital d e m o c r a c y , p u b l i c action is n e c e s s a r y . T h e m a r k e t p l a c e is n o t a l w a y s the best m e c h a n i s m to e n s u r e t h e basic v a l u e s associated t o t h e n o t i o n o f digital d e m o c r a c y (such as f r e e d o m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , e q u a l a c c e s s to i n f o r m a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ) . M o r e o v e r , technological c h a n g e s a r e a m b i v a l e n t a n d m a y lead to different k i n d s o f information society, m o r e or less d e m o c r a t i c . D e m o c r a t i c quality will largely d e p e n d o n h o w information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s ( I C T s ) are applied, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y o n h o w p u b l i c authorities are able t o frame their u s a g e . Y e t , if p u b l i c authorities h a v e a n i m p o r t a n t role t o p l a y in t h e s h a p i n g o f a digi­ tal d e m o c r a c y , this role d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y h a v e to a c q u i r e t h e s a m e forms that h a v e p r e v a i l e d in the past. B e s i d e s their traditional functions o f regulators, oper­ ators a n d s p o n s o r s , p u b l i c authorities are to invent n e w p o l i c y styles, m o r e flexi­ b l e a n d decentralized, to stimulate a b o t t o m - u p e m e r g e n c e o f digital d e m o c r a c y .

What is Digital Democracy about? The Notion of Digital Democracy T h e e x c h a n g e a n d free m o v e m e n t o f information h a s a l w a y s b e e n a k e y e l e m e n t in d e m o c r a c y . A s d e m o c r a c y m e a n s a political s y s t e m in w h i c h p e o p l e m a k e t h e basic d e c i s i o n s o n crucial m a t t e r s o f p u b l i c policy, the citizens in a d e m o c ­ racy, a s t h e u l t i m a t e decision m a k e r s , n e e d full or at least a lot o f information t o 1

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m a k e intelligent political c h o i c e s . D e m o c r a c y therefore r e q u i r e s f r e e d o m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h s e r v e s several p u r p o s e s . First, it h e l p s citizens to get a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f situations o n w h i c h they h a v e t o m a k e d e c i s i o n s . It h a s also a deliberative function b y a l l o w i n g citizens to d i s c u s s p u b l i c issues. Finally, it h a s a critical function: t h e m e d i a p l a y a role o f p e o p l e ' s w a t c h d o g a n d e n s u r e criti­ c i s m a n d e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e established p o w e r s . C o m m o n l y , d e m o c r a c y h a s often a subsidiary m e a n i n g c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e c o n c e p t o f equality. A d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m is o n e w h i c h p r o v i d e s citizens w i t h e q u a l opportunities. A l t h o u g h t h e n o t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y is r e a s o n a b l y clear, it t e n d s t o b e o b s c u r e d b y t h e diversity o f f o r m s it t a k e s . T o d a y , after t h e c o l l a p s e o f p e o p l e ' s d e m o c r a ­ cies in E a s t e r n E u r o p e , t h e d o m i n a n t form o f d e m o c r a c y is liberal d e m o c r a c y , in w h i c h the p o w e r o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t is limited a n d individual freedoms are p r o ­ tected. T h e s e f r e e d o m s ( o f s p e e c h , o f association, etc.) are r e g a r d e d as k e y ele­ m e n t s and necessary conditions t o d e m o c r a c y without w h i c h d e m o c r a c y could not exist at all. Additionally, b e s i d e s freedom a n d equality, m a n y other values are often associated to t h e idea o f d e m o c r a c y . D e m o c r a c y tends to b e an ideal s y s t e m w h i c h guarantees individual's a u t o n o m y , p r o m o t e s cultural diversity, protects minority g r o u p s , and ensures social justice. A s a result, t h e n o t i o n o f digital d e m o c r a c y c a n b e defined in different w a y s . In a n e u t r a l w a y , it c a n b e defined as e n c o m p a s s i n g all t h e u s e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y ( I C T ) w h i c h m i g h t affect a n d c h a n g e t h e func­ t i o n i n g o f a d e m o c r a c y - a n d m o r e especially t h e f u n d a m e n t a l o p e r a t i o n s o f e x p r e s s i n g o p i n i o n s , d e b a t i n g , v o t i n g , m a k i n g d e c i s i o n s . In a n o r m a t i v e p e r s p e c ­ tive, digital d e m o c r a c y c a n b e defined as a political s y s t e m in w h i c h t h e u s e o f ICT ensures democratic values. ICT might have two kinds of impact on democratic systems. They can be used t o correct failures o r i m p e r f e c t i o n s o f the current political s y s t e m , i n o r d e r to increase their d e m o c r a t i c quality w i t h o u t f u n d a m e n t a l l y c h a n g i n g their struc­ tures. Digital d e m o c r a c y is t h e n a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f representative, liberal d e m o c ­ r a c y , b u t w i t h a g r e a t e r participation o f citizens in p u b l i c affairs, a w i d e r a c c e s s o f social forces to p u b l i c d e b a t e s , a better accountability o f g o v e r n m e n t s . Digital d e m o c r a c y m a y also b e u n d e r s t o o d as a n e w a g e o f d e m o c r a c y w h i c h w i l l r e p l a c e t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d e m o c r a c y a n d establish a f o r m o f direct d e m o c r a c y . F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e r o l e s o f p a r l i a m e n t s , political parties, m e d i a s and, m o r e g e n e r a l l y o f all m e d i a t i n g structures a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n s , w o u l d b e d e e p l y c h a l l e n g e d . P u b l i c d e b a t e s w o u l d t a k e p l a c e w i t h i n fora w h i c h w o u l d trigger citizenship a n d a l l o w for direct participation o f p e o p l e in p u b l i c affairs t h r o u g h n e w p r o c e d u r e s . N e w relationships a m o n g citizens, a n d b e t w e e n citizens a n d g o v e r n m e n t s , w o u l d b e established. The Case for Public Intervention W h e r e a s f r e e d o m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a s a l w a y s b e e n c o n s i d e r e d as a k e y e l e ­ m e n t to d e m o c r a c y , it h a s a l w a y s b e e n h a m p e r e d b y a n u m b e r o f difficulties a n d biases: 2

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since the p r o v i s i o n a n d d i s s e m i n a t i o n o f information entail material a n d h u m a n costs, f r e e d o m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n d e p e n d s o n t h e financial capacities o f

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p e o p l e that are not equally spread over the society. A c c e s s to information is inequitably distributed according to i n c o m e ; the marketplace is often seen as the best m e c h a n i s m to ensure freedom of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b u t it often leads to the d o m i n a n c e of information b y large corporations; information in its r a w form does n o t necessarily enhance d e m o c r a c y , a n d is often useless to those w h o do not k n o w h o w to evaluate and value it. Informa­ tion n e e d s to b e placed in context. Information rights m u s t b e c o m p l e m e n t e d b y k n o w l e d g e rights w h i c h sustain the p u b l i c ' s access to the widest possible range o f interpretation, debate a n d explanation; information is n e v e r neutral; it e m b o d i e s national or social culture and the free flow o f information m a y lead to cultural d o m i n a t i o n or h o m o g e n i z a t i o n .

In order to tackle these difficulties, public authorities h a v e historically taken actions through m e d i a or c o m m u n i c a t i o n policies. A s the information society is changing the m e a n s through w h i c h information is carried, these policies h a v e to b e adapted. A n o t h e r a r g u m e n t for public intervention is linked to the fact that the imple­ mentation o f digital d e m o c r a c y will b e d e p e n d e n t o n the political e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h it takes place and o n t h e b a l a n c e o f p o w e r s a m o n g various social actors. I C T m a y b e u s e d in different w a y s . T h e y can lead to a surveillance society (Lyon, 1994), reinforce t h e interests of the m o s t powerful actors, and r e p r o d u c e the existing inequality in resources. T h e y can also b e u s e d to p r o m o t e m o r e active participation. Digital d e m o c r a c y could lead to a strong d e m o c r a c y , e.g. a society organized along egalitarian and participatory lines in w h i c h people are directly and effectively able t o take the decisions that shape their lives (Barber, 1984). It could also lead to a thin or w e a k d e m o c r a c y in w h i c h political participation is limited to periodic elections, influence o n important decisions is only indirect, and the public debate is not fully accessible to all. F o r this reason, public policies regarding the d e v e l o p m e n t o f information s u p e r h i g h w a y s are e x t r e m e l y impor­ tant: they condition the possible uses of I C T and their impact o n political s y s t e m s ; they also express the general will o f the society regarding its future and specific social concerns. A s in the past for other m e d i a a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n services, the e m e r g e n c e of the information society will b e the o u t c o m e o f the interplay a m o n g all social forces - business, civil society and g o v e r n m e n t . Public authorities h a v e a u n i q u e role to play. F i r m s can certainly d e v e l o p s o m e services that serve d e m o ­ cratic p u r p o s e s , but they will only d o so for profitable services. D e m o c r a c y is not in general a profit-making undertaking a n d s h o u l d not let the sole m a r k e t p l a c e or the Internet d e t e r m i n e t h e range of desirable democratic applications. M o r e o v e r , in their quest for profit, firms can b e t e m p t e d to develop services w h i c h limit or even threaten d e m o c r a c y . T h e d y n a m i c s o f civil society alone are also insufficient to reach a digital d e m o c r a c y . Threat to democratic values can originate from social groups. O n different occassions I C T h a v e b e e n u s e d b y n e o - N a z i groups to diffuse their ideas. I C T m i g h t allow s o m e well-organized minority groups to exert politi­ cal domination, for instance b y m a n i p u l a t i n g public forums. 3

T o s u m it u p , p u b l i c action is n e e d e d to d e v e l o p a digital d e m o c r a c y for t w o major r e a s o n s : first, to c o m p l e m e n t p r i v a t e action and p r o m o t e applications

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w h i c h a r e essential to d e m o c r a c y b u t m i g h t n o t b e p r o v i d e d b y t h e m a r k e t p l a c e ; s e c o n d l y , t o e n s u r e t h e r e s p e c t o f d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e s a n d a v o i d , limit o r fight against any p r a c t i c e s d e t r i m e n t a l to d e m o c r a c y w h i c h c a n s t e m from c o m m e r c i a l or political interests alike. In addition, p u b l i c authorities h a v e specific obligations r e g a r d i n g their o w n structures and functioning. A s a central actor in political s y s t e m s , they h a v e to take part in the advent o f digital d e m o c r a c y b y m o d e r n i z i n g their relationship to citizens a n d e n h a n c i n g their operating m o d e s .

Policy Issues Related to Digital Democracy W h i l e state action for digital d e m o c r a c y raises m a n y p r o b l e m s a n d i s s u e s , s o m e o f t h e m s e e m to be m o r e crucial to the extent that t h e y c o n d i t i o n a n y s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e y include: 4

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a c c e s s t o infrastructure a n d t o information services. If s o m e c a t e g o r i e s o f t h e population are d u r a b l y excluded, the possibility o f building digital d e m o c r a c y is j e o p a r d i z e d ;

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protection o f privacy. H a r m o f it m i g h t affect i n d i v i d u a l ' s a u t o n o m y and acceptance o f digital d e m o c r a c y ; access to p u b l i c information. It serves as a test to evaluate the c o m m i t m e n t o f t h e state t o establish digital d e m o c r a c y . P u b l i c authorities p r o c e s s a large a m o u n t o f information, and often data associated with t h e exercise o f citizen­ ship. If they are u n a b l e or u n w i l l i n g to guarantee a full access to public infor­ m a t i o n , there is little c h a n c e that digital d e m o c r a c y occurs.

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Equal Access to Information

Infrastructure

W h i l e t h e n u m b e r o f Internet users is g r o w i n g rapidly, s u r v e y s s h o w that access to the Internet is n o t equal neither g e o g r a p h i c a l l y , n o r socially a n d d e m o g r a p h i cally (see the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r in this b o o k ) . T h e Internet is p r i m a r i l y d e v e l o p i n g in industrialized countries, a l t h o u g h at different p a c e s . A m o n g s t industrialized countries, access to t h e Internet is n o t e q u a l a n d v a r i e s a c c o r d i n g to social g r o u p s . Internet users tend to b e h i g h l y e d u c a t e d , and well off; t h e y are p r e d o m i n a n t l y m a l e (in a ratio r a n g i n g from 2:3 to 9:10 d e p e n d i n g o n s u r v e y s ) . Infrastructural, financial a n d cultural obstacles still p r e v e n t large a m o u n t s o f p e o p l e a c c e s s i n g the Internet. In s o m e c o u n t r i e s , including large parts o f S o u t h A m e r i c a a n d Africa, c o m m u n i c a t i o n infrastructures are u n d e r d e v e l o p e d or e v e n non-existent. T h e cost o f e q u i p m e n t a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s also p l a y s a role. W h i l e the price o f P C s h a s dramatically d r o p p e d d o w n o v e r the last 5 y e a r s and is n o w similar to the price o f T V sets (from about 6 0 0 E u r o s ) , P C s are still t o o e x p e n s i v e for b r o a d parts o f the p o p u l a t i o n . B r o w s i n g the Internet includes local t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n costs, w h i c h , in the a b s e n c e o f flat rates in m o s t o f the E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s , represent a high part o f the cost o f Internet u s a g e . T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization h a s u p to n o w h a d little impact o n local telecommunication tariffs, but this could b e a ques­ tion o f t i m e . T o o h i g h costs o f Internet access h a v e resulted in different forms o f dissatisfaction, i n c l u d i n g strikes o f u s a g e . M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , Internet p e n e t r a t i o n is s l o w e d d o w n b y cultural factors. A l t h o u g h P C s are n o w user-friendly in c o m ­ parison to p r e v i o u s g e n e r a t i o n s and the W e b h a s m a d e the u s e o f t h e Internet

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m u c h easier, b r o w s i n g a n d p r o c e s s i n g information services r e m a i n a difficult t a s k for m o s t p e o p l e . It r e q u i r e s basic skills - t o start w i t h t h e ability t o r e a d , not t o m e n t i o n m o r e sophisticated o n e s - such as t h e ability to deal w i t h hyper-text o r t o d o k e y w o r d s search. 5

S u c h a situation c o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d as t e m p o r a r y . O n e c o u l d e x p e c t that in t h e l o n g - t e r m , technical p r o g r e s s , p r o d u c t i v i t y g a i n s , a n d c o m p e t i t i o n altogether will lead t o i m p r o v e d , totally n e w m a n - m a c h i n e interfaces, a n d c h e a p rates. M o r e o v e r , future g e n e r a t i o n s o f u s e r s , w h o will h a v e g r o w n u p a n d b e e n edu­ cated in a digital e n v i r o n m e n t , will likely b e m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h t h e Internet. F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , p u b l i c authorities m i g h t b e inclined n o t t o t a k e a n y specific m e a s u r e s t o e n l a r g e c i t i z e n s ' a c c e s s to t h e Internet, b e s i d e s l o o s e n i n g regulations a n d s t r e n g t h e n i n g c o m p e t i t i o n . U n i v e r s a l a c c e s s to t h e information society w o u l d b e a question o f t i m e , n o t a p u b l i c p o l i c y issue. Just as t h e p e n e ­ tration o f T V t o o k several d e c a d e s t o finally r e a c h e v e r y h o u s e h o l d , in t h e s a m e w a y , t h e Internet w o u l d finally r e a c h e v e r y h o u s e h o l d . Y e t , this p o i n t o f v i e w c a n b e c h a l l e n g e d for t w o r e a s o n s . C o m p e t i t i o n can certainly l o w e r financial a n d m a t e r i a l obstacles, b u t it is doubtful that t h e m a r k e t ­ place will o v e r c o m e cultural inequalities vis-a-vis information services. F r e e o r c h e a p a c c e s s t o t h e Internet is n o t sufficient t o g u a r a n t e e e q u a l a c c e s s to t h e Internet a n d therefore p u b l i c action is n e e d e d n o t a b l y t o i m p r o v e skills o f p e o p l e ( v a n Dijk, 1997). S e c o n d l y , current inequalities m i g h t b e particularly difficult to deal w i t h . T h e g a p b e t w e e n information rich a n d information poor, b e t w e e n h a v e s a n d h a v e - n o t s , c o u l d b e c o m e structural. T h e first u s e r s o f information services c o u l d enjoy d e c i s i v e a d v a n t a g e s o v e r t h e latter u s e r s a n d b u i l d u p a per­ m a n e n t d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e m . P u b l i c action is t h e n n e c e s s a r y so as to give e v e r y citizen t h e s a m e opportunities a n d assets. 6

Privacy Invasion o f p r i v a c y h a s long b e e n recognized as o n e o f t h e major political issues raised b y I C T d e v e l o p m e n t . K e v i n R o b i n s a n d F r a n k W e b s t e r suggested t h a t I C T - particularly in t h e form o f a n integrated electronic grid - could p e r m i t a m a s ­ sive extension a n d transformation o f P a n o p t i c principles (as described b y B e n t h a m and later o n b y F o u c a u l t - see G a n d y , 1993). W i t h the information revolution, t h e social totality w o u l d c o m e to function a s a hierarchical a n d disciplinary m a c h i n e for surveillance ( R o b i n s a n d W e b s t e r , 1988). Privacy invasion is contrary to t h e v e r y idea o f d e m o c r a c y . D e m o c r a c y s u p p o s e s a limitation o f state p o w e r s a n d a protection o f individual freedoms. If t h e state is able to control a n d m o n i t o r citi­ zens, this m i g h t h a v e a ' c h i l l i n g ' effect o n expression ( R a a b , 1997). T h e p e r s p e c ­ tive o f a digital d e m o c r a c y creates n e w risks to a n o n y m i t y a n d p r i v a c y . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f online g o v e r n m e n t a l services o p e n s possibilities o f intrusion b y third parties in t h e personal information held b y public administrations. B u r e a u ­ cracies m a y also b e led to e x c h a n g e files a b o u t individuals. Digital d e m o c r a c y , rather t h a n t r a n s p a r e n c y o f p u b l i c action, c o u l d result i n a tighter social control. T h e fear o f a surveillance society is n o t n e w b u t t h e Internet m a k e s it m u c h m o r e a c u t e ( L y o n , 1994). E v e r y t i m e u s e r s log o n to a W e b site, t h e y e x p o s e t h e m s e l v e s a n d their c o m p u t e r s t o d a t a - m i n i n g : information a b o u t their favourite

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sites; their c o n t r i b u t i o n s to n e w s g r o u p s ; the orders t h e y m a d e t h r o u g h specialized e l e c t r o n i c - c o m m e r c e sites c a n b e collected, sorted out, a n d c o m p i l e d w i t h other d a t a b a s e s . B e s i d e s search e n g i n e s (to w h i c h u s e r s c o m m u n i c a t e the topics t h e y are interested in), different t e c h n i q u e s exist to collect p e r s o n a l data. S o m e o f t h e m i m p l y an implicit c o n s e n t from u s e r s : b y filling in a q u e s t i o n n a i r e a n d a l l o w i n g their p e r s o n a l data to b e m o n i t o r e d , u s e r s are g r a n t e d free a c c e s s to the Internet or to e n h a n c e d i n f o r m a t i o n services. O t h e r t e c h n i q u e s - such as c o o k i e s o r chips included in m i c r o p r o c e s s o r s - a r e i m p l e m e n t e d w i t h o u t t h e k n o w l e d g e and agreement of users. Several p r o b l e m s arise from the collection o f p e r s o n a l data t h r o u g h t h e Internet a n d o t h e r I C T . First, u s e r s a r e n o t a l w a y s a w a r e o f this p r a c t i c e a n d are n o t a s k e d w h e t h e r t h e y a c c e p t to reveal p i e c e s o f their p r i v a c y . S e c o n d l y , u s e r s d o not a l w a y s k n o w for w h a t p u r p o s e a n d w h o w i l l u s e their p e r s o n a l data. D a t a col­ lected b y a g i v e n o p e r a t o r are often sold to a third party. Finally, the c o m m e r ­ cialization o f p e r s o n a l data raises an e q u i t y p r o b l e m : w h i l e s o m e users will be rich e n o u g h to afford to p a y for e n h a n c e d information services, others will h a v e to accept i n f o r m a t i o n - m o n i t o r i n g to access t h e s a m e services ( R e i n g o l d , 1993). Information-rich and i n f o r m a t i o n - p o o r will not h a v e the s a m e right to p r i v a c y . Protection against privacy invasion can b e left to self-regulation or to the market­ p l a c e . It can b e a r g u e d that, if citizens are c o n c e r n e d about their privacy, they will primarily u s e services protecting privacy. In addition, a n u m b e r of technical tools c a n be i m p l e m e n t e d b y users to protect their c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d information. Providers c a n a d o p t c o d e s o f conduct. H o w e v e r , it is also necessary that s o m e principles a n d standards are e m b o d i e d in l a w s and regulations and m a d e m a n d a ­ tory. If not, there is a risk that a m a r k e t - d r i v e n or a self-regulation a p p r o a c h will ration the right to p r i v a c y a c c o r d i n g to p e r s o n a l i n c o m e or k n o w l e d g e .

Access to Information and Content Issues In a digital d e m o c r a c y , a c c e s s to information c a n n o t b e limited to technical or e c o n o m i c issues, b u t s h o u l d also focus o n t h e k i n d o f information a n d c o n t e n t w h i c h is n e c e s s a r y to p r o m o t e digital citizenship. Ideally, a digital d e m o c r a c y s h o u l d p r o v i d e diversity o f c o n t e n t a n d quality information with h i g h cultural v a l u e , n o t i o n s w h i c h a r e n o t e a s y to define. H o w e v e r , it is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d that citizens s h o u l d at least h a v e full a c c e s s to public data w h i c h inform t h e m about their g o v e r n m e n t s . In the past, t h e right o f a c c e s s to p u b l i c data h a s often b e e n restricted for t w o r e a s o n s . Politically, t h e p h i l o s o p h y o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d e m o c r a c y m a k e s the g o v ­ e r n m e n t a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e p a r l i a m e n t a l o n e , a n d n o t d i r e c t l y to t h e c i t i z e n s . In addition, g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e n o t w i l l i n g to disclose information about their inter­ nal functioning. A s a result, w h e n a right o f access to p u b l i c data w a s r e c o g n i z e d it w a s often limited t o d o c u m e n t s i n v o l v i n g r e q u e s t e r s directly and p e r s o n a l l y a n d e x e m p t i o n s to t h e right o f access in o r d e r to protect the interest o f t h e state w e r e established. T h e d i s s e m i n a t i o n o f p u b l i c data w a s a l s o , a n d m o r e s i m p l y , h a m p e r e d b y m a t e r i a l factors. It w a s costly and r e s o u r c e - c o n s u m i n g to m a k e p u b l i c data available. H o w e v e r , the d e v e l o p m e n t o f X e r o x c o p y i n g a l l o w e d m o r e active d i s s e m i n a t i o n policies in the 1970s a n d t h e 1980s, e x a c t l y w h e n m a n y

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E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s a d o p t e d l a w s w i d e n i n g o r establishing rights o f a c c e s s t o p u b l i c data. P u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s also b e c a m e a w a r e that a c o m m e r c i a l d e m a n d for s o m e p u b l i c data e x i s t e d a n d t h e y c o u l d sell t h e m . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e Internet is structurally c h a n g i n g policies r e g a r d i n g t h e a c c e s s to p u b l i c information in a n u m b e r o f w a y s . It m a k e s t h e distribution o f p u b l i c information m a t e r i a l l y m u c h easier a n d less costly. T h e Internet, a n d m o r e g e n e r a l l y t h e c o n c e p t o f the information society, introduce in t h e political s y s t e m n e w v a l u e s s u c h as t r a n s p a r e n c y . H o w e v e r , c h a n g e in p u b l i c data p o l i c i e s h a s also b e e n s p u r r e d b y o t h e r factors. R e p r e s e n t a t i v e d e m o c r a c y in its traditional f o r m is increasingly c h a l l e n g e d , a n d citizens d e m a n d m o r e participation in p u b l i c affairs, i n c l u d i n g n e w forms o f accountability a n d control o f g o v e r n m e n t s . S e c o n d l y , in a context o f p u b l i c b u d g e t s cutting, g o v e r n m e n t s started u s i n g e l e c ­ tronic d e v i c e s m o r e intensively as a m e a n s t o r e d u c e costs a n d t o m a k e m o n e y . T h e protection o f intellectual p r o p e r t y rights ( I P R ) is a n o t h e r delicate issue for w h i c h p u b l i c authorities c a n p l a y a crucial role. T w o conflicting interests b e t w e e n right o w n e r s a n d u s e r s clash w i t h e a c h other, b u t n e e d to b e r e c o n c i l e d in order t o e n s u r e s m o o t h d e m o c r a t i c activities. O n t h e o n e side, creativity a n d i n n o v a t i o n m u s t n o t o n l y d e v e l o p freely, b u t also b e protected, n o t a b l y w h e n c o m m e r c i a l issues a r e at stake. T h e sophisticated legislation w h i c h h a s b e e n i m p l e m e n t e d for d e c a d e s in t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n a n d the U S A to protect creators a n d i n n o v a t o r s m u s t n o w b e a d a p t e d t o a digital e n v i r o n m e n t . O n t h e o t h e r side, c r e a t i o n a n d i n n o v a t i o n a r e a collective asset for society; their b r o a d diffusion triggers n e w activities a n d e n r i c h e s t h e cultural a n d technical heritage o f d e m o ­ cracy. A c c e s s to creation a n d i n n o v a t i o n h a s t h u s to b e fairly facilitated (as it h a s b e e n in t h e p a s t w h e n legal e x e m p t i o n s t o c o p y r i g h t s w e r e g r a n t e d t o a l l o w free o f c h a r g e a c c e s s for s c h o o l s , libraries, r e s e a r c h centres or j o u r n a l i s t s ) . T h e a d v e n t o f t h e information a g e - a n d in p a r t i c u l a r t h e availability o f n e w tools a l l o w i n g c o m p u t e r s to r e p r o d u c e w o r k s a n d deliver t h e m t o u s e r s w i t h rapidity, e a s i n e s s , quality a n d l o w c o s t - is r a i s i n g n e w c h a l l e n g e s to p u b l i c authorities. T h e w a y t h e current b a l a n c e b e t w e e n o w n e r s o f rights a n d u s e r s will e v o l v e is e x t r e m e l y difficult t o foresee. T h e easiness o f c i r c u m v e n t i n g intellec­ tual rights as s o o n as t h e c o n t e n t is digital a n d t h e capability to e s c a p e n a t i o n a l l a w s b y t a k i n g a d v a n t a g e o f t h e g l o b a l n a t u r e o f n e t w o r k s lead s o m e o b s e r v e r s to a r g u e that digital d e m o c r a c y will b e p r o g r e s s i v e l y free o f a n y digital intellectual p r o p e r t y rights. H o w e v e r , n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s , in particular t h e so-called ' t r u s t e d s y s t e m s ' , are b e i n g d e v e l o p e d a n d w o u l d a l l o w right o w n e r s t o control a c c e s s t o their digital w o r k a u t o m a t i c a l l y , selectively a n d quite efficiently (Catinat, 1998). W h i c h t r e n d s will d o m i n a t e is currently unclear. F o r p u b l i c authorities, t h e c h a l ­ l e n g e is to p r e s e r v e a fair b a l a n c e o f interests, a n d for t h e legislator to e s c a p e t h e risk that t e c h n o l o g y p r e v a i l s o v e r legislation a n d p o l i c y objectives.

Forms of Public Authorities' Action T h e p u b l i c a c t i o n to p r o m o t e a digital d e m o c r a c y c a n b e p u r s u e d t h r o u g h a v a r i ­ e t y o f m e a n s : regulation, s u p p o r t ( s u b s i d i e s , training, e d u c a t i o n ) , direct interven­ tion a n d finally c a t a l y s i n g effort.

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TABLE 11.1 Policy issues related to digital democracy and possible forms of public action Access to infrastructure

Regulation Universal service policies.

Sponsoring Plans to equip schools. Free access in public places. Subsidies to equipment.

Operator Local authorities as IAP. Free access in public places (libraries, etc)

Access to information

Right of access. Definition of essential public data.

Training, education. Communication vouchers.

On-line provision of public data, public kiosks.

Freedom of expression

Constitutional Laws.

Subsidies to associations. Training.

Free hosting. provision of services aimed at public debate.

Privacy

Protection of privacy codes. Obligation of consent.

Support to civil liberties associations.

Anonymizer.

Content diversity

Cross-ownership restrictions, quotas.

Subsidies to specific information providers.

Public service providers offering specific contents.

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Public Authorities as Regulator W h i l e for t h e c o u n t r i e s that m e t at t h e G 7 ministerial c o n f e r e n c e o n t h e i n f o r m a ­ t i o n society in B r u s s e l s in F e b r u a r y 1 9 9 5 , t h e e m e r g e n c e o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society is b a s i c a l l y a m a r k e t - d r i v e n p h e n o m e n o n , it n e v e r t h e l e s s r e q u i r e s from g o v e r n m e n t s a n e w r e g u l a t o r y e n v i r o n m e n t a n d t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f safe­ g u a r d s . S c h e m a t i c a l l y different c a s e s h a v e t o b e dealt w i t h . First, r e g u l a t o r y a n d legal f r a m e w o r k s h a v e t o b e a d a p t e d t o t h e n e w digital c o n t e x t b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e d e s i g n e d a t a t i m e w h e n activities m a i n l y c o n c e r n e d p h y s i c a l p r o d u c t s . S e c o n d l y , t h e u s e o f I C T magnifies issues a n d m a k e s t h e m drastically m o r e sensitive. S u c h is t h e case o f p r i v a c y b e c a u s e o f t h e e a s e o f g a t h e r i n g , p r o c e s s i n g a n d e x p l o i t i n g p e r s o n a l data c o m m e r c i a l l y . T h e n e e d for n e w relations b e t w e e n p u b l i c authorities a n d t h e citizens is a n o t h e r e x a m p l e w h e r e I C T a l l o w s for interactivity a n d citi­ z e n s ' e m p o w e r m e n t . Finally, entirely n e w issues e m e r g e a n d h a v e t o b e t a c k l e d t h r o u g h n e w rules: liability o f Internet service p r o v i d e r s relative t o illegal o r harmful c o n t e n t p r o v i s i o n a l l y c o p i e d in their c o m p u t e r s ( ' c a c h i n g ' ) h a s for e x a m p l e t o b e clarified. T h e action p l a n s for r e g u l a t o r y a n d legal a d a p t a t i o n are b u r d e n s o m e in m o s t O E C D c o u n t r i e s . H o w e v e r , t h e y are quite similar in t e r m s o f a g e n d a a n d objectives a n d deal w i t h the s a m e issues. Universal service U n i v e r s a l service regulation is i m p o r t a n t for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f digital d e m o c r a c y in that it m a y g u a r a n t e e a n d e a s e t h e a c c e s s t o i n f o r m a t i o n infrastructure. I n t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n , u p t o t h e 1990s, u n i v e r s a l s e r v i c e h a d n o g e n u i n e legal statute. H o w e v e r , w i t h t h e p r o g r e s s i v e l y increasing p e n e t r a t i o n o f t e l e p h o n y s e r v i c e , m o s t m e m b e r states r e q u i r e d their n a t i o n a l m o n o p o l y t o p r o v i d e v o i c e t e l e p h o n y t o a n y b o d y r e q u e s t i n g it w h a t e v e r h i s location. I n t h e U S A , prior to t h e 1996 T e l e c o m Act, the situation w a s v e r y similar. T h e universal

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service concept w a s inherited from the past a n d likened to access to the local p h o n e service at r e a s o n a b l e rates. Its definition resulted from practice m o r e than legal obligation and it w a s i m p l e m e n t e d ' t h r o u g h a p a t c h w o r k quilt o f implicit and explicit s u b s i d i e s ' , as stated b y the F C C itself. 8

W h e n the E u r o p e a n T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n C o u n c i l decided in N o v e m b e r 1995 to c o m p l e t e l y o p e n u p to c o m p e t i t i o n E u r o p e a n t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t s from 1 J a n u a r y 1998 o n w a r d s , the p r o v i s i o n o f universal service w a s r e g a r d e d as a n e c e s s a r y safeguard for the full t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization. This decision to b a l a n c e m a r k e t forces and social c o n c e r n s w a s based o n t w o m a i n a c k n o w ­ l e d g e m e n t s : first, t h e m a r k e t forces a l o n e could n o t ensure provision o f basic t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n services to e v e r y o n e from e v e r y w h e r e ; secondly, and m o r e fundamentally, the lack o f universal service w o u l d create u n a c c e p t a b l e discrimi­ nation a m o n g s t the E u r o p e a n citizens in an e m e r g i n g information society w h e r e access to information is b e c o m i n g an essential condition o f life. F o r the C o u n c i l o f E u r o p e a n M i n i s t e r s , u n i v e r s a l service w a s a w a y to p e r m i t ' a c c e s s to a defined m i n i m u m service o f specified quality to all u s e r s e v e r y w h e r e and, in the light o f specific national c o n d i t i o n s , at an affordable p r i c e ' . Politically, universal service has b e e n r e g a r d e d as an effective m e a n s to avoid a ' t w o - t i e r - s o c i e t y ' w h e r e s o m e ' h a v e s ' w o u l d h a v e b e e n able to fully profit from the opportunities created b y the information society and s o m e ' h a v e - n o t s ' w o u l d h a v e b e e n u n a b l e , u n w i l l i n g or e x c l u d e d from access to the n e w possibilities. 9

In the U S A , the s a m e political thrust has b e e n g i v e n to universal service. F o r the Clinton administration, m a r k e t forces are indeed the k e y driver. B u t they are nevertheless to be t e m p e r e d b y safeguards, in particular, b y the p r o v i s i o n o f universal service that is c o n s i d e r e d as a prerequisite to any liberalization deci­ sion. This statement has raised no c o n t r o v e r s y in t h e U S A hitherto. T h e first report o f the N i l T a s k F o r c e entitled ' T h e N a t i o n a l Information Infrastructure: A g e n d a for A c t i o n ' , w h i c h l a u n c h e d the Ν Π p o l i c y i m p l e m e n t a t i o n in late 1993, m a d e it clear that the p r o v i s i o n o f universal service w a s o n e out o f nine basic principles g u i d i n g t h e N i l policy: ' E x t e n d t h e universal service c o n c e p t to ensure that information r e s o u r c e s are available to all at affordable p r i c e s ' . T h e T e l e c o m A c t p r o m u l g a t e d in 1996 h a s taken into a c c o u n t this political willingness to guar­ antee universal service. In its section 2 5 4 ( b ) , it establishes principles o n w h i c h the U S p o l i c y should be b a s e d to p r e s e r v e and a d v a n c e universal service o n the basis o f seven principles including quality a n d affordability, access t o a d v a n c e d services, specific m e a s u r e s for rural, insular and high-cost areas as well as schools, health care and libraries. B o t h in the E U a n d in the U S A , the definition of the c o n c e p t o f universal h a s raised a debate in w h i c h t w o positions conflicted: either to adopt a broad, forwardlooking definition, but w i t h the risk o f e n d i n g u p w i t h users p a y i n g for services they d o n ' t u s e and deterring entry o f c o m p e t i t o r s b e c a u s e o f too d e m a n d i n g r e q u i r e m e n t s ; or to adopt a limited, traditional definition w i t h the c o n s e q u e n c e o f failing to p r o v i d e services n e c e s s a r y to live in the information society. O n both sides o f the Atlantic, solution w a s to agree o n an e v o l v i n g concept, starting w i t h a n a r r o w c o n c e p t to be b r o a d e n e d p r o g r e s s i v e l y w i t h t e c h n o l o g i c a l p r o g r e s s and c h a n g e s in n e e d s and expectations o f citizens. B o t h in the E U a n d t h e U S A , the

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c o n c e p t o f u n i v e r s a l service is therefore intended to deeply c h a n g e in n a t u r e a n d s c o p e , as t h e information society is d e v e l o p i n g . Universal service should not only ensure access from a n y w h e r e to voice tele­ p h o n y as previously, but it should also ensure access to telecommunication and information services b y a n y b o d y at an affordable price. ' B y a n y b o d y at an afford­ able price' m a k e s all the difference: anybody, whatever his/her abilities or disabili­ ties, and w h a t e v e r his/her social and e c o n o m i c situation, should be able to afford it. T h i s e v o l v i n g definition, a l t h o u g h w i s e a n d p r a g m a t i c , raises its o w n p r o b ­ l e m s . T h e private actors subject to universal service obligations n e e d a certain d e g r e e o f certainty a n d t e m p o r a l stability against w h i c h they will m a k e their i n v e s t m e n t decisions. C o n s e q u e n t l y a n d p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the risk o f a s u p p o s e d l y e v o l v i n g c o n c e p t is likely to result in a particularly l o w e v o l u t i o n o f the concept. M o r e importantly, it c a n be c o n s i d e r e d that this e x c e p t i o n a l a n d u n i q u e o p p o r t u ­ nity o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization to trigger access o f e v e r y b o d y to a d v a n c e d services h a s b e e n w a s t e d . Indeed, the current implementation o f the universal service concept fell short o f declared political objectives. Its scope failed to b e as forward-looking and innova­ tive as expected. A t the E u r o p e a n level, the V o i c e T e l e p h o n y Directive (adopted b y the E u r o p e a n Parliament and the Council in D e c e m b e r 1995) has only m a d e bind­ ing for universal service obligations w h a t w a s explicitly d o n e previously in m o s t of t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n : the provisions o f voice telephony service via a fixed c o n n e c ­ tion, operator assistance, public p a y p h o n e s , and e m e r g e n c y and directory enquiry. T h e r e is neither explicit requirement o n affordability, nor obligation o n b a n d w i d t h or o n adequate services for certain groups of c u s t o m e r s at the E u r o p e a n level, for e x a m p l e text-phones for the deaf. In the U S A b y comparison, the universal service concept is broader. It c o m p r i s e s voice grade access to the public switched network, e m e r g e n c y services, operator services and directory assistance as in the E U , but also touch-tone services, the so-called 'lifeline and link u p ' services, n a m e l y reduc­ tions of p h o n e and connection charges for qualified l o w - i n c o m e c o n s u m e r s , as well as universal service support for eligible schools, libraries and rural health care providers. H o w e v e r there is actually n o general obligation to provide universal service, except for the i n c u m b e n t regional telecommunication o p e r a t o r s but incentives through different types o f explicit or implicit budgetary support a n d conditions to b e respected for eligibility to universal service support. 10

F o r t u n a t e l y m a r k e t s concretized w h a t politicians w a n t e d to do b y e n l a r g i n g the universal service legally. M o s t o f the i m p r o v e m e n t has resulted from m a r k e t forces: t h e d e c r e a s e in rates from t o u g h e r c o m p e t i t i o n h a s raised penetration, quality and diversity o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n services. Liberalization h a s therefore b e e n an efficient tool for b r o a d e n i n g t h e p r o v i s i o n o f universal service for voice t e l e p h o n y services and, t h r o u g h it, for a lot o f other services such as fax services a n d Internet a c c e s s . H o w e v e r , the situation a l t h o u g h i m p r o v e d is n o t satisfactory. M a n y services, in particular the a c c e s s to the Internet or e-mail services, r e m a i n n o t affordable to e v e r y b o d y . T h e appraisal h a s thus to b e mitigated: in the current e x c e p t i o n a l situation o f a w a r e n e s s about t h e potentialities o f the information society, t i m e w a s ripe for an a m b i t i o u s definition of universal service. T h i s o p p o r t u n i t y w a s n o t fully seized.

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Competition and pluralism Liberalization o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n in r e c e n t y e a r s w a s c o n s i d e r e d t o b e a n effective m e a n s to i m p r o v e a c c e s s t o information b y e v e r y citizen. In spite o f their g o a l s , t h e liberalization o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t s followed different p a t h s in E u r o p e a n d in t h e U S A . I n E u r o p e , it w a s a l o n g a n d c o n t i n u o u s p r o c e s s started in 1984, w h e r e a s , in t h e U S A , it w a s a d i s ­ c o n t i n u o u s p r o c e s s p u n c t u a t e d w i t h t w o m a j o r t u r n i n g p o i n t s : t h e A T & T divesti­ t u r e in 1984, t h e n t h e T e l e c o m A c t in F e b r u a r y 1996. T h e E u r o p e a n a p p r o a c h t o liberalization also significantly differs from t h e A m e r i c a n o n e for historical r e a ­ s o n s . In E u r o p e , t h e initial situation w a s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y t h e j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f t e c h n i c a l l y different n a t i o n a l n e t w o r k s , w h e r e a s t h e A m e r i c a n m a r k e t w a s inte­ g r a t e d b y t h e p r e v i o u s d o m i n a n c e o f A T & T . E u r o p e h a d to integrate t o create competition; t h e U S h a d to disintegrate to strengthen competition. F o r this reason, t h e E u r o p e a n a p p r o a c h h a s a l w a y s struck a b a l a n c e b e t w e e n liberalization a n d h a r m o n i z a t i o n . E u r o p e a n t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization h a s b e e n a c c o m ­ p a n i e d b y s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n p o l i c y t o e n s u r e interoperability, m u t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n t o create the internal m a r k e t , a n d r u l e s for access t o n e t w o r k s in o r d e r to p r o m o t e c o m p e t i t i o n (the so-called O p e n N e t w o r k P r o v i s i o n ) . W h a t e v e r t h e m e t h o d s , m a r k e t liberalization h a s generally resulted in a d o w n ­ w a r d p r e s s u r e o n t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n rates, increase in t h e n u m b e r o f o p e r a t o r s a n d service p r o v i d e r s , diversity a n d s t r e n g t h e n e d quality o f services. In its fourth report o n t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization in N o v e m b e r 1998, t h e C o m m i s s i o n e x p r e s s e d a great deal o f satisfaction: ' t h e b u l k o f t h e E u r o p e a n r u l e s h a s b e e n taken o v e r into national l a w a n d is b e i n g a p p l i e d effec­ tively in t h e m e m b e r states, w i t h t a n g i b l e benefits for t h e w h o l e E u r o p e a n e c o ­ n o m y . ' T h e n e w national f r a m e w o r k s for licensing a p p e a r t o b e functioning well. T h e total n u m b e r of authorized telecom operators in the E U is n o w impressive: o n l y six m o n t h s after t h e d e a d l i n e o f 1 J a n u a r y 1 9 9 8 , there w e r e 2 1 8 operators w i t h authorization t o p r o v i d e n a t i o n a l p u b l i c v o i c e t e l e p h o n y , 2 8 4 to p r o v i d e international voice services a n d 5 2 6 t o offer local n e t w o r k services in t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n . " Tariffs h a v e started t o fall s o m e t i m e s sharply in s o m e countries, gener­ ally in t h e p r e v i o u s l y less liberalized countries. B u t the average d e c r e a s e s o m e ­ times hides a tariff rebalancing t o w a r d s the costs structure. C o n s e q u e n t l y w h e r e a s l o n g distance tariffs g e n e r a l l y fell d o w n , local call tariffs increased. In t h e per­ s p e c t i v e o f digital d e m o c r a c y , liberalization m a i n l y benefited l o n g d i s t a n c e call u s e r s , n a m e l y t h e c o m p a n i e s a n d t h e richest c o n s u m e r s a n d inversely w a s detri­ m e n t a l or neutral t o m o s t o f t h e c o n s u m e r s , in particular t h e p o o r e s t o n e s . F u r t h e r m o r e t h e cost o f a c c e s s i n g t h e Internet r e m a i n e d h i g h in E u r o p e in c o m ­ p a r i s o n w i t h t h e U S A p r e v e n t i n g a lot o f citizens a c c e s s i n g Internet-based services. C o n c e r n s still r e m a i n e d in t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n . T h e C o m m i s s i o n h a s n o t o n l y t o s c r u p u l o u s l y scrutinize n a t i o n a l transposition o f t h e liberalization directives and, w h e n e v e r required, t o c o n t i n u e to initiate formal infringement p r o c e d u r e s a g a i n s t m e m b e r states b u t also t o g o further in its t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n p o l i c y in s u c h a w a y a s t o a c h i e v e a n o v e r a l l a n d significant d e c r e a s e i n t e l e c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n tariffs. In a w a y , i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n liberalization, a l t h o u g h p r o g r e s s i n g steadily a n d in a relatively s m o o t h w a y in E u r o p e , h a s to g o further. B y contrast, t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n in t h e U S A is m o r e c h a o t i c a n d

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less e n g a g e d in p a r t i c u l a r w i t h r e g a r d to i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n rules, b u t this d o e s not m e a n lack o f c o m p e t i t i o n in the U S A . O n t h e contrary - this is the c h a n c e a n d t h e p a r a d o x o f t h e U S A - o p e r a t o r s b e h a v e c o m p e t i t i v e l y , offer l o w - p r i c e , h i g h - q u a l i t y services a n d invest, e v e n if c o m p e t i t i o n is not t o u g h as in t h e c a s e of the local loops. In t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n , c o m p e t i t i o n p o l i c y h a s b e e n a tool to c o n s o l i d a t e and s t r e n g t h e n c o m p e t i t i o n in t h e t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d t h e m e d i a m a r k e t s . C o m p e t i t i o n p o l i c y h a s b e e n u s e d t o clear large strategic alliances i n v o l v i n g i n c u m b e n t s , s u c h as G l o b a l O n e or U n i s o u r c e , conditional to c o m m i t m e n t s b y national g o v e r n m e n t s to s p e e d u p the o p e n i n g u p o f their d o m e s t i c m a r k e t s . In the m e d i a sector, c o m p e t i t i o n p o l i c y h a s a i m e d at p r e s e r v i n g a c c e s s to o p e n m a r k e t s as t h e best m e a n s to e n s u r e p l u r a l i s m . T h e E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n h a d to prohibit m e r g e r s w h i c h m i g h t h a v e resulted in d o m i n a n t p o s i t i o n s and deterred n e w entry. F o r e x a m p l e , different j o i n t v e n t u r e s i n v o l v i n g B e r t e l s m a n n , K i r c h and D e u t s c h e T e l e k o m h a v e b e e n b l o c k e d b e c a u s e t h e y w o u l d h a v e m a d e c o m ­ petition difficult o n t h e G e r m a n p a y - T V m a r k e t , w h i c h in turn m i g h t h a v e b e e n detrimental to cultural diversity. Privacy P r o t e c t i o n o f p r i v a c y is a constitutional principle o r a legal right in m o s t O E C D c o u n t r i e s . W i t h t h e a d v e n t o f t h e information society a n d t h e ease o f c o p y ­ ing, transferring a n d exploiting p e r s o n a l data as s o o n as t h e y are digital, m o s t g o v e r n m e n t s started a d a p t i n g their p r o v i s i o n s for p r i v a c y protection. S u c h a d a p ­ tation stands h i g h in t h e political a g e n d a o f m o s t O E C D c o u n t r i e s and g u i d e l i n e s h a v e b e e n issued t o m a k e c o h e r e n t national initiatives. In F e b r u a r y 1995 d u r i n g their m e e t i n g in B r u s s e l s , the G 7 c o u n t r i e s highlighted that p r o t e c t i n g p r i v a c y a n d p e r s o n a l data p l a y s an essential role in s t r e n g t h e n i n g c i t i z e n s ' trust in t h e information society a n d t h e r e b y s h o u l d e n c o u r a g e t h e m to a p p r o p r i a t e the n e w tools and o n l i n e services. In O c t o b e r 1995, t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m u n i t y e n a c t e d a directive o n t h e p r o t e c ­ tion o f p e r s o n a l d a t a . Its objectives w e r e twofold: e n s u r i n g the free m o v e m e n t o f p e r s o n a l d a t a w i t h i n the E u r o p e a n internal m a r k e t t h r o u g h c o m m o n rules and s e c o n d l y g u a r a n t e e i n g a h i g h d e g r e e o f p r i v a c y p r o t e c t i o n in the w h o l e E u r o p e a n U n i o n (see G a s p a r i n e t t i , 1999). T h e D i r e c t i v e lays d o w n the basic individual rights: t h e right to k n o w w h e r e t h e p e r s o n a l data originated, w h o will u s e t h e m a n d for w h i c h objectives; the right o f access to t h o s e data; t h e right to h a v e inac­ curate data rectified; the right to w i t h h o l d p e r m i s s i o n to u s e the data in certain c i r c u m s t a n c e s ; a n d t h e right o f a p p e a l in case o f unlawful u s e . In t h e case o f sensitive data, such as an i n d i v i d u a l ' s ethnic or racial origin, political or religious beliefs, trade u n i o n m e m b e r s h i p , h e a l t h or sexuality, p e r s o n a l data c a n o n l y b e p r o c e s s e d w i t h t h e explicit c o n s e n t o f the individual. E x c e p t i o n s are p o s s i b l e (e.g. for m e d i c a l o r scientific research, o r p u b l i c security r e a s o n s ) , h o w e v e r alter­ native safeguards h a v e to b e established. T h o s e w h o collect, h o l d o r transmit p e r s o n a l data s h o u l d d o so o n l y for specified, explicit a n d legitimate p u r p o s e s , and the data held o n l y if it is relevant, accurate a n d u p to date. All m e m b e r states are required t o establish an i n d e p e n d e n t s u p e r v i s o r y a u t h o r i t y to m o n i t o r data p r o c e s s i n g and to function as o m b u d s m a n for c i t i z e n s ' c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t m i s u s e 12

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o f p e r s o n a l data. T h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n ' s c o m p r e h e n s i v e p r i v a c y legislation b e c a m e effective o n 2 5 O c t o b e r 1998. T o a v o i d c i r c u m v e n t i o n , t h e directive in A r t i c l e 2 5 i n c l u d e s p r o v i s i o n s o n transfers o f d a t a t o third c o u n t r i e s . T h i s article g a v e rise t o m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n in p a r t i c u l a r in the U S A w h e r e t h e industrial interested p a r t i e s b a c k e d b y t h e A m e r i c a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d e s c r i b e d t h e d i r e c t i v e as interfering w i t h their o w n A m e r i c a n regulation o n p r i v a c y . A c t u a l l y t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n h a s n e v e r a t t e m p t e d to dictate to third c o u n t r i e s w h a t t h e y h a v e to d o , b u t o n l y to p r o t e c t its o w n citizens against m i s u s e o f p e r s o n a l data w h e n t h e y a r e transferred abroad. In a certain w a y , the E u r o p e a n initiative h a s h i g h l i g h t e d t h e p a r a d o x o f the A m e r i c a n situation as to p r i v a c y . In t h e U S A , there is a l o n g tradition o f enforc­ ing p r i v a c y rights t h r o u g h legislation as in t h e E u r o p e a n m e m b e r states. B u t the U S A , for s o m e d e c a d e s , h a s taken a sectorial a p p r o a c h as o p p o s e d to a n o m n i b u s approach: they h a v e legislated w h e n e v e r n e w issues or n e w technologies e m e r g e d , for instance for credit reports, v i d e o r e c o r d s o r c a b l e subscriber r e c o r d s . A l t h o u g h the n u m b e r o f p r i v a c y related A c t s is i m p r e s s i v e , t h e r e still exists a n incredible deficiency in the legal arsenal o f the U S A : neither m e d i c a l n o r insur­ a n c e r e c o r d s are p r o t e c t e d for e x a m p l e . A m e r i c a n s k i m p i n e s s o f p r i v a c y is b e c o m i n g o f great c o n c e r n for the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , a n d w h e r e a s m a n y countries are m o v i n g to reinforce p r i v a c y s t a n d a r d s a n d laws, the A m e r i c a n administration l o b b i e d b y industry stands o n its self-regulatory a p p r o a c h e s . It s e e m s that s u c h an a p p r o a c h d o e s not r e c e i v e m u c h s u p p o r t from users. A recent H a r r i s p o l l found that 53 p e r cent o f A m e r i c a n s think that ' G o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d p a s s l a w s for h o w p e r s o n a l information c a n b e collected and u s e d o n the Internet' against 19 p e r cent b e l i e v i n g that ' G o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d let g r o u p s d e v e l o p p r i v a c y s t a n d a r d s b u t n o t t a k e a n y action u n l e s s real p r o b l e m s a r i s e ' . Distrust o f t h e general p u b l i c about self-regulation for p r i v a c y p r o t e c t i o n results from t h e e n o r m o u s c o m m e r c i a l interests o f industry: potential benefits o f p r o c e s s i n g a n d selling p e r s o n a l data a r e s o h i g h that self-regulation m a y n o t strike t h e right b a l a n c e b e t w e e n industry a n d u s e r s . E v e n if there is a sharp increase in t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f c o m m e r c i a l sites displaying s o m e types o f w a r n i n g about collection o f p e r s o n a l information in t h e U S A ( a c c o r d i n g to r e c e n t s u r v e y s , about 6 6 p e r cent in M a y 1999 against o n l y 14 p e r cent the y e a r before), w a r n i n g c o n s u m e r s is not e n o u g h a n d m o s t s i t e s ' p r a c t i c e s leave m u c h to b e desired. In fact, only 1 in 10 sites offering p r i v a c y policies follow guidelines for issues like c o n s u m e r s ' c h o i c e about t h e data b e i n g collected a n d c o n s u m e r access to s u c h information. T h e U S D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e h a s d e v o t e d a lot o f effort to tackle b o t h t h e E u r o p e a n and d o m e s t i c c o n c e r n s a b o u t p r i v a c y . T h e p r o p o s a l is to 'self-regulate w i t h t e e t h ' t h r o u g h t h e so-called safe h a r b o u r principles. A safe h a r b o u r is a qualification for U S c o m p a n i e s that voluntarily a d h e r e to a list o f p r i v a c y princi­ ples s u c h as information to individuals, opt-out choice, security, data integrity, a c c e s s b y individuals t o their p e r s o n a l data a n d e n f o r c e m e n t m e c h a n i s m s . T h e list o f principles p r e p a r e d b y t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e h a s b e e n established in such a w a y as to m e e t the p r i v a c y protection required b} the E u r o p e a n Directive a n d to b o o s t confidence in t h e U S A .

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T h e final a c c e p t a n c e o r refusal o f the safe h a r b o u r principles will b e totally i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e self-regulatory a p p r o a c h b y t h e U S A . T h e E u r o p e a n directive in Article 2 6 also a l l o w s for a d e q u a t e safeguards p r o v i d e d b y t h e c o m p a n y itself. T h e result o f transatlantic n e g o t i a t i o n s w i l l rely o n w h e t h e r t h e p r i v a c y p r o t e c ­ tion in t h e U S A is h i g h e n o u g h to m e e t t h e E u r o p e a n s t a n d a r d s . Access to public data L a w s r e g u l a t i n g t h e a c c e s s to p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n d e a l in general w i t h four a s p e c t s : 13

The right of access w h i c h g i v e s citizens t h e possibility to request p u b l i c d o c u ­ m e n t s . This right c a n b e general, m e a n i n g that citizens are in principle a l l o w e d t o request a n y p u b l i c d o c u m e n t like in S w e d e n w h i c h h a s t h e oldest a c c e s s law in the w o r l d ( 1 7 6 6 ) . H o w e v e r , this right is often restricted t o specific d o c u ­ m e n t s a n d / o r limited b y v a r i o u s e x e m p t i o n s . In F r a n c e , o n l y d o c u m e n t s directly c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e q u e s t e r (for e x a m p l e a report p r e p a r i n g a d e c i s i o n a b o u t t h e r e q u e s t e r ) c a n b e o b t a i n e d . In Italy a n d Spain, a legal interest in t h e r e q u e s t e d i n f o r m a t i o n is r e q u i r e d . In t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , it is n o t p o s s i b l e t o get d o c u m e n t s g i v i n g confidential information o n third parties a n d t h e r e are p r o ­ visions p r o t e c t i n g t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s . V e r y often a l s o , t h e r e are e x e m p t i o n s to t h e right o f access, a n d s e c r e c y p r o v i s i o n s , w h e n t h e interest o f state o r d e f e n c e m a t t e r s are involved. The obligation of publicity w h i c h defines t h e d o c u m e n t s that p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a ­ tions are r e q u i r e d t o p u b l i s h i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f c i t i z e n s ' r e q u e s t s . A d d i t i o n a l r e g u l a t i o n s c a n define t h e m e a n s t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e publicity o f d o c u m e n t s m i g h t o r s h o u l d b e a c h i e v e d , i n c l u d i n g t h e obligation o f electronic d i s s e m i ­ nation. In m o s t E u r o p e a n countries, t h e r e is n o legal o b l i g a t i o n o f publicity and dissemination depends on governmental policies. In m a n y European countries, h o w e v e r , p e n d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s will c o m p e l p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s to o p e n W e b sites. In F r a n c e , a f o r t h c o m i n g l a w w i l l define essential p u b l i c data which must be provided online. Pricing policies. D o c u m e n t s c a n b e p r o v i d e d free o f c h a r g e (for e x a m p l e , in F r a n c e w h e n d o c u m e n t s a r e a c c e s s e d in situ o r in S w e d e n u p t o 9 p a g e s ) . M o r e often, d o c u m e n t s are g i v e n a w a y at t h e p r i c e o f c o p y i n g o r d i s s e m i n a ­ tion costs, as in t h e U S A . H o w e v e r , w h e n c o m m e r c i a l u s e o f p u b l i c d o c u ­ m e n t s is intended, h i g h c h a r g e s c a n apply. Commercialization policies rule t h e possibility a n d c o n d i t i o n s o f c o m m e r c i a l u s e o f p u b l i c data. In m o s t E u r o p e a n countries, t h e r e is n o g e n e r a l l a w r e g a r d i n g t h e c o m m e r c i a l exploitation o f p u b l i c sector i n f o r m a t i o n a n d p r o v i s i o n s are defined o n a c a s e - b y - c a s e basis. T h e r e a r e m a n y e x a m p l e s o f public/private c o - o p e r a t i o n especially in t h e d o m a i n o f statistics. In s o m e c o u n t r i e s , p r i v a t e c o m p a n i e s are g i v e n a m o n o p o l y u n d e r a c o n c e s s i o n r e g i m e to c o m m e r c i a l i z e p u b l i c data. T h i s practice h a s raised c o m p e t i t i o n issues a n d is often challenged before n a t i o n a l c o u r t s o r the E u r o p e a n C o u r t o f Justice. Intellectual property rights A s far a s intellectual p r o p e r t y rights a r e c o n c e r n e d , t h e first priority o f industrialized c o u n t r i e s in r e c e n t y e a r s h a s b e e n t o u p d a t e their legislation, w h i c h w a s d e s i g n e d for m o s t o f t h e m d e c a d e s a g o w h e n t h e s u p p o r t

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o f ideas to b e protected w a s p h y s i c a l ( b o o k s for e x a m p l e ) . T h e guidelines for legal adaptation h a v e b e e n g i v e n b y t h e W o r l d Intellectual P r o p e r t y O r g a n i z a t i o n in D e c e m b e r 1996 w h e n t w o n e w treaties w e r e signed: the ' W I P O C o p y r i g h t T r e a t y ' a n d the ' W I P O T r e a t y o n P e r f o r m a n c e s and P h o n o g r a m s ' , w h i c h clarified the international protection r e g i m e a n d a d a p t e d it to t h e digital w o r l d . T h e i r ratification is n o w a c h i e v e d in the U S A w i t h the e n a c t m e n t of the 'Digital M i l l e n i u m C o p y r i g h t A c t ' in O c t o b e r 1998. In the E u r o p e a n U n i o n , this is still u n d e r w a y ; the E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n f o r w a r d e d a p r o p o s a l in D e c e m b e r 1997 w h i c h , if a d o p t e d , w o u l d e x t e n d c o p y r i g h t legislation to c o v e r all forms o f r e p r o ­ ductions o f w o r k b y b r o a d c a s t e r s , p h o n o g r a m and film p r o d u c e r s , a u t h o r s and artists. T h e draft directive is b e i n g d i s c u s s e d in t h e E u r o p e a n P a r l i a m e n t in m i d 1999. W h a t e v e r the delay, legislative adaptation will b e a c h i e v e d in the c o m i n g m o n t h s , and will h a v e to b e t r a n s p o s e d to national l a w s . But the right o w n e r s h a v e regarded this adaptation as a unique opportunity to question the current balance with the user rights. In the perspective o f digital democracy, a drift is occurring towards stricter protection of intellectual property rights and against further e x e m p t i o n s for specific uses. In the U S A , the 'fair u s e ' clause w a s instituted b y law in respect o f the Constitution itself in order to strike a valuable balance b e t w e e n the p o w e r given to the o w n e r s to limit diffusion of ideas and the public interest to access them. Libraries, educational and research institu­ tions, n e w s reporting and criticism are legally authorized to reproduce and distri­ bute copies of protected w o r k s for the general interest. H o w e v e r , exemptions over time b e c a m e increasingly difficult to b e accepted b y courts and actually the fair use clause is m o r e and m o r e loosely applied. This evolution is likely to be aggravated b y the n e w technologies and the tools offered to owners, such as the so-called trusted systems, technical applications w h i c h w o u l d allow them to individually and selectively separate authorized users from non-authorized ones. A legislator, what­ ever his/her political willingness, m a y b e neutralized by technologies. U p to n o w neither in Europe n o r in the U S A , has any signal occurred, politically or legally, to deal with this evolution and to fairly protect u s e and diffusion o f ideas w h e n the col­ lective interest requests it. Public Authorities as Operator Since the b e g i n n i n g o f the 1980s, t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t s h a v e b e e n p r o ­ gressively liberalized in m a n y countries. T h e p r o c e s s o f liberalization accelerated from the m i d - 1 9 9 0 s w h e n m a n y g o v e r n m e n t s b e c a m e a w a r e that t h e ' I n f o r m a ­ tion S o c i e t y ' w o u l d require as c h e a p as possible access to information. A b o u t 7 0 countries h a v e s i g n e d the t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n a g r e e m e n t in the f r a m e w o r k o f the W T O in F e b r u a r y 1997 and c o m m i t t e d to o p e n u p their t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t s to c o m p e t i t i o n . F o r the E U a n d the U S A , this a c h i e v e m e n t is a p a r a ­ m o u n t success. T h e c h a l l e n g e w a s to obtain a level p l a y i n g field in t e l e c o m m u ­ nication m a r k e t s and c o n s e q u e n t l y to a v o i d the situation w h e r e a n y difference in national regulation could deter their t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n operators from entering global t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t s . S u b s e q u e n t to t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a r k e t liberalization, m o s t g o v e r n m e n t s , in particular in t h e E U , decided to privatize their p u b l i c t e l e c o m operators b e a r i n g

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in m i n d that their s t a t e - o w n e d statute w a s n o m o r e politically consistent w i t h and e c o n o m i c a l l y effective in m a r k e t s o p e n e d u p to c o m p e t i t i o n . T h e states o f those c o u n t r i e s definitely d r e w t h e c u r t a i n o n t h e r o l e t h e y h a d p l a y e d for s e v e r a l d e c a d e s . In the e m e r g i n g information society, t h e y w o u l d n o t act a n y l o n g e r as n e t w o r k o p e r a t o r s . M a r k e t forces and p r i v a t e actors w o u l d drive i n v e s t m e n t s in n e t w o r k infrastructure a n d p r o v i s i o n o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n services. P u b l i c t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n services h a v e g i v e n u p to private services w i t h t h e v i e w that the latter w o u l d better m e e t d e m a n d from citizens a n d c o m p a n i e s w i t h r e g a r d to price, quality and diversity. H o w e v e r , this d o e s n o t m e a n that p u b l i c authorities h a v e n o o p e r a t i n g role to p l a y in a digital d e m o c r a c y . First, their infrastructure p r o v i s i o n role a l t h o u g h different will c o n t i n u e through regulation, for instance b y defining i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n rules, p r o m o t i n g standardization a n d s t i m u l a t i n g invest­ m e n t in infrastructure. S e c o n d l y , their role as information service p r o v i d e r should b e reinforced. A s p u b l i c authorities h o l d a c o n s i d e r a b l e a m o u n t o f data w h i c h can b e u s e d to m a k e citizens better informed, t h e y h a v e to o r g a n i z e t h e d i s s e m i n a t i o n o f these o n fair principles. 14

P r o v i d i n g p u b l i c information has an important political d i m e n s i o n : it will b r i n g p u b l i c administration closer to t h e citizen. T h e relationship b e t w e e n the citizens a n d the p u b l i c sector h a s b e e n w i t n e s s i n g significant c h a n g e for s o m e y e a r s . T h e information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s p r o v i d e t h e public sector w i t h n e w t o o l s t o facilitate a c c e s s t o p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n a n d e x t e n d o n l i n e d e l i v e r y o f p u b l i c services. A s p u b l i c administrations started e x p e r i m e n t i n g w i t h n e w u s a g e o f I C T , b o t h citizens and b u s i n e s s e s b e c a m e m o r e d e m a n d i n g and r e q u e s t e d m o r e direct a n d faster r e s p o n s e to their n e e d s , n a m e l y e n h a n c e d t r a n s p a r e n c y and greater efficiency o f p u b l i c administrations. T e c h n o l o g y o n l y p l a y e d a facilitator role; the k e y drivers w e r e n e w r e q u i r e m e n t s for i m p r o v e d d e m o c r a c y a n d cost savings for taxpayers. F o r t h e politicians w h o h a v e b e e n structurally suffering from an increasing distrust b y their constituents in m o s t o f the industrialized countries, online administration or e v e n digital g o v e r n m e n t w a s r e g a r d e d as a p a n a c e a to r e g a i n trust, a w a y to a p p e a r f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g a n d b o o s t confidence. T h i s c h a n g e is part o f a general m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s greater participation and direct e m p o w e r ­ m e n t o f citizens in d e m o c r a c y . Such c h a n g e has b e e n triggered in the U S A b y free s p e e c h a d v o c a c y and all those A m e r i c a n associations w h o s e goal is the strict e n f o r c e m e n t o f the first a m e n d m e n t . F o r a l o n g t i m e , the U S A h a s b e e n a h e a d in d e v e l o p i n g a digital a d m i n i s t r a ­ tion. T h e y h a v e a long tradition o f active p u b l i c sector information p o l i c y . Since 1966 w i t h the e n a c t m e n t o f t h e F r e e d o m o f I n f o r m a t i o n A c t ( F O I A ) , t h e n in 1996 w i t h t h e Electronic F r e e d o m o f Information A c t ( E F O I A ) , a c c e s s to p u b l i c infor­ m a t i o n including electronic access is g u a r a n t e e d to A m e r i c a n citizens. T h e U S A h a s e v e n strongly e n c o u r a g e d t h e private sector to exploit p u b l i c sector information c o m m e r c i a l l y t h r o u g h legislation, l o w p r i c i n g and lack o f a n y c o p y r i g h t o n g o v e r n m e n t information at t h e federal level. T h i s l o n g - s t a n d i n g U S p o l i c y w a s s u p p o r t e d b y an appropriate internal p o l i c y to e n s u r e its efficient i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . T h e Office o f M a n a g e m e n t a n d B u d g e t effectively a d m i n i s t e r e d this p o l i c y a n d controlled h o w t h e federal a g e n c i e s w e r e p r o v i d i n g electronic a c c e s s to p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n . T r a i n i n g o f officials w i t h an e m p h a s i s o n stressing 15

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their d u t y t o m a k e g o v e r n m e n t information available h a s b e e n i m p l e m e n t e d in t h e w h o l e A m e r i c a n p u b l i c sector. Since t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e N a t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure Initiative, the Clinton administration w a s eager to modernize means of access to public information. A n o u t s t a n d i n g l y h i g h n u m b e r o f p u b l i c W e b p a g e s w e r e created v e r y r a p i d l y to h e l p c i t i z e n s t o b e i n f o r m e d o f p u b l i c a n d political life as w e l l as to retrieve p u b l i c information. T h e W h i t e H o u s e , t h e H o u s e o f Representatives, the Senate and most of the agencies and administration departments applied to t h e m s e l v e s w h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t a d v i s e d t h e private sector t o d o , n a m e l y t o u s e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g i e s e x t e n s i v e l y to i m p r o v e their performance. T h e U S p o l i c y w e n t m u c h b e y o n d a c c e s s to p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n . O n l i n e public procurement w a s actively developed. Additionally, the Internal R e v e n u e Service, the American T a x Agency, launched an ambitious programme aimed at t r i p l i n g t h e n u m b e r o f t a x p a y e r s w h o w o u l d file in their t a x f o r m s e l e c ­ t r o n i c a l l y b y 2 0 0 7 . C u r r e n t l y a b o u t 2 0 p e r c e n t o f A m e r i c a n t a x p a y e r s d o it electronically. A s far as n e w r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n t h e citizens a n d their a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a r e c o n c e r n e d , t h e U S A is a l a b o r a t o r y a n d a prefiguration o f p u b l i c g o v e r n a n c e in the future information society. In t h e E U , t h e current situation in m e m b e r states r e g a r d i n g legislation a n d p o l i c y o n a c c e s s t o p u b l i c sector information is v e r y h e t e r o g e n e o u s a n d t h e potentialities offered b y t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g i e s m i g h t still further m a g n i f y t h e existing d i f f e r e n c e s . I n t h e past few y e a r s , t h e relation­ ship o f citizens w i t h t h e p u b l i c sector h a s g i v e n rise t o increasing attention. T h e r e h a s b e e n a b u n d l e o f r e a s o n s w h i c h altogether h a v e d r i v e n political a w a r e n e s s . P r e s s u r e c a m e b o t h from t h e E u r o p e a n institutions a n d t h e citizens t h e m s e l v e s . T h e E u r o p e a n M o n e t a r y U n i o n forced c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f n a t i o n a l b u d g e t s a n d called for i n c r e a s e d efficiency o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s t h r o u g h their u s a g e o f I C T , w h i c h in t u r n offers so m a n y n e w w a y s o f interaction w i t h t h e citizens. T h e n e w T r e a t y o f t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m u n i t y conferred t o ' a n y citizen o f t h e U n i o n , a n d a n y natural o r legal p e r s o n r e s i d i n g o r h a v i n g its registered office in a M e m b e r State, a right o f a c c e s s to C o m m i s s i o n , C o u n c i l a n d E u r o p e a n Parlia­ m e n t d o c u m e n t s ' . T h e E u r o p e a n citizens q u e s t i o n e d in the framework o f t h e E u r o b a r o m e t e r inquiry ( M a r c h 1999) e x p r e s s e d their priority interest for u s i n g information society services. T h e h i g h e s t interest (47.8 p e r cent) w a s g i v e n t o electronic contacts w i t h ( m u n i c i p a l ) administrations, in particular t h e possibility to a c c e s s a n d d o w n l o a d administrative d o c u m e n t s t h u s a v o i d i n g t h e n e e d for physical m o v e m e n t s . Interestingly, o n l y a few p e o p l e a s k e d for online contacts w i t h politicians: direct electronic d e m o c r a c y is n e i t h e r a n o p e r a t i o n a l n o r a credible c o n c e p t in t h e n e a r future for t h e E u r o p e a n citizens. 17

18

T h e G 7 g o v e r n m e n t online p r o j e c t p r o v i d e s a snapshot o f p l a n s and activities u n d e r t a k e n in the G 7 countries a n d w a s d e v o t e d t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f electronic contacts b e t w e e n administrations a n d citizens, in particular t h e provision o f online administrative forms. T h e n u m b e r o f national initiatives is impressive in this latter d o m a i n , b u t there is still a l o n g w a y to g o : in the case o f administrative forms, 19

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there are m a n y t h o u s a n d s o f forms j u s t for dealings b e t w e e n citizens o r business a n d their p u b l i c administration in a n y single G 7 c o u n t r y . M a k i n g t h e m accessible online is b o t h a w a y o f streamlining the current situation inherited from d e c a d e s o f r e d t a p e , a n d a m e a n s t o i m p r o v e the quality o f relations b e t w e e n a d m i n i s t r a ­ tions a n d their administrees. W o r t h m e n t i o n i n g is the E u r o p e a n p r o g r a m m e ' I n t e r c h a n g e o f D a t a b e t w e e n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' ( I D A ) w h i c h for m a n y y e a r s con­ tributes to p r o v i d i n g national administrations in the E u r o p e a n U n i o n with basic telematic infrastructures a n d thus w i t h the tools n e c e s s a r y to deliver online services to t h e citizens. A n o t h e r w a y for p u b l i c authorities to take part in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a digital d e m o c r a c y as o p e r a t o r is to host, free o f c h a r g e , W e b p a g e s o f individuals o n their c o m p u t e r s . B y p r o v i d i n g s u c h facilities (possibly c o m p l e m e n t e d b y techni­ cal assistance), t h e y c a n e n c o u r a g e citizens to d i s c u s s political issues a n d b e actively i n v o l v e d in social e x c h a n g e . O t h e r initiatives consist o f establishing plat­ forms o r k i o s k s w h e r e citizens can a c c e s s reliable information, directories a n d g u i d e s , p u b l i c interest f o r u m s and n e w s g r o u p s , a n d w h e r e t h e y m a y b e redirected b y links to useful i n d e p e n d e n t sites ( B a r d o e l a n d Frissen, 1999). In the U S A , the g o v e r n m e n t i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m i m p l e m e n t e d b y t h e state o f M i n n e s o t a gives a g o o d illustration o f s u c h a p o l i c y . T h e s e k i o s k s c o n t r i b u t e to solving o n e o f the k e y p r o b l e m s o f t h e information society, n a m e l y t h e a b u n d a n c e o f data. It is c o m p l i c a t e d a n d l e n g t h y to get pertinent a n d trusted information a m o n g the t h o u s a n d s o f W e b sites n o w available o n t h e Internet. T h i s g a l a x y t e n d s to frag­ m e n t t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e in n i c h e s a n d d o e s n o t a l l o w a n a t i o n - w i d e p u b l i c d e b a t e w h i c h r e q u i r e s a c o m m o n frame. A further step - w h i c h s e e m s o n l y feasible in E u r o p e - w o u l d b e an application o f the n o t i o n o f p u b l i c b r o a d c a s t e r s to t h e Internet. A s p u b l i c intervention in b r o a d c a s t i n g is c o n s i d e r e d legitimate in E u r o p e in o r d e r t o a c h i e v e cultural g o a l s , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f p u b l i c service providers could be imagined. 20

A l t h o u g h assistance to h e l p citizens find their w a y in t h e c o m p l e x digital w o r l d and e n a b l e t h e m to fulfil their social c o m m u n i c a t i o n n e e d s can b e c o n s i d e r e d a p u b l i c service, s o m e g r o u p s or e c o n o m i c a c t o r s o p p o s e this a p p r o a c h . T h e y c o n ­ sider, in line w i t h t h e u s u a l carrier t r a d i t i o n s , that content m a t t e r s s h o u l d n o t b e t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f p u b l i c authorities a n d s h o u l d b e left entirely to the private sector. 21

Public Authorities as Sponsor In o r d e r to e n l a r g e a c c e s s o f citizens to t h e Internet, p u b l i c authorities h a v e u n d e r t a k e n different actions. F o r several y e a r s , p l a n s to e q u i p schools a n d u n i ­ versities h a v e b e e n l a u n c h e d in m a n y c o u n t r i e s , either t h r o u g h p u b l i c funding or w i t h the s u p p o r t o f private c o m p a n i e s . In t h e U S A , following t h e H i g h P e r f o r m a n c e C o m p u t e r A c t in 1 9 9 1 , t h e N i l p o l i c y c h a l l e n g e d the industry to c o n n e c t all c l a s s r o o m s t o the Internet b y t h e y e a r 2 0 0 0 a n d $2 billion h a v e b e e n allocated in o r d e r to deliver t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society to A m e r i c a n t e a c h e r s a n d s t u d e n t s . In C a n a d a , t h e S c h o o l N e t project set u p in 1993 h a s a i m e d at c o n n e c t ­ ing the majority o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s 16,000 s c h o o l s to t h e Internet. In t h e U K , the g o v e r n m e n t h a s p l e d g e d £ 7 0 0 m i l l i o n to assist s c h o o l s in p u r c h a s i n g h a r d w a r e 22

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a n d software a n d an additional £ 2 0 0 m i l l i o n to train t e a c h e r s w i t h t h e objective o f creating a 'national grid for l e a r n i n g ' . T h e objectives o f these p l a n s are twofold: p r o v i d i n g free access, thus d r o p p i n g financial a n d m a t e r i a l barriers to t h e information infrastructure; r e a c h i n g a large p o r t i o n o f y o u t h w i t h o u t a l m o s t a n y e x c e p t i o n , since s c h o o l i n g is m a n d a t o r y in m o s t countries. In parallel to p l a n s for e q u i p m e n t , p u b l i c authorities h a v e i m p l e m e n t e d other actions t o p r o v i d e free a c c e s s to t h e Internet, especially at t h e local level. T h e s e include: F r e e a c c e s s t o t h e Internet in p u b l i c libraries, city halls, y o u t h o r sports c e n t r e s , etc. w h i c h h a s b e c o m e c o m m o n in m a n y c o u n t r i e s . I n F r a n c e , s o m e cities h a v e e v e n s u b s i d i s e d W e b cafes, o p e r a t e d b y p r i v a t e a s s o c i a t i o n s o r individ­ u a l s . H o w e v e r , t h e strategy o f s u p p l y i n g a c c e s s t o t h e Internet in p u b l i c p l a c e s h a s r a i s e d s o m e c o n c e r n s . First, it c o m e s u p against t h e c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s s u e o f h a r m f u l a n d illegal c o n t e n t , w h i c h a r e a v a i l a b l e o n t h e Internet. S h o u l d t h e a c c e s s to W e b sites b e fully o p e n , o r restricted t o selected services? In t h e U S A , p u b l i c libraries h a v e b l o c k e d a c c e s s t o s o m e W e b sites, a d e c i s i o n w h i c h w a s i m m e d i a t e l y c h a l l e n g e d in c o u r t s b y local c i t i z e n s o n t h e g r o u n d s o f f r e e d o m o f i n f o r m a t i o n . S e c o n d l y , a c c e s s to t h e I n t e r n e t in p u b l i c a r e a s d o e s n o t a l w a y s a l l o w for a full u s e o f t h e I n t e r n e t b e c a u s e u s e r s a r e afraid o f p o t e n t i a l c o n t r o l a n d d o n o t e d a r e t o u s e s o m e services o p e n l y . S u p p o r t o f universal a c c e s s t o information services b y e n c o u r a g i n g t h e u s e o f t h e Internet in private h o m e s t h r o u g h direct o r indirect subsidies. F o r e x a m p l e , in F r a n c e , t h e city o f P a r t h e n a y c a n r e n t c o m p u t e r s at l o w p r i c e a n d h a s s i g n e d a g r e e m e n t s w i t h F r a n c e T e l e c o m t o offer d i s c o u n t rates to t h e Internet. In Italy, t h e city o f B o l o g n a h a s b e c o m e t h e Internet a c c e s s p r o v i d e r a n d city residents d o n o t h a v e to s u b s c r i b e t o a c o m m e r c i a l I A P . I n addition t o p r o v i d i n g free a c c e s s , p u b l i c authorities c a n s u p p o r t training p r o ­ g r a m m e s w h i c h give p e o p l e t h e basic skills to u s e information services a n d tools. S c h o o l s s e e m a natural p l a c e t o a c h i e v e this goal, a l t h o u g h t h e benefits o f o n l i n e learning are often o v e r e s t i m a t e d , n o t a b l y b e c a u s e t h e d e b a t e o n t h e Internet in s c h o o l s is n a r r o w e d d o w n to t h e m e a n s rather t h a n t h e objectives ( S e l w y n , 1999). F o r those p e o p l e w h o are out o f t h e educational system, public authorities c a n p r o v i d e training a n d assistance in creating dedicated centres w h i c h h e l p citizens using services, entering c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s or e v e n creating their o w n W e b p a g e s o r services. O f p a r a m o u n t interest here are t h e experiments l a u n c h e d b y cities such as M a n c h e s t e r o r B o l o g n a . T h e y a i m at establishing c o m m u n i t y access centres, also k n o w n as telecentres o r Electronic Village Halls, through w h i c h people, including minority g r o u p s , benefit from facilities, training, advice a n d support to u s e information services. T h e s e experiments h a v e an e c o n o m i c goal. It is expected that greater access to the Internet will result in e n h a n c e d telematic applications (for e x a m p l e t e l e w o r k i n g , electronic trade, etc.) directly stimulating the local e c o n o m y . T h e y h a v e also political objectives: t h e y w a n t to o v e r c o m e t h e current d o m i n a t i o n o f cyberspace b y the corporate sector and y o u n g , technically skilled w h i t e m a l e s (Carter, 1997) b y n e t w o r k i n g social forces, e n c o u r a g i n g initiatives from b e l o w a n d e m p o w e r i n g citizens to participate in active policy m a k i n g .

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In o r d e r t o fully d e v e l o p digital d e m o c r a c y , universal access to n e t w o r k s a n d ability to u s e information services are n o t e n o u g h . T h e n o t i o n o f freedom o f infor­ m a t i o n i m p l i e s n o t o n l y t h e possibility o f getting access to v a r i o u s sources o f information b u t also t h e capability o f p r o v i d i n g information. T h i s s e c o n d c o m p o n e n t is often n e g l e c t e d b y p u b l i c policies w h i c h v i e w citizens as p a s s i v e receivers b u t rarely as active content p r o v i d e r s . T h e issue is especially crucial, as the r a m p a n t c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n o f t h e Internet m a y not necessarily lead to the greatest desirable diversity o f content. It is likely that c o m m e r c i a l p r o v i d e r s will n o t m e e t all n e e d s a n d tastes b u t p r i m a r i l y those o f users r e a d y t o p a y for services. Social organizations - w h i c h a r e n e c e s s a r y t o m a k e the civil society rich a n d lively - d o n o t h a v e a l w a y s t h e r e q u i r e d resources t o b e c o m e information providers. A s a c o n s e q u e n c e , p u b l i c actions are required t o e n c o u r a g e citizens a n d social g r o u p s to e x p r e s s their c o n c e r n s , statements a n d p o i n t s o f v i e w t h r o u g h t h e Internet. T h i s c a n b e a c h i e v e d b y p r o v i d i n g free s p a c e o n c o m p u t e r s , software a n d technical assistance for citizens o r associations to create their o w n sites o r h o m e ­ p a g e s , as in the case o f t h e p o l i c y i m p l e m e n t e d b y t h e F r e n c h city o f P a r t h e n a y . Public action in this d o m a i n can also consist o f subsidies granted to specific asso­ ciations w h i c h m e e t peculiar d e m a n d s , fulfil important social missions o r c o n ­ tribute to the a c h i e v e m e n t o f g o v e r n m e n t a l goals a n d general interest. F o r e x a m p l e , in F r a n c e a n d in Q u e b e c , g o v e r n m e n t s h a v e g i v e n financial support to s o m e n o n ­ profit service providers w h o contribute to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f service in F r e n c h or w i t h local content. Insofar as public authorities o f s o m e countries subsidize theatres a n d a variety o f cultural associations to d y n a m i z e creation, there is n o r e a s o n w h y t h e y should n o t d o the s a m e for culturally-oriented services o n the W e b . Public Authorities as Catalyzer Digital d e m o c r a c y c a n b e s e e n either as a n objective or as a p r o c e s s . I n t h e latter c a s e , t h e political c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h t h e m o v e t o w a r d t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society t a k e s p l a c e a r e o f c o n c e r n , as w e l l as t h e w a y information society w i l l o p e r a t e o n a n a c c o u n t a b l e a n d d e m o c r a t i c b a s i s . S u c h an orientation i m p l i e s n e w p o l i c y styles in w h i c h p u b l i c authorities s t i m u l a t e social d e b a t e s , e n c o u r a g e citi­ z e n participation a n d h e l p t o a g g r e g a t e interests. O n e o f t h e r o l e s o f g o v e r n m e n t in i n f o r m a t i o n s u p e r h i g h w a y p l a n s h a s b e e n a catalytic r o l e . P u b l i c authorities s e r v e d as a p r o p a g a n d i s t (Catinat, 1998); t h e y l a u n c h e d p r o m o t i o n a l a c t i o n s t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e desirability o f t h e information society ( V e d e l , 1997b) a n d r a i s e a w a r e n e s s a m o n g c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d citizens a b o u t their v i s i o n o f t h e future. M u c h o f t h e p u b l i c effort so far h a s b e e n directed t o b u s i n e s s a n d stressed t h e e c o n o m i c d i m e n s i o n o f t h e information society m o r e t h a n t h e social o n e . W h i l e p u b l i c authorities s h o u l d c o n t i n u e t o stimulate a social d e b a t e o n t h e information society, t h e y s h o u l d d o s o in w a y s w h i c h t a k e into a c c o u n t d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e s rather t h a n o n l y m a r k e t v a l u e s a n d w h i c h m o b i l i z e all citizens a n d n o t p r i m a r i l y e c o n o m i c actors. S u c h a shift is a p p a r e n t in r e c e n t efforts u n d e r t a k e n b y t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n . In 1997, t h e H i g h L e v e l G r o u p o f E x p e r t s o n t h e I n f o r m a t i o n S o c i e t y issued a report in w h i c h it called for a c h a n g e in t h e a g e n d a for t h e information s o c i e t y . W h i l e E u r o p e a n p o l i c y for t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society focused o n t e c h n o l o g i c a l 23

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d e v e l o p m e n t in the 1980s, a n d o n t h e e c o n o m i c a l context o f technical i n n o v a t i o n in the 1990s, in a third p h a s e m o r e attention h a s to b e paid to social issues (such as access, users n e e d s , quality o f contents). T h e E u r o p e a n C o u n c i l a d o p t e d a 5-year p r o g r a m m e ( 1 9 9 8 to 2 0 0 2 ) to stimulate the establishment o f the informa­ tion society in E u r o p e ( P R O M I S E ) , a n d m o r e particularly p e o p l e ' s m o t i v a t i o n and ability to participate in the c h a n g e towards the information society. T h e p r o ­ g r a m m e includes m e a s u r e s for gathering information on citizens' and u s e r s ' needs, increasing visibility and t r a n s p a r e n c y o f o n - g o i n g policies, and p r o m o t i n g e l e c ­ tronic literacy in t h e e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m s . T h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n h a s also estab­ lished an Information Society F o r u m r e g r o u p i n g all c o m p o n e n t s o f society: industry, a c a d e m i a , trade u n i o n s , politicians, c o n s u m e r and u s e r g r o u p s in o r d e r to advise the C o m m i s s i o n o n the c h a l l e n g e s to b e o v e r c o m e and highlight p o t e n ­ tialities o f the information society. 24

B y contrast in t h e U S A , t h e N i l initiative did not p a y special attention to s u c h societal c o n c e r n s . In a certain w a y , t h e broad social a c c e p t a n c e o f n e w technol­ ogies b y t h e A m e r i c a n society d o e s not require a n y a w a r e n e s s c a m p a i g n or effort to d e m o n s t r a t e the opportunities. A d e m o c r a t i c d e s i g n o f technical s y s t e m s h a s basically t w o g o a l s : associate all social forces to t h e design o f n e w technical s y s t e m s ; design s y s t e m s so that their compatibility w i t h d e m o c r a c y is g u a r a n t e e d . A larger n u m b e r and m o r e diverse r a n g e o f participants increase the c h a n c e o f creative insights and p r o v i d e e n h a n c e d opportunities for cross-fertilization o f ideas. Social n e e d s , c o n c e r n s and e x p e r i e n c e s can b e reflected in the d e s i g n p r o c e s s , w h i c h eventually increases the a c c e p t a n c e o f n e w s y s t e m s . A d o p t i o n costs are r e d u c e d as it allows the antici­ pation o f potential p r o b l e m s , obstacles o r resistance that w o u l d b e m o r e difficult and costly to solve or o v e r c o m e ex post. 25

It is important that d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e s are e m b o d i e d in technical s y s t e m s at t h e d e s i g n stage. If the Internet is often seen as a d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m , it is in part d u e to the decentralized architecture a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n protocols w h i c h w e r e estab­ lished o p e n l y a n d early in its evolution. F o r instance, t h e adoption o f data packet transmission m a k e s c e n s o r s h i p a n d content control m o r e intricate (although not impossible). T h u s information s u p e r h i g h w a y s can b e technically designed so as to m a x i m i z e d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e s a n d m i n i m i z e n o n - d e m o c r a t i c u s e s . In this prospect, public authorities c a n for instance e n c o u r a g e research o n p r i v a c y e n h a n c i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s , w h i l e barring attempts to establish control d e v i c e s (such as built-in identifying chips in c o m p u t e r s ) . 26

In operational t e r m s , d e m o c r a t i c d e s i g n o f technical s y s t e m s can take several forms. Inventories o f t e c h n o l o g i e s and o f their p o s s i b l e applications h e l p users i m a g i n i n g their u s a g e a n d opportunities for i m p r o v e m e n t . S u c h an inventory has b e e n d e c i d e d b y the G 7 Ministerial m e e t i n g in Brussels in 1995 in o r d e r to dif­ fuse best practices w o r l d - w i d e . Social trials a n d local e x p e r i m e n t s can also b e u n d e r t a k e n to allow a first a s s e s s m e n t o f c o n s e q u e n c e s a n d i m p a c t s o f I C T , reorient further d e v e l o p m e n t s and h e l p the design o f r e g u l a t o r y p r o c e d u r e s . F o r instance, a lot c a n b e d r a w n from early e x p e r i e n c e s o f cities, like Santa M o n i c a in California, w h i c h h a v e set

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u p p u b l i c forums a n d c o n f e r e n c e services o n their W e b sites. T h e y h a v e s h o w n the necessity o f m o d e r a t o r s a n d clear r u l e s o f c o n d u c t , t h e interest o f involving targeted u s e r s t o create a positive d y n a m i c s , b u t also t h e difficulty in m a i n t a i n i n g lively d i s c u s s i o n s , a n d t h e l o n g - t e r m t r e n d t o d e - e m p h a s i z e interactive applica­ tions against information applications ( D o c t e r a n d D u t t o n , 1998). F o r t h o s e p e o p l e w h o r e g a r d t h e N i l a s a tool for revitalizing d e m o c r a c y , it is n e c e s s a r y t o a d o p t a strategy integrating N i l i m p l e m e n t a t i o n w i t h local organi­ zational d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d grassroots creativity. T h i s b o t t o m - u p strategy w o u l d p u s h t o p - d o w n a n d m a r k e t - d r i v e n N i l policies into d e m o c r a t i c directions. A s S t e v e n Miller ( 1 9 9 6 ) p o i n t e d o u t , r o o t i n g c y b e r s p a c e i n t h e social realities o f n e i g h b o u r h o o d o r g a n i z a t i o n s increases t h e o d d s that t h e n e e d s a n d priorities o f potential ' h a v e - n o t ' areas will b e effectively a g g r e g a t e d a n d expressed. G r a s s r o o t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s - labour u n i o n s , h o u s i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s , ethnic g r o u p s , social c l u b s , etc. - k n o w h o w t o b r i n g p e o p l e t o g e t h e r for m u t u a l e x c h a n g e a n d are able t o r e a c h p e o p l e of all a g e g r o u p s , i n c o m e levels, ethnic b a c k g r o u n d a n d e d u c a t i o n a l attainment. A c c o r d i n g to Miller, c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k s in w h i c h grassroots o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a v e b e e n i n v o l v e d a r e a national treasury o f e x p e r i ­ m e n t a l data o n t h e p u b l i c interest for t h e information society a n d d e m o n s t r a t e s that p e o p l e w h e n p r o p e r l y trained a n d s u p p o r t e d a r e able to u s e I C T for activities that m e e t their n e e d s a n d capture their interest. In m o d e r n societies, politics is e v o l v i n g m o r e a n d m o r e into a sort o f b r o k e r style in w h i c h g o v e r n m e n t s p l a y a n o r g a n i z i n g a n d catalyzing role. T h e m o d e l o f t h e state a s b e i n g at t h e t o p o f t h e political s y s t e m a n d in c o m m a n d o f e v e r y aspect o f social life is b e i n g r e p l a c e d b y a m o r e horizontal v i s i o n o f politics. Vertical bureaucratic relations of command and control are substituted increasingly by horizontal relations of compromising and organizing consensus on a non-hierarchical basis. Regulation as the archetype of governmental steering is replaced by contracting in and out, by co-production arrangements, by consensus seeking configurations, by negotiation, by wheeling and dealing. (Frissen, 1997: 119) In a context in w h i c h policies a r e d e s i g n e d a n d i m p l e m e n t e d in a m o r e frag­ m e n t e d w a y , a n i m p o r t a n t a n d n e w role for p u b l i c authorities is to e n s u r e social c o h e s i o n b y h e l p i n g t h e c o - o r d i n a t i o n o f individual actions, framing o p t i o n s for the future a n d stating t h e basic principles a n d v a l u e s w h i c h define a n y society.

Conclusion T h e w a y t o w a r d s t h e information society a n d digital d e m o c r a c y will b e a fully interactive p r o c e s s w h e r e all actors, b e t h e y g o v e r n m e n t s , citizens, c o m p a n i e s , institutions or m e d i a , will c h a n n e l c h a n g e t h r o u g h their a c c e p t a n c e , refusal a n d reactions t o n e w applications, services or s y s t e m s . A l t h o u g h there a r e t h o u s a n d s o f p a g e s d e s c r i b i n g t h e evolution a n d h u n d r e d s o f visions b y experts, n o b o d y k n o w s w h a t will b e t h e s h a p e a n d t h e functioning o f the future digital d e m o c r a c y .

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In this context, t h e role o f p u b l i c authorities is o f p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e a s g u a r d i a n o f f u n d a m e n t a l rights o f citizens. T h i s c h a p t e r h a s t o b e r e a d a s a strong p l e a i n s u p p o r t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t r o l e : n o t t o o p p o s e m a r k e t forces, b u t t o a c c o m p a n y t h e m a n d c o m p e n s a t e for m a r k e t failures; n o t t o i m p o s e b i n d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , b u t regulations striking t h e right b a l a n c e b e t w e e n conflicting interests a n d p r o t e c t i n g p u b l i c interest. It h a s striven t o identify t h e principal c h a l l e n g e s , t o highlight t h e basic principles for p u b l i c action a n d t o d e s c r i b e t h e g o v e r n m e n t a l policies w h i c h a r e b e i n g - o r c o u l d b e - i m p l e m e n t e d in t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n a n d i n t h e U S A w i t h their r e s p e c ­ t i v e characteristics, strengths a n d w e a k n e s s e s . Serious threats exist o n t h e w a y forward. A m o n g s t t h e m , t h e risk that t e c h n o ­ l o g y s u p e r s e d e s t h e l a w a n d e m e r g e s surreptitiously. T h e influence o f p r o p o n e n t s for a t e c h n o l o g y - d r i v e n society c a n n o t b e ignored. T h e i r a r g u m e n t s a r e h o w e v e r simplistic: t h e increasing c o m p l e x i t y o f society a n d rapidity o f evolution m a k e a n y regulation o u t o f date before b e i n g e n a c t e d a n d u n a b l e t o integrate all t h e d i m e n ­ sions o f e m e r g i n g p r o b l e m s . O n l y t e c h n o l o g y c a n d e a l w i t h c o m p l e x i t y a n d b e flexible e n o u g h t o a d a p t t o c o n t i n u o u s c h a n g e . T h i s v i e w fails t o a c k n o w l e d g e that a n y society a s a collectivity o f individuals n e e d s rules defining t h e b o r d e r b e t w e e n duties a n d rights, a n d b e t w e e n individual f r e e d o m a n d collective obliga­ tion. S u c h a n e q u i l i b r i u m requires regulation a n d representatives w h o a r e d e m o ­ cratically elected a n d m a n d a t e d t o p r o t e c t t h e collective interest, b e t h e g u a r d i a n o f universal rights a n d g u i d e t h e legislators t o d e s i g n l a w s . I n this s c h e m e , tech­ n o l o g y is a driving force b u t h a s t o b e c h a n n e l l e d t h r o u g h precise regulatory f r a m e w o r k s a n d s o m e t i m e s bridles w h e n inconsistent w i t h ethical, h u m a n o r p h i l o s o p h i c a l objectives.

Notes This chapter reflects the views of the authors and does not commit the European Commission. 1 The argument for free communication in a democracy is usually contributed to Meiklejohn, 1960. 2 The notion of freedom of communication encompasses different components: -

-

-

the freedom of speech means the right for every individual to hold his/her own opinions, to speak freely about these opinions without fearing the consequences of doing so; the freedom of information means the right to know and relies on the principle of open access to information especially about governments and by extension the necessity of informing people; the freedom of information flows relates to the necessity of a free circulation of ideas so as to make them known as widely as possible.

See Trudel et al., 1997 for a general discussion of the notion o f freedom of communication and how it can be adapted to cyberspace. 3 For example, services which deny the privacy right of people. 4 Including inequality; information commercialization and abuse; risks for privacy; community disintegration; instantaneous plebiscite and democr .cy dissolution; tyranny of gatekeepers; and decline of public service and social responsib.lity values (Brown, 1994).

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5 Various UNESCO studies have shown that the illiteracy rate is still high in many countries. Even in industrialized countries a significant proportion of the population is not able to fully understand written documents. 6 For instance, first users could design electronic democracy applications in a way which meets their requirements and their visions of the world. 7 An anonymizer is a system which conceals the identity of Internet users. It is provided by a number of specialized Web sites. 8 Report to Congress, 10 April 1998. 9 Five conditions were imposed by the Ministers to the full liberalization of telecom­ munication markets in the European Union: provision and financing of universal service, the establishment of interconnection rules, the setting up of licensing procedure conditions, comparable and effective market access including in third countries, and fair competition. 10 The so-called Regional Bell Operating Companies (RBOC) created from the dismantling of AT&T in 1984. 11 Of course, most European operators simultaneously provide national and inter­ national voice services as well as network services and their respective number cannot be estimated. The increase in telecom operators is nevertheless extremely high. 12 Directive 95/46/EC of 24 October 1995 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data. 13 For the current situation in each European Union member state regarding legislation on access to public sector information see http://www2.echo.lu/info2000/en/ publicsector/gp-annex.html 14 As the case of France, where a form of state entrepreneurship termed as high tech colbertism predominated for decades, illustrates (Vedel, 1997a). 15 In accordance with the 1986 Uniform Freedom of Information Act Fee Schedule and Guidelines issued by the Office of Management and Budget, pricing principles consist of charging for search, duplication and review costs when providing public data. The principles allow to pay the taxpayers back, but prevent the administrations from any profit making. 16 Refer to the Information Technology Management Reform Act of 1996 for further details. 17 For a detailed analysis of national legislation in the EU, see the Green Paper on public information in the information society released by the European Commission at the beginning of 1999. 18 Article 255 of the Treaty o f the European Community. 19 This project was decided as a result of the G7 Ministerial Conference in Brussels in February 1995, jointly with ten other pilot projects aiming at stimulating new global applications. 20 In effect, most European public broadcasters have opened Web sites. Yet, it is not clear whether these sites meet broadcasters' public service requirements. 21 In the usual carrier model, infrastructure operators indifferently serve the public without editorial control or interference on transmitted information. See Pool, 1983. 22 On this initiative and similar ones in other countries, see Selwyn, 1999. 23 As stated in the title of the report: 'Building the European Information Society for us all'. Available on http://www.ispo.cec.be/hleg/building.html 24 However, it must be noted that this programme represents a small amount of money (Euro 25 million) and that many other measures are aimed at optimizing the economic benefits of the information society, especially with regard to small and medium enterprises (SMEs). 25 See Sclove, 1995, which provides a state of the literature on the topic and documented case studies, and suggests a strategy for democratizing technology. 26 It should be made clear that we do not subscribe here to the deterministic view that some technologies necessarily drive democratic uses. However, technologies define opportunities and constraints that, in a given economic context, might facilitate democra­ tic uses and hamper non-democratic uses.

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References Barber, B. (1984) Strong Democracy. Participatory Politics for a New Age. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bardoel, J. and Frissen, V. (1999) 'Policing participation: new forms of participation and citizenship and their implications for a social communication policy', Communications & Strategies, 34(2): 203-27. Brown, L. (1994) "The seven deadly sins of the digital age', Intermedia, July: 32-7. Catinat, M. (1998) "The National Information Infrastructure Initiative in the United States - policy or non-policy', Computer and Telecommunication Law Review, 3, April: 68-86; 4, May: 134-49. Docter, S. and Dutton, W.H. (1998) "The First Amendment online. Santa Monica's Public Electronic Network', in R. Tsagarousianou, D. Tambini and C. Bryan, Cyberdemocracy. Technology, Cities and Civic Networks. London: Routledge. pp. 125-51. Frissen, P. (1997) "The virtual state. Postrnodernisation, information and public adminis­ tration', in B.D. Loader (ed.), The Governance of Cyberspace. London: Routledge. pp. 111-25. Gandy, O.H. Jr. (1993) The Panoptic Sort. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Gasparinetti, M. (1999) 'Personal data and Directive 95/46/EC: "The great wall of Europe", or too much ado about nothing?', Telecommunications and Broadcasting Networks under EC Law. Lyon, D. (1994) The Electronic Eye. The Rise of Surveillance Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Meiklejohn, A. (1960) Political Freedom: The Constitutional Powers of People. New York: Harper. Miller, S.E. (1996) Civilizing the Cyberspace: Policy, Power and the Information Superhighway. Reading: Addison Wesley. Pool, I. de Sola (1983) Technologies of Freedom; On Free Speech in an Electronic Age. Cambridge: Belknap/Harvard University Press. Raab, C D . (1997) 'Privacy, democracy, information', in Brian Loader (ed.), The Governance of Cyberspace. London: Routledge. pp. 155-74. Reingold, H. (1993) The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley. Robins, K. and Webster, K. (1988) 'Cybernetic capitalism: information, technology, every day life', in V. Mosco and J. Wasko, The Political Economy of Information. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Sclove, R.E. (1995) Democracy and Technology. New York: The Guilford Press. Selwyn, N. (1999) 'Schooling die information society? The place of the information super­ highway in education', Information, Communication & Society, 2(2): 156-73. Trudel, P. et al. (1997) Droit du cyberspace. Montreal: Editions Themis, van Dijk, J. (1997) 'Universal service from the perspective of consumers and citizens'. Report to the Information Society Forum. (Available at: www://ispo.cec.be/inforum/ documents/ann-rep-97.htm) Vedel, T. (1997a) 'Information superhighway policy in France: the end of high-tech Colbertism?', in B . Kahin and E. Wilson (eds), National Information Infrastructure Initiatives. Vision and Policy Design. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, pp. 307-48. Vedel, T. (1997b) 'The ecology of games shaping information superhighway policies', Trends in Communications, 3: 3 5 - 5 1 .

PART IV SUMMARY

12 Summary ]an van Dijk and Kenneth L. Hacker

In this c h a p t e r t h e m a i n findings o f t h e a u t h o r s o f this b o o k a r e s u m m a r i z e d a n d p u t in a w i d e r p e r s p e c t i v e . W e intend t o c o m p a r e t h e p r e l i m i n a r y p r a c t i c a l results o f digital d e m o c r a c y w i t h t h e m a n y p r o m i s e s m a d e in its w a k e . S o m e o f t h e s e p r o m i s e s w e r e c o n t a i n e d in t h e 18 q u e s t i o n s in t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n ( s e e p . 5). T h e c o n c l u s i o n s are set o u t in t h r e e parts: t h e o r y , p r a c t i c e a n d issues o f further research.

Theory A View on Technology T o m F r i e d m a n , a u t h o r o f The Lexus and the Olive Tree s a y s that w e live in a n a g e in w h i c h e v e r y t h i n g is t r u e a l o n g w i t h its o p p o s i t e . L o n g a g o , C h a r l e s D i c k e n s said it w a s t h e b e s t o f t i m e s a n d t h e w o r s t o f t i m e s . M a r x r e p e a t e d w h a t others said a b o u t t h e rich g e t t i n g richer a n d t h e p o o r getting p o o r e r in a society o f s u r p l u s a n d political c o n s u l t a n t D i c k M o r r i s s a y s t h e s m a r t g e t s m a r t e r a n d t h e d u m b get d u m b e r in this a g e o f information. T h e r e is a s i m p l e r e a s o n w h y these p a r a d o x e s exist. A s t h e F r e n c h p h i l o s o p h e r o f t e c h n o l o g y J a c q u e s Ellul n o t e d , all t e c h n o l o g i e s b r i n g b o t h g o o d a n d b a d c o n s e q u e n c e s . S u c h is t h e c a s e w i t h digi­ tal t e c h n o l o g y . It is i m p o s s i b l e to e v a l u a t e digital d e m o c r a c y w i t h o u t a n implicit o r explicit conception of technology, democracy and communication. Most contributors of this b o o k h a v e a v i e w o n t e c h n o l o g y a s a d u a l i t y o f e n a b l i n g a n d defining c a p a c i ­ ties c o m b i n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d risks, g o o d a n d b a d potential c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h i s d u a l i t y s e r v e s to a v o i d m i s t a k e s often m a d e w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e c a u s e s a n d effects o f t e c h n o l o g y . A c c o r d i n g t o J o h n Street ( 1 9 9 7 ) t h e r e a r e t h r e e m i s t a k e n

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claims about t e c h n o l o g y : that it is neutral, that it is a u t o n o m o u s and that it can b e selected freely. P r o p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a p p e a r to b e m o s t vulnerable to the c l a i m o f neutral technology. M a n y o f t h e m s u p p o s e the p r o b l e m s o f d e m o c r a c y are pri­ m a r i l y practical and to b e solved b y t h e application o f t e c h n o l o g y as a neutral instrument. F o r t h e m I C T a n d C M C p r o v i d e a technical fix to limits o f t i m e , p l a c e , information and access in t h e daily practices of d e m o c r a c y . A s digital tech­ n o l o g y enables p e o p l e to b r e a k particular limits of t i m e , place a n d size o f p e o p l e able to c o m m u n i c a t e simultaneously, a n d b e c a u s e this t e c h n o l o g y offers an a b u n ­ d a n c e o f information and terminal access to n e t w o r k s , t h e y s u p p o s e it can cure ills o f m o d e r n d e m o c r a c y . O p p o s e d to this, the contributors o f this b o o k h a v e stressed that the p r o b l e m s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y d e m o c r a c y g o m u c h deeper. N o tech­ n o l o g y is able to 'fix' a lack o f political m o t i v a t i o n , lack o f t i m e , effort and skills required for full participation in d e m o c r a t i c activities. N o t e c h n o l o g y c a n dis­ solve the social a n d material inequalities that a p p e a r to b e so strongly related to differences of participation. M o r e o v e r , digital d e m o c r a c y is not o n l y a potential cure o f d e m o c r a c y in gen­ eral, it m i g h t j u s t as well h a r m it. In C h a p t e r 3 it w a s c l a i m e d that I C T amplifies the tendencies o f a spread and c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f politics. T h e locus o f control in social and political s y s t e m s is t u r n i n g a w a y from the m o s t important d e m o c r a t i c entity in the last centuries, the nation state. It is h a n d e d over to transnational corporations and all kinds o f (in)formal n e t w o r k s w i t h no tradition o f d e m o c r a c y a n d accountability. T h e other t e n d e n c y , a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f politics in the r e g i s ­ tration, control and surveillance b y states, corporations and societies at large w o u l d not be an a d v a n c e o f d e m o c r a c y either. T h e r e are no easy solutions to such structural p r o b l e m s o f d e m o c r a c y . T h e s e c o n d m i s t a k e n v i e w o n t e c h n o l o g y is that it leaves n o choice b e c a u s e it d e v e l o p s a u t o n o m o u s l y . S o m e a d v o c a t e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y c l a i m that the state and other hierarchies will inevitably w i t h e r a w a y to m a k e r o o m for all kinds o f n e t w o r k s , m a r k e t s and virtual c o m m u n i t i e s . In t h e optimistic version of this tech­ nological determinist position n e t w o r k s j u s t h a v e to result in ' h o r i z o n t a l ' types o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n and 'flat' organizations. C o n t r a r y to this, the authors here h a v e e m p h a s i z e d the choices political actors h a v e in s h a p i n g digital d e m o c r a c y from its n u m e r o u s , e x t r e m e l y d i v e r g i n g applications. In general, horizontal and 'flat' c o m m u n i c a t i o n are not the o n l y o p t i o n s . N e t w o r k s h a v e centres as well a n d t h e y offer all kinds o f opportunities for n e w c o m p l e x hierarchies intelligently c o m ­ b i n i n g centralization and decentralization. In particular, this b o o k h a s described d i v e r g i n g v i e w s o n d e m o c r a c y leading to different d e s i g n s a n d applications o f the s a m e technology. H o w e v e r , digital t e c h n o l o g y is n o collection o f tools enabling altogether free selections and c o m p l e t e l y o p e n political c h o i c e s . Digital t e c h n o l o g y h a s particu­ lar characteristics defining w h a t is p o s s i b l e or likely to be d o n e a n d w h a t is not. F o r instance, it is k n o w n for its speed, b i g g e o g r a p h i c a l reach, large storage potential, accuracy o f registration a n d interactivity. T h e s e characteristics will define future politics in o n e w a y or another. For e x a m p l e , inevitably there will b e s o m e s p e e d - u p o f political p r o c e s s e s following the application o f digital

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t e c h n o l o g y . F o r e x a m p l e , there will b e m o r e daily telepolling, c o n t i n u o u s g o v e r n m e n t registration a n d instant political n e w s o n the Internet a n d interactive b r o a d c a s t i n g . Inevitably, they will p u t h e a v y p r e s s u r e o n the representative s y s t e m that actually n e e d s t i m e for t h i n k i n g , c o n s u l t a t i o n a n d deliberation. H o w e v e r , t h e d e g r e e s o f freedom in b e n d i n g technological characteristics are large for e v e r y political s y s t e m and culture as H a g e n h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d in C h a p t e r 4. E v e n individuals are able to influence the c o u r s e o f t e c h n o l o g y at decisive m o m e n t s as R o g e r s a n d M a l h o t r a h a v e s h o w n d e s c r i b i n g t h e early history o f the Internet. W h i l e c o m p u t e r s w e r e invented as n u m b e r - c r u n c h i n g d e v i c e s , t h e y w e r e t r a n s f o r m e d into c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i a b y particular g r o u p s o f users. W e m a y agree w i t h J o h n S t r e e t ' s c o n c l u s i o n ( 1 9 9 7 : 3 4 ) : ' T e c h n o l o g y is not s o m e t h i n g that exists as a s i m p l e object for o u r u s e . It acts to structure o u r choices a n d p r e f e r e n c e s , b u t n o t in a w h o l l y determinist w a y . T h e relationship is in con­ stant flux: political p r o c e s s e s s h a p e t e c h n o l o g y ; a n d it then s h a p e s politics.' T h i s m e a n s that w e h a v e to m o v e forward w i t h e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h exactly d e t e r m i n ­ ing h o w political activity c h a n g e s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d d e s i g n o f t e c h n o l o g y and h o w t e c h n o l o g y s h a p e s politics o n particular o c c a s i o n s (see b e l o w ) . The Need for Conceptual and Historical

Analysis

I n this b o o k the a u t h o r s h a v e tried to d e m o n s t r a t e that n o t o n l y a c o n c e p t o f t e c h n o l o g y b u t also c o n c e p t s o f d e m o c r a c y and c o m m u n i c a t i o n are required for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the real c h a n c e s a n d results o f digitalization in politics. R e c e n t l y , a host of b o o k s h a s a p p e a r e d a b o u t ' c y b e r d e m o c r a c y ' , ' c y b e r p o l i t i c s ' , ' e l e c t r o n i c d e m o c r a c y ' , ' t e l e d e m o c r a c y ' a n d t h e like. T h e y r e m a i n r e m a r k a b l y silent w h e n it c o m e s to defining d e m o c r a c y or e x p l a i n i n g w h a t c o n c e p t s like access, interactivity, horizontal c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d p u b l i c d e b a t e really m e a n in the context o f digital t e c h n o l o g y . Therefore, in this b o o k m u c h effort w a s m a d e to unfold these c o n c e p t s . It a p p e a r s that t h e ideals o f digital d e m o c r a c y are n o t easily p u t into p r a c t i c e . S p l e n d i d opportunities o f better access to, r e s p o n ­ siveness of a n d interactivity w i t h political institutions result in m u c h m o r e s o b e r practices. M o r e o v e r , solid theory a n d historical analysis are u r g e n t l y required. In the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y o n e n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i u m after a n o t h e r w a s h a i l e d for its d e m o c r a t i c potential. R a d i o , television, cable, satellite, m i c r o - w a v e t r a n s m i s ­ sion, V C R and v i d e o c a m e r a , t h e y w e r e all projected to b e creators or saviours o f d e m o c r a c y . W i t h i n o n e or t w o d e c a d e s disillusion reigned. It a p p e a r s as a long series o f confirmations o f W i n s t o n ' s ' l a w o f the s u p p r e s s i o n o f radical p o t e n t i a l ' following the arrival o f n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s ( W i n s t o n , 1998). H o w e v e r , p e s s i m i s m is n o t called for either. W h o c o u l d h a v e p r e d i c t e d that a safety s y s t e m for c o m m u n i c a t i o n built b y t h e A m e r i c a n defence a n d state hier­ a r c h y w o u l d turn into a w o r l d - w i d e n e t w o r k o f m o r e or less free c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g m i l l i o n s o f civilian u s e r s ? R o g e r s and M a l h o t r a h a v e d e s c r i b e d this trans­ formation. T h e y h a v e s h o w n h o w the first a p p l i c a t i o n s of this n e t w o r k entered local political c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g in t h e U S w i t h i n a d e c a d e . T h e question o f w h a t d e m o c r a c y is, w h e t h e r digital or traditional, w a s the central issue in v a n D i j k ' s C h a p t e r 3 . H e a r g u e d that at least six v i e w s o r m o d e l s

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o f d e m o c r a c y h i d e b e h i n d all p r o m i s e s a n d p r a c t i c e s o f t h e n e w m e d i a in t h e political s y s t e m at large. T h e a d v o c a t e s o f four o f t h e s e six m o d e l s , pluralist, plebiscitary, participatory a n d libertarian d e m o c r a c y , a r e t r y i n g t o u s e t h e n e w m e d i a t o s p r e a d politics into s o c i e t y a n d a c r o s s the b o r d e r s r e m o v i n g it from t h e centres o f institutional politics ( g o v e r n m e n t s , p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s a n d parties). T h e y prefer civic n e t w o r k i n g , p u b l i c d e b a t e s , c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g , i n d e p e n d e n t political i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l y a n d t e l e v o t i n g or telepolling. P r o p o n e n t s o f t h e o t h e r t w o m o d e l s , legalist a n d c o m p e t i t i v e d e m o c r a c y , a r e u s i n g t h e n e w m e d i a t o rein­ force o r r e i n v i g o r a t e institutional politics. T h e y a r e a p p l y i n g t h e n e w m e d i a t o p u b l i c information supply, registration b y g o v e r n m e n t s a n d p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a ­ tions a n d powerful election c a m p a i g n t e c h n i q u e s . T h e s e o p p o s i t e m o v e m e n t s c a n b e e x t e n d e d to future directions o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e m o v e m e n t o f s p r e a d i n g politics into society w i l l prefer a n Internet m o d e l o f d e s i g n i n g t h e future information s u p e r h i g h w a y . T h e m o v e m e n t t o c o n c e n t r a t e politics tends t o d e v e l o p so-called M a r k e t i n g a n d Infocratic m o d e l s o f t h e s a m e h i g h w a y ( a s v a n Dijk h a s called t h e m ) . T h e actors c o n c e r n e d w i l l p r i m a r i l y a d a p t tradi­ tional political a n d m e d i a p r a c t i c e s into formats o f interactive b r o a d c a s t i n g , e - c o m m e r c e a n d political m a r k e t i n g a n d p o l l i n g . T h e actual r o a d o f future d e v e l o p m e n t largely d e p e n d s o n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e political s y s t e m s a n d cultures c o n c e r n e d . In C h a p t e r 4 , H a g e n s h o w s that t h e s a m e digital t e c h n o l o g y is a b l e t o a c q u i r e c o m p l e t e l y different s h a p e s a n d t y p e s o f application in particular political s y s t e m s a n d cultures. T h e differences in t h e n a s c e n t digital d e m o c r a c i e s o f t h e U S , t h e U K a n d G e r m a n y a r e striking. I n t h e U S o n e looks for electronically s u p p o r t e d direct t y p e s o f political activity a n d local c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g . Increasingly, direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n links b e t w e e n citizens, representatives, g o v e r n m e n t s a n d m e d i a are t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t option. H o w e v e r , H a g e n a r g u e s t h a t t h e r e is a b a d historical e x p e r i e n c e o f direct d e m o c r a t i c relationships in G e r m a n y . G e r m a n s t h i n k c l o s e political r e l a t i o n s h i p s m i g h t b e g o o d for p u r p o s e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b u t n o t for d e c i s i o n m a k i n g . Digital t e c h n o l o g y is s c a r c e l y u s e d for local c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g either. Instead, it is a d o p t e d t o reinforce institutional politics for t h e benefit o f a m o r e efficient state a n d party system. In the U K t h e u s e o f digital t e c h n o l o g y in politics is also output-oriented a n d t o p - d o w n . T h e r e is a strong p u b l i c service orientation a d d r e s s ­ ing citizens a s c o n s u m e r s w h o n e e d better information to decide in civilian a n d political affairs. T h e r e are o t h e r r e q u i r e m e n t s for a n a p p r o p r i a t e context o f digital d e m o c r a c y , s u c h as e c o n o m i c , social a n d e d u c a t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s a n d favourable p r o p e r t i e s o f m e d i a d e s i g n a n d m e d i a m a r k e t s (see b e l o w ) . AH t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s t a k e n t o g e t h e r explain h o w irresponsible it is t o talk a b o u t t h e opportunities o f digital d e m o c ­ r a c y in t h e abstract. T o r e h e a r s e J o h n S t r e e t ' s e x p r e s s i o n : digital d e m o c r a c y is n o t neutral, it is n o t a u t o n o m o u s a n d it c a n n o t b e selected freely. Public Spheres and Media Traditionally, d e m o c r a c y - in e v e r y v i e w o n it - h a s a c l o s e relationship to p u b l i c life a n d the m a s s m e d i a as t h e infrastructures o f society. H o w e v e r , t h i n g s are c h a n g i n g fast in c o n t e m p o r a r y society. A c c o r d i n g t o K e a n e ( C h a p t e r 5) t h e o l d

Summary

213

h e g e m o n y o f state-structured a n d territorially b o u n d p u b l i c life m e d i a t e d b y radio, television a n d n e w s p a p e r s is b e i n g rapidly e r o d e d . T h e c o n v e n t i o n a l ideal o f a unified p u b l i c s p h e r e a n d its c o r r e s p o n d i n g v i s i o n o f a r e p u b l i c o f citizens living u p to s o m e ' p u b l i c g o o d ' are obsolete. Instead, w e get a c o m p l e x m o s a i c o f differently sized, o v e r l a p p i n g and i n t e r c o n n e c t e d p u b l i c s p h e r e s . T h i s m o s a i c is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f m i c r o - s p h e r e s (interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) , m e s o - s p h e r e s (local/national m e d i a ) a n d m a c r o - s p h e r e s (international m e d i a ) . O f c o u r s e , the Internet is an a p p r o p r i a t e m e d i u m to link t h e s e s p h e r e s , that is, to o v e r l a p and interconnect them. H o w e v e r , a c o m m o n i m p r e s s i o n o f Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g social a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists is that it p r o d u c e s fragmentation as w e l l as unification. O n e refers to t h e n u m e r o u s separate n e w s g r o u p s , d i s c u s s i o n lists, virtual c o m ­ m u n i t i e s a n d interest g r o u p s o n t h e N e t . C o n t r a r y to this c o m m o n p e r c e p t i o n , Sassi ( C h a p t e r 6) c l a i m s that t h e p u b l i c s m a y b e fragmenting, w h i l e the issues are uniting. All k i n d s o f c o m b i n a t i o n s o f issues a n d p u b l i c s , local a n d global, b e c o m e p o s s i b l e o n t h e N e t . T h e o v e r l a p s , t h e i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s and t h e h y p e r l i n k s are c o n s p i c u o u s features o f t h e Internet b o t h internally a n d externally (links to other media). In this restructuring o f p u b l i c s p h e r e s o n the N e t , m a n y o f its early a d o p t e r s h a v e seen an o p p o r t u n i t y to r e m o v e t h e old m a s s m e d i a as ' d i s t o r t i n g ' m e d i a t o r s in p r o c e s s e s o f political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d decision m a k i n g . T h e s e m e d i a w e r e rejected as b e i n g b i a s e d b y v e s t e d c o m m e r c i a l a n d political interests in close c o - o p e r a t i o n . T e l e v i s i o n in particular w a s increasingly a c c u s e d o f b e i n g a m e d i u m m o r e r e d u c i n g t h a n s u p p o r t i n g t h e political k n o w l e d g e , m o t i v a t i o n , activity a n d c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g o f citizens (e.g. H a r t , 1994). Instead, the Internet w o u l d m a k e r e d u n d a n t t h e i n t e r m e d i a r y role o f j o u r n a l i s t s , politicians a n d e v e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . H e n c e f o r w a r d t h e y c o u l d b e b y p a s s e d . Citizens w o u l d get t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o search, select a n d interpret political i n f o r m a t i o n all b y t h e m s e l v e s a n d c o m m u n i c a t e o p i n i o n s a m o n g e a c h other, a n d b y d o i n g so create a n e w k i n d o f politics. H o w e v e r , if there is a n y m i s t a k e a m o n g t h e early a d o p t e r s o f t h e Internet, it is this o n e . ' T h e Internet is n o neutral z o n e of citizen activity or a r e a l m o f f r e e d o m ' w a s S a s s i ' s reply in C h a p t e r 6. In a short p e r i o d o f t i m e , this n e t w o r k o f n e t w o r k s h a s b e e n t r a n s f o r m e d from a p r i m a r i l y p u b l i c m e d i u m w i t h o p e n d i s c u s s i o n into a m e d i u m o f e - c o m m e r c e a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t . Internet sites are rated a n d filtered, a t t e m p t s at c e n s o r s h i p are m a d e and increasingly informa­ tion is offered in p a y - p e r - v i e w formats. O f c o u r s e , opportunities o f p u b l i c a n d free c o m m u n i c a t i o n o r information s u p p l y r e m a i n a n d e v e n g r o w . H o w e v e r , the relative part of it in total Internet c o m m u n i c a t i o n is shrinking. In a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f w a y s , t h e Internet is b e c o m i n g a ' n o r m a l ' m a s s m e d i u m . T h e idea that i n t e r m e d i a r i e s h a v e b e c o m e superfluous in u s i n g t h e Internet is a grave error. It h a s o n l y benefited those w h o h a v e c o m e to m e e t t h e real n e e d s of a v e r a g e u s e r s w i t h professional c o m m e r c i a l services, a m o n g t h e m services o f political information. Ironically, a m e d i u m that is t o u t e d for its radical disinterm e d i a t i o n h a s s p a w n e d an entire industry o f m e d i a t i o n c o m p a n i e s to sort out a n d c a t a l o g u e Internet content. T h e e n o r m o u s i n f o r m a t i o n o v e r l o a d and t h e difficulty o f u s i n g services o n t h e Internet n e c e s s i t a t e m o r e , n o t less i n t e r m e d i a r i e s as

214

Summary

c o m p a r e d to traditional m e d i a . W e b portals, search e n g i n e s , electronic p a p e r s , m a g a z i n e s , information services, v o t e r g u i d e s a n d b r o a d c a s t i n g c h a n n e l s a r e a l r e a d y d o m i n a t i n g t h e political information s u p p l y o n t h e N e t . T h e y a r e d e v e l ­ o p i n g their o w n k i n d s o f political p o w e r w h i c h a r e n o t inferior to t h e p o w e r o f traditional m e d i a in politics. N o n - c o m m e r c i a l intermediaries h a v e a role to p l a y a s w e l l . In C h a p t e r s 7, 8 a n d 9 o f this b o o k t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f political informa­ tion sites like t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m , v o t i n g g u i d e s like t h e D e m o c r a c y N e t w o r k a n d o r g a n i z e d p u b l i c d e b a t i n g lists for the d e m o c r a t i c participation o f t h e a v e r a g e citizen w e r e e x p l a i n e d .

Practice The Claims and the Results of Digital Democracy N o w it is t i m e to strike a p r e l i m i n a r y b a l a n c e sheet o f 10 to 15 years o f e x p e r i ­ m e n t s w i t h digital d e m o c r a c y after t h e first b e g i n n i n g s as d e s c r i b e d in, for instance, A r t e r t o n ( 1 9 8 7 ) a n d A b r a h a m s o n et al. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e c l a i m s m a d e b y t h e strong a d v o c a t e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y as listed in B r y a n et al. ( 1 9 9 8 ) a m o n g o t h e r s c a n b e s u m m a r i z e d u n d e r three h e a d i n g s (cf. T s a g a r o u s i a n o u , 1999): 1

Digital d e m o c r a c y i m p r o v e s political information retrieval a n d e x c h a n g e b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t s , p u b l i c administrations, representatives, political a n d c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d individual citizens.

2

Digital d e m o c r a c y s u p p o r t s p u b l i c d e b a t e , deliberation a n d c o m m u n i t y formation. Digital d e m o c r a c y e n h a n c e s participation in political decision m a k i n g b y citizens.

3

N o w , w i t h all t h e c a u t i o n r e q u i r e d for s u c h a short p e r i o d o f t i m e , it can b e defensibly a r g u e d that digital d e m o c r a c y h a s c o n t r i b u t e d in r e a c h i n g t h e first claim. T h e s e c o n d c l a i m a p p e a r s t o b e o n l y partially justified. H o w e v e r , the third a n d strongest c l a i m c a n n o t b e m a i n t a i n e d at this m o m e n t . W e will e x p l a i n t h e s e c o n ­ clusions as w e s u m m a r i z e s o m e o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t results o f this b o o k . T h e greatest a c h i e v e m e n t o f digital d e m o c r a c y at t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g is t h e offer o f better opportunities for information retrieval a n d e x c h a n g e . A n e n o r m o u s stock o f politically r e l e v a n t information is available t o citizens h a v i n g a c c e s s t o t h e n e w m e d i a . W h e n t h e y h a v e t h e skills r e q u i r e d t h e y c a n freely select from this b o d y o f k n o w l e d g e t h e m s e l v e s , instead o f b e i n g d e p e n d e n t o n traditional p r e ­ p r o g r a m m e d m a s s m e d i a supply. O f c o u r s e , j o u r n a l i s t s a n d all k i n d s o f informa­ tion b r o k e r s h a v e benefited m o s t from t h e s e opportunities. H o w e v e r , sufficiently educated and experienced net users are also able to d o this w i t h the aid o f s o m e tools. H a c k e r ' s study o f t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m s h o w s that this s y s t e m h a s p r o ­ d u c e d m o r e a n d easier citizen a c c e s s t o g o v e r n m e n t d o c u m e n t s , greater c o n n e c ­ tivity b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t a g e n c i e s a n d citizens and, in return, m o r e c h a n n e l s for citizen input b y s e n d i n g q u e s t i o n s , c o m p l a i n t s , o p i n i o n s a n d electronic petitions. E l b e r s e , H a l l a n d D u t t o n ( C h a p t e r 8) h a v e studied t h e D e m o c r a c y N e t w o r k in California a n d found that it is a n i n n o v a t i v e electronic v o t e r guide d e s i g n e d t o better inform v o t e r s a b o u t t h e full r a n g e o f issues a n d c a n d i d a t e s . In this w a y the

Summary

215

D N e t contributed to a broader a n d more in-depth discussion of the issues than available o v e r t h e m a s s m e d i a . M o r e o v e r , c a n d i d a t e s outside t h e m a i n s t r e a m , w i t h limited m e a n s t o r e a c h t h e p u b l i c in e x p e n s i v e m a s s m e d i a c a m p a i g n s , w e r e e q u a l l y i n c l u d e d in t h e g u i d e a n d the i s s u e s o f d e b a t e it c o n t a i n e d . W h i l e t h e s e a r e o n l y case study e x a m p l e s , t h e g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n a m o n g o b s e r v e r s o f digital d e m o c r a c y is that m o r e a n d better i n f o r m a t i o n a c c e s s a n d e x c h a n g e a r e a m o n g its m o s t i m p o r t a n t a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s . H o w e v e r , t h e inter­ p r e t a t i o n o f its v a l u e for d e m o c r a c y is quite a n o t h e r affair. A c c e s s i b l e , reliable a n d v a l i d i n f o r m a t i o n is a n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n o f d e m o c r a c y . B u t is it a sufficient c o n d i t i o n for d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n ? W e t h i n k it i s n o t . T h e r e a r e n u m e r o u s s t e p s b e t w e e n r e t r i e v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a n d h a v i n g a n y i m p a c t o n d e c i s i o n m a k i n g . First, information h a s t o b e s e l e c t e d a n d p r o c e s s e d f r o m a n a b u n d a n c e o f s o u r c e s o f data. T h e result o f t h e s e m e n t a l steps is u n p r e d i c t a b l e a n d it strongly d e p e n d s o n individual skills a n d p r e f e r e n c e s . T h e n t h e r e is t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h a t o n e actually d o e s w i t h information. Is it t r a n s f o r m e d into political a c t i o n ? Finally, t h e effects o f potential a c t i o n o n actual d e c i s i o n m a k i n g in a d e m o c r a c y crucially d e p e n d o n relationships o f p o w e r in t h e political s y s t e m a n d in t h e m e d i a . E v e n w h e n t h e stage o f d e c i s i o n m a k i n g is r e a c h e d , it d o e s n o t follow that m o r e information e n h a n c e s d e m o c r a c y . A c c o r d i n g t o J o h n Street ( 1 9 9 7 : 3 1 ) ' d e c i s i o n s a r e n o t n e c e s s a r i l y i m p r o v e d b y t h e s i m p l e e x p e d i e n t o f a c q u i r i n g m o r e data. A l l d e c i ­ s i o n s a r e u l t i m a t e l y m a t t e r s o f j u d g e m e n t , a n d t h e art o f j u d g e m e n t m a y , i n fact be hampered b y an excess of information (Vickers, 1965; Dennett, 1986).' P s y c h o l o g i s t s k n o w that p e o p l e r e a c h d e c i s i o n s w i t h few factors a n d p i e c e s o f factual i n f o r m a t i o n s i m u l t a n e o u s l y p r o c e s s e d in their m i n d a n d also r e l y i n g o n needs, emotions, norms and values. P e r h a p s m o r e a n d b e t t e r collective d e b a t e a b o u t information, t h e s e c o n d m a i n c l a i m attached to digital d e m o c r a c y , offers better c h a n c e s o f b e i n g t r a n s f o r m e d into action a n d effects o n d e c i s i o n m a k i n g . T h i s c l a i m is b a s e d u p o n t h e c a p a c i ­ ties o f interaction in ( t h e u s e o f ) digital t e c h n o l o g y . H o w e v e r , interactivity is o n e o f t h e v a g u e s t a n d m o s t m i s u s e d c o n c e p t s i n political s c i e n c e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n science. In this b o o k , several a u t h o r s h a v e tried t o dissect a n d o p e r a t i o n a l i z e this concept. H a c k e r a t t e m p t s to w o r k o u t t h e c o n c e p t in g e n e r a l k i n d s a n d levels o f inter­ activity a n d a p a r t i c u l a r m o d e l o f political interactivity b e t w e e n citizens a n d g o v e r n m e n t ( C h a p t e r 7). First, there is t h e e l e m e n t a r y level o f s i m p l e f e e d b a c k l a u n c h i n g a t w o - w a y p r o c e s s . T h e n there is interactivity in a m o r e n a r r o w s e n s e : a c h a i n o f action a n d r e a c t i o n s i m p l y i n g m e s s a g e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e (Rafaeli, 1988). Finally w e h a v e reciprocity as a n e x c h a n g e a n d m u t u a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f interacting p a r t n e r s a n d t h e r e l e v a n t s o c i a l c o n t e x t s . V a n D i j k ( C h a p t e r 3 ) h a s tried t o s u m m a r i z e t h e s e c o n c e p t s in four levels o f interactivity a s a b r o a d or g e n ­ eral c o n c e p t c l o s e to W i l l i a m s et al. ( 1 9 8 8 ) a n d H a n s s e n e t a l . ( 1 9 9 6 ) . H a c k e r ' s m o d e l o f political interactivity ( F i g u r e 7.1) is i n t e n d e d t o b e a c o n ­ crete, empirically verifiable elaboration o f five stages in t h e e x c h a n g e o f infor­ m a t i o n b e t w e e n citizens a n d g o v e r n m e n t . C i t i z e n s s e n d q u e s t i o n s , c o m p l a i n t s , o p i n i o n s or p i e c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n to g o v e r n m e n t s ( p h a s e 1) a n d g o v e r n m e n t s reply, m o s t often a u t o m a t i c a l l y o r b y staff. T h i s m e a n s f e e d b a c k m e c h a n i s m s o n

216

Summary

information sites a n d m o r e or less standard r e s p o n s e s to an e-mail m e s s a g e ( p h a s e 2). Citizens will e v a l u a t e this feedback a n d t h e y m i g h t r e s p o n d o n their turn (phase 3). H o w e v e r , frequently t h e p r o c e s s o f interaction a l r e a d y stops h e r e : g o v e r n m e n t feedback is either satisfactory o r disappointing. W h e n the citizen d o e s r e s p o n d a n d urges the g o v e r n m e n t to take action (phase 4) t h e g o v e r n m e n t will either d o this or explain to t h e citizen w h y n o action is t a k e n ( p h a s e 5). T h e e x p e r i e n c e o f the W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m , at least, s h o w s that the last p h a s e s are not r e a c h e d v e r y often. W i t h regard to t h e first t w o p h a s e s , it m u s t b e recalled that a n u m b e r o f buffers are inserted b e t w e e n citizens and g o v e r n m e n t s . O f course, the r e s p o n s i b l e politicians rarely r e s p o n d personally: a staff is e n g a g e d with p a r t l y or w h o l l y s t a n d a r d i z e d r e s p o n s e s . In practice, this r e s p o n s e s o m e ­ times transforms into information c a m p a i g n i n g b y the g o v e r n m e n t and m e s s a g e s received are u s e d for o p i n i o n research. So, the use o f these direct channels b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t s and citizens might m e a n that g o v e r n m e n t b e c o m e s easier and faster to approach. But does it also m e a n that citizens acquire real access, in the sense of getting through and having an impact? T h e u s e o f the W H C M C system is a case of vertical c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n levels in the political s y s t e m (see Figure 12.1 b e l o w ) . H o w e v e r , Jankowski and van S e l m (Chapter 9) h a v e s h o w n that horizontal c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f equals (in principle) in Internet debates is also lacking in interactivity (also see Rojo and Ragsdale, 1997). In the debates analysed b y t h e m there w e r e no extensive exchanges b e t w e e n contributors. M o s t people appeared to simply read the contri­ butions of others and not contribute themselves. W h e n they did, the favourite people addressed w e r e political representatives. Frequently, the debate is d o m i ­ nated b y a few persons. Finally there is not m u c h pressure to c o m e to a conclusion, let alone reach consensus in electronic debates as c o m p a r e d to face-to-face discus­ sions. T h e y are only w e a k attempts to resolve a collectively perceived p r o b l e m . H o w e v e r , this d o e s not m e a n that all c l a i m s o f electronic d e b a t e s a r e u n t e n ­ able. F o l l o w i n g S c h n e i d e r ' s criteria (described in C h a p t e r 9) the quality a n d equality o f these d e b a t e s p o s e serious p r o b l e m s . H o w e v e r , the diversity and the (limited) reciprocity o f contributors o f electronic debates are p r o m i s i n g . O t h e r w i s e , o n e w o u l d not b e able to explain their e n o r m o u s p o p u l a r i t y as there are tens o f t h o u s a n d s o f discussion lists a n d n e w s g r o u p s o n the Internet. A p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 0 p e r cent o f Internet u s e r s discussed political issues o n l i n e in 1997 ( G V U Center, 1998, see F i g u r e 3.3). T h e e x c h a n g e o f o p i n i o n s m u s t h a v e influence o n the c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f the participants and h e n c e o n their online and offline political activities. U n d o u b t e d l y , electronic d e b a t e s will c o v e r large parts o f all future p u b l i c spheres and c o m m u n i t y building. T h e big p r o b l e m , h o w e v e r , is that there is n o p e r c e i v a b l e effect o n decision m a k i n g o f institutional politics at this m o m e n t . H e r e w e t o u c h o n the third c l a i m o f digital d e m o c r a c y : a s s u m e d i m p a c t o n decision m a k i n g . H o r i z o n t a l c o m m u n i ­ cation o n the Internet circulates in o n e or m o r e p u b l i c s p h e r e s contributing to civil society. T h i s is their a c h i e v e m e n t . H o w e v e r , neither private n o r ( s e m i ­ official Internet d e b a t e s (like the D u t c h ' B e s l i s w i j z e r ' described in C h a p t e r 9) s e e m to h a v e a n y i m p a c t o n political decision m a k i n g at t h e t i m e of writing. T h e Internet as a m e d i u m still has to c o n n e c t to traditional m a s s m e d i a to reach a

Summary

217

MACRO-LEVEL (governments, administrations)

MESO-LEVEL (organizations, social, political, media)

(4)

MICRO-LEVEL (individuals, citizens) FIGURE 12.1 Levels and links of communication in the political *Hacker's model of political interactivity, Chapter 7

system

larger a u d i e n c e a n d t o h a v e influence a c c o r d i n g t o Sassi ( C h a p t e r 6 ) . T h e o n l y e x c e p t i o n s a r e n e w s a n d r u m o u r s a b o u t disasters, w a r s a n d political s c a n d a l s in the U S as t h e y a r e first distributed o n t h e Internet. T h e observation that large-scale Internet activity is able t o flourish without a n y impact o n g o v e r n m e n t s a n d public administrations is easy to explain w h e n w e look at the m o d e l o f levels a n d links o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n in Figure 12.1. K e a n e a n d Sassi h a v e s h o w n that t h e Internet has the capacity to connect, a n d disconnect (!) m a c r o - , m e s o - and micro-levels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n in several kinds of public spheres. A t the macro-level t h e d e p a r t m e n t s o f the g o v e r n m e n t , t h e public administration a n d inter­ national b o d i e s e x c h a n g e e n o r m o u s a m o u n t s of data a n d information internally a n d b e t w e e n each other (arrow 1). A l m o s t all I C T investment of these institutions is allocated for these p u r p o s e s . T h e m e s o - a n d micro-levels o f horizontal c o m m u n i ­ cations b e t w e e n and within m e d i a a n d other organizations o r b e t w e e n individuals o n t h e Internet a r e completely separate c o m m u n i c a t i o n d o m a i n s to start with. H e r e w e find t h e activities o f civic networks, n e w s g r o u p s a n d discussion lists o r intranets of organizations (arrow 2). A t the b o t t o m o f t h e m o d e l there is t h e interpersonal e x c h a n g e of political information b y individuals. T h e G V U data presented in Chapter 3 indicate that this w a s d o n e b y 15 p e r cent o f Internet users in 1 9 9 7 . Presently, t h e horizontal c o m m u n i c a t i o n o n t h e three levels m e n t i o n e d is m u c h m o r e effective than t h e vertical c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m . T h e link b e t w e e n individual citizens a n d g o v e r n m e n t s (arrow 4) is still a p r o b l e m a t i c o n e . It is buffered and it lacks higher levels a n d p h a s e s of interactivity according t o H a c k e r ' s m o d e l o f interactivity s u m m a r i z e d earlier. T h e link b e t w e e n t h e m e d i a o r other organizations, public a n d private, a n d g o v e r n m e n t s o r public administrations, is extremely important in this age o f m e d i a politics, pressure g r o u p s a n d electoral funding (arrow 5). H o w e v e r , it is still completely d o m i n a t e d b y t h e old m a s s media. T h e impact o f t h e Internet is marginal, except on s o m e occasions (see earlier). T h e

218

Summary

link b e t w e e n individual citizens a n d m e d i a o r other public a n d private organizations (arrow 6) is very important a s well from a political point o f view. H e r e citizens c o m ­ municate w i t h W e b sites predominately. T h i s is t h e area o f electoral campaigning, telepolling, public relations a n d e - c o m m e r c e . In these e x c h a n g e s a citizen easily transforms into a consumer. In this case citizen participation takes theappearance o f c o n s u m e r choice o n information a n d s h o p p i n g channels. T h e registration o f ques­ tions a n d preferences replaces civic education, discussion a n d deliberation. T h e difficulty o f vertical links o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n in e m p o w e r i n g citizens is clearly related t o t h e difficulties o f direct d e m o c r a c y . T h i s is also b a s e d o n direct vertical links b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t s , citizens a n d intermediaries ( m e d i a , v o t i n g a n d p o l l i n g agencies). L a w r e n c e G r o s s m a n a n d others a r g u e that t h e Internet h a s b r o u g h t a n e w a g e o f direct d e m o c r a c y . Unfortunately, t h e c l a i m s o f direct d e m o c r a c y , digital or o t h e r w i s e , oversimplify t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f a political s y s t e m such as depicted in F i g u r e s 3.1 a n d 1 2 . 1 . Citizens c a n n o w h a v e m o r e d o c u m e n t access t h a n ever before. B u t w e h a v e s e e n that this d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e y h a v e a n y m o r e i m p a c t o n g o v e r n a n c e t h a n t h e y d i d in t h e d a y s o f t h e t e l e g r a p h . V o t e r s h a v e easier access to c a m p a i g n s if t h e y u s e W e b sites. Still, this d o e s n o t m e a n that t h e y c a n c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h c a n d i d a t e s , n o r d o e s it m e a n t h e y c a n influence t h e c a n d i d a t e s m o r e t h a n t h e y d i d w i t h t e l e p h o n e o r letter. E v i d e n t l y t h e future o f digital d e m o c r a c y will b e m u c h m o r e c o m p l e x . P r e s u m a b l y it will b e s o m e c o m b i n a t i o n o f direct a n d representative m o d e s o f d e m o c r a c y , c o m b i n a t i o n s v a r y i n g a c r o s s political s y s t e m s a n d cultures, as t h e y are t o d a y ( C h a p t e r 4 ) . Conditions of Digital Democracy O n e o f t h e r e a s o n s w h y w e h a v e n o t called this b o o k virtual d e m o c r a c y is t h e p o p ­ ular a s s u m p t i o n that so-called virtual politics (see earlier) are able to replace w h a t w e h a v e called o r g a n i c politics. Instead w e think that virtual politics will a d d to organic politics. Digital n e t w o r k s a n d o t h e r n e w m e d i a k e e p resting o n t h e m a t e ­ rial e n v i r o n m e n t o f social, physical, biological a n d m e n t a l conditions. So-called cyberspace is n o freely floating c o m m u n i c a t i o n space. (Internet g u r u J o h n Perry B a r l o w o n c e ridiculed h i m s e l f in t h e e y e s o f a part o f the a u d i e n c e in a d e b a t e w i t h W i l l i a m B u c k l e y responding Ί c o m e t o y o u from C y b e r s p a c e ' , as if h e w a s from a n o t h e r planet.) Instead, t h e Internet is d e s i g n e d in a particular w a y b y specific interests, it is u s e d b y p e o p l e o f flesh a n d b l o o d for particular p u r p o s e s , a n d it c a n n o t exist w i t h o u t definite resources in t e c h n o l o g y , e c o n o m y , society a n d individ­ ual h u m a n m i n d s a n d b o d i e s ( M a n t o v a n i , 1996; v a n Dijk, 1991/1997, 1999). All this g o e s for politics as w e l l . T h e future relies o n t h e interaction o f virtual a n d o r g a n i c politics. Hopefully, digital t e c h n o l o g y will s h a p e c o n d i t i o n s for a fruitful interplay b e t w e e n virtual a n d o r g a n i c , o n l i n e a n d offline political activi­ ties. B e s t c h a n c e s for s u c h a n interplay are at t h e local c o m m u n i t y a n d o r g a n i z a ­ tional level. H e r e it is e a s y to c o m b i n e all k i n d s o f o n l i n e a n d offline activities. Unfortunately, local civic n e t w o r k i n g , digital cities a n d other local m e d i a h a v e n o t a c q u i r e d m u c h attention in t h e section p r a c t i c e o f this b o o k . F o r t h e s e m e d i a w e c a n refer to t h e b o o k Cyberdemocracy, Technology, Cities and Civic Network b y T s a g a r o u s i a n o u et al., 1998.

Summary

219

A t a l o w e r level o f abstraction o n e c a n p a y attention to t h e c o n c r e t e e c o n o m i c , social and e d u c a t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s o f a c c e s s to t h e n e w m e d i a . In C h a p t e r 10 v a n D i j k explicated t h e m u l t i - f a c e d c o n c e p t o f access. A n u m b e r o f m e n t a l , m a t e ­ rial, social a n d cultural h u r d l e s h a v e to b e c r o s s e d t o fully benefit from the o p p o r ­ tunities o f digital d e m o c r a c y . O t h e r w i s e participation in digital d e m o c r a c y will n o t b e bigger, b u t smaller as c o m p a r e d to existing o r g a n i c d e m o c r a c y . Earlier in this chapter, it w a s stressed that digital d e m o c r a c y h a s i m p r o v e d t h e c o n d i t i o n s of information retrieval and e x c h a n g e . H o w e v e r , this g o e s for p e o p l e w i t h sufficient digital skills. F o r p e o p l e l a c k i n g these skills c o n d i t i o n s get w o r s e . E v e n in d e v e l o p e d W e s t e r n countries this threatens to b e the c a s e for at least o n e third of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . M o s t political activities o n the Internet require relatively h i g h levels o f intel­ lectual o r technical skill and m u c h m o t i v a t i o n a n d effort. H o w e v e r , the ability, training, e n e r g y , m o t i v a t i o n and desire to e n g a g e in these activities are v e r y u n e q u a l l y d i v i d e d a m o n g p o p u l a t i o n s . V a n D i j k w a r n s that t h e s e u n e q u a l divi­ sions m i g h t lead to a u s a g e g a p . T h i s m e a n s that s o m e will in fact be e x c l u d e d from political participation b y m e a n s o f digital t e c h n o l o g y w h i l e o t h e r s will par­ ticipate differently to an i n c r e a s i n g d e g r e e . A m o n g t h e last o n e s s o m e w i l l a d o p t t h e relatively s i m p l e u s a g e opportunities o f telepolling a n d t e l e v o t i n g o r signing electronic p e t i t i o n s , w h i l e others will benefit from the a d v a n c e d great o p p o r t u n i ­ ties o f t h e Internet: information retrieval, electronic d e b a t e s and decision s u p p o r t systems. F o r t u n a t e l y , this d i v i s i o n is n o m a t t e r o f natural necessity. Social, e c o n o m i c , cultural and e d u c a t i o n a l policies o f g o v e r n m e n t s , p u b l i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d cor­ p o r a t i o n s are able to p r e v e n t , or at least m i t i g a t e the rise o f s u c h information inequality (see C h a p t e r 10). O t h e r i m p o r t a n t c o n d i t i o n s are the infrastructures, the c o m p o n e n t s a n d t h e r e g u l a t i o n s o f t h e information s u p e r h i g h w a y u n d e r c o n ­ struction. In t h e c o u r s e o f t h e 1970s a n d 1980s a historic d e c i s i o n w a s r e a c h e d b y W e s t e r n g o v e r n m e n t s . F o l l o w i n g t h e i n c r e a s i n g l y d o m i n a n t policies o f liberal­ ization a n d privatization t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e information s u p e r h i g h w a y w a s left to b u s i n e s s enterprise. T h i s decision will h a v e a lasting i m p a c t o n the n a t u r e , t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s and the actual u s e o f this h i g h w a y in the twenty-first century. A m o n g t h e s e characteristics are t h e c o n d i t i o n s of digital d e m o c r a c y . G o v e r n ­ m e n t s w i l l o n l y b e able to m a r g i n a l l y correct u n d e s i r a b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s a n d p r o ­ m o t e socially r e l e v a n t u s e s o f the n e w infrastructure. Still, g o v e r n m e n t policies do m a t t e r and t h e y will h a v e an i m p a c t o n t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . A s Catinat and V e d e l e x p l a i n e d in C h a p t e r 1 1 , g o v e r n m e n t policies in t h e U S a n d the E U try to stimulate and to correct the d e s i g n o f the information super­ h i g h w a y in respects w h i c h are all related to c o n d i t i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . U n i v e r s a l a n d p u b l i c access to digital t e c h n o l o g y is r e g u l a t e d a n d p a r t l y p u t into practice b y A m e r i c a n a n d E u r o p e a n g o v e r n m e n t s . Information a n d c o m m u n i c a ­ tion freedom o n t h e Internet is u n d e r n a t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s , a l t h o u g h international escape o p t i o n s are w i d e l y available. T h e relationship b e t w e e n intellectual p r o ­ perty rights a n d fair u s e rights o f individual citizens is e s t a b l i s h e d b y n e w c o p y ­ right acts. P r i v a c y a n d p e r s o n a l a u t o n o m y in digital c o m m u n i c a t i o n , political a n d other, are p a r t l y safeguarded b y p r i v a c y regulation. Finally, t h e m o s t

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important p r e s e n t j o b o f g o v e r n m e n t s is t o fund R a n d D activities a n d t o care for p u b l i c education. E d u c a t i o n is t h e crucial factor for equal a c c e s s o f citizens to digital t e c h n o l o g y as w a s a m p l y e x p l a i n e d in this b o o k . Catinat a n d V e d e l d i d n o t o n l y distinguish similarities b u t also differences b e t w e e n A m e r i c a n a n d E u r o p e a n g o v e r n m e n t o n t h e issues m e n t i o n e d a n d o t h e r s . T h i s m e a n s that t h e r e still is r o o m for g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c i e s .

Issues of Further Research I n the p a s t few y e a r s , digital d e m o c r a c y r e s e a r c h has b e e n d o m i n a t e d b y i d e o ­ l o g i c a l d i s c o u r s e . S t r o n g a d v o c a t e s o f digital d e m o c r a c y , t e l e d e m o c r a c y , c y b e r d e m o c r a c y a n d t h e like h a i l e d t h e b l e s s i n g s o f t h e n e w t e c h n o l o g y a n d w e l ­ c o m e d it a s a t e c h n o l o g y o f freedom. O n t h e o t h e r s i d e traditionalists, sceptics a n d t e c h n o p h o b e s h a v e e m p h a s i z e d t h e risks a n d t h e losses o f r e l y i n g o n (digital) t e c h n o l o g y in politics a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n . S o m e o f t h e m feared a political s y s t e m o f total registration, surveillance a n d control. N o w it is t i m e t o g e t o v e r this stage o f global o p p o s i t i o n s a n d e n t e r a p h a s e o f e m p i r i c a l research a n d c o n ­ ceptual elaboration. E v i d e n t l y , digital t e c h n o l o g y e n g e n d e r s b o t h g o o d a n d b a d potential c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h e a u t h o r s in this b o o k w a n t t o a d o p t b a l a n c e d p o s i ­ tions a n d statements. T h e y a r e n e i t h e r strong a d v o c a t e s n o r strong o p p o n e n t s o f digital d e m o c r a c y . T h e y h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o b e b o t h critical a n d realistic. In t h e current p h a s e o f d i s c u s s i o n this often m e a n s d e b u n k i n g illusions a n d u n t e n a b l e assumptions. T h e first t h i n g t h e a u t h o r s h a v e a t t e m p t e d is c o n c e p t u a l clarification. T h i s h a s to b e continued. C o n c e p t s like interactivity, p u b l i c sphere, d e b a t e a n d delibera­ tion, virtual politics a n d virtual c o m m u n i t y , u n i v e r s a l a n d p u b l i c access, infor­ m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n freedom, all o f t h e m crucial t o digital d e m o c r a c y , h a v e to b e clarified a n d o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d to m a k e t h e m suitable for e m p i r i c a l research. O f c o u r s e , theoretical d i s c o u r s e is i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o o in this a g e o f difficult t o g r a s p structural transformations. H o w e v e r , e v e n t u a l l y speculations h a v e to b e s u p p l a n t e d b y testable s t a t e m e n t s . T h e concrete applications o f digital d e m o c r a c y w i l l b e spotlighted in t h e y e a r s t o c o m e . T h i s requires reliable a n d valid evaluation research. H o w e v e r , evaluation r e s e a r c h o f digital d e m o c r a c y h a s b e e n frustrated b y a lack o f explicit g o a l s a n d detailed m e a n s to a c c o m p l i s h t h e m a m o n g d e s i g n e r s a n d a d o p t e r s o f particular applications. Therefore, t h e s u b s t a n ­ tial v i e w s o n d e m o c r a c y b e h i n d t h e applications o f digital d e m o c r a c y w e r e stressed in this b o o k . P o t e n t i a l actors h a v e to b e explicit in t h e results a n d per­ f o r m a n c e s expected. T h e n scientific e v a l u a t i o n r e s e a r c h b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e a n d h a s a c h a n c e o f r e p l a c i n g t h e current practices o f trial a n d error w h i c h lack sufficiently explicit l e a r n i n g p r a c t i c e s . T h e n e x t issue o f further r e s e a r c h is t h e testing o f b a s i c a s s u m p t i o n s . S u c h a n a s s u m p t i o n is t h e central idea b e h i n d t h e Cyberdemocracy book (Tsagarousianou et al., 1998). T h e i r p r e m i s e is that t h e existing infrastructure for t h e s u p p o r t a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t o f p u b l i c d e b a t e a n d political action h a s b e e n e r o d e d a n d u n d e r ­ m i n e d ( 1 9 9 8 : 5). T h e i r a s s u m p t i o n is 'that b y altering t h e form o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n

Summary

221

the content can b e changed and m o r e participation encouraged' (1998: 5). W e h a v e d o u b t s a b o u t this. A r e t h e n e w f o r m s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n offered b y digital d e m o c r a c y , like so-called interactivity a n d virtual d e b a t e , really l e a d i n g t o s u b ­ stantial c h a n g e s in political c o m m u n i c a t i o n ? A r e t h e y e n c o u r a g i n g m o r e partici­ p a t i o n ? W e h a v e s e e n h o w crucial t h e p r o b l e m s o f a c c e s s t o a n d actual u s a g e o f t h e n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s a r e in political participation. T h e r e f o r e , t h e elaboration, operationalization a n d e m p i r i c a l investigation o f c o n c e p t s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , levels o f interactivity a n d quality o f p u b l i c d e b a t e s w i l l b e c o m e crucial i s s u e s o n the research agenda. O t h e r issues i n c l u d e t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e structural t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e m o d e r n p u b l i c s p h e r e . W h e n w e get a c o m p l e x m o s a i c o f different p u b l i c spheres, both connected and disconnected, the question becomes h o w the media, o l d a n d n e w , a r e a b l e t o link t h e s e s p h e r e s in t h e n e w fabric o f societies. W e will get all k i n d s o f m e d i a m i x i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s in political c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d p u b l i c d e b a t e . F o r i n s t a n c e , t h e c o n c r e t e links b e t w e e n t h e Internet, b r o a d c a s t i n g a n d t h e p r e s s w i l l b e crucial for a n y future political c o m m u n i c a t i o n . R e l a t e d i s s u e s h a v e t o d e a l w i t h t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n virtual a n d o r g a n i c politics o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n . W e m a d e a p l e a for fruitful interplays b e t w e e n t h e m . B u t w h i c h links b e t w e e n o n l i n e a n d offline political activities a r e fruitful, a n d for w h a t p u r p o s e s ? H o w c a n a c o m b i n a t i o n o f face-to-face a n d Internet political m e e t i n g s , p r e s s u r e g r o u p s , petitions, d e b a t e s a n d information e x c h a n g e s b e o r g a n ­ i z e d ? W h a t a r e t h e p r o b l e m s o f scale a n d p r o x i m i t y (local, ( i n t e r n a t i o n a l ) ? A n association o f virtual a n d o r g a n i c activities s h o u l d benefit from t h e detailed c o m p a r a t i v e research o f electronic a n d non-electronic c h a n n e l s o f (organizational) c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n d u c t e d b y social p s y c h o l o g i s t s a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists in t h e last t h r e e d e c a d e s . T h e c o n c r e t e a p p l i c a t i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y m u s t b e p r e p a r e d for e v a l u a ­ tion research c o n c e r n i n g their m o s t d e t a i l e d characteristics. H o w c a n political W e b sites b e i m p r o v e d t o satisfy u s e r s ? W h a t k i n d o f m o d e r a t i o n is suitable for electronic d e b a t e s i n particular situations? H o w c a n t e l e v o t e s a n d telepolls b e m a d e m o r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e in this a g e o f n o n - r e s p o n s e ? H o w c a n g r o u p a n d indi­ vidual d e c i s i o n s u p p o r t s y s t e m s b e d e s i g n e d t o result in a p p r o p r i a t e d e c i s i o n s for a n y o n e e n g a g e d ? T o m e n t i o n j u s t a few q u e s t i o n s . D e a l i n g w i t h t h e s e q u e s t i o n s w e h a v e t o m a k e distinctions b e t w e e n t h e differ­ ent t y p e s a n d levels o f digital d e m o c r a c y . L a r g e - s c a l e n a t i o n a l s y s t e m s s u c h as t h e W h i t e H o u s e C M C s y s t e m will differ from local s y s t e m s s u c h a s t h e S a n t a M o n i c a P u b l i c I n f o r m a t i o n N e t w o r k ( P E N ) s y s t e m . S e c o n d l y , s u c c e s s e s a n d fail­ u r e s s h o u l d b e r e c o g n i z e d at t h e levels at w h i c h t h e y occur. E d S c h w a r t z ( 1 9 9 6 ) , an Internet political activist, correctly argues that an inherent characteristic o f poli­ tics is collective action a n d that political conversations can b e u s e d t o create n e w forms o f political o r g a n i z a t i o n . Y e t , S c h w a r t z a c k n o w l e d g e s that C M C is n o t a total substitute for face-to-face political o r g a n i z i n g . S c h w a r t z ( 1 9 9 6 ) s e e s p r o f o u n d c h a n g e s in g o v e r n m e n t a n d d e m o c r a c y t a k i n g p l a c e b e c a u s e o f digital c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e lists a n u m b e r o f indications for h i s vision: C h i n e s e students u s i n g e-mail t o p r o t e s t t h e T i a n a n m e n S q u a r e m a s s a c r e , t h e S a n t a M o n i c a P E N s y s t e m a c c o m p l i s h i n g t h e acquisition o f s h o w e r s a n d l o c k e r s for h o m e l e s s

222

Summary

p e o p l e , successful Christian Coalition efforts against the N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t for the H u m a n i t i e s , E n v i r o L i n k p r o v i d i n g e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t information to over a million users p e r m o n t h , increased public e x p o s u r e g a i n e d b y the C h i l d r e n ' s Defense F u n d a n d other e x a m p l e s . H e a r g u e s that this involves g a i n i n g p o w e r and that p e o p l e at m o r e local levels can also gain political p o w e r b y u s i n g C M C to o r g a n i z e within their c o m m u n i t i e s in order to influence their representatives. Schwartz never proves any revolution in A m e r i c a n politics due to C M C ; he simply argues that C M C a d d s m o r e m e a n s for activists to gain attention, to organize t h e m s e l v e s and to force leaders to r e s p o n d m o r e to grassroots d e m a n d s . W e m u s t r e c o g n i z e that e m p o w e r m e n t results from activism, not from the technical characteristics o f the n e w c h a n n e l s . T o a r g u e that the technical sides o f t h e Internet d o not d e t e r m i n e their effects does n o t m e a n that the technical aspects o f technologies m u s t be neglected. F o r e x a m p l e , as c o m p u t e r scientist J a c q u e s V a l l e e noted long a g o , c o m p u t e r scien­ tists h a v e the p o w e r to obfuscate w h a t g o e s o n in software p r o g r a m m i n g . T h o s e w h o m a i n t a i n control o v e r the directions o f software, b r o w s e r s , search engines, p r o t o c o l s , etc. d o h a v e an interesting, yet nearly unnoticed, h a n d l e o n p o w e r . A report b y N U A S u r v e y s (22 M a r c h 1999) indicates that there is a p r o b l e m with the perpetual c l a i m that individuals are e m p o w e r e d b y b e i n g able to design and p o s t W e b p a g e s e n a b l i n g t h e m to be their o w n reporter, publisher, pundit, etc. T h e N U A report notes that information s u c h as W e b p a g e s , h a v e little v a l u e and effect if not found a n d not read. In other w o r d s , for any significant topic, a search e n g i n e is likely to find millions o f d o c u m e n t s . T h o s e listed first will h a v e m e t the criteria o f advertising, offering o t h e r site h y p e r l i n k s and practising search engine p r o m o t i o n s t e c h n i q u e s . T h e report c o n c l u d e s , 'It m a y b e that as the Internet g r o w s , it relinquishes t h e p u b l i s h i n g p r o c e s s to t h e political a g e n d a o f the v e r y agents e m p l o y e d to m a k e structure from c h a o s , the search e n g i n e s ' ( N U A Internet S u r v e y s , 1999). Digital d e m o c r a c y r e s e a r c h m u s t b e c o m e m o r e finely t u n e d into layers o f effects, s o m e o f w h i c h a r e g o o d , s o m e o f w h i c h are b a d , and s o m e o f w h i c h are s i m p l y u n k n o w n , s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . W e b e l i e v e that digital d e m o c r a c y r e s e a r c h m u s t be b o t h e m p i r i c a l and theoretical to d e t e r m i n e e x a c t l y w h o is benefiting h o w , w h e n , a n d w h y from t h e n e w technical o p t i o n s . W e n e e d m o r e r e s e a r c h s u c h as that r e p o r t e d in Cyberpolitics b y Hill a n d H u g h e s ( 1 9 9 8 ) w h e r e i n t h e y report n u m e r o u s statistical tests d o n e o n user data g a t h e r e d b y t h e P e w R e s e a r c h C e n t e r a l o n g w i t h their o w n c o n t e n t a n a l y s e s o f n e w s g r o u p s . T h e s e r e s e a r c h e r s correlate t h e s e data w i t h m e a s u r e s o f d e m o c r a c y in v a r i o u s n a t i o n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e y m a k e theoretical a n a l y s e s and formulate p r o p o s i t i o n s that can b e tested as h y p o t h e s e s . In this b o o k the c o n t e x t s a n d c o n d i t i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y w e r e e m p h a ­ sized. So, finally, further r e s e a r c h for n e c e s s a r y a n d sufficient c o n d i t i o n s o f digital d e m o c r a c y a n d fertile or sterile c o n t e x t s is required. W h i c h p o l i c i e s o f u n i v e r s a l a n d p u b l i c a c c e s s , p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l y a n d civic e d u c a t i o n are realistic o p t i o n s in o u r differentiating and i n c r e a s i n g l y d i v i d e d societies?

Summary

223

References Abrahamson, J.B., Arterton, F. and Orren, Q. (1988) The Electronic Commonwealth. The Impact of New Technologies upon Democratic Politics. New York: Basic Books. Arterton, C.F. (1987) Teledemocracy, Can Technology Protect Democracy!, Newbury Park/Beverly Hills/London/New Delhi: Sage. Bryan, C , Tsagarousianou, R. and Tambini, D. (1998) 'Electronic democracy and the civic networking movement in context', in R. Tsagarousianou, D. Tambini and C. Bryan, Cyberdemocracy, Technology, Cities and Civic Networks. London/New York: Routledge. Dennett, D. (1986) 'Information, technology, and the virtues of ignorance', Deadalus, 115(3): 135-53. GVU Centre, Georgia University (1998) GVU's 7th WWW user survey. Georgia University, http://www.gvu.gatech.ed/user_surveys/ Hanssen, L., Jankowski, N. and Etienne, R. (1996) 'Interactivity from the perspective of communication studies', in N. Jankowski and L. Hanssen (eds), Contours of Multimedia. Luton: University of Luton Press, John Libbey Media. Hart, R.P. (1994) Seducing America: How Television Charms the Modern Voter. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hill, K.A. and Hughes, J.E. (1998) Cyberpolitics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Mantovani, G. (1996) New Communication Environments: From Everyday to Virtual. London/Bristol, PA: Taylor & Francis. NUA Internet Surveys (1999) 4(11), 22 March. NUA Limited. Rafaeli, S. (1988) 'Interactivity: from new media to communication', in R.P. Hawkins, J. Wiemann and S. Pingree (eds) Advancing Communication Science. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Rojo, A. and Ragsdale, R. (1997) 'Participation in electronic forums', Telematics and Informatics, 13(1): 83-96. Schwartz, E. (1996) Net Activism: How Citizens Use the Internet. Sebastapol, CA: Songline. Street, J. (1997) 'Remote control? Politics, technology and "electronic democracy"', European Journal of Communication, 12: 27-42. Tsagarousianou, R. (1999) 'Electronic democracy: rhetoric and reality', Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research, 24(2): 189-208. Tsagarousianou, R., Tambini, D. and Bryan, C. (1998) Cyberdemocracy, Technology, Cities and Civic Networks. London/New York: Routledge. van Dijk, J. (1991/1994/1997) De Netwerkmaatschappij, Sociale aspecten van nieuwe media. Houten/Zaventem: Bohn Stafleu van Loghum. van Dijk, J. (1999) The Network Society, Social Aspects of New Media. London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: Sage. Vickers, G. (1965) The Art of Judgement. London: Chapman and Hall. Williams, F., Rice, R.E. and Rogers, E. (1988) Research Methods and the New Media. New York: Free Press. Winston, B . (1998) Media, Technology and Society, A History: From the Telegraph to the Internet. London/New York: Routledge.

Index

access to computers/networks 161, 166, 169-72, 173, 1 8 1 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 1 , 2 0 2 access to debates 157, 162 access to information 132, 150, 151, 152, 186, 187, 1 9 1 , 2 0 0 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 8 accountability 210 adoption of technology 170, 172 Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) 11, 12, 15, 18, 25, 83 allocution 6, 46, 50 ARPANET 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 26 ASEAN 35 Association for Progressive Communications 83 basic connections 179-80 Berkeley Community Memory Project 1 0 , 2 1 , 2 2 BITNET 17, 20 Blacksburg Electronic Village 10, 2 1 , 24 bootstrapping 15 broadcasting 50, 177, 179, 180, 181, 201, 221 bulletin board systems 40 bureaucracy 37, 39, 50, 55, 188 'Califomian Ideology' 59 CERN21 checks and balances 39 CIA 35 citizen deliberation 98 citizen enquiries 40, 46 Citizen Online Democracy project 61 citizenship 4 3 - 4 , 187 civic education 56 civic service centres 40 civil society 32, 34, 36, 42, 43, 49, 101, 179, 186, 203 commercialization 177 communication policy 195 communitarianism 59, 102 community access 202 community action/building 150, 211, 213 community networks 205, 217 computer fear 168, 169, 176 computer mouse 15 computer-mediated 152, 154, 2 2 1 - 2 connectivity 114, 125

consumer democracy 61 consultation 6, 46, 49 conversation 6, 46, 47, 49, 122 corporatism 43 criminalization 34, 37 critical mass 21, 26 CSNET 19 C-SPAN 133 cultural differentiation 173, 177 cultural universalism 103 cyberdemocracy 1,2, 115 decisionmaking 38, 43, 151, 152, 155, 156, 157, 160, 1 6 1 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 decision support systems 43, 149, 182 see also group decision support systems Democracy Network (Dnet) 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137-9, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145,214 democracy, direct 3, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 57, 63, 66, 118, 133, 150 competitive 118, 185, 200, 212, 218 legalist 39, 40, 44, 118, 212 liberal 39-40, 4 1 , 4 6 , 212 libertarian 185 participatory 39, 4 4 - 5 , 49, 51, 100, 109, 119, 127,212 plebiscitary 12, 39, 44, 49, 118, 152, 161,212 pluralist 39, 4 1 - 2 , 44, 45, 46, 49, 51, 119,212 representative 39, 4 2 - 3 , 45, 49, 66, 98, 121,212 strong 38, 39, 40, 43, 45, 151, 189, 190,218 views/models of 56, 161, 186 weak 6, 30, 36, 37, 38-45, 56, 210, 211,220 democratization 125 design (of technology) 174, 181, 204, 218, 219, 221 digital cities 132, 218 digital democracy definition 30, 185 claims/promises and results/practice 150-2, 160-1, 209, 210, 211, 214-8, 220 conditions 218-20, 222

226

Index

digital divide 166 direct marketing 51 discussion lists 4 0 , 4 3 , 44, 151, 174, 217 diversity 152 Dynabook 17 e-commerce 218 education 186, 202, 220 electronic campaigns 37, 40, 41, 130, 131, 134, 140, 141, 142, 143, 218 electronic debate/discussion 44, 131, 135, 162, 182 see also public debate electronic democracy 1, 2, 61 electronic elections 40 Electronic Frontier Foundation 59 electronic mail 4 0 , 4 3 , 179, 221 electronic polls 40, 41, 46, 130 see also telepolls electronic referenda 40, 60 see also telereferenda electronic town/city halls 40, 41, 42, 44, 57, 132 electronic voting 130 see also televoting Ethernet 15, 19 ethnic minorities 174 equality 152, 153, 156, 160, 177, 179, 185 EU Privacy Directive 195-6 fair-use rights 198, 219 feedback 116, 125 fragmentation 94, 213 freedom of communication 185, 186, 219, 220

information inequality 9, 166, 168, 170, 176, 178, 179, 180, 219 information overload 213 information rich and poor 44, 166, 188, 189 information society 184, 186, 190, 191, 193, 200, 203 information super highway 49, 50, 51, 150, 175, 176, 184, 186, 203, 204,212,219 information theory 13, 28 information traffic patterns 46, 49, 50 innovation champion 26 institutional politics 36, 42, 45, 46, 49, 173, 212,216 intellectual property right 176, 190, 197-8,219 interactive television/broadcasting 40, 50, 211,212 interactivity 6, 8, 4 0 , 4 6 , 47, 79, 108, 114, 116, 117, 122, 124, 125, 151, 152, 158, 159, 1 9 1 , 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 2 1 7 , 220, 221 levels of 4 7 - 9 intermediaries 213 internationalization 34 Internet 35, 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 9 , 50, 131, 132, 133, 135, 140, 141, 143, 144, 149, 157, 168, 173, 174, 181, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 194, 201, 2 0 2 , 2 0 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 1 , 213, 216, 218, 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 Internet model 49, 175 Intranet 217 issue oriented information 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 140, 142, 143, 145

freedom of expression 203, 219, 220 freedom of information 191

kiosks 201 knowledge gap 131, 166-7

gender gap 170, 172 global public sphere 95, 103 government 33, 36, 37, 42, 50, 156, 179, 180, 191, 199, 2 0 6 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 0 group decision support systems 40, 162, 174 see also decision support systems

La Plaza Telecommunity 10, 21, 24, 25, 28 local community 212, 218 local government 32, 42

horizontal/vertical communication 205, 210, 216,217 hypertext 79, 86 IMF 35 individualization 34, 37, 42, 173, 177 infocracy 34, 37, 50 infocratic model 49, 50, 212 information campaigns 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 4 , 50, 216 information elite 178-9 information gap 9, 166, 167, 171

macro-public sphere 77, 83 majority rule 39 market regulation 34 marketing model 49-50, 175, 212 memex 11, 15 meso-public sphere 77, 79, 82 micro-public sphere 77, 78, 98, 100, 120 militarization 34, 35 Minnesota E-Democracy 62 moderation 154, 157, 162,205 modernity 88, 94 Modernization 90 modularization 87 Mosaic 21, 26

\ndex NAFTA 35, 39 nation state 33, 35, 37 National Information Infrastructure (Nil) 8, 107, 108 NATO 35 network conception of politics 3 1 - 3 , 42, 43 network society 33, 178 networks 33, 36, 91, 102, 150, 210 newsgroups 150, 154, 155, 217 NSA35 NSFNET 20 online activism 117 opinion formation 38, 43, 44 opinion research 216 packet switching 83 parliamentary democracy 73 party state 37 Pentagon 35 personal data 189 plebiscites 44 pluralism 86 political activities 48, 173, 175 political culture 6, 7, 55, 6 5 , 6 6 political communication 7, 126 political efficacy 113, 120, 122 political interactivity 106, 116,120, 122, 123, 124, 126,212 political participation 37, 65, 66, 114, 121, 122, 125, 132, 134, 149, 166, 167, 168, 173, 175, 178, 181, 182, 186, 219,220 political parties 37, 50 political socialization 121 political strategy 38 political system 31, 32, 33, 36, 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 1 , 42, 4 4 , 4 5 , 51, 132, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 210,211,212,216,217,218 politicization 85 politics definition 32 spread and concentration of 3 3 - 8 , 210, 211 populism 41 power structures 90 press 177 privacy (rights) 5, 91, 97, 176, 187, 188, 191, 195, 196,204, 219 private sphere 34, 95 privatization 177, 198, 219 public access/service 173, 198-203, 219, 220 public administration 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 50, 179, 180, 181, 188, 190, 197, 199,201,217 public broadcasting 57, 58, 62, 66, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 84

227

public debate 149, 151, 152, 155, 157, 160, 161, 185, 1 8 6 , 2 0 1 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 , 220 quality of 153-5, 159, 161 see also electronic debate/discussion Public Electronic Network (PEN) 1 0 , 2 1 , 22, 27, 132,221 public funding 201, 203 public good 70, 76 public information systems 40, 4 1 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 6 , 5 1 , 181,214 public information/data 180, 189, 190, 197, 199,200, 2 0 7 , 2 1 4 public intervention 185, 186 public opinion 70, 76 public policy 184, 188 public sector model 75 public service model 73, 74, 86 public sphere 7, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 84, 85, 88, 90, 91, 93, 9 5 , 9 6 , 97, 99, 100, 151, 152, 154, 161, 201, 212-13, 217, 220, 221 rationalization 90 reciprocity 8, 116, 117, 125, 153 regionalization 35 registration 6, 46, 51 registration systems 37, 40, 41, 42, 4 3 , 4 6 regulatory framework 191, 206 S-curve of adoption 170-3 self-regulation 30, 34, 189, 196 senior/elderly citizens 156, 158, 159, 160, 168, 169, 170, 173 Seniorweb.nl 156-60, 161, 162 separation of powers 32, 39 skills 31, 161, 162, 168, 169, 173, 174, 176, 180, 1 8 8 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 9 social capital 58, 59 social cohesion 205 social presence 114 social sphere 100, 101 spatial frameworks of communication 76 surveillance society 50, 186, 188 'technologies of freedom' 58 technology, view/concept of 206, 207, 209-11 telecommunication liberalization 192, 193, 194, 198 telecommunication tariffs 187, 194 telecommunications policy 184 teleconferencing/teleconversation 40, 42, 44, 45 teledemocracy 1, 2, 3, 42, 51, 55, 115, 130, 155, 162

228

Index

telephone 167, 170, 172, 177, 179, 181, 191 telepolls 4 2 , 4 5 , 5 1 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 8 see also electronic polls telereferenda 42 see also electronic referenda television 42, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 141, 149, 167, 172, 213 televoting 42, 45, 51 see also electronic voting transmission control protocol (TCP) 19 transnational corporations 34, 35 transparency 188, 190 UK Citizen Online Democracy 62 United Nations 35 universal access/service 173, 179, 181, 188, 191, 192, 193, 202, 203, 219, 220 usage gap 167, 175, 219 usage opportunities 174-6, 180, 181 usage style 174, 181

Usenet groups 152—4 user-friendliness 173, 174, 176, 181 virtual class 59 virtual communities 21, 45, 150, 220, 221 virtual democracy 1 virtual feudalism 35 virtual/organic politics/democracy 218, 219, 220, 221 voter guide 130-3, 144, 145, 146,214 voting behaviour 132 Web sites (political, government) 135, 138, 140, 142, 144, 145, 200, 214 Westminster School 71 White House CMC System 48, 105-27, 214, 221 World Wide Web 125, 131, 133 Worldbank 35 Xerox PARC 15, 16