Developmental Psychology:Infancy and Childhood [5 ed.] 9780176873974, 9780176876074, 017687397X

Table of contents :
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vNELContentsPrefacexiiiPArt Itheory AnDreseArCh In the DeveLoPmentALsCIenCesChAPter 1Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its research strategies 1Introduction to Developmental Psychology 1What Is Development? 2The Scientific Study of Development and Its Origins 6Early Philosophical Perspectives on Childhood 6Children as Subjects of Study: Baby Biographies and Diaries 7Research Methods in Developmental Psychology 8Gathering Data: Basic Fact-Finding Strategies 8Detecting Relationships: Correlational and Experimental Designs 16Research Strategies in Developmental Psychology 23Research Designs for Studying Development 23Ethical Considerations in Developmental Research 30What Makes a Research Study Ethical or Unethical? 31Postscript: On Becoming a Wise User of Developmental Research 32Summary 33Key Terms 35ChAPter 2theories of human Development 36The Nature of Scientific Theories 36Psychoanalytic Theories 38Freud’s Psychosexual Theory 38Contributions and Criticisms of Freud’s Theory 39Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development 40Contributions and Criticisms of Erikson’s Theory 40Psychoanalytic Theory beyond Freud and Erikson 41Learning Theories 42Watson’s Behaviourism 42Skinner’s Operant Learning Theory 42Bandura’s Cognitive Social Learning Theory 43nBox 2.1FoCusonreseArCh:An Example of Observational Learning 44Contributions and Criticisms of Learning Theories 45Cognitive-Developmental Theories 47Piaget’s View of Intelligence and Intellectual Growth 47Contributions and Criticisms of Piaget’s Viewpoint 48Sociocultural Theories 49Contributions and Criticisms of Vygotsky’s Viewpoint 50Information-Processing Theories 50Contributions and Criticisms of the Information-Processing Viewpoint 51Ethological and Evolutionary Theories 52Assumptions of Classical Ethology 52Ethology and Human Development 52Evolutionary Theory 53Contributions and Criticisms of the Ethological and Evolutionary Viewpoints 54Ecological Systems Theory 55Contexts for Development 55Family and the Ecological Systems Theory 57Contributions and Criticisms of the Ecological Systems Theory 58Themes in the Study of Human Development: Questions and Controversies 59The Nature /Nurture Issue 59The Active /Passive Issue 60The Continuity/Discontinuity Issue 60The Holistic Nature of Development Issue 61Theories and World Views 62The Developmental Systems View 63Summary 65Key Terms 6673974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 519/02/19 11:41 am
viContentsNELPArt IIFounDAtIons oF DeveLoPment ChAPter 3hereditary Influences on Development 68Principles of Hereditary Transmission 68The Genetic Material 69Growth of the Zygote and Production of Body Cells 70Germlines 70Multiple Births 71Male or Female? 72What Do Genes Do? 72How Important Are Environmental Influences? 73How Do Phenotypes Develop through Genotypes? 73nBox 3.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Examples of Dominant and Recessive Traits in Human Heredity 75Polygenic Inheritance 76The Role of Epigenetics 76Hereditary Disorders 77Chromosomal Abnormalities 78Genetic Abnormalities 80Predicting, Detecting, and Treating Hereditary Disorders 81nBox 3.2 Current ControversIes: Ethical Issues Surrounding Treatments for Hereditary Disorders 84Hereditary Influences on Behaviour 86Methods of Studying Hereditary Influences 86Estimating the Contribution of Genes and Environment 86Hereditary Contributions to Personality 89Hereditary Contributions to Behaviour Disorders and Mental Illness 89Theories of Heredity and Environment Interactions in Development 90The Canalization Principle 90The Range-of-Reaction Principle 91From Genotype to Environment 91How Do Genotype /Environment Interactions Influence Development? 92Contributions and Criticisms of the Behavioural Genetics Approach 94Applying Developmental Themes to Hereditary Influences on Development 95Summary 95Key Terms 97ChAPter 4Prenatal Development 98From Conception to Birth 99The Period of the Zygote 99The Period of the Embryo 101The Period of the Fetus 101Environmental Influences on Prenatal Development 105Teratogens 105nBox 4.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Teratogenic Effects of Sexually Transmitted Diseases /Infections 108nBox 4.2the InsIDe trACk: Joanne Rovet / Kelly Nash 112Environmental Hazards 114Maternal Characteristics 116Prevention of Birth Defects 120Applying Developmental Themes to Prenatal Development 120Summary 122Key Terms 122ChAPter 5Birth and the newborn’s readiness for Life 123Childbirth and the Perinatal Environment 123The Birth Process 123The Baby’s Experience 124Labour and Delivery Medication 126The Social Environment Surrounding Birth 128nBox 5.1the InsIDe trACk: Ann Bigelow 130Birth Complications 130Anoxia 130Low Birth Weight 131Reproductive Risk and Capacity for Recovery 134Applying Developmental Themes to Birth 135The Newborn’s Readiness for Life 136Newborn Reflexes 137Infant States 138Developmental Changes in Infant States 139nBox 5.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Sudden Infant Death Syndrome 140nBox 5.3APPLyIng DeveLoPmentALreseArCh:Methods of Soothing a Fussy Baby 142Summary 143Key Terms 144ChAPter 6Physical Development: the Brain, Body, motor skills, and the Beginnings of sexual Development 145An Overview of Maturation and Growth 146Changes in Height and Weight 146Changes in Body Proportions 147Skeletal Development 14873974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 619/02/19 11:41 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
ContentsviiNELMuscular Development 148Variations in Physical Development 148Development of the Brain 149Neural Development and Plasticity 149nBox 6.1the InsIDe trACk: Dr. Sid Segalowitz 150nBox 6.2the InsIDe trACk: Bryan Kolb 152Brain Differentiation and Growth 153Motor Development 156Basic Trends in Locomotor Development 157Fine Motor Development 160Psychological Implications of Early Motor Development 162Beyond Infancy: Motor Development in Childhood 163nBox 6.3APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe: Exercise: The Key to a Healthy Childhood 164The Onset of Puberty: The Early Beginnings of the Physical Transition from Child to Adolescent 165Sexual Maturation in Girls 165Sexual Maturation in Boys 166Individual Differences in and Sexual Maturation: Early Onset 166Secular Trends —Are We Maturing Earlier? 166Does Timing of Puberty Matter? 167Causes and Correlates of Physical Development 168Biological Mechanisms 168Environmental Influences 169Applying Developmental Themes to Physical Development 173Summary 175Key Terms 176PArt IIILAnguAge, LeArnIng, AnDCognItIve DeveLoPmentChAPter 7early Cognitive Foundations: sensation, Perception, and Learning 178Early Controversies about Sensory and Perceptual Development 179Nature versus Nurture 179Enrichment versus Differentiation 179Research Methods Used to Study the Infant’s Sensory and Perceptual Experiences 180The Preference Method 180The Habituation Method 180The High-Amplitude Sucking Method 181The Evoked Potentials Method 182Brain Imaging Techniques 182Infant Sensory Capabilities 183Hearing 183nBox 7.1FoCusonreseArCh:Causes and Consequences of Hearing Loss 184Taste and Smell 185Touch, Temperature, and Pain 186Vision 187Visual Perception in Infancy 189Perception of Patterns and Forms 189nBox 7.2 the InsIDe trACk: Daphne Maurer 192Perception of Three-Dimensional Space 193Intermodal Perception 197Are the Senses Integrated at Birth? 197Development of Intermodal Perception 198Explaining Intermodal Perception 199Infant Perception in Perspective —And a Look Ahead 200Perceptual Learning in Childhood: Gibson’s Differentiation Theory 200Cultural Influences on Perception 201Basic Learning Processes 203Habituation: Early Evidence of Information Processing and Memory 203Classical Conditioning 204Operant (or Instrumental) Conditioning 206Operant Conditioning in Infancy 208Observational Learning 210nBox 7.3APPLyIng DeveLoPmentALreseArCh:Corporal Punishment — Cultural Ideals and Alternatives 211Applying Developmental Themes to Infant Development, Perception, and Learning 214Summary 215Key Terms 217ChAPter 8Cognitive Development: Piaget’s theory, Case’s neo-Piagetian theory, and vygotsky’s sociocultural viewpoint 218Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development 219What Is Intelligence? 219How We Gain Knowledge: Cognitive Schemes and Cognitive Processes 220Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development 221The Sensorimotor Stage (Birth to 2 Years) 221nBox 8.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Why Infants Know More about Objects than Piaget Assumed 227The Preoperational Stage (2 to 7 Years) and the Emergence of Symbolic Thought 230nBox 8.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Play Is Serious Business 232nBox 8.3the InsIDe trACk: Kang Lee 240nBox 8.4 FoCusonreseArCh:Is Theory of Mind Biologically Programmed? The Special Case of Autism Spectrum Disorder 24173974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 719/02/19 11:41 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
viiiContentsNELThe Concrete-Operational Stage (7 to 11 Years) 242The Formal-Operational Stage (11 to 12 Years and Beyond) 244An Evaluation of Piaget’s Theory 246Piaget’s Contributions 246Challenges to Piaget 247Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory 248Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective 250The Role of Culture in Intellectual Development 250The Social Origins of Early Cognitive Competencies 252Implications for Education 255The Role of Language in Cognitive Development 256Vygotsky in Perspective: Summary and Evaluation 257Applying Developmental Themes to Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s Theories 260Summing Up 261Summary 261Key Terms 262Chapter 9Cognitive Development: Information-processing perspectives and Connectionism 264Information Flow and the Multistore Model 265Cognitive Processes and the Multistore Model 266Developmental Differences in “Hardware”: Information-Processing Capacity 267Development of the Short-Term Store 267Knowledge Base and Memory Development 269Developmental Differences in “Software”: Strategies 270Rehearsal 271Organization 272Elaboration 272Production and Utilization Deficiencies 273Multiple Strategy and Variable Strategy Use 275The Development of Metacognition and Executive Control Processes 276Knowledge and Reasoning 277nBox 9.1 the InsIDe traCk: Ori Friedman 278Retention and the Development of Attention 279Changes in Attention Span 279nBox 9.2the InsIDe traCk: Kimberly Schonert- Reichl 280Development of Planful Attentional Strategies 280Selective Attention: Ignoring Information That Is Clearly Irrelevant 281Cognitive Inhibition: Dismissing Irrelevant Information 281Meta-attention: What Do Children Know about Attention? 282Alternative Models of Memory: Fuzzy Traces and Scripts 283Fuzzy-Trace Theory 283Schemas 284The Development of Event Memory 286Origins of Event Memory 286nBox 9.3applyIng researCh to your lIfe:What Happened to Our Early Childhood Memories? 287The Social Construction of Autobiographical Memories 288Summing Up 289Children as Eyewitnesses 290How Suggestible Are Child Witnesses? 291Implications for Legal Testimony 292The Development of Analogical Reasoning 292The Development of Number and Arithmetic Skills 294Counting and Arithmetic Strategies 294nBox 9.4 the InsIDe traCk: Jeff Bisanz 296Evaluating the Information-Processing Perspective 299nBox 9.5applyIng researCh to your lIfe: Some Educational Implications of Research on Attention and Memory 300Connectionist Approaches to Cognitive Development 301The Origins of Connectionism 301How Are Networks Created? 301How Connectionist Networks Work 302Connectionism and Development 302Applying Developmental Themes to Information-Processing Perspectives 303Summary 304Key Terms 306Chapter 10Intelligence: Measuring Mental performance 307What Is Intelligence? 308Psychometric Views of Intelligence 308The Modern Information-Processing Viewpoint 312Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences 314How Is Intelligence Measured? 315The Wechsler Scales 316nBox 10.1 Cultural InfluenCes: Making American Tests Valid in Canada 317nBox 10.2the InsIDe traCk: Donald H. Saklofske 318Distribution of IQ Scores 31873974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 822/02/19 10:56 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
ContentsixNELGroup Tests of Mental Performance 319Newer Approaches to Intelligence Testing 319Assessing Infant Intelligence 319What Do Intelligence Tests Predict? 322IQ as a Predictor of Scholastic Achievement 322IQ as a Predictor of Health, Adjustment, and Life Satisfaction 323Factors That Influence IQ Scores 326The Evidence for Heredity 326The Evidence for Environment 327Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance 328Home Environment and IQ 328Social Class, Culture, Race, and Ethnic Differences in IQ 331Why Do Groups Differ in Intellectual Performance? 332Improving Cognitive Performance through Compensatory Education 337Long-Term Follow-Ups 338The Importance of Parental Involvement 338The Importance of Intervening Early 339nBox 10.3APPLyIng DeveLoPmentALreseArCh:An Effective Compensatory Intervention for Families 339Creativity and Special Talents 340What Is Creativity? 340The Psychometric Perspective 341The Multicomponent (or Confluence) Perspective 341Sternberg and Lubart’s Investment Theory 342Applying Developmental Themes to Intelligence and Creativity 345Summary 345Key Terms 347ChAPter 11Development of Language and Communication skills 348The Five Components of Language 349Phonology 349Morphology 349Semantics 349Syntax 350Pragmatics 350Theories of Language Development 350The Learning (or Empiricist) Perspective 351The Nativist Perspective 352nBox 11.1 FoCusonreseArCh: On the “Invention” of Language by Children 355The Interactionist Perspective 356The Prelinguistic Period: Before Language 361Early Reactions to Speech 361Producing Sounds: The Infant’s Prelinguistic Vocalizations 362What Do Prelinguistic Infants Know about Language and Communication? 363The Holophrastic Period: One Word at a Time 365Early Semantics: Building a Vocabulary 365nBox 11.2the InsIDe trACk: Janet F. Werker 366Attaching Meaning to Words 367When a Word Is More than a Word 371The Telegraphic Period: From Holophrases to Simple Sentences 371A Semantic Analysis of Telegraphic Speech 372The Pragmatics of Early Speech 373nBox 11.3APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:Learning a Gestural Language 374Language Learning during the Preschool Period 375Grammatical Development 376Semantic Development 378Development of Pragmatics and Communication Skills 379Language Learning during Middle Childhood 380Later Syntactic Development 381Semantics and Metalinguistic Awareness 381Further Development of Communication Skills 382Bilingualism: Learning More than One Language 385nBox 11.4the InsIDe trACk: Johanne Paradis 387nBox 11.5the InsIDe trACk: Ellen Bialystok 388Applying Developmental Themes to Language Acquisition 390Summary 391Key Terms 392PArt IvsoCIALAnD PersonALIty DeveLoPmentChAPter 12emotional Development, temperament, and Attachment 394Emotional Development 394Displaying Emotions: The Development (and Control) of Emotional Expressions 395Recognizing and Interpreting Emotions 399Emotions and Early Social Development 401Temperament and Development 402Hereditary and Environmental Influences on Temperament 40373974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 919/02/19 11:41 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
xContentsNELStability of Temperament 405Early Temperamental Profiles and Later Development 406nBox 12.1 the InsIDe trACk: Elizabeth J. Hayden 406Attachment and Development 409Attachments as Reciprocal Relationships 409How Do Infants Become Attached? 410Individual Differences in Attachment Quality 414Factors That Influence Attachment Security 418Attachment and Later Development 421nBox 12.2 the InsIDe trACk: Ellen Moss 424Applying Developmental Themes to Emotional Development, Temperament, and Attachment 425Summary 426Key Terms 427ChAPter 13Development of the self and social Cognition 429Development of the Self-Concept 429Self-Differentiation in Infancy 430Self-Recognition in Infancy 430Contributors to Self-Recognition 432Social and Emotional Consequences of Self-Recognition 433“Who Am I?” Responses of Preschool Children 434Conceptions of Self in Middle Childhood 434Who Am I to Be? Identity as an Extension of Self-Concept 436Self-Esteem: The Evaluative Component of Self 436Origins and Development of Self-Esteem 436nBox 13.1 the InsIDe trACk: Shelley Hymel 439nBox 13.2the InsIDe trACk: Joanne Cummings 439Social Contributors to Self-Esteem 440Development of Achievement Motivation and Academic Self-Concept 442Early Origins of Achievement Motivation 442Achievement Motivation during Middle Childhood 443Beyond Achievement Motivation: Development of Achievement Attributions 447The Other Side of Social Cognition: Knowing about Others 452Age Trends in Person Perception 452nBox 13.3 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Racial Categorization and Racism in Young Children 453Theories of Social-Cognitive Development 455Applying Developmental Themes to the Development of the Self and Social Cognition 459Summary 460Key Terms 461ChAPter 14sex Differences and similarities, and gender-role Development 463Defining Sex and Gender 464Categorizing Males and Females: Gender-Role Standards 464nBox 14.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: What Traits Characterize Males and Females? 466Some Facts and Fictions about Sex Differences 466Actual Psychological Differences between the Sexes 466Cultural Myths 469Do Cultural Myths Contribute to Sex Differences in Ability (and Vocational Opportunity)? 470Developmental Trends in Gender Typing 472Development of Gender Identity 472Development of Gender-Role Stereotypes 473nBox14.2 the InsIDe trACk: Lisa Serbin 474Development of Gender-Typed Behaviour 475Theories of Gender Typing and Gender-Role Development 478Evolutionary Theory 478A Biosocial Overview of Gender Differentiation and Development 479nBox 14.3 FoCusonreseArCh: Is Biology Destiny? 482Social-Learning Theory 484Kohlberg’s Cognitive-Developmental Theory 486Gender Schema Theory 487An Integrative Theory 488Psychological Androgyny: A Prescription for the 21st Century? 489Do Androgynous People Really Exist? 490Are There Advantages to Being Androgynous? 491Applications: On Changing Gender-Role Attitudes and Behaviour 492nBox 14.4APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:Combating Gender Stereotypes with Cognitive Interventions 494Applying Developmental Themes to Sex Differences and Gender-Role Development 495Summary 495Key Terms 496ChAPter 15moral Development and Aggression 498Defining the Moral Domain 499Moral Foundations Theory 499Turiel’s Social Domain Theory 500The Anthropologist View 501Evolutionary Roots of Morality in Young Children 502Empathy and Compassion 502Social Preference for Helpfulness 503Prosocial Helping 50373974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 1019/02/19 11:41 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
ContentsxiNELBeyond Nature — Cultural Influences on Sympathy and Prosocial Behaviour 504Rule Internalization in the Context of Close Relationships 505Positive Reinforcement in the Context of Close Relationships 506nBox 15.1APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe: How Should I Discipline My Children? 509Social-Modelling Influences 510Moral Reasoning Development 511Piaget’s Theory of Moral Development 511Updates to Piaget’s Theory 513Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development 516Empirical Support for Kohlberg’s Theory 519Criticisms of Kohlberg’s Approach 522The Development of Aggression 524Aggressive Behaviour in Infancy and Childhood 525Aggressiveness as a Trait: How Stable Is It? 526Sex Differences in Aggressive Behaviour 527Aggression as a Behavioural Problem 528Dodge’s Social Information-Processing Theory of Aggression 528nBox15.2 the InsIDe trACk: Tina Malti 530Social and Cultural and Influences on Aggression 530Coercive Home Environments: Breeding Grounds for Aggression 531Methods of Controlling Aggression in Young Children 532Applying Developmental Themes to Moral Development and Aggression 535Summary 535Key Terms 536PArt vthe eCoLogy oF DeveLoPmentChAPter 16the Family 538Understanding the Family 538The Family as a Social System 539Families Are Developing Systems 540Parental Socialization during Childhood 543Two Major Dimensions of Parenting 544Four Patterns of Parenting 544Social Class and Ethnic Variations in Child Rearing 548The Influence of Siblings and Sibling Relationships 551Changes in the Family System when a New Baby Arrives 551Sibling Relationships over the Course of Childhood 551nBox 16.1 the InsIDe trACk: Hildy Ross 552Positive Contributions of Sibling Relationships 553Characteristics of Only Children 554Diversity in Family Life 555Adoptive Families 556Donor Insemination (DI) Families 556Gay and Lesbian Families 557Family Conflict and Divorce 558Remarriage and Blended Families 560nBox 16.2APPLyIng DeveLoPmentALreseArCh:Smoothing the Rocky Road to Recovery from a Divorce 561Down the Hidden Side of Family Life: The Problem of Child Abuse 564How Prevalent Is Child Abuse and Neglect? 564Is There a Typical Profile of an Abuser? 565Who Is Abused? 566Consequences of Abuse and Neglect 568nBox 16.3the InsIDe trACk: David Wolfe 569How Can We Reduce the Prevalence of Abuse and Neglect? What Works? 570Applying Developmental Themes to Family Life, Parenting, and Siblings 572Summary 573Key Terms 574ChAPter 17Beyond the Family Context: Peers, schools, and media 576Peers as Agents of Socialization 576Who Is a Peer and What Functions Do Peers Serve? 577The Development of Peer Sociability 578Peer Acceptance and Popularity 582Children and Their Friends 585nBox 17.1 the InsIDe trACk: William Bukowski 585nBox 17.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: A Longitudinal Analysis of the Benefits of Chumships 588nBox 17.3APPLyIng DeveLoPmentALreseArCh:On Improving the Social Skills of Unpopular Children 589Parents and Peers as Influence Agents 590Increasing Conformity to Peers 590School as a Socialization Agent 591How Well Educated Are Our Children? A Cross-Cultural Comparison 591nBox 17.4APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe: Should Preschoolers Attend School? 592Determinants of Effective Schooling 596Do Our Schools Meet the Needs of All of Our Children? 59973974_00_FM_ptg01.indd 1119/02/19 11:41 amCopyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party contentmay be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
xiiContentsNELEffects of Media Technologies on Child Development 602Development of Media Literacy 603Some Potentially Undesirable Effects of Screen Media Technologies 604Some Desirable Developmental Outcomes from Screen Media Technologies 606Computer Technologies and Cognitive Development 608The Added Impact of the Internet 608Applying Developmental Themes to Extrafamilial Contextual Forces in Child Development 610Summary 611Key Terms 613glossary g-1references r-1name Index I-1subject Index I-23

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Fifth Canadian Edition

Infancy and Childhood Shaffer Kipp Wood Willoughby Roberts Gottardo Krettenauer Lee Newton

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Developmental Psychology Infancy and Childhood fifth canadian edition

David R. Shaffer University of Georgia

Katherine Kipp University of Georgia

Eileen Wood Wilfrid Laurier University

Teena Willoughby Brock University

Kim P. Roberts Wilfrid Laurier University

Alexandra Gottardo Wilfrid Laurier University

Tobias Krettenauer Wilfrid Laurier University

Joanne Lee Wilfrid Laurier University

Nicky Newton Wilfrid Laurier University

This is an electronic version of the print textbook. Due to electronic rights restrictions, some third party content may be suppressed. The publisher reserves the right to remove content from this title at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it. For valuable information on pricing, previous editions, changes to current editions, and alternate formats, please visit www.nelson.com to search by ISBN#, author, title, or keyword for materials in your areas of interest.

Developmental Psychology, Fifth Canadian Edition by David R. Shaffer, Katherine Kipp, Eileen Wood, Teena Willoughby, Kim P. Roberts, Alexandra Gottardo, Tobias Krettenauer, Joanne Lee, and Nicky Newton

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Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Shaffer, David R. (David Reed), author Developmental psychology : infancy and childhood / David R. Shaffer (University of Georgia), Katherine Kipp (University of Georgia), Eileen Wood (Wilfrid Laurier University), Teena Willoughby (Brock University), Kim P. Roberts, Alexandra Gottardo, Tobias Krettenauer, Joanne Lee, Nicky Newton. — Fifth Canadian edition. Includes bibliographical references and index. Issued in print and electronic formats. ISBN 978-0-17-687397-4 (softcover).—ISBN 978-0-17-687607-4 (PDF) 1. Child psychology—Textbooks. 2. Adolescent psychology— Textbooks. 3. Textbooks. I. Title. BF721.S4688 2019 C2018-906422-6 C2018-906423-4

155.4

ISBN-13: 978-0-17-687397-4 ISBN-10: 0-17-687397-X

Brief Contents Preface xiii PArt I

theory AnD reseArCh In the DeveLoPmentAL sCIenCes

Chapter 1

Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its research strategies 1

Chapter 2

theories of human Development 36

PArt II

FounDAtIons oF DeveLoPment

Chapter 3

hereditary Influences on Development 68

Chapter 4

Prenatal Development 98

Chapter 5

Birth and the newborn’s readiness for Life 123

Chapter 6

Physical Development: the Brain, Body, motor skills, and the Beginnings of sexual Development 145

PArt III

LAnguAge, LeArnIng, AnD CognItIve DeveLoPment

Chapter 7

early Cognitive Foundations: sensation, Perception, and Learning 178

Chapter 8

Cognitive Development: Piaget’s theory, Case’s neo-Piagetian theory, and vygotsky’s sociocultural viewpoint 218

Chapter 9

Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 264

Chapter 10

Intelligence: measuring mental Performance 307

Chapter 11

Development of Language and Communication skills 348

PArt Iv

soCIAL AnD PersonALIty DeveLoPment

Chapter 12

emotional Development, temperament, and Attachment 394

Chapter 13

Development of the self and social Cognition 429

Chapter 14

sex Differences and similarities, and gender-role Development 463

Chapter 15

moral Development and Aggression 498

PArt v

the eCoLogy oF DeveLoPment

Chapter 16

the Family 538

Chapter 17

Beyond the Family Context: Peers, schools, and media 576

glossary g-1 references r-1 name Index I-1 subject Index I-23

NEL

iii

Contents Preface xiii

PArt I theory AnD reseArCh In the DeveLoPmentAL sCIenCes ChAPter 1 Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its research strategies 1 Introduction to Developmental Psychology 1 What Is Development? 2 The Scientific Study of Development and Its Origins 6 Early Philosophical Perspectives on Childhood 6 Children as Subjects of Study: Baby Biographies and Diaries 7 Research Methods in Developmental Psychology 8 Gathering Data: Basic Fact-Finding Strategies 8 Detecting Relationships: Correlational and Experimental Designs 16 Research Strategies in Developmental Psychology 23 Research Designs for Studying Development 23 Ethical Considerations in Developmental Research 30 What Makes a Research Study Ethical or Unethical? 31 Postscript: On Becoming a Wise User of Developmental Research 32 Summary 33 Key Terms 35

ChAPter 2 theories of human Development 36 The Nature of Scientific Theories 36 Psychoanalytic Theories 38 Freud’s Psychosexual Theory 38 Contributions and Criticisms of Freud’s Theory 39 Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development 40 Contributions and Criticisms of Erikson’s Theory 40 Psychoanalytic Theory beyond Freud and Erikson 41

NEL

Learning Theories 42 Watson’s Behaviourism 42 Skinner’s Operant Learning Theory 42 Bandura’s Cognitive Social Learning Theory 43 n Box 2.1 FoCus on reseArCh: An Example of Observational Learning 44 Contributions and Criticisms of Learning Theories 45 Cognitive-Developmental Theories 47 Piaget’s View of Intelligence and Intellectual Growth 47 Contributions and Criticisms of Piaget’s Viewpoint 48 Sociocultural Theories 49 Contributions and Criticisms of Vygotsky’s Viewpoint 50 Information-Processing Theories 50 Contributions and Criticisms of the Information-Processing Viewpoint 51 Ethological and Evolutionary Theories 52 Assumptions of Classical Ethology 52 Ethology and Human Development 52 Evolutionary Theory 53 Contributions and Criticisms of the Ethological and Evolutionary Viewpoints 54 Ecological Systems Theory 55 Contexts for Development 55 Family and the Ecological Systems Theory 57 Contributions and Criticisms of the Ecological Systems Theory 58 Themes in the Study of Human Development: Questions and Controversies 59 The Nature/Nurture Issue 59 The Active/Passive Issue 60 The Continuity/Discontinuity Issue 60 The Holistic Nature of Development Issue 61 Theories and World Views 62 The Developmental Systems View 63 Summary 65 Key Terms 66

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PArt II FounDAtIons oF DeveLoPment ChAPter 3 hereditary Influences on Development 68 Principles of Hereditary Transmission 68 The Genetic Material 69 Growth of the Zygote and Production of Body Cells 70 Germlines 70 Multiple Births 71 Male or Female? 72 What Do Genes Do? 72 How Important Are Environmental Influences? 73 How Do Phenotypes Develop through Genotypes? 73 n Box 3.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Examples of Dominant and Recessive Traits in Human Heredity 75 Polygenic Inheritance 76 The Role of Epigenetics 76 Hereditary Disorders 77 Chromosomal Abnormalities 78 Genetic Abnormalities 80 Predicting, Detecting, and Treating Hereditary Disorders 81 n Box 3.2 Current ControversIes: Ethical Issues Surrounding Treatments for Hereditary Disorders 84 Hereditary Influences on Behaviour 86 Methods of Studying Hereditary Influences 86 Estimating the Contribution of Genes and Environment 86 Hereditary Contributions to Personality 89 Hereditary Contributions to Behaviour Disorders and Mental Illness 89 Theories of Heredity and Environment Interactions in Development 90 The Canalization Principle 90 The Range-of-Reaction Principle 91 From Genotype to Environment 91 How Do Genotype/Environment Interactions Influence Development? 92 Contributions and Criticisms of the Behavioural Genetics Approach 94 Applying Developmental Themes to Hereditary Influences on Development 95 Summary 95 Key Terms 97

ChAPter 4 Prenatal Development 98 From Conception to Birth 99 The Period of the Zygote 99

The Period of the Embryo 101 The Period of the Fetus 101 Environmental Influences on Prenatal Development 105 Teratogens 105 n Box 4.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Teratogenic Effects of Sexually Transmitted Diseases/ Infections 108 n Box 4.2 the InsIDe trACk: Joanne Rovet / Kelly Nash 112 Environmental Hazards 114 Maternal Characteristics 116 Prevention of Birth Defects 120 Applying Developmental Themes to Prenatal Development 120 Summary 122 Key Terms 122

ChAPter 5 Birth and the newborn’s readiness for Life 123 Childbirth and the Perinatal Environment 123 The Birth Process 123 The Baby’s Experience 124 Labour and Delivery Medication 126 The Social Environment Surrounding Birth 128 n Box 5.1 the InsIDe trACk: Ann Bigelow 130 Birth Complications 130 Anoxia 130 Low Birth Weight 131 Reproductive Risk and Capacity for Recovery 134 Applying Developmental Themes to Birth 135 The Newborn’s Readiness for Life 136 Newborn Reflexes 137 Infant States 138 Developmental Changes in Infant States 139 n Box 5.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Sudden Infant Death Syndrome 140 n Box 5.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:

Methods of Soothing a Fussy Baby 142 Summary 143 Key Terms 144

ChAPter 6 Physical Development: the Brain, Body, motor skills, and the Beginnings of sexual Development 145 An Overview of Maturation and Growth 146 Changes in Height and Weight 146 Changes in Body Proportions 147 Skeletal Development 148 NEL

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Contents vii Muscular Development 148 Variations in Physical Development 148 Development of the Brain 149 Neural Development and Plasticity 149 n Box 6.1 the InsIDe trACk: Dr. Sid Segalowitz 150 n Box 6.2 the InsIDe trACk: Bryan Kolb 152 Brain Differentiation and Growth 153 Motor Development 156 Basic Trends in Locomotor Development 157 Fine Motor Development 160 Psychological Implications of Early Motor Development 162 Beyond Infancy: Motor Development in Childhood 163 n Box 6.3 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:

Exercise: The Key to a Healthy Childhood 164 The Onset of Puberty: The Early Beginnings of the Physical Transition from Child to Adolescent 165 Sexual Maturation in Girls 165 Sexual Maturation in Boys 166 Individual Differences in and Sexual Maturation: Early Onset 166 Secular Trends—Are We Maturing Earlier? 166 Does Timing of Puberty Matter? 167 Causes and Correlates of Physical Development 168 Biological Mechanisms 168 Environmental Influences 169 Applying Developmental Themes to Physical Development 173

n Box 7.1 FoCus on reseArCh: Causes and

Consequences of Hearing Loss 184 Taste and Smell 185 Touch, Temperature, and Pain 186 Vision 187 Visual Perception in Infancy 189 Perception of Patterns and Forms 189 n Box 7.2 the InsIDe trACk: Daphne Maurer 192 Perception of Three-Dimensional Space 193 Intermodal Perception 197 Are the Senses Integrated at Birth? 197 Development of Intermodal Perception 198 Explaining Intermodal Perception 199 Infant Perception in Perspective—And a Look Ahead 200 Perceptual Learning in Childhood: Gibson’s Differentiation Theory 200 Cultural Influences on Perception 201 Basic Learning Processes 203 Habituation: Early Evidence of Information Processing and Memory 203 Classical Conditioning 204 Operant (or Instrumental) Conditioning 206 Operant Conditioning in Infancy 208 Observational Learning 210 n Box 7.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:

Corporal Punishment— Cultural Ideals and Alternatives 211

Summary 175

Applying Developmental Themes to Infant Development, Perception, and Learning 214

Key Terms 176

Summary 215 Key Terms 217

PArt III LAnguAge, LeArnIng, AnD CognItIve DeveLoPment ChAPter 7 early Cognitive Foundations: sensation, Perception, and Learning 178 Early Controversies about Sensory and Perceptual Development 179 Nature versus Nurture 179 Enrichment versus Differentiation 179 Research Methods Used to Study the Infant’s Sensory and Perceptual Experiences 180 The Preference Method 180 The Habituation Method 180 The High-Amplitude Sucking Method 181 The Evoked Potentials Method 182 Brain Imaging Techniques 182 Infant Sensory Capabilities 183 Hearing 183

ChAPter 8 Cognitive Development: Piaget’s theory, Case’s neo-Piagetian theory, and vygotsky’s sociocultural viewpoint 218 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development 219 What Is Intelligence? 219 How We Gain Knowledge: Cognitive Schemes and Cognitive Processes 220 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development 221 The Sensorimotor Stage (Birth to 2 Years) 221 n Box 8.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Why Infants Know More about Objects than Piaget Assumed 227 The Preoperational Stage (2 to 7 Years) and the Emergence of Symbolic Thought 230 n Box 8.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Play Is Serious Business 232 n Box 8.3 the InsIDe trACk: Kang Lee 240 n Box 8.4 FoCus on reseArCh: Is Theory of Mind Biologically Programmed? The Special Case of Autism Spectrum Disorder 241

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Contents The Concrete-Operational Stage (7 to 11 Years) 242 The Formal-Operational Stage (11 to 12 Years and Beyond) 244

An Evaluation of Piaget’s Theory 246 Piaget’s Contributions 246 Challenges to Piaget 247 Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory 248 Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective 250 The Role of Culture in Intellectual Development 250 The Social Origins of Early Cognitive Competencies 252 Implications for Education 255 The Role of Language in Cognitive Development 256 Vygotsky in Perspective: Summary and Evaluation 257 Applying Developmental Themes to Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s Theories 260 Summing Up 261 Summary 261 Key Terms 262

Chapter 9 Cognitive Development: Information-processing perspectives and Connectionism 264 Information Flow and the Multistore Model 265 Cognitive Processes and the Multistore Model 266 Developmental Differences in “Hardware”: Information-Processing Capacity 267 Development of the Short-Term Store 267 Knowledge Base and Memory Development 269 Developmental Differences in “Software”: Strategies 270 Rehearsal 271 Organization 272 Elaboration 272 Production and Utilization Deficiencies 273 Multiple Strategy and Variable Strategy Use 275 The Development of Metacognition and Executive Control Processes 276 Knowledge and Reasoning 277 n Box 9.1 the InsIDe traCk: Ori Friedman 278 Retention and the Development of Attention 279 Changes in Attention Span 279 n Box 9.2 the InsIDe traCk: Kimberly SchonertReichl 280 Development of Planful Attentional Strategies 280 Selective Attention: Ignoring Information That Is Clearly Irrelevant 281

Cognitive Inhibition: Dismissing Irrelevant Information 281 Meta-attention: What Do Children Know about Attention? 282 Alternative Models of Memory: Fuzzy Traces and Scripts 283 Fuzzy-Trace Theory 283 Schemas 284 The Development of Event Memory 286 Origins of Event Memory 286 n Box 9.3 applyIng researCh to your lIfe:

What Happened to Our Early Childhood Memories? 287 The Social Construction of Autobiographical Memories 288 Summing Up 289 Children as Eyewitnesses 290 How Suggestible Are Child Witnesses? 291 Implications for Legal Testimony 292 The Development of Analogical Reasoning 292 The Development of Number and Arithmetic Skills 294 Counting and Arithmetic Strategies 294 n Box 9.4 the InsIDe traCk: Jeff Bisanz 296 Evaluating the Information-Processing Perspective 299 n Box 9.5 applyIng researCh to your lIfe: Some

Educational Implications of Research on Attention and Memory 300 Connectionist Approaches to Cognitive Development 301 The Origins of Connectionism 301 How Are Networks Created? 301 How Connectionist Networks Work 302 Connectionism and Development 302 Applying Developmental Themes to InformationProcessing Perspectives 303 Summary 304 Key Terms 306

Chapter 10 Intelligence: Measuring Mental performance 307 What Is Intelligence? 308 Psychometric Views of Intelligence 308 The Modern Information-Processing Viewpoint 312 Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences 314 How Is Intelligence Measured? 315 The Wechsler Scales 316 n Box 10.1 Cultural InfluenCes: Making American Tests Valid in Canada 317 n Box 10.2 the InsIDe traCk: Donald H. Saklofske 318 Distribution of IQ Scores 318

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Contents Group Tests of Mental Performance 319 Newer Approaches to Intelligence Testing 319 Assessing Infant Intelligence 319 What Do Intelligence Tests Predict? 322 IQ as a Predictor of Scholastic Achievement 322 IQ as a Predictor of Health, Adjustment, and Life Satisfaction 323 Factors That Influence IQ Scores 326 The Evidence for Heredity 326 The Evidence for Environment 327 Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance 328 Home Environment and IQ 328 Social Class, Culture, Race, and Ethnic Differences in IQ 331 Why Do Groups Differ in Intellectual Performance? 332 Improving Cognitive Performance through Compensatory Education 337 Long-Term Follow-Ups 338 The Importance of Parental Involvement 338 The Importance of Intervening Early 339 n Box 10.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:

An Effective Compensatory Intervention for Families 339 Creativity and Special Talents 340 What Is Creativity? 340 The Psychometric Perspective 341 The Multicomponent (or Confluence) Perspective 341 Sternberg and Lubart’s Investment Theory 342 Applying Developmental Themes to Intelligence and Creativity 345 Summary 345

Producing Sounds: The Infant’s Prelinguistic Vocalizations 362 What Do Prelinguistic Infants Know about Language and Communication? 363 The Holophrastic Period: One Word at a Time 365 Early Semantics: Building a Vocabulary 365 n Box 11.2 the InsIDe trACk: Janet F. Werker 366 Attaching Meaning to Words 367 When a Word Is More than a Word 371 The Telegraphic Period: From Holophrases to Simple Sentences 371 A Semantic Analysis of Telegraphic Speech 372 The Pragmatics of Early Speech 373 n Box 11.3 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:

Learning a Gestural Language 374 Language Learning during the Preschool Period 375 Grammatical Development 376 Semantic Development 378 Development of Pragmatics and Communication Skills 379 Language Learning during Middle Childhood 380 Later Syntactic Development 381 Semantics and Metalinguistic Awareness 381 Further Development of Communication Skills 382 Bilingualism: Learning More than One Language 385 n Box 11.4 the InsIDe trACk: Johanne Paradis 387 n Box 11.5 the InsIDe trACk: Ellen Bialystok 388 Applying Developmental Themes to Language Acquisition 390 Summary 391 Key Terms 392

Key Terms 347

ChAPter 11 Development of Language and Communication skills 348 The Five Components of Language 349 Phonology 349 Morphology 349 Semantics 349 Syntax 350 Pragmatics 350 Theories of Language Development 350 The Learning (or Empiricist) Perspective 351 The Nativist Perspective 352 n Box 11.1 FoCus on reseArCh: On the “Invention” of Language by Children 355 The Interactionist Perspective 356 The Prelinguistic Period: Before Language 361 Early Reactions to Speech 361

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PArt Iv soCIAL AnD PersonALIty DeveLoPment ChAPter 12 emotional Development, temperament, and Attachment 394 Emotional Development 394 Displaying Emotions: The Development (and Control) of Emotional Expressions 395 Recognizing and Interpreting Emotions 399 Emotions and Early Social Development 401 Temperament and Development 402 Hereditary and Environmental Influences on Temperament 403

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Contents Stability of Temperament 405 Early Temperamental Profiles and Later Development 406 n Box 12.1 the InsIDe trACk: Elizabeth J. Hayden 406 Attachment and Development 409 Attachments as Reciprocal Relationships 409 How Do Infants Become Attached? 410 Individual Differences in Attachment Quality 414 Factors That Influence Attachment Security 418 Attachment and Later Development 421 n Box 12.2 the InsIDe trACk: Ellen Moss 424 Applying Developmental Themes to Emotional Development, Temperament, and Attachment 425 Summary 426 Key Terms 427

ChAPter 13 Development of the self and social Cognition 429 Development of the Self-Concept 429 Self-Differentiation in Infancy 430 Self-Recognition in Infancy 430 Contributors to Self-Recognition 432 Social and Emotional Consequences of Self-Recognition 433 “Who Am I?” Responses of Preschool Children 434 Conceptions of Self in Middle Childhood 434 Who Am I to Be? Identity as an Extension of Self-Concept 436 Self-Esteem: The Evaluative Component of Self 436 Origins and Development of Self-Esteem 436 n Box 13.1 the InsIDe trACk: Shelley Hymel 439 n Box 13.2 the InsIDe trACk: Joanne Cummings 439 Social Contributors to Self-Esteem 440 Development of Achievement Motivation and Academic Self-Concept 442 Early Origins of Achievement Motivation 442 Achievement Motivation during Middle Childhood 443 Beyond Achievement Motivation: Development of Achievement Attributions 447 The Other Side of Social Cognition: Knowing about Others 452 Age Trends in Person Perception 452 n Box 13.3 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: Racial Categorization and Racism in Young Children 453 Theories of Social-Cognitive Development 455 Applying Developmental Themes to the Development of the Self and Social Cognition 459 Summary 460 Key Terms 461

ChAPter 14 sex Differences and similarities, and gender-role Development 463 Defining Sex and Gender 464 Categorizing Males and Females: Gender-Role Standards 464 n Box 14.1 DeveLoPmentAL Issues: What Traits Characterize Males and Females? 466 Some Facts and Fictions about Sex Differences 466 Actual Psychological Differences between the Sexes 466 Cultural Myths 469 Do Cultural Myths Contribute to Sex Differences in Ability (and Vocational Opportunity)? 470 Developmental Trends in Gender Typing 472 Development of Gender Identity 472 Development of Gender-Role Stereotypes 473 n Box 14.2 the InsIDe trACk: Lisa Serbin 474 Development of Gender-Typed Behaviour 475 Theories of Gender Typing and Gender-Role Development 478 Evolutionary Theory 478 A Biosocial Overview of Gender Differentiation and Development 479 n Box 14.3 FoCus on reseArCh: Is Biology Destiny? 482 Social-Learning Theory 484 Kohlberg’s Cognitive-Developmental Theory 486 Gender Schema Theory 487 An Integrative Theory 488 Psychological Androgyny: A Prescription for the 21st Century? 489 Do Androgynous People Really Exist? 490 Are There Advantages to Being Androgynous? 491 Applications: On Changing Gender-Role Attitudes and Behaviour 492 n Box 14.4 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:

Combating Gender Stereotypes with Cognitive Interventions 494 Applying Developmental Themes to Sex Differences and Gender-Role Development 495 Summary 495 Key Terms 496

ChAPter 15 moral Development and Aggression 498 Defining the Moral Domain 499 Moral Foundations Theory 499 Turiel’s Social Domain Theory 500 The Anthropologist View 501 Evolutionary Roots of Morality in Young Children 502 Empathy and Compassion 502 Social Preference for Helpfulness 503 Prosocial Helping 503 NEL

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Contents Beyond Nature— Cultural Influences on Sympathy and Prosocial Behaviour 504 Rule Internalization in the Context of Close Relationships 505 Positive Reinforcement in the Context of Close Relationships 506 n Box 15.1 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe: How

Should I Discipline My Children? 509 Social-Modelling Influences 510 Moral Reasoning Development 511 Piaget’s Theory of Moral Development 511 Updates to Piaget’s Theory 513 Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development 516 Empirical Support for Kohlberg’s Theory 519 Criticisms of Kohlberg’s Approach 522 The Development of Aggression 524 Aggressive Behaviour in Infancy and Childhood 525 Aggressiveness as a Trait: How Stable Is It? 526 Sex Differences in Aggressive Behaviour 527 Aggression as a Behavioural Problem 528 Dodge’s Social Information-Processing Theory of Aggression 528 n Box 15.2 the InsIDe trACk: Tina Malti 530 Social and Cultural and Influences on Aggression 530 Coercive Home Environments: Breeding Grounds for Aggression 531 Methods of Controlling Aggression in Young Children 532 Applying Developmental Themes to Moral Development and Aggression 535 Summary 535 Key Terms 536

PArt v the eCoLogy oF DeveLoPment ChAPter 16 the Family 538 Understanding the Family 538 The Family as a Social System 539 Families Are Developing Systems 540 Parental Socialization during Childhood 543 Two Major Dimensions of Parenting 544 Four Patterns of Parenting 544 Social Class and Ethnic Variations in Child Rearing 548 The Influence of Siblings and Sibling Relationships 551 Changes in the Family System when a New Baby Arrives 551 Sibling Relationships over the Course of Childhood 551

n Box 16.1 the InsIDe trACk: Hildy Ross 552 Positive Contributions of Sibling Relationships 553 Characteristics of Only Children 554

Diversity in Family Life 555 Adoptive Families 556 Donor Insemination (DI) Families 556 Gay and Lesbian Families 557 Family Conflict and Divorce 558 Remarriage and Blended Families 560 n Box 16.2 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:

Smoothing the Rocky Road to Recovery from a Divorce 561 Down the Hidden Side of Family Life: The Problem of Child Abuse 564 How Prevalent Is Child Abuse and Neglect? 564 Is There a Typical Profile of an Abuser? 565 Who Is Abused? 566 Consequences of Abuse and Neglect 568 n Box 16.3 the InsIDe trACk: David Wolfe 569 How Can We Reduce the Prevalence of Abuse and Neglect? What Works? 570 Applying Developmental Themes to Family Life, Parenting, and Siblings 572 Summary 573 Key Terms 574

ChAPter 17 Beyond the Family Context: Peers, schools, and media 576 Peers as Agents of Socialization 576 Who Is a Peer and What Functions Do Peers Serve? 577 The Development of Peer Sociability 578 Peer Acceptance and Popularity 582 Children and Their Friends 585 n Box 17.1 the InsIDe trACk: William Bukowski 585 n Box 17.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues:

A Longitudinal Analysis of the Benefits of Chumships 588 n Box 17.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:

On Improving the Social Skills of Unpopular Children 589 Parents and Peers as Influence Agents 590 Increasing Conformity to Peers 590 School as a Socialization Agent 591 How Well Educated Are Our Children? A Cross-Cultural Comparison 591 n Box 17.4 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:

Should Preschoolers Attend School? 592 Determinants of Effective Schooling 596 Do Our Schools Meet the Needs of All of Our Children? 599

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xii Contents Effects of Media Technologies on Child Development 602 Development of Media Literacy 603 Some Potentially Undesirable Effects of Screen Media Technologies 604 Some Desirable Developmental Outcomes from Screen Media Technologies 606 Computer Technologies and Cognitive Development 608 The Added Impact of the Internet 608

Summary 611 Key Terms 613

glossary g-1 references r-1 name Index I-1 subject Index I-23

Applying Developmental Themes to Extrafamilial Contextual Forces in Child Development 610

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Preface You will note that this fifth Canadian edition of Developmental Psychology: Infancy and Childhood differs significantly from its predecessors. The revised title reflects a change in focus, and the list of authors reflects a collaborative effort to create a timely, meaningful, and accurate developmental textbook for Canadian students. Although this text has always been written by multiple authors, the fifth Canadian edition is unique as it reflects the expertise of seven Canadian developmental researchers (along with two original authors from the United States) working together to create a comprehensive yet streamlined text that reflects the many domains of developmental psychology. In fact, the order of authorship among the Canadian contributors was decided randomly as all contributed equally to this edition. This edition is also unique in its focus. Where earlier editions examined development through childhood and adolescence, this edition has been streamlined to focus on childhood (starting from before birth up until about 12 years of age). In making this transition, we were able to further refine, update, and elaborate on the information presented in our fourth edition. Importantly, given the time between the fourth and fifth editions, considerable revisions were made to accommodate the fast pace of change in the research literature. We have continued to couch the content in terms of issues faced by Canadians, but we have also incorporated research from a range of countries to provide as complete a picture as possible. Like the previous edition, this text provides an overview of child development that reflects the best theories, research, and practical advice that developmentalists have to offer. It is a substantive developmental text that we hope is interesting, accurate, up to date, and written in clear, concise language that both introductory and more advanced students can easily understand. We believe that a good text should talk to rather than at its readers. It should anticipate their interests, questions, and concerns. It should treat them as active participants in the learning process. It should stress the processes that underlie developmental change, so that students come away from the course with a firm understanding of the causes and complexities of development. We wanted this text to challenge students to think about the fascinating process of human development, to share in the excitement of our dynamic discipline, and to acquire a knowledge of developmental principles that will serve them well in their roles as parents, teachers, nurses, childcare workers, pediatricians, psychologists, nurses, academics, or in any other capacity in which they may one day influence the lives of developing individuals.

Philosophy Certain philosophical views underlie any systematic treatment of a field as broad as child development. The philosophy that guided the construction of this text can be summarized as follows.

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We Believe in Theoretical Eclecticism Many theories have contributed to our knowledge about child development, and this theoretical diversity is a strength rather than a weakness. Some theories may do a better job than others of explaining particular aspects of development, but we see time and again that different theories emphasize different aspects of development and that knowledge of many theories is necessary to explain the course and complexities of human development. So this book does not attempt to convince its readers that any one theoretical viewpoint is best. The behaviouristic, cognitive-developmental, ecological, sociocultural, information processing, ethological, behavioural, and genetic/biological viewpoints (as well as several less encompassing theories that address selected aspects of development) are all treated with respect.

The Best Information about Human Development Comes from Systematic Research To teach this course effectively, one must convince students of the value of theory and systematic research. Although there are many ways to achieve that objective, this text discusses the many methodological approaches that researchers use to test their theories and answer questions about developing children. Care has been taken to explain why there is no one best method for studying developing individuals and why our most reliable findings are those that can be replicated using a variety of methods.

We Believe in a Strong Process Orientation In recent years, investigators have become increasingly concerned about identifying and understanding developmental processes—the biological and environmental factors that cause us to change—and this book reflects that concern. We believe that students are more likely to remember what develops, and when, if they know and understand the reasons that these developments take place.

We Believe in a Strong Contextual Orientation One important lesson that developmentalists have learned is that children live in historical eras and sociocultural contexts that affect every aspect of their development. We have highlighted these contextual influences in two ways. First, cross-cultural comparisons are discussed in various places throughout the text. Cross-cultural research helps us see how human beings can be so much alike and, at the same time, so different from one another. Second, the impacts of such immediate contextual influences as our families, neighbourhoods, schools, and peer groups are considered throughout the first 15 chapters as we discuss each aspect of human development, and again in the final two chapters as important topics in their own right.

Human Development Is a Holistic Process Although individual researchers may concentrate on particular topics such as physical development, cognitive development, or the development of moral reasoning, development is not piecemeal but holistic: human beings are at once physical, cognitive, social, and emotional creatures, and each of these components of self depends, in part, on changes taking place in other areas of development. This holistic perspective is emphasized throughout the text. NEL

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A Developmental Text Should Be a Resource Book for Students— One That Reflects Current Knowledge This text cites many new studies and new programs of research—many are “hot off the press” (see The Inside Track boxes)—to ensure that our coverage represents the most up-to-date understanding of topics in developmental psychology. However, we have avoided the tendency to ignore older research simply because it is older. Many of the classics of our discipline are featured prominently throughout the text to illustrate important breakthroughs and to show how our knowledge about development builds on earlier findings and insights.

organization There are two traditional ways of presenting human development. In the chronological, or “ages and stages,” approach, the coverage begins at conception and proceeds through the lifespan, using ages or chronological periods as the organizing principle. By contrast, the topical approach is organized around areas of development and follows each from its origins to its mature forms. Each of these presentations has its advantages and disadvantages. On the one hand, a chronological focus highlights the holistic character of development but may obscure the links between early and later events within each developmental domain. On the other hand, a topical approach highlights developmental sequences and processes but at the risk of failing to convey that development is holistic in nature. This book is organized topically to focus on developmental processes and to provide the student with an uninterrupted view of the sequences of change that children experience within each developmental domain. In our opinion, this topical approach best allows the reader to appreciate the flow of development—the systematic, and often truly dramatic transformations that take place over the course of childhood, as well as the developmental continuities that make each individual a reflection of his or her past self. At the same time, we consider it essential to paint a holistic portrait of the developing person. To accomplish this aim, we have stressed the fundamental interplay among biological, cognitive, social, and cultural influences for each and every aspect of development. So, even though this text is organized topically, students will not lose sight of the whole person and the holistic character of human development.

Content We made an effort to retain in this edition those qualities of earlier editions that students and professors say they like. One such quality is the division of the book into five parts. n■

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Part I: Theory and Research in the Development Sciences. This first part presents an orientation to the discipline and the tools of the trade, including a thorough discussion and illustration of research methodologies in Chapter 1 and a succinct review of the major theories of human development in Chapter 2. These chapters illustrate why research methods and theories are important to an understanding of human development. The coverage also analyzes the contributions and the limitations of each research method and each major theory. Part II: Foundations of Development. Chapters 3 to 6 address foundations of development strongly influenced by biological factors. Chapter 3 focuses on hereditary contributions to human development and illustrates how genes and environments interact to influence most human characteristics. Chapters 4 and 5 focus on prenatal development and on the many prenatal and perinatal

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environmental factors that influence a newborn’s health and readiness for adapting to the world outside the womb. Chapter 6 is devoted to physical growth, including the development of the brain and motor skills. Part III: Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development. The five chapters of Part III address the many theories and the voluminous research pertaining to the development of language, learning capabilities, and intellectual development. Chapter 7 begins exploring the growth of perceptual and learning capabilities—two crucial cognitive foundations for many other aspects of development. Chapter 8 is devoted to major viewpoints of intellectual growth including Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory, Case’s neo-Piagetian theory, and Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. These theories are covered in detail, for each is important to understanding the social, emotional, and language developments that are covered in later chapters. Chapter 9 explores the informationprocessing viewpoint and connectionist models. The application of information-processing research in everyday contexts is covered through topics such as reasoning and mathematics. Chapter 10 focuses on individual differences in intellectual performance. Here we review the intelligence testing movement, the many factors that influence children’s IQ scores, and the merits of compensatory interventions designed to improve intellectual performance. The chapter concludes with a discussion of creative abilities and their development. Chapter 11 explores the fascinating topic of language development and addresses a number of intriguing questions such as, Do children acquire language more easily than adults? Is sign language a true language? Does bilingualism promote or inhibit linguistic proficiency and cognitive development? Part IV: Social and Personality Development. The next four chapters focus on crucial aspects of social and personality development. Chapter 12 examines the process of emotional development, the developmental significance of individual differences in temperament, and the growth and implications for later development of the emotional attachments that children form with their close companions. Chapter 13, on the self, traces the development of the self-concept and children’s emerging sense of self-esteem, and the growth of social cognition and interpersonal understanding. Chapter 14 focuses on sex differences and similarities and on how biological factors, social forces, and intellectual growth can interact to steer males and females toward different gender roles. The chapter also examines the utility (or lack thereof ) of traditional gender roles and discusses ways in which we might be more successful at combating unfounded gender stereotypes. Chapter 15 examines interrelated aspects of social development that people often consider when making judgments about one’s character: moral development and aggression. Part V: The Ecology of Development. The final section of the text concentrates on the settings, or contexts, in which people develop—the ecology of development. Chapter 16 is devoted to family influences, focusing on the functions that families serve, patterns of child rearing that foster adaptive or maladaptive outcomes, the impacts of siblings on developing children, and the effects of family diversities and family transitions on child development. Chapter 17 concludes the text with an in-depth examination of three extrafamilial influences on developing children: peers, schools, and the impact of media.

new to the Fifth Canadian edition One of the most challenging tasks we face when writing a Canadian edition is understanding what defines a Canadian text. What should a Canadian text in developmental psychology look like compared to the American texts we are accustomed to seeing? Although, for the most part, Canadian and American researchers investigate NEL

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developmental psychology using the same theories, philosophies, designs, methods, and analyses, we acknowledge that there are differences—some obvious, some not—in how research is conducted. One of the obvious areas of difference between the two cultures is that of legal issues. Canadians and Americans have different legislation and therefore different expectations on such basic issues as health care, parental leave, acceptable discipline, and the right to appropriate education. There are more subtle differences, too, that also need to be addressed. For example, though both countries promote diversity, they do so in different ways. That Canadians embrace diversity is especially evident in the way we respond to questions of language. Like many other countries in the world, Canada supports two languages officially but also supports many heritage languages through an array of publicly funded venues. The study of language, second-language learning, and bilingualism in particular are areas of research in which Canadians are at the forefront. Throughout the text, we present issues like these that are important to Canadians. The fifth edition has been thoroughly updated and revised to reflect the ever-changing field of developmental psychology as well as to provide updated information on current Canadian research. As noted at the outset, one the largest changes between previous editions and the present text is the focus. The present text focuses on child development, whereas earlier editions targeted both childhood and adolescence. Although some developmental theories and findings relate to both groups, a growing body of research indicates unique developmental issues in these two stages of development. As a result, whole courses are now offered for each of child and adolescent development. Thus, the present text focuses on child development with some material extending into early adolescence, as the division between childhood and adolescence is not so clear-cut in all domains or for every individual. Some changes that cut across all chapters include n■ n■

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organization of material, with material being condensed, relocated, and presented in forms that allow easier comprehension of the main ideas; updates to existing research programs in the introduction of new research programs and studies in the text and highlighted in The Inside Track boxes to summarize current research being conducted by prominent Canadian developmentalists; the use of specific examples to highlight research findings and provide applications to real-life situations; and significant and thorough updates to the research and theory to reflect current thinking in developmental psychology.

In addition to these general changes that affect all chapters, numerous specific changes have been made in each chapter. The following provides some examples to demonstrate particular changes within each chapter.

Chapter 1: Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies n■

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Added and updated discussions, materials, and research on the following topics: ●■ baby diaries (added information about Clara and William Stern) ●■ psychophysiological methods (added eye tracking) ●■ ethical standards for conducting research (Tri-Council policies) ●■ different notions of developmental stability (absolute and positional stability) Streamlined content to make it more accessible by deleting non-essential content and by reorganizing subsections to improve flow.

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Chapter 2: Theories of Human Development n■ n■ n■

Updated information regarding theories and theorists and augmented these updates with photos. Updated information on sociocultural theories. Introduced and discussed developmental systems view and Gottlieb’s model of co-active developmental systems.

Chapter 3: Hereditary Influences on Development n■ n■ n■ n■

To ensure clarity for students, the information on heritability was removed from the Current Controversies box and embedded in the text. Added paragraph in Developmental Issues box explaining the concept that “recessive” doesn’t mean “rare” and “dominant” doesn’t mean “ordinary.” Reduced section on hereditary disorders. Expanded recent advances in epigenetics and other ways genes are changed.

Chapter 4: Prenatal Development n■ n■ n■ n■

Introduced current research on prenatal exposure to HIV, including the importance of differentiating experiences in developed versus developing countries. Updated prevalence statistics throughout. Updated section on prenatal exposure to alcohol, including our current understanding of FASD. Updated section on illicit drugs and highlighted the impact of opioids as well as including a summary of the effects of cocaine.

Chapter 5: Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life n■ n■ n■ n■

New The Inside Track box to highlight infant–parent mirroring. Revised birthing environments section to capture diversity of choices. Updated information related to postpartum stresses and depression. Updated statistics on sudden infant death syndrome in Canada.

Chapter 6: Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development n■ n■ n■

Updated research on physical and motor changes. New Applying Research to Your Life box to explain the importance of physical activity for children. Revised discussion of sexual development to focus on early onset of puberty in childhood.

Chapter 7: Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning n■ n■

Revised section on research methods to include brain imaging techniques. Updated statistics on otitis media and its impact on language, cognition, and social development of children with recurring infections. NEL

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Added information on the cues newborns use to recognize faces and how pain is experienced by newborns. Revised section on the development of depth perception regarding why infants avoid the drop-off in the visual cliff experiment. Updated statistics on corporal punishment of children and highlighting of its impact on children’s aggression even in cultures that accept the practice.

Chapter 8: Cognitive Development: Piaget’s Theory, Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory, and Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Viewpoint n■ n■ n■

Revised opening vignette to reflect a childhood example. Added information on physical reasoning system and explanation-based learning. New The Inside Track box featuring the research of Kang Lee.

Chapter 9: Cognitive Development: InformationProcessing Perspectives and Connectionism n■ n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Rearranged sections to make the flow among theories smoother. Streamlined and updated section on mathematics to make this application seamlessly follow the theory. Expanded and elaborated material related to metacognition. Updated research and examples. New The Inside Track box on preschoolers’ reasoning. New The Inside Track box on mindfulness and academic success.

Chapter 10: Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance n■ n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Revised and updated opening vignette. Added PASS theory of intelligence. Updated statistics. Revised and updated The Inside Track box on David Saklofske’s work to reflect a new focus on emotional intelligence. Updated information on adoptions and the role of genetics versus environment. Updated section on intellectual disabilities to reflect the DSM-5.

Chapter 11: Development of Language and Communication Skills n■ n■ n■ n■

Revised section on the optimal age of linguistic exposure to attain native proficiency in second language learning by examining international adopted children. Introduced statistical learning in early speech perception and word learning. New Canadian statistics on immigrants and languages used. New The Inside Track box on Johanne Paradis’s work on syntax and morphology in second-language learners.

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Chapter 12: Emotional Development, Temperament, and Attachment n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Reorganized and streamlined discussion on attachment. Reorganized and streamlined discussion on emotions. Expanded discussion on temperament. Two new The Inside Track boxes highlighting the work of Ellen Moss and Elizabeth Hayden. Expanded and updated references throughout the chapter.

Chapter 13: Development of the Self and Social Cognition n■ n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Revised discussion of identity. Expanded discussion of cultural differences in self-concept. Expanded discussion of self-esteem. Expanded and updated discussion of achievement motivation. Expanded and updated references. Two new The Inside Track boxes highlighting the work of Shelley Hymel and Joanne Cummings.

Chapter 14: Sex Differences and Similarities, and Gender-Role Development n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Expanded discussion of evolutionary theory. Updated Focus on Research box dealing with the Bruce/Brenda story. Expanded discussion of marketing and media influence on observational learning of gender roles. Updated discussion of gender schema theory. Expanded and updated references throughout.

Chapter 15: Moral Development and Aggression n■ n■ n■ n■ n■ n■

Chapter restructured and sections on moral development and prosocial development merged to reduce redundancy. Section on definition of moral domain expanded. Evolutionary perspectives introduced. Discussion of new research on infants’ social preferences, helping behaviour, and lying. New The Inside Track box highlighting Tina Malti’s research. Research on bullying removed to reduce overlap with other chapters and make content more pertinent for children’s development.

Chapter 16: The Family n■ n■ n■

Updated references and Canadian statistics throughout chapter. Updated The Inside Track boxes. New discussion of the so-called “tiger parenting” style.

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Updated statistics and discussion on child abuse and neglect including practices of immigrant families. Added information on “grooming.”

Chapter 17: Beyond the Family Context: Peers, Schools, and Media Technologies n■ n■ n■ n■

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Clarified the different forms of social inhibition (e.g., shyness versus withdrawing). Added information about how culture, intergenerational support, and temperament affects children’s behaviour and school success. Added more recent school models. Significant changes in technology have resulted in a different landscape for children in today’s technological world. Conditions leading to change and the impact of screen media technologies are introduced and elaborated upon. Introduced intergenerational contributions to schooling. Added information about how parents use technologies to monitor children’s behaviour.

Writing style Our goal has been to write a book that speaks directly to its readers and treats them as active participants in an ongoing discussion. We have tried to be relatively informal and down to earth in our writing style and to rely heavily on questions, thought problems, concept checks, and a number of other exercises to stimulate students’ interest and involvement. Most of the chapters were “pretested” on our own faculty and students, who identified parts that weren’t clear to them and suggested several of the concrete examples, analogies, and occasional anecdotes that we’ve used when introducing and explaining complex ideas. So, with the valuable assistance of our student and peer critics, we have attempted to prepare a text that is substantive and challenging yet reads more like a dialogue or a story than like an encyclopedia.

special Features Among the more important features that are included to encourage student interest and involvement and make the material easier to learn are the following: n■

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Introductions and chapter summaries. A brief introductory section at the beginning of each chapter provides the student with a preview of what will be covered. Concept Checks located at strategic points within each chapter give students opportunities to review as they progress through the chapter. Concept Checks include multiple-choice, fill-in-the-blank, essay, and scenario-based questions. Answers to all Concept Checks can be found at the end of each chapter. Summary sections at the end of each chapter present bulleted statements organized by major chapter section, summarizing the key points of each section. Running glossary, key term lists, and comprehensive end-of-book glossary. A running glossary provides on-the-spot definitions of boldface key terms as they appear in the text. At the end of each chapter is a list of key terms that appeared in the narrative, as well as the page number on which each term is

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defined. A complete glossary of key terms for the entire text appears at the end of the book. The number of the page where each term is first introduced is included in the glossary. Boxes. Each chapter contains boxes that highlight important research, ideas, processes, issues, or applications. The aim of these boxes is to permit a closer or more personal examination of selected topics while stimulating the reader to think about the questions, controversies, practices, and policies under discussion. For example, The Inside Track boxes highlight current Canadian research and researchers; Applying Research to Your Life gives students useful tools for becoming wise consumers of the research; Focus on Research boxes discuss classic and recent studies that illuminate the topics and issues of development; and Applying Developmental Themes sections highlight the book’s four core developmental themes (nature/nurture, active/passive, continuity/ discontinuity, and the holistic nature of development), showing students how chapter topics apply to these themes. Developmental Issues boxes highlight applied questions important to development. All of these boxes are carefully woven into the chapter narrative and were selected to reinforce central themes in the text. The Inside Track boxes. An exciting feature of this text is The Inside Track. These boxes highlight one or two recent studies or a program of research conducted by researchers at Canadian universities. In writing these features, we had the opportunity to communicate directly with almost all of the researchers represented. You will notice that the research captures the stateof-the-art work being conducted by Canadian researchers. Together, The Inside Track boxes identify the extraordinary array of research being conducted at Canadian universities. Although we have added new researchers in this edition, these boxes feature only a few of the many individuals whose work is making an impact on our understanding of Developmental Issues. We would have liked to include many others but were limited, in some cases, by space restrictions and, in others, by the advanced level of research, which was beyond the scope of an introductory textbook. We have, however, integrated other important Canadian contributions throughout the body of the text. In many cases, university affiliations are provided with the researchers’ names to let students know where the researcher is located. Where affiliations are left out, we felt they impeded the flow of the text or compromised the clarity of the presentation. Overall, students will have an opportunity to become acquainted with Canadian research and gain a better understanding of how it fits within the big picture in developmental psychology. In this fifth edition, we added new The Inside Track boxes, as well as revising and updating the existing ones. Illustrations. Photographs, tables, figures, and chronological tables are used extensively to review important developmental ideas and milestones. All visual aids, including the occasional cartoon, were selected to illustrate important principles and concepts and thereby enhance the educational goals of the text. Critical-thinking questions. The What Do You Think? feature is designed to encourage students to think about current controversies and/or to apply what they have learned in formulating their own reasoned position on developmentally significant issues. Any and all of these questions may serve as excellent springboards for class discussion.

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supplementary Aids and Ancillaries Instructor Resources The Nelson Education Teaching Advantage (NETA) program delivers researchbased instructor resources that promote student engagement and higher-order thinking to enable the success of Canadian students and educators. Visit Nelson Education’s Inspired Instruction website at www.nelson.com/inspired/ to find out more about NETA. The following instructor resources have been created for Developmental Psychology: Infancy and Childhood, Fifth Canadian Edition. Access these ultimate tools for customizing lectures and presentations at www.nelson.com/instructor.

netA test Bank This resource was updated for this edition by Nancy Ogden of Mount Royal University. It includes over 100 multiple-choice questions written according to NETA guidelines for effective construction and development of higher-order questions. Also included is a range of short-answer and essay questions for each chapter. The NETA Test Bank is available in a new, cloud-based platform. Nelson Testing Powered by Cognero® is a secure online testing system that allows instructors to author, edit, and manage test bank content from anywhere Internet access is available. No special installations or downloads are needed, and the desktop-inspired interface, with its dropdown menus and familiar, intuitive tools, allows instructors to create and manage tests with ease. Multiple test versions can be created in an instant, and content can be imported or exported into other systems. Tests can be delivered from a learning management system, the classroom, or wherever an instructor chooses. Nelson Testing Powered by Cognero for Developmental Psychology: Infancy and Childhood, Fifth Canadian Edition, can be accessed through www.nelson.com/instructor. netA PowerPoint Microsoft® PowerPoint® lecture slides for every chapter have been updated for this edition by Nancy Ogden of Mount Royal University. There is an average of 30 slides per chapter, many featuring key figures, tables, and photographs from Developmental Psychology: Infancy and Childhood, Fifth Canadian Edition. NETA principles of clear design and engaging content have been incorporated throughout, making it simple for instructors to customize the deck for their courses. Image Library This resource consists of digital copies of figures, short tables, and photographs used in the book. Instructors may use these jpegs to customize the NETA PowerPoint or create their own PowerPoint presentations. An image library key describes the images and lists the codes under which the jpegs are saved. Codes normally reflect the chapter number (e.g., C01 for Chapter 1), the figure or photo number (e.g., F15 for Figure 15), and the page in the textbook. C01-F15-pg26 corresponds to Figure 1-15 on page 26. mindtap Off ering personalized paths of dynamic assignments and applications, MindTap is a digital learning solution that turns cookie-cutter into cutting-edge, apathy into engagement, and memorizers into higher-level thinkers. MindTap enables students to analyze and apply chapter concepts within relevant assignments and allows instructors to measure skills and promote better outcomes with ease. A fully online learning solution,

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MindTap combines all student learning tools—readings, multimedia, activities, and assessments—into a single Learning Path that guides the student through the curriculum. Instructors personalize the experience by customizing the presentation of these learning tools to their students, even seamlessly introducing their own content into the Learning Path. Questions in the MindTap have been revised for this edition by Nancy Ogden of Mount Royal University.

Student Ancillaries mindtap Stay organized and efficient with MindTap—a single destination with all the course material and study aids you need to succeed. Built-in apps leverage social media and the latest learning technology. For example: n■ n■ n■

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ReadSpeaker will read the text to you. Flashcards are pre-populated to provide you with a jump start for review—or you can create your own. You can highlight text and make notes in your MindTap Reader. Your notes will flow into Evernote, the electronic notebook app that you can access anywhere when it’s time to study for the exam. Self-quizzing allows you to assess your understanding.

Visit www.nelson.com/student to start using MindTap. Enter the Online Access Code from the card included with your text. If a code card is not provided, you can purchase instant access at NELSONbrain.com.

Acknowledgments As is always the case with projects as large as this one, there are many, many individuals whose assistance was invaluable in the planning and production of the book. We would like to acknowledge several researchers who helped to ensure the most up-to-date material and understandings in the literature were present in this text. First, the updates to the Principles of Hereditary Transmission section were greatly dependent on the eye-opening and patient explanations from Dr. Sash Damjanovski from Western University, London, Ontario. The research regarding early screen media relied heavily on research conducted as part of the dissertations of two newly graduated doctoral students from Wilfrid Laurier University, Dr. Domenica De Pasquale and Dr. Karin Archer. Dr. Marc Joanisse of the University of Western Ontario deserves a special note of thanks for his assistance in constructing the section on connectionism in Chapter 9. Second, we would like to acknowledge the tremendous contributions of each Canadian researcher highlighted in this text. Many not only shared their most important pieces of work and took the time to summarize or review our summaries to make sure information was accurate, but they also hunted down photographs so that we would be able to show you the person behind the research. Third, the quality of any volume in human development depends to a large extent on the quality of the prepublication reviews from developmentalists around the world. Many colleagues (including several dozen or so interested and unpaid volunteers) have influenced this book by contributing constructive criticism, useful suggestions, references, and a whole lot of encouragement. Each of those experts has helped to make the final product a better one, and we thank them all. The reviewers of the first through fifth Canadian editions include Scott Adler, York University; Alisa Almas, University of Toronto; Tsasha Awong, Ryerson University; Lilly Both, University of New Brunswick, Saint John; Elizabeth Bowering, Mount Saint Vincent University; Anne Bowker, Carleton University; Mary Courage, Memorial University; Jason Daniels, University of Alberta; Amy De Jaeger, University of Manitoba; NEL

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Nancy Digdon, Grant MacEwan College; Helen Doan, York University; Margaret Forgie, University of Lethbridge; Deb Glebe, Wilfrid Laurier University; Darcy Hallet, University of British Columbia; Barbara Hodkin, Mount Saint Vincent University; Gretchen Hess, University of Alberta; Nina Howe, Concordia University; Jacqueline Kampman, Thompson Rivers University; Jane Ledingham, University of Ottawa; Elizabeth Levin, Laurentian University; Kathleen McKim-Dawes, University of New Brunswick; Mowei Liu, Trent University; Kim MacLean, St. Francis Xavier University; Sandra Martin-Chang, Mount Allison University; Laura Melnyk Gribble, University of Western Ontario; Colleen McQuarrie, University of Prince Edward Island; Gene Ouellette, Mount Allison University; Shelley Parlow, Carleton University; Alissa Pencer, Dalhousie University; Carole Peterson, Memorial University of Newfoundland; Michael Pratt, Wilfrid Laurier University; Marjorie Rabiau, McGill University; William Roberts, University College of the Cariboo; Bruce Ryan, University of Guelph; Louis Schmidt, McMaster University; Thomas Shultz, McGill University; Tanya Spencer, Lakehead University; Caroline Sullivan, University of Ottawa; Kara Thompson, St. Francis Xavier University; Connie Varnhagen, University of Alberta; Anthony Volk, Brock University; Tara Vongpaisal, MacEwan University; Sally Walters, Capilano University; Gillian Wark, Simon Fraser University; and Susan Weir, University of Regina. We would like to thank these reviewers for helping to guide many of the changes we made to our book. Finally, many other people have contributed their professionalism and skills to the development and production of the fifth Canadian edition of this text. We are especially grateful to Lenore Taylor-Atkins, Publisher for this project; to Liisa Kelly, who served as Content Manager; to Imoinda Romain, Senior Production Project Manager; to John Montgomery, who designed the book’s cover; to freelance copy editor Valerie Adams for her skill, efficiency, tenacity, and attention to detail in copy editing; to MPS Limited for proofreading and for page-formatting expertise; and to Claire Varley, Marketing Manager.

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Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies

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et’s begin this book with a question. Why did you choose to enroll in a course on human development? For many of you majoring in psychology, family studies, elementary education, or nursing, this class is required. Expectant parents may take the course in order to learn more about babies and children. Occasionally, people choose the course seeking to answer specific questions about their own behaviour or that of a friend or family member. Whatever your reasons, at one time or another you have probably been curious about one or more aspects of human development. For example, ■■

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What does the world smell, feel, sound and look like to newborn infants? How do they make any sense of their new surroundings? When do infants first recognize their mothers? their fathers? themselves (in a mirror)? Why do many 1-year-olds seem so attached to their mothers and wary of strangers? Foreign languages are difficult to follow if we merely listen to people conversing in them. Yet, infants and toddlers will acquire their native language without any formal instruction. How is this possible? Is language learning easier for children than for adults? Is a child in a bilingual home at a disadvantage? Why do you remember so little about the first two or three years of your life? Why are some people friendly and outgoing, while others are shy and reserved? How does the home environment influence an individual’s personality? Why is it that all humans turn out similar in many ways and, at the same time, so different from one another?

Introduction to Developmental Psychology The aim of this book is to seek answers for these and many other fascinating questions about developing persons by reviewing the theories, methods, discoveries, and many practical accomplishments of the modern developmental NEL

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Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

sciences. This introductory chapter lays the groundwork for the remainder of the book by addressing important issues about the nature of human development and how knowledge about development is gained. What does it mean to say that people “develop” over time? How is your experience of development different from that of developing persons in past eras or in other cultures? Why are scientific studies of human development important? What strategies, or research methods, do scientists use to study the development of children and adolescents? Let’s begin by considering the nature of development.

What Is Development? development systematic continuities and changes in the individual over the course of life. developmental continuities ways in which we remain stable over time or continue to reflect our past. developmental psychology branch of psychology devoted to identifying and explaining the continuities and changes that individuals display over time. developmentalist any scholar, regardless of discipline (e.g., psychologist, biologist, sociologist, anthropologist, educator), who seeks to understand the developmental process.

maturation developmental changes in the body or behaviour that result from the aging process rather than from learning, injury, illness, or some other life experience.

learning relatively permanent change in behaviour (or behavioural potential) that results from one’s experiences or practice.

Development refers to systematic changes in the individual that occur between conception (when the father’s sperm penetrates the mother’s ovum, creating a new organism) and death. By describing changes as “systematic,” we imply that they are orderly, patterned, and relatively enduring, so temporary mood swings and other transitory changes in our appearances, thoughts, and behaviours are therefore excluded. The complement of change is continuity, or ways in which we remain the same. Change cannot be properly understood without understanding the ways we remain the same and continue to reflect our past. Thus, the developmental process entails both continuity and change. If development represents the continuities and changes an individual experiences from “womb to tomb,” developmental sciences refers to the study of these phenomena and is a multidisciplinary enterprise. Although developmental psychology is the largest of these disciplines, many biologists, sociologists, anthropologists, educators, physicians, and even historians share an interest in developmental continuity and change, and have contributed in important ways to our understanding of both human and animal development. Because the science of development is multidisciplinary, we use the term developmentalist to refer to any scholar—regardless of discipline—who seeks to understand the developmental process.

Why Do We Develop? To grasp the meaning of development, we must understand two important processes that underlie developmental change: maturation and learning. Maturation refers to the biological unfolding of the individual according to species-typical biological inheritance and an individual person’s biological inheritance. Just as seeds become mature plants, assuming that they receive adequate moisture and nourishment, human beings grow within the womb. Beyond the womb, the human maturational (or species-typical) biological program calls for us to become capable of walking and uttering our first meaningful words at about 1 year of age, to reach sexual maturity between ages 11 and 15, and then to age and die on a roughly similar schedule. Maturation is partly responsible for psychological changes such as our increasing ability to concentrate, solve problems, and understand another person’s thoughts or feelings. So one reason that we humans are so similar in many important respects is that our common species heredity guides all of us through many of the same developmental changes at about the same points in our lives. The second critical developmental process is learning—the process through which our experiences produce relatively permanent changes in our feelings, thoughts, and behaviours. Let’s consider a very simple example. Although a certain degree of physical maturation is necessary before an elementary school child can become reasonably proficient at dribbling a basketball, careful instruction and many, many hours of practice are essential if this child is ever to approximate the ball-handling skills of a professional basketball player. Many of our abilities and habits do not simply unfold as part of maturation; we often learn to feel, think, and behave in new ways from our observations of and interactions with parents, teachers, and other important people in our lives, as well as from events that we experience. This means that we change in response to our environments— particularly in response to the actions and reactions of the people around us. NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 3

Of course, most developmental changes are the product of both maturation and learning. Take language development as an example. Infants’ brains are wired to learn language, and the regular process of language acquisition seems like a maturational process. However, exposure to a language environment is critical for children to learn to talk. Children learn different mother tongues depending on their language environment. Moreover, when children learn a language, they do not just parrot what they hear from others. Instead, they actively seek to make sense of it, and extract the sounds, meanings, and rules that govern our everyday language use. Thus, language development as any other developmental process, Despite the common assumption that highly successful children are requires an active individual. Children actively contribute “naturally gifted,” the special skills they display require an enormous to their own development. They do so by interpreting a amount of practice. For example, 7-year-old Vanya Virami’s victory as a given situation differently, by triggering different reactions spelling bee champion in 2016 required ability, practice, and hard work. from others, and by selecting different environments. Consider an aggressive child in comparison to a child who is rather shy and withdrawn. Both children experience the same environment (e.g., the classroom) differently, they evoke different reactions in others (e.g., peers and teachers), and they choose different friends. If children were not active individuals, their development would not happen. Thus, development is always a joint function of maturation, learning, and the active individual.

normative development developmental changes that characterize most or all members of a species; typical patterns of development. ideographic development individual variations in the rate, extent, or direction of development.

What Goals Do Developmentalists Pursue? Three major goals of the developmental sciences are to describe, to explain, and to optimize development (Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980). In pursuing the goal of description, human developmentalists carefully observe the behaviour of people of different ages, seeking to specify how people change over time. Although there are typical pathways of development that virtually all people follow, no two persons are exactly alike. Even identical twins raised in the same home, to some extent, display different interests, abilities, and behaviours. Thus, to adequately describe development, it is necessary to focus both on typical patterns of change (or normative development) and on individual variations in patterns of change (or ideographic development). So developmentalists seek to understand the important ways that developing humans resemble each other and how they are likely to differ as they proceed through life. Description provides us with the “facts” about development, but it is only the starting point. Developmentalists next seek to explain the changes they have observed. In pursuing this goal of explanation, developmentalists hope to determine why people develop as they typically do and why some people develop differently from others. Explanation centres both on normative changes within individuals and on variations in development between individuals. As we will see throughout the text, it is often easier to describe development than to conclusively explain how it occurs. Finally, developmentalists hope to optimize development by applying what they have learned in attempts to help people develop in positive directions. This is a practical side to the study of human development that has led to such breakthroughs as ways to: ■■

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Promote stronger affectional ties between fussy, unresponsive infants and their frustrated parents; Assist children with learning difficulties to succeed at school; and Help socially unskilled children prevent the emotional difficulties that could result from having no close friends and being rejected by peers.

The goal of optimization often appears to be clear and unproblematic. After all, having children learn how to walk, talk, read, and count, and to have friends and to be happy would be endorsed by most of us. However, sometimes it is less clear what qualifies as optimal development. Take gender roles and social behaviour as an example. Is it NEL

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Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

better to expect males to be more dominant and females to be more nurturing? Should children be taught to tell the truth at all times? Any definition of optimal development relies on cultural and societal values. Thus, the goal of optimization depends on the values developmentalists share with the larger cultural context of which they are part. Optimization goals may increasingly influence research agendas as developmentalists show greater interest in solving real problems and communicating the practical implications of their findings to the public and policymakers (APA Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based Practice, 2006; Kratochwill, 2007; Lerner, 2012; McCall & Groark, 2000; Schoenwald et al., 2008). Yet this heavier focus on applied issues in no way implies that traditional descriptive and explanatory goals are any less important, because optimization goals often cannot be achieved until researchers have adequately described normal and idiopathic pathways of development and their causes (Schwebel, Plumert, & Pick, 2000).

The Nature of Development Now that we have defined development and talked very briefly about the goals that developmentalists pursue, let’s consider some of the conclusions they have drawn about the nature of development. A Continual and Lifelong Process. Although no one can specify precisely what adulthood holds in store from even the most meticulous examination of a person’s childhood, developmentalists have learned that the first 12 years are extremely important for setting the stage for adolescence and adulthood. Obviously, you are not the same person you were at age 10 or even at age 15. You have probably grown somewhat, acquired new academic skills, and developed very different interests and aspirations from those you had in Grade 5 or in high school. And the path of such developmental change stretches ever onward, through middle age and beyond, culminating in the final change that occurs when we die. In sum, human development is best described as a continual and lifelong process. The one constant is change, and the changes that occur at each major phase of life can have important implications for the future. In this textbook the focus is on development in infancy and childhood, which are the age periods where development is most obvious, profound and fast. However, even when focusing on children, we should keep in mind that development never stops. Table 1.1 presents a chronological overview of the life span as developmentalists see it. Our focus in this text is on development during the first four periods of life—prenatal development, infancy and toddlerhood, preschool, and middle childhood. By examining TABLE 1.1 Period of Life

A Chronological Overview of Human Development Approximate Age Range

1. Prenatal period

Conception to birth

2. Infancy

Birth to 18 months old

3. Toddler period

18 months to 3 years

4. Preschool period

3 to 5 years of age

5. Middle childhood

5 to 12 or so years of age (until the onset of puberty)

6. Adolescence

12 or so to 20 years of age (many developmentalists define the end of adolescence as the point at which the individual begins to work and is reasonably independent of parental sanctions)

7. Young adulthood

20 to 40 years of age

8. Middle age

40 to 65 years of age

9. Old age

65 years of age or older

© Cengage Learning 2014

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Note: The age ranges listed here are approximate and may not apply to any particular individual. For example, a few 10-year-olds have experienced puberty and are properly classified as adolescents. Some adolescents are fully selfsupporting, with children of their own, and are best classified as young adults. NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 5

how children develop, we will learn about ourselves and the determinants of our behaviour. Our survey will also provide some insight as to why no two individuals are ever exactly alike. Our survey won’t provide answers to every important question you may have about developing children. The study of human development is still a relatively young discipline with many unresolved issues. But as we proceed, it should become quite clear that developmentalists have provided an enormous amount of very practical information about infants and children that can help us to become better educators, child/ adolescent practitioners, and parents.

holistic perspective unified view of the developmental process that emphasizes the important interrelationships among the physical, mental, social, and emotional aspects of human development.

plasticity capacity for change; a developmental state that has the potential to be shaped by experience.

A Holistic Process. It was once fashionable to divide developmentalists into three camps: (1) those who studied physical growth and development, including bodily changes and the sequencing of motor skills; (2) those who studied cognitive aspects of development, including perception, language, learning, and thinking; and (3) those who concentrated on psychosocial aspects of development, including emotions, personality, and the growth of interpersonal relationships. Today we know that this classification is misleading, for researchers who work in any of these areas have found that changes in one aspect of development have important implications for other aspects. Let’s consider an example. What determines a person’s popularity with peers? If you were to say that social skills are important, you would be right. Social skills such as warmth, friendliness, and willingness to cooperate are characteristics that popular children typically display. Yet there is much more to popularity than meets the eye. We now have some indication that the age at which a child reaches puberty, an important milestone in physical development, can have an effect on social life. For example, decrements in social relationships may occur for those who reach puberty early relative to peers than those who reach puberty later (Downing & Bellis, 2009; Mendle et al., 2012; Warren & Yu, 2015). Children who do well in school also tend to be more popular with their peers than children who perform somewhat less well in school. We see, then, that popularity depends not only on the growth of social skills but also on various aspects of both cognitive and physical development. As this example illustrates, development is not piecemeal but holistic—humans are physical, cognitive, and social beings, and each of these components of self depends, in part, on changes taking place in other areas of development. Many researchers now incorporate this holistic theme into their theories and research. For example, in reviewing the literature on sex differences in science and mathematics, Halpern and her colleagues (Halpern et al., 2007) adopted a biopsychosocial approach in which they considered all aspects of the child in understanding sex differences and similarities. The holistic perspective is one of the dominant themes of human development today and a perspective around which this book is organized. Plasticity. Plasticity refers to a capacity for change in response to positive or negative life experiences. Although we have described development as a continual and lifelong process and noted that past events often have implications for the future, developmentalists know that the course of development can change abruptly if important aspects of a person’s life change. For example, aggressive children who are disliked by their peers often improve their social status after learning and practising the social skills that popular children display (Bierman, 2004; Mize & Ladd, 1990; Shure, 1989). It is indeed fortunate that human development is so plastic, for children who have horrible starts can often be helped to overcome their deficiencies. Historical/Cultural Context. No single portrait of development is accurate for all cultures, social classes, or racial and ethnic groups. Each culture, subculture, and social class transmits a particular pattern of beliefs, values, customs, and skills to its younger generations, and the content of this cultural socialization has a strong influence on the attributes and competencies that individuals display. Development is also influenced by societal changes: historical events such as wars, technological breakthroughs such as the increasing portability and powerfulness of computers, and social causes such as

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Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

6

environmentalism. Each generation develops in its own way, and each generation changes the world for succeeding generations. So we should not automatically assume that developmental patterns observed in North American or European children (the most heavily studied populations) are optimal, or even that they characterize persons developing in other eras or cultural settings. Only by adopting a historical/cultural perspective can we fully appreciate the richness and diversity of human development.

The Scientific Study of Development and Its Origins Early Philosophical Perspectives on Childhood original sin idea that children are inherently negative creatures who must be taught to rechannel their selfish interests into socially acceptable outlets. innate purity idea that infants are born with an intuitive sense of right and wrong that is often misdirected by the demands and restrictions of society.

GFX

GFX

tabula rasa the idea that the mind of an infant is a “blank slate” and that all knowledge, abilities, behaviours, and motives are acquired through experience.

According to Hermann Ebbinghaus (1908), one of the founders of experimental psychology in the late 19th century, psychology is a scientific discipline with “a long past but short history.” This characterization is still applicable to developmental psychology more than a century later. Scholars have been pondering the nature of children’s development and best practices for child rearing for centuries. Greek philosophy is rich with answers. With the advent of developmental psychology as an independent field of inquiry in the late 19th century, a new way of approaching these questions was established that relied more on empirical observation than philosophical speculation. Still, the empirical study of children’s development inevitably rests on philosophical world views with a long past. How does the child become a mature adult? Is the child passively shaped by culture and society? Or, does the child actively construct beliefs and values on the basis of everyday social interactions with the physical and social environment? Thomas Hobbes’s (1651/1904) doctrine of original sin held that children are inherently selfish egoists who must be restrained by society, whereas Jean Jacques Rousseau’s (1762/1955) doctrine of innate purity maintained that children are born with an intuitive sense of right and wrong that society often corrupts. These two viewpoints clearly differ in their implications for child rearing. Proponents of original sin argued that parents must actively control their egoistic children; the innate purists argued that parents should give their children freedom to follow their inherently positive inclinations. Another influential view on children and child rearing was suggested by John Locke (1690/1913), who believed that the mind of an infant is a tabula rasa, or “blank slate,” and that children have no inborn tendencies. In other words, children are neither inherently good nor inherently bad, and how they turn out depends entirely on their worldly experiences. Locke argued in favour of disciplined child rearing to ensure that children would develop good habits and acquire few bad ones. These philosophers also differed on the question of children’s participation in their own development. Hobbes maintained that children must learn to rechannel their naturally selfish interests into socially acceptable outlets; in this sense, they are passive subjects to be moulded by parents. Locke, too, believed that the child’s role is passive because the mind of an infant is a blank slate on which experience writes its lessons. But a strikingly different view was proposed by Rousseau, who believed that children are actively involved in the shaping of their own intellects and personalities. In Rousseau’s words, the child is not a “passive recipient of the tutor’s instruction” but a “busy, testing, motivated explorer. The active searching child, setting his own problems, stands in marked contrast to the receptive one . . . on whom society fixes its stamp” (quoted in Kessen, 1965, p. 75). Clearly, these philosophers had some interesting ideas about children and child rearing. But how could anyone decide whether their views were correct? Unfortunately, the philosophers collected no objective data to back their pronouncements, and the few observations they did make were limited and unsystematic. Can you anticipate the next step in the evolution of the developmental sciences? NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 7

Children as Subjects of Study: Baby Biographies and Diaries

baby biography a detailed record of an infant’s growth and development over a period of time.

The first glimmering of a systematic study of children can be traced to the late 19th century. This was a period in which investigators from a variety of academic backgrounds began to observe the development of their own children and to publish these data in works known as baby biographies. An early and influential baby biographer was Charles Darwin, who made daily records of the early development of his son (Darwin, 1877; and see Charlesworth, 1992). Darwin’s curiosity about child development stemmed from his theory of evolution. Quite simply, he believed that young, untrained infants share many characteristics with their nonhuman ancestors, and he advanced the (now discredited) idea that the development of the individual child retraces the entire evolutionary history of the species, thereby illustrating the “descent of man.” So Darwin and many of his contemporaries viewed the baby biography as a means of answering questions about our evolutionary past. A few decades after Darwin, Clara and William Stern kept one of the first systematic diaries on the psychological development of their three children, Hilde, Günther, and Eva, born in 1900, 1902, and 1904, respectively. A major publication based on these diaries was Clara and William Stern’s book Die Kindersprache [Children’s talk], which became a classic in the language acquisition literature (Stern & Stern, 1907). Two to three decades later, Jean Piaget, a famous Swiss psychologist, observed and recorded the development of his three children, Jacqueline, Lucienne, and Laurent. He used these observations to develop more fine-grained methods for studying the development of logical thinking in children. His theories revolutionized our understanding of children’s cognitive development.

The diaries William and Clara Stern recorded for their children led to the publication of Die Kindersprache [Children’s talk], which became a classic in the language acquisition literature.

This is the first page of the diary of Clara and William Stern’s firstborn child, Hilde, born April 7, 1900, at 2 a.m. This page describes Hilde’s behaviour (e.g., sucking her thumb), sensitivity to various sounds and light, as well as the characteristic vowel patterns of her crying. NEL

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8

Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

These three famous examples demonstrate how keeping diaries of their own children was an important step for researchers to establish developmental psychology as an empirical field of inquiry. It allowed them to contrast their theories and ideas about children’s development with empirical observations. To be sure, many of these observations may not meet the more rigorous requirements of the scientific method expected today. Parent researchers may not be entirely objective about their own children. They also may have let their assumptions about the nature of development bias their observations so that they “found” what they were looking for. Finally, each baby biography was based on a single or small number of children—and often the child of a distinguished individual. Conclusions based on a single case or limited sample may not hold true for other children. Despite these shortcomings, baby biographies and diaries were a step in the right direction. The fact that eminent scientists were writing about developing children implied that human development was a topic worthy of scientific scrutiny.

Research Methods in Developmental Psychology scientific method the use of objective and replicable methods to gather data for the purpose of testing a theory or hypothesis. It dictates that, above all, investigators must be objective and must allow their data to decide the merits of their thinking. theory a set of concepts and propositions designed to organize, describe, and explain an existing set of observations. hypothesis a theoretical prediction about some aspect of experience.

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

What might you say to a person who rejects an established finding by saying, “It didn’t happen that way for my child”? If this parent’s recollection is accurate, does this invalidate the finding?

Modern developmental psychology is appropriately labelled a scientific enterprise because those who study development have adopted the scientific method, which guides their attempts at reaching the three goals of describing, explaining, and optimizing development. There is nothing mysterious about the scientific method. It refers to the use of objective and replicable methods to gather data for the purpose of testing a theory or hypothesis. Although the word theory is an imposing term, theories are something that everybody has. If we were to ask you why males and females appear to be very different as adults when they seem so very similar as infants, you would undoubtedly have some opinions on the issue. Your answer would state or at least reflect your own underlying theory of the development of sex differences. A theory is a set of concepts and propositions that describe and explain some aspect of experience. In the field of psychology, theories help us to describe and explain various patterns of behaviour. Good theories have the ability to predict future events. These theoretical predictions, or hypotheses, are then tested by collecting data. It is important that the method used to collect data is objective. By this we mean that everyone who examines the data will come to the same conclusions; that is, it is not a subjective opinion. It is also important that the method be replicable, meaning that every time the method is used, it results in the same data and conclusions. Thus, the scientific method dictates that, above all, investigators must be objective and must allow their data to decide the merits of their thinking. In earlier eras, when social philosophers such as Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau were presenting their views on children and child rearing, their largely unsubstantiated claims were often accepted as fact. People assumed that great minds always had great insights. Very few individuals questioned the word of well-known scholars because the scientific method was not yet a widely accepted criterion for evaluating knowledge. The intent here is not to criticize the early social philosophers. However, great minds may on occasion produce miserable ideas that can do a great deal of harm if those ideas are uncritically accepted and influence the way people are treated. The scientific method, then, is a valuable safeguard that helps to protect the scientific community and society at large against flawed reasoning (Machado & Silva, 2007). Protection is provided by the practice of evaluating the merits of various theoretical pronouncements against the objective record, rather than simply relying on the academic, political, or social credibility of the theorist. Of course, this also means that the theorist whose ideas are being evaluated must be equally objective and willing to discard pet notions when there is evidence against them.

Gathering Data: Basic Fact-Finding Strategies No matter what aspect of development we hope to study—be it the perceptual capabilities of newborn infants, the growth of friendships among elementary school children, or the reasons some adolescents begin to use drugs—we must find ways to measure what NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 9

reliability the extent to which a measuring instrument yields consistent results, both over time and across observers. validity the extent to which a measuring instrument accurately reflects what the researchers intended to measure.

interests us. Today, researchers are fortunate in having many tried-and-true procedures they can use to measure behaviour and to test their hypotheses about human development. But regardless of the technique employed, scientifically useful measures must always display two important qualities: reliability and validity. A measure is reliable if it yields consistent information over time and across observers. Suppose you go into a classroom and record the number of times each child behaves aggressively toward others, but your research assistant, using the same scheme to observe the same children, does not agree with your measurements. Or you measure each child’s aggressiveness one week but come up with very different aggressiveness scores while applying the same measure to the same children a week later. Clearly, your observational measure of aggression is unreliable because it yields highly inconsistent information. To be reliable and thus useful for scientific purposes, your measure would have to produce comparable estimates of children’s aggression from independent observers (interrater reliability) and yield similar scores for individual children from one testing to another shortly thereafter (test-retest reliability). A measure is valid if it measures what it is supposed to measure. An instrument must be reliable before it can possibly be valid. Yet reliability, by itself, does not guarantee validity (Miller, 1997). For example, a highly reliable observational scheme intended as a measure of children’s aggression may provide grossly overinflated estimates of aggressive behaviour if the investigator simply classifies all acts of physical force as examples of aggression. What the researcher has failed to recognize is that much high-intensity behaviour may simply represent enjoyable forms of rough-and-tumble play without harmful or aggressive intent. Researchers must demonstrate they are measuring the attribute they say they are measuring before we can have much faith in the data they collect or the conclusions they reach. Keeping in mind the importance of establishing the reliability and validity of measures, let us consider some of the different ways in which aspects of human development might be measured.

Self-Report Methods Three common procedures developmentalists use to gather information and test hypotheses are interviews, questionnaires (including psychological tests), and the clinical method. Although these approaches are similar in that each asks participants to answer questions posed by the investigator, they differ in the extent to which the investigator treats individual participants alike.

structured interview or structured questionnaire a technique in which all participants are asked the same questions in precisely the same order so that the responses of different participants can be compared.

Interviews and Questionnaires. Researchers who opt for interview or questionnaire techniques ask the child, or the child’s parents, a series of questions pertaining to such aspects of development as the child’s behaviour, feelings, beliefs, or characteristic methods of thinking. Collecting data via a questionnaire (and most psychological tests) simply involves putting questions in written or electronic formats and asking participants to respond to them, whereas interviews require participants to respond orally to the investigator’s queries. If the procedure is a structured interview or structured questionnaire, all who participate in the study are asked the same questions in the same order. The purpose of this standardized or structured format is to treat each person alike so that the responses of different participants can be compared. Interviews and questionnaires have some very real shortcomings, as when they are used with very young children. Although some accommodations can be made—such as using variations of smiley-faces as a rating scale instead of numbers or words (Egan, Santos, & Bloom, 2007)—neither approach can be used with very young children, who cannot read or comprehend speech very well. Investigators must also hope that the answers they receive are honest and accurate and are not merely attempts by respondents to present themselves in a favourable or socially desirable way. Clearly, inaccurate or untruthful responses lead to erroneous conclusions. Investigators must also be careful to ensure that participants of all ages interpret questions in the same way; otherwise, the

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10 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

age trends observed in the study may reflect differences in children’s ability to comprehend and communicate rather than real underlying changes in their feelings, thoughts, or behaviours. Finally, researchers who interview both developing children and their parents (or teachers) may have trouble determining which set of reports is more accurate if the children’s descriptions of their own behaviours differ from those of the other informants (Hussong, Zucker, Wong, Fitzgerald, & Puttler, 2005). Despite these potential shortcomings, structured interviews and questionnaires can be excellent methods of obtaining large amounts of useful information in a short time. Both approaches are particularly useful when the investigator emphasizes to participants that their responses will be confidential and/or challenges them to report exactly what they know about an issue, thereby maximizing the likelihood of a truthful or accurate answer. clinical method a type of interview in which a participant’s response to each successive question (or problem) determines what the investigator will ask next.

The Clinical Method. The clinical method is very similar to the interview technique. The investigator is usually interested in testing a hypothesis by presenting the research participant with a task or stimulus of some sort and then inviting a response. After the participant responds, the investigator typically asks a second question or introduces a new task to clarify the participant’s original answer. Although participants are often asked the same questions initially, each participant’s answer determines what he or she is asked next. Thus, the clinical method is a flexible approach that considers each participant to be unique. Jean Piaget did not only observe his own children but relied extensively on the clinical method to study children’s moral reasoning and intellectual development. The data from Piaget’s research are largely protocol records of his interactions with individual children. Here is a small sample from Piaget’s work (1932/1965, p. 140) on the development of moral reasoning, which shows that this young child thinks about lying in a very different way than adults do:

© image100/Corbis

Do you know what a lie is?—It’s when you say what isn’t true.—Is 2 1 2 5 5 a lie?— Yes, it’s a lie.—Why?—Because it isn’t right.—Did the boy who said 2 1 2 5 5 know it wasn’t right or did he make a mistake?—He made a mistake.—Then if he made a mistake, did he tell a lie or not?—Yes, he told a lie. Like structured interviews, clinical methods are often useful for gathering large amounts of information in relatively brief periods. This strategy’s flexibility is also an advantage; by asking follow-up questions that are tailored to the participant’s original answers, it is often possible to obtain a rich understanding of the meaning of those answers. However, the flexibility of the clinical method is also a potential shortcoming. It may be difficult, if not impossible, to directly compare the answers of participants who are asked different questions. Furthermore, tailoring one’s questions to the participant’s responses raises the possibility that the examiner’s pre-existing theoretical biases may affect the particular follow-up questions asked and the interpretations provided. Because conclusions drawn from the clinical method depend, in part, on the investigator’s subjective interpretations, it is always desirable to verify these insights using other research techniques.

Investigators using the clinical method. All participants are asked the same questions at first, but each participant’s answers to these initial questions determine what the researcher will ask next.

Observational Methods Often researchers prefer to observe people’s behaviour directly rather than asking them questions about it. One method that many NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 11

developmentalists favour is naturalistic observation—observing people in their common, everyday (i.e., natural) surroundings (Pellegrini, 1996). To observe children, this usually means going into homes, schools, malls, public parks, and playgrounds and carefully recording what they do. Rarely will investigators try to record every event that occurs; they are usually testing a specific hypothesis about one type of behaviour, such as cooperation or aggression, and will focus their attention and data collection exclusively on acts of this kind. One strength of naturalistic observation is the ease with which it can be applied to infants and toddlers, who often cannot be studied through methods that demand verbal skills. A second strength of naturalistic observation is that it illustrates how people actually behave in everyday life (Willems & Alexander, 1982). However, naturalistic observation also has its limitations. First, some behaviours occur so infrequently (e.g., heroic rescues) or are so socially undesirable (e.g., morally reprehensible behaviours) that they are unlikely to be witnessed by an unknown observer in the natural environment. Second, many events are usually happening at the same time in a natural setting, and any (or some combination) of them may affect people’s behaviour. This makes it difficult to pinpoint the causes of participants’ actions or of any developmental trends in behaviour. Finally, the mere presence of an observer can sometimes make people behave differently than they otherwise would. Children may “show off ” when they have an audience, whereas parents may be on their best behaviour, showing a strong reluctance, for example, to berate a misbehaving child as they normally might. For these reasons, researchers often attempt to minimize observer influence by observer influence tendency of participants to react to (1) videotaping their participants from a concealed location or (2) spending time in the an observer’s presence by behaving in setting before collecting their “real” data so that the individuals they are observing will unusual ways. grow accustomed to their presence and behave more naturally. Mary Haskett and Janet Kistner (1991) conducted an excellent piece of naturalistic observation to compare the social behaviours of nonabused preschoolers with those of daycare classmates identified by child protection agencies as having been physically abused by their parents. The investigators first defined examples of the behaviours they wished to record—both desirable behaviours, such as appropriate social initiations and positive play, and undesirable behaviours, such as aggression and negative verbalizations. They then time-sampling monitored 14 abused and 14 nonabused preschool children as the children mingled with a procedure in which the investigator peers in a play area of a daycare facility. Observations were made using a time-sampling records the frequencies with which procedure; each child was observed during three 10-minute play sessions on three difindividuals display particular ferent days. To minimize their influence on the play activities, observers stood outside the behaviours during the brief time intervals that each is observed. play area while making their observations. The results were disturbing. Abused children initiated fewer social interactions than their nonabused classmates and were somewhat socially withdrawn. And when they did interact with playmates, the abused youngsters displayed more aggressive acts and other negative behaviours than did their nonabused companions. Indeed, nonabused children often blatantly ignored the positive social initiations of an abused child, as if they did not want to get involved with him or her. Tragically, Haskett and Kistner’s observational study, which was subsequently supported through survey research (Anthonysamy & ZimmerGembeck, 2007), shows that abused children are unattractive playmates who are likely to be disliked and even rejected by peers. But as is almost always the case in naturalistic observational research, it is difficult to pinpoint the exact cause of these findChildren’s tendency to perform for observers is one of the problems that researchers must overcome when using the method of naturalistic observation. ings. Did the negative behaviours of abused

Joanna Cotton

naturalistic observation a method in which the scientist tests hypotheses by observing people as they engage in everyday activities in their natural habitats (e.g., at home, at school, or on the playground).

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12 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

structured observation an observational method in which the investigator cues the behaviour of interest and observes participants’ responses in a laboratory.

case study a research method in which the investigator gathers extensive information about the life of an individual and then tests developmental hypotheses by analyzing the events of the person’s life history.

children cause their peers to reject them? Or did peer rejection cause the abused children to display negative behaviours? Either possibility or another could account for Haskett and Kistner’s results. How might observational researchers study unusual or undesirable behaviours that they are unlikely to observe in the natural environment? One way is to conduct structured observations in the laboratory. In a structured observational study, each participant is exposed to a setting that might cue the behaviour in question and is then surreptitiously observed (via a hidden camera or through a one-way mirror) to see if he or she performs the behaviour. For example, Leon Kuczynski from the University of Guelph (1983) got children to promise to help him with a boring task and then left them alone to work in a room where attractive toys were present. This procedure enabled Kuczynski to determine whether children would break a promise to work when they thought there was no one present to observe their transgression. Kuczynski found that some of the children did break the promise to work so they could play with the toys, whereas others continued with the work even when they thought no one was watching. Aside from being a most feasible way of studying behaviours that occur infrequently or are not openly displayed in the natural environment, structured observations also ensure that every participant in the sample is exposed to the same eliciting stimuli and has an equal opportunity to perform the target behaviour—circumstances that are not always true in the natural environment. Of course, the major disadvantage of structured observation is that participants may not always respond in a contrived laboratory setting as they would in everyday life. In an interesting example of structured observation, Tronick and his colleagues (Tronick et al., 2005) studied the interaction between 4-month-olds and their mothers, with a specific interest in how the mother–infant interactions of babies prenatally exposed to cocaine compared to those of nonexposed infants. To find out, they brought 695 mother–infant pairs into a laboratory setting, 236 of whom had been exposed to cocaine prenatally. Cameras were positioned so that both the infant’s face and the mother’s face were videotaped for three two-minute periods. During the first two minutes, mother and child were allowed to interact normally. During the second period, the mother was instructed to present a “still face” to the infant; that is, she was told not to laugh, smile, talk to, or touch the infant. During the third two-minute period, the mother was to resume normal interaction with her child. This face-to-face still-face procedure allowed the researcher to observe the interactions of interest in a little over six minutes, rather than travelling to 695 different homes and waiting for hours and hours for the behaviours to occur. As Tronick and colleagues suspected, the interaction patterns of the cocaine-exposed mother–infant pairs were different from those of the nonexposed pairs. For the most part, the cocaine-exposed infants and their mothers did not appear to be engaged in the kind of social interaction that facilitates both social and cognitive development in later months. Previous research suggests that the quality of caregiver–infant interactions is extremely important to the healthy social and cognitive development of very young children (Ainsworth, 1979, 1989). Positive, synchronized interactions provide the infant with the foundation for forming other positive, supportive relationships later on in life. Such relationships also enable the child to investigate objects and the rest of the world without excessive fear (Bowlby, 1973, 1988).

Case Studies Any or all of the methods we have discussed—structured interviews, questionnaires, clinical method, and behavioural observations—can be used to compile a detailed portrait of a single individual’s development through the case study method. In preparing an individualized record, or case, the investigator typically seeks many kinds of information about the participant, such as his or her family background, socioeconomic status, health records, academic or work history, and performance on psychological tests. Much of the information included in any case history comes from interviews with and NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 13

observations of the individual, although the questions asked and observations made are typically not standardized and may vary considerably from case to case. Case studies may also be used to describe groups. Although many developmentalists have used case studies to great advantage, there are major drawbacks to this approach. For example, it is often difficult to directly compare subjects who have been asked different questions, taken different tests, and been observed under different circumstances. Case studies may also lack generalizability; that is, conclusions drawn from the experiences of the small number of individuals studied may simply not apply to most people. Theories posited after studying children sampled from a large city in the United States may not apply to children in Canada or Finland or Southeast Asia. For these reasons, any conclusions drawn from case studies should always be verified through the use of other research techniques.

ethnography method in which the researcher seeks to understand the unique values, traditions, and social processes of a culture or subculture by living with its members and making extensive observations and notes.

Ethnography Ethnography—a form of participant observation often used in the field of anthropology— is becoming increasingly popular among researchers who hope to understand the effects of culture on developing children and adolescents. To collect their data, ethnographers often live for periods of months or even years within the cultural or subcultural community they are studying. The data they collect are typically diverse and extensive, consisting largely of naturalistic observations, notes made from conversations with members of the culture, and interpretations of these events. These data are eventually used to compile a detailed portrait of the cultural community and draw conclusions about how the community’s unique values and traditions influence aspects of the development of its children and adolescents. Detailed ethnographic portraits of a culture or subculture that arise from close and enduring contact with members of the community can lead to a richer understanding of that community’s traditions and values than is possible through a small number of visits, in which outsiders make limited observations and conduct a few interviews (LeVine et al., 1994). Extensive cultural or subcultural descriptions are particularly useful to investigators hoping to understand cultural conflicts and other developmental challenges faced by minority children and adolescents in diverse multicultural societies (Segal, 1991; see also Patel, Power, & Bhavnagri, 1996). But despite these clear strengths, ethnography is a highly subjective method because researchers’ own cultural values and theoretical biases can cause them to misinterpret what they have experienced. In addition, ethnographic conclusions pertain only to the culture or subculture studied and cannot be assumed to generalize to other contexts or social groups. An example of ethnographic research was conducted by Posada and colleagues (Posada, Carbonell, Alzate, & Plata, 2004). Because the various questionnaires and behavioural coding schemes typically used to assess caregiver–infant interactions were developed in studies using Caucasian middle-class participants from industrialized countries, Posada and colleagues chose ethnographic methods to assess mother–infant interactions in middle- to lower-middle-class families in Bogotá, Colombia. They then compared the results derived from observations made in the Colombian households to results derived using previously developed assessments. In a traditionally ethnographic manner, observers made eight to nine two-hour, unstructured visits to 27 Colombian homes. During the visits, mothers were told to carry on with their daily routines, behaving as they normally would. The observers interacted with the families naturally. After each visit, they transcribed their observations. Repeat visits were conducted by the same observer. From the observers’ transcripts, 10 domains of maternal caregiving were identified. Using an inductive approach, two of the researchers and an ethnographic expert reviewed the transcripts. On first pass, they identified major caregiving themes. Then they reviewed the transcripts in more detail, focusing on specifying the major domains and identifying subdomains. In this way they were able to develop a set of culture-sensitive scales that could be used alongside previously developed measures in order to assess the universality of infant-sensitive maternal care.

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Courtesy of the Shuar Health and Life History Project

14 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

The 10 scales of maternal sensitivity derived from the observations included domains such as promptness of response, enjoyment of interaction, interactive smoothness, and quality of physical contact. Results from the ethnographically derived Colombian scales were highly consistent with results from measures previously developed for Caucasian middle-class and upper-middle-class families, lending credence to the notion that sensitive caregiving behaviours are similar across cultures and socioeconomic circumstances, at least within the first few years of an infant’s life. Another example of ethnological research comes from the work of Gregory Bryant and Clark Barrett (Bryant & Barrett, 2007). They observed and interacted with the Shuar people, a culture of hunter-horticulturalists living in the South American rainforest who had little experience with people Researchers attempt to understand cultural knowledge, values, and influences from industrialized countries. Bryant and Barrett on the Shuar people by living within the community and participating in found evidence that Shuar adults were able to recogcommunity life. nize infant-directed speech and even tell the difference between various intentions of speech (e.g., prohibitions, attention, approval) in English, a language with which they have no experience. This exciting finding demonstrated a universality in infant-directed speech that was not known before because all previous research had been conducted with speakers from industrialized nations.

psychophysiological methods methods that measure the relationships between physiological processes and aspects of children’s physical, cognitive, social, or emotional behaviour/development.

Psychophysiological Methods Increasingly, developmentalists have turned to psychophysiological methods— techniques that measure the relationship between physiological responses and behaviour—to explore the biological underpinnings of children’s perceptual, cognitive, and emotional responses. Psychophysiological methods are particularly useful for interpreting the mental and emotional experiences of infants and toddlers, who are unable to report such events (Bornstein, 1992). Heart rate is an involuntary physiological response that is highly sensitive to psychological experiences. Compared to their normal resting, or baseline, levels, infants who are carefully attending to an interesting stimulus may show a decrease in heart rate, those who are uninterested in the stimulus may show no heart rate change, and others who are afraid of or angered by the stimulus may show a heart rate increase (Campos, Bertenthal, & Kermoian, 1992). Measures of brain function are also very useful for assessing psychological state. For example, electroencephalogram (EEG) recordings of brain wave activity can be obtained by attaching electrodes to the scalp. Because different patterns of EEG activity characterize different arousal states, such as sleep, drowsiness, and alertness, investigators can track these patterns and determine how sleep cycles and other states of arousal change with age. Novel stimuli or events also produce short-term changes in EEG activity. So an investigator who hopes to test the limits of infant sensory capabilities can present novel sights and sounds and look for changes in brain waves (called event-related potentials, or ERPs) to determine whether these stimuli have been detected, or even discriminated, because two stimuli sensed as “different” will produce different patterns of brain activity (Bornstein, 1992). Researchers have used ERPs to explore infants’ reactions to others’ displays of emotions, finding that 7-month-olds attend more to facial displays of negative rather than positive (or neutral) emotions (Leppanen, Moulson, Vogel-Farley, & Nelson, 2007), and that 12-month-olds are more inclined to use negative rather than positive (or neutral) facial expressions as a guide for how they should be feeling or behaving in new and uncertain situations (Carver & Vaccaro, 2007). More recently, technological advances NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 15

have made it possible to observe the brain “in action.” Using MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) and fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging) technology, researchers can compare pictures taken before a subject engages in an activity and during the activity to see which areas of the brain were activated. A highly specialized observational technique that qualifies as a psychophysiological method is eye-tracking. Eye-trackers are small video cameras that track a person’s eye movement and allow researchers to precisely determine what stimulus in the visual field the person is looking at. Eye-trackers have been mostly used in combination with computer experiments where the visual field is limited by a computer screen. However, they also can be used as wearable devices when participants freely roam around in a research lab. Many aspects of children’s perceptual, cognitive, and socioemotional development have been successfully studied using eye-trackers as gaze direction and looking times reveal important aspects of children’s information processing. Through the use of eyetrackers, researchers can find out where children seek information and how they form expectations while watching a series of events. This is particularly useful in research with younger children who have limited verbal abilities. It is a common finding in developmental psychology that verbal methods underestimate the cognitive abilities of children relative to nonverbal methods. Take, for instance, the famous false-belief tasks. In this task, children watch two puppets enacting the following script: a girl (or boy depending on the participant’s sex) is coming home from grocery shopping with her mother. At the store, the girl got a chocolate bar. The girl does not want to eat the chocolate right away, so she puts it in the green kitchen cabinet. The girl then goes outdoors to play with a friend. While the girl is playing outside the house, the mother needs some chocolate for baking a cake. She takes a few bits from the girl’s chocolate and puts it in the blue kitchen cabinet. The girl comes back from playing with her friend. She is hungry and wants to eat some of her chocolate. Where does the girl look for the chocolate bar? In the green or the blue kitchen cabinet? When asked this question verbally, 3- to 5-year-old children commonly respond “blue,” which indicates that they do not understand that others can hold false beliefs that are different from their own. However, using eye-tracking methods, Southgate, Senju, and Csibra (2007) found that even 2-year-olds gaze at the right location while giving the wrong verbal response. Thus, children’s gaze reveals cognitive abilities that are not present in their verbal reports. Psychophysiological states of parents can also be examined in investigations of children’s development. For example, the hormone oxytocin is thought to play a role in human attachment and social relationships. Feldman and her colleagues measured oxytocin levels in pregnant women across their pregnancies and after the birth of their children (Feldman, Weller, Zagoory-Sharon, & Levine, 2007). They found that the hormone levels across pregnancy predicted behavioural measures of bonding between the mothers and their babies after birth. Psychophysiological measures can also be used with older children to assess aspects of development. As one example, blood pressure and cortisol levels have been found in adolescence to be accurate measures of chronic stress that is empirically related to chronic childhood poverty (Evans & Kim, 2007). Though very useful, psychophysiological responses are far from perfect indicators of psychological states. Even though an infant’s heart rate or brain wave activity may indicate that he or she is attending to a stimulus, it is often difficult to determine exactly which aspect of that stimulus (shape, colour, etc.) has captured the infant’s attention. Furthermore, changes in physiological responses often reflect mood swings, fatigue, hunger, or even negative reactions to the physiological recording equipment, rather than a change in the infant’s attention to a stimulus or emotional reactions to it. For these reasons, physiological responses are more likely to be valid indications of psychological experiences when participants (particularly very young ones) are initially calm, alert, and contented. Table 1.2 provides a brief review of the data-gathering methods that we have examined thus far. In the sections that follow, we will consider how investigators might design their research to test hypotheses and detect developmental continuities and changes. NEL

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16 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

TABLE 1.2

Strengths and Limitations of Seven Common Research Methods

Method

Strengths

Limitations

Interviews and questionnaires

Relatively quick way to gather much information; standardized format allows the investigator to make direct comparisons between data provided by different participants.

Data collected may be inaccurate or less than completely honest, or may reflect variations in respondents’ verbal skills and ability to understand questions.

Clinical method

Flexible methodology that treats subjects as unique individuals; freedom to probe can be an aid in ensuring that the participant understands the meaning of the questions asked.

Conclusions drawn may be unreliable in that participants are not all treated alike; flexible probes depend, in part, on the investigator’s subjective interpretations of the participant’s responses; can be used only with highly verbal participants.

Naturalistic observation

Allows study of behaviour as it actually occurs in the natural environment.

Observed behaviours may be influenced by observer’s presence; unusual or undesirable behaviours are unlikely to be observed during the periods when observations are made.

Structured observation

Offers a standardized environment that provides every child an opportunity to perform target behaviour; excellent way to observe infrequent or socially undesirable acts.

Contrived observations may not always capture the ways children behave in the natural environment.

Case studies

Very broad method that considers many sources of data when drawing inferences and conclusions about individual participants.

Kind of data collected often differs from case to case and may be inaccurate or less than honest; conclusions drawn from individual cases are subjective and may not apply to other people.

Ethnography

Provides a richer description of cultural beliefs, values, and traditions than is possible in brief observational or interview studies.

Conclusions may be biased by the investigator’s values and theoretical viewpoints; results cannot be generalized beyond the groups and settings that were studied.

Psychophysiological methods

Useful for assessing biological underpinnings of development and identifying the perceptions, thoughts, and emotions of infants and toddlers, who cannot report them verbally.

Cannot indicate with certainty what participants sense or feel; many factors other than the one being studied can produce a similar physiological response.

Self-reports

© Cengage Learning 2014

Observational methods

Detecting Relationships: Correlational and Experimental Designs Once researchers have decided what they want to study, they must devise a research plan, or design, that permits them to identify relationships among events and behaviours and to specify the causes of these relationships. Here we consider the two general research designs that investigators might employ: correlational and experimental designs.

correlational design a type of research design that indicates the strength of associations among variables; though correlated variables are systematically related, these relationships are not necessarily causal.

The Correlational Design In a correlational design, the investigator gathers information to determine whether two or more variables of interest are meaningfully related. If the researcher is testing a specific hypothesis (rather than conducting preliminary descriptive or exploratory research), he or she will be checking to see whether these variables are related as the hypothesis specifies they should be. No attempts are made to structure or manipulate the participants’ environment in any way. Instead, correlational researchers take people as they find them—already “manipulated” by natural life experiences—and try to determine whether variations in people’s life experiences are associated with differences in their behaviours or patterns of development. To illustrate the correlational approach to hypothesis testing, let’s work with a simple theory specifying that youngsters learn a lot from watching television and are apt to imitate the actions of the characters they observe. One hypothesis we might derive from this theory is that the more frequently children observe TV characters who display violent and aggressive acts, the more inclined they will be to behave aggressively toward their own playmates. After selecting a sample of children to study, our next step in testing our hypothesis is to measure the two variables that we think are related. To assess children’s exposure to violent themes on television, we might use the interview or naturalistic observational methods to determine what each child watches and then count the NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 17

CONCEPT CHECK

1.1

Introduction to Developmental Psychology

Check your understanding of the science and history of developmental psychology by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter.

a. Development is a continual and cumulative process. b. Development is marked by plasticity. c. Development is a holistic process. d. Development depends upon the historical and cultural context in which it occurs.

Multiple Choice: Select the best alternative for each question.

1. According to developmentalists, what are the primary causes of developmental change? a. maturation and recapitulation b. learning and experience c. experience and recapitulation d. maturation and learning 2. Among the following, who would NOT be considered a “developmentalist”? a. a sociologist b. an anthropologist c. a historian d. all of the above might be considered developmentalists e. none of the above would be considered developmentalists 3. Anthony is a developmentalist who is interested in helping children to reach their full potential in math and reading skills. Anthony’s goal is consistent with which of the following global goals of the developmental sciences? a. the description of development b. the explanation of development c. the optimization of development d. the reorganization of development 4. Enrique is a developmental psychologist. He studies children’s adjustment following their parents’ divorce and remarriage. He finds that sullen children who become withdrawn and isolated after their parents divorce can be helped to become happier and more social through play therapy. Which aspect of development change does Enrique’s research most reflect?

correlation coefficient numerical index, ranging from 21.00 to 11.00, of the strength and direction of the relationship between two variables.

Fill in the Blank: Fill in the blank with the appropriate word

or phrase.

5. In the developmental sciences, typical patterns of change are called _____, whereas individual variations in patterns of change are called _____. Matching: Match the area of developmental science with

the specific aspects of development that are studied. Area of Developmental Science

Aspects of Development

6. _____ cognitive

a. bodily changes and sequencing of motor skills b. emotions, personality, and growth relationships c. perception, language, learning, and thinking

7. _____ physical 8. _____ psychosocial

Short Answer: Briefly answer the following question.

9. Explain the scientific significance of “baby biographies” and diaries. Why were these publications scientifically flawed? Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

10. Describe differences in the historical and cultural context between your generation and your parents’ generation. How might these differences have affected your development compared to that of your parents?

number of aggressive acts that occur in this programming. To measure the frequency of the children’s own aggressive behaviour toward peers, we could observe our sample on a playground and record how often each child behaves in a hostile, aggressive manner toward playmates. Having now gathered the data, it is time to evaluate our hypothesis. The presence (or absence) of a relationship between variables can be determined by examining the data with a statistical procedure that yields a correlation coefficient (symbolized by an r). This statistic provides a numerical estimate of the strength and direction of the relationship between two variables. It can range in value from 11.00 to 21.00. The absolute value of r (disregarding its sign) tells us the strength of the relationship. Thus, correlation coefficients of 20.70 and 10.70 are of equal strength, and both are stronger than a moderate correlation of 0.30. An r of 0.00 indicates that the two variables are not systematically related. The sign of the correlation coefficient indicates the direction of the relationship. If the sign is positive, this means that as one variable increases, the other variable also increases. For example, height and weight are positively correlated: as children grow taller, they tend to get heavier (Tanner, 1990). Negative correlations indicate inverse relationships: as one variable increases, the other decreases. For example, Brett Friedman and her

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18 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

colleagues (Friedman et al., 2007) examined attention problems in children and found that the more attention problems children had when they were young, the poorer their thinking skills were when they were in late adolescence (see Figure 1.1 for a visual display). Now let’s return to our hypothesized positive relationship between televised violence and children’s aggressive behaviour. A number of investigators (e.g., Bushman & Huesmann, 2006; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003) have conducted correlational studies similar to the one we have designed, and the results (reviewed in Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988) suggest a moderate positive correlation (between 10.30 and 10.50) between the two variables of interest: children who watch a lot of violent television programming are more likely to behave aggressively toward playmates than are other children who watch little violent programming (see Figure 1.2 for a visual display). Do these correlational studies establish that exposure to violent TV programming causes children to behave more aggressively? No, they do not! Although we have detected a relationship between exposure to televised violence and children’s aggressive behaviour, the causal direction of the relationship is not at all indicated by this design. An equally plausible alternative explanation is that relatively aggressive children are more inclined to prefer violent programming. Another possibility is that the association between TV viewing and aggressive behaviour is actually caused by a third variable we have not measured. For example, perhaps parents who fight a lot at home (an unmeasured variable) cause their children to become more aggressive and to favour violent TV programming. If this were true, the latter two variables may be correlated, even though their relationship to each other is not one of cause and effect. In sum, the correlational design is a versatile approach that can detect systematic relationships between any two or more variables that we might be interested in and capable of measuring. However, its major limitation is that it cannot indicate that one thing causes another. How, then, might a researcher establish the underlying causes of various behaviours or other aspects of human development? One solution is to conduct experiments. experimental design a research design in which the investigator introduces some change in the participant’s environment and then measures the effect of that change on the participant’s behaviour.

The Experimental Design In contrast to correlational studies, experimental designs permit a precise assessment of the cause-and-effect relationship that may exist between two variables. Let’s return to the issue of whether viewing violent television programming causes children to become

fewer

Attention problems in childhood

Aggressive behaviour toward playmates per hour of play

more

12

worse

better Thinking skills in adolescence

Figure 1.1 Plot of a hypothetical negative correlation between attention problems in childhood and thinking skills in late adolescence. Each dot represents a specific child who has more or fewer attention problems in childhood (shown on the vertical axis) and better or worse thinking skills in adolescence (shown on the horizontal axis). Although the correlation is less than perfect, we can see that having more attention problems in childhood is related to the child’s thinking skills in adolescence.

10

Spike watches more violent television programming than anyone and is highly aggressive with playmates.

8 6

Hillary watches a moderate amount of televised violence and is moderately aggressive with playmates.

4

George watches little violence on TV and is not very aggressive with playmates.

2

0

2

4

6

8

10 or more

Number of violent acts per program in children’s TV diets

Figure 1.2 Plot of a hypothetical positive correlation between the amount of violence that children see on television and the number of aggressive responses they display. Each dot represents a specific child who views a particular level of televised violence (shown on the horizontal axis) and commits a particular number of aggressive acts (shown on the vertical axis). Although the correlation is less than perfect, we see that the more acts of violence a child watches on TV, the more inclined he or she is to behave aggressively toward peers. NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 19

independent variable the aspect of the environment that an experimenter modifies or manipulates in order to measure its impact on behaviour.

dependent variable the aspect of behaviour that is measured in an experiment and assumed to be under the control of the independent variable.

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Short of ridding all homes of televisions, computers, and mobile phones, what steps might concerned parents take to lessen the potentially harmful impacts of media violence on young children?

confounding variable some factor other than the independent variable that, if not controlled by the experimenter, could explain any differences across treatment conditions in participants’ performance on the dependent variable. experimental control steps taken by an experimenter to ensure that all extraneous factors that could influence the dependent variable are roughly equivalent in each experimental condition; these precautions must be taken before an experimenter can be reasonably certain that observed changes in the dependent variable were caused by manipulation of the independent variable.

more aggressively inclined. In conducting a laboratory experiment to test this (or any) hypothesis, we would bring participants to the lab, expose them to different treatments, and record their responses to these treatments as data. The different treatments to which we expose our participants represent the independent variable of our experiment. To test the hypothesis we have proposed, our independent variable (or treatments) would be the type of television program that our participants observe. Half the children might view a program in which characters behave in a violent or aggressive manner toward others, whereas the other half would watch a program that contains no violence. Children’s reactions to the television shows would become the data, or dependent variable, in our experiment. Because our hypothesis centres on children’s aggression, we would want to measure (as our dependent variable) how aggressively children behave after watching each type of television show. A dependent variable is called “dependent” because its value presumably “depends” on the independent variable. In the present case, we are hypothesizing that future aggression (our dependent variable) will be greater for children who watch violent programs (one variation of the independent variable) than for those who watch nonviolent programs (a second variation of the independent variable). If we are careful experimenters and exercise precise control over all other factors that may affect children’s aggression, then finding the pattern of results that we have anticipated will allow us to draw a strong conclusion: watching violent television programs causes children to behave more aggressively. An experiment similar to the one we have proposed was actually conducted (Liebert & Baron, 1972). Half of the 5- to 9-year-olds in this study watched a violent three-minute clip—one that contained two fistfights, two shootings, and a stabbing. The remaining children watched a three-minute film of a nonviolent but exciting track meet. So the independent variable was the type of program watched. Then each child was taken into another room and seated before a panel that had wires leading into an adjoining room. On the panel was a green button labelled HELP, a red button labelled HURT, and a white light between the buttons. The experimenter then told the child that another child in the adjoining room would soon be playing a handle-turning game that would illuminate the white light. The participant was told that by pushing the buttons when the light was lit, he or she could either help the other child by making the handle easy to turn or hurt the child by making the handle become very hot. When it was clear that the participant understood the instructions, the experimenter left the room and the light came on 20 times over the next several minutes. So each participant had 20 opportunities to help or hurt another child. The total amount of time each participant spent pushing the HURT button served as a measure of his or her aggression—the dependent variable in this study. The results were clear: despite the availability of an alternative helping response, both boys and girls were much more likely to press the HURT button if they had watched the violent television program. So it appears that a mere three-minute exposure to televised violence can cause children to behave more aggressively toward a peer, even though the aggressive acts they witnessed on television bore no resemblance to those they committed themselves. When students discuss this experiment in class, someone invariably challenges this interpretation of the results. For example, one student recently proposed an alternative explanation that “maybe the kids who watched the violent film were naturally more aggressive than those who watched the track meet.” In other words, he was suggesting that a confounding variable—children’s pre-existing levels of aggression—had determined their willingness to hurt a peer and that the independent variable (type of television program) had had no effect at all! Could this be correct? How do we know that the children in the two experimental conditions really didn’t differ in some important way that may have affected their willingness to hurt a peer? This question brings us to the crucial issue of experimental control. To conclude that the independent variable is causally related to the dependent variable, the experimenter must ensure that all other confounding variables that could affect the dependent variable are controlled—that is, equivalent in each experimental condition. One way to equalize these extraneous factors is to do what Liebert and Baron (1972)

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20 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

random assignment control technique in which participants are assigned to experimental conditions through an unbiased procedure so that the members of the groups are not systematically different from one another.

ecological validity state of affairs in which the findings of one’s research are an accurate representation of processes that occur in the natural environment.

field experiment an experiment that takes place in a naturalistic setting such as home, school, or playground.

did: randomly assign children to their experimental treatments. The concept of randomization, or random assignment, means that each research participant has an equal probability of being exposed to each experimental treatment. Assignment of individual participants to a particular treatment is accomplished by an unbiased procedure such as the flip of a coin. If the assignment is truly random, there is only a very slim chance that participants in the two (or more) experimental treatments will differ on any characteristic that might affect their performance on the dependent variable. All of these confounding variables will have been randomly distributed within each treatment and equalized across the different treatments. Because Liebert and Baron randomly assigned children to experimental treatments, they could be reasonably certain that children who watched the violent TV program were not naturally more aggressive than those who watched the nonviolent TV program. So it was reasonable for them to conclude that the former group of children were more aggressive because they had watched a TV program in which violence and aggression were central. The greatest strength of the experimental method is its ability to establish unambiguously that one thing causes another. Yet critics of laboratory experimentation have argued that the tightly controlled laboratory environment is often contrived and artificial and that children are likely to behave differently in these surroundings than they would in a natural setting. Urie Bronfenbrenner (1977) charged that a heavy reliance on laboratory experiments made developmental psychology “the science of the strange behaviour of children in strange situations with strange adults” (p. 19). Similarly, Robert McCall (1977) noted that experiments tell us what can cause a developmental change but do not necessarily pinpoint the factors that actually do cause such changes in natural settings. Consequently, it is quite possible that conclusions drawn from laboratory experiments do not always apply to the real world. One step that scientists can take to counter this criticism and assess the ecological validity of their laboratory findings is to conduct a field experiment. The Field Experiment. How can we be more certain that a conclusion drawn from a laboratory experiment also applies in the real world? One way is to seek converging evidence for that conclusion by conducting a similar experiment in a natural setting—that is, a field experiment. This approach combines all the advantages of naturalistic observation with the more rigorous control that experimentation allows. In addition, participants are typically not apprehensive about participating in a “strange” experiment because all the activities they undertake are everyday activities. They may not even be aware that they are participating in an experiment. Let’s consider a field experiment (Leyens, Parke, Camino, & Berkowitz, 1975) that sought to test the hypothesis that heavy exposure to media violence can cause viewers to become more aggressive. The participants were Belgian boys who lived together in cottages at a minimum-security institution for adolescents. Before the experiment began, the experimenters observed each boy in their research sample to measure his characteristic level of aggression. These initial assessments served as a baseline against which future increases in aggression could be measured. The baseline observations suggested that the institution’s four cottages could be divided into two subgroups consisting of two cottages populated by relatively aggressive boys and two cottages populated by less aggressive peers. Then the experiment began. For a period of one week, violent movies were shown each evening to one of the two cottages in each subgroup and neutral films were shown to the other cottages. Instances of physical and verbal aggression among residents of each cottage were recorded twice daily (at lunchtime and in the evenings after the movie) during the movie week and once daily (at lunchtime) during a posttreatment week. The most striking result of this field experiment was the significant increase in physical aggression that occurred in the evenings among residents of both cottages assigned to the violent-film condition. Because the violent movies contained a large number of physically aggressive incidents, it appears that they evoked similar responses from the NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 21

Frequency of aggressive acts

0.140 Baseline

0.120

Movie week

0.100 0.080 0.060 0.040 0.020

LA

HA

Violent movies

LA

HA

boys who watched them. But as shown in Figure 1.3, violent movies prompted larger increases in aggression among boys who were already relatively high in aggression. Exposure to the violent movies caused the highly aggressive boys to become more verbally aggressive as well—an effect that these boys continued to display through the movie week and the post-treatment week. The results of the Belgian field experiment are consistent with Liebert and Baron’s (1972) laboratory study in suggesting that exposure to media violence does instigate aggressive behaviour. Yet it also qualifies the laboratory findings by implying that the instigating effects of media violence in the natural environment are likely to be stronger and more enduring for the more aggressive members of the audience.

Neutral movies

The Natural (or Quasi-) Experiment. There are many issues to which an experimental design either cannot be applied or should not be used for ethical reasons. Suppose, for example, that we wish to study the effects of social deprivation in infancy on children’s intellectual development. Clearly, we cannot ask one group of parSource: Adapted from “Effects of Movie Violence on Aggression in ents to subject their infants to social deprivation for two years so a Field Setting as a Function of Group Dominance and Cohesion,” that we can collect the data we need. It is unethical to subject chilby J.P. Leyens, R.D. Parke, L. Camino, & L. Berkowitz, 1975, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1, pp. 346–60. Copyright dren to any experimental treatment that would adversely affect their © 1975 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with physical or psychological well-being. permission. However, we might be able to accomplish our research objectives through a natural (or quasi-) experiment in which we observe natural (or quasi-) experiment a study in which the investigator the consequences of a natural event that participants have experimeasures the impact of some enced. If we were able to locate a group of children who had been raised in impovernaturally occurring event that is ished institutions with very limited contact with caregivers over the first two years, we assumed to affect people’s lives. could compare their intellectual development with that of children raised at home with their families. This comparison would provide valuable information about the likely effect of early social deprivation on children’s intellectual development. The “independent variable” in a natural experiment is the “event” that participants experience (in our example, the social deprivation experienced by institutionalized infants). The “dependent variable” is whatever outcome measure one chooses to study (in our example, intellectual development). Let’s note, however, that researchers conducting natural experiments do not control the independent variable, nor do they randomly assign participants to experimental treatments. Instead, they merely observe and record the apparent outcomes of a natural event. And in the absence of tight experimental control, it is often hard to determine precisely what factor is responsible for any group differences that are found. Suppose, for example, that our socially deprived institutionalized children showed a pattern of poorer intellectual outcomes than children raised at home. Is the social deprivation that institutionalized children experienced the factor that caused this difference? Or is it that institutionalized children differed in other ways from family-reared children (e.g., were more sickly as infants, were more poorly nourished, or simply had less intellectual potential) that might explain their poorer outcomes? Without randomly assigning participants to treatments and controlling other factors that may vary across treatments (e.g., nutrition received), we simply cannot be certain that social deprivation is the factor responsible for the poor intellectual outcomes that institutionalized children display. Despite its inability to make precise statements about cause and effect, the natural experiment is useful nonetheless. It can tell us whether a natural event could possibly have influenced those who experienced it and thus can provide some meaningful clues about cause and effect. Table 1.3 summarizes the strengths and limitations of each of the general research designs we have discussed. Figure 1.3 Mean physical aggression scores in the evening for highly aggressive (HA) and less aggressive (LA) boys under baseline conditions and after watching violent or neutral movies.

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22 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

TABLE 1.3

Strengths and Limitations of General Research Designs

Design

Procedure

Strengths

Limitations

Correlational

Gathers information about two or more variables without researcher intervention.

Estimates the strength and direction of relationships among variables in the natural environment.

Does not permit determination of causeand-effect relationships among variables.

Laboratory experiment

Manipulates some aspect of participants’ environment (independent variable) and measures its impact on participants’ behaviour (dependent variable).

Permits a determination of cause-andeffect relationships among variables.

Data obtained in artificial laboratory environment may lack generalizability to the real world.

Field experiment

Manipulates independent variable and measures its impact on the dependent variable in a natural setting.

Permits determination of cause-and-effect relationships and generalization of findings to the real world.

Experimental treatments may be less potent and harder to control when presented in the natural environment.

Natural (quasi-) experiment

Gathers information about the behaviour of people who experience a real-world (natural) manipulation of their environment.

Permits a study of the impact on natural events that would be difficult or impossible to simulate in an experiment; provides strong clues about cause-and-effect relationships.

Lack of precise control over natural events or the participants exposed to them prevents the investigator from establishing definitive cause-and-effect relationships.

CONCEPT CHECK

1.2

Understanding Research Methods and Designs

Check your understanding of basic research methods used in developmental psychology and research designs by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Suppose Dr. Smith is a developmental psychologist who is interested in whether intelligence changes as children develop. She creates a test of intelligence and administers it to a group of children. Her results lead her to conclude that her test actually measured years of schooling, not intelligence. What scientific ideal did her study violate? a. Her measure was not reliable. b. Her measure was not valid. c. Her experiment did not follow the scientific method. d. Her treatment groups were not randomly assigned. 2. What is the term for the belief that investigators should be objective and use scientific data to test their theories? a. the scientific attitude b. the scientific objective c. the scientific method d. the scientific value 3. If you were to check to make sure that two observers obtained the same results when observing the same event, what would you be measuring? a. interrater validity b. interrater reliability c. temporal stability d. temporal validity

4. Which of the following methods would be LEAST practical to use when studying infants? a. naturalistic observation b. structured observation c. psychophysiological methods d. the clinical method Matching: Match the research method that is best suited for investigating each of the following research questions. Select from the following research methods:

a. structured interview b. ethnography c. naturalistic observation d. structured observation e. psychophysiological methods 5. Will young elementary school children break a solemn promise to watch a sick puppy when no one is around to detect their transgression? 6. Do 6-year-olds know any negative stereotypes about minority group members? 7. Can 6-month-old infants discriminate the colours red, green, blue, and yellow? 8. Are the aggressive actions that boy playmates display toward each other different from those that occur in girls’ play groups? 9. How does life change for boys from the Sambia people of Papua New Guinea once they have experienced tribal rites of puberty? Short Answer: Test your knowledge of correlation and cau-

sation by briefly answering the following question:

10. Dr. Chang finds that the better children feel about themselves (i.e., the higher their self-esteem as reported in an interview), the higher their grades are in school. What can we conclude about the relationship between self-esteem and school grades from this study? NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 23

Research Strategies in Developmental Psychology In the previous sections, we considered data collection methods and research designs that could be used in many areas of psychological research. The designs we considered were helpful for identifying relationships between variables (the correlational design), and for detecting causal relationships between variables (the various experimental designs). In the next sections, we will consider additional research designs that can be combined with the ones we’ve already considered to give us information about developmental continuities and changes. These are designs that allow us to make inferences about how people change over time.

Research Designs for Studying Development Developmentalists are not merely interested in examining relationships between variables or causes of children’s behaviour; instead, they hope to determine how people’s feelings, thoughts, abilities, and behaviours develop or change over time. Three basic approaches allow us to chart these developmental trends: the cross-sectional design, the longitudinal design, and the sequential design.

cross-sectional design a research design in which subjects from different age groups are studied at the same point in time. cohort a group of people of the same age who are exposed to similar cultural environments and historical events as they are growing up.

The Cross-Sectional Design In a cross-sectional design, people who differ in age are studied at the same point in time. In cross-sectional research, participants at each age level are different people. That is, they come from different cohorts, where a cohort is defined as a group of people of the same age who are exposed to similar cultural environments and historical events as they are growing up. By comparing participants in the different age groups, investigators can often identify age-related changes in whatever aspect of development they happen to be studying. An experiment by Brian Coates and Willard Hartup (1969) is an excellent example of a cross-sectional experimental design. Coates and Hartup were interested in determining why preschool children are less proficient than Grade 1 or 2 children at learning new responses displayed by an adult model. Their hypothesis was that younger children do not spontaneously describe what they are observing, whereas older children produce verbal descriptions of the modelled sequence. When asked to perform the actions they have witnessed, the preschoolers are at a distinct disadvantage because they have no verbal “learning aids” that would help them to recall the model’s behaviour. To test these hypotheses, Coates and Hartup designed an interesting cross-sectional experiment. Children from two age groups—4- to 5-year-olds and 7- to 8-year-olds— watched a short film in which an adult model displayed 20 novel responses, such as throwing a beanbag between his legs, lassoing an inflatable toy with a Hula-Hoop, and so on. Some of the children from each age group were instructed to describe the model’s actions, and they did so as they watched the film (induced-verbalization condition). Other children were not required to describe the model’s actions as they observed them (passiveobservation condition). When the show ended, each child was taken to a room that contained the same toys seen in the film and was asked to demonstrate what the model had done with these toys. Figure 1.4 illustrates three interesting findings that emerged from this experiment. First, the 4- to 5-year-olds who were not told to describe what they had seen (i.e., the passive observers) reproduced fewer of the model’s responses than the 4- to 5-year-olds who described the model’s behaviour (the induced verbalizers) or the 7- to 8-year-olds in either experimental condition. This finding suggests that 4- to 5-year-old children may not produce the verbal descriptions that would help them learn unless they are explicitly

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24 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences Passive-observation condition Mean number of responses correctly reproduced

16

Induced-verbalization condition

14 12 10 8 6 4 2

4–5 years

7–8 years Age of children

Figure 1.4 Children’s ability to reproduce the behaviour of a social model as a function of age and verbalization instructions.

instructed to do so. Second, the performance of younger and older children in the induced-verbalization condition was comparable. So younger children can learn just as much as older children by observing a social model if the younger children are told to describe what they are observing. Finally, 7- to 8-year-olds in the passive-observation condition reproduced about the same number of behaviours as 7- to 8-year-olds in the induced-verbalization condition. This finding suggests that instructions to describe the model’s actions had little effect on 7- to 8-year-olds, who apparently describe what they have seen even when not told to so. Taken together, the results imply that 4- to 5-year-olds may often learn less from social models because they, unlike older children, do not spontaneously produce the verbal descriptions that would help them remember what they have observed. An important advantage of the cross-sectional design is that the investigator can collect data from children of different ages over a short time. For example, Coates and Hartup did not have to wait three years for their 4- to 5-year-olds to become 7- to 8-year-olds to test their developmental hypotheses. They merely sampled from two age groups and tested both samples simultaneously. Yet there are two important limitations of cross-sectional research.

Source: Adapted from “Age and Verbalization in Observational Learning,” by B. Coates and W.W. Hartup, 1969, Developmental Psychology, 1, pp. 556–62. Copyright © 1969 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission.

cohort effect age-related difference among cohorts that is attributable to cultural/ historical differences in cohorts’ growing-up experiences rather than to true developmental change.

Cohort Effects. Recall as we noted above that in cross-sectional research, participants at each age level are different people. That is, they come from different cohorts. The fact that cross-sectional comparisons always involve different cohorts presents us with a thorny interpretive problem—any age differences that are found in the study may not always be due to age or development but, rather, may reflect historical factors that distinguish members of different cohorts. Stated another way, cross-sectional comparisons confound age and cohort effects. An example should clarify the issue. For years, cross-sectional research had consistently indicated that young adults score slightly higher on intelligence tests than middleaged adults, who, in turn, score much higher than the elderly. But does intelligence decline with age, as these findings would seem to indicate? Not necessarily. Later research (Schaie, 1990) revealed that individuals’ intelligence test scores remain relatively stable over the years and that the earlier studies were really measuring something quite different: age differences in education. The older adults in the cross-sectional studies had less schooling and, therefore, scored lower on intelligence tests than the middle-aged and young adult samples. Their test scores had not declined but, rather, had always been lower than those of the younger adults with whom they were compared. So the earlier cross-sectional research had discovered a cohort effect, not a true developmental change. Despite this important limitation, the cross-sectional comparison is still the design that developmentalists use most often. Why? Because it has the advantage of being quick and easy; we can go out this year, sample individuals of different ages, and be done with it. Moreover, this design is likely to yield valid conclusions when there is little reason to believe that the cohorts being studied have had widely different experiences while growing up. So if we compared 4- to 5-year-olds with 7- to 8-year-olds, as Coates and Hartup did, we might feel reasonably confident that history or the prevailing culture had not changed in any major way in the three years that separate these two cohorts. It is mainly in studies that attempt to make inferences about development over a span of many years that cohort effects present a serious problem. Data on Individual Development. There is a second noteworthy limitation of the cross-sectional design: it tells us nothing about the development of individuals because each person is observed at only one point in time. So cross-sectional comparisons cannot NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 25

provide answers to questions such as “When will this particular child become more independent?” or “Will this aggressive 2-year-old become an aggressive 5-year-old?” To address issues like these, investigators often turn to a second kind of developmental comparison, the longitudinal design.

longitudinal design a research design in which one group of subjects is studied repeatedly over a period of months or years.

practice effects changes in participants’ natural responses as a result of repeated testing. selective attrition nonrandom loss of participants during a study that results in a nonrepresentative sample. nonrepresentative sample a subgroup that differs in important ways from the larger group (or population) to which it belongs.

The Longitudinal Design In a longitudinal design, the same participants are observed repeatedly over a period of time. The period may be relatively brief—six months to a year—or it may be very long, spanning a lifetime. Researchers may be studying one particular aspect of development, such as intelligence, or many. By repeatedly testing the same participants, investigators can assess the stability (continuity) of various attributes for each person in the sample. They can also identify normative developmental trends and processes by looking for commonalities, such as the point(s) at which most children undergo various changes and the experiences, if any, that children seem to share prior to reaching these milestones. Finally, tracking several participants over time will help investigators to understand individual differences in development, particularly if they are able to establish that different kinds of earlier experiences lead to very different outcomes. Several very noteworthy longitudinal projects have followed children for decades and have assessed many aspects of development (e.g., Kagan & Moss, 1962; Newman, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 1997). A Canadian group of researchers from Montreal have conducted a longitudinal study of over 1000 males for more than 27 years (see Booij et al., 2010, 2012). However, most longitudinal studies are much more modest in direction and scope. For example, Carolee Howes and Catherine Matheson (1992) conducted a study in which the pretend play activities of a group of 1- to 2-year-olds were repeatedly observed at six-month intervals over three years. Using a classification scheme that assessed the cognitive complexity of play, Howes and Matheson sought to determine (1) whether play did reliably become more complex with age, (2) whether children reliably differed in the complexity of their play, and (3) whether the complexity of a child’s play reliably forecast his or her social competencies with peers. Not surprisingly, all children displayed increases in the complexity of their play over the three-year period, although there were reliable individual differences in play complexity at each observation point. In addition, there was a clear relationship between the complexity of a child’s play and later social competence with peers: children who engaged in more complex forms of play at any given age were the ones who were rated as most outgoing and least aggressive at the next observation period six months later. So this longitudinal study shows that complexity of pretend play not only increases with age but also is a reliable predictor of children’s future social competencies with peers. Although we have portrayed the longitudinal design in a very favourable manner, this approach has several potential drawbacks as well. For example, longitudinal projects can be costly and time consuming. These points are especially important in that the focus of theory and research in the developmental sciences is constantly changing and longitudinal questions that seem exciting at the beginning of a 10- or 20-year project may seem rather trivial by the time the project ends. Practice effects can also threaten the validity of longitudinal studies; participants who are repeatedly interviewed or tested may become test-wise or increasingly familiar with the content of the test itself, showing performance improvements that are unrelated to normal patterns of development. Longitudinal researchers may also have a problem with selective attrition; children may move away or become bored with participating, or they may have parents who, for one reason or another, will not allow them to continue in the study. The end result is a smaller and potentially nonrepresentative sample that not only provides less information about the developmental issues in question but also may limit the conclusions of the study to those children who do not move away and who remain cooperative over the long run.

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26 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

Leisure activities of the 1950s (left) and today (right). As these photos illustrate, the kinds of experiences that children growing up in the 1950s had were very different from those of today’s youth. Many believe that cross-generational changes in the environment may limit the results of a longitudinal study to the children who were growing up while the research was in progress.

cross-generational problem the fact that long-term changes in the environment may limit the conclusions of a longitudinal project to that generation of children who were growing up while the study was in progress.

sequential design a research design in which subjects from different age groups are studied repeatedly over a period of months or years.

There is another shortcoming of long-term longitudinal studies that students often see right away—the cross-generational problem. Children in a longitudinal project are typically drawn from one cohort and are likely to have very different kinds of experiences than children from other eras. Consider, for example, how the times have changed since the 1930s and 1940s, when children in some of the early long-term longitudinal studies were growing up. Today, in this age of dual-career families, more children are attending daycare centres and nursery schools than ever before. Modern families are smaller than the past, meaning that children now have fewer brothers and sisters. Families also move more frequently than they did in the 1930s and 1940s, so many children from the modern era are exposed to a wider variety of people and places than was typical in the past. And no matter where they may be living, today’s children grow up in front of televisions, video games, mobile phones, and computers—influences that were not available during the 1930s and 1940s. So children of earlier eras lived in a very different world, and we cannot be certain that those children developed in precisely the same way as today’s children. In sum, crossgenerational changes in the environment may limit the conclusions of a longitudinal project to those participants who were growing up while the study was in progress. We have seen that the cross-sectional and the longitudinal designs each have distinct advantages and disadvantages. Might it be possible to combine the best features of both approaches? A third kind of developmental comparison—the sequential design—tries to do just that.

The Sequential Design Sequential designs combine the best features of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies by selecting participants of different ages and following each of these cohorts over time. To illustrate, imagine that we wished to study the development of children’s logical reasoning abilities between the ages of 6 and 12. We might begin in 2018 by testing the logical reasoning of a sample of 6-year-olds (the 2012 birth cohort) and a sample of 8-year-olds (the 2010 birth cohort). We could then retest the reasoning abilities of both groups in 2020 and 2022. Notice that the design calls for us to follow the 2012 cohort from ages 6 through 10 and the 2010 cohort from ages 8 through 12. A graphic representation of this research plan appears in Figure 1.5. A major Canadian sequential study, the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY), funded through Human Resources Development Canada and Statistics Canada, has been collecting data on approximately 20 000 children NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 27

since 1994. An initial cohort of about 15 000 children, aged 0 to 11 in 1994, is being followed every two years to age 25. Younger children were added to the sample as the initial 6-year8-year10-yearcohort aged. This younger cohort was followed through 2012 olds olds olds the transition into elementary school (Statistics Canada, 2003c). In 2008 to 2009 (Cycle 8 of the study), 25-year-olds participated in this study for the last time when many started to establish their own families. There are three major strengths of this sequential design. First, it allows us to determine whether cohort 8-year10-year12-year2010 effects are influencing our results by comparing the logical olds olds olds reasoning of same-aged children who were born in dif2018 2020 2022 ferent years. As shown in Figure 1.5, cohort effects are Year of testing assessed by comparing the logical reasoning of the two samples when each is aged 8 and 10. If the samples do not Figure 1.5 Example of a sequential design. Two samples of differ, we can assume that cohort effects are not operating. children, one born in 2010 and one born in 2012, are observed Figure 1.5 also illustrates a second major advantage of our longitudinally between the ages of 6 and 12. The design permits the sequential design: it allows us to make both longitudinal investigator to assess cohort effects by comparing children of the same and cross-sectional comparisons in the same study. If the age who were born in different years. In the absence of cohort effects, the longitudinal and cross-sectional comparisons in this design also age trends in logical reasoning are similar in both the lonpermit the researcher to make strong statements about the strength gitudinal and the cross-sectional comparisons, we can be and direction of any developmental changes. quite confident that they represent true developmental changes in logical reasoning abilities. Finally, sequential designs are often more efficient than standard longitudinal designs. In our example, we could trace the development of logical reasoning over a six-year age range, even though our study would take only four years to conduct. A standard longitudinal comparison that initially sampled 6-year-old participants would take six years to provide similar information. Clearly, this combination of the cross-sectional and longitudinal designs is a rather versatile alternative to either of these approaches. Cross-sectional comparisons

Longitudinal comparisons

Year of birth (cohort)

Cohort comparisons

Other Research Designs In the previous sections we discussed different research strategies for detecting relationships between variables and for studying age-related change over time. While correlational, experimental, cross-sectional, longitudinal, and sequential designs describe the most important research strategies for developmentalists, they do not fully exhaust the options researchers have for studying development. There are two more strategies that are quite powerful tools for deepening our understanding of the developmental process: microgenetic studies and cross-cultural studies.

microgenetic studies a research design in which participants are studied intensively over a short period of time as developmental changes occur; attempts to specify how or why those changes occur. WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Suppose you hoped to study the effects of famine on developing children. What research methods and designs would you choose to conduct your study?

Microgenetic Studies. Cross-sectional, longitudinal, and sequential designs provide a broad outline of developmental changes without necessarily specifying why or how these changes take place. Microgenetic studies, currently favoured by many researchers who study children’s cognitive development, are used in an attempt to illuminate the processes that are thought to promote developmental changes. The logic is straightforward: children who are thought to be ready for an important developmental change are exposed repeatedly to experiences that are thought to produce the change and their behaviour is monitored as it is changing. Cognitive theorists have used this approach to specify how children come to rely on new and more efficient strategies for solving problems. By studying participants intensively over a period of hours, days, or weeks and carefully analyzing their problemsolving behaviour, it is often possible to specify how their thinking and strategizing are changing to advance their cognitive competencies (Siegler & Svetina, 2002), arithmetic skills (Siegler & Jenkins, 1989), memory (Coyle & Bjorklund, 1997), and language skills (Gershkoff-Stowe & Smith, 1997). Although the microgenetic approach is a new method, it holds great promise for illuminating the kinds of experiences that can promote

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28 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

changes in such areas of social and personality development as self-concept and selfesteem, social cognition (i.e., understanding others’ behaviours and forming impressions of others), reasoning about moral issues, and thinking about gender-role stereotypes, to name a few. A clever example of a study that used the microgenetic approach was conducted by Mary Courage from Memorial University and her colleagues (Courage, Edison, & Howe, 2005). They combined microgenetic and cross-sectional approaches in their study of the development of visual self-recognition in infants. In the microgenetic component of the study, each of 10 toddlers was assessed biweekly between the ages of 15 and 23 months. In the cross-sectional component, 10 toddlers were assessed in each of nine age groups, the youngest consisting of 15-month-olds, the next 16-month-olds, and so on through 23 months. All children in the study were assessed using three visual tasks. In the first task, each child’s parent surreptitiously marked the infant’s nose with blue paint. Thirty seconds later, a mirror was placed in front of the child. Upon seeing themselves in the mirror, children who touched hand to nose, or commented about appearance change, were designated “recognizers.” Children who stared at the image, or looked shy or embarrassed, were designated as “ambiguous,” and children who did not respond with either recognizer or ambiguous behaviours were designated “non-recognizers.” A second task required the children to identify a photograph of her- or himself that was presented with two other Polaroid pictures of children of the same age and sex. During the third task, the experimenters suspended a toy behind each infant’s head so that the infant could see the toy in a mirror. Infants were considered successful when they turned to locate the toy in real space. The microgenetic data revealed that prior to mastery of the visual recognition task, children experienced a period during which they successfully identified themselves at some times and failed to identify themselves at others. As well, this ambiguous period was short for some children, being observed during only a single session, and much longer, lasting four sessions, for other children. The cross-sectional data told another story. Month-to-month changes in self-recognition represented by the successive age groups appeared to be more abrupt. A sharp increase in self-recognition ability that occurred between 16 months and 17 months in the cross-sectional data was not apparent in the microgenetic data. However, the mean age of mirror self-recognition fell within the 16-month to 17-month range for the 10 infants who participated in the microgenetic component of the study, suggesting some convergence of results between the two approaches. The average age of success for the photo identification and toy location tasks was younger in the microgenetic component than in the cross-sectional component. Although microgenetic techniques present a unique opportunity to witness and record the actual process of change as it occurs during development, there are disadvantages to the microgenetic approach. First, it is difficult, time consuming, and costly to track large numbers of children in such a detailed manner. Recall that Courage and colleagues recorded the progress of only 10 toddlers in the microgenetic component of their study, whereas they included 90 toddlers in the cross-sectional component. Also, the frequency of observations required by the microgenetic method may affect the developmental outcomes of the children involved. Courage’s research group notes that among the microgenetically assessed infants in their study, the lower mean age of successful achievement for both the photo identification and toy location tasks may have been due to practice effects. During the course of the study, these toddlers experienced each of the two tasks twice a week for 32 weeks, for a total of 64 trials, whereas youngsters in the cross-sectional study experienced the task only once. Practice effects in microgenetic research may be minimized by employing more naturalistic observational techniques, but caution is warranted when drawing conclusions about behaviours that are elicited repeatedly in a laboratory setting. So criticisms of the microgenetic approach include that the intensive experiences children receive to stimulate development may not reflect what they would normally encounter in the real world and may produce changes in their behaviour that may not

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 29

persist over the long run. Thus, researchers typically use the microgenetic design to investigate age-related changes in thinking or behaviour that are already known to occur. Their purpose is to specify more precisely how or why these changes might occur by studying children as the changes take place.

cross-cultural comparison a study that compares the behaviour and/or development of people from different cultural or subcultural backgrounds.

Cross-Cultural Studies. Scientists are often hesitant to publish a new finding or conclusion until they have studied enough people to determine that their “discovery” is reliable. However, their conclusions are frequently based on participants living at one point in time within one particular culture or subculture, and it is difficult to know whether these conclusions apply to future generations or even to children currently growing up in other societies or subcultures (Lerner, 1991). Today, the generalizability of findings across samples and settings has become an important issue, because many theorists have implied that there are “universals” in human development—events and outcomes that all children share as they progress from infancy to adulthood. Cross-cultural studies are those in which participants from different cultural or subcultural backgrounds are observed, tested, and compared on one or more aspects of development. Studies of this kind serve many purposes. For example, they allow the investigator to determine whether conclusions drawn about the development of children from one social context (such as middle-class white children in Canada) also characterize children growing up in other societies or those from different ethnic or socioeconomic backgrounds within the same society (e.g., Canadian children of Asian ancestry or those from economically disadvantaged homes). So the crosscultural comparison guards against the overgeneralization of research findings and is the only way to determine whether there are truly “universals” in human development. Souza and her colleagues (Souza, Pinheiro, Denardin, Mattos, & Rohde, 2004) used a cross-cultural comparison to examine two groups of children and adolescents who had been diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The groups were from two industrialized cities in Brazil: Pôrto Alegre in the south and Rio de Janeiro in the southeast. Because children and adolescents diagnosed with ADHD in Canada and the United States are typically depressed, defiant, or anxious, the researchers conducting the study wondered whether ethnic and cultural factors might be associated with differences in the kinds of emotional troubles and disorders that accompany ADHD. The results revealed that the patterns of disorders associated with ADHD did not differ between the two geographic regions. Oppositional defiant disorder was the most common co-diagnosis for both regions, and depressive and anxiety disorders occurred among children from the two groups at about the same rates. Results from the Brazilian study were congruent with results from similar studies in the United States and other countries. Therefore, it appears that, among children and adolescents from diverse cultures in developing and industrialized nations, the pattern of emotional disorders accompanying ADHD is quite stable. Other investigators who favour the cross-cultural approach are looking for differences rather than similarities. They recognize that human beings develop in societies that have very different ideas about issues such as the proper times and procedures for disciplining children, the activities that are most appropriate for boys and for girls, the time at which childhood ends and adulthood begins, the treatment of the aged, and countless other aspects of life (Fry, 1996). They have also learned that people from various cultures differ in the ways they perceive the world, express their emotions, think, and solve problems. Evidence of cultural differences is present even in our assumptions of how developmental research should be reported. For example, two Canadian First Nations authors ( Johnson & Cremo, 1995) highlighted their concerns about their ability to prepare a chapter for a book because they sensed a fundamental difference in the way First Nations and Western cultures define life. Beliefs of First Nations people tend to support circularity rather than linearity in life. By contrast, Western culture assumes that there is linearity between events (a movement from point A to point B).

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30 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

TABLE 1.4

Strengths and Limitations of Developmental Designs

Design

Procedure

Strengths

Limitations

Cross-sectional

Observes people of different ages (or cohorts) at one point in time.

Demonstrates age differences; hints at developmental trends; relatively inexpensive; takes little time to conduct.

Age trends may reflect extraneous differences between cohorts rather than true developmental change; provides no data on the development of individuals because each participant is observed at only one point in time.

Longitudinal

Observes people of one cohort repeatedly over time.

Provides data on the development of individuals; can reveal links between early experiences and later outcomes; indicates how individuals are alike and how they are different in the ways they change over time.

Relatively time consuming and expensive; selective attrition may yield nonrepresentative sample that limits the generalizability of conclusions; cross-generational changes may limit one’s conclusions to the cohort that was studied.

Sequential

Combines the cross-sectional and the longitudinal approaches by observing different cohorts repeatedly over time.

Discriminates true developmental trends from cohort effects; indicates whether developmental changes experienced by one cohort are similar to those experienced by other cohorts; often less costly and time consuming than the longitudinal approach.

More costly and time consuming than cross-sectional research; despite being the strongest design, may still leave questions about whether a developmental change is generalizable beyond the cohorts studied.

Microgenetic

Children are observed extensively over a limited time period when a developmental change is thought to occur.

Extensive observation of changes as they occur can reveal how and why changes occur.

Extensive experience given to stimulate change may be somewhat atypical and produce changes that may not persist over long periods.

Cross-cultural

Observes people in different cultures, subcultures, ethnicities, or socioeconomic groups within a society or across societies.

Allows conclusions to be drawn about the development of children from one culture, social context, or ethnicity with those from other ethnicities or socioeconomic groups or subgroups within a society.

Can be challenging to determine how many “different” groups are needed; costs can be high if travel is necessary; measures may not transfer easily across groups.

So, apart from its focus on universals in development, the cross-cultural approach also illustrates that human development is heavily influenced by the cultural context in which it occurs. To help you review and compare the major research designs developmentalists have at their disposal, Table 1.4 provides a brief description of each, along with its major strengths and weaknesses. Isn’t it remarkable how many methods and designs developmentalists can choose from? This diversity of available procedures is a definite strength because findings gained through one procedure can then be checked and perhaps confirmed through other procedures. Indeed, providing such converging evidence serves a most important function by demonstrating that the conclusion a researcher draws is truly a “discovery” and not merely an artifact of the method or design used to collect the original data. So there is no “best method” for studying children; each of the approaches we have considered has contributed substantially to our understanding of human development.

Ethical Considerations in Developmental Research When designing and conducting research with humans, researchers may face thorny issues centering on research ethics—the standards of conduct that investigators are ethically bound to honour to protect their research participants from physical or psychological harm.

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 31

What Makes a Research Study Ethical or Unethical? The answer to this question seems to be straightforward: researchers should never inflict physical or psychological harm on research participants. However, a closer look reveals that the issue is more complex (Thompson, 1990). Consider these questions: ■■

■■

■■

■■

CONCEPT CHECK

1.3

Is it justified to deceive participants (e.g., by misinforming them about the purpose of the study)? Is it ethically sound to observe research participants without informing them that they are subjects of a scientific investigation? Is it okay to use negative feedback and verbal disapproval as part of a research procedure? Is it acceptable to expose children to temptations that virtually guarantee that they will cheat or break other rules?

Understanding Developmental Research Designs

Check your understanding of developmental research designs by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Which of the following is a disadvantage of the longitudinal research design? a. It does not evaluate individual differences in development. b. It is subject to the cross-generational problem. c. It violates the scientific method. d. It may cause developmental delays and trauma to the participants. 2. Which of the following is a disadvantage of the cross-sectional research design? a. It does not evaluate individual differences in development. b. It is subject to the cross-gender problem. c. It violates the scientific method. d. It may cause developmental changes that would not occur naturally and that may not be long-lasting. 3. Which of the following is a disadvantage of the microgenetic research design? a. It does not evaluate individual differences in development. b. It confounds cohort and age effects. c. It violates the scientific method. d. It may cause developmental changes that would not occur naturally and that may not be long-lasting. Fill in the Blank: Complete the following sentences with the

appropriate word or phrase.

4. One primary problem with longitudinal designs is that participants may drop out of the study before it is . concluded. This is called

5. A group of children who are the same age and develop in the same cultural and historical times is called a ____. 6. Making sure that any research conducted with children causes no harm is the responsibility of ____. Matching: Match the following developmental research de-

signs to the appropriate research questions. Choose from the following designs:

a. cross-sectional design b. longitudinal design c. sequential design d. microgenetic design 7. A developmentalist hopes to determine whether all children go through the same stages of intellectual development between infancy and adolescence. 8. A developmentalist wants to quickly assess whether 4-, 6-, and 8-year-old children differ in their willingness to donate part of their allowance to children less fortunate than themselves. 9. A developmentalist wants to determine how and why Grade 3 children acquire memory strategies. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following question.

10. Suppose you are a developmental psychologist and you are interested in learning about how elementary school children in Grades 1 through 5 change in their altruistic behaviour (i.e., their willingness to help others who are in need). a. Design a cross-sectional study to answer the research question. b. Design a longitudinal study to answer the research question.

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32 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

informed consent the right of research participants to receive an explanation in language they can understand, of all aspects of all aspects of research that may affect their willingness to participate. protection from harm the right of research participants to be protected from physical or psychological harm. benefits-to-risks ratio a comparison of the possible benefits of a study for advancing knowledge and optimizing life conditions versus its costs to participants in terms of inconvenience and possible harm. minimal risk term used when assessing risk in ethics reviews that refers to risks that are no greater than those one would encounter in daily life.

Decisions about the ethicality of a research project are based on three general principles: autonomy, non-maleficence, and beneficence. First, researchers have to guarantee the right for individual self-determination in the research process. This implies the voluntariness of research participation, freedom to withdraw at any time, and limits to deceptive research practices. Most often, parents or legal guardians are provided with relevant information about a study to allow them to provide informed consent for their child to participate. Children who are old enough to understand are often provided with simplified information to allow them to provide their assent to participate. Second, researchers must ensure participants are protected from harm and not intentionally harm others. Third, research needs to aim at removing existing harms and/or providing benefits for others. Any decision about research ethics requires balancing the principles of nonmaleficence and beneficence. Research can be ethically justified if the benefits-to-risks ratio is favourable and if there is no other less risky research procedure available. An important guideline is provided by the concept of minimal risk. Minimal risk refers to risks of harm that are not greater than the risks we encounter in ordinarily daily life. Temporary boredom or other uncomfortable feelings, worries, and minor threats to self-esteem are all part of ordinary life and therefore do not pose a serious ethical problem. In addition, research conducted with children needs to take into account that children are more vulnerable than adults and that their abilities to make reasoned decisions concerning research participation may be limited. To protect children who participate in psychological research and to clarify the responsibilities of researchers who work with children, the Canadian Psychological Association (2017) and the American Psychological Association (2017) have endorsed special ethical guidelines. Canadian universities follow a rigorous protocol outlined in the Tri-Council Statement: Ethical Conduct Involving Research with Humans for approving the ethicality of any psychological research project (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, 2010, 2014). Of course, final approval of safeguards and reporting procedures by a review committee does not absolve investigators of the need to re-evaluate the benefits and costs of their projects, even while the research is in progress (Thompson, 1990).

Postscript: On Becoming a Wise User of Developmental Research At this point, you may be wondering, “Why do I need to know so much about the methods that developmentalists use to conduct research?” This is a reasonable question, given that the vast majority of students who take this course will pursue other careers and will never conduct a scientific study of developing children. Our answer is straightforward: although survey courses such as this one are designed to provide a solid overview of theory and research in the discipline to which they pertain, they should also strive to help you evaluate the relevant information you may encounter in the years ahead. And you will encounter such information. Even if you do not read academic journals in your role as a teacher, school administrator, nurse, probation officer, social worker, or other professional who works with developing persons, then certainly you will be exposed to such information through the popular media—television, online news, magazines, blogs, and the like. How can you know whether that seemingly dramatic and important new finding you’ve just read or heard about should be taken seriously? This is an important issue, for new information about human development is often chronicled in the popular media several months or even years before the data on which the media reports are based finally make their appearance in professional journals. What’s more, less than 30 percent of the findings that developmentalists submit are NEL

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 33

judged worthy of publication by reputable journals in our discipline. So many media reports of “dramatic” new findings are based on research that other scientists do not regard as very dramatic, or even worth publishing. Even if a media report is based on a published article, coverage of the research and its conclusions is often misleading. For example, one TV news story reported on a published article, saying that there was clear evidence that “alcoholism is inherited.” As we will see in Chapter 3, this is a far more dramatic conclusion than the authors actually drew. Another metropolitan newspaper report summarized an article from the prestigious journal Developmental Psychology with the headline “Day Care Harmful for Children.” What was never made clear in the newspaper article was the researcher’s (Howes, 1990) conclusion that very low-quality daycare may be harmful to the social and intellectual development of some preschool children but that most youngsters receiving good daycare suffer no adverse effects. We don’t mean to imply that you can never trust what you read; rather, we’d caution you to be skeptical and to evaluate media (and journal) reports, using the methodological information presented in this chapter. You might start by asking, How were the data gathered, and how was the study designed? Were appropriate conclusions drawn given the limitations of the method of data collection and the design (correlational versus experimental; cross-sectional versus longitudinal) that the investigators used? Was there random assignment to treatment groups? Have the results of the study been reviewed by other experts in the field and published in a reputable academic journal? And please don’t assume that published articles are beyond criticism. Many theses and dissertations in the developmental sciences are based on problems and shortcomings that students have identified in previously published research. So take the time to read and evaluate published reports that seem especially relevant to your profession or to your role as a parent. You will have a better understanding of the research and its conclusions, but any lingering questions and doubts you may have can often be addressed through a letter, an email, or a phone call to the author of the article. So we encourage you to become a knowledgeable user in order to get the most out of what the field of human development has to offer. Our discussion of research methodology was undertaken with these objectives in mind, and a solid understanding of these methodological lessons should help you to properly evaluate the research you will encounter, not only throughout this text but also in many other sources in the years to come.

SUMMARY ■■ Development refers to the systematic continuities and changes that people display over the course of their lives that reflect the influence of biological maturation and learning. ■■ Developmentalists come from many disciplines, and all study the process of development. ■■ Developmental psychology is the largest of these disciplines. ■■ Normative developments are typical developments characterizing all members of a species; ideographic developments describe those that may vary across individuals. ■■ Developmentalists’ goals are to describe, explain, and optimize development. ■■ Human development is a continual and life-long process that is holistic, highly plastic, and heavily influenced by the historical and cultural contexts in which it occurs.

The Scientific Study of Development and Its Origins ■■ The 17th- and 18th-century philosophies of original sin, innate purity, and tabula rasa contributed to a more humane outlook on children. ■■ In the 19th century onward, scientists began to record the development of their infant sons and daughters in baby biographies and diaries. Research Methods in Developmental Psychology ■■ The scientific method is a value system that requires the use of objective data to determine the viability of theories. Theories are sets of concepts and propositions designed to organize, describe, and explain an existing set of observations.

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34 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

Theories generate hypotheses, or predictions about future phenomena. The scientific method sifts through data to determine whether theories should be kept, refined, or abandoned. ■■ Acceptable research methods possess both reliability (produce consistent, replicable results) and validity (accurately measure what they are intended to measure). ■■ The most common methods of data collection in child development are ●■ Self-reports (questionnaires and interviews) ●■ The clinical method (a more flexible interview method) ●■ Observational methods (naturalistic and structured observations) ●■ Case studies ●■ Ethnography ●■ Psychophysiological methods

Detecting Relationships: Correlational and Experimental Designs ■■ Correlational designs examine relationships as they naturally occur, without any intervention. ■■ The correlation coefficient is used to estimate the strength and magnitude of the association between variables. ■■ Correlational studies cannot specify whether correlated variables are causally related. ■■ The experimental design identifies cause-and-effect relationships. The experimenter ●■ Manipulates one (or more) independent variables ●■ Exercises experimental control over all other confounding variables (often by random assignment of participants to treatments) ●■ Observes the effect(s) of the manipulation(s) on the dependent variable ■■ Experiments may be performed in the laboratory or in the natural environment (i.e., a field experiment), thereby increasing the ecological validity of the results. ■■ The impact of events that researchers cannot manipulate or control can be studied in natural (quasi-) experiments. However, lack of control over natural events prevents the quasi-experimenter from drawing definitive conclusions about cause and effect. Research Strategies in Developmental Psychology ■■ The cross-sectional design ●■ Compares different age groups at a single point in time ●■ Is easy to conduct

Cannot tell us how individuals develop May confuse age trends for trends that may actually be due to cohort effects rather than true developmental change The longitudinal design ●■ Detects developmental change by repeatedly examining the same participants as they grow older ●■ Identifies developmental continuities and changes and individual differences in development ●■ Is subject to such problems as practice effects and selective attrition, which results in nonrepresentative samples ●■ May be limited to the particular cohort studied because of the cross-generational problem The sequential design ●■ Is a combination of the cross-sectional and longitudinal designs ●■ Offers researchers the advantages of both approaches ●■ Discriminates true developmental trends from troublesome cohort effects Microgenetic studies ●■ Study children intensively over a brief period of time ●■ Study children when developmental changes normally occur ●■ Attempt to specify how and why developmental changes occur Cross-cultural studies ●■ Compare participants from different cultures and subcultures on one or more aspects of development ●■ Identify universal patterns of development ●■ Demonstrate that other aspects of development are heavily influenced by the social context in which they occur ●■ ●■

■■

■■

■■

■■

Ethical Considerations in Developmental Research ■■ Decisions about the ethicality of a research project are based on three general principles: autonomy, non-maleficence, and beneficence. ■■ The benefits to be gained from the research should always exceed the risks to participants. ■■ Participants have the right to ●■ Expect protection from harm ●■ Give informed consent (and possibly assent) to participate (or to stop participating)

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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 35

KEY TERMS development, 2

scientific method, 8

psychophysiological methods, 14

cohort effect, 24

developmental continuities, 2

theory, 8

correlational design, 15

longitudinal design, 25

developmental psychology, 2

hypothesis, 8

correlation coefficient, 16

practice effects, 25

developmentalist, 2

reliability, 9

experimental design, 18

selective attrition, 25

maturation, 2

validity, 9

independent variable, 19

nonrepresentative sample, 25

learning, 2

dependent variable, 19

cross-generational problem, 26

normative development, 3

structured interview or structured questionnaire, 9

confounding variable, 19

sequential design, 26

ideographic development, 3

clinical method, 10

experimental control, 19

microgenetic studies, 27

holistic perspective, 5

naturalistic observation, 11

random assignment, 20

cross-cultural comparison, 29

plasticity, 5

observer influence, 11

ecological validity, 20

informed consent, 31

original sin, 6

time-sampling, 11

field experiment, 20

protection from harm, 31

innate purity, 6

structured observation, 12

natural (or quasi-) experiment, 21

minimal risk, 31

tabula rasa, 6

case study, 12

cross-sectional design, 23

benefits-to-risks ratio, 31

baby biography, 7

ethnography, 13

cohort, 23

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 1.1

6. a. structured interview

1. d. maturation and learning

7. e. psychophysiological methods

2. d. all of the above might be considered developmentalists

8. c. naturalistic observation

3. c. the optimization of development

9. b. ethnography

4. b. Development is marked by plasticity. 5. normative development; ideographic development

Concept Check 1.3 1. b. It is subject to the cross-generational problem.

6. c. perception, language, learning, and thinking

2. a. It does not evaluate individual differences in development.

7. a. bodily changes and sequencing of motor skills

3. d. It may cause developmental changes that would not occur naturally and which may not be long-lasting.

8. b. emotions, personality, and relationships

Concept Check 1.2

4. selective attrition

1. b. Her measure was not valid.

5. cohort

2. c. the scientific method

6. the researcher

3. b. interrater reliability

7. b. longitudinal design

4. d. the clinical method

8. a. cross-sectional design

5. d. structured observation

9. d. microgenetic design

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Photodisc/Getty Images

2

Theories of Human Development That’s only true in theory, not in practice! Anonymous There is nothing as practical as a good theory. Kurt Lewin

P

“

eople watching” is a fascinating activity. When we see interesting exchanges or events, we ask ourselves, “Why would that happen?” and we often try to generate explanations based on the research we have read. Then we try to predict what might happen next. Even in this simple activity, we are engaged in an elementary form of devising a theory. In some cases, these naturally occurring events have served as the basis for some of our own research. We all have lay theories about what “makes people tick.” These lay theories surface when we ask ourselves questions such as, What motivates children to learn? What makes them better learners? Is it grades or interest in the learning activity? What makes children act out and to become aggressive towards their peers? What motivates them to care for others and help? Often these lay theories are more intuitive, unsystematic, and ad hoc than well thought through. Moreover, we often do not have the means to prove them as right or wrong. In other words, our lay theories are not scientific theories. What makes a theory scientific?

The Nature of Scientific Theories theory a set of concepts and propositions designed to organize, describe, and explain an existing set of observations.

36

A scientific theory is a set of concepts and propositions that describe, organize, and explain a set of observations. Some theories in developmental psychology are broad in scope, seeking to explain the development of global domains, such as personality or cognition. Others are limited to a specific issue, such as the impact of domain knowledge for Internet search behaviours. But the basis of all scientific theories is that they help us to organize our thinking about the aspects of experience that interest us. Imagine what life might be like for a researcher who plugs away at collecting data and cataloguing fact after fact without organizing this information around a set of concepts and propositions. Chances are that this person would eventually be swamped by seemingly NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

parsimony a criterion for evaluating the scientific merit of theories; a parsimonious theory is one that uses relatively few explanatory principles to explain a broad set of observations. falsifiability a criterion for evaluating the scientific merit of theories. A theory is falsifiable when it is capable of generating predictions that could be disconfirmed. heuristic value a criterion for evaluating the scientific merit of theories. A heuristic theory is one that continues to stimulate new research and discoveries.

37

unconnected facts, thus qualifying as a trivia expert who lacks a big picture. So theories are of critical importance to the developmental sciences, for each theory provides us with a lens through which we can interpret any number of specific observations about developing individuals. What are the characteristics of a good theory? Ideally, it should be concise, or parsimonious, and yet able to explain a broad range of phenomena. A theory with few principles that accounts for a large number of empirical observations is far more useful than a theory that requires many more principles and assumptions to explain the same or a smaller number of observations. In addition, good theories are typically falsifiable— that is, capable of making explicit predictions about future events so that the theory can be supported or disconfirmed. And good theories are not limited to what is already known. Instead, they are heuristic—meaning that they build on existing knowledge by continuing to generate testable hypotheses that will lead to a much richer understanding of the phenomena of interest (see Figure 2.1). When a theory is parsimonious, falsifiable, and heuristic, even its disconfirmation may reveal information that can be used in generating new, more accurate theories. We might also note that good theories survive because they continue to generate new knowledge, much of which may have practical implications that truly benefit humanity. In this sense, there is nothing quite so practical as a good theory. In this chapter, we will explore the basic premises of seven broad theoretical traditions that have each had a major impact on the science of human development: psychoanalytic theories, learning theories, cognitive-developmental theories, information-processing theories, sociocultural theories, evolutionary theories, and ecological systems theories. These theories are central to our discipline and could be characterized as the conceptual basis of developmental psychology. That does not mean that they are fully endorsed by all developmental psychologists today. Each of these theories has strengths and weaknesses and we will consider some of these. All of the theories address central themes that are foundational for developmental psychology. These themes are (a) the influence of biology versus society on children’s development (also known as “nature versus nurture”), (b) the role of the active individual, (c) continuity versus discontinuity in the developmental process, and (d) the holistic nature of development. We will discuss these themes after introducing the seven different “grand theories.” It is also important to note that these different theoretical traditions are not necessarily mutually exclusive. That is, we do not have to pick one. In fact, some of these theories can be meaningfully combined to what has been called a “developmental systems view” of development (Lerner, 2006). We will provide a brief introduction to this most integrative view at the end of this chapter.

Initial observations

Formulate theory

Propose hypothesis

Reject current theory

Keep and/or refine current theory

NO

YES

Do research data confirm hypothesis?

New observations (research data)

Design research to test hypothesis

Figure 2.1 The role of theory in scientific investigation. NEL

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38 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

Let’s begin our overview of developmental theories with the oldest historical example, Freud’s psychoanalytic theory.

Psychoanalytic Theories

psychosexual theory Freud’s theory states maturation of the sex instinct underlies stages of personality development, and that the manner in which parents manage children’s instinctual impulses determines the traits that children display.

unconscious motives Freud’s term for feelings, experiences, and conflicts that influence a person’s thinking and behaviour but lie outside the person’s awareness. repression a type of motivated forgetting in which anxiety-provoking thoughts and conflicts are forced out of conscious awareness. drive an inborn biological force that motivates a particular response or class of responses. id psychoanalytic term for the inborn component of the personality that is compelled by the drives. ego psychoanalytic term for the rational component of the personality. superego psychoanalytic term for the component of personality that consists of one’s internalized moral standards.

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was a revolutionary thinker who challenged prevailing notions about human nature by proposing that we are driven by motives and conflicts of which we are largely unaware and that our personalities are shaped by our early life experiences. Freud’s was the first unified and broad theory to have great impact on the direction of developmental theory and research as a discipline. Although few developmentalists today embrace this theory, it has had a lasting influence on developmental theory. In this section, we will first consider Freud’s early psychosexual theory of human development and then compare Freud’s theory with that of his best-known follower, Erik Erikson.

Freud’s Psychosexual Theory Freud was a practising neurologist who formulated his theory of human development from his analyses of his emotionally disturbed patients’ life histories. Seeking to relieve their nervous symptoms and anxieties, he relied heavily on such methods as hypnosis, free association (a quick spilling out of one’s thoughts), and dream analysis, because they gave some indication of unconscious motives that patients had repressed (i.e., forced out of their conscious awareness). By analyzing these motives and the events that caused their repression, Freud concluded that human development is a conflictual process; as biological creatures, we have basic sexual and aggressive drives that must be served, yet society dictates that many of these drives are undesirable and must be restrained. According to Freud, the ways in which parents manage these sexual and aggressive urges in the first few years of their children’s life play a major role in shaping their children’s personality.

Three Components of Personality Freud’s psychosexual theory proposes that three components of personality—the id, ego, and superego—develop and gradually become integrated in a series of five developmental psychosexual stages. Only the id is present at birth. Its sole function is to satisfy inborn biological drives, and it will try to do so immediately. Young infants often do seem to be “all id.” When hungry or wet, they simply fuss and cry until their needs are met, and they are not known for their patience. The ego is the conscious, rational component of the personality that reflects the child’s emerging abilities to perceive, learn, remember, and reason. Its function is to find a realistic means of gratifying instincts, such as when a hungry toddler, remembering how she gets food, seeks out Mom and says, “Cookie.” As their egos mature, children become better at controlling their irrational ids and finding realistic ways to gratify their needs. However, realistic solutions to needs are not always acceptable ones, as a hungry 3-year-old who is caught stealing cookies between meals may soon discover. The final component of personality, or superego, is the seat of the conscience. It develops between the ages of 3 and 6 as children internalize (take on as their own) the moral values and standards of their parents (Freud, 1933). Once the superego emerges, children do not need an adult to tell them that they have been good or bad. They are now aware of their own transgressions and will feel guilty or ashamed of their unethical conduct. So the superego is truly an internal censor. It insists that the ego find socially acceptable outlets for the id’s undesirable impulses. NEL

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These three components of personality inevitably conflict (Freud, 1940/1964). In the mature, healthy personality, a dynamic balance operates: the id communicates basic needs, the ego restrains the impulsive id long enough to find realistic methods of satisfying these needs, and the superego decides whether the ego’s problem-solving strategies are morally acceptable. The ego is clearly “in the middle”; it must strike a balance between the opposing demands of the id and the superego while accommodating the realities of the external world.

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) introduced a psychosexual theory, which challenged traditional thinking about human nature.

fixation arrested development at a particular psychosexual stage that can prevent movement to higher stages.

Stages of Psychological Development Freud thought that sex was the most important instinct because he discovered that his patients’ mental disturbances often revolved around childhood sexual conflicts that they had repressed. But are young children really sexual beings? Yes, said Freud (1940/1964), whose view of sex was very broad, encompassing such activities as thumbsucking and urinating, which we would not consider erotic. Freud believed that as the sex instinct matured, its focus shifted from one part of the body to another, and that each shift brought on a new stage of psychosexual development. Table 2.1 briefly describes each of Freud’s five stages of psychosexual development. Freud believed that parents’ permitting either too much or too little gratification of sexual needs would cause the child to become obsessed with whatever activity was strongly encouraged or discouraged. The child might then fixate on that activity (i.e., display arrested development) and retain some aspect of it throughout life. For example, an infant who was strongly punished for and thus conflicted about sucking her thumb might express this oral fixation in adulthood through such substitute activities as chain smoking or oral sex. The important implications for developmental psychology were the idea of stages and that early childhood experiences and conflicts heavily influence our adult interests, activities, and personalities.

Contributions and Criticisms of Freud’s Theory Few developmentalists today endorse Freud’s theory. There is not much evidence that any of the early oral, anal, and genital conflicts that Freud stressed reliably predict adult personality (Bem, 1989; Crews, 1996). There is also no empirical support for the idea that Table 2.1

Freud’s Stages of Psychosexual Development

Psychosexual Stage

Age

Description

Oral

Birth–1 year

The sex instinct centres on the mouth because infants derive pleasure from such oral activities as sucking, chewing, and biting. Feeding activities are particularly important. For example, an infant weaned too early or abruptly may later crave close contact and become overdependent on a spouse.

Anal

1–3 years

Voluntary urination and defecation become the primary methods of gratifying the sex instinct. Toilet-training produces major conflicts between children and parents. The emotional climate that parents create can have lasting effects. For example, children who are punished for toileting “accidents” may become inhibited, messy, or wasteful.

Phallic

3–6 years

Pleasure is now derived from genital stimulation. Children develop an incestuous desire for the opposite-sex parent (called the Oedipus complex for boys and the Electra complex for girls). Anxiety stemming from this conflict causes children to internalize the sex-role characteristics and moral standards of their same-sex parental rival.

Latency

6–11 years

Traumas of the phallic stage cause sexual conflicts to be repressed and sexual urges to be rechannelled into schoolwork and vigorous play. The ego and superego continue to develop as the child gains more problemsolving abilities at school and internalizes societal values.

Genital

Age 12 onward

Puberty triggers a reawakening of sexual urges. Adolescents must now learn how to express these urges in socially acceptable ways. If development has been healthy, the mature sex instinct is satisfied by marriage and raising children.

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40 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

children develop an incestuous desire for the opposite-sex parent. Yet we should not reject all of Freud’s ideas simply because some of them are a bit outlandish. Perhaps Freud’s greatest contribution was his concept of unconscious motivation. When psychology emerged in the mid-19th century, investigators focused on isolated aspects of conscious experience, such as sensory processes and perceptual illusions. It was Freud who first proclaimed that the vast majority of psychic experience lay below the level of conscious awareness. Freud also deserves great credit for focusing attention on the influence of early experience on later development. Debates continue about exactly how critical early experiences are, but most developmentalists agree that some early experiences can have lasting effects.

Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development

Ted Streshinsky/The LIFE Images Collection/Getty Images

psychosocial theory Erikson’s revision of Freud’s theory, which emphasizes sociocultural (rather than sexual) determinants of development and posits a series of eight psychosocial conflicts that people must resolve successfully to display healthy psychological adjustments.

As Freud became widely read, he attracted many followers. However, Freud’s students did not always agree with him, and eventually they began to modify some of his ideas and became important theorists in their own right. Among the best known of these neo-Freudian scholars was Erik Erikson. Erikson (1963, 1982) differed from Freud in two important respects. First, Erikson placed much less emphasis on sexual urges and far more emphasis on cultural influences than Freud did. For this reason, we label Freud’s theory psychosexual and Erikson’s theory a psychosocial theory. Second, Erikson expanded Freud’s notion of psychological development far beyond childhood into adolescence and adulthood. In fact, Erikson pioneered what in the 1980s became life-span developmental psychology (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 1998).

eight life Crises Erikson believed that people face eight major crises or conflicts, which he labelled psychosocial stages, during the course of their lives. Each conflict emerges at a distinct time dictated by both biological maturation and social demands that developing people experience at particular points in life. Each crisis must be resolved successfully in order to prepare for a satisfactory resolution of the next life crisis. Table 2.2 briefly describes the psychosocial stages and lists the Freudian psychosexual stage to which it corresponds.

Contributions and Criticisms of Erikson’s Theory Erik Erikson (1902–1994) emphasized the sociocultural determinants of personality in his theory of psychosocial development.

Many people prefer Erikson’s theory to Freud’s because they do not believe that people are dominated by sexual instincts. A theory like Erikson’s, which stresses our active and adaptive nature, is much easier to accept. Also, Erikson’s theory emphasizes many of the social conflicts and personal dilemmas that people may remember, are currently experiencing, or can easily anticipate or observe in people they know. Erikson does address many of the central issues of life in his eight psychosocial stages. Erikson’s theory can also be criticized for being vague about the causes of development. What kinds of experiences must people have to successfully resolve various psychosocial conflicts? How exactly does the outcome of one psychosocial stage influence personality at a later stage? Unfortunately, Erikson is not very explicit about these important issues. So his theory is really a descriptive overview of human social and emotional development that does not adequately explain how or why this development takes place. NEL

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Table 2.2

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Erikson’s and Freud’s Stages of Development

Approximate Age

Erikson’s Stage or “Psychosocial” Crisis

Birth–1 year

Basic trust versus mistrust

Infants must learn to trust others to care for their basic needs. If caregivers are rejecting or inconsistent, the infant may view the world as a dangerous place filled with untrustworthy or unreliable people. The primary caregiver is the key social agent.

Oral

1–3 years

Autonomy versus shame and doubt

Children must learn to be “autonomous”—to feed and dress themselves, to look after their own hygiene, and so on. Failure to achieve this independence may force the child to doubt his or her own abilities and feel shameful. Parents are the key social agents.

Anal

3–6 years

Initiative versus guilt

Children attempt to act grown up and will try to accept responsibilities that are beyond their capacity to handle. They sometimes undertake goals or activities that conflict with those of parents and other family members, and these conflicts may make them feel guilty. Successful resolution of this crisis requires a balance; the child must retain a sense of initiative yet learn not to impinge on the rights, privileges, or goals of others. The family is the key social agent.

Phallic

6–12 years

Industry versus inferiority

Children must master important social and academic skills. This is a period when the child compares her- or himself with peers. If sufficiently industrious, children acquire the social and academic skills to feel self-assured. Failure to acquire these important attributes leads to feelings of inferiority. Significant social agents are teachers and peers.

Latency

12–20 years

Identity versus role confusion

This is the crossroad between childhood and maturity. The adolescent grapples with the question “Who am I?” Adolescents must establish basic social and occupational identities, or they will remain confused about the roles they should play as adults. The key social agent is the society of peers.

Early genital (adolescence)

20–40 years (young adulthood)

Intimacy versus isolation

The primary task at this stage is to form strong friendships and to achieve a sense of love and companionship (or a shared identity) with another person. Feelings of loneliness or isolation are likely to result from an inability to form friendships or an intimate relationship. Key social agents are lovers, spouses, and close friends (of both sexes).

Genital

40–65 years (middle adulthood)

Generativity versus stagnation

At this stage, adults face the tasks of becoming productive or risk stagnation in their work, as well as raising their families or otherwise looking after the needs of young people. These standards of “generativity” are defined by one’s culture. Those who are unable or unwilling to assume these responsibilities become stagnant and self-centred. Significant social agents are the spouse, children, and cultural norms.

Genital

Old age

Ego integrity versus despair

The older adult looks back at life, viewing it as either a meaningful, productive, and happy experience or a major disappointment full of unfulfilled promises and unrealized goals. One’s life experiences, particularly social experiences, determine the outcome of this final life crisis.

Genital

Erikson’s Viewpoint: Significant Events and Social Influences

Corresponding Freudian Stage

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Psychoanalytic Theory beyond Freud and Erikson

Karen Horney (1915–1957) was the founder of the psychology of women.

Freud and Erikson are only two of many psychoanalysts who have had a meaningful influence on the study of human development (Tyson & Tyson, 1990). For example, Karen Horney (1967) challenged Freud’s ideas about sex differences in development and is now widely credited as a founder of the discipline we know today as the psychology of women. Alfred Adler (1929/1964), a contemporary of Freud’s, was among the first to suggest that siblings (and sibling rivalries) are important contributors to social and personality development (we’ll explore this in Chapter 17). And Harry Stack Sullivan (1953) wrote extensively about how close, same-sex friendships during middle childhood set the stage for intimate love relationships later in life (see Chapter 17 for a discussion of contributions that friends may make). Although their theories differ in focus, all of these psychoanalytic theorists place much more emphasis on social influences on development and much less emphasis on the role of sexual instincts than did Freud.

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42 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

Despite the important contributions that Freud and the neo-Freudians made, most contemporary developmentalists have rejected the psychoanalytic perspective in favour of other perspectives. One perspective is the learning approach, to which we now turn.

learning Theories

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behaviourism a school of thinking in psychology that holds that conclusions about human development should be based on controlled observations of overt behaviour rather than speculation about unconscious motives or other unobservable phenomena; the philosophical underpinning for the early theories of learning.

John B. Watson (1878–1958) was the founder of behaviourism and the first social-learning theorist.

From K.B. Owens, 2002, Child and adolescent development: An integrated approach. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson. Courtesy of Professor Benjamin Harris.

habits well-learned associations between stimuli and responses that represent the stable aspects of one’s personality.

John B. Watson (1925; Watson & Raynor, 1920) was a psychologist and developmentalist who claimed that he could take a dozen healthy infants and mould them to be whatever he chose— doctor, lawyer, beggar, and so on—regardless of their background or ancestry. What a bold statement! It implies that nurture is everything and that nature, or hereditary endowment, counts for nothing. Watson was a strong proponent of the importance of learning in human development and the father of a school of thought known as behaviourism (Horowitz, 1992).

Watson’s Behaviourism A basic premise of Watson’s (1913) behaviourism is that conclusions about human development should be based on observations of overt behaviour rather than on speculations about unconscious motives or cognitive processes that are unobservable. Moreover, Watson believed that well-learned associations between external stimuli and observable responses (called habits) are the building blocks of human development. Like John Locke, Watson viewed the infant as a tabula rasa (blank slate) to be written on by experience. Children have no inborn tendencies; how they turn out depends entirely on their rearing environments and the ways in which their parents and other significant people in their lives treat them. According to this perspective, then, children do not progress through a series of distinct stages dictated by biological maturation, as Freud and others have argued. Instead, development is viewed as a continuous process of behavioural change that is shaped by a person’s unique environment. To prove just how malleable children are, Watson set out to demonstrate that infants’ fears and other emotional reactions are acquired rather than inborn. In one demonstration, for example, Watson and Rosalie Raynor (1920) presented a gentle white rat to a 9-month-old named Albert. Albert’s initial reactions were positive; he crawled toward the rat and played with it as he had previously with a dog and a rabbit. Then, two months later, Watson attempted to instill a fear response. Every time Albert reached for the white rat, Watson would slip behind him and bang a steel rod with a hammer—it produced a fear response. (With our ethical concerns for the welfare of children, we would never conduct an experiment like this one today!) Since Watson’s day, several theories have been proposed to explain how we learn from our social experiences and form the habits Watson proposed. Perhaps the one theorist who did more than anyone to advance the behaviourist approach was B.F. Skinner.

Skinner’s Operant Learning Theory

This is a frame from a 1920 film. It shows distressed little Albert, the rat, Rosalie Raynor (on the left) and John Watson (on the right).

Through his research with animals, Skinner (1953) proposed a form of learning that he believed is the basis for most habits. Skinner argued that both animals and humans repeat acts that lead to favourable outcomes and suppress those that lead to unfavourable outcomes. So a rat that presses a bar and receives a tasty food pellet is apt to perform that NEL

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Associated Press

Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

B.F. Skinner (1904–1990) proposed a learning theory that emphasized the role of external stimuli in controlling human behaviour. reinforcer any desirable consequence of an act that increases the probability that the act will recur. punisher any consequence of an act that suppresses that act and/or decreases the probability that it will recur. operant learning a form of learning in which voluntary acts (or operants) become either more or less probable, depending on the consequences they produce.

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response again. In the language of Skinner’s theory, the freely emitted bar-pressing response is called an operant and the food pellet that strengthens this response (by making it more probable in the future) is called a reinforcer. Applied to children, a young girl may form a long-term habit of showing compassion toward distressed playmates if her parents consistently reinforce her kindly behaviour with praise. A teenage boy may become more studious if his efforts are rewarded by higher grades. Punishers, on the other hand, are consequences that suppress a response and decrease the likelihood that it will recur. If the rat that had been reinforced for bar pressing were suddenly given a painful shock each time it pressed the bar, the “bar-pressing” habit would begin to disappear. Applied to children, a teenage girl who is grounded every time she stays out beyond her curfew is apt to begin coming home on time. In sum, Skinner believed that habits develop as a result of unique operant learning experiences. One boy’s aggressive behaviour may increase over time because his playmates “give in” to (reinforce) his forceful tactics. Another boy may become relatively nonaggressive because his playmates actively suppress (punish) aggressiveness by fighting back. The two boys may develop in entirely different directions based on their different histories of reinforcement and punishment. According to Skinner, there is no “aggressive stage” in child development nor “aggressive instinct” in people. Instead, he claimed, the majority of habits that children acquire—the very responses that comprise their unique “personalities”—are freely emitted operants that have been shaped by their consequences. This operant learning theory claims that development depends on external stimuli (reinforcers and punishers) rather than on internal forces such as instincts, drives, or biological maturation. Today’s developmentalists agree that human behaviour can take many forms and that habits can emerge and disappear over a lifetime, depending on whether they have positive or negative consequences (Gewirtz & Pelaez-Nogueras, 1992; Stricker, Miltenberger, Garlinghouse, Deaver, & Anderson, 2001). Yet many believe that Skinner placed far too much emphasis on operant behaviours shaped by external stimuli (reinforcers and punishers) while ignoring important cognitive contributors to social learning. One such critic is Albert Bandura, who has proposed a cognitive social learning theory of human development.

Courtesy Albert Bandura

Bandura’s Cognitive Social Learning Theory

Albert Bandura (b. 1925) has emphasized the cognitive aspects of learning in his social-learning theory. observational learning learning that results from observing the behaviour of others.

Can human social learning be explained by research with animals? Bandura (1977, 1986, 1992) doesn’t think so. He agrees with Skinner that operant conditioning is an important type of learning, particularly for animals. Bandura argues, however, that people are cognitive beings—active information processors—who, unlike animals, are likely to think about the relationships between their behaviour and its consequences. Therefore, they are often more affected by what they believe will happen than by what they actually experience. Consider your own situation as a student. Your education is costly and time consuming and may impose many stressful demands. Yet you tolerate the cost and toil because you may anticipate greater rewards after you graduate. Your behaviour is not shaped by immediate consequences; if it were, few students would ever make it through the trials and tribulations of college or university. Instead, you persist as a student because you have thought about the long-term benefits of obtaining an education and have decided that the benefits outweigh the short-term costs you must endure. Bandura emphasizes observational learning as a central developmental process. Observational learning is simply learning that results from observing the behaviour of other people (called models). A 2-year-old may learn how to approach and pet the family dog by simply watching his older sister do it. An 8-year-old may learn a very negative attitude toward a minority group after hearing her parents talk about this group in a disparaging way. Observational learning simply could not occur unless cognitive processes were at work. We must attend carefully to a model’s behaviour; actively digest, or encode, what we observe; and then store this information in memory (as an image or a verbal label) in order to imitate what we have observed at a later time. Indeed, as we will see in Box 2.1, children do not need to be reinforced in order to learn this way.

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44 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

2.1

FOCUS ON ReSeaRCH

An Example of Observational Learning

3

2

Performance test

Model punished

No consequences

Model rewarded

Model punished

No consequences

1

Learning test

Figure 2.2 Average number of aggressive responses imitated during the performance test and the learning test for children who had seen a model rewarded, punished, or receive no consequences for his actions. Source: Adapted from “Influence of Models’ Reinforcement Contingencies on the Acquisition of Imitative Responses,” by A. Bandura, 1965, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1, pp. 589–95. Copyright © 1965 by the American Psychological Association.

Courtesy of Albert Bandura

When the film ended, each child was left alone in a playroom that contained a Bobo doll and the props that the model had used to beat up Bobo. Hidden observers then recorded all instances in which the child imitated one or more of the model’s aggressive acts (Figure 2.2). These observations revealed how willing children were to perform the responses they had witnessed. The results of this “performance” test appear on the left-hand side of the figure at right. Notice

4

Model rewarded

1. Children in the model-rewarded condition saw a second adult give the aggressive model candy and soda for a “championship performance.” 2. Children in the model-punished condition saw a second adult scold and spank the model for beating up Bobo. 3. Children in the no-consequence condition simply saw the model behave aggressively.

that children in the model-rewarded and no-consequences conditions imitated more of the model’s aggressive acts than those who had seen the model punished for aggressive behaviour. Clearly, this looks very much like the kind of no-trial observational learning that Bandura had proposed.

Average number of acts imitated

In 1965, Bandura made what was then considered a radical statement: children can learn by merely observing the behaviour of a social model even without first performing the responses themselves or receiving any reinforcement for performing them. Clearly, this “no-trial” learning is inconsistent with Skinner’s theory, which claims that a child must perform a response and then be reinforced in order to have learned that response. Bandura (1965) then conducted a now classic experiment to prove his point. Nursery school children each watched a short film in which an adult model directed an unusual sequence of aggressive responses toward an inflatable Bobo doll, hitting the doll with a mallet while shouting “sockeroo,” throwing rubber balls while shouting “bang, bang,” and so on. There were three experimental conditions:

This set of pictures shows frames (top row) from the film the children saw in Bandura’s “Bobo experiment,” a boy imitating the actions of the model (second row), and a girl imitating the actions of the model (third row).

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But an important question remained: Had children in these conditions actually learned more from observing the model than those who had seen the model punished? Bandura devised a test to see just how much they had learned. Each child was now offered trinkets and fruit juice for reproducing all of the model’s behaviours that the child could recall. As we see in the right-hand side of the figure, this “learning test” revealed that children in each of the three conditions had learned about the same amount by observing the model. Apparently, children in the modelpunished condition had imitated fewer of the model’s responses on the initial performance test because they felt

45

that they too might be punished for striking Bobo. But when offered a reward, they showed that they had learned much more than their initial performances had implied. In sum, it is important to distinguish what children learn by observation from their willingness to perform these responses. Clearly, reinforcement is not necessary for observational learning—that is, for the formation of images or verbal descriptions that would enable the observer to imitate the model’s acts. However, the reinforcing or punishing consequences that the model received may well affect the observer’s tendency to perform what he or she has already learned by observation.

Why does Bandura stress observational learning in his cognitive social learning theory? Observational learning permits young children to quickly acquire thousands of new responses in a variety of settings where their “models” are pursuing their own interests and are not trying to teach them anything. In fact, many of the behaviours that children observe, remember, and may imitate are actions that models display but would like to discourage— practices such as swearing, smoking, or eating between meals. So Bandura claims children are continually learning both desirable and undesirable behaviours by observation and that, because of this, child development proceeds very rapidly along many different paths.

Contributions and Criticisms of Learning Theories Perhaps the major contribution of the learning viewpoint is the wealth of information it has provided about developing children and adolescents. Learning theories are very precise and testable (Horowitz, 1992). By conducting tightly controlled experiments to determine how children react to various environmental influences, learning theorists have begun to understand how and why children form emotional attachments, adopt gender roles, make friends, learn to abide by moral rules, and change in countless other ways over the course of childhood and adolescence. As we will see throughout the text, the learning perspective has contributed substantially to our knowledge of many aspects of human development (see also Gewirtz & Pelaez-Nogueras, 1992; Grusec, 1992). The learning theory’s emphasis on the immediate causes of overt behaviours has also produced important clinical insights and practical applications. For example, many problem behaviours can now be quickly eliminated by behavioural modification techniques in which the therapist identifies the reinforcers that sustain unacceptable habits and eliminates them while modelling or reinforcing alternative behaviours that are more desirable. Thus, distressing antics such as bullying or name-calling can often be eliminated in a matter of weeks with behaviour modification techniques, whereas psychoanalysts might require months to probe the child’s unconscious, searching for a conflict that may underlie these hostilities. Despite its strengths, however, many view the learning approach as a grossly oversimplified account of human development. Consider what learning theorists have to say about individual differences. Presumably, people follow unique developmental paths because no two people grow up in precisely the same environment. Yet critics are quick to point out that each person is born with a unique genetic endowment that provides an equally plausible explanation for his or her individuality. So learning theorists may have badly oversimplified the issue of individual differences by downplaying the contribution of important biological influences. NEL

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46 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

cognitive development age-related changes that occur in mental activities such as attending, perceiving, learning, thinking, and remembering.

CONCePT CHeCK

2.1

Yet another group of critics, whose viewpoint we will soon examine, can agree with the behaviourists that development depends very much on the contexts in which it occurs. However, these ecological systems theorists argue that the environment that so powerfully influences development is really a series of social systems (e.g., families, communities, and cultures) that interact with each other and with the individual in complex ways that are impossible to simulate in a laboratory. Their point is that only by studying children and adolescents in their natural settings are we likely to understand how environments truly influence development. One final point: despite the popularity of recent cognitively oriented learning theories that stress the child’s active role in the developmental process, some critics maintain that learning theorists devote too little attention to cognitive influences on development. Proponents of this cognitive-developmental viewpoint believe that a child’s mental abilities change in ways that behaviourists completely ignore. Further, they argue that a child’s impressions of and reactions to the environment depend largely on his or her level of cognitive development. Let’s now turn to this viewpoint and see what it has to offer.

Psychoanalytic and Learning Viewpoints

Check your understanding of the psychoanalytic viewpoint (including Freud’s and Erikson’s theories) and the learning viewpoint (including Watson’s, Skinner’s, and Bandura’s theories) in child development. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Freud’s psychosexual theory of development emphasized all of the following EXCEPT which one? a. conscious drives and motivations b. repression of unconscious feelings or events c. the coordination of the id, ego, and superego d. sexual and aggressive drives 2. Whose theory focuses on psychosocial stages or life crises that individuals must resolve during their lives to achieve healthy development? a. Freud’s b. Erikson’s c. Watson’s d. Bandura’s 3. Watson and Raynor conditioned 9-month-old Albert to be afraid of a white rat (which he had initially played with and enjoyed). These findings led Watson to develop advice for parents. What did he suggest that they do? a. bang a steel rod with a hammer behind their children whenever the child did something that they wished to discourage b. show careful attention and physical acts of affection for their children so that they would not develop irrational fears c. begin to train their children at birth and not coddle their children in order to instill good habits in the children d. bang a steel rod while physically punishing the child in order to instill good habits in the children Matching: Match the following terms with their definitions.

a. the freely emitted response that produces a result to influence learning

b. a consequence that suppresses a response and decreases the likelihood that it will recur c. a consequence that strengthens a response and increases the likelihood that it will recur 4. reinforcer 5. operant 6. punisher True or False: Indicate whether each of the following statements is true or false.

7. (T) (F) Dr. Macalister is interested in studying adolescents’ identity development. She believes that adolescents struggle with breaking away from their parents and with forming their own ideas about who they are. Dr. Macalister’s theory and research is most closely associated with Erikson’s psychosocial theory of development. 8. (T) (F) Dr. Rosen studies children’s observational learning. He believes that children can learn a great deal by simply observing the behaviours of people around them. He also believes that children influence the actual environments they experience. Dr. Rosen’s research and theory is most closely associated with Bandura’s cognitive social learning theory. Short answer: Briefly answer the following question.

9. The id, ego, and superego have been compared to the three branches of a democratic government. Which component of the Freudian personality seems to serve an executive function? a judicial function? a legislative function? essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

10. Three “learning perspectives” were discussed in this chapter: Watson’s, Skinner’s, and Bandura’s. Compare the similarities among these theories in terms of their principles and assumptions. Contrast how the theories differ from each other in their principles and assumptions. NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

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Cognitive-Developmental Theories

In his cognitive-developmental theory, Swiss scholar Jean Piaget (1896–1980) focused on the growth of children’s knowledge and reasoning skills.

No theorist has contributed more to our understanding of children’s thinking than Jean Piaget (1896–1980), a Swiss scholar who began to study intellectual development during the 1920s. Piaget was a remarkable individual. At age 10, he published his first scientific article, about the behaviour of a rare albino sparrow. His early interest in the ways that animals adapt to their environments eventually led him to pursue a doctoral degree in zoology, which he completed in 1918. Piaget’s secondary interest was epistemology (the branch of philosophy concerned with the origins of knowledge), and he hoped to be able to integrate his two interests. Thinking that psychology was the answer, Piaget journeyed to Paris, where he accepted a position at the Alfred Binet laboratories, working on the first standardized intelligence test. His experiences in this position had a profound influence on his career. In testing mental ability, an estimate is made of the person’s intelligence based on the number and kinds of questions that she or he answers correctly. However, Piaget soon found that he was more interested in children’s incorrect answers than their correct ones. He first noticed that children of about the same age produced the same kinds of wrong answers. But why? As he questioned children about their misconceptions, using the clinical method he had learned while working in a psychiatric clinic, he began to realize that young children are not simply less intelligent than older children; rather, their thought processes are completely different. Piaget then set up his own laboratory and spent 60 years charting the course of intellectual growth and attempting to determine how children progress from one mode (or stage) of thinking to another.

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Piaget’s View of Intelligence and Intellectual Growth Influenced by his background in biology, Piaget (1950) defined intelligence as a basic life process that helps an organism adapt to its environment. By adapting, Piaget means that the organism is able to cope with the demands of its immediate situation. For example, the hungry infant who grasps a bottle and brings it to her mouth is behaving adaptively, scheme an organized pattern of thought or as is the adolescent who successfully interprets a road map while travelling. As children action that a child constructs to make mature, they acquire ever more complex “cognitive structures” that aid them in adapting sense of some aspect of his or her to their environments. experience; Piaget sometimes used A cognitive structure—or what Piaget called a scheme—is an organized pattern of the term cognitive structures as a thought or action that is used to cope with or explain some aspect of experience. For synonym for schemes. example, many 3-year-olds insist that the sun is alive because it comes up in the morning and goes down at night. According to Piaget, these children are operating on the basis of a simple cognitive scheme that “things that move are alive.” The earliest schemes, formed in infancy, are motor habits such as rocking, grasping, and lifting, which prove to be adaptive indeed. For example, a curious infant who combines the responses of extending an arm (reaching) and grasping with the hand is suddenly capable of satisfying her curiosity by exploring almost any interesting object that is no more than an arm’s-length away. Simple as these behavioural schemes may be, they permit infants to operate toys, to turn dials, to open cabinets, and to otherwise master their environments. Later in childhood, cognitive schemes take the form of “actions of the head” (e.g., mental addition or subtraction) that Piaget believed that children are naturally curious explorers who are constantly allow children to manipulate information and trying to make sense of their surroundings. NEL

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48 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

assimilation Piaget’s term for the process by which children interpret new experiences by incorporating them into their existing schemes. accommodation Piaget’s term for the process by which children modify their existing schemes in order to incorporate or adapt to new experiences. disequilibriums imbalances or contradictions between an individual’s thought processes and environmental events. On the other hand, equilibrium refers to a balanced, harmonious relationship between an individual’s cognitive structures and the environment.

invariant developmental sequence a series of developments that occur in one particular order because each development in the sequence is a prerequisite for the next.

think logically about the issues and problems they encounter in everyday life. At any age, children rely on their current cognitive schemes to understand the world around them. And because cognitive schemes take different forms at different ages, younger and older children may often interpret and respond to the same objects and events in very different ways. How do children grow intellectually? Piaget claimed that infants have no inborn knowledge or ideas about reality, as some philosophers have claimed. Nor are children simply given information or taught how to think by adults. Instead, they actively construct new understandings of the world based on their own experiences. Children watch what goes on around them; they experiment with objects they encounter; they make connections or associations between events; and they are puzzled when their current understandings (or schemes) fail to explain what they have experienced. Piaget believed that we continually rely on the complementary processes of assimilation and accommodation to adapt to our environments. Initially, we attempt to understand new experiences or solve problems using our current cognitive schemes (assimilation). But we often find that our existing schemes are inadequate for these tasks, which then prompts us to revise them (through accommodation) so that they provide a better “fit” with reality (Piaget, 1952). Additionally, we also may create new schemes to adapt to the disequilibriums experienced in our environments. Biological maturation also plays an important role; as the brain and nervous system mature, children become capable of increasingly complex cognitive schemes that help them construct better understandings of what they have experienced (Piaget, 1970). Eventually, curious, active children, who are always forming new schemes and reorganizing their knowledge, progress far enough to think about old issues in entirely new ways; that is, they pass from one stage of cognitive development to the next higher stage.

Four Stages of Cognitive Development Piaget proposed four major stages of cognitive development: the sensorimotor stage (birth to age 2), the preoperational stage (ages 2 to 7), the concrete-operational stage (ages 7 to 11 or 12), and the formal-operational stage (ages 11 to 12 and beyond). These stages form what Piaget called an invariant developmental sequence—that is, all children progress through the stages in exactly the order in which they are listed. They cannot skip stages because each successive stage builds on the previous stage and represents a more complex way of thinking. Table 2.3 summarizes the key features of Piaget’s four cognitive stages. Each of these periods of intellectual growth will be discussed in much greater detail when we return to the topic of cognitive development in Chapter 9.

Contributions and Criticisms of Piaget’s Viewpoint Like Freud and Watson, Piaget was an innovative renegade. He was unpopular with psychometricians because he claimed that their intelligence tests measure only what children know and tell us nothing about the most important aspect of intellect—how children think. In addition, Piaget dared to study an unobservable, mentalistic concept, cognition, that had fallen from favour among psychologists from the behaviourist tradition (Beilin, 1992). By the 1960s, the times had clearly changed. Piaget’s early theorizing and research legitimized the study of children’s thinking, and his early work linking moral development to cognitive development (see Chapter 15) contributed immensely to a whole new area of developmental research—social cognition. Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) applied Piaget’s notion of cognitive-developmental stages to the moral domain and formulated a stage-theory of the development of moral judgment (see Chapter 15). Piaget’s ideas inspired many scholars to describe social-cognitive development as a process of gradually NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

Table 2.3 Approximate Age

Stage

Birth–2 years

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Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development Primary Schemes or Methods of Representing Experience

Major Developments

Sensorimotor

Infants use sensory and motor capabilities to explore and gain a basic understanding of the environment. At birth, they have only innate reflexes with which to engage the world. By the end of the sensorimotor period, they are capable of complex sensorimotor co-ordinations.

Infants acquire a primitive sense of “self” and “others,” learn that objects continue to exist when they are out of sight (object permanence), and begin to internalize behavioural schemes to produce images or mental schemes.

2–7 years

Preoperational

Children use symbolism (images and language) to represent and understand various aspects of the environment. They respond to objects and events according to the way things appear to be. Thought is egocentric, meaning that children think everyone sees the world in much the same way that they do.

Children become imaginative in their play activities. They gradually begin to recognize that other people may not always perceive the world as they do.

7–11 years

Concrete operations

Children acquire and use cognitive operations (mental activities that are components of logical thought).

Children are no longer fooled by appearances. By relying on cognitive operations, they understand the basic properties of and relations among objects and events in the everyday world. They are becoming much more proficient at inferring motives by observing others’ behaviour and the circumstances in which it occurs.

11 years and beyond

Formal operations

Adolescents’ cognitive operations are reorganized in a way that permits them to operate on operations (think about thinking). Thought is now systematic and abstract.

Logical thinking is no longer limited to the concrete or the observable. Adolescents enjoy pondering hypothetical issues and, as a result, may become rather idealistic. They are capable of systematic, deductive reasoning that permits them to consider many possible solutions to a problem and to pick the correct answer.

constructing increasingly sophisticated understandings of many aspects of the social world (e.g., gender roles, fairness, parental authority, emotions, the meaning of friendship, and the nature of promises; see Chapter 13). Piaget’s theory has also had a strong impact on education. For example, popular discovery-based educational programs are based on the premise that young children do not think like adults and learn best by having “hands-on” educational experiences with familiar aspects of their environment. So a preschool teacher in a Piagetian classroom might introduce the difficult concept of number by presenting the pupils with different numbers of objects to stack, colour, or arrange. The idea is that new concepts like numbers are best taught by methods in which curious, active children can apply their existing schemes and make the critical “discoveries” for themselves. Although Piaget’s pioneering efforts have left a deep and lasting imprint on our thinking about human development (see Beilin, 1992), many of his ideas have been challenged (Miller, 2002). It appears that Piaget regularly underestimated the intellectual capabilities of infants, preschoolers, and elementary school children, all of whom show much greater problem-solving skills when presented with simplified tasks that are more familiar and thereby allow them to display their competencies (Bjorklund, 2005). Other investigators have noted that performance on Piagetian problems can be improved dramatically through training programs, which challenges Piaget’s assumption that individualized discovery learning, rather than direct instruction, is the best way to promote intellectual growth. Lourenço and Machado (1996) noted that even though many of these criticisms call for a more differentiated account of cognitive development, they do not invalidate some of the basic tenets of Piaget’s theory.

Sociocultural Theories Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) is another founder of developmental psychology with a strong interest in cognitive development. Although he was born the same year as Jean Piaget, political circumstances in Russia prevented his work from being translated into English until 1962. Vygotsky’s work became influential in developmental psychology in the 1970s NEL

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50 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

The sociocultural theory of Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) views cognitive development as a socially mediated process that may vary from culture to culture. sociocultural theory Vygotsky’s perspective on development, in which children acquire their culture’s values, beliefs, and problem-solving strategies through collaborative dialogues with more knowledgeable members of society. zone of proximal development Vygotsky’s term for the range of tasks that are too complex to be mastered alone but can be accomplished with guidance and encouragement from a more skillful partner.

and 1980s as a critical alternative to the then-dominant Piagetian account of development (Wertsch & Tulviste, 1992). Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory focused on how culture—the beliefs, values, traditions, and skills of a social group—is transmitted from generation to generation. Rather than depicting children as independent explorers who make critical discoveries on their own, Vygotsky viewed cognitive growth as a socially mediated activity—one in which children gradually acquire new ways of thinking and behaving through cooperative dialogues with more knowledgeable members of society (see also Gauvain, 2001; Rogoff, 2002, 2003). He argued that it was the verbal dialogue with these more knowledgeable members of society, in particular, that was the key to the development of thought. According to Vygotsky, a child learns first through social interactions with others, and only gradually does learning come under the child’s control. Children learn best when instruction is geared to match their zone of proximal development—the difference between what a child can do independently and what she or he can do with assistance. For example, competent adults or peers can adjust task demands to ensure that the child is operating in the zone that will allow her or him cognitive growth. Vygotsky also rejected the notion that all children progress through the same stages of cognitive growth. Why? Because the new skills that children master through their interactions with more competent people are often specific to their culture rather than universal cognitive structures. So from Vygotsky’s perspective (see Chapter 8), Piaget largely ignored important social and cultural influences on human development.

Contributions and Criticisms of Vygotsky’s Viewpoint Vygotsky’s attention to social and cultural aspects of development has been a vital addition to our understanding of cognitive development. Unlike Piaget, who emphasized universal aspects of development, Vygotsky’s theory suggests that cognitive development varies across cultures depending on their specific experiences. Think about what aspect of children’s environments and aspects of the activities children engage in are not shaped by society and culture? There are few, if any. This sociocultural impact is obvious for symbolic systems such as language and for the social practices and routines children learn (e.g., household chores, holiday customs) but it is equally evident when we consider the physical objects (e.g., toys) and physical settings (e.g., buildings, playgrounds) that children are exposed to on a daily basis. Culture is everywhere. Consequently, any aspect of children’s cognitive development can be investigated from a sociocultural point of view. Criticisms of Vygotsky’s theory were late in coming forward due to the relatively recent translations and investigation of his theory. However, Vygotsky’s theory has been criticized for its heavy emphasis on the role of verbal dialogue in instruction (Rogoff, 1990, 1998).

Information-Processing Theories information-processing theory a perspective that views the human mind as a continuously developing symbol-manipulating system, similar to a computer, into which information flows, is operated on, and is converted into output (answers, inferences, or solutions to problems).

By 1990, many developmentalists, disenchanted by the narrow, anti-mentalistic bias of behaviourism and the problems they saw in Piaget’s theory, had turned to such fields as cognitive psychology and computer science, seeking new insights into children’s thinking (Bjorklund, 2005; Shultz, 2003; Siegler & Alibali, 2005). Digital computers, which rely on mathematically specified programs to operate on information and generate solutions to problems, provided the framework for a new information-processing perspective on cognitive development. According to information-processing theory, the human mind is like a computer into which information flows, is operated on, and is converted to output—that is, answers, inferences, or solutions to problems (Klahr, 1992; Siegler, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c). NEL

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Continuing to use the computer analogy, information-processing theorists view cognitive development as age-related changes that occur in the mind’s hardware (i.e., the brain and the peripheral nervous system) and software (mental processes such as attention, perception, memory, and problem-solving strategies). Like Piaget, information-processing theorists acknowledge that biological maturation is an important contributor to cognitive growth. But unlike Piaget, who was vague about the connections between biological and cognitive development, informationprocessing theorists contend that maturation of the brain and nervous system enables children and adolescents to process information faster (Kail, 1992). As a result, developing children become better at sustaining attention, recognizing and storing taskrelevant information, and executing mental programs that allow them to operate on what they have stored so as to answer questions and solve problems. Yet informationprocessing theorists are also keenly aware that the strategies that children develop for attending to and processing information are greatly influenced by their experiences—that is, by the kinds of problems presented to them, by the kinds of instruction they receive at home and at school, and even by the skills that their culture or subculture specifies that they must master. In what is perhaps their biggest break with Piaget, information-processing theorists propose that cognitive development is a continuous process that is not at all stagelike. Presumably, the strategies we use to gather, store, retrieve, and operate on information evolve gradually over the course of childhood and adolescence. So cognitive development from an information-processing perspective involves small quantitative rather than large qualitative changes.

Contributions and Criticisms of the Information-Processing Viewpoint The information-processing perspective on cognitive development has changed the ways developmentalists (and educators) view children’s thinking. Information-processing theorists have provided a host of new insights on the growth of many cognitive abilities that Piaget did not emphasize, and their research has also filled in many of the gaps in Piaget’s earlier theory (see Chapter 9). Furthermore, the rigorous and intensive research methods favoured by information-processing researchers have enabled them to identify how children and adolescents approach various problems and why they may make logical errors. Educators have seen the practical utility of this research; if teachers understand why children are having difficulties with their reading, math, or science lessons, it becomes easier to suggest strategies to improve student performances (Siegler & Munakata, 1993). Despite its strengths, the information-processing theory is subject to criticism. Some question the utility of a theory based on the thinking that children display in artificial laboratory studies, arguing that it may not accurately reflect their thinking in everyday life. Others contend that the computer model on which information-processing theory is based seriously underestimates the richness and diversity of human cognition. After all, humans (but not computers) can dream, create, and reflect on their own and others’ states of consciousness, and information-processing theory does not adequately explain these cognitive activities. Although there is some merit to both criticisms, informationprocessing researchers are addressing them by studying children’s memories for everyday events and activities, as well as the reasoning they display in conversations with parents and peers, and the strategies they use in processing social information to form impressions of themselves and other people in their natural environments (see, for example, Hayden, Haine, & Fivush, 1997; Heyman & Gelman, 1998; Kupersmidt & Dodge, 2004). The last three theories we have discussed heavily focused on cognitive development. The three remaining theories have been applied to a much broader range of developmental outcomes. NEL

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52 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

ethological and evolutionary Theories

ethology the study of the bioevolutionary bases of behaviour and development.

Behaviourist John Watson (1878–1958) may have taken such an extreme environmental stand partly because other prominent theorists of his era, most notably Arnold Gesell (1880–1961), took an equally extreme but opposing position that human development is largely a matter of biological maturation. Gesell (1933) believed that children, like plants, simply “bloomed,” following a pattern and timetable laid out in their genes; how parents raised their children was thought to be of little importance. Although today’s developmentalists have largely rejected Gesell’s radical claims, the notion that biological influences play a significant role in human development is alive and well in ethology—the scientific study of the evolutionary basis of behaviour and the contributions of evolved responses to the human species’ survival and development (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Gaulin & McBurney, 2001; Geary & Bjorklund, 2000). The origins of this discipline can be traced to Charles Darwin; however, modern ethology arose from the work of Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen, two European zoologists whose animal research highlighted some important links between evolutionary processes and adaptive behaviours (Dewsbury, 1992).

Assumptions of Classical Ethology

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natural selection an evolutionary process, proposed by Charles Darwin, stating that individuals with characteristics that promote adaptation to the environment will survive, reproduce, and pass these adaptive characteristics to offspring; those lacking these adaptive characteristics will eventually die out.

The most basic assumption ethologists make is that members of all animal species are born with a number of “biologically programmed” behaviours that are (1) products of evolution and (2) adaptive in that they contribute to survival. Many species of birds, for example, seem to be biologically prepared to engage in such instinctual behaviours as following their mothers (a response called imprinting that helps to protect the young from predators and to ensure that they find food), building nests, and singing songs. (Konrad Lorenz is credited with discovering the imprinting process through his experiments with geese in which he caused them to imprint on him instead of their mothers!) These biologically programmed characteristics are thought to have evolved as a result of the Darwinian process of natural selection; that is, over the course of evolution, birds with genes promoting these adaptive behaviours were more likely to survive and to pass their genes on to offspring than were birds lacking these adaptive characteristics. Over many, many generations, the genes underlying the most adaptive behaviours became widespread in the species, characterizing nearly all individuals. So ethologists focus on inborn or instinctual responses that (1) all members of a species share and (2) may steer individuals along similar developmental paths. Where might one search for these adaptive behaviours and study their developmental implications? Ethologists have always preferred to study their subjects in the natural environment. Why? Because they believe that the inborn behaviours that shape human (or animal) development are most easily identified and understood if observed in the settings where they evolved and have proven to be adaptive (Hinde, 1989).

Ethology and Human Development Konrad Lorenz studied imprinting in geese. As you can see in this photo, a flock of geese imprinted on him instead of their mother. They followed him everywhere and considered him their mother.

Instinctual responses that seem to promote survival are relatively easy to spot in animals. But do humans really display such behaviours? And if they do, how might these preprogrammed responses influence their development? NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

sensitive period period of time that is optimal for the development of particular capacities or behaviours and in which the individual is particularly sensitive to environmental influences that would foster these attributes.

53

John Bowlby (1969, 1973), who is the founder of attachment theory, believed that children display a wide variety of preprogrammed behaviours. He also claimed that each of these responses promotes a particular kind of experience that will help the individual to survive and develop normally. For example, the cry of a human infant is thought to be a biologically programmed “distress signal” that attracts the attention of caregivers. Ethologists believe that not only are infants biologically programmed to convey their distress with loud, lusty cries, but caregivers are also biologically predisposed to respond to such signals. So the adaptive significance of an infant’s crying ensures that (1) the infant’s basic needs (e.g., hunger, thirst, safety) are met and (2) the infant will have sufficient contact with other human beings to form primary emotional attachments (Bowlby, 1973). Although ethologists are especially critical of learning theorists for largely ignoring the biological bases of human development, they are well aware that development requires learning. For example, the infant’s cries may be an innate signal that promotes the human contact from which emotional attachments emerge. However, these emotional attachments do not happen automatically. The infant must first learn to discriminate familiar faces from those of strangers before becoming emotionally attached to a caregiver. Presumably, the adaptive significance of this discriminatory learning goes back to a period in evolutionary history when humans travelled in nomadic tribes and braved the elements. In those days, it was crucial that an infant become attached to caregivers and wary of strangers, because failure to stay close to caregivers and to cry in response to a strange face might make the infant easy prey for a predatory animal. How important are an individual’s early experiences? Ethologists believe that early experiences are very important. In fact, they have argued that there may be “critical periods” for the development of many attributes. A critical period is a limited time span during which developing organisms are biologically prepared to display adaptive patterns of development, provided they receive the appropriate input (Bailey & Symons, 2001; Bruer, 2001). Outside this period, the same environmental events or influences are thought to have no lasting effects. Although this concept of critical period does seem to explain certain aspects of animal development, such as imprinting in young birds, many human ethologists think that the term sensitive period is a more accurate description of human development. A sensitive period refers to a time that is optimal for the emergence of particular competencies or behaviours and in which the individual is particularly sensitive to environmental influences. The time frames of sensitive periods are less rigid or well-defined than those of critical periods. It is possible for development to occur outside a sensitive period, but is much more difficult to foster (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002). To illustrate, some ethologists believe that the first three years of life are a sensitive period for the development of social and emotional responsiveness in people (Bowlby, 1973). The argument is that we are most uniquely susceptible to forming close emotional ties during the first three years, and should we have little or no opportunity to do so during this period, we would find it much more difficult to make close friends or to enter into intimate emotional relationships with others later in life. We will examine this provocative claim when we discuss early social and emotional development (see Chapter 12).

Evolutionary Theory evolutionary theory the study of the bioevolutionary basis of behaviour and development, with a focus on survival of the genes.

Like ethologists, evolutionary theorists are also interested in specifying how natural selection might predispose us to develop adaptive traits, motives, and behaviours. However, evolutionary theorists make different assumptions about the workings of evolution than ethologists do. Recall the ethological notion that preselected adaptive behaviours are those that ensure survival of the individual. Modern evolutionary theorists disagree, arguing instead that preselected adaptive motives and behaviours are those that ensure the survival and spread of the individual’s genes. This may seem like a subtle distinction, but it is an important one. Consider the personal sacrifice made by a father who

NEL

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54 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

perished after saving his four children from a house fire. This is hard for an ethologist to explain, for the father’s selflessness does not promote his survival. Evolutionary theorists, however, view the father’s motives and behaviour as highly adaptive. Why? Because his children carry his genes and have many more reproductive years ahead of them than he does. Thus, from the modern evolutionary perspective, the father has ensured the survival and spread of his genes (or, literally, of those who carry his genes), even if he should perish from his actions (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Geary & Bjorklund, 2000). Consider an issue of theoretical interest to evolutionary theorists: compared to other animal species, human beings develop very slowly, remaining immature and requiring others’ nurturance and protection for many years. Modern evolutionary theorists view this long period of immaturity as a necessary evolutionary adaptation. Perhaps more than other species, human beings must survive by their wits. Armed with a large, powerful brain, itself an evolutionary adaptation, humans use tools to shape their environments to their needs. They also create intricate cultures with complex rules and social conventions that the young of each generation must learn in order to survive and thrive within these social systems. Thus, a lengthy period of development, accompanied by the protections provided by older individuals (particularly from genetic relatives, who are interested in preserving their genes) is adaptive in that it allows juveniles to acquire all the physical and cognitive competencies, knowledge, and social skills to occupy niches as productive members of modern human cultures; see Geary and Bjorklund (2000) and Bjorklund and Pellegrini (2002) for more on the adaptive value of the prolonged period of immaturity in humans.

Contributions and Criticisms of the Ethological and Evolutionary Viewpoints Although ethology became popular in the 1960s, the early ethologists studied animal behaviour rather than human behaviour. Only within the past 40 years or so have ethologists made a serious attempt to specify evolutionary contributors to human development, and many of their hypotheses may still be considered speculative (Lerner & von Eye, 1992). Nevertheless, human ethologists have already made important contributions to our discipline by reminding us that every child is a biological creature who comes equipped with a number of adaptive, genetically programmed characteristics—attributes that influence other people’s reactions to the child and, thus, the course that this development will take. In addition, ethologists have made a major methodological contribution by showing us the value of (1) studying human development in normal, everyday settings and (2) comparing human development with that of other species. One intriguing ethological notion that we will discuss in detail in Chapter 12 is that infants are inherently sociable creatures who are quite capable of promoting and sustaining social interactions from the day they are born. This viewpoint contrasts sharply with that of behaviourists, who portray the newborn as a tabula rasa, and with Piaget’s “asocial” infant who enters the world equipped only with a few basic reflexes. On the other hand, evolutionary approaches are like psychoanalytic theory in that they are very hard to test. How does one prove that various motives, mannerisms, and behaviours are inborn, adaptive, or products of evolutionary history? Such claims are often difficult to confirm. Finally, proponents of other viewpoints (most notably, learning theory) have argued that even if there is a biological basis for certain human motives or behaviours, these predispositions will soon become so modified by learning that it may not be helpful to spend much time wondering about their prior evolutionary significance. Even strong, genetically influenced attributes can be modified by experience. Consider, for example, that young mallard ducklings clearly prefer mallards’ vocal calls to those of other birds— a behaviour that ethologists claim is innate and adaptive as a product of mallard evolution. Yet Gilbert Gottlieb (1991) found that duckling embryos exposed to chicken calls NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

WHaT DO YOU THINK?

?

What human attributes and behaviours would you say are part of the human genetic code through natural selection? Does your list include language, morality, love, and aggression, as some have claimed? Why or why not?

55

before hatching preferred the call of a chicken to that of a mallard mother! In this case, the ducklings’ prenatal experiences overrode a genetic predisposition. Of course, people have a much greater capacity for learning than ducklings do, leading many critics to argue that cultural learning experiences quickly overshadow innate evolutionary mechanisms in shaping human conduct and character. Despite these criticisms, the evolutionary perspective remains a valuable addition to the developmental sciences. Not only has the emphasis on biological processes provided a healthy balance to the heavily environmental emphasis of learning theories, but these theories have also convinced more developmentalists to look for the causes of development in the natural environment, where it actually occurs, which is a crucial premise of the final theory we will review, the ecological systems theory.

Chris Hildreth/Cornell University

ecological Systems Theory

In his ecological systems theory, Urie Bronfenbrenner (1917–2005) describes how multiple levels of the surrounding environment influence child and adolescent development. ecological systems theory Bronfenbrenner’s model emphasizing that the developing person is embedded in a series of environmental systems that interact with one another and with the person to influence development.

microsystem the immediate settings (including role relationships and activities) that the person actually encounters; the innermost of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental layers or contexts.

American psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner offered an exciting perspective on child development that addresses many of the shortcomings of earlier “environmentalist” approaches. Behaviourists John Watson and B.F. Skinner had defined “environment” as any and all external focuses that shape the individual’s development. Although modern learning theorists such as Bandura (1986, 1989) have backed away from this extremely mechanistic view by acknowledging that environments both influence and are influenced by developing individuals, they continue to provide only vague descriptions of the environmental contexts in which development takes place. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1989, 1993, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) provides a detailed analysis of environmental influences. This approach also concurs that a person’s biologically influenced characteristics interact with environmental forces to shape development, so it is probably more accurate to describe this perspective as a bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1995).

Contexts for Development Bronfenbrenner (1979) begins by assuming that natural environments are the major source of influence on developing persons—and one that is often overlooked (or simply ignored) by researchers who choose to study development in the highly artificial context of the laboratory. He defines environment (or the natural ecology) as “a set of nested structures, each inside the next, like a set of Russian dolls” (p. 22). In other words, the developing person is said to be at the centre of and embedded in several environmental systems, ranging from immediate settings such as the family to more remote contexts such as the broader culture (see Figure 2.3). Each of these systems is thought to interact with the others and with the individual to influence development in important ways (see also Cole, 2005). Let us take a closer look.

The Microsystem Bronfenbrenner’s innermost environmental layer, or microsystem, refers to the activities and interactions that occur in the person’s immediate surroundings. For most young infants, the microsystem may be limited to the family. Yet this system eventually becomes much more complex as children are exposed to daycare, preschool classes, youth groups, and neighbourhood playmates. Children are influenced by the people in their microsystems. In addition, their own biologically and socially influenced characteristics—their habits, temperaments, physical characteristics, and capabilities—influence the behaviour of companions (i.e., their microsystem) as well. For example, a temperamentally difficult infant can alienate her parents or even create friction between them that may be sufficient to damage their marital relationship (Belsky, Rosenberger, & Crnic, 1995). And

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56 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

B

MACROSYSTEM s of one’s culture , sub custom cult and , s ure w a l Y S ,o EXO STEM gy, rs o l oc o tended family x E e ial id d cla a o ss r MESOSYSTE M

School Friends of family

SY CRO STEM MI

Child Family Mass media

Church, synagogue Workplace

Neighbourhood play area

Neighbours

Daycare centre Peers

Legal services

Doctor’s office

Community health and welfare services

School board

Figure 2.3 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of the environment as a series of nested structures. The microsystem refers to relations between the child and the immediate environment, the mesosystem to connections among the child’s immediate settings, the exosystem to social settings that affect but do not contain the child, and the macrosystem to the overarching ideology of the culture. Source: Based on Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The Ecology of Human Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Courtesy Urie Bronfenbrenner.

interactions between any two individuals in microsystems are likely to be influenced by third parties. So microsystems are dynamic contexts for development in which each person influences and is influenced by all other persons in the system.

mesosystem the interconnections among an individual’s immediate settings or microsystems; the second of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental layers or contexts.

The Mesosystem The second of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental layers, or the mesosystem, refers to the connections or interrelationships among such microsystems as homes, schools, and peer groups. Bronfenbrenner argues that development is likely to be optimized by strong, supportive links between microsystems. For example, youngsters who have established secure and harmonious relationships with parents are especially inclined to be accepted by peers and to enjoy close, supportive friendships during childhood (Clark & Ladd, 2000; Hodges, Finnegan, & Perry, 1999b). A child’s ability to learn at school depends on the quality of instruction that his teachers provide and also on the extent to which parents value these scholastic activities and consult or cooperate with teachers (Gottfried, Fleming, & Gottfried, 1998; Luster & McAdoo, 1996). On the other hand, nonsupportive NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

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links between microsystems can spell trouble. For example, when peer groups devalue academic learning, they often undermine scholastic performance, despite the best efforts of parents and teachers to encourage academic achievement (Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992).

exosystem social systems that children and adolescents do not directly experience but that may nonetheless influence their development; the third of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental layers or contexts.

macrosystem the larger cultural or subcultural context in which development occurs; Bronfenbrenner’s outermost environmental layer or context.

chronosystem in ecological systems theory, changes in the individual or the environment that occur over time and influence the direction development takes.

The exosystem Bronfenbrenner’s third environmental layer, or exosystem, consists of contexts that children and adolescents are not a part of but that may nevertheless influence their development. For example, parents’ work environments are an exosystem influence. Children’s emotional relationships at home may be influenced considerably by whether or not their parents enjoy their work (Greenberger, O’Neil, & Nagel, 1994). Similarly, children’s experiences in school may be affected by their exosystem—by a new curriculum plan adopted by the school board, or by a factory closing in their community that results in a decline in the school’s revenue. The Macrosystem Bronfenbrenner also stresses that development occurs in a macrosystem—that is, a cultural, subcultural, or social class context in which microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems are embedded. The macrosystem is really a broad, overarching ideology that dictates (among other things) how children should be treated, what they should be taught, and the goals for which they should strive. Of course, these values differ across cultures (and subcultures and social classes) and can greatly influence the kinds of experiences children have in their homes, neighbourhoods, schools, and all other contexts that affect them, directly or indirectly. To cite one example, the incidence of child abuse in families (a microsystem experience) is much lower in those cultures (or macrosystems) that discourage physical punishment of children and advocate nonviolent ways of resolving interpersonal conflict (Belsky, 1993; Levinson, 1989). The Chronosystem Finally, Bronfenbrenner’s model includes a temporal dimension, or chronosystem, which emphasizes that changes in the child or in any of the ecological contexts of development can affect the direction that development is likely to take. For instance, the invention of smartphones and the widespread use of mobile technology has dramatically changed how children learn, play, and interact with others. These changes potentially affect children’s cognitive, social, emotional, and physical development (Lysenko & Abrami, 2014; Wood et al., 2016). The concept of the chronosystem also relates to the fact that effects of the environment change depending on the age of the child. For example, even though a divorce hits hard at youngsters of all ages, younger children are more likely than adolescents to experience the guilt feelings that they were the cause of the breakup (Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992).

Family and the Ecological Systems Theory

family social system the complex network of relationships, interactions, and patterns of influence that characterize a family with three or more members.

Today, developmental theorists often adopt a systems view derived from Bronfenbrenner’s model to understand the importance of families to developing children. To say that a family is a social system means that the family, much like the human body, is a holistic structure. It consists of interrelated parts, each of which affects and is affected by every other part. Families are complex social systems, and they are also are dynamic, or changing, systems. Consider that every family member is a developing individual and that relationships between adult partners, parent and child, and sibling and sibling will also change in ways that can influence the development of each family member (Klein & White, 1996). So the family is not only a system in which developmental change takes place; its dynamics also change with development of its members.

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58 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

The social systems perspective also emphasizes that all families are embedded within larger cultural and subcultural contexts and that the ecological niche a family occupies (e.g., the family’s religion, its socioeconomic status, and the values that prevail within a subculture, a community, or even a neighbourhood) can affect family interactions and the development of a family’s children (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Taylor, Clayton, & Rowley, 2004). Examining development using a family systems model revolutionized developmental psychology and opened our eyes to the complexity of developmental change.

Contributions and Criticisms of the Ecological Systems Theory The ecological perspective provides a much richer description of environment (and environmental influences) than anything offered by learning theorists. Each of us functions in particular microsystems that are linked by a mesosystem and embedded in the larger contexts of an exosystem and a macrosystem. It makes little sense to ecological theorists to try to study environmental influences in contrived laboratory contexts. Instead, they argue that only by observing transactions between developing children and their ever-changing natural settings will we understand how individuals influence and are influenced by their environments.

CONCePT CHeCK

2.2

Cognitive-Developmental, Ethological, Evolutionary, and Ecological Systems Theories

Check your understanding of the cognitive-developmental viewpoints (Piaget’s theory, information-processing perspectives), the ethological and evolutionary viewpoints, and the ecological systems viewpoint by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Matching: Match the theoretical viewpoint to its descrip-

tion by selecting the theory’s title. Choose from the following options: a. b. c. d. e.

Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory information-processing theory ethology and evolutionary theories ecological systems theory Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory 1. Theory claiming that children are “prepared” to display adaptive patterns of development, provided that they receive appropriate kinds of environmental inputs at the most appropriate times. 2. Theory claiming that children actively construct knowledge, which has stimulated discovery-based educational programs. 3. Theory claiming that the natural environment that influences a developing child is a complex interlocking set of contexts that influence and are influenced by the child. 4. Theory claiming that the developing human mind is a system that operates on stimulus input to convert it to output—inferences, solutions, etc. _____ 5. Theory claiming that cognitive growth is socially mediated and that there are no universal cognitive stages.

Fill in the blank: Complete the following sentences by filling

in the blanks with the appropriate word or phrase.

6. Piaget proposed that children use the processes of ________ and ________ to resolve disequilibriums and help them adapt to their environments. 7. The evolutionary perspective argues that certain adaptive characteristics in humans are most likely to develop during ________, provided that the environment fosters this development. Short answer: Provide a brief answer to the following

questions.

8. List and provide an example of each of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory’s interacting contexts or systems. 9. Dr. Helpful has been asked to create a lesson plan for the local elementary school. She bases her lesson plan on the theoretical viewpoint that she adheres to in her research. Her view is that children learn best when they are given challenges to solve through their own trial and error and that children should be encouraged to discover solutions to problems rather than just being told the answers in lecture format. Which theoretical position does Dr. Helpful adhere to? What type of lesson plan is she most likely to create? essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

10. After a divorce, children fare much better if their divorced parents can agree on how their children should be raised and support each other’s parenting efforts. Which developmental theory seems best suited to explaining this finding and how might it do so?

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

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Yet, despite its strengths, the ecological systems theory falls far short of being a complete account of human development. Even though it has been characterized as a bioecological model, it really has very little to say about specific biological contributors to development. The emphasis on complex transactions between developing persons and their ever-changing environments is both a strength and a weakness of ecological systems theory (Dixon & Lerner, 1992). Where are the normative patterns of development? Must we formulate different theories for persons from different environments—one for Thai women born in the 1940s and another for Indigenous women born in the 1990s? If unique individuals influence and are influenced by their unique environments, is each life span unique? In sum, the ecological systems theory may focus too heavily on ideographic aspects of change to ever provide a coherent normative portrait of human development; for this reason, it qualifies as an important complement to rather than a replacement for other developmental theories.

Themes in the Study of Human Development: Questions and Controversies Our review samples some of the many theories proposed about different aspects of human development. In the process of generating, testing, and confirming or disconfirming these theories, a very basic set of themes has emerged that nearly every theory addresses. Now that we have reviewed some of the specific theories in human development, it may be helpful to consider the themes that underlie most developmental science. You will recognize these themes from the review of theories. Let us look at three major issues on which developmental theories often disagree.

The Nature/Nurture Issue nature/nurture issue the debate among developmental theorists about the relative importance of biological predispositions (nature) and environmental influences (nurture) as determinants of human development.

Is human development primarily the result of nature (biological forces) or nurture (environmental forces)? Perhaps no theoretical controversy has been more heated than this nature/nurture issue. Here are two opposing viewpoints: Heredity and not environment is the chief maker of man. . . . Nearly all of the misery and nearly all of the happiness in the world are due not to environment. . . . The differences among men are due to differences in germ cells with which they were born. (Wiggam, 1923, p. 42) Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and my own specified world to bring them up in and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and train them to become any type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations, and race of his ancestors. There is no such thing as an inheritance of capacity, talent, temperament, mental constitution, and behavioral characteristics. (Watson, 1925, p. 82) Of course, there is a middle ground that is endorsed by many contemporary researchers who believe that the relative contributions of nature and nurture depend on the aspect of development in question. Moreover, they stress that all complex human attributes, such as intelligence, temperament, and personality, are the end products of a long and involved interplay between biological predispositions and environmental forces (Bornstein & Lamb, 2005; Garcia Coll, Bearer, & Lerner, 2003; Gottlieb, 2003; Lerner, 2002). No child will gain body height and weight without a biological predisposition to grow and the right nutrients provided by the environment. In the same way, no child will ever learn how to walk or to talk without biological foundations for doing so and environmental input. From this perspective, the nature/nurture issue is not a matter of how much genes and environmental factors contribute to children’s development. Rather, it is about how these two sets of influences interact with each other to produce developmental change.

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60 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

The Active/Passive Issue active/passive issue a debate among developmental theorists about whether children are active contributors to their own development or, rather, passive recipients of environmental influence.

Another topic of theoretical debate is the activity/passivity theme. Are children curious, active creatures who largely determine how agents of society treat them? Or are they passive souls on whom society fixes its stamp? Consider the implications of these opposing viewpoints. If we could show that children are extremely malleable—literally at the mercy of those who raise them—then perhaps individuals who turned out to be less than productive would be justified in suing their overseers for poor parenting. Indeed, one young man in the United States used this logic to bring a malfeasance suit against his parents. Perhaps you can anticipate the defence that the parents’ lawyer offered. Counsel argued that the parents had tried many strategies in an attempt to raise their child right but that he responded favourably to none of them. The implication is that this young man played an active role in determining how his parents treated him and is largely responsible for creating the climate in which he was raised. The active/passive theme goes beyond considering the child’s conscious choices and behaviours. That is, developmentalists consider a child active in development whenever any aspect of the child has an effect on the environment the child is experiencing. So a temperamentally difficult infant who challenges the patience of his loving but frustrated parents is actively influencing his development, even though he is not consciously choosing to be temperamentally difficult. Similarly, a preteen girl who has gone through the biological changes of puberty earlier than most of her classmates and friends did not choose this event. Nevertheless, the fact that she appears so much more mature than her peers is likely to have dramatic effects on the ways others treat her and the environment she experiences in general. Recent debates in Canada about who is financially responsible for acts of vandalism perpetrated by children echo the theoretical active/passive debates. Some have argued that parents should pay restitution. The assumption is that the parents have “control” and are responsible for their child’s behaviour. Others argue that the child acts independently and is responsible for his or her own actions. Which of these perspectives do you consider more reasonable? Even if children do not choose certain behaviours and do not directly influence others’ reactions, they are active in a third sense in that they interpret the world that surrounds them and try to make sense of it in the best possible way. Bandura’s cognitive social learning theory illustrates this form of activity. Children need to actively process others’ behaviour in order to model it. Lerner (2002) aptly wrote that “an organism does not just sit passively, and wait for maturation and experience to interact in order for its behavior to develop, and certainly does not just passively wait for the environment to stimulate it to respond” (p. 162). Rather, children actively contribute to their development. They do so by (1) interpreting their physical or social environment their own way, (2) by triggering reactions in others, and (3) by setting goals and making decisions.

The Continuity/Discontinuity Issue continuity/discontinuity issue a debate among theorists about whether developmental changes are quantitative and continuous, or qualitative and discontinuous (i.e., stagelike).

Think for a moment about developmental change. Do you think that the changes we experience occur very gradually? Or would you say that these changes are rather abrupt? On one side of this continuity/discontinuity issue are continuity theorists who view human development as an additive process that occurs gradually and continuously, without sudden changes. They might represent the course of developmental change with a smooth growth curve like the one in Figure 2.4(a). On the other hand, discontinuity theorists, such as Robbie Case, describe the road to maturity as a series of abrupt changes, each of which elevates the child to a new and presumably more advanced level of functioning. These levels, or “stages,” are represented by the steps of the discontinuous growth curve in Figure 2.4(b). Case (1992) referred to these steps as similar to a “staircase,” with each step representing a leap from the step that preceded it (see Chapter 8 for more discussion of Case’s work). NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development (b) Discontinuous development

Maturity

Maturity

Immaturity

Immaturity

Developmental attribute

(a) Continuous development

61

Infancy

Adulthood Age

Infancy

Adulthood Age

Figure 2.4 The course of development as described by continuity and discontinuity (stage) theorists.

positional stability stability of an individual’s relative position in a group of people with regard to a psychological characteristic. absolute stability no change in a person’s attribute over the course of development. quantitative change incremental change in degree without sudden transformations; for example, some view the small yearly increases in height and weight that 2- to 11-year-olds display as quantitative developmental changes. qualitative change a change in kind that makes individuals fundamentally different than they were before; the transformation of a prelinguistic infant into a language user is viewed by many as a qualitative change in communication skills. developmental stage distinct phase within a larger sequence of development; a period characterized by a particular set of abilities, motives, behaviours, or emotions that occur together and form a coherent pattern. holistic nature of development awareness that development is a holistic process even when being studied as a segmented, separate process.

For researchers who emphasize continuity in the developmental process, it is very important to distinguish different forms continuity or stability. Think of the way babies behave in comparison to adults. Almost every behaviour we observe is different. Thus, absolute stability of behaviour is quite rare. However, some aspects of children’s behaviour may not change. For instance, those babies who are highly irritable and cry frequently compared to other babies may end up being low in emotional stability as adults. This aspect of continuity is called positional stability. Children may keep their positions relative to others with regard to a psychological attribute even though this attribute changes considerably over the course of development. Thus, absolute stability (meaning no change) needs to be distinguished from positional stability. For instance, aggressiveness is known as a personality attribute with high positional stability even though it strongly declines over the childhood years and shows little absolute stability. Another aspect of the continuity/discontinuity issue centres on whether developmental changes are quantitative or qualitative in nature. Quantitative changes are changes in degree or amount. For example, children grow taller and run a little faster with each passing year; they also acquire more and more knowledge about the world around them. Qualitative changes are changes in form or kind—changes that make the individual fundamentally different in some way than he or she was earlier. The transformation of a tadpole into a frog is a qualitative change. Similarly, an infant, who lacks language, may be qualitatively different from a preschooler who speaks well. Continuity theorists generally think that developmental changes are basically quantitative in nature, whereas discontinuity theorists tend to portray development as a sequence of qualitative changes. Discontinuity theorists claim that we progress through developmental stages, each of which is a distinct phase of life characterized by a particular set of abilities, emotions, motives, or behaviours that form a coherent pattern. These, then, are the major developmental controversies that theories resolve in different ways. You may wish to clarify your own stand on these issues by completing the brief questionnaire in Concept Check 2.3.

The Holistic Nature of Development Issue The final major theme, the holistic nature of development, is the awareness that development is a holistic process even when being studied as a segmented, separate process. Current understanding emphasizes that different aspects of human development, such as cognition, personality, social development, and biological development, are interrelated and influence each other as the child matures. All areas of development are interdependent and one cannot truly understand developmental change in one area without at least a passing knowledge of what is happening developmentally in other areas of the child’s life.

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62 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

CONCePT CHeCK

2.3

Theories and Themes in Human Development

In this concept check, you will identify your own views on the four basic themes in studying human development. You will also be able to check your understanding of the role of theories and themes in the developmental sciences. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Survey: Where do you stand on major developmental

themes? Answer each of the following multiple-choice questions by selecting the answer that most reflects your own views about development. 1. Biological influences (heredity, maturation) and environmental influences (culture, parenting styles, schools, and peers) both contribute to development. Overall, however: a. Biological factors contribute more than environmental factors. b. Biological and environmental factors are equally important. c. Environmental factors contribute more than biological factors. 2. Children and adolescents are a. active beings who play a major role in determining their own developmental outcomes b. passive beings whose developmental outcomes largely reflect the influences of other people and circumstances beyond their control 3. Development proceeds a. through distinct stages so that the individual changes abruptly into a quite different kind of person than he or she was at an earlier stage b. continuously, in small increments without abrupt changes 4. Various aspects of child development, such as cognitive, social, and biological development, a. are basically distinct and interact little with each other in the course of the child’s development b. are interrelated, with each area of development having effects upon the other areas of Theory

Active vs. Passive Child

Continuous vs. Discontinuous Development

development so that we cannot seriously consider one aspect without also addressing the other areas of development Matching: Match the term to its definition.

a. capable of making explicit predictions about future events so that the theory can be supported or disconfirmed b. builds on existing knowledge by continuing to generate testable hypotheses that may lead to a deeper understanding of the phenomena of interest c. uses a small number of principles to explain a large range of phenomena 5. heuristic 6. parsimonious 7. falsifiable Identification: Use your understanding of the basic themes in studying human development to identify the following researcher’s views. Dr. Damone is a child psychologist. She believes that all children in the world go through the same distinct phases of intellectual development. However, she also believes in individual differences among children. She thinks that very smart parents will have the smartest children, even if the children are raised by undereducated nannies. She thinks the children’s intelligence will show through as long as they have many puzzles to solve and other challenges to master on their own. Dr. Damone believes in

8. a. b. 9. a. b. 10. a. b.

nature nurture the active child the passive child continuous development discontinuous development

Special Study Session: Create a table to describe the philo-

sophical underpinnings of each theory you’ve learned about in this chapter. Use the following grid to organize your information:

Nature vs. Nurture

Holistic Nature of Development

World View

Your Viewpoint

To maximize your learning of this material, consider your own views and create examples that you can draw upon from your own observations of children.

Theories and World Views Now that we have completed our survey of the major theories of human development and the major controversies, how might we compare them? One way is to group the theories into even grander categories, as each is grounded in a broader set of philosophical assumptions, or world view. By examining the fundamental assumptions that underlie NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

mechanistic model view of children as passive entities whose developmental paths are primarily determined by external (environmental) influences. organismic model view of children as active entities whose developmental paths are primarily determined by forces from within themselves.

contextual model view of children as active entities whose developmental paths represent a continuous, dynamic interplay between internal forces (nature) and external influences (nurture).

63

different theories, we can perhaps better appreciate just how deeply some of their disagreements run. Early developmental theories adopted either of two broad world views (Overton, 1984). The mechanistic model compares people to machines by viewing them as (1) a collection of parts (behaviours) that can be decomposed, much as machines can be taken apart piece by piece; (2) passive, changing mostly in response to outside influences, much as machines depend on external energy sources to operate; and (3) changing gradually or continuously as their parts (specific behaviour patterns) are added or subtracted. By contrast, the organismic model compares people to other living organisms by viewing them as (1) whole beings who cannot be understood as a simple collection of parts; (2) active in the developmental process, changing under the guidance of internal forces (such as instincts or maturation); and (3) evolving through distinct (discontinuous) stages as they mature. Which theorists have adopted which model? Clearly, learning theorists such as Watson and Skinner favour the mechanistic world view, for they see human beings as passively shaped by environmental events and they analyze human behaviour response by response. Bandura’s social learning theory is primarily mechanistic, yet it reflects the important organismic assumption that human beings are active creatures who both influence and are influenced by their environments. By contrast, cognitive-developmentalists from the Piagetian tradition base theories primarily on the organismic model: given some nourishment from their surroundings, people will progress through discontinuous steps or stages, directed largely by forces lying within themselves, much as seeds evolve into blooming plants. Finally, ethologists also portray humans as active, holistic beings with biological predispositions that channel or guide development. However, they are less inclined than other organismic theorists to view the course of development as discontinuous, or stagelike. Another broad world view, the contextual model, has recently emerged as the perspective that many developmentalists favour (Bornstein & Lamb, 2005; Lerner, 1996). The contextual model views development as the product of a dynamic interplay between person and environment. People are assumed to be active in the developmental process (as in the organismic model), and the environment is active as well (as in the mechanistic model). Development may have both universal aspects and aspects peculiar to certain cultures, times, or individuals. The potential exists for both qualitative and quantitative change, and development may proceed along many different paths, depending on the intricate interplay between the individual and the environment. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory adopts a contextual word view and assumes that humans are heavily influenced by many environmental contexts. Yet he is clearly aware that children and adolescents are active biological beings who change as they mature and whose behaviours and biologically influenced attributes influence the very environments that are influencing their development. So development is viewed as the product of a truly dynamic interplay between the individual and an ever-changing active environment, and it is on this basis that the ecological systems approach qualifies as a contextual theory. Yet, as mentioned above, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory falls short of providing a complete account of human development as it has very little to say about biological contributors to development (Dixon & Lerner, 1992). Thus, as a contextualist theory, it tends to neglect biological factors that contribute to development.

The Developmental Systems View It seems that the mechanistic, organismic, and contextual world views, despite their differences, have one feature in common: each one of these world views focuses on just one or two factors but neglects a third one (Krettenauer, 2013). Mechanistic theories deny the importance of the active individual in the developmental process, organismic theories neglect the influence of the environment in shaping the course of development, and NEL

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64 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences Social systems (e.g., micro-, meso-, exo-, and macrosystems) Psychological systems (e.g., cognition, emotion, action) Biological systems (e.g., genes, gene expression, brain activity) Development

Figure 2.5 The developmental systems view assumes ongoing bidirectional influences between biological, psychological, and social systems that shape the course of individual development.

developmental systems view view that the developmental process results from continuing interactions between biological, psychological, and social factors.

contextual theories fall short of considering biological factors. In this way, all three world views are limited and restrict our understanding of the developmental process. Developmental psychologists have become increasingly aware that all three factors need to be considered simultaneously for establishing a comprehensive account of development. This view has been described as a developmental systems view (Lerner, 2002). Following this view, the developmental process results from continuing interactions between biological factors (e.g., gene expression, brain activity, hormone levels), psychological factors (e.g., perception, emotion, cognition), and social factors (e.g., characteristics of microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems, and macrosystems). Biological factors influence psychological factors, and vice versa. Psychological factors (e.g., the temperamental characteristics of a child) influence social systems (e.g., relationship quality with caregiver) and the other way round. Thus, biological, psychological, and social factors form a co-active system that make development possible (see Figure 2.5). For example, from a developmental systems view, it is assumed that gross-motor development (e.g., walking) results from the combination of various skills the child develops over time (e.g., the combination of kicking legs, rocking on all fours, and reaching with arms results in crawling). New motor skills are first clumsy and need constant practising for further refinement. The emergence and practising of motor skills is part of the child’s goal-directed activity and is motivated by the desire to explore and master the environment. Without these goal-directed activities, the child would never learn how to walk. Thus, from a dynamic systems view, motor development is not hardwired into the nervous system. Instead, behaviours are softly assembled as infants constantly recombine actions they can perform into new and more complex action systems that help them to achieve their goals. This theoretical view has important applied implications. In the past, scholars often were either overly optimistic or pessimistic about the prospects of optimizing children’s development by training and intervention. Recall John Watson’s bold optimism, when saying that he would be able to train any child to become any type of specialist we may select. By contrast, maturation theorists emphasized that intervention is futile and maybe even harmful to the child. As Arnold Gesell (1880–1961), a leading pediatrician and professor for pedagogy at Yale University, wrote: It is the hereditary ballast which conserves and stabilizes the growth of each individual infant. … If it did not exist the infant would be a victim of a malleability which is sometimes romantically ascribed to him. His mind, his spirit, his personality would fall a ready prey to disease, to starvation, to malnutrition, and worst of all to misguided management. (Gesell, 1928, p. 378) From a developmental systems view, there is no need to be overly optimistic or pessimistic about the prospects to intervene in children’s course of development. In fact, this polarization is misleading. Instead of asking if intervention is possible, we should pose five interrelated “what” questions (Lerner 2006): 1. 2.

What attributes (?) of What individual children (?) in relation to NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

3. 4. 5.

65

What contextual/ecological conditions (?), at What point in time (?) can promote What instances of positive development (?).

Once developmental psychologists are able to answer these five interrelated questions, they have all the knowledge required to design effective intervention and training programs for optimizing children’s development. At this point, the famous quote ascribed to Kurt Lewin that “There is nothing as practical as a good theory” will come true.

SUMMaRY The Nature of Scientific Theories ■■ A theory is a set of concepts and propositions that describe and explain observations. Good theories are ●■ Parsimonious (concise and yet applicable to a wide range of phenomena) ●■ Falsifiable ●■ Heuristic (they build on existing knowledge by continuing to generate testable hypotheses, leading to new discoveries and important practical applications) Psychoanalytic Theories ■■ The psychoanalytic perspective originated with Sigmund Freud’s psychosexual theory, with the basic tenets ●■ People are driven by inborn sexual and aggressive instincts that must be controlled. ●■ People’s behaviour was said to reflect unconscious motives that people repress. ■■ Freud proposed five stages of psychosexual development: oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital. ■■ During development, three components of personality, the id, ego, and superego, become integrated. ■■ Erik Erikson’s psychosocial theory extended Freud’s theory by ●■ Concentrating less on the sex instinct ●■ Concentrating more on important sociocultural determinants of human development ●■ Arguing that people progress through a series of eight psychosocial conflicts ■■ The conflicts begin with “trust versus mistrust” in infancy and conclude with “integrity versus despair” in old age. ■■ Each conflict must be resolved in favour of the positive trait (trust, for example) for healthy development. learning Theories ■■ The learning viewpoint, or behaviourism, originated with John B. Watson and ●■ Viewed infants as a tabula rasa who develop habits as a result of their learning experiences ●■ Viewed development as a continuous process that could proceed in many different directions, depending on the kinds of environments to which a person is exposed

●■ Viewed the environment as responsible for the direction of individuals’ development ■■ B.F. Skinner proposed operant learning theory, which ●■ Claimed that development reflects the operant conditioning of children, who are passively shaped by the reinforcers and punishments that accompany their behaviours ■■ Albert Bandura proposed cognitive social learning theory, which views children as active information processors who quickly develop many new habits through observational learning.

Cognitive-Developmental Theories Jean Piaget pioneered the cognitive-developmental viewpoint, which ●■ Views children as active explorers who construct cognitive schemes ■■ The processes of assimilation and accommodation enable children to resolve disequilibriums and adapt successfully to their environments. ■■ Piaget described cognitive development as an invariant developmental sequence of four stages: ●■ Sensorimotor ●■ Preoperational ●■ Concrete-operational ●■ Formal-operational ■■ The child’s stage of cognitive development determines how she will interpret various events and, thus, what she learns from her experiences. ■■

Sociocultural Theories Lev Vygotsky proposed the sociocultural theory, which ●■ Views cognitive growth as a socially mediated activity ●■ Views cognitive growth as heavily influenced by culture ■■ Children also more easily master tasks that are within the children’s zone of proximal development. ■■

Information-Processing Theories Information-processing perspectives were adapted to explain cognitive development. ■■

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66

Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences

The information-processing theory views the mind as a complex symbol-manipulating system. ■■ Information flows into the system, is operated on, and is converted to output (answers, inferences, and solutions). ■■ Cognitive development is viewed as continuous rather than stagelike. ■■ Children and adolescents gradually become better at ●■ Attending to information ●■ Remembering and retrieving it ●■ Formulating strategies to solve problems they face ■■

ethological and evolutionary Theories The ethological or evolutionary viewpoint ●■ Views humans as born with a number of adaptive attributes that have evolved through natural selection ●■ Says that adaptive attributes channel development to promote survival ●■ Argues that adaptive characteristics are most likely to develop during sensitive periods, provided that the environment fosters this development ●■ Emphasizes that humans’ biologically influenced attributes affect the kind of learning experiences they are likely to have

■■

ecological Systems Theory Urie Bronfenbrenner proposed the ecological systems theory, which ●■ Views development as the product of transactions between an ever-changing person and an ever-changing environment ■■ Bronfenbrenner proposes that the natural environment actually consists of interacting contexts or systems: ●■ Microsystem ●■ Mesosystem ●■ Exosystem ●■ Macrosystem ●■ Chronosystem ■■

This detailed analysis of person–environment interactions has stimulated many new interventions to optimize development. ■■

Themes in the Study of Human Development: Questions and Controversies ■■ Theories of human development differ with respect to their stands on four basic themes: ●■ Is development primarily determined by nature or nurture? ●■ Are humans actively or passively involved in their development? ●■ Is development a quantitative and continuous process or a qualitative and discontinuous process? ●■ Is the holistic nature of the developmental process acknowledged?

Theories and World Views Theories can be grouped according to the world views that underlie them. ■■ As developmentalists have come to appreciate the incredible complexity and diversity of human development, more of them favour a contextual model that ●■ Accounts for the complexity and diversity of human development ■■ The mechanistic world view ●■ Sees humans as machines and the sum of their parts ●■ Is preferred by learning theorists ■■ The organismic world view ●■ Sees humans as entities that are more complex than the sum of their parts ●■ Is preferred by stage theorists ■■ The developmental systems view proposes that the developmental process results from continuing interactions between biological, psychological, and social factors. ■■

KeY TeRMS theory, 36

fixation, 39

accommodation, 48

sensitive period, 53

parsimony, 37

psychosocial theory, 40

disequilibriums, 48

evolutionary theory, 53

falsifiability, 37

behaviourism, 42 habits, 42

invariant developmental sequence, 48

ecological systems theory, 55

heuristic value, 37 psychosexual theory, 38

reinforcer, 43

sociocultural theory, 50

mesosystem, 56

unconscious motives, 38

punisher, 43

exosystem, 57

repression, 38

operant learning, 43

zone of proximal development, 50

drives, 38

observational learning, 43

chronosystem, 57

id, 38

cognitive development, 46

information-processing theory, 50

ego, 38

scheme, 47

superego, 38

assimilation, 48

ethology, 52 natural selection, 52

microsystem, 55

macrosystem, 57 family social system, 57 nature/nurture issue, 59 active/passive issue, 60 NEL

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Chapter 2 | Theories of Human Development

67

continuity/discontinuity issue, 60

quantitative change, 61 qualitative change, 61

holistic nature of development, 61

organismic model, 63

positional stability, 61

developmental stage, 61

mechanistic model, 63

developmental systems view, 64

absolute stability, 61

contextual model, 63

aNSWeRS TO CONCePT CHeCK Concept Check 2.1 1. a. conscious drives and motivations

Concept Check 2.3 1. Your view on the nature versus nurture issue is

2. b. Erikson’s

a nature

3. c. begin to train their children at birth and not coddle their children in order to instill good habits in the children

b both

4. c. consequence that strengthens a response and increases the likelihood that it will recur 5. a. the freely emitted response that produces a result to influence learning 6. b. the consequence that suppresses a response and decreases the likelihood that it will recur

c nurture 2. Your view on the active versus passive issue is a active b passive 3. Your view on the continuity versus discontinuity issue is

7. True

a discontinuity

8. True

b continuity

Concept Check 2.2 1. c. ethology 2. a. Piaget’s cognitive-developmental theory

4. Your view on the holistic versus distinct aspects of development is a distinct b holistic

3. d. ecological systems theory

5. b

4. b. information-processing theory

6. c

5. e. Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory

7. a

6. assimilation; accommodation

8. a. nature

7. sensitive periods

9. a. the active child 10. b. discontinuous development

NEL

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3

Hereditary Influences on Development

C genotype genetic endowment that an individual inherits phenotype the ways in which a person’s genotype is expressed in observable or measurable characteristics

epigenetics dynamic operation that changes a gene without altering the DNA sequence

an you remember when you were first introduced to the concept of heredity? Although the idea of heredity may seem straightforward, this concept is sometimes a difficult one to understand. The challenges in presenting this information in a clear way became evident when one of us tried to explain it to her 4-year-old. How would you explain genetics to a 4-year-old? What worked was telling the child that all of us have “instructions” that make our bodies work and that these “instructions” are given to us from our parents. Unfortunately, providing such a simple explanation worked against the mother when the child asked, “What’s wrong with your instructions?” when she made a mistake! This chapter approaches human development from a hereditary perspective, seeking to determine how one’s genotype (the genes that a person inherits) is expressed as a phenotype (a person’s observable or measurable characteristics). First, we will explore how hereditary information is transmitted from parents to their children and how the mechanics of heredity make us unique individuals. Then we will review the evidence for hereditary contributions to such important psychological attributes as intelligence, personality, mental health, learning difficulties, and patterns of behaviour. This evidence implies that many of our most noteworthy phenotypic characteristics are partly influenced by the genes passed to us by our parents. Next, we will examine the biggest lesson from this chapter: that genes, by themselves, determine less than you might imagine. As we will see, most complex human characteristics are the result of a long and involved interplay between the forces of nature (heredity), biology (cell environments), and nurture (environment external to the body) (Anastasi, 1958; Brown, 1999; Plomin, DeFries, McClearn, & McGuffin, 2001). Finally, we will look at a mechanism of gene and environment interactions—epigenetics—and see how genes can be altered, sometimes into the next generation!

Principles of Hereditary Transmission conception the moment of fertilization, when a sperm penetrates an ovum, forming a zygote.

68

To understand the workings of heredity, we must start at conception, the moment when an ovum released by a woman’s ovary and on its way to the uterus via the fallopian tube is fertilized by a man’s sperm. Once we establish what is inherited at conception, we can examine the mechanisms by which genes influence the characteristics we display. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 69

The Genetic Material

US National Library of Medicine

The very first development that occurs after conception is protective: when a sperm cell penetrates the lining of the ovum, 1 2 3 4 5 a biochemical reaction repels other sperm, thus preventing them from repeating the fertilization process. Within a few hours, the one sperm delivers its genetic material, which fuses 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 with the ovum’s genetic material. This new cell, called a zygote, is only 1/20th the size of the head of a pin. Yet this tiny cell contains the biochemical material for the zygote’s develop13 14 15 16 17 18 ment from a single cell into a recognizable human being. What hereditary material is present in a human zygote? 19 20 21 22 X Y The new cell nucleus contains 46 threadlike bodies called chromosomes, each of which consists of thousands of Autosomes Sex chromosomes chemical sequences, or genes—the basic units of heredity— Figure 3.1 A representation (karyotype) showing paternal (on left the majority of which make a single protein (Brown, 1999). of each pair) and maternal (on right of each pair) chromosomes Proteins in our cells are the “molecules of life” and have several arranged in corresponding pairs. Note that the chromosomes in a important functions, including the regulation of genes. karyotype (picture) have been arranged by hand—they are not in With one exception that we will soon discuss, chroneat rows like this in an actual cell. mosomes come in matching pairs of maternal and paternal chromosomes (see Figure 3.1). Each member of a pair corresponds to the other in size, zygote shape, and the hereditary functions it serves. One member of each chromosome pair a single cell formed at conception comes from the mother’s ovum and the other from the father’s sperm cell. Thus, each from the union of a sperm and an parent contributes 23 chromosomes to each of their children. Brothers and sisters who ovum. have the same mother and father inherit 23 chromosomes from each of these parents. chromosome Why is it, then, that offspring of the same parents sometimes barely resemble each a threadlike structure of DNA that is other? We will answer this fascinating question later. made up of genes; in humans there Genes are actually stretches of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA)—DNA molecules are 46 chromosomes (23 pairs) in the provide the chemical basis for development (see Figure 3.2). DNA has two strands comnucleus of each body cell. prising complementary base pairs. This is why DNA takes the shape of a “double helix” gene molecule resembling a twisted ladder. hereditary instruction(s) for A unique feature of DNA is that it can duplicate itself. The rungs of this ladder-like development that are transmitted from generation to generation. molecule split in the middle, opening somewhat like a zipper. Then each remaining half of the molecule guides the replication of its missing parts. This special ability of DNA to repdeoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) licate itself is what makes it possible for a one-celled zygote to develop into a marvellously long, double-stranded molecules that make up chromosomes complex human being (see the relation between DNA and chromosome in Figure 3.3). DNA is packed together as cells duplicate. Fortunately for us, this also makes the individual base pairs chromosomes easier to see (with the help of a microscope). complementary bases found on opposing sides or rungs of the double helix Cell Nucleus Chromosome P arm

Mark Wiener/Alamy Stock Photo

Centromere

Figure 3.2 An illustration of very short length of the DNA double helix.

DNA Q arm

Sugar-phosphate backbone Sister chromatids

Gene

Cytosine Guanine Adenine Thymine

Figure 3.3 Unpacking a chromosome down to its DNA double helix.

NEL

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70 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Growth of the Zygote and Production of Body Cells mitosis the process in which a cell duplicates its chromosomes and then divides into two genetically identical daughter cells. chromatid an original or a duplicate of a chromosome.

gonads sexual organs that produce germ cells; testes in males and ovaries in females. meiosis the process in which a germ cell divides, producing gametes (sperm or ova) that each contain half of the parent cell’s original complement of chromosomes; in humans, the products of meiosis contain 23 chromosomes.

As the zygote moves through the fallopian tube toward its prenatal home in the uterus, it begins to replicate itself through the process of mitosis. At first, the zygote divides into two cells, but the two soon become four, four become eight, eight become 16, and so on. Just before each division, the cell duplicates its 46 chromosomes into 46 chromatid pairs (the original and its identical duplicate). These duplicate sets align in the middle of the cell (see left-hand side of Figure 3.4). The division of the cell then proceeds with each of the two strands that make the chromosome (i.e., chromatid) moving to opposite ends of the cell until it splits into two new, daughter cells. (Note that “daughter” is the traditional way of referring to a newly formed cell and is not an indication of biological sex.) Mitosis produces cells that contain the identical 23 pairs of chromosomes (46 chromosomes in all) and thus the same genetic material as the original cell. This remarkable process is illustrated on the left-hand side of Figure 3.4. By the time a child is born, he or she consists of billions of cells, created through mitosis. Mitosis continues throughout life, generating identical cells that enable growth and replacing old cells that are damaged. Although genetically identical, the cells begin to differentiate based on the internal content of non-DNA material in the cell, the location of the cell relative to other cells, and the instructions in DNA that determine what type of cell is made at what time point in development. Nerve cells and muscle cells, for example, differentiate relatively early, whereas lung cells form later. Thus, each cell contains the same genetic material, but only uses what it needs; for example, a muscle cell will only use the genetic material for muscle in that cell and “ignores” other genes.

Mitosis

Germlines

Meiosis

In addition to body cells, human beings have germ cells that serve one special hereditary function—to produce gametes (sperm in males and ova in females). Once the gonads are formed—testes in human males and ovaries in females— gametes develop through a different type of cell reproduction called meiosis. Although similar to mitosis, meiosis follows some different processes (see Figure 3.4 to see a comparison of mitosis and meiosis). Meiosis enables the formation of unique sex gametes. Only the germ cells reproduce through meiosis and they are essential to continue family lineage. Let’s explore this process in more detail.

Parent cell (before chromosome replication)

2n

n

n

Figure 3.4 A comparison of mitosis and meiosis.

n

n

ttsz/iStock

2n

Production of Gametes through Meiosis As in mitosis of non-germ cells, a germ cell first duplicates its 46 chromosomes. In contrast to mitosis, however, the corresponding maternal and paternal chromosome pairs line up together. The pairs then undergo an event called crossing-over: adjacent maternal and paternal chromatids “cross” and break at one or more points along their length, exchanging segments of genetic material with their homologue (matched maternal and paternal pair; see Figure 3.5, which illustrates the crossing-over process). This process is random; thus, this transfer of genes during crossing-over creates new and unique hereditary combinations. Another unique aspect is that the chromosomes align in pairs from the top to bottom of the cell (recall that in mitosis the NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 71 Homologous chromosomes aligned

Chromosome crossover

Recombinant chromatids

Non-recombinant chromatids

Figure 3.5 Detail on the process of crossing over. Genes from a maternal chromosome “cross over” to the paternal chromosome, and vice versa. Note that the 23rd pair of chromosomes for the male consists of one elongated X chromosome and a Y chromosome that is noticeably smaller, whereas the 23rd pair for the female consists of two X chromosomes. WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Try this for yourself. Do you have siblings? Are you similar to each other? In what ways are you different? Think about the processes that led to the attributes that you inherited versus those of a sibling. If you do not have siblings, then think about families you know where there are siblings. crossing-over a process in which genetic material is exchanged between maternal and paternal homologues during meiosis. homologue an equivalent chromosome that is inherited from a mother and a father; in humans, we have 22 homologues and one X-Y pair. independent assortment the principle stating that each maternal and paternal pair of chromosomes independently segregates from all other chromosome pairs during meiosis.

chromosomes align in single file; see the left hand side of Figure 3.4). Each pair is then segregated into two new cells. Each new cell will get a random maternal or paternal homologue for a total of 46 chromosomes but they will not be identical. Finally, the two new cells also divide, producing four daughter cells, each containing an independent assortment of 23 single, or unpaired, chromosomes. Each cell is unique and can now form a gamete (in testes, sperm; in ovaries, eggs). At conception, then, a sperm with 23 chromosomes unites with an ovum with 23 chromosomes, producing a zygote with a full complement of 46 chromosomes (see the right-hand side of Figure 3.4 to see the full meiotic process).

Hereditary Uniqueness Let’s now return to our question about why siblings (with the same maternal and paternal chromosomes) are often quite different. The principle of independent assortment results in unique combinations of genetic material Because human germ cells contain 23 chromosome pairs, each of which is segregating independently of the others, the laws of probability tell us that each parent can produce 223—more than 8 million—different genetic combinations in his sperm or her ova. If a father can produce 8 million combinations of 23 chromosomes and a mother can produce 8 million, any couple could theoretically have 64 trillion babies without producing two children who inherited precisely the same set of genes!

Multiple Births The occurrence of twin births in Canada steadily rose from 20.0 per 1000 live births in 1991 to 28.3 in 2004, and continued to increase modestly between 2004 and 2007, to a high of 31.4 per 1000 in 2009 (Fell & Joseph, 2012). Much of this increase is a result of more sophisticated and readily available fertility treatments. There is one circumstance in which two people will share a genotype. Occasionally, a zygote will split into separate but identical cells, which then become two individuals. These are called monozygotic (or identical) twins because they have developed from a single zygote (“mono” means “single”) and have identical genes. About a third of all twin births are monozygotic twins. Because they are genetically identical, monozygotic twins should show very similar developmental progress if genes have much effect on human development.

LAWRENCE MIGDALE/Getty Images

monozygotic (or identical) twins twins who develop from a single zygote that later divides to form two genetically identical individuals.

Joshua Rainey Photography/Shutterstock

gametes germ cells; sperm in males, ova in females.

Identical, or monozygotic, twins (left) develop from a single zygote. Because they have inherited identical sets of genes, they look alike, are the same sex, and share all other inherited characteristics. NEL

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72 Part Two | Foundations of Development dizygotic (or fraternal) twins twins that result when a mother releases two ova at roughly the same time and each is fertilized by a different sperm, producing two zygotes that are genetically different.

More common are dizygotic (or fraternal) twins—pairs that result when a mother releases two ova at the same time and each is fertilized by a different sperm (Brockington, 1996). Even though fraternal twins are born together, they have no more genes in common than any other pair of siblings. Fraternal twins often differ considerably in appearance and need not even be the same sex.

Male or Female? autosomes the 22 pairs of human chromosomes that are identical in males and females. X chromosome the longer of the two sex chromosomes; most females have two X chromosomes, whereas most males have but one. Y chromosome the shorter of the two sex chromosomes; most males have one Y chromosome, whereas most females have none.

A hereditary basis for sex differences becomes clear if we examine the chromosomes of typical men and women. As shown in Figure 3.1, chromosomal portraits, or karyotypes, reveal that 22 of the 23 pairs of human chromosomes (called autosomes) are similar in males and females. Biological sex is determined by the 23rd pair (called the sex chromosomes). In males, the 23rd pair consists of one elongated body known as an X chromosome and a short, stubby companion called a Y chromosome. In females, both of these sex chromosomes are Xs. While all cells contain the sex chromosomes, their function in these cells is to adjust aspects of the phenotype to be more “masculine” or “feminine,” or they are turned off if they are not relevant. However, biological sex is determined only through the X and Y chromosomes in the gametes. Throughout history, mothers have often been belittled, tortured, divorced, and even beheaded for failing to bear their husbands a male heir! This is both a social and a biological injustice in that fathers determine the sex of their children. When the sex chromosomes of a genetic (XY) male segregate into gametes during meiosis, half of the sperm produced will contain an X chromosome and half will contain a Y chromosome. By contrast, the ova produced by a genetic (XX) female always carry an X chromosome. So a child’s sex is determined by whether an X-bearing or a Y-bearing sperm fertilizes the ovum. So far, so good; we have a genetically unique boy or girl who has inherited thousands of genes in all on his or her 46 chromosomes (Lemonick, 2001). Now an important question: how do genes influence development and a person’s phenotypic characteristics?

What Do Genes Do? How do genes promote development? At the most basic, biochemical level, they call for the production of amino acids, which form enzymes and other proteins that are necessary for the formation and functioning of new cells (Mehlman & Botkin, 1998). Genes produce proteins and the proteins can, for example, regulate the production of a pigment called melanin in the iris of the eye. People with brown eyes have genes that call for high levels of this pigment, whereas people with lighter (blue or green) eyes have genes that call for less pigmentation. As we will see later, however, a single gene is rarely responsible for a trait. Genes also guide cell differentiation, making some cells part of the brain and central nervous system, as well as other parts of the circulatory system, bones, skin, and so on. Genes influence and are influenced by the biochemical environment surrounding them during development. For example, a particular cell might become part of an eyeball or part of an elbow depending on what cells it communicates with during early embryonic development. Some genes are responsible for regulating the pace and timing of development. That is, specific genes are “turned on” or “turned off ” by other regulatory genes at different points in the life span (Plomin et al., 2001). Regulatory genes, for example, might “turn on” the genes responsible for the growth spurt we experience as adolescents and then shut these growth genes down in adulthood, or shut down eye cells when forming a liver cell. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 73

genome the complete set of our genes; the Human Genome Project sought to map and understand all the genes of human beings.

The Human Genome Project (HGP) was a publicly funded international research effort from 1990 to 2003 to sequence and map all of the human genes. All our genes together are known as our genome. A goal of this project was to better diagnose, treat, and prevent disease. In all, 18 countries, including Canada, participated in the project. To date, the HGP has provided a rough road map of the approximately 20 500 genes that make up the human genetic code (see www.genome.gov/12011238/an-overview-of -the-human-genome-project/), but scientists are far from understanding what most genes do and how they interact. By comparing the gene sequences of individuals with and without a disease, for example, it is possible to predict who might develop the disease and suggest ways that a disease could be treated or prevented.

How Important Are Environmental Influences? Simply knowing which genes, or combination of genes, correspond to a certain trait is not sufficient to understand how genes work. The external environment clearly influences how genes function (Gottlieb, 1996). Consider, for example, that a boy who inherits genes for tall stature may or may not be tall as an adult. Should he experience very poor nutrition for a prolonged period early in life, or any of the risks leading to inadvertent dwarfism, he could end up being only average or even below average in height, despite having the genetic potential for exceptional stature. So environmental influences combine with genetic influences to determine how a genotype is translated into a particular phenotype—the way a person looks, feels, thinks, and behaves. Some of the effects of the external environment are experienced by all humans and some are experienced by only some people. The former are called experienceexpectant interactions because we expect that everyone will be affected; the latter are called experience-dependent interactions because only those who have that experience may be affected (Greenough, Black, & Wallace, 2002; Johnson, 2005; Pennington, 2001). The most important point to take away from this discussion is the realization that genes do not simply “code” for human characteristics but that they interact with the environment at many levels to produce proteins that eventually influence human characteristics. Another way to approach the riddle of how genes influence development is to consider the major patterns of genetic inheritance: the ways in which parents’ genes are expressed in their children’s phenotypes.

How Do Phenotypes Develop through Genotypes? Sometimes human characteristics are determined by the actions of a single gene. Sometimes the characteristics are determined by the actions of many genes working together. There are three main patterns of genetic inheritance involving single genes: (1) simple dominant-recessive inheritance, (2) codominance, and (3) sex-linked inheritance. We will also look at polygenic (or multiple-gene) inheritance.

alleles alternative forms of a gene at a particular site on a chromosome.

Simple Dominant-Recessive Inheritance Individual human characteristics are influenced by only one pair of genes (called alleles), one from the mother, one from the father. Although he knew nothing of genes, a 19th-century monk named Gregor Mendel contributed greatly to our knowledge of single gene-pair inheritance by cross-breeding different strains of peas and observing the outcomes. His major discovery was a predictable pattern to the way in

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74 Part Two | Foundations of Development

simple dominant-recessive inheritance a pattern of inheritance in which one allele dominates another so that only the dominant phenotype is expressed. dominant allele a gene that is expressed phenotypically and masks the effect of a less powerful gene. recessive allele a less powerful gene that is not expressed phenotypically when paired with a dominant allele. homozygous having inherited two alleles for an attribute that are identical in their effects.

heterozygous having inherited two alleles for an attribute that have different effects.

carrier a heterozygous individual who displays no sign of a recessive allele in his or her own phenotype but can pass this gene to offspring.

codominance condition in which two heterozygous but equally powerful alleles produce a phenotype in which both genes are fully and equally expressed.

which two alternative characteristics appeared in the offspring of cross-breedings (e.g., smooth versus wrinkled seeds, green versus yellow pods). He called some characteristics (e.g., smooth seeds) “dominant” because they appeared more often in later generations than their opposite traits, which he called “recessive” traits. Among peas and among humans, an offspring’s phenotype often is not simply a “blend” of the characteristics of mother and father. Instead, one of the parental genes often dominates the other, and the child resembles the parent who contributed the dominant gene. To illustrate the principles of simple dominant-recessive inheritance, consider the fact that about three-quarters of us have the ability to see distant objects clearly (i.e., normal vision) whereas the remaining one-fourth of us cannot and are myopic (nearsighted). The gene associated with normal vision is a dominant allele. A weaker gene calling for nearsightedness is a recessive allele. So a person who inherits one allele for normal vision and one allele for myopia would display a phenotype of normal vision because the normal-vision gene overpowers (i.e., dominates) the nearsightedness gene. Because a normal-vision allele dominates a nearsightedness allele, we represent the normal-vision gene with a capital N and the nearsightedness gene with a lowercase n. Perhaps you can see that there are three possible genotypes for this visual characteristic: (1) two normal-vision alleles (NN), (2) two nearsightedness alleles (nn), and (3) one of each (Nn). People whose genotype for an attribute consists of two alleles of the same kind are said to be homozygous for that attribute. Thus, an NN individual is homozygous for normal vision and will pass only genes for normal vision to his or her children. An nn individual is homozygous for nearsightedness (the only way one can actually be nearsighted is to inherit two of these recessive alleles) and will pass nearsightedness genes to his or her children. Finally, an Nn individual is said to be heterozygous for this visual trait because he or she has inherited alternative forms of the allele. This person will have normal vision, because the N allele is dominant. And what kind of allele will the heterozygous person pass along to children? Either a normal-vision gene or a nearsightedness gene! Even though a heterozygous person has normal vision, exactly half the gametes produced by this individual will carry a gene for normal vision and half will carry a gene for nearsightedness. Can two individuals with normal vision ever produce a nearsighted child? The answer is yes—if each parent is heterozygous for normal vision and is a carrier of the recessive allele for nearsightedness. If a sperm bearing a normal vision (N) allele unites with an ovum carrying a normal vision (N) allele, the result is an NN, or a child that is homozygous for normal vision. If a sperm bearing an N gene fertilizes an ovum carrying an n gene, or if an n sperm fertilizes an N ovum, the result is a heterozygous child with normal vision. Finally, if both sperm and ovum carry an n gene, the child will be nearsighted. Because each of these four combinations is equally likely in any given mating, the odds are 1 in 4 that a child of two Nn parents will be nearsighted. Box 3.1 lists a number of other common dominant and recessive characteristics that people can display.

Codominance Alternative forms of a gene do not always follow the simple dominant-recessive pattern described by Gregor Mendel. Instead, some are codominant: the phenotype they produce is a compromise between the two genes. For example, the alleles for human blood types A and B are equally expressive, and neither dominates the other. A heterozygous person who inherits an allele for blood type A and one for blood type B has equal proportions of A-antigens and B-antigens in his or her blood. So if your blood type is AB, you illustrate this principle of genetic codominance. Another type of codominance occurs when one of two heterozygous alleles is stronger than the other but fails to mask all its effects. The sickle cell trait is a noteworthy example of this “incomplete dominance.” About 8 percent of African Americans (and NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 75

3.1

DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES

Examples of Dominant and Recessive Traits in Human Heredity Listed here are a number of other dominant and recessive characteristics in human heredity (Connor, 1995; McKusick, 1995). A quick glance through the list reveals that most of the undesirable or maladaptive attributes are recessive. For this we can be thankful. Otherwise, genetically linked diseases and defects might become widespread and eventually destroy the species. It is important to recognize, however, that recessive gene traits are not always rare and dominant gene traits are not always ordinary. For example, recessive genes are linked to having 10 fingers and 10 toes, which is much more common than having extra digits. Facial dimples are linked to dominant genes, although the majority of people do not have facial dimples. Here, then, are examples of processes of heredity contradicting common sense, and we must follow the scientific evidence rather than what we might expect to happen in human heredity.

sickle cell anemia a genetic blood disease that causes red blood cells to assume an unusual sickled shape and to become inefficient at distributing oxygen.

Recessive Traits

Dark hair

Blond hair

Full head of hair

Pattern baldness

Curly hair

Straight hair

Facial dimples

No dimples

Farsightedness

Normal vision

Normal vision

Colour blindness

Extra digits

Five digits

Pigmented skin

Albinism

Type A blood

Type O blood

Type B blood

Type O blood

Normal blood clotting

Hemophilia

relatively few whites or Asian Americans) are heterozygous for this attribute and carry a recessive “sickle cell” allele (Institute of Medicine, 1999). The presence of this one sickle cell gene causes some of the person’s red blood cells to assume an unusual crescent, or sickle, shape (see Figure 3.6), and these blood cells distribute less oxygen throughout the circulatory system (Strachan & Read, 1996). The consequences are much more severe for those individuals who inherit two recessive sickle cell genes and develop a severe blood disorder, called sickle cell anemia, that causes massive sickling of red blood cells and inefficient distribution of oxygen at all times.

Science History Images/Alamy Stock Photo

sex-linked characteristic an attribute determined by a recessive gene that appears on the X chromosome; more likely to characterize males.

Dominant Traits

Figure 3.6 Normal (round) and “sickled” (elongated) red blood cells from a person with sickle cell anemia.

Sex-Linked Inheritance Some traits are called sex-linked characteristics because they are determined by genes located on the sex chromosomes. In fact, the vast majority of these sex-linked attributes are produced by recessive genes that are found only on X chromosomes. Who do you suppose is more likely to inherit these recessive X-linked traits—males or females? The answer is males, a point we can easily illustrate with a common sex-linked characteristic, red/green colour blindness. Many people cannot distinguish red from green, an inability caused by a recessive gene that appears only on X chromosomes. Recall that a normal (XY) male has only one X chromosome—the one he inherited from his mother. If this X chromosome carries a recessive gene for colour blindness, the male will be colour blind. Why? Because there is no corresponding gene on his Y chromosome that might counteract the effect of this “colour-blind” allele. A genetic female who inherits only one gene for colour blindness will not be colour blind because the colour-normal gene on her second X chromosome will dominate the colour-blind gene, enabling her to distinguish red from green. So a female cannot be colour blind unless both of her X chromosomes contain a recessive gene for colour blindness.

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76 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Immediately, we have reason to suspect that more males than females will be colour blind. Indeed, roughly 8 white males in 100 cannot distinguish red from green, whereas only 1 in 144 white females have red/green colour blindness (Burns & Bottino, 1989). There are more than 100 sex-linked characteristics other than colour blindness, and many of them are disabling (Plomin et al., 2001). These include hemophilia (a disease in which the blood does not clot), two kinds of muscular dystrophy, degeneration of the optic nerve, and certain forms of deafness and night blindness. Because these disorders are determined by recessive genes on X chromosomes, males are much more likely than females to suffer their harmful effects.

Polygenic Inheritance polygenic trait a characteristic that is influenced by the action of many genes rather than a single pair.

To this point, we have considered only those traits that are influenced by a single pair of alleles. However, most important human characteristics are influenced by many pairs of alleles and are called polygenic traits. Examples of polygenic traits include height, weight, intelligence, skin colour, temperament, and susceptibility to cancer (Plomin et al., 2001). As the number of genes that contribute to a particular characteristic increases, the number of possible genotypes and phenotypes quickly increases. As a result, the observable traits for polygenic traits are not either/or possibilities (such as the eye colour and red/green colour blindness examples we discussed previously). Instead, the observable traits follow a pattern of continuous variation, with few people having the traits at the extremes and most people having the traits in the middle of the distribution (i.e., the traits follow a normal bell curve distribution).

The Role of Epigenetics Earlier, we discussed monozygotic (identical) twins. From a genetic viewpoint, their DNA make-up is identical, yet they can still show some differences (e.g., one might be more shy, and one might excel at soccer). This difference could be due to experiences having a biological effect on DNA. Epigenetics (Greek, epi 5 “above” the genome) plays a large part in how we grow and develop. Our genome undergoes epigenetic modifications that affect gene expression (how genes are turned on or off ) but have no effect on our DNA. Epigenetics influences whether genes related to a particular trait are expressed, not expressed, or only partly expressed without actually changing the sequence of the DNA. One of the most common epigenetic processes is methylation, which technically means the addition of a single carbon and three hydrogen molecules to a regulatory region of the DNA. This usually turns the gene(s) off, thus obstructing their expression. Why do students of child development need to know about these molecular processes? Epigenetics gives us a greater insight into gene and environment interactions. Evidence of methylation in response to environmental factors has been identified for so many differences between people (such as attention, autism, ADHD, hunger) that it has been suggested that we think about genes, methylation, and environment acting together rather than simply thinking of genes and the environment interacting (van IJzendoorn et al., 2010). Imagine that part of your DNA from your mother gave you a chocolate muffin recipe, and part of your paternal DNA gave you a carrot muffin recipe. Something in the environment caused methylation to occur to your maternally derived DNA, switching it off. In the imagery used here, it would be like someone spray-painting over your mother’s recipe. You can no longer use your mother’s recipe. However, epigenetic modifications are often not heritable because germ cells are usually resistant to methylation, unlike other cells. Thus, your child may be able to use your mother’s chocolate recipe even if you cannot. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 77

CONCEPT CHECK

3.1

Understanding Principles of Hereditary Transmission

Check your understanding of the principles of hereditary transmission by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. What is the term for the observable characteristics that arise from the expression of a person’s genes? a. gene b. chromosome c. genotype d. phenotype 2. DNA is to gene as a. gene is to chromosome b. meiosis is to mitosis c. crossing-over is to independent assortment d. germ cell is to gamete 3. Which of the following is NOT a process that contributes to each gamete receiving a unique set of chromosomes? a. meiosis b. mitosis c. crossing-over d. independent assortment 4. Each human cell contains 22 pairs of which of the following? a. genes b. alleles c. sex chromosomes d. autosomes

5. Which process results in dizygotic twins? a. the fertilization of two different ova by two different sperm b. the fertilization of a single ova by two different sperm c. the division of the zygote into two different individuals d. the division of the gamete into two germ cells Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

6. Most people can curl their tongues—a simple dominantrecessive trait that is determined by a dominant gene. Your father can curl his tongue, but neither your mother nor your sister can. Prepare a matrix (2 3 2 table) demonstrating the possible genotypes and phenotypes of you and your siblings. 7. A colour-blind mother and a colour-blind father have a son and a daughter. Prepare a 2 3 2 matrix of genotypes and phenotypes of these children and use it to answer the following questions: what is the probability that the boy will be colour blind? Or the girl will be colour blind? Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

8. Describe four patterns of genetic inheritance of behavioural characteristics. Which pattern would be most important to psychologists? Why?

Epigenetic changes under certain circumstances can influence subsequent generations. A group of researchers in Montreal examined methylation effects in children after the 1998 ice storm—a storm that shut down the entire city of Montreal and neighbouring towns and cities for days. Five months later, women who were pregnant during the disaster were assessed on their degrees of hardship and distress. DNA methylation profiles from saliva samples of their children, at age 8 and 13 years, showed that hardship was related to methylation of genes related to immune function. In other words, prenatal maternal hardship directly affected the genes and functions of their offspring (Cao-Lei, Massart, Suderman, Machnes, Elgbeili et al., 2016). Understanding how genes turn on and off, resulting in psychological or physical changes, is providing unimaginable insight into how we develop. We now know that epigenetic changes resulting in permanent alterations in gene expression occur far more frequently than imagined, as expressed by van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, and Ebstein (2011, p. 305): “Child development might be conceptualized as experiences becoming sculpted in the organism’s DNA through methylation, one of the major epigenetic mechanisms of change.”

Hereditary Disorders Earlier in the chapter, we reviewed the genetic, cellular, and external environment influences on who we become. Clearly, the processes underlying the beginnings of development are amazingly complex! Although the vast majority of newborn infants are healthy at birth, some unfortunately are not. Approximately 5 of every 100 have a congenital NEL

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78 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Congenital defects

Inherited defects

Environmental defects

Chromosomal abnormalities

Too many or too few chromosomes

Broken or damaged chromosomes

Recessive genes for a disorder

Genetic abnormalities

Dominant genes for a disorder

Complications of the birth process

Prenatal exposure to damaging effects

Genetic mutations

Figure 3.7 Sources of congenital defects. congenital defect a problem that is present (though not necessarily apparent) at birth; such defects may stem from genetic and prenatal influences or from complications of the birth process.

problem of some kind (Schulman & Black, 1993). Congenital defects are those that are present at birth, although many of these conditions are not detectable when the child is born. For example, Huntington’s disease, a condition that causes a gradual deterioration of the nervous system, leading to a progressive decline in physical and mental abilities and ultimately to death, is present from the moment of conception. However, this disease will not ordinarily appear until much later—usually after age 40. Fortunately, the dominant allele that is responsible for this lethal condition is very rare. In Chapters 4 and 5, we will consider congenital defects caused by abnormalities in the birth process or from harmful conditions in prenatal development. Here we will look only at those problems that are caused by abnormal genes and chromosomes—that is, inherited congenital disorders. Figure 3.7 provides a graphic representation of the different sources of congenital disorders and may help you organize your thinking about the differences between chromosomal and genetic abnormalities and about congenital disorders caused by environmental effects.

Chromosomal Abnormalities When a germ cell divides during meiosis, the distribution of its 46 chromosomes into sperm or ova is sometimes uneven. In other words, one of the resulting gametes may have too many chromosomes, while the other has too few. The vast majority of these chromosomal abnormalities are lethal and will fail to develop or will be spontaneously aborted. However, some chromosomal abnormalities are not lethal. Approximately 1 child in 250 is born with either one chromosome too many or one too few (Plomin et al., 2001).

Abnormalities of the Sex Chromosomes Many chromosomal abnormalities involve the 23rd pair—the sex chromosomes. Occasionally, males are born with an extra X or Y chromosome, producing the genotype XXY or XYY, and females may survive if they inherit a single X chromosome (XO) or even three (XXX), four (XXXX), or five (XXXXX) X chromosomes. Each of these conditions has somewhat different developmental implications, as we will see in examining four of the more common sex chromosome abnormalities in Table 3.1. Abnormalities of the Autosome Several hereditary abnormalities are attributable to the autosomes—that is, the 22 pairs of chromosomes that are similar in males and females. The most common type of autosomal abnormality occurs when an abnormal sperm or ovum carrying an extra NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 79

TAbLE 3.1

Four Common Sex Chromosome Abnormalities

Name/Genotype(s)

Incidence

Developmental Implications

1 in 2500 female births

Appearance: Phenotypically female but small in stature, a webbed neck, broad chest, and small, underdeveloped breasts. Normal sexual development lacking at puberty, although Turner females can assume a more “womanly” appearance by taking the female hormone estrogen.

Female abnormalities Turner syndrome; XO

Fertility: Sterile. Intellectual characteristics: Normal verbal intelligence but frequently score below average on tests of spatial abilities such as puzzle assembly or the mental rotation of figures. Poly-X, or “superfemale,” syndrome; XXX, XXXX, or XXXXX

1 in 1000 female births

Appearance: Phenotypically female in appearance. Fertility: Fertile; produce children with the usual number of sex chromosomes. Intellectual characteristics: Score somewhat below average in intelligence, with greatest deficits on tests of verbal reasoning. Developmental delays and intellectual deficits become more pronounced with an increase in the number of extra X chromosomes inherited.

Male abnormalities Klinefelter syndrome; XXY or XXXY

1 in 750 male births

Appearance: Phenotypically male, with the emergence of some female secondary sex characteristics (enlargement of the hips and breasts) at puberty. Significantly taller than typical (XY) males. Fertility: Sterile; have underdeveloped testes. Intellectual characteristics: About 20 to 30 percent of Klinefelter males are low in verbal intelligence, and this become more pronounced with an increase in the number of extra X chromosomes inherited.

Supermale syndrome; XYY, XYYY, or XYYYY

1 in 1000 male births

Appearance: Phenotypic males who are significantly taller than typical (XY) males, have large teeth, and often develop severe acne during adolescence. Fertility: Fertile; may have abnormally low sperm counts. Intellectual characteristics: IQs of supermales span the full range of those observed in typical (XY) males. XYYs are no more violent or aggressive than typical males, and are sometimes shy and retiring.

Source: Robinson et al., 1992; Plomin et al., 1997; Shafer & Kuller, 1996.

Down syndrome a chromosomal abnormality (also known as trisomy 21) caused by the presence of an extra 21st chromosome; people with this syndrome have a distinctive physical appearance and exhibit moderate to severe intellectual disability.

autosome combines with a normal gamete to form a zygote that has 47 chromosomes (two sex chromosomes and 45 autosomes). In these cases, the extra chromosome appears along with one of the 22 pairs of autosomes to yield three chromosomes of that type, or a trisomy. By far the most frequent of all autosomal abnormalities is Down syndrome, or trisomy 21, a condition in which the child inherits all or part of an extra 21st chromosome. Occurrence between 2005 and 2013 in Canada was 13.5 per 10 000 live births—but many more die in utero (Government of Canada, 2017). Children with Down syndrome usually exhibit intellectual disability, with IQs that average 55 (the average IQ among typical children is 100). They may also have congenital eye, ear, and heart defects and are usually characterized by a number of distinctive physical features, including a sloping forehead, protruding tongue, short limbs, slightly flattened nose, and almond-shaped eyes (see Figure 3.8). Although intellectually impaired, these children reach many of the same developmental milestones as typical children, though at a slower pace (Carr, 1995; Evans & Gray, 2000). Most of these youngsters learn to care for their basic needs, and some learn to read and write (Carr, 1995; Gibson & Harris, 1988). Developmental progress appears to be best when parents and other family members strive to include Down syndrome children in family activities, are patient and work hard to properly stimulate them, and provide them with lots of emotional support (Atkinson et al., 1995; Hauser-Cram et al., 1999).

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80 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Genetic Abnormalities

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Parents who are themselves healthy are often amazed to learn that their child could have a hereditary defect. Their surprise is certainly understandable, because most genetic problems are recessive traits that few if any close relatives may have had. In addition, these problems simply will not appear unless both parents carry the harmful allele and the child inherits this particular gene from each parent. The exceptions to this rule are sex-linked defects that a male child will display if the recessive alleles for these traits appear on the X chromosome that he inherited from his mother. Earlier in the chapter, we discussed two recessive hereditary defects, one that is sexlinked (colour blindness) and one that is not Figure 3.8 Children with Down syndrome can lead happy lives if they (sickle cell anemia). Table 3.2 describes a receive affection and encouragement from their companions. number of additional debilitating or fatal diseases that are attributable to a single pair of recessive alleles. Each of these defects can be detected before birth, as we will discuss later on in the chapter. Some genetic abnormalities are caused by dominant alleles like Huntington’s disease. Children will develop the disorder by inheriting the dominant allele from either parent. The parent contributing the allele for the disorder will also display the defect (because he or she carries the dominant allele). TAbLE 3.2

Brief Descriptions of Major Recessive Hereditary Diseases

Disease

Description

Incidence

Treatment

Prenatal Detection

Cystic fibrosis (CF)

Child lacks enzyme that prevents mucus from obstructing the lungs and digestive tract. Many who have CF die in childhood or adolescence, although advances in treatment have enabled some to live well into adulthood.

1 in 2500 Caucasian births; 1 in 15 000 births of North Americans of African descent

Bronchial drainage; dietary control; gene replacement therapy

Yes

Type 1 diabetes

Individual lacks a hormone that would enable him or her to metabolize sugar properly. Produces symptoms such as excessive thirst and urination. Can be fatal if untreated.

1 in 2500 births; 3 to 5 times higher in Canada’s First Nations and Inuit populations

Dietary control; insulin therapy

Yes

Duchenne-type muscular dystrophy

Sex-linked disorder that attacks the muscles and eventually produces such symptoms as slurred speech and loss of motor capabilities.

1 in 3500 male births; rare in females

None; death from weakening of heart or respiratory infection often occurs between ages 7 and 14

Yes

Hemophilia

A sex-linked condition when child lacks a substance that causes the blood to clot. Could bleed to death if scraped or cut.

1 in 3000 male births; rare in females

Blood transfusions; precautions to prevent cuts and scrapes

Yes

Phenylketonuria (PKU)

Child lacks an enzyme to digest foods (including milk) containing the amino acid phenylalanine. Disease attacks nervous system, producing hyperactivity and severe mental impairment.

1 in 10 000 Caucasian births; rare in children of African or Asian ancestry

Dietary control

Yes

Sickle cell anemia

Abnormal sickling of red blood cells

1 in 600 births of North Americans of African descent

Blood transfusions; painkillers; drugs

Yes

Tay-Sachs disease

Causes degeneration of the central nervous system starting in the first year. Children usually die by age 4.

1 in 3600 births to Jews of European descent and French Canadians

None

Yes

Source: Camp Jumoke, 2001; Kuller, Cheschier, & Cefalo, 1996; Strachan & Read, 1996. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 81 mutation a change in the chemical structure or arrangement of one or more genes that has the effect of producing a new phenotype.

Genetic abnormalities may also result from mutations—that is, changes in the chemical structure of one or more genes that produce a new phenotype. Many mutations occur spontaneously and are harmful or even fatal. Mutations can also be induced by environmental hazards such as toxic industrial waste, radiation, agricultural chemicals that enter the food supply, possibly even some of the additives and preservatives in processed foods (Burns & Bottino, 1989), as well as by street drugs and alcohol consumption (Puttler, Fitzgerald, Heitzeg, & Zucker, 2017). Might mutations ever be beneficial? Evolutionary theorists think so. Presumably, any mutation that is induced by stressors in the natural environment may provide an “adaptive” advantage to those who inherit the mutant genes, thus enabling these individuals to survive. The sickle cell gene, for example, is a mutation that originated in Africa, Southeast Asia, and other tropical areas where malaria is widespread. Heterozygous children who inherit a single sickle cell allele are well adapted to these environments because the mutant gene makes them more resistant to malarial infection and thus more likely to survive (Plomin et al., 1997). Of course, the mutant sickle cell gene is not advantageous in environments where malaria is not a problem.

Predicting, Detecting, and Treating Hereditary Disorders In years gone by, many couples whose relatives were affected by hereditary disorders were reluctant to have children, fearing that they too would bear an abnormal child. Today there are options for predicting whether a couple is at risk for conceiving a child with a hereditary disorder, prenatal detection of hereditary disorders, medical treatment of hereditary disorders (both prenatally and after birth), and genetic counselling. These options help take away the mystery and fear of the unknown and allow couples to make reasoned decisions about having children. In the sections that follow, we will discuss each of these options.

genetic counselling a service designed to inform prospective parents about genetic diseases and to help them determine the likelihood that they would transmit such disorders to their children.

fragile-X syndrome abnormality of the X chromosome caused by a defective gene and associated with mild to severe intellectual disability, particularly when the defective gene is passed from mother to child.

Predicting Hereditary Disorders Genetic counselling is a service that helps prospective parents to assess the likelihood that their children will be free of hereditary defects. Genetic counselling refers to the prediction of both chromosomal abnormalities (such as an extra chromosome) and genetic abnormalities (mutations in several of the thousands of genes in each chromosome). Genetic counsellors are trained in genetics, the interpretation of family histories, and counselling procedures. They may be geneticists, medical researchers, or practitioners, such as pediatricians. Although any couple who hopes to have children might wish to talk with a genetic counsellor about the hereditary risks their children may face, genetic counselling is particularly helpful for couples who either have relatives with hereditary disorders or have already borne a child with a disorder. Genetic counsellors normally begin by obtaining a complete family history, or pedigree, from each prospective parent to identify relatives affected by hereditary disorders. These pedigrees are used to estimate the likelihood that the couple would bear a child with a chromosomal disorder; in fact, pedigrees are the only basis for determining whether children are likely to be affected by certain disorders (one type of diabetes and some forms of muscular dystrophy, for example). Yet a pedigree analysis cannot guarantee that a child will be healthy, even when no genetic disorders are found among blood relatives. Fortunately, DNA analyses from parents’ blood tests can now determine whether parents carry genes for many serious hereditary disorders, including all those listed in Table 3.2, as well as Huntington’s disease and fragile-X syndrome (Strachan & Read, 1996).

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82 Part Two | Foundations of Development

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Would you choose to be tested to see if your child might inherit a disorder? How would you feel if testing showed that your baby will/may inherit genes resulting in disorders or prominent challenges in life? Do you think both mother and father should be equally involved in a decision? What factors would you consider?

amniocentesis a method of extracting amniotic fluid from a pregnant woman so that fetal body cells within the fluid can be tested for chromosomal abnormalities and other genetic defects.

chorionic villus sampling (CVS) an alternative to amniocentesis in which fetal cells are extracted from the placenta for prenatal tests. CVS can be performed earlier in pregnancy than is possible with amniocentesis.

non-invasive prenatal testing (NIPT) an analysis of DNA in the placenta that reveals the genetic profile of the unborn child.

Once all the information and test results are in, the genetic counsellor helps the couple consider the options available to them. For example, one couple went through genetic counselling and learned that they were both carriers for Tay-Sachs disease, a condition that normally kills an affected child within the first three years of life (see Table 3.2). The genetic counsellor explained to this couple that there was 1 chance in 4 that any child they conceived would inherit a recessive allele from each of them and have Tay-Sachs disease. However, there was also 1 chance in 4 that the child would inherit the dominant gene from each parent, and there were 2 chances in 4 that the child would be just like its parents—phenotypically normal but a carrier of the recessive Tay-Sachs allele. After receiving this information, the young woman expressed strong reservations about having children, feeling that the odds were just too high to risk having a baby with a fatal disease. At this point, the counsellor informed the couple that before they made a firm decision against having children, they ought to be aware of procedures that can detect many genetic abnormalities, including Tay-Sachs disease, early in a pregnancy. These screening procedures cannot reverse any defects that are found, but they allow expectant parents to decide whether or not to terminate a pregnancy rather than give birth to a child with a fatal disease.

Detecting Hereditary Disorders Because the overall rate of chromosomal abnormalities dramatically increases after age 35, older mothers often undergo a prenatal screening known as amniocentesis. A large, hollow needle is inserted into the woman’s abdomen to withdraw a sample of the amniotic fluid that surrounds the fetus. Fetal cells in this fluid can then be tested to determine the sex of the fetus and the presence of chromosomal abnormalities such as Down syndrome. In addition, more than 100 genetic disorders—including Tay-Sachs disease, cystic fibrosis, one type of diabetes, Duchenne muscular dystrophy, sickle cell anemia, and hemophilia—can now be diagnosed by analyzing fetal cells in amniotic fluid (Whittle & Connor, 1995). Research suggests that amniocentesis is best performed between 15 and 22 weeks. Although amniocentesis is considered very safe, it triggers a miscarriage in a very small percentage of cases (currently about 1 chance in 400; Ontario Prenatal Screening Program, 2018). In fact, Canadian researchers in Toronto and British Columbia have followed children exposed to mid-trimester amniocentesis for seven (Finegan, Sitarenios, Bolan, & Farabura, 1996) years, with no adverse effects reported. Because the results of the tests take two weeks to complete, parents have this time to consider the options available to them if the fetus should have a serious defect. An alternative procedure is chorionic villus sampling (CVS), which collects tissue for the same tests as amniocentesis and can be performed at the 10th to 14th week of pregnancy (Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2011). Using ultrasound, a small piece of tissue containing fetal cells is removed from the placenta for testing, usually through the vagina, but sometimes through the abdomen. Fetal cells are then extracted and tested for hereditary abnormalities, with the results typically available within 24 hours. Chances of miscarriage from the procedure are approximately 1 to 2 percent (Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2011). One screening test is non-invasive and known as non-invasive prenatal testing (NIPT). Genetic information is found in any cell and when a cell dies it releases its contents into the bloodstream and the DNA is broken up into tiny pieces. This DNA is called cell-free DNA (cfDNA). Although this cfDNA is not directly from the baby, it is from the placenta and usually represents the genetic profile of the baby. Advantages of this test are that it is no more invasive than drawing blood, it is far more accurate than conventional screening tests, detecting more than 99 percent of

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 83

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pregnancies where the fetus has Down syndrome (versus 75–90 percent by other screening methods), and it can be done as early as nine weeks. Results are available in about one to two weeks. A very common and very safe prenatal diagnostic technique is ultrasound (sonar), a method of scanning the womb with sound waves that is most useful after the 14th week of pregnancy (Kuller, Chescheir, & Ceflao, 1996). Ultrasound provides the attending physician with an outline of the fetus in much the same way that sonar Figure 3.9 In a 2D ultrasound you can see the baby moving but only on one reveals outlines of the fish beneath a fishing plane. It is possible to see actions such as kicking and even sucking a thumb! boat. It is particularly helpful for detecting mulThe 3D ultrasound clearly provides a more complete image of the baby. 4D images can show movement of a baby seen in 3D. tiple pregnancies and gross physical defects, as well as the age and sex of the fetus. It is also ultrasound used to guide practitioners as they perform amniocentesis and CVS. Ultrasound is method of detecting gross physical even a pleasant experience for many parents, who seem to enjoy “meeting” their baby. abnormalities by scanning the womb See Figure 3.9 to see what unborn children look like in sonograms. with sound waves, thereby producing a visual outline of the fetus.

phenylketonuria (PKU) a genetic disease in which the child is unable to metabolize phenylalanine; if left untreated, it soon causes hyperactivity and intellectual disability.

Treating Hereditary Disorders The potentially devastating effects of many hereditary abnormalities can be minimized or controlled. For example, new medical and surgical techniques, performed on fetuses in the uterus, have made it possible to treat some hereditary disorders by delivering drugs or hormones to the developing fetus (Hunter & Yankowitz, 1996), performing bone marrow transplants (Hajdu & Golbus, 1993), or surgically repairing some genetically transmitted defects of the heart, neural tube, urinary tract, and respiratory system (Yankowitz, 1996). Newborn infants are now routinely screened for phenylketonuria (PKU) and other metabolic disorders, and affected children are immediately placed on a low-phenylalanine diet (or other dietary restrictions, depending on any metabolic disorders that are found). The outcome of this therapeutic intervention is a happy one: children who remain on the diet throughout middle childhood suffer few if any of the harmful consequences of this formerly incurable disease. In addition, children born with either Turner syndrome or Klinefelter syndrome can be placed on hormone therapy to make them appear more typical in appearance. Type 1 diabetes can be controlled by a low-sugar diet and by periodic doses of insulin, which help the patient metabolize sugar. And youngsters who have such blood disorders as hemophilia or sickle cell anemia may now receive periodic transfusions to provide them with the clotting agents or the normal red blood cells they lack. Understanding genes and inheritance has advanced the treatment for many diseases and disorders. For example, scientists have identified a gene involved in the development of cystic fibrosis (the CFTR gene). In one study, delivery of a corrected version of the CFTR gene to 25 percent of cells grown in a tissue culture model restored normal function (Zhang, Button, Gabriel, Burkett, & Yan, 2009). There are many efforts worldwide to test similar treatments for other complications and diseases. Box 3.2 examines some issues surrounding treatments for hereditary disorders. Many children with genetic or chromosomal issues can lead normal lives if their hereditary disorders are detected and treated before serious harm has been done. Inspired by recent successes in fetal medicine, genetic mapping, and gene replacement therapy, geneticists and medical practitioners are hopeful that many untreatable hereditary disorders will become treatable, or even curable, in the near future (Mehlman & Botkin, 1998; Nesmith & McKenna, 2000).

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84 Part Two | Foundations of Development

3.2

CURRENT CONTROVERSIES

Ethical Issues Surrounding Treatments for Hereditary Disorders Although many children with hereditary disorders have clearly benefited from new treatments only recently introduced, scientists and society at large are now grappling with thorny ethical issues that have arisen from the rapid progress being made (Dunn, 2002; Weinberg, 2002). Here is a small sampling of these concerns.

Issues Surrounding Fetal Surgery

Doctors currently use fetal surgery to drain blocked bladders, to repair heart valves, and to remove abnormal growths from fetal lungs. One of the most successful invasive surgeries is for myelomeningocele, a type of spina bifida (see Figure 3.10). Surgeons close the tissue over the fetus’s spinal cord in the affected area (Adzick et al., 2011). Many fetal surgical procedures are still experimental, and clinical trials involve small numbers of pregnant mothers and are not always reported in medical journals (O’Connor, 2015). Is it really in a fetus’s best interests to undergo an operation that may end its life or produce birth defects? Should parents be held legally responsible if they choose to continue a pregnancy while refusing a fetal surgical procedure that might prevent their child from suffering from a serious handicap? Should the health of the fetus or mother come first? Think about these questions, for they are some of the very issues that medical and legal practitioners are now debating.

Issues Surrounding Gene Replacement Therapy

Issues Surrounding Germline Gene Therapy

The hottest debates about new genetic technologies centre around the prospect of germline gene therapy, in which a section of DNA is transferred to cells that produce gametes. This could potentially repair or replace abnormal genes at the early embryonic stage and thereby “cure” genetic defects. As these are germ cells, the therapeutic effect will be passed on to offspring and subsequent generations. This approach has been used successfully to correct certain genetic disorders in animals (Strachan & Read, 1996), but the kinds of ethical issues raised here may keep it from being used with humans for some time to come. This technology, which could be widely available by 2040 (Nesmith & McKenna, 2000), would bring us to the edge of a slippery slope where human beings will be capable of altering genotypes. This prospect seems perfectly acceptable to many observers, provided it is limited to correcting diagnosed genetic defects (Begley, 2000). Others, however, point out that permanent modification of germline gene therapy a patient’s genotype has a procedure, not yet perfected or consequences not only for approved for use with humans, in the patient, but also for all which harmful genes would be individuals who inherit the repaired or replaced with healthy modified gene in ones, thereby permanently the future. correcting a genetic defect.

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Gene replacement therapies for humans usually involve insertion of normal genes into patients’ somatic (body) tissues to relieve the symptoms of genetic disorders or to correct the effect of a mutated gene that is causing the disease. Are there major ethical problems here? Most observers think not (Strachan & Read, 1996). Clearly, investigators and practitioners are ethically bound to ensure the safety of their patients, especially because the techniques of somatic gene therapies are experimental and can have side effects. Yet, by limiting

treatment to the patient’s body cells, any consequences of the procedure are confined to the patient, who is usually suffering from a debilitating and even life-threatening disease for which no other effective therapy is available (Mehlman & Botkin, 1998). Thus, the benefits of somatic gene therapy are likely to greatly outweigh its costs. Many view this kind of treatment as analogous to (and at least as acceptable as) other medical procedures, such as organ transplants. Some would even consider it unethical were parents to withhold somatic gene therapy from a seriously ill child who might benefit from the procedure.

Figure 3.10 Fetal surgery to treat spina bifida.

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 85

Critics have argued that approval of germline gene therapy for use with humans will inevitably put us on the path toward positive eugenics—that is, toward genetic enhancement programs that could involve artificial selection for genes thought to confer advantageous traits. This possibility is frightening to many. Who would decide which traits are advantageous and should be selected? Some have argued that parents who have produced many embryos via in vitro fertilization will be able to use DNA screening and/or germline gene therapy to create what they judge to be the most perfect baby they can produce (Begley, 2000, 2001). Even if the motives of those who would alter genotypes were beyond reproach, would they really be any better at engineering a hardy human

CONCEPT CHECK

3.2

race than nature has already achieved through the process of natural selection? Would parents choose the sex of their children depending on which sex is valued more in a society? Of course, the biggest concern that many people have about germline genetic engineering is its potential for political and social abuse. In the words of two molecular geneticists (Strachan & Read, 1996, p. 586), “The horrifying nature of negative eugenics programs (most recently in Nazi Germany and in many states in the USA where compulsory sterilization of [feeble-minded] individuals was practiced well into the recent century) serves as a reminder . . . of the potential Pandora’s box of ills that could be released if ever human germline gene therapy were to be attempted.”

Understanding Chromosomal and Genetic Abnormalities

Check your understanding of how and why chromosomal and genetic abnormalities form, and the causes and effects of the most common hereditary disorders, by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. All of the following EXCEPT which one can result in congenital disorders? a. abnormal genes b. abnormal chromosomes c. abnormal contact between mother and child during postnatal development d. abnormalities in prenatal development 2. What does genetic counselling refer to the prediction of? a. abnormalities of the chromosomes b. abnormalities of meiosis c. abnormalities of mitosis d. abnormalities of the ovum 3. What is the term for the complete family history a genetic counsellor will use to determine the likelihood that a child will inherit a congenital disorder? a. a pedigree b. a DNA analysis c. a DNA map d. a background check 4. Which test to detect congenital disorders during prenatal development can be performed earliest in the pregnancy (at nine weeks), allowing the parents more time to consider terminating the pregnancy? a. amniocentesis b. ultrasound

c. chorionic villus sampling d. maternal blood analysis True or False: Identify whether the following statements

are true or false.

5. (T) (F) Amniocentesis can detect only the sex of the fetus, not whether or not it has any genetic disorders. 6. (T) (F) Predicting, detecting, and treating genetic disorders are the three ways a couple can deal with the possibility that their child will inherit a disorder. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

7. Describe the cause and effects of the most common autosomal abnormality, Down syndrome. 8. Describe the three methods of dealing with hereditary disorders. Essay: Provide more detailed answers to the following questions.

9. Imagine that you and your partner have discovered that there is a 75 percent chance that your child will inherit Tay-Sachs disease. Write an essay describing your preferred plan of action. Do you terminate your (or your partner’s) pregnancy, continue the pregnancy without medication and hope for the best, or continue the pregnancy and treat the fetus using medically groundbreaking, yet experimental, methods? Why? 10. Imagine that you or your partner is pregnant with your first child. A genetic counsellor has determined that your child has a 50 percent chance of inheriting cystic fibrosis. Which method, or methods, if any, do you use to detect the disorder: amniocentesis, chorionic villus sampling, non-invasive prenatal testing, or ultrasound? Why?

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86 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Hereditary Influences on behaviour behavioural genetics the study of how genes and environment contribute to individual variations in development.

heritability the amount of variability in a trait that is attributable to hereditary factors. selective breeding a method of studying genetic influences by determining whether traits can be bred in animals through selective mating. family studies collecting data from multiple people in a family who may or may not be genetically related kinship the extent to which two individuals have genes in common. twin design (or twin study) study in which sets of twins that differ in zygosity (kinship) are compared to determine the heritability of an attribute.

adoption design study in which adoptees are compared with their biological relatives and their adoptive relatives to estimate the heritability of an attribute or attributes.

We have seen that genes play a major role in determining our appearance and many of our physical characteristics. But to what extent does heredity affect such characteristics as intelligence, personality, or mental health? Studying gene influences on behaviour is a field known as behavioural genetics.

Methods of Studying Hereditary Influences Heritability is the amount of variation in a trait or a class of behaviour, within a specific population, that is attributable to hereditary factors. Note that heritability does not predict if a person actually inherits a characteristic, but it is a calculated probability of how common a characteristic is among the population at large. You have already been introduced to one approach—selective breeding—when Mendel’s work on peas was described. Because people don’t take kindly to the idea of being selectively bred by experimenters, another approach is to use family studies. In a typical family study, people who live together are compared to see how similar they are on one or more attributes. If the attributes in question are heritable, then the similarity between any two pairs of individuals who live in the same environment should increase as a function of their kinship—the extent to which they have the same genes. As monozygotic twins are genetically identical whereas dizygotic (fraternal) twins are not, and as they may or may not be raised together, this information provides a fertile ground for naturalistic studies of heritability. First, let’s consider twins. In a twin design, the question is “Are pairs of identical twins reared together more similar to each other on various attributes than pairs of fraternal twins reared together?” (Segal, 1997). If genes affect the attribute(s) in question, then identical twins should be more similar, for they have 100 percent of their genes in common (kinship 5 1.00), whereas fraternal twins share only 50 percent (kinship 5 0.50). An interesting twist on this design is to compare identical twins reared in the same household with identical twins reared apart. The kinship of all pairs of identical twins, reared together or apart, is 1.00. So if identical twins reared together are more alike on an attribute than identical twins reared apart, we can infer that the environment plays a role in determining that attribute. Second, we can use the adoption design, which focuses on adoptees who are genetically unrelated to other members of their adoptive families. Are adopted children similar to their biological parents, whose genes they share (kinship 5 0.50), or are they similar to their adoptive parents, whose environment they share? If adoptees resemble their biological parents in intelligence or personality, even though these parents did not raise them, then genes must be influential in determining these attributes. However, if the adoptees are more like their adoptive parents, who are not genetically related, we have evidence of environmental effects.

Estimating the Contribution of Genes and Environment

concordance rate the percentage of cases in which a particular attribute is present for one member of a twin pair if it is present for the other.

Scientists have developed mathematical formulas to (1) determine whether a trait is genetically influenced and (2) estimate the degree to which heredity and environment account for individual differences in that trait. When studying traits that a person either does or does not display (e.g., a drug habit or clinical depression), researchers calculate and compare concordance rates—the percentages of pairs of people (e.g., identical twins, fraternal twins, parents and their adoptive children) in which both members of the pair display the trait if one member has it. Suppose that you are interested in NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 87

determining whether homosexuality in men is genetically influenced. You might locate gay men who are twins, either identical or fraternal, and then track down their twin siblings to determine whether they too are gay. The concordance rate for identical twins in one such study was much higher (29 of the 56 co-twins of gay men were also gay) than the concordance rate for fraternal twins (12 of the 54 co-twins were also gay). This suggests that genotype does contribute to a man’s sexual orientation. But because identical twins are not perfectly concordant for sexual orientation (i.e., every gay twin does not have a co-twin who is also gay), we can also conclude that their experiences (i.e., environmental influences) must also have influenced their sexual orientations. After all, 48 percent of the identical twin pairs had different sexual orientations, despite their identical genes. For continuous traits that can assume many values (e.g., height, intelligence), correlation coefficients rather than concordance rates are calculated to assess hereditary and environmental contributions. Psychologists are often interested in the heritability of intelligence as measured by IQ scores (see Chapter 8 for information on IQ tests and heritability). Consider a review of family studies of intellectual performance (IQ) based on 113 942 pairs of children, adolescents, or adults, the results of which appear in Table 3.3. First, we will focus on the twin correlations (identical and fraternal) to estimate gene and environmental contributions to individual differences in intellectual performance (IQ).

heritability coefficient a numerical estimate, ranging from 0.00 to 11.00, of the amount of variation in an attribute that is attributable to hereditary factors.

Gene Influences Genetic influences on IQ are clearly evident in Table 3.3. The correlations become higher when pairs of people are more closely related genetically and are highest when the pairs are identical twins. But just how strong is the hereditary influence? As an example, we will calculate this index, called a heritability coefficient, using the twin data from Table 3.3. H 5 (r identical twins 2 r fraternal twins) × 2 In words, the equation reads, “Heritability of an attribute equals the correlation between identical twins minus the correlation between fraternal twins, all multiplied by a factor of 2” (Plomin, 1990). From Table 3.3, H 5 (0.86 2 0.60) × 2 5 0.52 The resulting heritability estimate for IQ is 0.52, which, on a scale ranging from 0 (not at all heritable) to 1.00 (totally heritable), is moderate at best. Clearly, there must be other nongenetic influences. Interestingly, the data in Table 3.3 also allow us to estimate the contributions of environmental influence.

TAbLE 3.3

Average Correlation Coefficients for Intelligence-Test Scores from Family Studies Involving Persons at Four Levels of Kinship

Genetic Relationship (Kinship)

Reared Together (in Same Home)

Reared Apart (in Different Homes)

Unrelated siblings (kinship 5 0.00)

10.34

20.01

Adoptive parent/adoptive offspring (kinship 5 0.00)

10.19

–

Half-siblings (kinship 5 0.25)

10.31

–

Biological parent/child (kinship 5 0.50)

10.42

10.22

Siblings (kinship 5 0.50)

10.47

10.24

Fraternal (kinship 5 0.50)

10.60

10.52

Identical (kinship 5 1.00)

10.86

10.72

Twins

Source: From “Family Studies of Intelligence: A Review,” by T.J. Bouchard, Jr., & M. McGue, 1981, Science, 212, pp. 1055–59. Copyright 1981 American Association for the Advancement of Science. NEL

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88 Part Two | Foundations of Development

nonshared environmental influence (NSE) an environmental influence that people living together do not share and that should make these individuals different from one another.

Nonshared Environmental Influences Nonshared environmental influences (NSEs) are experiences that are unique to the individual—experiences that are not shared by other members of the family and thus make family members different from each other (Rowe & Plomin, 1981; Rowe, 1994). Where is evidence of nonshared environmental influence in Table 3.3? Notice that identical twins raised together are not perfectly similar in IQ, even though they share 100 percent of their genes and the same family environment; a correlation of 0.86, though substantial, is less than a perfect correlation of 11.00. Because identical twins share the same genes and family environment, any differences between twins raised together must necessarily be due to differences in their experiences. Perhaps they were treated differently by friends, or perhaps one twin favours puzzles and other intellectual games more than the other twin does. Because the only factor that can make identical twins raised together any different from each other are experiences they do not share, we can estimate the influence of nonshared environmental influences by the following formula (Rowe & Plomin, 1981): NSE 5 1 2 r (identical twins reared together) So the contribution of nonshared environmental influences to individual differences in IQ performance (i.e., 1.00 2 0.86 5 0.14) is small but detectable.

shared environmental influence (SE) an environmental influence that people living together share and that makes these individuals similar to one another.

Shared Environmental Influences Shared environmental influences (SEs) are experiences that individuals living in the same home environment share and that conspire to make them similar to each other. As you can see in Table 3.3, both identical and fraternal twins (and, indeed, biological siblings and pairs of unrelated individuals) show a greater intellectual resemblance if they live together than if they live apart. One reason that growing up in the same home may increase children’s degree of intellectual similarity is that parents model similar interests for all their children and tend to rely on similar strategies to foster their intellectual growth (Hoffman, 1991; Lewin, Hops, Davis, & Dishion, 1993). How do we estimate the contribution of shared environmental influence (SE) to a trait? One rough estimate can be made as follows: SE 5 1.00 2 (H 1 NSE)

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Translated, the equation reads, “Shared environmental influences on a trait equal 1 (the total variation for that trait) minus the variation attributable to genes (H) and the variability attributed to nonshared environmental influences (NSE).” Previously, we found that the heritability (H) of IQ in our twins-reared-together sample was 0.52, and the contribution of nonshared environment (NSE) was 0.14. So the contribution of shared environmental influences to individual differences in IQ (i.e., SE 5 1 2 [0.52 1 0.14] 5 0.34) is moderate and meaningful.

Twins may receive different treatment from parents; for example, a father may treat a daughter twin differently from a son twin.

Myths about Heritability Estimates A critical point to understand is that the term heritable is not a synonym for inherited. Heritability estimates, which may vary widely across populations and environments, are useful for helping us determine whether there is any hereditary basis for the differences people display on an attribute but say nothing about children’s capacity for change. If you studied the heights of many pairs of NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 89

5-year-old twins and estimated the heritability of height to be 0.70, you could infer that a major reason that 5-year-olds differ in height is that they have different genes. But because heritability estimates say nothing about individuals, it is clearly inappropriate to conclude from an H of 0.70 that 70 percent of Shannon Jones’s height is inherited and the remaining 30 percent reflects the contribution of environment. These estimates should not be used to make public policy decisions that could constrain children’s development or adversely affect their welfare. Finally, people have assumed that heritable traits cannot be modified by environmental influences. This, too, is a false assumption! The depressed sociability of institutionalized infants can be improved substantially by placing them in socially responsive adoptive homes. Similarly, children who score low on the heritable attribute of IQ can dramatically improve their intellectual and academic performances when exposed to intellectually stimulating home and school environments. To assume that heritable means unchangeable (as some critics of compensatory education have done) is to commit a potentially grievous error based on a common misconception about the meaning of heritability coefficients. WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Suppose you hear someone say, “People differ in aggression only because of the way they are raised.” As a budding psychologist, how would you react to this statement, and what kind of study might you design to evaluate this person’s pronouncement? What calculations would you perform and why? introversion/extroversion the opposite poles of a personality dimension. Introverts are sensitive, retiring, and prefer their own company to that of others; extroverts are highly sociable and enjoy being with others. empathic concern a measure of the extent to which an individual recognizes the needs of others and is concerned about their welfare.

Hereditary Contributions to Personality Although psychologists have typically assumed that the relatively stable habits and traits that make up our personalities are shaped by our environments, family studies and other longitudinal projects reveal that many core dimensions of personality are genetically influenced. For example, introversion/extroversion—the extent to which a person is sensitive, retiring, and prefers their own company to that of others versus outgoing and socially oriented—shows about the same moderate level of heritability as IQ does (Plomin et al., 1997). Another important attribute that is genetically influenced is empathic concern: a person high in empathy recognizes the needs of others and is concerned about their welfare. Newborn infants react to the distress of another infant by becoming distressed themselves—a finding that implies to some investigators that the capacity for empathy may be innate (Radke-Yarrow & Zahn- Waxler, 1990). But are there any biological bases for individual differences in empathic concern? Indeed there are. As early as 14 to 20 months of age, identical twin infants are already more similar in their levels of concern for distressed companions than same-sex fraternal twin infants are (Zahn-Waxler, Robinson, & Emde, 1992b). And by middle age, identical twins who have lived apart for many years since leaving home still resemble each other on measures of empathic concern (r 5 1 0.41), whereas same-sex fraternal twins do not (r 5 1 0.05), thus suggesting that this attribute is a reasonably heritable trait (Matthews, Batson, Horn, & Rosenman, 1981).

Hereditary Contributions to Behaviour Disorders and Mental Illness

bipolar disorder a psychological disorder characterized by extreme fluctuations in mood. neurotic disorder an irrational pattern of thinking or behaviour that a person may use to contend with stress or to avoid anxiety.

Is there a hereditary basis for mental illness? Might some people be genetically predisposed to commit deviant or antisocial acts? Although these ideas seemed absurd 30 years ago, it now appears that the answer to both questions is a qualified yes. In recent years, it has become clear that heredity contributes to abnormal behaviours and conditions such as alcoholism, criminality, depression, hyperactivity, bipolar disorder, and a number of neurotic disorders (Plomin et al., 2001; Rowe, 1994). Now, it is possible that you may have close relatives who have been diagnosed as alcoholic, depressed, hyperactive, bipolar, neurotic, or schizophrenic. Rest assured that this does not mean that you or your children will develop these problems. For example, only 9 percent of children who have one parent with schizophrenia (a serious mental illness characterized by severe disturbances in logical thinking, emotional expression, and social behaviour) ever develop any symptoms that might be labelled “schizophrenic” (Plomin et al., 2001). Even if you are an

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90 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Genes associated with depression and anxiety may be turned on or off. Inheriting a predisposition for poor mental health does not mean that a person is bound to develop symptoms.

identical twin whose co-twin has a serious psychiatric disorder, the odds are only between 1 in 2 (for schizophrenia) and 1 in 20 (for most other disorders) that you would ever experience anything that even approaches the problem that affects your twin. Because identical twins are usually discordant (i.e., not alike) with respect to mental illnesses and behaviour disorders, environment must be a very important contributor to these conditions. In other words, people do not inherit behavioural disorders; instead, they inherit predispositions to develop certain illnesses or deviant patterns of behaviour. Clearly, these findings provide some basis for optimism, as it may be possible someday to prevent the onset of most genetically influenced disorders if we (1) learn more about the environmental triggers that precipitate these disturbances while (2) striving to develop interventions or therapeutic techniques that will help highrisk individuals maintain their emotional stability in the face of environmental stress (Plomin & Rutter, 1998).

Theories of Heredity and Environment Interactions in Development Only 60 years ago, developmentalists were embroiled in the nature/nurture controversy: was heredity or environment the primary determinant of human potential? (See, for example, Anastasi, 1958.) Although this chapter has focused on biological influences, it should now be clear that both heredity and environment contribute importantly to development and that the often extreme positions taken by the hereditarians and environmentalists in the past are greatly oversimplified. Further, with better understanding of epigenetics, we no longer think in terms of nature versus nurture; rather, it is more interesting to try to determine how these three important influences might combine or interact to promote developmental change.

The Canalization Principle canalization genetic restriction of phenotype to a small number of developmental outcomes; a highly canalized attribute is one for which genes channel development along predetermined pathways, so that the environment has little effect on the phenotype that emerges.

Although both heredity and environment contribute to most human traits, our genes influence some attributes more than others. Many years ago, Conrad Waddington (1966) used the term canalization to refer to cases where genes limit or restrict development to a small number of outcomes. One example of a highly canalized human attribute is babbling in infancy. All infants, even deaf ones, babble in pretty much the same way over the first 8 to 10 months of life. The environment has little if any effect on this highly canalized attribute, which simply unfolds according to a maturational program. Less canalized attributes, such as intelligence, temperament, and personality, can be deflected away from their genetic pathways in any of several directions by a variety of life experiences. We now know that potent environmental influences can also limit, or canalize, development. In Chapter 2, for example, we discussed Gilbert Gottlieb’s (1991) intriguing finding that duckling embryos exposed to chicken calls before hatching prefer the calls of chickens to those of their own mothers. In this case, the ducklings’ prenatal experiences (environment) overrode the presumably canalized genetic predisposition to favour the vocalization of their own species. Environments may also canalize human development. For example, early environments in which nutrition and social stimulation are inadequate can permanently stunt children’s growth and impair their intellectual development. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 91

In sum, the canalization principle is a simple idea—yet a very useful one that illustrates that (1) there are multiple pathways along which an individual might develop, (2) nature and nurture combine to determine these pathways, and (3) either genes or environment may limit the extent to which the other factor can influence development. Irving Gottesman makes the same points about gene influences in a slightly different way in his own theory of genotype/environment interactions (discussed in the following section).

The Range-of-Reaction Principle range-of-reaction principle the idea that genotype sets limits on the range of possible phenotypes that a person might display in response to different environments.

150

From Genotype to Environment

100

Tony

65

Nikos

Raj

Raj

Tony

Intellectual performance (IQ)

135

According to Gottesman (1963), genes typically do not rigidly canalize behaviour. Instead, an individual genotype establishes a range of possible responses to different kinds of life experiences: the so-called range of reaction. In other words, Gottesman claims that a genotype sets boundaries on the range of possible phenotypes that one might display to different environments. An important corollary is that because people differ genetically, no two individuals should respond in precisely the same way to any particular environment. The concept of reaction range, as applied to intellectual performance, is illustrated in Figure 3.11. Here we see the effects of varying degrees of environmental enrichment on the IQs of three children: Raj, who has high genetic potential for intellectual development; Tony, whose genetic endowment for intelligence is average; and Nikos, whose potential for intellectual growth is far below average. Notice that under similar environmental conditions, Raj always outperforms the other two children. Raj also has the widest reaction range, in that his IQ might vary from well below average in a restricted environment to far above average in an enriched environment. As is expected, Nikos has a very limited reaction range; his potential for intellectual development is low, and as a result, he shows smaller variation in IQ across environments than do the other two children. In sum, the range-of-reaction principle is a clear statement about the interplay between heredity and environment. Presumably, a person’s genotype sets a range of possible outcomes for any particular attribute and the enviReaction ronment largely influences where, within that range, he or range she will fall.

Nikos

25

Restricted

Average

Enriched

Type of environment

Figure 3.11 Hypothetical reaction ranges for the intellectual performances of three children in restricted, average, and intellectually enriching environments. Adapted from “Heritability of Personality: A Demonstration,” by I. Gottesman, 1963, Psychological Monographs, 11 (Whole No. 572). Copyright © 1963 by the American Psychological Association.

Up until now, we have been calculating the separate influences of heredity and environment. A more nuanced understanding also takes into account that our genes may actually influence the kinds of environments that we are likely to experience (Plomin, DeFries, & Loehlin, 1977; Scarr & McCartney, 1983). How? In at least three ways.

Passive Genotype/Environment Interactions According to Scarr and McCartney (1983), the kind of home environment that parents provide for their children is influenced, in part, by the parents’ own genotypes. Because parents also provide their children with genes, it so happens that the rearing environments to which children are exposed are correlated with (and are likely to suit) their own genotypes. For example, parents who are genetically predisposed to be athletic may create a very “athletic” home environment by encouraging their children to play vigorously and take an interest in sporting activities. Besides being exposed to an athletic environment, the children may have inherited

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92 Part Two | Foundations of Development

passive genotype/environment interactions the notion that the rearing environments that biological parents provide are influenced by the parents’ own genes, and hence are correlated with the child’s own genotype. evocative genotype/ environment interactions the notion that our heritable attributes affect others’ behaviour toward us and thus influence the social environment in which development takes place.

active genotype/environment interactions the notion that our genotypes affect the types of environments that we prefer and seek out.

their parents’ athletic genes, which might make them particularly responsive to that environment. So children of athletic parents may come to enjoy athletic pursuits for both hereditary and environmental reasons, and the influences of heredity and environment are tightly intertwined. Interactions like these are known as passive genotype/environment interactions.

Evocative Genotype/Environment Interactions Might the differences in environments that children experience be partly due to the fact that they have inherited different genes and may elicit different reactions from their companions? These interactions are evocative genotype/environment interactions because an individual is evoking a response. For example, smiley, active babies receive more attention and positive social stimulation than moody, passive ones (Deater-Deckard & O’Connor, 2000). Teachers may respond more favourably to physically attractive students than to their less attractive classmates. Clearly, these reactions of other people to the child (and the child’s genetically influenced attributes) are environmental influences that play an important role in shaping that child’s personality. So once again we see an intermingling of hereditary and environmental influences; heredity affects the character of the social environment in which the personality develops. Active Genotype/Environment Interactions Finally, Scarr and McCartney (1983) propose that the environments that children prefer and seek out will be those that are most compatible with their genetic predispositions. For example, a child genetically predisposed to be extroverted is likely to invite friends to the house, to be an avid party-goer, and to generally prefer activities that are socially stimulating. Similarly, a child who is genetically predisposed to be shy and introverted may actively avoid large social gatherings and choose instead to pursue activities (such as playing video games) that can be enjoyed alone. So people with different genotypes may select different “environmental niches” for themselves, thus known as active genotype/environment interactions, which may then have a powerful effect on their future social, emotional, and intellectual development.

How Do Genotype/Environment Interactions Influence Development?

Amount of influence

According to Scarr and McCartney (1983), the relative importance of active, passive, and evocative gene influences changes over the course of childhood. During the first few years, infants and toddlers spend most of their time at Active genotype/ home in an environment that parents structure for them, Much environment making passive genotype/environment correlations particucorrelations larly important early in life. But once children reach school age and venture away from home on a daily basis, they sudEvocative genotype/ denly become much freer to select their own interests, activienvironment correlations ties, friends, and hangouts. Therefore, active, niche-building Passive genotype/ correlations should exert greater influence on development environment as the child matures (see Figure 3.12). Finally, evocative correlations genotype/environment correlations are always important; that is, a person’s genetically influenced attributes and patLittle terns of behaviour may influence the ways other people react 0 5 10 15 20 to him or her throughout life. Age (in years) As can be seen in Figure 3.12, there is ample support for the Scarr-McCartney theory. Pairs of genetically unrelated Figure 3.12 Relative influence of passive, evocative, and active adoptees who live in the same home do show some definite (niche-picking) genotype/environment correlations as a function of age. similarities in conduct and in intellectual performance during NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 93

Robert Burroughs

early and middle childhood (Scarr & Weinberg, 1978). Because these adoptees share no genes with each other or with their adoptive parents, their resemblances must be due to their common rearing environments. Yet, by late adolescence, genetically unrelated siblings barely resemble each other in intelligence, personality, or any other aspect of behaviour, presumably because they have selected very different environmental niches, which, in turn, have steered them along different developmental paths (Scarr, 1992; Scarr & McCartney, 1983). Even fraternal twins, who have 50 percent of their genes in common, are much less alike as adolescents or adults than they were as children (McCartney, Harris, & Bernieri, 1990; and recall the declining resemblance in fraternal twins’ IQs over time as shown in Table 3.3). Apparently, the genes that fraternal twins do not share cause these individuals to select different environmental niches, which, in turn, contribute to their declining resemblance over time. On the other hand, pairs of identical twins bear a close behavioural resemblance throughout childhood and adolescence. Why? For two reasons: (1) not only do identical twins evoke similar reactions from other people, but (2) their identical genotypes also predispose them to prefer and select very similar environments (i.e., friends, interests, and activities), which will then exert comparable influences on these twin pairs and virtually guarantee that they will continue to resemble one another. Even identical twins raised apart should be similar in some respects because their identical genes cause them to seek out and prefer similar activities and experiences. Let’s take a closer look. Thomas Bouchard and his associates (Bouchard, Lykken, McGue, Segal, & Tellegen, 1990; see also Neimark, 2000) have studied nearly 100 pairs of separated identical twins— people with identical genes who were raised in different home environments. One such pair was Oscar Stohr and Jack Yufe. Oscar was raised as a Catholic by his mother in Nazidominated Europe. He became involved in the Hitler Youth Movement during World War II and was employed as a factory supervisor in Germany. Jack, a store owner, was raised as a Jew and came to loathe Nazis while growing up in a Caribbean country halfway around the world. Jack became a political liberal, whereas Oscar was very, very conservative. Despite these differences, the more remarkable finding is that all these twin pairs also show a number of striking similarities as well. As young men, for example, Oscar and Jack both excelled at sports and had difficulty with math. They had similar mannerisms, and both tended to be absentminded. And then there are the little things, such as their common taste for spicy foods and sweet liqueurs, their habit of storing rubber bands on their wrists, and their preference for flushing the toilet before and after using it. How can separated identical twins be so different from and, at the same time, so similar to each other? The concept of active gene influences helps explain the uncanny resemblances. Although raised apart, identical twins are members of the same historical period who are likely to be exposed to many of the same kinds of objects, activities, educational experiences, and historical events as they are growing up. So, if identical twins are genetically predisposed to select comparable aspects of the environment for special attention, and if their “different” environments provide them with reasonably similar sets of experiences from which to build their environmental niches, then these individuals should resemble each other in many of their habits, mannerisms, abilities, and interests. However, it was almost inevitable that they would differ in their political

Jack Yufe and Oscar Stohr (right).

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94 Part Two | Foundations of Development

ideologies because their sociopolitical environments (Nazi-dominated Europe versus the laid-back Caribbean) were so dissimilar as to prevent them from ever building the kinds of “niches” that would have made them staunch political allies.

Contributions and Criticisms of the behavioural Genetics Approach Thus, many attributes previously thought to be shaped by environment are influenced, in part, by genes. Further, these influences are dynamic. Epigenetic changes may result in permanent changes but are also active throughout our entire lives. Previously, critics argued that genetic and environmental influences on development could be described but not explained (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Gottlieb, 1996, 2003). However, advances in our understanding of how epigenetic remodelling may be the primary mechanism for phenotype plasticity, through the interaction of environment and genome (Bagot & Meaney, 2010), provides a foundation for going beyond description. This new understanding has promoted research on how we can use this knowledge to improve the quality of people’s lives. How exactly do environments influence people’s abilities, conduct, and character? What environmental influences, at what ages, are particularly important? These are questions that we will further pursue throughout this text. We begin in our next chapter by examining how environmental events that occur even before a child is born combine with nature’s scheme to influence the course of prenatal development and the characteristics of newborn infants.

CONCEPT CHECK

3.3

Understanding Hereditary Influences on Behaviour

Check your understanding of how more complex behavioural characteristics like personality and intelligence are influenced by genotype, phenotype, and experience by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. What does the heritability coefficient compare? a. identical twins in the same environment to identical twins in different environments b. fraternal twins in the same environment to fraternal twins in different environments c. identical twins to fraternal twins d. fraternal twins to nontwin siblings 2. Heredity is a major contributor of all of the following conditions EXCEPT which one? a. schizophrenia b. bipolar disorder c. anorexia nervosa d. alcoholism 3. The limited number of ways a person will respond to the environment is determined by his or her genotype. What is the term for the possible responses a person could make? a. his or her possible outcome scenario b. his or her range of reaction

c. his or her nonshared environmental influences d. his or her shared environmental influences True or False: Identify whether the following statements are

true or false.

4. (T) (F) Genes are more important earlier in life, whereas experience alone determines intellectual performance after adolescence. 5. (T) (F) Genes influence both the course and the extent of infants’ mental development. 6. (T) (F) Both nonshared environmental influences and genetic influences contribute to phenotypes. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

7. Describe the two types of family studies used to observe the effect of genotypes on phenotypes and explain which process you would rather use when conducting research of your own. Why would you use this process? Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

8. Describe the principle of active gene influences. What kinds of situations are identical twins reared in separate environments likely to share?

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 95

Applying Developmental Themes to Hereditary Influences on Development Throughout this book, we will be examining how research and theory on particular topics that we’ve investigated relate to the four central developmental themes we presented in the previous chapter: the active child, nature and nurture interactions, qualitative and quantitative changes in development, and the holistic nature of child development. In this chapter, we see that these themes arise even before birth, because hereditary influences on development play into each of these issues. Scarr and McCartney’s genotype/environment correlations theory raises interesting possibilities for the active nature of child development. Recall that the active child refers to how the child’s characteristics influence his or her development and that this influence need not reflect conscious choices or behaviours. According to the genotype/environment correlation theory, the child is active in his or her development through passive genotype/environment correlations, because these depend upon the genotype of the child. The child is also active in evocative genotype/environment correlations, because these also depend upon the responses elicited by the child’s genotype. Finally, the child is active in the choices of environment he or she pursues in the active genotype/environment correlations. Clearly, this theory (and the data that support it) is strong evidence for the child’s active role in development. Our discussion of the hereditary influences on development throughout the chapter emphasized the often bidirectional interaction of nature and nurture in driving development, and how changes may be permanent based on methylation of regulatory genes. We discussed methods for attempting to measure the relative contributions of heredity, shared environmental effects, and nonshared environmental effects on various behavioural characteristics. We saw that although we could partition effects using concordance rates, kinship correlations, and heritability estimates, we were always left acknowledging that nature and nurture interact in development in complex and immeasurable ways. We also covered a few examples of qualitative and quantitative developmental changes in this chapter. The process of meiosis, by which a germ cell divides and becomes gametes, is an example of a qualitative change. The process of mitosis, by which the body cells divide, is an example of a quantitative change in development. A more theoretical example of qualitative changes in development draws on the genotype/environment correlation theory again. Recall that the relative influence of the different types of genotype/environment correlations changes across development, with passive effects being stronger influences early in development and active effects being stronger influences later in development. Our final theme concerns the holistic nature of child development. Perhaps this theme is the most basic idea from our investigation of hereditary influences on development. We saw in this chapter that heredity and environment influence all aspects of child development: physical, social, cognitive, and behavioural. Clearly, heredity is an important building block for understanding the child as an integrated labyrinth of influences and outcomes in all aspects of psychological functioning.

SUMMARY Principles of Hereditary Transmission ■■ Development begins at conception, when a sperm cell from the father penetrates an ovum from the mother, forming a zygote. ■■ A normal human zygote contains 46 chromosomes (23 from each parent), each of which consists of several thousand strands of deoxyribonucleic acid (or DNA) known as genes. Genes are the biological basis for the development of the zygote into a person.

■■ Development of the zygote occurs through mitosis—new body cells are created as the 23 maternal-paternal paired chromosomes in each cell duplicate themselves and separate into two identical new cells. ■■ Specialized germ cells divide by meiosis to produce gametes (sperm or ova) that each contain 23 unpaired chromosomes. Crossing-over and the independent assortment of chromosomes ensure that each gamete receives a unique set of genes from each parent.

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96 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Monozygotic (or identical) twins result when a single zygote divides to create two cells that develop independently into two individuals. ■■ Dizygotic (or fraternal) twins result when two different ova are each fertilized by a different sperm cell, then develop independently into two individuals. ■■ Gametes contain 22 autosomes and 1 sex chromosome. Females’ sex chromosomes are both X chromosomes; males’ sex chromosomes are an X and a Y chromosome. ■■ Ova contain an X chromosome. Sperm contain either an X or a Y chromosome. Therefore, fathers determine the sex of their children (depending on whether the sperm that fertilizes the ova contains an X or a Y chromosome). ■■ Genes produce enzymes and other proteins that are necessary for the creation and functioning of new cells, and regulate the timing of development. Internal and external environments influence how genes function. ■■ There are many ways in which one’s genotype may affect phenotype—the way one looks, feels, thinks, or behaves. ■■ Some characteristics are determined by a single pair of alleles, one of which is inherited from each parent. ●■ In simple dominant/recessive traits, the individual displays the phenotype of the dominant allele. ●■ If a gene pair is codominant, the individual displays a phenotype in between those produced by the dominant and the recessive alleles. ●■ Sex-linked characteristics are those caused by recessive genes on the X chromosome when there is no corresponding gene on the Y chromosome to mask its effects; they are more common in males. ■■ Most complex human attributes, such as intelligence and personality traits, are polygenic, or influenced by many genes rather than a single pair. ■■

Hereditary Disorders Occasionally, children inherit congenital defects (e.g., Huntington’s disease) that are caused by abnormal genes and chromosomes. ●■ Chromosomal abnormalities occur when the individual inherits too many or too few chromosomes. ●■ A major autosomal disorder is Down syndrome, in which the child inherits an extra 21st chromosome. ●■ Many genetic disorders can be passed to children by parents who are not affected but are carriers of a recessive allele for the disorder. ■■ Genetic abnormalities may also result from mutations— changes in the structure of one or more genes that can occur spontaneously or result from environmental hazards such as radiation or toxic chemicals. ■■

Genetic Counselling, Prenatal Detection, and Treatment of Hereditary Disorders ■■ Genetic counselling informs prospective parents about the odds of giving birth to a child with a hereditary disorder.

Family histories and medical tests are used to determine if the parents are at risk. ■■ Amniocentesis, chorionic villus sampling (CVS), ultrasound, and non-invasive prenatal testing (NIPT) are used for prenatal detection of many genetic and chromosomal abnormalities. ■■ Medical interventions such as special diets, fetal surgery, drugs and hormones, and gene replacement therapy can reduce the harmful effects of many heredity disorders.

Hereditary Influences on behaviour Behavioural genetics is the study of how genes and environment contribute to individual variations in development. ■■ Although animals can be studied in selective breeding experiments, human behavioural geneticists must conduct family studies (often twin designs or adoption designs), estimating the heritability of various attributes from similarities and differences among family members who differ in kinship. ■■ Hereditary contributions to various attributes are estimated using concordance rates and heritability coefficients. ■■ Behavioural geneticists can also determine the amount of variability in a trait that is attributable to nonshared environmental influences and shared environmental influences. ■■ Family studies reveal that heritability influences intellectual performances, introversion/extroversion and empathic concern, and predispositions to display such disorders as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, neurotic disorders, alcoholism, and criminality. ■■

Theories of Heredity and Environment Interactions in Development ■■ The canalization principle implies that genes limit development to certain outcomes that are difficult for the environment to alter. ■■ The range-of-reaction principle states that heredity sets a range of developmental potentials and the environment influences where in that range the individual will fall. ■■ A more recent theory proposes three avenues by which genes influence the environments we are likely to experience: through passive genotype/environment correlations, evocative genotype/environment correlations, and active genotype/environment correlations. ■■ The relative influence of the different genotype/environment correlations changes across development, with passive effects predominating in early life, evocative effects operating throughout life, and active effects not playing a role until later childhood and adolescence. Contributions and Criticisms of the behavioural Genetics Approach ■■ Behavioural genetics has had a strong influence on our outlook on human development by showing that many attributes previously thought to be environmentally determined are influenced, in part, by genes. NEL

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Chapter 3 | Hereditary Influences on Development 97

It has also helped to defuse the nature versus nurture debate by illustrating that these two sources of influence are complexly intertwined. ■■ Behavioural genetics has been criticized as an incomplete theory of development that describes, but fails to explain, ■■

how either genes or environment influence our abilities, conduct, and character. ■■ Recent advances in the molecular and cellular mechanisms of epigenetics are providing explanations of the plasticity of phenotypes.

KEY TERMS genotype, 68

monozygotic (or identical) twins, 71

congenital defect, 78

adoption design, 86

phenotype, 68

Down syndrome, 79

concordance rate, 86

epigenetics, 68

dizygotic (or fraternal) twins, 72

mutation, 81

heritability coefficient, 87

conception, 68

autosomes, 72

genetic counselling, 81

zygote, 69

X chromosome, 72

fragile-X syndrome, 81

nonshared environmental influence (NSE), 88

chromosome, 69

Y chromosome, 72

amniocentesis, 82

gene, 69

genome, 73

deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), 69

alleles, 73

chorionic villus sampling (CVS), 82

base pairs, 69

simple dominant-recessive inheritance, 74

non-invasive prenatal testing, 82

empathic concern, 89

dominant allele, 74

ultrasound, 83

neurotic disorder, 89

recessive allele, 74

phenylketonuria (PKU), 83

canalization, 90

homozygous, 74

germline gene therapy, 84

range-of-reaction principle, 91

heterozygous, 74

behavioural genetics, 86

carrier, 74

heritability, 86

passive genotype/environment correlations, 91

codominance, 74

selective breeding, 86

sickle cell anemia, 75

family studies, 86

sex-linked characteristic, 75

kinship, 86

polygenic trait, 76

twin design (or twin study), 86

mitosis, 70 chromatid, 70 gonads, 70 meiosis, 70 crossing-over, 70 homologue, 70 independent assortment, 71 gametes, 71

shared environmental influence (SE), 88 introversion/extroversion, 89 bipolar disorder, 89

evocative genotype/environmental correlations, 92 active genotype/environment correlations, 92

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 3.1

4. d. maternal blood analysis

1. d. phenotype

5. F

2. a. gene is to chromosome

6. T

3. b. mitosis 4. d. autosomes

Concept Check 3.3 1. c. identical twins; fraternal twins

5. a. the fertilization of two different ova by two different sperm

2. c. anorexia nervosa

6. zero probability

3. b. range of reaction

Concept Check 3.2

4. F

1. c. abnormal contact between mother and child during postnatal development

5. T

2. a. abnormalities of the chromosomes

6. T

3. a. pedigree

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Spectral-Design/Shutterstock

4

Prenatal Development

T prenatal development development that occurs between the moment of conception and the beginning of the birth process.

98

ake the quiz entitled “The Early Beginnings” on page 99. The items are straightforward, but unless you have given a lot of thought to these issues or have had some personal experience, you may find them a little tricky. The answer for all the items is “False.” How well did you do? These questions challenge some of our everyday beliefs. In this chapter, we will discuss normal prenatal development—the development that occurs between the moment of conception and birth—as well as the things that can go wrong. You will see that the timetable inside the womb differs drastically from what we observe externally as the three familiar trimesters that demark the experience of the pregnant woman. Inside the womb, there are three stages as well, but these stages pass quickly as the organism becomes a zygote, then an embryo, and finally a fetus. The transition from embryo to fetus occurs at 8 weeks, a full month before the pregnant woman enters the second trimester of her pregnancy and, often, before she is aware that she is pregnant. At this point, the foundations for all of the embryo’s major organs are formed. The rest of the prenatal period is a time of growth, the development of function, and the refinement of organs and structures. In this chapter, we present information about both maternal and paternal behaviours that may impact the course of prenatal development. Some of these behaviours are associated with negative impacts, such as low birth weight, cognitive deficits, or birth defects. Others are associated with healthy newborn outcomes and positive outcomes for the maturing child. Just because a risk or benefit is associated with a certain behaviour does not mean that engaging in the behaviour will ensure that outcome. For example, both increasing maternal age and alcohol consumption during pregnancy are associated with severe cognitive deficits in newborns, but many women who wait to conceive, or who have the occasional alcoholic drink while pregnant, bear perfectly healthy, bright newborns. In addition, although good nutrition, adequate amounts of sleep, and support are associated with positive newborn outcomes, women with healthy lifestyles who receive both emotional and behavioural support may still bear newborns with birth defects or low IQs. The behavioural information in this chapter provides an understanding of concerns that can minimize the risks that threaten healthy prenatal development, but perhaps the most important message of the chapter is that all sexually active men and women should be aware of the possibility of a pregnancy, the critical period of the early weeks of pregnancy, and the wisdom of adjusting their lifestyle to provide a healthy prenatal environment, just in case. NEL

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

99

Pascal Goetgheluck/Science Source

From Conception to Birth

Within hours of conception, the fertilized ovum (zygote) divides, beginning a continuous process of cell differentiation.

In Chapter 3, we learned that development begins in the fallopian tube when a sperm penetrates the wall of an ovum, forming a zygote. From the moment of conception, it will take approximately 266 days for this tiny, one-celled zygote to become a fetus of some 200 billion cells that is ready to be born. Prenatal development is often divided into three major phases. The first phase, called period of the zygote (or the germinal period), lasts from conception through implantation, when the developing zygote becomes firmly attached to the wall of the uterus. The period of the zygote normally lasts about 10 to 14 days (Leese, 1994). The second phase of prenatal development, the period of the embryo, lasts from the beginning of the third week through the end of the eighth. This is the time when virtually all the major organs are formed and the heart begins to beat (Corsini, 1994). The third phase, the period of the fetus, lasts from the ninth week of pregnancy until the child is born. During this phase, all the major organ systems begin to function and the developing organism grows rapidly (Malas, Aslankoç, Üngör, Sulak, & Candir, 2004).

The Early Beginnings Quiz True or False?

2.

3.

4.

5.

A mother’s womb is a protective haven that shields an unborn child from such external hazards as pollution and disease. The environment first affects human development the moment a baby is born. Human beings develop most rapidly between birth and 2 years of age. Birth proceeds more smoothly with fewer complications when attended by a physician in a hospital. Newborn human infants are asocial creatures who are poorly adapted for life. period of the zygote (germinal period) first phase of prenatal development, lasting from conception until the developing organism becomes firmly attached to the wall of the uterus.

The Period of the Zygote As the fertilized ovum, or zygote, moves down the fallopian tube toward the uterus, it divides by mitosis into two cells. These two cells and all the resulting cells continue to divide, forming a ball-shaped structure, or blastocyst, that will contain 60 to 80 cells within 4 days of conception (see Figure 4.1). Cell differentiation has already begun. The inner layer of the blastocyst, or embryonic disk, becomes the embryo, whereas the outer layer of cells will develop into tissues that protect and nourish the embryo.

4. 4 cells (48 hours) 3. 2 cells (36 hours)

Embryonic disk

Fallopian tube

Trophoblast cells Uterus

period of the embryo second phase of prenatal development, lasting from the third through the eighth prenatal week, during which the major organs and anatomical structures take shape. period of the fetus third phase of prenatal development, lasting from the ninth prenatal week until birth; during this period, all major organ systems begin to function and the fetus grows rapidly.

5. 16 to 32 cells (72 hours)

6. Cell division and formation of inner cell mass (4 to 5 days) Blastocyst

Ovary Uterine lining 1. Single-celled mature ovum discharged by ovary on days 9 to 16 of menstrual cycle 7. Implantation (8 to 14 days)

Cervix

2. Fertilization occurs usually within 24 hours

Figure 4.1 The period of the zygote.

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100 Part Two | Foundations of Development

blastocyst name given to the ball of cells formed when the fertilized egg first begins to divide. embryo name given to the prenatal organism from the third through the eighth week after conception. implantation the burrowing of the blastocyst into the lining of the uterus.

amnion a watertight membrane that surrounds the developing embryo, serving to regulate its temperature and to cushion it against injuries. chorion a membrane that, as above, becomes attached to the uterine tissues to gather nourishment for the embryo. placenta an organ, formed from the lining of the uterus and the chorion, that provides for respiration and nourishment of the unborn child and the elimination of its metabolic wastes. umbilical cord a soft tube containing blood vessels that connects the embryo to the placenta.

Uterine wall

Implantation As the blastocyst approaches the uterus 6 to 10 days after conception, small, burrlike tendrils emerge from its outer surface. Upon reaching the uterine wall, these tendrils burrow inward, tapping the mother’s blood supply. This is implantation. Implantation is quite a development in itself. There is a specific “window of implantation” during which the blastocyst must communicate (biologically) with the uterine wall, position itself, attach, and invade. This implantation choreography takes about 48 hours and occurs 7 to 10 days after ovulation, with the entire process completing about 10 to 14 days after ovulation (Hoozemans, Schats, Lambalk, Homburg, & Hompes, 2004). Once the blastocyst is implanted at 10 to 14 days after conception, it looks like a small translucent blister on the wall of the uterus (see Figure 4.1). Only about half of all fertilized ova are firmly implanted, and perhaps as many as half of all such implants are either genetically abnormal and fail to develop, or burrow into a site incapable of sustaining them and are miscarried (Moore & Persaud, 1993; Simpson, 1993). So it appears that nearly three zygotes out of four, including most of the abnormal ones, fail to survive the initial phase of prenatal development.

Development of Support Systems Once implanted, the blastocyst’s outer layer rapidly forms four major support structures that protect and nourish the developing organism (Sadler, 1996). One membrane, the amnion, is a watertight sac that fills with fluid from the mother’s tissues. The purposes of this sac and its amniotic fluid are to cushion the developing organism against blows, regulate its temperature, and provide a weightless environment that will make it easier for the embryo to move. Floating in this watery environment is a balloonshaped yolk sac that produces blood cells until the embryo is capable of producing its own. This yolk sac is attached to a third membrane, the chorion, which surrounds the amnion and eventually becomes the lining of the placenta—a multipurpose organ that we will discuss in detail (see Figure 4.2). A fourth membrane, the allantois, forms the embryo’s umbilical cord.

Placenta

Umbilical cord Chorion

Cervix

Figure 4.2 The embryo and its prenatal environment.

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Amnion

Purpose of the Placenta Once developed, the placenta is fed by blood vessels from the mother and the embryo, although its hairlike villi act as a barrier that prevents these two bloodstreams from mixing. This placental barrier is semipermeable, meaning that it allows some substances to pass through but not others. Gases such as oxygen and carbon dioxide, salts, and various nutrients such as sugars, proteins, and fats are small enough to cross the placental barrier. However, blood cells are too large (Gude, Roberts, Kalionis, & King, 2004). Maternal blood flowing into the placenta delivers oxygen and nutrients into the embryo’s bloodstream by means of the umbilical cord, which connects the embryo to the placenta. The umbilical cord also transports carbon dioxide and metabolic wastes from the embryo. These waste products then cross the placental barrier, enter the mother’s bloodstream, and are eventually expelled from the mother’s body along with her own metabolic wastes. Clearly, the placenta plays a crucial role in prenatal development, because this organ is the site of all metabolic transactions that sustain the embryo. NEL

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

101

The Period of the Embryo

neural tube the primitive spinal cord that develops from the ectoderm and becomes the central nervous system.

The Second Month During the second month, the embryo becomes much more human in appearance (see Figure 4.3) as it grows about 1 mm per day. A primitive tail appears, but it is soon enclosed by protective tissue and becomes the tip of the backbone, the coccyx. By the middle of the fifth week, the eyes have corneas and lenses. By the seventh week, the ears are well formed and the embryo has a rudimentary skeleton. Limbs are developing from the body outward; that is, the upper arms appear first, followed by the forearms, hands, and then fingers. The legs follow a similar pattern a few days later. The brain develops rapidly during the second month, and it directs the organism’s first muscular contractions by the end of the embryonic period. During the seventh and eighth prenatal weeks, the embryo’s sexual development begins with the appearance of a genital ridge called the indifferent gonad. If the embryo is a male, a gene on its Y chromosome triggers a biochemical reaction that instructs the indifferent gonad to produce testes. If the embryo is a female, the indifferent gonad receives no such instructions and will produce ovaries. The embryo’s circulatory system now functions on its own, for the liver and spleen have assumed the task of producing blood cells Figure 4.3 A human embryo at 40 days. from the now-defunct yolk sac. By the end of the second month, the embryo is slightly more than 2.5 cm long and weighs less than 7 g. Yet it is already complex. All of the basic structures that will be present when the baby is born have already formed, at least at a rudimentary level (Apgar & Beck, 1974, p. 57).

The Period of the Fetus

Garry Watson/Science Source

Carolina Biological Supply, Co/Visuals Unlimited, Inc.

fetus name given to the prenatal organism from the ninth week of pregnancy until birth.

The period of the embryo lasts from implantation (roughly the third week) through the eighth week of pregnancy. By the third week, the embryonic disk is rapidly differentiating into three cell layers. The outer layer, or ectoderm, will become the nervous system, skin, and hair. The middle layer, or mesoderm, will become the muscles, bones, and circulatory system. The inner layer, or endoderm, will become the digestive system, lungs, urinary tract, and other vital organs, such as the pancreas and liver. Development proceeds at a breathtaking pace during the period of the embryo. In the third week after conception, a portion of the ectoderm folds into a neural tube that soon becomes the brain and spinal cord. By the end of the fourth week, the heart has formed and begun to beat. The eyes, ears, nose, and mouth are also beginning to form, and buds that will become arms and legs suddenly appear. At this point the embryo is only about 0.6 cm but already 10 000 times the size of the zygote from which it developed. At no time in the future will this organism ever grow as rapidly or change as much as it has during the first prenatal month.

At about 12 weeks after conception, the fetus is about 7.5 cm long and weighs 28 g. All major organ systems have formed and several are already functioning.

The last seven months of pregnancy, or period of the fetus, is a period of rapid growth (see Figure 4.4) and refinement of all organ systems. This is the time during which all major organ systems begin to function and the fetus begins to move, sense, and behave (although not intentionally). This is also a time when individuality emerges as different fetuses develop unique characteristics, such as different patterns of movement and different facial expressions. At about 12 weeks after conception, the fetus is about 7.5 cm long and weighs almost 28 g. All major organ systems have formed, and several are already functioning.

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102 Part Two | Foundations of Development Age since fertilization in weeks

9 12

16

20

24

28

32

36

38

Figure 4.4 Rate of body growth during the fetal period. Increase in size is especially dramatic from the ninth to the twentieth week. Source: Adapted from Before We Are Born, 4th ed., by K.L. Moore & T.V.N. Persauld, 1993. Philadelphia: Saunders. Adapted by permission from Elsevier.

The Third Month During the third prenatal month, organ systems that were formed earlier continue their rapid growth and become interconnected. For example, coordination between the nervous and muscular systems allow the fetus to perform many interesting manoeuvres— kicking its legs, making fists, twisting its body—although these activities are far too subtle to be felt by the pregnant woman. The digestive and excretory systems are also working together, allowing the fetus to swallow, digest nutrients, and urinate (El-Haddad, Desai, Gayle, & Ross, 2004; Ross & Nijland, 1998). Sexual differentiation is progressing rapidly. The male testes secrete testosterone—the male sex hormone responsible for the development of a penis and scrotum. In the absence of testosterone, female genitalia form. By the end of the third month, the sex of a fetus can be detected by ultrasound and its reproductive system already contains immature ova or sperm cells. All these detailed developments are present after 12 weeks even though the fetus is a mere 7.5 cm long and still weighs less than 28 g. The Second Trimester: The Fourth through Sixth Months Development continues at a rapid pace during the thirteenth through twenty-fourth weeks of pregnancy, a period called the second trimester. At 16 weeks, the fetus is approximately 20 to 25 cm long and weighs about 170 g. From 15 or 16 weeks through about 24 or 25 weeks, simple movements of the tongue, lips, pharynx, and larynx increase in complexity and coordination, so that the fetus begins to suck, swallow, munch, hiccup, cough, and snort, thus, preparing itself for extrauterine life (Miller, Sonies, & Macedonia, 2003). Infants born prematurely may have difficulty breathing and suckling because they exit the womb at an early stage in the development of these skills—simply put, they haven’t had enough time to practise (Miller et al., 2003). During this period, the fetus also begins kicking that may be strong enough to be felt by the pregnant woman. The fetal heartbeat can easily be heard with a stethoscope, and as the amount of bone and cartilage increases as the skeleton hardens (Salle, Rauch, Travers, Bouvier, & Glorieux, 2002).

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103

Lennart Nilsson/Albert Bonniers Forlag AB, A CHILD IS BORN

Lennart Nilsson/Albert Bonniers Forlag AB, A CHILD IS BORN

Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

This 24-week-old fetus has reached the age of viability, but stands a slim chance of surviving outside the womb. From this point on, odds of survival in the event of a premature birth will increase with each day that passes.

vernix white, cheesy substance that covers the fetus to protect the skin from chapping. lanugo fine hair covering the fetus’s body that helps vernix stick to the skin.

age of viability a point between the 22nd and 28th prenatal weeks when survival outside the uterus is possible.

This 36-week-old fetus, covered with the cheeselike vernix that protects the skin against chapping, completely fills the uterus and is ready to be born within the next 2 weeks.

The hardening skeleton can be detected by ultrasound. By the end of the sixteenth week, the fetus has assumed a human appearance, although it stands virtually no chance of surviving outside the womb. During the fifth and sixth months, the nails harden, the skin thickens, and eyebrows, eyelashes, and scalp hair appear. At 20 weeks, the sweat glands are functioning and the fetal heartbeat is often strong enough to be heard by placing an ear on the pregnant woman’s abdomen. The fetus is now covered with a white, cheesy substance called vernix and a fine layer of body hair called lanugo. Vernix protects fetal skin against chapping during its long exposure to amniotic fluid and lanugo helps vernix stick to the skin. By the end of the sixth month, the fetus’s visual and auditory senses are clearly functional. We know this because preterm infants born only 25 weeks after conception become alert at the sound of a loud bell and blink in response to a bright light (Allen & Capute, 1986). Also, magnetoencephalography (MEG) has been used to document changes in the magnetic fields generated by the fetal brain in response to auditory stimuli. In fact, the use of MEG has revealed that the human fetus has some ability to discriminate between sounds. This ability may indicate the presence of a rudimentary fetal short-term memory system (Huotilainen et al., 2005). These abilities are present six months after conception, when the fetus is approximately 35 to 38 cm long and weighs just under 1 kg.

The Third Trimester: The Seventh through Ninth Months The last three months of pregnancy, or third trimester, comprise a “finishing phase” during which all organ systems mature rapidly, preparing the fetus for birth. Indeed, somewhere between 22 and 28 weeks after conception (usually in the seventh month), fetuses reach the age of viability—the point at which survival outside the uterus is possible (Moore & Persaud, 1993). Research using sophisticated fetal monitoring techniques reveals that 28- to 32-week-old fetuses suddenly begin to show better organized and more predictable cycles of heart rate activity, gross motor activity, and sleepiness/waking activity, findings that seem to indicate that their developing nervous systems are now sufficiently well organized to allow them to survive should their birth be premature (DiPietro, Hodgson, Costigan, Hilton, & Johnson, 1996; see also Groome, Swiber, Atterbury, Bentz, & Holland, 1997). At this stage, prenatal experiences are related to the ability to discriminate speech sound patterns and maternal voices at birth, which shows that the auditory cortex

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104 Part Two | Foundations of Development

is developing prior to birth (Partanen, Kujala, Naatanen, Sambeth & Huotilainene, 2013). Nevertheless, many fetuses born this young still require oxygen assistance because the tiny pulmonary alveoli (air sacs) in their lungs are too immature to inflate and exchange oxygen for carbon dioxide on their own (Moore & Persaud, 1993). By the end of the seventh month, the fetus weighs just over 1.8 kg and is about 40 to 43 cm long. One month later, it has grown to 46 cm and put on another 0.5 to 1.0 kg. Much of this weight comes from a padding of fat deposited just beneath the skin that later helps to insulate the newborn infant from changes in temperature. By the middle of the ninth month, fetal activity slows and sleep increases (DiPietro et al., 1996; Sahni, Schulze, Stefanski, Myers, & Fifer, 1995). The fetus is now so large that the most comfortable position within a restricted, pear-shaped uterus is likely to be a head-down posture at the base of the uterus, with the limbs curled up in the so-called fetal position. At irregular intervals over the last month of pregnancy, the pregnant woman’s uterus contracts and then relaxes—a process that tones the uterine muscles, dilates the cervix, and helps to position the head of the fetus into the gap between the pelvic bones through which it will soon be pushed. As the uterine contractions become stronger, more frequent, and regular, the prenatal period draws to a close. The pregnant woman is now in the first stage of labour, and within a matter of hours she will give birth. A brief overview of prenatal development is presented in Table 4.1. Note that the stages of development through which the developing organism passes do not correspond to the trimester stages used to describe the pregnant woman’s experience. In fact, the developing organism passes through all three stages of prenatal development in the pregnant woman’s first trimester. Furthermore, because the organism becomes a fetus at about 8 weeks after conception, it is not at all uncommon for a woman not to realize she is pregnant before the periods of the zygote and embryo have passed.

A Brief Overview of Prenatal Development

Trimester

Period

Weeks

First

Zygote

1

One-celled zygote divides and becomes a blastocyst.

2

Blastocyst implants into uterine wall; structures that nourish and protect the organism—amnion, chorion, yolk sac, placenta, umbilical cord—begin to form.

Embryo

Second

Size

3–4

0.65 cm

Brain, spinal cord, and heart form, as do the rudimentary structures that will become the eyes, ears, nose, mouth, and limbs.

5–8

~2.5 cm 7g

External body structures (eyes, ears, limbs) and internal organs form. Embryo produces its own blood and can now move.

Fetus

9–12

~9.5 cm 28 g

Rapid growth and interconnections of all organ systems permit new competencies such as body and limb movements, swallowing, digestion of nutrients, urination. External genitalia form.

Fetus

13–24

~35–38 cm

Fetus grows rapidly. Fetal movements are felt by the mother, and fetal heartbeat can be heard. Fetus is covered by vernix to prevent chapping; fetus also reacts to bright lights and loud sounds.

~0.9 kg

Third

Major Developments

Fetus

25–38

~48–53 cm ~3.2–3.6 kg

Growth continues and all organ systems mature in preparation for birth. Fetus reaches the age of viability and behaviour becomes more regular and predictable in its sleep cycles and motor activity. Layer of fat develops under the skin. Activity becomes less frequent and sleep more frequent during last 2 weeks before birth.

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TaBle 4.1

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

105

environmental Influences on Prenatal Development Although the vast majority of newborn infants follow the “normal” pattern of prenatal development (see Table 4.1), some encounter environmental obstacles that may channel their development along an abnormal path. In the following sections, we will consider a number of environmental factors that can harm developing embryos and fetuses. We will also consider interventions to prevent abnormal outcomes.

Teratogens teratogens external agents, such as viruses, drugs, chemicals, and radiation, that can harm a developing embryo or fetus.

The term teratogen refers to any disease, drug, or other environmental agent that can harm a developing embryo or fetus by causing physical deformities, severe delays in growth, blindness, brain damage, intellectual disabilities, and even death. The list of known and suspected teratogens has grown frighteningly long over the years, making many of today’s parents quite concerned about the hazards their developing embryos and fetuses could face (Bergen, Schroer, & Woodin, 2017; Friedman & Polifka, 1996; Georgieff, Tran & Carlson, 2018). Before considering the effects of some major teratogens, let’s emphasize that about 95 percent of newborn babies are perfectly normal and that many of those born with defects have mild, temporary, or reversible problems (Gosden, Nicolaides, & Whitting, 1994; Heinonen, Slone, & Shapiro, 1977). Let’s also lay out a few principles about the effects of teratogens that will aid us in interpreting the research that follows: ■■

■■

■■ ■■ ■■

■■

■■

■■

sensitive period a period during which an organism is most susceptible to certain environmental influences; outside this period, the same environmental influences must be much stronger to produce comparable effects.

The effects of a teratogen on a body part or organ system are worst during the period when that structure is forming and growing most rapidly. Not all embryos or fetuses are equally affected by a teratogen; susceptibility to harm is influenced by the embryo’s or fetus’s and the pregnant woman’s genetic makeup and the quality of the prenatal environment. The same defect can be caused by different teratogens. A variety of defects can result from a single teratogen. The longer the exposure to or higher the “dose” of a teratogen, the more likely it is that serious harm will be done. Embryos and fetuses can be affected by fathers’ as well as by pregnant women’s exposure to some teratogens. The long-term effects of a teratogen often depend on the quality of the postnatal environment. Some teratogens cause “sleeper effects” that may not be apparent until later in life.

Let’s look more closely at the first generalization. Each major organ system or body part has a sensitive period when it is most susceptible to teratogenic agents, namely, the time when the particular part of the body is evolving and taking shape. Recall that most organs and body parts are rapidly forming during the period of the embryo (weeks 3 through 8 of prenatal development). As we see in Figure 4.5, this is precisely the time—before a woman may even know that she is pregnant—that most organ systems are most vulnerable to damage. The most crucial period for gross physical defects of the head and central nervous system is the third through the fifth prenatal weeks. The heart is particularly vulnerable from the middle of the third through the middle of the sixth prenatal week; the most vulnerable period for many other organs and body parts is the second prenatal month. Is it any wonder, then, that the period of the embryo is often called the “critical phase” of pregnancy? Once an organ or body part is fully formed, it becomes somewhat less susceptible to damage. However, as Figure 4.5 also illustrates, some organ systems (particularly the nervous system) can be damaged throughout pregnancy. Over four decades ago, Olli Heinonen and his associates (Heinonen et al., 1977) concluded that many of the birth defects found among the 50 282 children in their sample were anytime malformations—problems that could have been caused by teratogens at any point during the prenatal period. So it seems that the entire prenatal period could be considered a sensitive period for human development. Finally, teratogens can have subtle effects on babies’ behaviour that are not obvious

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106 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Period of dividing zygote, implantation 1

2

Usually not susceptible to teratogens

Embryonic period (in weeks) 3 Central nervous system

Heart

4

5

6

Fetal period (in weeks)—full term 7

8

9

16

20–36

38

Indicates common site of action of teratogen Eye

Heart

Eye

Teeth

Arm Leg

Ear

Ear

Palate

Brain

External genitals

Central nervous system Heart Arms Eyes Legs Teeth Palate External genitals Ear

Prenatal death

Major structural abnormalities

Physiological defects and minor structural abnormalities

Figure 4.5 The critical periods of prenatal development. Each organ or structure has a critical period when it is most sensitive to damage from teratogens. Dark band indicates the most sensitive periods. Light band indicates times that each organ or structure is somewhat less sensitive to teratogens, although damage may still occur. Source: Adapted from Before We Are Born, 4th ed., by K.L. Moore & T.V.N. Persauld, 1993. Philadelphia: Saunders. Adapted by permission from Elsevier.

at birth but nevertheless influence their psychological development. With these principles in mind, let’s now consider some of the diseases, drugs, chemicals, and other environmental hazards that can adversely affect prenatal development or have other harmful consequences even if they have no outward effects on the mother.

Maternal Diseases Some disease agents are capable of crossing the placental barrier and doing much more damage to a developing embryo or fetus than to the pregnant woman herself. This makes sense when we consider that an embryo or fetus has an immature immune system that cannot produce enough antibodies to combat infections effectively and that the fetal environment may react differently to infections than the pregnant woman’s immune system does (Meyer et al., 2008). rubella (German measles) a disease that has little effect on a mother but may cause a number of serious birth defects in unborn children who are exposed in the first three to four months of pregnancy.

Rubella. The medical community became aware of the teratogenic effect of diseases in 1941 when an Australian physician, McAllister Gregg, noticed that many mothers who had had rubella (German measles) early in pregnancy delivered babies who were blind. After Gregg alerted the medical community, doctors began to notice that pregnant rubella patients regularly bore children with a variety of defects, including blindness, deafness, cardiac abnormalities, and intellectual disability. More recently, standard NEL

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

107

psychiatric interviews were administered to young adults who were exposed to rubella in utero during the 1964 rubella epidemic. This group of young adults displayed a substantially higher risk for the development of psychotic disorders than did age-mates who had not been exposed to rubella (Brown, Cohen, Greenwald, & Susser, 2000). Rubella is most dangerous during the first trimester. Studies have shown that 60 to 85 percent of babies whose mothers had rubella in the first 8 weeks of pregnancy will have birth defects, compared with about 50 percent of those infected in the third month and 16 percent of those infected in weeks 13 to 20 (Kelley-Buchanan, 1988). This disease clearly illustrates the sensitive-period principle. The risk of eye and heart defects are greatest in the first 8 weeks (when these organs are forming), whereas deafness is more common if the mother comes down with rubella in weeks 6 through 13. Indeed, most of the young adults mentioned above (those found to be at risk for the development of psychotic disorders) were exposed during the first trimester (Brown et al., 2000). Today, physicians stress that no woman should try to conceive unless she has had rubella or has been immunized against it. toxoplasmosis disease caused by a parasite found in raw meat and cat feces; can cause birth defects if transmitted to an embryo in the first trimester and miscarriage later in pregnancy.

TaBle 4.2

Other Infectious Diseases. Several other infectious diseases are known teratogens (see Table 4.2 for examples). Among the more common of these agents is toxoplasmosis, caused by a parasite found in many animals. Pregnant women may acquire the parasite by eating undercooked meat or by handling the feces of a family cat that has eaten an infected animal. Although toxoplasmosis produces only mild, coldlike symptoms in adults, it can cause severe eye and brain damage if transmitted to the prenatal organism during the first trimester, and can induce a miscarriage if it strikes later in pregnancy (Carrington, 1995). Pregnant women can protect themselves against infection by cooking all meat until it is well done, thoroughly washing any cooking implements that came in contact with raw meat, and avoiding the garden, a pet’s litter box, or other locations where cat feces may be present.

Common Diseases That May Affect an Embryo, Fetus, or Newborn Effects

Disease

Miscarriage

Physical Malformations

Intellectual Disability

Low Birth Weight/ Premature Delivery

Sexually transmitted diseases/infections (STD/STIs) Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS)

?

?

?

1

Herpes simplex (genital herpes)

1

1

1

1

Syphilis

1

1

1

1

Chickenpox

0

1

1

1

Cholera

1

0

?

1

Cytomegalovirus

1

1

1

1

Diabetes

1

1

0

1

Influenza

1

1

?

?

Malaria

1

0

1

0

Mumps

1

0

0

0

Rubella

1

1

1

1

Toxemia

1

0

?

1

Toxoplasmosis

1

1

1

1

Tuberculosis

1

1

1

1

Urinary tract infection (bacterial)

1

0

1

0

Other maternal diseases/conditions

Note: 1 = established finding; 0 = no clear evidence; ? = possible effect. Source: Carrington, 1995; Cates, 1995; Faden & Kass, 1996; Kelley-Buchanan, 1988. NEL

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108 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Sexually Transmitted Diseases/Infections. Finally, no infections are more common and few are more hazardous than the sexually transmitted diseases/infections (see Box 4.1). Sexually transmitted diseases/infections (STDs/STIs) are capable of 4.1

DeVelOPMeNTal ISSUeS

Teratogenic Effects of Sexually Transmitted Diseases/Infections Syphilis is most harmful in the middle and later stages of pregnancy because syphilitic spirochetes (the microscopic organisms that transmit the disease) cannot cross the placental barrier until the eighteenth prenatal week. This is fortunate, for the disease is usually diagnosed with a blood test and treated with antibiotics long before it could harm a fetus. However, pregnant women who receive no treatment run the risk of miscarrying or of giving birth to a child who has serious eye, ear, bone, heart, or brain damage (Carrington, 1995; Kelley-Buchanan, 1988). The virus causing genital herpes (herpes simplex) can also cross the placental barrier, although most infections occur at birth as the newborn comes in contact with lesions on the mother’s genitals (Gosden et al., 1994; Roe, 2004). Unfortunately, there is no cure for genital herpes, so pregnant women cannot be treated, and the consequences of a herpes infection can be severe: this incurable disease kills about one-third of all infected newborns and causes such disabilities as blindness, brain damage, and other serious neurological disorders in another 25 to 30 percent (Ismail, 1993). For these reasons, all pregnant women with herpes infections are now routinely advised to undergo a cesarean section delivery (a surgical birth in which the baby is delivered through an incision in the mother’s abdomen) to avoid infecting their babies. Another STD of concern is acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), an incurable disease caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which attacks the immune system and makes victims susceptible to a host of other opportunistic infections. Transfer of bodily fluids is necessary to spread HIV; consequently, adults are normally infected during sexual intercourse or by sharing needles while injecting illegal drugs. Worldwide, 36.9 million people are living with HIV (United Nations AIDS, 2018). In sub-Saharan Africa, young women are more likely to become infected with HIV than young men, with three out of four new cases being females between the ages of 15 and 19 (United Nations AIDS, 2018). In contrast, in Canada, men are more likely to be diagnosed with HIV (76.6 percent of cases; Bourgeois, Edmunds, Awan, Jonah, Varsaneux, & Siu, 2017). Unfortunately, after years of steady rates of decline of newly infected individuals, the national diagnosis rate increased from 5.8 to 6.4 per 100,000, with the largest proportion being in the 30- to 39-year-old range. Youth ages 15 to 19 years showed a small but steady increase in the number of newly infected individuals between 2012 and 2016 (Bourgeios et al., 2017). Although pregnant women with HIV can transmit HIV to their offspring, researchers and medical practitioners now know that the risk of transmission is lower than previously believed (NIAID, 2006). HIV-infected

mothers may pass the virus (1) during pregnancy; (2) while giving birth, when there may be an exchange of blood between mother and child; or (3) after birth, through the mother’s milk during breastfeeding (Centers for Disease Control, 2018; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018; National Institutes of Health, 2018). Early reports of HIV/AIDS in infants infected by their mothers were extremely depressing, with outcomes showing that the virus would devastate immature immune systems during the first year, causing most HIV-infected infants to develop full-blown AIDS and die by age 3 (Jones, Byers, Bush, Oxtoby, & Rogers, 1992). However, since 1997 there has been improved screening of women prior to becoming pregnant or early in their pregnancy, with rates of screening between 85 and 97 percent (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2013). The screenings have led to the treatment of HIV-infected mothers prior to, during, and after their pregnancy with combined antiretroviral therapy. With improved screening and treatment, prenatal transmission of HIV has been reduced to only 2 percent in North America and Europe, when mothers are taking antiretroviral therapy and these drugs are administered to babies for the first four to six weeks after birth (Centers for Disease Control, 2018; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018; NIH US Library of Medicine, 2018). Mothers with HIV are also discouraged from breastfeeding their infants (Centers for Disease Control, 2018; Chang et al., 2015; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018). At present, HIV infection in infants continues to be a risk in countries with high poverty, developing countries, countries with high proportions of the population infected with HIV (e.g., subSaharan Africa), and in groups where HIV infection is associated with high levels of stigma that prevent women from being tested for HIV (e.g., Brazil). In developing countries, even infants who do not develop HIV but who have been exposed to HIV prenatally have lower birth weight, impaired early growth, impaired psychomotor and cognitive development, and immune abnormalities. Other factors that increase the risk of HIV transmission are maternal general health and nutrition, exposure to antiretroviral therapy, increased exposure to infections within the household, as well as low socioeconomic status and decreased high-quality child care due to maternal illness (Rodriguez et al., 2018; Thames et al., 2018). Presently, research is examining potential complications and risk factors related to prenatal exposure to antiretroviral drugs, which are required to prevent the transmission of HIV. Risk factors associated with exposure to some antiretroviral therapies, particularly therapies administered in the first trimester, include congenital heart defects ranging from differences in echocardiographs to structural defects (Lipshultz et al., 2015; Sibiude et al., 2014).

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development syphilis a common sexually transmitted disease/infection that may cross the placental barrier in the middle and later stages of pregnancy, causing miscarriage or serious birth defects. genital herpes a sexually transmitted disease/ infection that can infect infants at birth, causing blindness, brain damage, or even death if not diagnosed and treated. acquired immune deficiency syndrome (aIDS) a viral disease that can be transmitted from a mother to her fetus or newborn and that results in a weakening of the body’s immune system and, ultimately, death.

Paul Fievez/Getty Images

thalidomide a mild tranquillizer that, taken early in pregnancy, can produce a variety of malformations of the limbs, eyes, ears, and heart of the baby.

This boy has no arms or hands—two of the birth defects that may be produced by thalidomide.

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producing serious birth defects or otherwise compromising developmental outcomes (Cates, 1995). Three of these diseases—syphilis, genital herpes, and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS)—are especially hazardous.

Drugs People have long suspected that drugs taken by pregnant women could harm the prenatal organism. Even Aristotle in ancient Greece thought as much when he noted that many drunken mothers had “feeble-minded” babies (Abel, 1981). Today, we know that these suspicions were often correct and that even mild drugs that have few if any lasting effects on a pregnant woman may prove extremely hazardous to a developing embryo or fetus. Unfortunately, the medical community learned this lesson the hard way. The Thalidomide Tragedy. In 1960, a West German drug company began to market a mild tranquillizer, sold over the counter, that was said to alleviate the nausea and vomiting (commonly known as “morning sickness,” although pregnant women may experience it at any time of day) that many women experience during the first trimester of pregnancy. Presumably, the drug was perfectly safe; in tests on pregnant rats, it had no ill effects on mother or offspring. The drug was thalidomide. What came to pass quickly illustrated that drugs that are harmless in tests with laboratory animals and adult humans may turn out to be violent teratogens for developing embryos and fetuses. Thousands of women who had used thalidomide during the first two months of pregnancy gave birth to babies with severe birth defects. Babies affected by thalidomide often had badly deformed eyes, ears, noses, and hearts, and many displayed phocomelia—a structural abnormality in which all or parts of limbs are missing and the feet or hands may be attached directly to the torso, similar to flippers. The kinds of birth defects produced by thalidomide depended on when the drug was taken. Babies of mothers who had taken the drug on or around the 21st day after conception were likely to be born without ears. Those whose mothers had used thalidomide on the 25th through the 27th day of pregnancy often had grossly deformed arms or no arms. If a mother had taken the drug between the 28th and 36th day, her child might have deformed legs or no legs. But if she had waited until the 40th day before using thalidomide, her baby was usually not affected (Apgar & Beck, 1974). However, most mothers who took thalidomide delivered babies with no apparent birth defects—a finding that illustrates the dramatic differences that individuals display in response to teratogens. Other Common Drugs. About 60 percent of pregnant women take at least one prescription or over-the-counter drug. Unfortunately, some of the most commonly used drugs are suspect. Heavy use of aspirin, for example, has been linked to decreased fetal growth, poor motor control, and even infant death (Barr, Streissguth, Darby, & Sampson 1990; Kelley-Buchanan, 1988), although some further research failed to confirm these findings (Friedman & Polifka, 1996) and the use of ibuprofen in the third trimester increases the risk of a prolonged delivery and pulmonary hypertension in newborns (Chomitz, Chung, & Lieberman, 2000). Some studies have linked heavy use of caffeine (more than four soft drinks or cups of coffee per day) to such complications as miscarriage and low birth weight (Larroque, Kaminski, & Lelong, 1993; Larsen, 2004; Leviton, 1993). Several other prescription drugs pose a slight risk to developing embryos and fetuses. For example, antidepressants containing lithium can produce heart defects when taken in the first trimester (Friedman & Polifka, 1996) and can influence prenatal speech perception (Weikum, Oberlander, Hensch & Werker, 2012). Medications containing sex hormones (or their active biochemical ingredients) can also affect a developing embryo or fetus. Oral contraceptives, for example, contain female sex hormones, and if a woman takes the pill without knowing that she is pregnant, her unborn child faces a slightly increased risk of heart defects and other minor malformations (Gosden et al., 1994; Heinonen et al., 1977).

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110 Part Two | Foundations of Development

One synthetic sex hormone that can have serious long-term effects is diethylstilbestrol (DES)—the active ingredient of a drug that was widely prescribed for the prevention of miscarriages between the mid-1940s and 1965. The drug seemed safe enough; newborns whose mothers had used DES appeared to be normal in every way. But in 1971 physicians clearly established that 17- to 21-year-old females whose mothers had used DES were at risk for developing abnormalities of the reproductive organs, including a rare form of cervical cancer. Clearly, the risk of cancer is not very great; fewer than 1 in 1000 DES daughters have developed the disease thus far (Friedman & Polifka, 1996). However, there are other complications. For example, DES daughters who themselves become pregnant are more likely than nonexposed women to miscarry or to deliver prematurely. What about DES sons? Although there is no conclusive evidence that prenatal exposure to DES causes cancer in sons, a small number of men who were exposed to DES before birth have developed minor genital tract abnormalities but remain fertile (Wilcox et al., 1995). Clearly, the vast majority of pregnant women who take aspirin and caffeine, oral contraceptives, or DES deliver perfectly normal babies. And under proper medical supervision, use of medications to treat a mother’s ailments is usually safe for mother and fetus (McMahon & Katz, 1996). Nevertheless, the fact that some seemingly harmless drugs that do adults no harm can produce congenital defects has convinced many pregnant women to restrict or eliminate their intake of all drugs during pregnancy.

fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FaSD) term used to describe the full range of congenital problems commonly observed in the offspring of mothers who consumed alcohol during pregnancy.

alcohol. Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) is an umbrella term for disabilities that are the result of prenatal exposure to alcohol. The prevalence of FASD is 4 percent in the Canadian population (Flannigan, Unsworth & Harding, 2018) and is the most common preventable cause of intellectual disabilities in Canada and worldwide (May, Baete, Russo, Elliott, Blankenship, Kalberg, Buckley, Brooks, Hasken, Abdul-Rahman, et al., 2014). Problems associated with FASD can include physical, behavioural, intellectual, and learning problems that can range from mild to severe. Although FASD can be associated with specific facial features that are present from birth, such as a thin upper lip, smooth philtrum, and short palpebral (eyelid) fissures, most individuals with FASD do not have any obvious, distinguishing facial features (Cook et al., 2016; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Babies with FASD tend to be smaller and lighter than normal, and their physical growth lags behind that of normal age-mates. All children with FASD show some signs of brain damage with varying degrees of severity. These difficulties occur in one of the following areas: learning, memory, attention, language, social skills, motor skills, visual perception, and reasoning and judgment (Kodituwakku, 2007; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). These problems include poor motor skills, difficulty paying attention, low intellectual achievement, and verbal learning deficits (Cornelius, Goldschmidt, Day, & Larkby, 2002; Day, Leech, Richardson, Cornelius, Robles, & Larkby, 2002; Jacobson et al., 1993; Streissguth, Bookstein, Sampson, & Barr, 1993; Willford, Richardson, Leech, & Day, 2004). At school, children might struggle with academics such as reading and math, and life skills such as the management of time or money (Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, 2018). The deficits often resemble other disorders such as attention deficit disorder or language impairment, making it difficult to diagnose these children. Therefore, unless there is clear evidence of prenatal alcohol exposure, diagnoses can be delayed for many years. Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) has revealed structural anomalies in the brains of children with FASD, including the corpus collosum (Autti-Rämö et al., 2002; Gautam, Nuñez, Narr, Kan, & Sowell, 2014). FASD is associated with differences in functional connectivity within the cortex as well as the whole brain (Georgieff, Tran & Carlson, 2018). Individuals with FASD show abnormalities in white matter, which contains axons that connect components of grey matter. These abnormalities are associated with dysfunction in working memory, executive function, and processing speed (Georgieff et al., 2018).

George Steinmetz

diethylstilbestrol (DeS) a synthetic hormone, formerly prescribed to prevent miscarriage, that can produce cervical cancer in adolescent female offspring and genital tract abnormalities in males.

This girl’s widely spaced eyes, flattened nose, and underdeveloped upper lip are three of the common physical symptoms of fetal alcohol syndrome.

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Research has shown a consistent positive relationship between improved executive function and increased white matter volume over time in children with FASD, while these relationships do not exist for age-matched controls (Gautam et al., 2014). Gautam and colleagues (2014) proposed that increased white matter volume in children with FASD and better cognitive outcomes could be the result of interventions rather than development, suggesting the importance of well-designed interventions for these children. Children with FASD also have associated behavioural problems, which influence their interactions with others and their school success (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). These problems include difficulties controlling behaviour such as being impulsive, acting out when frustrated, and being easily distracted. Individuals with FASD also struggle with understanding the consequences of their actions and tend to forget skills that appeared to have been mastered recently (e.g., counting). These difficulties are associated with challenges in keeping up with peers and classroom learning (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). In a longitudinal study that followed infants from the neonatal period through 6 years of age, infants prenatally exposed to alcohol displayed higher levels of negative effects than their unexposed counterparts. Even more troubling, infants who were exposed to alcohol in utero and who displayed higher levels of negative effects were more likely to report depressive symptoms at age 6. This scenario was more pronounced in girls (O’Connor, 2001). We are continuing to learn more about how FASD affects development. One of the first steps to understanding FASD is being able to screen children early and reliably so children with FASD are identified and differentiated from other children with disabilities (Lange, Rovet, Rehm & Popova, 2017). When children with FASD are accurately identified, interventions can be introduced as soon as possible (Nash, Stevens, Clairman & Rovet, 2018). This is a challenging task, given the wide array of symptoms and presentations for FASD. The work of Joanne Rovet and Kelly Nash at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto is pioneering the development of screening tools to properly identify children with FASD and subsequent interventions to help these children (see Box 4.2). There is no well-defined sensitive period for FASD; drinking late in pregnancy can be just as risky as drinking soon after conception ( Jacobson et al., 1993). Based on data collected through the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, approximately 17 percent of Canadian mothers reported consuming alcohol while pregnant. Health Canada recommends that women not consume alcohol if they are pregnant or if they are planning to become pregnant (Centers for Disease Control, 2018; Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, 2018; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018). There might even be risks associated consuming alcohol while breastfeeding (Jansson, 2018). Finally, drinking can affect the male reproductive system, leading to reduced sperm motility, lower sperm count, and abnormally formed sperm. Some research even indicates that newborns whose fathers use alcohol are likely to have lower birth weights than newborns whose fathers do not use alcohol (Frank, Brown, Johnson, & Cabral, 2002).

cleft lip a congenital disorder in which the upper lip has a vertical (or pair of vertical) opening or groove. cleft palate a congenital disorder in which the roof of the mouth does not close properly during embryonic development, resulting in an opening or groove in the roof of the mouth.

Cigarette Smoking. Sixty years ago, neither physicians nor pregnant women had any reason to suspect that cigarette smoking might affect an embryo or fetus. Now we know otherwise. In a recent Canadian study, the rate of smoking among pregnant women in 2005 to 2008 was 12.3 percent (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2013), with higher rates for mothers under 20 and lower rates for mothers 35 years and older. A positive association between smoking during the first trimester and cleft lip, with or without cleft palate, was reported by Little and colleagues (Little, Cardy, Arslan, Gilmour, & Mossey, 2004). Also, abnormal lung function and hypertension in newborns of women who smoked during pregnancy have been found (Bastra, Hadders-Algra, & Neeleman, 2003). Reviews of the literature have concluded that smoking retards the rate of fetal growth and increases the risk of miscarriage or death shortly after birth in otherwise normal infants and is the leading contributor to fetal growth retardation and low-birth-weight deliveries (Blake et al., 2000; Chomitz et al., 2000; Cnattingius, 2004; Haug et al., 2000). Smoking during pregnancy is also associated with higher incidences of ectopic

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112 Part Two | Foundations of Development

4.2

THe INSIDe TRaCK

Joanne Rovet/Kelly Nash

Joanne Rovet/Kelly Nash Joanne Rovet is a senior scientist emeritus at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto and Professor of Pediatrics at the University of Toronto. She and her colleague, Kelly Nash, continue to conduct research on prenatal development and are affiliated with the Motherisk Program that provides information about teratogens to the general public.

Did you know that the most prevalent cause of neurobehavioural dysfunction in the Western world today is prenatal exposure to alcohol? Alcohol is a powerful teratogen causing significant brain impairment, facial dysmorphologies, and retarded growth. To account for the wide range of impairments caused by prenatal exposure, the term fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) is now widely used. Despite the widespread public awareness of FASD, it remains prevalent and costly to society. Researchers have struggled to identify a behavioural profile for the disorder due to its similarity with other childhood disorders, such as conduct disorder or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). A specialized team of professionals including psychiatrists, psychologists, and pediatricians is required to pinpoint the FASD profile, making diagnosis costly, creating long wait lists, and limiting service for children living in remote areas. To address these issues, Kelly Nash, Joanne Rovet, and their colleagues at the Hospital for Sick Children have

conducted research on the development of behavioural and neurodevelopmental screening tools for FASD (Lange, Rovet, Rehm & Popova, 2017). The existence of screening tools that would identify the unique profiles of children with FASD would have a tremendous impact by ensuring that afflicted children are identified early in development and, thus, targeted for the full diagnostic test battery and early intervention. Using individual items from the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), a parent respondent questionnaire, Nash and her colleagues have shown that “while children with FASD exhibit attention deficits and hyperactivity, as do children with ADHD, the FASD group, unlike the ADHD group, additionally displayed a lack of guilt after misbehaving, cruelty and a tendency to act young for their age. Furthermore children with FASD were more likely to lie and steal than children with ADHD” (Nash et al., 2006). This research has led to the development of an intervention for children with FASD to enhance selfregulation, an area of weakness in this group of children (Nash, Stevens, Clairman & Rovet, 2018). The children in the intervention group were taught to recognize when “their engines run too quickly or too slowly” and how to adjust them to run “just right” using the Alert® program. The activities included in the 14-week program focused on emotion sensitization and recognition, behavioural regulation, and social problem solving. The intervention group performed better on outcome measures given at posttest, which included a “Go, No-Go” task that required inhibitory control.

pregnancies (when the zygote implants on the wall of the fallopian tube instead of the uterus), as well as sudden infant death syndrome (Cnattingius, 2004; Sondergaard, Henriksen, Obel, & Wisborg, 2002). During pregnancy, smoking introduces nicotine and carbon monoxide into both the pregnant woman’s and fetus’s bloodstreams, which impairs the functioning of the placenta, especially the exchange of oxygen and nutrients to the fetus. Nicotine diffuses rapidly through the placenta. Fetal concentrations of nicotine may be as much as 15 percent higher than those of the smoking women (Bastra et al., 2003). And all of these events are clearly related in that the more cigarettes pregnant women smoke per day, the greater their risk of miscarriage or of delivering a low-birth-weight baby who may struggle to survive. Newborn infants of fathers who smoke are also likely to be smaller than normal. Why? One reason may be that pregnant women who live with smokers become “passive smokers” who inhale nicotine and carbon monoxide that can hamper fetal growth (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Schuetze and Zeskind (2001) report that smoking during pregnancy may also affect the regulation of autonomic activity in newborns. Their research reports that during both quiet and active sleep, the hearts of newborns exposed to nicotine in utero beat more rapidly than those of newborns whose mothers did not smoke during pregnancy. Some researchers have found that children whose mothers smoked during pregnancy or whose parents continue to smoke after they are born tend to be smaller on average, be more susceptible to respiratory infections, and show slightly poorer cognitive performance and speech processing deficits in early childhood than do children of nonsmokers NEL

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(Chavkin, 1995; Diaz, 1997; Key, Ferguson, Molfese, Peach, Lehman, & Molfese, 2007). They also show behavioural challenges and neural profiles similar to ADHD (De Zeeuw, Zwart, Schrama, van Engeland & Durston, 2012; Holz et al., 2014). Physicians today routinely advise pregnant women and their partners to stop smoking during the pregnancy and to try to maintain a smoke-free environment after the child is born (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Illicit Drugs. In general, the use of recreational drugs such as marijuana, and addiction to prescription and illicit opioids, has become so widespread that many infants are born each year having been exposed to one or more of these substances in the womb. Overall illicit drug use is 3.4 percent in young women who are pregnant and are in the age range of 15 to 24 years (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Although cocaine use has decreased in recent years, statistics collected in 2015 show that cocaine use in 15- to 24-year-olds is still at 3.5 percent (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Additionally, prenatal cocaine exposure has been associated with long-term side effects that have an impact on development from birth onwards. Prenatal cocaine exposure is associated with lower birth weight and preterm delivery, as well as slower growth rates (Richardson, Goldschmidt & Larkby, 2007). Earlier research indicated that cocaine had an impact on physical and cognitive/neural development (Behnke, Davis Eyler, Wilson Garvan, Wobie, & Hou, 2002; Mayes, 2002). Cocaine easily enters the fetal circulatory system and crosses the fetal blood-brain barrier (Schenker et al., 1993). Prenatal cocaine exposure alters fetal metabolism (Benveniste, Fowler, et al., 2010), as well as cerebral blood supply, the neuronal volume, and functional characteristics of the cortex (Stanwood & Levitt, 2007). Researchers using neuroimaging have shown smaller grey matter volume and greater cerebral spinal fluid volume in the prefrontal and frontal areas of the brain of infants exposed to cocaine prenatally, when compared to infants not exposed to drugs and infants exposed to drugs other than cocaine (Grewen, Burchinal, Vachet, Gouttard, Gilmore, Lin, Johns, Elam, & Gerig, 2014). However, others argue that reported cognitive, perceptual, and learning deficits, as well as behavioural difficulties, might be influenced by social, environmental, or economic disadvantages rather than solely prenatal cocaine exposure (Cressman, Natekar, Kim, Koren & Bozzo, 2014). A growing concern is the number of pregnant women in North America who are addicted to opioids through the use of prescription drugs or illicit drugs. Canadian women are ranked second only to American women in terms of the percentage of the population addicted to prescription opioids (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). Although heroin, methadone, and other addictive narcotic agents such as opioids do not appear to produce gross physical abnormalities, women who use these drugs are more likely than nonusers to miscarry or deliver prematurely (Krans & Patrick, 2016). At birth and for the next one to four months, infants sometimes undergo severe and even life-threatening withdrawal symptoms (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017). When deprived of the drug after birth, addicted infants experience withdrawal symptoms such as vomiting, dehydration, convulsions, extreme irritability, weak sucking, and high-pitched crying (Brockington, 1996; D’Apolito & Hepworth, 2001). Symptoms such as restlessness, tremors, and sleep disturbances may persist for as long as three to four months. However, longer-term studies reveal that some infants exposed to opioid drugs show normal developmental progress by age 2, if they are exposed to an enriching environment. Indifferent parenting, along with other social and environmental risk factors, may be the most likely contributors to the long-term risks and poor progress of these children, rather than their prenatal exposure to drugs (Hans & Jeremy, 2001). In one study, children prenatally exposed to multiple drugs were placed in homes with foster parents who were recruited specifically to care for newborns at risk. Over the first three years of life, these children showed developmental improvements, indicating that specialized caregiving may help compensate for early drug-related deficits. It is important to note, however, that even under these optimal caregiving conditions, boys NEL

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114 Part Two | Foundations of Development

WHaT DO YOU THINK?

?

Some people have argued that mothers who abuse alcohol or other teratogenic drugs while pregnant should be charged with child abuse. What is your view on this issue, and why? If you agree, is this practice also a basis for charging drug-abusing fathers?

who had been prenatally exposed to drugs earned significantly lower scores on assessments of infant development than did unexposed children or girls who were also exposed to drugs in utero. These results suggest that boys may be especially vulnerable to the effects of maternal prenatal drug abuse (Vibeke & Slinning, 2001). Another drug that has the potential of being used more commonly is marijuana, due to legalization across a greater number of jurisdictions. In a review of 24 studies, researchers found that pregnant women who smoke marijuana are more likely to be anemic than other women (Gunn, Rosales, Center, Nuñez, Gibson, Christ, & Ehiri, 2016). Prenatal exposure to marijuana is associated with multiple abnormalities in infants and children. For example, prenatal exposure to marijuana is associated with low birth weight and greater likelihood of being placed in the neonatal intensive care unit (Gunn et al., 2016). Neuronal abnormalities are associated with differences in early neural stem cell survival and proliferation, as well as the migration and differentiation of both glial and neuronal lineages. In addition, researchers have found abnormal patterns of neuronal connectivity and synaptic functional connectivity in the connections between cortical and subcortical areas of the brain (Grewen, Salzwedel & Gao, 2015; Lubman et al., 2014). Hypo-connectivity was found for striatal areas involved in visual spatial and motor learning, attention, and in fine-grained motor outputs involved in movement and language production (Grewen et al., 2015). Other examples of brain abnormalities based on examination of the brain tissue of human fetuses reveal that marijuana use during pregnancy is associated with changes in the functioning of the basal nucleus of the amygdala, an area of the brain that is involved in the regulation of emotional behaviour. These changes are more prevalent in male fetuses and may indicate that in utero exposure to marijuana causes impairment of emotional regulation, especially for boys (Wang, Dow-Edwards, Anderson, Minkoff, & Hurd, 2004). Research conducted at Carleton University by Peter Fried and his colleagues on infants exposed to marijuana prenatally showed behavioural disturbances in infancy, such as tremors, sleep disturbances, and lack of interest in their surroundings. These behaviours appear to place children at risk for adverse outcomes later in childhood, such as was found in research demonstrating negative cognitive outcomes for the adolescent children of mothers who smoked marijuana (Fried, 2002; Fried & Watkinson, 2001; Smith, Fried, Hogan, & Cameron, 2006). When compared to children not exposed to marijuana in utero, 10-year-olds whose mothers smoked one or more marijuana joints per day during the first trimester of pregnancy exhibited poorer performance on achievement tests for reading and spelling (Goldschmidt, Richardson, Cornelius, & Day, 2004). Teacher evaluations of the classroom performance of children exposed to marijuana prenatally were also lower than those of their nonexposed peers. Second-trimester marijuana use was associated with deficits in reading comprehension as well as underachievement. In addition, the prenatally marijuana-exposed children presented more symptoms of anxiety and depression at age 10 (Goldschmidt et al., 2004). Table 4.3 catalogues a number of other drugs and their known or suspected effects on unborn children. What should we make of these findings? Assuming that our first priority is the welfare of unborn children, then perhaps Virginia Apgar has summarized it best: “A woman who is pregnant, or who thinks she could possibly be pregnant, should not take any drugs whatsoever unless absolutely essential—and then only when [approved] by a physician who is aware of the pregnancy” (Apgar & Beck, 1974, p. 445).

Environmental Hazards Another class of teratogens is environmental hazards. These include chemicals in the environment that the pregnant woman cannot control and may not even be aware of. There are also environmental hazards that the pregnant woman can regulate. Let’s examine these teratogens and their effects. NEL

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

TaBle 4.3

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Partial List of Drugs and Treatments Used by the Mother That Affect (or Are Thought to Affect) the Fetus or the Newborn

Maternal Drug Use

Effect on Fetus/Newborn

Alcohol

Small head, facial abnormalities, heart defects, low birth weight, and intellectual disability (see text).

Amphetamines Dextroamphetamine Methamphetamine

Premature delivery, stillbirth, irritability, and poor feeding among newborns.

Antibiotics Streptomycin Terramycin Tetracycline

Heavy use of streptomycin by mothers can produce hearing loss in fetuses. Terramycin and tetracycline may be associated with premature delivery, retarded skeletal growth, cataracts, and staining of the baby’s teeth.

Aspirin

See text. (In clinical doses, acetaminophen is a very safe alternative to aspirin and ibuprofen.)

Barbiturates

All barbiturates taken by the mother cross the placental barrier. In clinical doses, they cause the fetus or newborn to be lethargic. In large doses, they may cause anoxia (oxygen starvation) and depress fetal growth. One barbiturate, primidone, is associated with malformations of the heart, face, and limbs.

Hallucinogens LSD

Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) slightly increases the likelihood of limb deformities.

Marijuana

Heavy marijuana use during pregnancy is linked to behavioural abnormalities in newborns (see text).

Lithium

Heart defects, lethargic behaviour in newborns.

Narcotics Cocaine Opioids Heroin Methadone

Maternal addiction increases the risk of premature delivery. Moreover, the fetus is often born addicted to the narcotic or opioid, which results in a number of complications, some severe and life-threatening.

Sex hormones Progestogens Estrogens DES (diethylstilbestrol)

Sex hormones contained in birth control pills and drugs to prevent miscarriages taken by pregnant women (see text). Androgens can have a number of harmful effects on babies, including minor heart malformations, cervical cancer (in female offspring), and other anomalies.

Tranquillizers (other than thalidomide) Chlorpromazine Reserpine Valium

May produce respiratory distress in newborns. Valium may also produce poor muscle tone and lethargy.

Tobacco

Parental cigarette smoking is known to restrict fetal growth and to increase the risk of spontaneous abortion, stillbirth, and infant mortality (see text).

Vitamins

Excessive amounts of vitamin A taken by pregnant women can cause cleft palate, heart malformations, and other serious birth defects. The popular anti-acne drug Accutane, derived from vitamin A, is one of the most powerful teratogens, causing malformations of the eyes, limbs, heart, and central nervous system.

Source: Chavkin, 1995; Friedman & Polifka, 1996; Kelley-Buchanan, 1988.

Radiation Soon after the atomic blasts of 1945 in Japan, scientists became painfully aware of the teratogenic effects of radiation. Not one pregnant woman who was within 0.8 km of these explosions gave birth to a live child. In addition, 75 percent of the pregnant women who were within 2 km of the blasts had seriously disabled children who soon died, and the infants who did survive were often intellectually disabled (Apgar & Beck, 1974; Vorhees & Mollnow, 1987). Unfortunately, no one knows exactly how much radiation it takes to harm an embryo or fetus, and even if an exposed child appears normal at birth, the possibility of developing complications later in life cannot be dismissed. For these reasons, pregnant women are routinely advised to avoid X-rays, particularly of the pelvis and abdomen, unless they are crucial for the mother’s own survival. Chemicals and Pollutants In everyday environments, pregnant women routinely come in contact with potentially toxic substances, including organic dyes and colouring agents, food additives, artificial NEL

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116 Part Two | Foundations of Development

sweeteners, pesticides, and cosmetic products, some of which are known to have teratogenic effects in animals (Verp, 1993a). Unfortunately, the risks associated with a large number of these common chemical additives and treatments remain to be determined. There are also pollutants in the air we breathe and the water we drink. For example, pregnant women may be exposed to concentrations of lead, zinc, mercury, or antimony discharged into the air or water by industrial operations or present in house paint and water pipes. These “heavy metals” are known to impair the physical health and mental abilities of adults and children and to have teratogenic effects (producing physical deformities and intellectual disability) on developing embryos and fetuses. Polluting chemicals called PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls), which are now outlawed but were once widely used in plastics and carbon paper, represent another hazard. Joseph Jacobson and his colleagues ( Jacobson, Jacobson, Fein, Schwartz, & Dowler, 1984; Jacobson, Jacobson, & Humphrey, 1990) found that even low-level exposure to PCBs, resulting from mothers eating contaminated fish, was enough to make newborns smaller on average and less responsive and neurologically mature than babies whose mothers did not eat polluted fish. These children still performed poorly on tests of short-term memory and verbal reasoning ability at age 4 ( Jacobson et al., 1990; Jacobson, Jacobson, Padgett, Brumitt, & Billings, 1992), had difficulty in maintaining attention and showed slower reaction times (Grandjean et al., 2001), and had problems with spatial reasoning skills (Guo, Lai, Chen, & Hsu, 1995). In a study of mothers of children who had lived in a highly industrial section of Rotterdam, Netherlands, and were exposed to varying levels of PCBs, 9-year-olds who were breastfed performed more poorly on complex tasks than formula-fed children (Vreugdenhil, Mulder, Emmen & Weisglas-Kuperus, 2004). Even a father’s exposure to environmental toxins can affect children. Studies of male doctors and dentists reveal that prolonged exposure to radiation, anesthetic gases, and other toxic chemicals can damage a father’s chromosomes, increasing the likelihood of his child being miscarried or having genetic defects (Gunderson & Sackett, 1982; Merewood, 2000; Strigini, Sanone, Carobbi, & Pierluigi, 1990). And even when expectant mothers do not drink alcohol or use drugs, they are much more likely to deliver a low-birth-weight baby or one with other defects if the father is a heavy drinker or drug user (Frank et al., 2002; Merewood, 2000). Why? Possibly because certain substances (cocaine and maybe even alcohol, PCBs, and other toxins) can apparently bind directly to live sperm or cause mutations in them, thereby altering prenatal development from the moment of conception (Merewood, 2000; Yazigi, Odem, & Polakoski, 1991). Taken together, these findings imply that (1) environmental toxins can affect the reproductive system of either parent so that (2) both mothers and fathers should limit their exposure to substances known to be teratogens.

Maternal Characteristics In addition to teratogens, a pregnant woman’s nutrition, her emotional well-being, and even her age can affect the outcome of her pregnancy. And, as discussed earlier, the prenatal environment may have long-term as well as immediate effects on the developing organism.

The Mother’s Diet Seventy years ago, doctors routinely advised pregnant women to gain no more than 1 kg a month while pregnant and believed that a total gain of about 7 to 8 kg was quite sufficient to ensure healthy prenatal development. Today, pregnant women are more often advised to eat a healthy, high-protein, high-calorie diet on which they gain about 1 to 2 kg during the first three months of pregnancy and about 0.5 kg a week thereafter, for a total increase of about 11 to 14 kg (Chomitz et al., 2000). Why has the advice changed? We now know that inadequate prenatal nutrition can be harmful. NEL

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Deaths per 1000 live births

Severe malnutrition, as often occurs during periods of famine, stunts prenatal growth and produces small, underweight babies (Susser & Stein, 1994). The precise effects of malnutrition depend 20 on when it occurs. During the first trimester, malnutrition can disrupt the formation of the spinal cord and induce miscarriages. During the third trimester, malnutrition is more likely to result in 10 low-birth-weight babies with small heads who may fail to survive the first year of life (Susser & Stein, 1994; and see Figure 4.6). 0 First First 2 Third Before baby Autopsies of stillborn infants whose mothers were malnourished trimester trimesters trimester conceived during the third trimester reveal fewer brain cells and lower brain Timing of mother’s malnutrition weights than is typical among babies born to well-nourished Figure 4.6 Incidence of infant mortality in the first 12 mothers (Goldenberg, 1995; Winick, 1976). Adequate protein-calorie months for babies born to Dutch mothers who had intake is particularly important for brain development (Batool, experienced famine during World War II. Butt, Sultan, Saeed & Naz, 2015; Morgane, Mokler & Galler, 2002). Source: Adapted from Stein & Susser (1976). Not surprisingly, then, babies born to malnourished mothers sometimes show cognitive deficits later in childhood. One contributor to these deficits is the babies’ own behaviour. Malnourished babies whose diets remain inadequate after birth are often apathetic and quick to become irritated when aroused—qualities that can alienate their parents, who may fail to provide the kinds of playful stimulation and emotional support that would foster their social and intellectual development (Grantham-McGregor, Powell, Walker, Chang, & Fletcher, 1994). Unfortunately, dietary supplements had only a small impact on cognitive or educational tests scores (Walker, Grantham-McGregor, Himes, Powell & Chang, 1996). However, environmental and educational stimulation had a greater and significant positive impact on vocabulary, reading, and reasoning scores (Walker, Chang, Powell & Grantham-McGregor, 2005). In Canada, poor women are at risk for poor nutrition. To combat this problem, nutritional supplement programs have been established in some areas. For example, the Montreal Diet Dispensary Program was initiated in the 1960s to promote more positive pregnancy outcomes among socially disadvantaged urban women (see da Silva, 1994, for a brief review). Evaluation of this program indicates that mothers who had the dietary supplement had infants with higher birth weights compared with other siblings. Specifically, when supplements were provided during a second pregnancy, the birth weight for the second-born child was about 107 grams higher than for firstborns who were not exposed to the supplements (da Silva, 1994; see also Duquette, Binek, & Marten, 2008). Finally, it is important to note that pregnant women who have plenty to eat may still fail to obtain all of the vitamins and minerals that would help to ensure a healthy pregnancy. Adding small amounts of magnesium and zinc to a mother’s diet improves the functioning of the placenta and reduces the incidence of many birth complications (Friedman & Polifka, 1996). Similarly, the developing organism needs iodine to ensure normal thyroid functioning. When the mother consumes insufficient amounts of iodine, her offspring is at risk for congenital hypothyroidism, which is sometimes known folate as cretinism, a disorder that leads to irreversible intellectual disability (Linus Pauling B-complex vitamin that helps to prevent defects of the central nervous Institute, 2008). Also, researchers around the world have discovered that diets rich in folate, a B-complex vitamin found in fresh fruits, beans, liver, tuna, and green vegetasystem. bles, or the synthetic form, folic acid, often used in vitamins and other supplements, folic acid help to prevent neural tube defects, such as spina bifida (a bulging of the spinal cord synthetic version of folate. through a gap in the spinal column) and anencephaly (a birth defect in which the brain spina bifida and neural tube fail to develop or develop incompletely and the skull does not close) a bulging of the spinal cord through (Cefalo, 1996; Chomitz et al., 2000; James et al., 1999; Mills, 2001; Reynolds, 2002). a gap in the spinal column. Most women consume less than half the recommended daily allowance of folic acid. anencephaly Public health campaigns have successfully informed women that they should take a birth defect in which the brain vitamin-mineral supplements that provide them with 0.4 mg (but not more than and neural tube fail to develop or 1.0 mg) of folic acid a day if they are planning to get pregnant or as soon as they develop incompletely and the skull does not close. suspect that they are pregnant (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018). Folic acid 30

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118 Part Two | Foundations of Development

enrichment is particularly important from the time of conception through the first 8 weeks of pregnancy, when the neural tube is forming (Friedman & Polifka, 1996), which is why women who are planning to get pregnant should take folic acid. However, there are risks associated with ingesting too much of some vitamins, such as vitamin A, which is why women should not exceed the daily maximum doses (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2018).

The Mother’s emotional Well-Being Although most women are happy about conceiving a child, many pregnancies are unplanned and unintended. Does it matter how a woman feels about being pregnant or about her life while she is pregnant? Indeed it may, at least in some cases. When a pregnant woman becomes emotionally aroused, her glands secrete powerful activating hormones such as adrenaline. These hormones may then cross the placental barrier, enter the fetus’s bloodstream, and increase the fetus’s motor activity. Stress is an important emotional state. Temporarily stressful episodes such as a fall, a frightening experience, or an argument have few if any harmful consequences for a mother or her fetus (Brockington, 1996). However, prolonged and severe emotional stress is associated with stunted prenatal growth, premature delivery, low birth weight, decreased fetal motor activity, and other birth complications (Lobel, 1994; Paarlberg, Vingerhoets, Passchier, Dekker, & van Geign, 1995; Weerth, Hees, & Buitelaar, 2003). For example, DiPietro, Costigan, and Gurewitsch (2003) monitored fetal heart rate and motor activity while pregnant women were completing a difficult cognitive task designed to temporarily increase stress. The increased variability in fetal heart rate and decreased motor activity, which were associated with increased maternal stress, occurred very quickly. DiPietro and her colleagues suggest that the rapid changes they observed may indicate a sensory reaction on the part of the fetus. That is, the fetus may detect (hear) differences in sounds made by the maternal heart and vascular systems, as well as changes in the mother’s voice. Therefore, stress-induced changes in the fetus may be caused by the sensory experience the fetus has, in addition to changes resulting from increases in maternal heart rate and changes in the hormones that cross the placenta when the pregnant woman is under stress. Others have found that babies of highly stressed mothers tend to be highly active, irritable, and irregular in their feeding, sleeping, and bowel habits (Sameroff & Chandler, 1975; Vaughn, Bradley, Joffe, Seifer, & Barglow, 1987). In a small study of 17 mothers and their full-term, healthy infants, maternal levels of salivary cortisol, a hormone important to regulation of the human stress response, were sampled at 37 and 38 weeks prior to delivery. Post delivery, mother–infant pairs were videotaped at home during bath time. The infants of mothers with higher prenatal cortisol levels fussed and cried more during baths than did those of mothers with lower cortisol levels. The high-cortisol infants also exhibited more negative facial expressions. In addition, mothers in the high-cortisol group reported that their infants were temperamentally difficult, displaying higher levels of emotionality and activity than low-cortisol infants. For the most part, differences in negative reactions to bathing disappeared for the two groups as they approached 18 to 20 weeks post birth. The authors suggested that this disappearance might be attributed to the infants’ maturing perceptions and capabilities. In general, newborns may experience being splashed with water as aversive. However, a 5-month-old, even a temperamentally difficult one, may experience splashing Mother as quite fun. The authors further suggest that other activities may reveal lingering temperamental differences in the two groups of children (Weerth et al., 2003). Van der Bergh and Marcoen (2004) report several long-term consequences of maternal stress that appear to be associated with a sensitive period during gestation. These include an increased risk for childhood development of ADHD symptoms, NEL

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externalization of problems (such as temper tantrums and aggressive behaviours toward other children), and anxiety as well as impaired cognitive development (Glover, 2014). How might emotional stress stunt fetal growth and contribute to birth complications and a newborn’s behavioural irregularities? A link between prolonged stress and growth retardation or low birth weight may reflect the influence of stress hormones, which divert blood flow to the large muscles and impede the flow of oxygen and nutrients to the fetus. Stress may also weaken the pregnant woman’s immune system, making her (and her fetus) more susceptible to infectious diseases (Cohen & Williamson, 1991; DiPietro, 2004). Finally, emotionally stressed mothers may be inclined to eat poorly, smoke, or use alcohol and drugs, all of which are known to promote fetal growth retardation and low birth weight (DiPietro, 2004; Paarlberg et al., 1995). Of course, a mother whose source of stress continues after her baby is born may not make the most sensitive caregiver, which, coupled with a baby who is already irritable and unresponsive, can perpetuate the infant’s difficult behavioural profile (Brockington, 1996; Vaughn et al., 1987). Interestingly, not all highly stressed mothers experience the complications we have discussed. Why? Because it seems that the presence of objective stressors in a woman’s life is far less important than her ability to manage such stress (McCubbin et al., 1996). Stress-related complications are much more likely when pregnant women (1) are ambivalent or negative about their marriages or their pregnancies and (2) have no friends or other bases of social support to turn to for comfort (Brockington, 1996). Counselling aimed at managing and reducing stress may help these women immensely (Rothberg & Lits, 1991). Finally, in a review by Janet DiPietro (2004), she reports that both negative and positive developmental outcomes have been associated with prenatal maternal stress. She and her colleagues (DiPietro et al., 2003) have noted that, as pregnant women report greater numbers of daily hassles, the synchrony of fetal heart rate and movement (an important indicator of developing neurological integration) is diminished. However, DiPietro also report a strong association between higher maternal anxiety midway through pregnancy and higher scores on motor and mental development assessments at two years. DiPietro points out that, as reported above, stress hormones may cross the placental barrier and that, since one group of such hormones, the glucocorticoids, are also involved in the maturation progress of fetal organs, maternal stress may actually promote prenatal development rather than diminish it. DiPietro suggests that moderate amounts of maternal stress, as opposed to low or high maternal stress levels, may be necessary for healthy development in utero.

neonate a newborn infant from birth to approximately 1 month old.

The Mother’s age The safest time to bear a child appears to be from about age 20 to age 35 (Bellieni, 2016; Weng, Yang & Chiu, 2014). As shown in Figure 4.7, there is a clear relationship between a woman’s age and the risk of death for her fetus or neonate (newborn). Risk of infant mortality increases substantially for mothers 15 years old and younger (Phipps, Sowers, & Demonner, 2002). Compared with mothers in their 20s, mothers younger than 16 experience more birth complications and are more likely to deliver prematurely and have low-birth-weight babies (Koniak-Griffin & Turner-Pluta, 2001). Children born to mothers over age 35 also are at risk for very preterm birth and long-term worse health outcomes (Myrskylä & Fenelon, 2012; Waldenström, Cnattingius, Vixner & Norman, 2017). Why are younger mothers and their offspring at risk? The major reason is simply that pregnant teenagers are often from economically impoverished family backgrounds (Gallant & Terisse, 2001) characterized by poor nutrition and high levels of stress, and are less likely to access supervised prenatal care early in the pregnancy when it is most important (Abma & Mott, 1991). Indeed, teenage mothers and their babies are usually not at

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120 Part Two | Foundations of Development 70

Deaths per 1000 live births

60

50

Fetal

40

30

20

Neonatal

10

0

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

risk when they receive good prenatal care and competent medical supervision during the birth process (Baker & Mednick, 1984; see also Seitz & Apfel, 1994a). What risks do women face should they delay childbearing until after age 35? As Figure 4.7 indicates, there is an increased incidence of miscarriage, due in part to the older woman’s greater likelihood of conceiving children with chromosomal abnormalities (Verp, 1993b). The risks of stillbirth and other complications during pregnancy and delivery are also greater for older women, even when they receive adequate prenatal care (Dollberg et al., 1996, Huang, Sauve, Birkett, Fergusson, & Walraven, 2008). Even so, it is important to emphasize that the vast majority of older women—particularly those who are healthy and well nourished, and receive adequate prenatal care—have normal pregnancies and healthy babies (Brockington, 1996).

Age of mother (years)

Figure 4.7 Relationship between mother’s age and risk of death for the fetus or neonate.

Prevention of Birth Defects

Source: From Kessner, D.M. (1973). Infant death: An analysis by maternal risk and health care. Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences.

Reading a chapter like this one can be frightening to anyone who hopes to have a child. It is easy to come away with the impression that “life before birth” is a veritable minefield. After all, so many hereditary accidents are possible, and even a genetically normal embryo or fetus may encounter a large number of potential hazards while developing in the womb. But clearly there is another side to this story. Recall that the majority of genetically abnormal embryos do not develop to term. And it is important to emphasize that the prenatal environment is not so hazardous when we note that more than 95 percent of newborn babies are perfectly normal and that many of the remaining 5 percent have minor congenital problems that are only temporary or easily correctable (Gosden et al., 1994). Although there is reason for concern, prospective parents can reduce the odds that their babies will be abnormal by following some of the practical suggestions inherent in the material we have covered so far.

Applying Developmental Themes to Prenatal Development We can now turn to an examination of how our four developmental themes are revealed in prenatal development. Recall that our four recurring developmental themes include the active child, nature and nurture interactions in development, qualitative and quantitative changes in development, and the holistic nature of child development. Let’s begin with the active child theme. Before reading this chapter, you may have thought that prenatal development is a relatively passive experience for the developing organism. But we have learned that the fetus’s behaviour plays an important role in development. For example, one of the principles of teratogenic effects on the developing organism states that the extent of damage caused by any particular teratogen will depend on the developing organism’s genotype. Some will be severely damaged, while others may escape effects of the teratogen, all based (in part) on individual differences in genotype across developing organisms. This is an example of the activechild effect, which precedes consciousness and choice.

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Chapter 4 | Prenatal Development

CONCePT CHeCK

4.1

121

Prenatal Development

Check your understanding of prenatal development and some of the problems that can occur in prenatal development by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Which of the following events marks the transition between when we label the developing organism a zygote to when we begin to label it an embryo? a. conception b. ovulation c. implantation d. cell division 2. Which organ is responsible for the transmission of nutrients and wastes between the developing organism and the pregnant woman? a. amnion b. placenta c. chorion d. embryonic disk 3. What is the most critical period in prenatal development for potential damage to the developing organism from teratogens? a. the period of the embryo b. the period of the zygote c. the period of the fetus d. the period of the blastocyst

Matching: Match the teratogen to the effect it may have on the developing organism.

4.

rubella

5.

toxoplasmosis

6.

thalidomide

a. eye and brain damage; latepregnancy miscarriage b. missing or malformed arms and legs c. blindness, deafness, intellectual disability

Fill in the Blank: Fill in the blank with the appropriate word

or phrase.

7. When a pregnant woman drinks alcohol during her . pregnancy, she risks having a child born with 8. Teratogens are external factors such as , , or chemicals that harm the developing organism. 9. Sexual differentiation begins when a gene on to produce the chromosome instructs the testes if the developing organism is a male. 10. Erica was born in 1960 and she appeared at birth to be a normal, healthy girl. Her life proceeded normally until she turned 20. Then she discovered that she had a rare form of reproductive organ cancer and that she would be unlikely to be able to have children herself. Her doctor wondered whether her mother had taken during her pregnancy with Erica. He suspected that the drug could have been a teratogen that caused Erica’s reproductive abnormalities.

Looking next at nature and nurture interactions, it would be difficult to pinpoint any aspect of prenatal development that did not involve the reciprocal interaction of nature and nurture on development. Returning to the teratogen example, the principles of teratogenic effects, taken together, represent an integration of biological influences and environmental influences. One does not operate without the other. We encountered two different qualitative stage progressions in this chapter, one for prenatal development and another for pregnancy. Specifically, the developing organism proceeds through three distinct stages in prenatal development: the zygote, the embryo, and the fetus. The pregnant woman goes through three stages during pregnancy: the first, second, and third trimester. As usual, however, we can also see quantitative and qualitative change in prenatal development. For example, the period of the fetus consists mainly of quantitative changes as the organism grows in size and refines the structures and functions that first develop in the period of the embryo. We can consider the holistic nature of child development when we recall that prenatal development affects a child’s future physical development as well as cognitive and emotional development, especially in cases in which teratogenic effects interfere with these aspects of development. In sum, we saw evidence for each of the enduring developmental themes in our examination of prenatal development and birth.

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122 Part Two | Foundations of Development

SUMMaRY From Conception to Birth Prenatal development is divided into three phases: ●■ The germinal period (or period of the zygote) lasts about 2 weeks, from conception until the zygote (or blastocyst) is implanted in the wall of the uterus. ●■ The inner layer of the blastocyst becomes the embryo. ●■ The outer layer forms the amnion, chorion, placenta, and umbilical cord—support structures that help to sustain the developing prenatal organism. ■■ The period of the embryo lasts from the beginning of the third through the eighth week of pregnancy. ●■ This is the period when all major organs are formed and some have begun to function. ■■ The period of the fetus lasts from the ninth prenatal week until birth. ●■ All organ systems become integrated in preparation for birth. ●■ Fetuses move and begin to use organ systems during this period in preparation for after birth. ●■ Fetuses attain the age of viability at the beginning of the third trimester, usually between 22 to 28 weeks after conception. ■■

environmental Influences on Prenatal Development ■■ Teratogens are external agents such as diseases, drugs, and chemicals that can harm the developing organism.

■■ Teratogens—that is, diseases such as rubella, toxoplasmosis, syphilis, genital herpes, and AIDS; drugs such as thalidomide (which is no longer available for use in Canada), diethylstilbestrol (DES), alcohol, and tobacco; and environmental hazards such as radiation and toxic chemicals—can attack a developing embryo or fetus, interfering with growth and causing birth defects. ■■ Teratogenic effects are worst when a body structure is forming (usually during the period of the embryo) and when the “dose” of the teratogen is high. Teratogenic effects differ for different genotypes. One teratogen can cause many birth defects, and different teratogens can cause the same birth defect. ■■ Teratogenic effects can be altered by the postnatal environment (through rehabilitation efforts). Some teratogenic effects (such as those for DES) are not apparent at birth but become apparent later in a child’s life. ■■ Maternal characteristics can influence prenatal development and birth outcomes. Pregnant women who are malnourished, particularly during the third trimester, may deliver a preterm baby who may fail to survive. Folic acid supplements can help to prevent spina bifida and other birth defects. ■■ Malnourished babies are often irritable and unresponsive, interfering with positive developmental outcomes. ■■ Pregnant women under severe emotional stress risk pregnancy complications. ■■ Complications are also more likely among women over 35 and teenage pregnant women who lack adequate prenatal care.

KeY TeRMS prenatal development, 98

chorion, 100

sensitive period, 105

period of the zygote (germinal period), 99

placenta, 100

rubella (German measles), 106

fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), 110

umbilical cord, 100

toxoplasmosis, 107

cleft lip, 111

period of the embryo, 99

neural tube, 101

syphilis, 108

cleft palate, 111

period of the fetus, 99

fetus, 101

genital herpes, 108

folate, 117

blastocyst, 99

vernix, 103 lanugo, 103

acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), 108

folic acid, 117

embryo, 99 implantation, 100

age of viability, 103

thalidomide, 109

anencephaly, 117

teratogens, 105

diethylstilbestrol (DES), 110

neonate, 119

amnion, 100

spina bifida, 117

aNSWeRS TO CONCePT CHeCK Concept Check 4.1

6. b. missing or malformed arms and legs

1. c. implantation

7. fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD)

2. b. placenta

8. drugs; disease

3. a. the period of the embryo

9. Y; indifferent gonad

4. c. blindness, deafness, intellectual disability

10. diethylstilbestrol (DES)

5. a. eye and brain damage; late-pregnancy miscarriage NEL

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Ryan McVay/Photodisc

5

Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

I

f you mention pregnancy in a room full of women, each one who has borne a child will have a story to tell. There will be laughter about food cravings, body shape, and balance issues. There will be tales of babies who arrived early and attended their own showers, as well as recollections of induced labours that jettisoned infants who were reluctant to leave the womb. There may be talk of miscarriages, premature births, or other life-threatening complications. Similarly, men asked to recall the day of their child’s birth might recount their worry for the safety of their partner, their fear of what the birth would be like, their uncertainty about their role in the birth process, and their joy at holding their child for the first time. The arrival of a child is a significant and memorable event for everyone involved and everyone has a story. In this chapter, we will learn about the birth process and about the newborn.

Childbirth and the Perinatal Environment The perinatal environment is the environment surrounding birth; it includes influences such as medications given to the mother during delivery, delivery practices, and the social environment shortly after the baby is born. As we will see, this perinatal environment is an important one that can affect a baby’s wellbeing and the course of her or his future development.

perinatal environment the environment surrounding birth.

The Birth Process Childbirth is a three-stage process (see Figure 5.1). The first stage of labour begins as the mother experiences uterine contractions spaced at 10- to 15-minute intervals, and it ends when her cervix has fully dilated so that the fetus’s head can pass through. This phase lasts an average of 8 to 14 hours for firstborn children and three to eight hours for later-borns. As labour proceeds, the uterus contracts more frequently and intensely. When the head of the fetus is positioned at the cervical opening, the second phase of labour is about to begin. The second stage of labour, or delivery, begins as the fetus’s head passes through the cervix into the vagina and ends when the baby emerges from the mother’s body.

first stage of labour the period of the birth process lasting from the first regular uterine contractions until the cervix is fully dilated. second stage of labour the period of the birth process during which the fetus moves through the birth canal and emerges from the mother’s body (also called delivery).

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123

124 Part Two | Foundations of Development First stage

Second stage

Before labour begins

The baby’s head before crowning

Uterus

Third stage

The head crowning

Pubic bone

Bladder

The third stage of labour: the placenta coming loose and about to be born Placenta

Birth canal Spine

Rectum

Cervix

Transition: just before the baby’s head enters the birth canal

The pelvis after delivery

© Cengage Learning

The head emerging

Figure 5.1 The three stages of childbirth.

third stage of labour expulsion of the placenta (afterbirth).

This is the time when the mother may be told to bear down (push) with each contraction to assist her child through the birth canal. A quick delivery may take a half-hour, whereas a long one may last more than an hour and a half. The third stage of labour, or afterbirth, takes only 5 to 10 minutes as the uterus once again contracts and expels the placenta from the mother’s body.

The Baby’s Experience Fetuses are stressed by birth, but their own production of activating hormones is adaptive, helping them to withstand oxygen deprivation by increasing their heart rate and the flow of oxygenated blood to the brain (Buckley, 2015; Nelson, 1995). These same hormones help to ensure that babies are born wide awake and ready to breathe. Newborn babies quiet down and begin to adapt to their new surroundings within minutes of that first loud cry (Macfarlane, 1977). So birth is a stressful ordeal, but hardly a torturous one.

The Baby’s Appearance To a casual observer, many newborns may not look especially attractive. Babies’ passage through the narrow cervix and birth canal may leave them with flattened noses, misshapen foreheads, and an assortment of bumps and bruises. They may have reddishpurple or bluish blotches due to oxygen deprivation during the birth process. As the baby is weighed and measured, parents are likely to see a wrinkled little creature, about 50 cm long and weighing about 3 to 3.5 kg, who is covered with a protective, sticky, whitish NEL

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

Immediately after birth, babies may not be particularly attractive, but their appearance improves dramatically over the first days and weeks of life.

substance called vernix. But even though newborns may hardly resemble the smiley, bouncing infants who appear in commercials, most parents think that their baby is beautiful nevertheless and are usually eager to become acquainted with this new member of the family.

Apgar test a quick assessment of the newborn’s heart rate, respiration, colour, muscle tone, and reflexes that is used to gauge perinatal stress and to determine whether a neonate requires immediate medical assistance. Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) a test that assesses a neonate’s neurological integrity and responsiveness to environmental stimuli.

Assessing the Baby’s Condition In the very first minutes of life, a baby takes his or her first test. A nurse, midwife, or physician/obstetrician checks the infant’s physical condition by looking at five standard characteristics (heart rate, respiratory effort, muscle tone, colour, and reflex irritability) each of which is rated from 0 to 2, recorded on a chart, and totalled (see Table 5.1). A baby’s score on this Apgar test (named for its developer, Dr. Virginia Apgar) can range from 0 to 10, with higher scores indicating a better condition. The test is usually repeated five minutes later to measure improvements in the baby’s condition. Infants who score 7 or higher on this second assessment are in good physical condition, whereas those who score 4 or lower are in distress and often require immediate medical attention to survive. Although useful as a quick method of detecting severe physical or neurological irregularities that require immediate attention, the Apgar test may miss less obvious complications. A second test, T. Berry Brazelton’s Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS), is a more subtle measure of a baby’s behavioural repertoire and neurological well-being (Brazelton, 1979). If the NBAS is administered, it is given a few days after birth. It assesses the strength of 20 inborn reflexes, as well as changes in the infant’s state and reactions to comforting and other social stimuli. One important value of this test is

The Apgar Test

TABLE 5.1

Score 2

APGAR Acronym

Characteristic

0

1

Colour

Blue or paler all over

Body expected complexion (pink, brown), inside of mouth or lips, palms and feet blue

Pink

Appearance

Heart rate

Absent

Slow (fewer than 100 beats per minute)

Over 100 beats per minute

Pulse

Reflex irritability

No response

Frown, grimace, or weak cry

Vigorous cries, coughs, sneezes

Grimace

Muscle tone

Flaccid, limp

Weak, some flexion

Strong, active motion

Activity

Respiratory effort

Absent

Slow or irregular

Good; baby is crying

Respiration

Note: Letters in Apgar are often used as an acronym for the test’s five criteria: A 5 Appearance, P 5 Pulse, G 5 Grimace, A 5 Activity level, R 5 Respiratory effort. NEL

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126 Part Two | Foundations of Development

its early identification of babies who are slow to react to a variety of everyday experiences. If the infant is extremely unresponsive, the low NBAS score may indicate brain damage or other neurological problems. If the baby has good reflexes but is sluggish or irritable when responding to social stimuli, it is possible that he or she will not receive enough playful stimulation and comforting in the months ahead to develop secure emotional ties to caregivers. So a low NBAS score is a warning that problems could arise. The NBAS can also be used to help parents. Mothers and fathers who take part as the NBAS is administered often learn much about their baby’s behavioural capabilities and how they might successfully quiet their fussy infant or elicit such pleasing responses as smiles and attentive gazes (Girling, 2006; Wendland-Carro, Piccinini, & Millar, 1999).

Labour and Delivery Medication Many Canadian women who are expected to experience a normal delivery would require little or no drug intervention during the birth of their child. When drugs are used, they may include one or more of analgesics and anesthetics to reduce pain, sedatives to relax the mother, and stimulants to induce or intensify uterine contractions (Lee, Dy, & Hussam, 2016). Obviously, these agents are administered in the hope of making the birth process easier, and their use is often essential to save a baby’s life in a complicated delivery. However, some medications can have some undesirable consequences that impact infants in various ways, including respiration, blood flow, lethargy, and muscle tone (Reynolds, 2011). A recent review indicates that many more modern analgesics and anesthetics used in epidurals (i.e., injected locally in the spine to reduce sensation below the waist) do not lead to the negative outcomes for the mother or infant that were observed in earlier research (Anim-Somuah, Smyth, Cyna, & Cuthbert, 2018). Drug use during delivery is carefully monitored by physicians and provided in appropriate doses at the safest times so that taking medications is not as risky as it once was. Yet, it is important to carefully weigh the pros and cons of their use and limit them whenever possible. Some mothers who receive large amounts of anesthesia or who have epidurals, for example, are often less sensitive to uterine contractions and do not push effectively during the delivery. As a result, their babies may have to be pulled from the birth canal with obstetrical forceps (a device that resembles a pair of salad tongs) or a vacuum extractor (a plastic suction cup attached to the baby’s head).

natural and prepared childbirth each involve a delivery in which physical and psychological preparations for the birth are stressed and medical assistance is minimized.

cesarean section surgical delivery of a baby through an incision made in the mother’s abdomen and uterus.

Natural and Prepared Childbirth The changing views toward childbirth in Canada continue to be heavily influenced by the philosophies behind natural and prepared childbirth. Natural and prepared childbirth are based on the idea that childbirth is a normal and natural part of life rather than a painful ordeal that women should fear. The natural childbirth movement arose from the work of Grantly Dick-Read in England, and prepared childbirth originated in Russia but was popularized by Fernand Lamaze in France. These two obstetricians claimed that most women could give birth quite comfortably, without medication, if they were taught to associate childbirth with pleasant feelings and to ready themselves for the process by learning exercises, breathing methods, and relaxation techniques that make childbirth easier (Dick-Read, 1933/1972; Lamaze, 1958). Mothers who have more knowledge, training, and confidence and less anxiety in their ability to navigate their delivery require less medication and have fewer interventions (e.g., cesarean sections) and shorter labours (Bewley & Cockburn, 2002; Duncan et al., 2017; Laursen, Johansen, & Hedegaard, 2009; Simkin, 2011; Stockman & Altmaier, 2001). Most Canadians have access to services that permit a prepared childbirth experience at home, in a birthing centre or in a hospital. Parents who decide on a prepared childbirth usually attend classes for 6 to 8 weeks before the delivery. They learn what to expect during labour and may visit a delivery room (if they choose to deliver in a birthing centre or hospital) and become familiar with NEL

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procedures used there as part of their preparation. They are also given a prescribed set of exercises and relaxation techniques to master. Typically, the mother’s partner (or another companion) acts as a coach to assist the mother in toning her muscles and perfecting her breathing for labour. The birthing partner is also encouraged to physically and emotionally support the mother during the delivery. Research reveals that there are many benefits to natural and prepared childbirth, not the least of which is the important social support mothers receive from their partners and other close companions. When mothers attend childbirth classes regularly and have a trusted companion present in the delivery room to assist and encourage them, they experience less pain during delivery, use less medication, and have more positive attitudes toward themselves, their babies, and the whole birth experience (Brockington, 1996; Simkin, 2011; Wilcock, Kobayashi, & Murray, 1997).

Birthing Environments Women today often have choices regarding where they would like to have the birth of their child. Hospitals provide both the traditional “medical model” environment and more modern birthing alternatives. For example, many hospitals have designated labour/birth/recovery (LBR) rooms where the mother labours, delivers, and experiences some or all of her postpartum care. Birthing centres can provide an alternative birthing centre a hospital birthing room or other homelike atmosphere but still make medical technology available. Sometimes birthing independent facility that provides a centres are freestanding and operate independently of hospitals, while others are homelike atmosphere for childbirth attached to hospitals. Most employ a range of professionals, including obstetricians, but still makes medical technology certified midwives, and nurses. In birthing centres, spouses, friends, and often a couple’s available. other children can be present during labour. Healthy infants as well as spouses/partners can remain in the same room with the mothers until the mother and infant leave the hospital. Another growing alternative is for mothers to deliver their babies at home with the aid of a certified midwife trained in nonsurgical obstetrics. Home deliveries can reduce the mother’s fear and offer maximum social support by encouraging friends and family to be there, rather than a host of unfamiliar nurses, aides, and physicians. Home deliveries have less reliance on labour and delivery medications and other potentially harmful medical interventions. Indeed, it appears that the relaxed atmosphere and the social support available at a home delivery does have a calming effect on many mothers. Women who deliver at home have shorter labours and use less medication than those who deliver in hospitals (Beard & Chapple, 1995; Brackbill et al., 1985; Hutton et al., 2015). Are home births as safe as hospital deliveries? Childbirth statistics from many industrialized countries suggest that they are, as long as the mother is healthy, the pregnancy has gone smoothly, and the birth is attended by a well-trained midwife (AckermannLiebrich et al., 1996; Hutton et al., 2015). Mothers at risk for birth complications, however, are advised to deliver in a hospital, where life-saving technologies are immediately available should they be needed. Regardless of whether birth occurs in a hospital, birthing centre, or home, some delivering mothers also acquire the assistance of a doula—a woman experienced in childbirth—who provides additional support and advice. Research indicates that the continuous care provided before, during, and after childbirth by both midwives and doulas results in births with less maternal pain, greater satisfaction with the birth experience, and shorter births with fewer medMany women choose to give birth at home or in birthing centres to share ical interventions (Hodnett, Gates, Hofmeyr, & the joy of childbirth with family members. When assisted by a well-trained midwife, healthy women can give birth safely at home. Sakala, 2012). NEL

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128 Part Two | Foundations of Development

The Social Environment Surrounding Birth Birth today is a dramatic experience for both parents.

emotional bonding term used to describe the strong affectionate ties that parents may feel toward their infant; some theorists believe that the strongest bonding occurs shortly after birth, during a sensitive period.

postpartum depression strong feelings of sadness, resentment, and despair that may appear shortly after childbirth and can linger for months.

The Mother’s Experience The first few minutes after birth can be a special time for a mother to thoroughly enjoy her baby, provided she is given the opportunity. Marshall Klaus and John Kennell (1976) believe that the first six to 12 hours after birth are a sensitive period for emotional bonding when the mother is especially ready to respond to and develop a strong sense of affection for her baby. In their study testing this hypothesis, Klaus and Kennell had half of a group of new mothers follow the then-traditional hospital routine: the mothers saw their babies briefly after delivery, visited with them six to 12 hours later, and had halfhour feeding sessions every four hours thereafter for the remainder of a three-day hospital stay. By contrast, mothers in an “extended-contact” group were permitted five “extra” hours a day to cuddle their babies, including an hour of skin-to-skin contact that took place within three hours of birth. In a follow-up one month later, mothers who had early extended contact with their babies appeared to be more involved with them and held them closer during feeding sessions than did mothers who had followed the traditional hospital routine. One year later, the extended-contact mothers were still the more highly involved group of caregivers and their 1-year-olds outperformed those in the traditional-routine group on tests of physical and mental development. Apparently, extended early contact in the hospital fostered mothers’ affection for their newborns, which, in turn, may have motivated those mothers to continue to interact in highly stimulating ways with their babies. In response to this and other similar studies, many hospitals have altered their routines to encourage the kinds of early contact that can promote emotional bonding. Does this mean that mothers who have no early contact with their newborns miss out on forming the strongest possible emotional ties to them? No! Later research has shown that early contact effects are nowhere near as significant or long-lasting as Klaus and Kennell presumed (Eyer, 1992; Goldberg, 1983). Other research reveals that most adoptive parents, who rarely have any early contact with their infants, nevertheless develop strong emotional bonds with their adoptees that are just as strong, on average, as those seen in nonadoptive homes (Levy-Shiff, Goldschmidt, & Har-Even, 1991; Singer, Brodzinsky, Ramsay, Steir, & Waters, 1985). Early skin-to-skin contact and breastfeeding shortly after birth, however, can be a very pleasant experience that can help a mother begin to form an emotional bond with her child ( Johnson, 2013). Postpartum Depression. Unfortunately, there can be a “down side” to the birth experience for some mothers. Within the first 10 days following birth, some mothers may find themselves elated one minute and then moody the next, as well as tearful, irritable, tired, and confused. Estimates of the incidence of these baby blues (also known as maternity blues or postpartum blues) fall anywhere between 15 and 85 percent of new mothers (Kessel, 1995; Pearlstein, Howard, Salisbury, & Zlotnick, 2009). The cause of this mild depression, which usually passes within a matter of a week or two, is not completely understood, but previous experience of depression is predictive in some cases (Pearlstein et al., 2009). By contrast, between 6.5 and 12.9 percent of new mothers experience a more serious depressive reaction, called postpartum depression, that can last for months (Pearlstein et al., 2009). Previous experience with depression, hormonal changes following childbirth, and stresses associated with the new responsibilities of parenthood contribute to postpartum depression (Hendrick & Altshuler, 1999; Pearlstein et al., 2009; Wile & Arechiga, 1999). Many of these severely depressed women do not want their infants and perceive them to be difficult babies. These mothers often interact less with their babies and the interactions that do occur differ from those of nondepressed mothers (Field, 2010). In addition, these mothers may be ambivalent or hostile toward their babies (Campbell, Cohn, Flanagan, Popper, & Meyers, 1992; Field, 2010; Canadian Mental Health Association, 2010). NEL

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

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Lack of social support—particularly a poor relationship with the father—dramatically increases the odds of postpartum depression (Field et al., 1985; Gotlib, Whiffen, Wallace, & Mount, 1991; O’Hara, 2009; Zhang & Jin, 2016). Reciprocally, new mothers with positive perceptions about the availability of social support report more positive perceptions of their newborns (Pearlstein et al., 2009; Priel & Besser, 2002).When a mother remains chronically depressed, withdrawn, and unresponsive, the attachment that develops between her and her infant is likely to be insecure, and infants may develop depressive symptoms and behaviour problems of their own (Campbell, Cohn, & Myers, 1995; Murray, Fiori-Cowley, & Hooper, 1996; Pearson et al., 2013). Consequently, mothers experiencing more than a mild case of the maternity blues should seek professional help. Treatment for postpartum depression can vary. In some cases medication is required. However, “talking therapies” that allow mothers to talk with a nonjudgmental clinician have been identified as desirable by mothers (Dennis & Chung-Lee, 2006). Philip Dunham and his colleagues at Dalhousie University (Dunham et al., 1998) designed a 24-hour computer-mediated social-support network to allow single young mothers to communicate with other single young mothers and access information about parenting issues. After six months, those participants who actively used the network reported a decrease in parenting stress. Since that time, other Internet-based support networks have also demonstrated a positive impact on users by reducing rates of depression (e.g., Sheeber et al., 2012).

The Father’s Experience Fathers, like mothers, experience the birth process as a significant life event that involves a mix of positive and negative emotions. New fathers admitted that their fears mounted during labour but said that they tried hard to appear calm nonetheless. Although they described childbirth as an agonizing and stressful ordeal, their negative emotions usually gave way to relief, pride, and joy when the baby finally arrived (Chandler & Field, 1997). Like new mothers, new fathers often display a sense of engrossment with the baby—an intense fascination with and a strong desire to touch, hold, and caress this newest member of the family (Greenberg & Morris, 1974; Peterson, Mehl, & Liederman, WHAT DO YOU THINK? ? 1979). One young father put it this way when seeing his daughter: “I go look at the kid Design the perfect birth experiand then I pick her up and put her down. . . . I keep going back to the kid. It’s like a ence for you and your baby. magnet. That’s what I can’t get over, the fact that I feel like that” (Greenberg & Morris, Where would you be? Who 1974, p. 524). Since these early studies, fathers have become increasingly involved in would be there? What would be caregiving (Pleck, 2010). Opportunities for fathers to engage with their newborn and done to make things as pleasant young infant are important for establishing a strong father–infant bond and future as possible for all participants in secure attachments for the child (Kochanska & Kim, 2013). Both biological and psychothe process? logical changes are related to more sensitive fathering when fathers interact with the infant (Feldman et al., 2010; Kuo et al., 2016). In general, a father who is present at birth not only plays an important supportive role for the infant and mother but is also just as likely as the mother to enjoy close contact with their newborn (Kochanska & Kim, 2013; Palkovitz, 1985). The initial attraction and fascination that new parents experience with their newborn infants may also be the beginning of an important exchange between parents and infants. Responsive interactions with infants may be an important contributor to the development of foundational social skills related to emotion and sense of self. For more information on this subject, see Box 5.1, which looks at the work of Ann Bigelow, as well as Chapter This father displays a fascination with his newborn that is known as 12, which deals with emotional development. engrossment.

Liisa Kelly

engrossment paternal analogue of maternal emotional bonding; term used to describe fathers’ fascination with their neonates, including their desire to touch, hold, caress, and talk to the newborn baby.

NEL

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130 Part Two | Foundations of Development

5.1

THE INSIDE TRACK

Ann Bigelow Courtesy of Ann Bigelow

Dr. Ann Bigelow is a psychology professor specializing in developmental psychology at St. Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, Nova Scotia. Her research examines infant cognitive, motor, and social development, including interactions between infants and their caregivers. In her recent pioneering research, she examines the earliest development of self-agency in infants—that is, infants’ beginning awareness that their own actions can cause predictable changes in others’ behaviour and on objects in the environment

Imagine this scene: a 5-month-old infant is sitting in a car seat on the table at a restaurant. The infant’s parent is seated in the chair in front of the infant. The two are watching each other. The infant smiles and in return the parent’s eyes open wide accompanied by an exaggerated smile. Many of you will have witnessed this type of exchange many times. You might even recall having done this yourself. Research conducted by Ann Bigelow and her colleagues (Bigelow, Power, Bulmer, & Gerrior, 2018) observes exactly these types of exchanges in an effort to understand the

point at which young infants become aware that they can impact the social environment around them. In a recent study, Bigelow measured 5-month-olds’ initiations of these types of social bids in the “still face” paradigm. Mothers and their infants were placed facing each other, and researchers observed their natural exchanges of smiles and vocalizations. After two minutes of interaction, mothers were cued to adopt a still, neutral face. Infants’ bids to engage their mothers through vocalizations, smiles, and so on, were recorded. After a minute, the mothers resumed their normal interactions. Mothers’ mirroring of their infants’ behaviour during the natural engagement time predicted infants’ social bids when the mothers adopted the still face. In particular, infants of mothers who did more mirroring of their infants’ emotional engagement during the interaction time, increased their positive vocalizations towards their mothers during the still face time, but infants of mothers who engaged in little emotional mirroring during the natural engagement time did not. These outcomes suggest that even very young infants notice the emotional mirroring that adults provide and this realization serves as an early foundation for understanding that they can actively change their social environment by engaging others.

Birth Complications Childbirth does not always proceed as smoothly as indicated in our earlier account of the “normal” delivery. Three important birth complications that can adversely influence a baby’s development are anoxia (oxygen deprivation), low birth weight, and a premature delivery.

Anoxia anoxia a lack of sufficient oxygen to the brain; may result in neurological damage or death. breech birth a delivery in which the fetus emerges feet first or buttocks first rather than head first.

RH factor a blood protein that, when present in a fetus but not the mother, can cause the mother to produce antibodies. These antibodies may then attack the red blood cells of subsequent fetuses who have the protein in their blood.

Nearly 1 percent of babies are born showing signs of anoxia, or oxygen deprivation. In many cases, the child’s supply of oxygen is interrupted because the umbilical cord has become tangled or squeezed during childbirth, as can easily happen when infants are lying in the breech position and are born feet or buttocks first. Other cases of anoxia occur when the placenta separates prematurely, interrupting the supply of food and oxygen to the fetus. Anoxia can also occur after birth if mucus ingested during childbirth becomes lodged in the baby’s throat. Although newborns can tolerate oxygen deprivation far longer than older children and adults can, permanent brain damage, cognitive deficits, and disabilities can result if breathing is delayed for more than three to four minutes (Gonzalez & Miller, 2006; Nelson, 1995; Stevens, 2000). Other research has found that prenatal anoxia is associated with an increased vulnerability to adult heart disease (Zhang, 2005). Even mild anoxia can result in longterm behavioural consequences, such as hyperactivity or attentional challenges (Golubnitschaja et al., 2011). Another potential cause of anoxia is a genetic incompatibility between an RH-positive fetus, who has a protein called RH factor in its blood, and an RH-negative mother, who lacks this substance. During labour and delivery, when the placenta is deteriorating, NEL

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life 16 32 Weeks 32–36 Weeks 37 Weeks

Preterm births (95% CI) per 100 live births**

14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

NL

PE

NS

NB

ON

MB

SK

AB

BC

YK

NT

NU Canada*

*Includes data for unknown provinces and territories **Excludes live births with unknown gestational age. Data for Quebec were excluded because they do not contribute to CIHI-DAD. CI = Confidence Interval

Figure 5.2 Rate of preterm birth, by province/territory, Canada (excluding Quebec), 2010–2014. Source: © All rights reserved. Perinatal Health Indicators for Canada, 2017: A report from the Canadian Perinatal Surveillance System. The Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017. Adapted and reproduced with permission from the Minister of Health, 2018.

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RH-negative mothers are often exposed to the blood of their RH-positive fetuses and they begin to produce RH antibodies. If these antibodies enter a fetus’s bloodstream, they can attack red blood cells, depleting oxygen and possibly producing brain damage, heart failure, and other threats. Firstborns are usually not affected because an RH-negative mother has no RH antibodies until she gives birth to an RH-positive child. Fortunately, problems stemming from an RH incompatibility can now be prevented by administering an injection of immune globulin vaccine (e.g., RhoGAM or WinRho SDF) at designated times during and after the delivery, which prevents the RH-negative mother from forming the RH antibodies that could harm her next RH-positive baby.

Low Birth Weight

SGA singleton live births (95% CI) per 100 singleton live births**

Most babies in Canada are born between the thirty-seventh and forty-second weeks of pregnancy and are considered “timely.” As we mentioned in our discussion of the appearance of the newborn, the average full-term, or “timely,” infant is about 48 to 53 cm long preterm infants and weighs about 3.2 to 3.6 kg. About 6 percent of Canadian babies weigh less than 2500 g infants born more than three weeks at birth (Chomitz, Chung, & Lieberman, 2000; Statistics Canada, 2016). There are actually before their normal due date. two kinds of low-birth-weight babies. Most are born more than three weeks before their small-for-date (or small-fordue dates and are called preterm infants (see Figure 5.2 for rates of preterm babies in each gestational-age) babies province except Quebec). Although small in size, the body weights of these babies are often infants whose birth weight is far appropriate for the amount of time they spent in the womb. Other low-birth-weight babies, below normal, even when born close called small-for-date or small-for-gestational-age babies, have experienced slow growth to their normal due date. as fetuses and are seriously underweight (weights below the tenth percentile for their gender and gestational age; Canadian Perinatal Surveillance System, 2017), even when born close to their normal due dates (see Figure 5.3 12 for rates of small-for-gestational-age babies in each province except Quebec). Although 10 both kinds of low-birth-weight babies are 8 vulnerable and may have to struggle to survive, small-for-date infants are at greater risk 6 of serious complications. For example, they 4 are more likely to die during the first year or 2 to show signs of brain damage. They are also more likely than preterm infants to remain 0 PE NS NB ON MB SK AB BC YK NT NU Canada* NL small in stature throughout childhood, to *Includes data from unknown provinces and territories experience learning difficulties and behav**Excludes live births with unknown gestational age or birth weight, live births with iour problems at school, and to perform gestational age 43 weeks, and multiple births. SGA cutoff is based on the 10th percentile of the sex-specific birth weight for gestational age. poorly on IQ tests (Scharf, Stroustrup, Data for Quebec were excluded because they do not contribute to CIHI-DAD CI = Confidence Interval Conaway, & DeBoer, 2016; Taylor, Klein, Minich, & Hack, 2000). Figure 5.3 Rate of small-for-gestational-age, by province or territory, Canada What are the causes of low birth (excluding Quebec), 2010–2014. weight? We have already seen that mothers Source: © All rights reserved. Perinatal Health Indicators for Canada, 2017: A report from the Canadian who smoke and drink heavily or use drugs Perinatal Surveillance System. The Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017. Adapted and reproduced or who are malnourished are likely to with permission from the Minister of Health, 2018. NEL

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132 Part Two | Foundations of Development

deliver undersized babies. Indeed, low-income women, especially from ethnic minority groups or with disabilities, are particularly at risk, largely because they experience higher levels of stress than other mothers do, and their diets and the prenatal care they receive are often inadequate (Chomitz et al., 2000; Fowles & Gabrielson, 2005; Luo, Wilkins, & Kramer, 2006; Mehl-Madrona, 2004). Although Canadians typically expect that women have ready access to appropriate medical care and sufficient funds to provide good nutrition, many Canadian women do not have these resources (Morris, 2000; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2007). Illnesses or accidents that impair the functioning of the placenta can retard fetal growth and result in a baby who is preterm or small-for-date. Yet another frequent contributor to undersized babies is multiple births. Multiple fetuses generally gain much less weight than a singleton after the twenty-ninth week of pregnancy. And in addition to being small-for-date, triplets and quadruplets rarely develop to term in the uterus; in fact, they are often born 5 to 8 weeks early (Papiernik, 1995).

respiratory distress syndrome a serious condition (also called hyaline membrane disease) in which a preterm infant breathes very irregularly and is at risk of dying.

Short-Term Consequences of Low Birth Weight The most trying task for a low-birth-weight baby is simply surviving the first few days of life. Although more of these infants are surviving each year, between 40 and 50 percent of those who weigh less than 1000 grams die at birth or shortly thereafter, even in the best hospitals. Small-for-date babies are often malformed, undernourished, or genetically abnormal—factors that will hinder them as they struggle to survive. Moreover, preterm infants are likely to experience a number of additional problems as a consequence of their general immaturity. For example, infant auditory skills, specifically the ability to discriminate between differing sounds and maternal voice recognition, were assessed for two groups of infants. One group consisted of full-term infants who were 1 to 3 days old. The other group consisted of preterm infants who were 1 to 3 days older than their original due date. In other words, the groups compared were of equivalent age from date of conception. Compared to the full-term infants, the preterm infants exhibited atypical patterns of neural activity during the auditory discrimination and sound recognition tasks. As well, the preterm infants did not recognize their own mothers’ voices, whereas the full-term infants did (Therien, Worwa, Mattia, & DeRegnier, 2004). When compared to full-term infants, preterm infants also exhibit slower processing speeds throughout the first year of life (Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2002). Together, this evidence suggests that brain development and neural pattern forma tion in preterm infants differs from that of full-term infants. In fact, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) techniques have revealed differences in brain structure that persist into young adulthood. In particular, the way that grey and white matter is distributed in the brain differs for very-low-birth-weight individuals when compared to their normal-birthweight age-mates (Allin et al., 2004; DeBruin et al., 2013). The consequences of these differences in the brain development of preterm infants are as yet unclear. Preterm and low-birth-weight babies’ most serious difficulty is breathing. A preterm infant often has very little surfactin, a substance that normally coats the lungs during the last 3 to 4 weeks of pregnancy to prevent them from collapsing. A deficiency of surfactin may result in respiratory distress syndrome (RDS), a serious respiratory ailment in which the affected child breathes very irregularly and may stop breathing altogether. These children’s problems are severe, as well as difficult to treat. For example, there are challenges in identifying the most effective preparation of a surfactant replacement as well as challenges in determining the best time and amount to administer the surfactant replacement that will work for infants of differing gestational age (Sweet et al., 2013). On the other hand, even though many preterm infants experience respiratory distress and other problems related to immaturity, Claudine Amiel-Tison and her colleagues (AmielTison et al., 2004) report that despite a general reduction in overall growth, the maturation of the brain, lungs, heart, and other organs is accelerated in fetuses that are at high risk for preterm delivery. She and her colleagues cite evidence suggesting that prioritizing early organ maturation in lieu of increase in overall size is an adaptive response to stressors (such as sharing the womb with a sibling, malnutrition, or even maternal distress) that prepares the fetuses for their impending preterm birth. NEL

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Preterm infants often spend their first few weeks of life in heated isolettes/incubators that maintain their body temperature and protect them from infection. Isolettes/incubators are aptly named because they do isolate; the infant is fed, cleaned, and changed through a hole in the device that is much too small to allow visiting parents to cuddle and love their baby in the usual way. Parents may feel more anxious handling and caring for their infant (Zelkowitz, Bardin, & Papageorgiou, 2007). Furthermore, preterm infants can try the patience of caregivers. Compared with full-term infants, they are slow to initiate social interactions and often respond to a parent’s bids for attention by looking away, fussing, or actively resisting such overtures (Eckerman, Hsu, Molitor, Leung, & Goldstein, 1999; Lester, Hoffman, & Brazelton, Isolettes/incubators do isolate. The holes in the apparatus allow parents and 1985; Malatesta, Grigoryev, Lamb, Albin, & Culver, hospital staff to care for, talk to, and touch the baby, but close, tender cuddling 1986). Mothers of preterm infants often remark is nearly impossible. that their babies are “hard to read,” causing the mothers to become frustrated as their persistent attempts to carry on a social dialogue are apparently rebuffed by an aloof, fussy, squirming little companion (Lester et al., 1985). Indeed, preterm infants are at risk of forming less secure emotional ties to their caregivers than other babies do (Mangelsdorf et al., 1996; Wille, 1991). Finally, evidence suggests that long-term effects of preterm or low-birth-weight status is related to the severity of the abnormality (Burns, O’Callaghan, McDonell, & Rogers, 2004). In a longitudinal study following small-for-date infants from birth to 18 months, Harding and McCowan (2003) report that infants with less severe growth restriction and longer gestational periods “have a good chance of catch-up growth by six months” (pp. 16, 26). That is, at 6 months, newborns who were less severely premature and underweight were comparable in weight and stature to their full-term peers. More severely premature and underweight newborns, especially those who were shorter at birth and boys, took longer to catch up with full-term peers.

Interventions for Preterm Infants Twenty years ago, hospitals permitted parents little if any contact with preterm infants for fear of harming these tiny, fragile infants. Today, parents are encouraged to visit their child often in the hospital and to become actively involved during their visits by touching, caressing, and talking to their baby. The objective of these early-acquaintance programs is to allow parents to get to know their child and to foster the development of positive emotional ties. But there may be important additional benefits, for babies in intensive care often become less irritable and more responsive and show quicker neurological and mental development if they are periodically rocked, stroked, massaged, or soothed by the sound of a mother’s voice (Barnard & Bee, 1983; Feldman & Eidelman, 2003; Field, 1995; Ferber et al., 2005; Scafidi et al., 1986, 1990). Preterm and other low-birth-weight babies can also benefit from programs that teach their parents how to provide them with sensitive and responsive care at home (Veddovi, Gibson, Kenny, Bowen, & Starte, 2004). In one Canadian study (Tessier et al., 2003), mothers, with relief provided by other caregivers, were encouraged to carry their children like a “kangaroo.” As soon as infants were able to exist safely without interventions, they were carried on the mother’s chest 24 hours a day. The infants had skin-toskin contact, could view the care-provider continuously, and experienced the normal rhythms of movement and heartbeat, as well as the smells and sounds of their careproviders. In addition, mothers were encouraged to breastfeed, with supplements added where necessary. This intervention lasted several days to several weeks after birth. NEL

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134 Part Two | Foundations of Development

The “kangaroo mother care” yielded positive mental gains for the infants and fostered more optimal parenting. When combined with stimulating daycare programs, parental interventions not only foster the cognitive growth of low-birth-weight children but also can reduce the likelihood of their displaying behavioural disturbances as well (BrooksGunn, Klebanov, Liaw, & Spiker, 1993; Hill, Brooks-Gunn, & Waldfogel, 2003; Spiker, Ferguson, & Brooks-Gunn, 1993). These interventions are most effective when they continue into the elementary school years (Bradley et al., 1994; McCarton et al., 1997). Of course, not all low-birth-weight infants (or their parents) have opportunities to participate in successful interventions. What happens to them?

Long-Term Consequences of Low Birth Weight Over the years, many researchers have reported that preterm and other low-birth-weight infants were likely to experience more learning difficulties later in childhood, to score lower on IQ tests, and to suffer more emotional problems than normal-birth-weight infants (Caputo & Mandell, 1970; Drillien, 1969; Saigal, Hoult, Streiner, Stoskopf, & Rosenbaum, 2000; Weindrich, Jennan-Steinmetz, Laucht, & Schmidt, 2003). Low-birthweight girls may progress through puberty more quickly and attain a final height that is smaller than normal-weight girls (Ibáñez, Ferrer, Marcos, Hierro, & de Zegher, 2000). Low birth weight has been associated with type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and coronary artery disease in adults (Sallout & Walker, 2003). Today, we know that the long-term prognosis for low-birth-weight children depends largely on the environment in which they are raised (Reichman, 2005). Outcomes are likely to be especially good when parents are knowledgeable about the factors that promote healthy development. These parents are likely to be highly involved with their children and to create a stimulating home environment that fosters cognitive and emotional growth (Benasich & Brooks-Gunn, 1996; Caughy, 1996). By contrast, low-birthweight children from less stable or economically disadvantaged families are likely to remain smaller in stature than full-term children, experience more emotional problems, and show some long-term deficits in intellectual performance and academic achievement (Baker & Mednick, 1984; Kopp & Kaler, 1989; Rose & Feldman, 1996; Taylor et al., 2000). So the long-term prognosis for preterm and small-for-date children seems to depend critically on the postnatal environment in which they are raised.

Reproductive Risk and Capacity for Recovery We have now discussed many examples of what can go wrong during the prenatal and perinatal periods, as well as some steps that expectant parents can take to try to prevent such outcomes. Once they occur, some of these damaging effects are irreversible; a baby blinded by rubella, for example, will never regain his or her sight, and a child who has an intellectual disability due to fetal alcohol syndrome or severe anoxia may always have an intellectual disability. And yet there are many adults who turned out perfectly normal even though their mothers smoked, drank, or contracted harmful diseases while pregnant or received heavy doses of medication while in labour and childbirth. Why is this so? As we have already emphasized, not all embryos, fetuses, and newborns who are exposed to teratogens and other early hazards are affected by them. But what about those who are? Is it possible that many of these infants will eventually overcome their early handicaps later in life? Indeed it is, and we now have some excellent longitudinal studies to tell us so. In 1955, Emmy Werner and Ruth Smith began to follow the development of all 670 babies born that year on the Hawaiian Island of Kauai. At birth, 16 percent of these infants showed moderate to severe complications, another 31 percent showed mild complications, and 53 percent appeared normal and healthy. When the babies were re-examined at age 2, there was a clear relationship between severity of birth complications and developmental progress; the more severe their birth complications, the more likely children NEL

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were to be lagging in their social and intellectual development. However, effects of the postnatal environment were already apparent. In homes rated high in emotional support and educational stimulation, children who had suffered severe birth complications scored slightly below average on tests of social and intellectual development. But in homes low in emotional support and educational stimulation, the intellectual performance of children who had experienced equally severe complications was far below average (Werner & Smith, 1992). Werner and Smith then followed up on the children at ages 10 and 18, and again as young adults. What they found was striking. By age 10, early complications no longer predicted children’s intellectual performance very well, but certain characteristics of the children’s home environments did. Children from unstimulating and unresponsive home environments continued to perform very poorly on intelligence tests, whereas their counterparts from stimulating and supportive homes showed no marked deficiencies in intellectual performance (Werner & Smith, 1992). Clearly, children who had suffered the most severe early complications were the ones who were least likely to overcome their initial handicaps, even when raised in stimulating and supportive homes (see also Bendersky & Lewis, 1994; Saigal, Hoult, Streiner, Stoskopf, & Rosenbaum, 2000; Walker et al., 2011). But in summarizing the results of this study, Werner and Smith noted that long-term problems related to the effects of poor environments outnumbered those attributable to birth complications by a ratio of 10 to 1. What, then, are we to conclude about the long-term implications of reproductive risk? First, we do know that prenatal and birth complications can leave lasting scars, particularly if these insults are severe. Yet the longitudinal data we have reviewed suggest ample reason for optimism should you ever give birth to a frail, irritable, unresponsive baby who is abnormal in appearance or behaviour. Given a supportive and stimulating home environment in which to grow, and the unconditional love of at least one caregiver, a majority of these children will display a strong “self-righting” tendency and eventually overcome their initial handicaps (Titze et al., 2008; Werner & Smith, 1992; Wyman et al., 1999).

Applying Developmental Themes to Birth We can now turn to an examination of how our four developmental themes are revealed in the process of birth. Recall that our four recurring developmental themes include the active child, nature and nurture interactions in development, qualitative and quantitative changes in development, and the holistic nature of child development. Let’s begin with the active-child theme. In preparation for birth, the infant needs to have all systems functioning independently of the mother. These are active-child effects even though they are not conscious choices to be active. Looking next at nature and nurture interactions, it would be difficult to pinpoint any aspect of birth that did not involve the reciprocal interaction of nature and nurture on development. There is a strong biological determinism about the birth process, proceeding through each stage in order and with little potential for interruption or interference from the environment during a normal birth. But the environment surrounding the birth clearly influences the health of the baby and the mother, and the feelings of bonding and engrossment that the parents feel for their new baby. We encountered different qualitative stage progressions in this chapter. Specifically, the birth process can be divided into three stages: labour, birth, and after birth. We can consider the holistic nature of child development when we reflect on the birth process. We saw that emotional and social support for the woman giving birth was just as important as the physical assistance she needs with this process. And after birth, parents who are trained to respond to and engage their infants in social interaction are more likely to have infants who are able to overcome early physical complications. In sum, we saw evidence for each of the enduring developmental themes in our examination of birth. NEL

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136 Part Two | Foundations of Development

CONCEPT CHECK

5.1

Birth and the Perinatal Environment

Check your understanding of the process of birth and the perinatal environment from the perspective of the baby, mother, and father by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. A severe form of depression suffered by about 6.5 to 12.9 percent of new mothers leaves these women feeling like they don’t want their babies, perceiving their babies to be “difficult,” and not interacting with their babies. These feelings can last for months. What is the term for this form of depression? a. maternity depression b. maternity blues c. postpartum depression d. post-birth depression _____ 2. What is the term for oxygen deprivation at birth? a. breech delivery b. anoxia c. oxygen depletion d. umbilical cord insufficiency _____ 3. What is the disorder in which a deficiency in surfactin causes irregular breathing or stops breathing? a. persistent fetal respiration b. persistent respiratory distress c. respiratory distress syndrome d. respiratory surfactin disorder

5. Juanita seemed fine at birth and scored well on the Apgar test. However, a few days after her birth she was given the test, which assessed her reflexes, changes in her state, her reactions to comforting, and her reactions to social stimuli. She scored very low on this test and the doctors suspected that she might . have 6. When a mother is unable to push effectively during delivery, a baby is sometimes pulled from the birth canal using or . Matching: Match the experience a parent feels upon delivery

to the psychological term for this effect. 7. engrossment

a. a mother’s initial emotional response to her newborn, with close contact with the newborn soon after birth

8. emotional bonding

b. a father’s initial emotional response to his newborn, with close contact with the newborn soon after birth

Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following questions.

9. Discuss the short-term and long-term consequences of low birth weight on babies’ long-term development. 10. Discuss how postnatal interventions can overcome early postnatal distress, such as preterm or low-birth-weight deliveries.

Fill in the Blank: Fill in the blank with the appropriate word

or phrase.

4. The delivery of a baby occurs during the of labour.

stage

The Newborn’s Readiness for Life In the past, newborns were often characterized as fragile and helpless little organisms who were simply not very well prepared for life outside the womb. This view may once have been highly adaptive, helping to ease parents’ grief in earlier eras when medical procedures were rather primitive and a fair percentage of newborns did die. Today, we know that newborns are much better prepared for life than many physicians, parents, and developmentalists had initially assumed. All of a newborn’s senses are in good working order and he sees and hears well enough to detect what is happening around him and respond adaptively to many of these sensations. Very young infants are also quite capable of learning and can even remember some of the particularly vivid experiences they have had. Two other indications that newborns are “organized” creatures who are quite well adapted for life are their repertoire of inborn reflexes and their predictable patterns, or cycles, of daily activity.

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Newborn Reflexes reflex unlearned and automatic response to a stimulus or class of stimuli. survival reflexes inborn responses such as breathing, sucking, and swallowing that enable the newborn to adapt to the environment.

TABLE 5.2 Name

One of the neonate’s greatest strengths is a full set of useful reflexes. A reflex is an involuntary and automatic response to a stimulus, as when the eye automatically blinks in response to a puff of air. Table 5.2 describes some reflexes that healthy newborns display. Some of these graceful and complex patterns of behaviour are called survival reflexes because they have clear adaptive value (Berne, 2003). Examples include the breathing reflex, the eye-blink reflex (which protects the eyes against bright lights or foreign particles), and the sucking and swallowing reflexes by which the infant takes in food. Also implicated in feeding is the rooting reflex: an infant who is touched on the cheek will turn in that direction and search for something to suck. When neonates are positioned with their mouths just touching their mother’s nipple, they engage in bursts of suckling behaviours, and like other animals, they are able to attach for breastfeeding.

Major Reflexes Present in Full-Term Neonates Response

Development and Course

Significance

Breathing reflex

Repetitive inhalation and expiration.

Permanent.

Provides oxygen and expels carbon dioxide.

Eye-blink reflex

Closing or blinking the eyes.

Permanent.

Protects the eyes from bright light or foreign objects.

Pupillary reflex

Constriction of pupils to bright light; dilation to dark or dimly lit surroundings.

Permanent.

Protects against bright light; adapts the visual system to low illumination.

Rooting reflex

Turning the head in the direction of a tactile (touch) stimulus to the cheek.

Disappears over the first few weeks of life and is replaced by voluntary head turning.

Orients baby to the breast or bottle.

Sucking reflex

Sucking on objects placed (or taken) into the mouth.

Permanent.

Allows baby to take in nutrients.

Swallowing reflex

Swallowing.

Permanent.

Allows baby to take in nutrients.

Babinski reflex

Fanning and then curling the toes when the bottom of the foot is stroked.

Usually disappears within the first 8 months to 1 year of life.

Its presence at birth and disappearance in the first year are an indication of normal neurological development.

Palmar grasping

Curling the fingers around objects (such as a finger) that touch the baby’s palm.

Disappears in first 3–4 months and is then replaced by a voluntary grasp.

Its presence at birth and later disappearance are an indication of normal neurological development.

Moro reflex

A loud noise or sudden change in the position of the baby’s head causes the baby to throw his or her arms outward, arch the back, and then bring the arms toward each other as if to hold onto something.

The arm movements and arching of the back disappear over the first 4–6 months; however, the child continues to react to unexpected noises or a loss of bodily support by showing a startle reflex (which does not disappear).

Its presence at birth and later disappearance are an indication of normal neurological development.

Swimming reflex

An infant immersed in water will display active movements of the arms and legs and involuntarily hold his or her breath (thus giving the body buoyancy); this swimming reflex will keep an infant afloat for some time, allowing easy rescue.

Disappears in the first 4–6 months.

Its presence at birth and later disappearance are an indication of normal neurological development.

Stepping reflex

Infants held upright so that their feet touch a flat surface will step as if to walk.

Disappears in the first 8 weeks unless the infant has regular opportunities to practise this response.

Its presence at birth is an indication of normal neurological development.

Survival reflexes

Note: Preterm infants may show little or no evidence of primitive reflexes at birth, and their survival reflexes are likely to be weak. However, the missing primitive reflexes typically appear soon after birth and disappear a little later than they do among full-term infants.

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Primitive reflexes

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138 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Survival reflexes not only offer some protection against aversive stimulation and enable an infant to satisfy very basic needs, but may also have a very positive impact on caregivers. Mothers, for example, may feel quite gratified and competent as caregivers when their hungry babies immediately stop fussing and suck easily and rhythmically at the nipple. And few parents can resist the feeling that their baby enjoys being close when he grasps their fingers tightly as his palm is touched. So these survival reflexes help to endear infants to older companions, who can protect them and attend to their needs (Bowlby, 1969, 1988). Other so-called primitive reflexes are not nearly as useful; in fact, many are believed to be remnants of our evolutionary history that have outlived their original purpose. The Babinski reflex is a good example. This infant illustrates the rhythmic sucking, or sucking reflex, that neonates Why would it be adaptive for infants to fan their toes display when objects are placed into their mouths. when the bottoms of their feet are stroked? We don’t know. Other primitive reflexes may still have some adaptive value, at least in some cultures (Bowlby, 1969; Fentress & McLeod, 1986). The swimming reflex, for example, may help keep afloat an infant who is accidentally immersed in a pond or river. And the grasping reflex may help infants who are carried in slings or on their mothers’ hips to hang on. Finally, other responses, such as the stepping reflex, may be forerunners of useful voluntary behaviours that develop later in infancy (Thelen, 1984). Primitive reflexes typically disappear during the first few months of life. Why? Because they are controlled by the lower, “subcortical” areas of the brain and are lost once the higher centres of the cerebral cortex mature and begin to guide voluntary behaviours. But even if many primitive reflexes are not very useful to infants, they are important diagnostic indicators to developmentalists. If these reflexes are Newborns’ grasping reflex is quite strong, often allowing them to support not present at birth—or if they last too long in their own weight. infancy—we have reason to suspect that something is wrong with a baby’s nervous system. primitive reflexes In sum, a full complement of infant reflexes tells us that newborns are quite prepared reflexes controlled by subcortical to respond adaptively to a variety of life’s challenges. And the timely disappearance of cerareas of the brain that gradually tain reflexes is one important sign that a baby’s nervous system is developing normally. disappear over the first year of life.

Infant States infant states levels of sleep and wakefulness that young infants display.

Newborns also display organized patterns of daily activity that are predictable and foster healthy developmental outcomes. In a typical day (or night), a neonate moves in and out of six infant states, or levels of arousal, that are described in Table 5.3. During the first month, a baby may move rapidly from one state to another, as mothers will testify when their wide-awake babies suddenly nod off to sleep in the middle of a feeding. Neonates spend about 70 percent of their time (16 to 18 hours a day) sleeping and only two to three hours in the alert, inactive (attentive) state, when they are most receptive to external stimulation (Berg & Berg, 1987; Thoman, 1990). Sleep cycles are typically brief, lasting from 45 minutes to two hours. These frequent “naps” are separated by periods of drowsiness, alert or inalert activity, and crying, any of which may occur (as red-eyed parents well know) at all hours of the day and night. NEL

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

TABLE 5.3

139

Infant States of Arousal

State

Description

Regular sleep

Baby is still, with eyes closed and unmoving. Breathing is slow and regular.

Daily Duration in Newborn (Hours) 8–9

Irregular sleep

Baby’s eyes are closed but can be observed to move under the closed eyelids (a phenomenon known as rapid eye movement, or REM). Baby may jerk or grimace in response to stimulation. Breathing may be irregular.

8–9

Drowsiness

Baby is falling asleep or waking up. Eyes open and close and have a glazed appearance when open. Breathing is regular but more rapid than in regular sleep.

Alert inactivity

Baby’s eyes are wide open and bright, exploring some aspect of the environment. Breathing is even, and the body is relatively inactive.

2–3

Alert activity

Baby’s eyes are open and breathing is irregular. May become fussy and display various bursts of diffuse motor activity.

1–3

Crying

Intense crying that may be difficult to stop and is accompanied by high levels of motor activity.

1–3

1/2–3

Source: Wolff, P.H. (1966). The causes, controls, and organization of behavior in the neonate. Psychological Issues, 5 (1, Monograph 17).

The fact that neonates pass through a predictable pattern of states during a typical day suggests that their internal regulatory mechanisms are well organized. Yet research on infant states also makes it clear that newborns show a great deal of individuality (Brown, 1964; Thoman & Whitney, 1989). For example, one newborn in one study was alert for an average of only about 15 minutes a day, whereas another was alert for more than eight hours a day (Brown, 1964). Similarly, one infant cried about 17 percent of the time, but another cried 39 percent of the time. These differences have some obvious implications for parents, who may find it far more pleasant to be with a bright-eyed baby who rarely cries than with one who is often fussy and inattentive (Columbo & Horowitz, 1987). The social implication of states is discussed more fully in Chapter 12 when we consider temperament and development. Here, we will focus on issues related to sleep and arousal.

Developmental Changes in Infant States Two of the states in Table 5.3—sleep and crying—show regular patterns of change over the first year and provide important information about the progress a baby is making.

REM sleep state of active or irregular sleep in which the eyes move rapidly beneath the eyelids and brain wave activity is similar to the pattern displayed when awake.

Changes in Sleep As infants develop, they spend less time sleeping and more time awake, alert, and attending to their surroundings. By age 2 to 6 weeks, babies are sleeping only 14 to 16 hours a day; somewhere between 3 and 7 months of age, many infants reach a milestone that parents truly appreciate—they begin to sleep through the night and spend on average between 9.7 and 15.9 hours asleep and require only two or three shorter naps during the day (Berg & Berg, 1987; Galland, Taylor, Elder, & Herbison, 2012; St. James-Roberts & Plewis, 1996). From at least 2 weeks before they are born throughout the first month or two of life, babies spend at least half their sleeping hours in REM sleep, a state of active, irregular sleep characterized by rapid eye movement (REM) under their closed eyelids and brain wave activity more typical of wakefulness than of regular (non-REM) sleep (Groome, Swiber, Atterbury, Bentz, & Holland, 1997; Rattenborg & Martinez-Gonzalez, 2012). However, REM sleep declines steadily after birth and accounts for only 25 to 30 percent of total sleep for a 6-month-old. Why do fetuses and newborns spend so much time in REM sleep, and why does it decline so dramatically over the first few months? The most widely accepted theory is that this active REM sleep early in life provides fetuses and very young infants, who sleep

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140 Part Two | Foundations of Development

autostimulation theory theory proposing that REM sleep in infancy is a form of self-stimulation that helps the central nervous system develop. sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) unexplained death (also called crib death) of a sleeping infant who suddenly stops breathing.

5.2

so much, with enough internal stimulation to allow their nervous systems to develop properly. Consistent with this autostimulation theory is the finding that babies who are given lots of interesting visual stimuli to explore while awake spend less time in REM sleep than control infants who are denied these experiences (Boismier, 1977). Perhaps the reason REM sleep declines sharply over the first 6 months is that the infant’s brain is rapidly maturing, she is becoming more alert, and there is simply less need for the stimulation provided by REM activity. Few babies have problems establishing regular sleep cycles unless their nervous system is abnormal in some way. Yet one of the major causes of infant mortality is a very perplexing sleep-related disorder called crib death, or sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), which we will examine more carefully in Box 5.2.

DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES

Sudden Infant Death Syndrome Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) occurs when seemingly healthy infants die in their sleep. These deaths are unexpected and unexplained. The incidence of SIDS in Canada has been declining (from 78.4 per 100 000 births during 1991–1995 to 34.6 per 100 000 births during 2001–2005); however, SIDS is still the leading cause of post-neonatal (after 27 days of age) death (Gilbert et al., 2012). Between 2003 and 2007 approximately 21 percent of post-neonatal deaths were attributed to SIDS (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2015). Although the exact cause of SIDS is not known, we do know that preterm and other low-birth-weight babies who had poor Apgar scores and experienced respiratory distress as newborns are most susceptible (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2000; Brockington, 1996; Frick, 1999). Mothers of SIDS victims are more likely to smoke, to have used illicit drugs, and to have received poor prenatal care (MacGregor & Chasnoff, 1993; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2015). Both prenatal and parental postnatal use of alcohol have been associated with a higher incidence of SIDS (Friend, Goodwin, & Lipsitt, 2004; Lipsitt, 2003). SIDS is most likely to occur among infants who are 2 to 4 months old and who have a respiratory infection such as a cold. SIDS victims are likely to have been sleeping on their stomachs rather than their backs, and they are often wrapped tightly in clothing and blankets at the time of their death (Brockington, 1996; Dwyer, Ponsonby, Newman, & Gibbons, 1991; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2015). These findings have led researchers to propose factors that contribute to overheating the infant—more clothing or blankets and higher room temperatures—may seriously increase the risk of SIDS. Risks associated with overheating are particularly evident when infants also sleep on their stomachs (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2000). Research conducted on healthy infants demonstrates that sleeping on the stomach may involve more work for the infant cardiovascular system than sleeping on the back. For example, when infants sleep on their stomachs, their heart rates are higher. This research suggests that poor autonomic heart rate control may be a factor contributing to the onset of SIDS (Tuladhar, Harding, Cranage, Adamson, & Horne, 2003). Many (but not all) SIDS victims have abnormalities in the arcuate nucleus, a portion of the brain that seems to be involved early in infancy in controlling breathing and

waking during sleep (Kinney et al., 1995; Panigrahy et al., 1997). Normally, a very young infant will sense inadequate oxygen intake while sleeping and the brain will trigger waking, crying, and changes in heart rate to compensate for insufficient oxygen. However, abnormalities of the arcuate nucleus, which may stem from prenatal exposure to a toxic substance (e.g., illicit drugs or tobacco products), may prevent a young infant from becoming aroused when oxygen intake is inadequate (Franco et al., 1998; Frick, 1999). So when babies with abnormalities in the lower brain centres are sleeping prone, are heavily bundled, or have a respiratory infection that may restrict breathing, they may not struggle sufficiently to breathe and succumb to SIDS (Ozawa, Takashima, & Tada, 2003). Nevertheless, it is important to note that (1) not all SIDS victims have identifiable brain abnormalities, and (2) researchers, as yet, have no good screening to predict which babies are at highest risk of SIDS. Fortunately, there are some effective strategies associated with the reduction in the incidence of SIDS: 1. Do not place infants on their stomachs to sleep. 2. Do not place infants down to sleep on waterbeds, soft sofas, soft mattresses, or other soft surfaces. 3. Soft materials that may obstruct the infant’s breathing (e.g., unnecessary pillows, stuffed toys, comforters, bumper pads) should be kept away from the infant’s sleeping environment. 4. Infants should be lightly clothed for sleep and the bedroom temperature kept comfortable for a lightly clothed adult so as to avoid infant overheating. 5. Create a smoke-free zone around the baby. Parents, especially mothers, should not smoke during pregnancy, and no one should smoke in the infant’s presence. 6. Breastfeed when possible. Unfortunately, SIDS can still occur, even when caregivers follow these guidelines. SIDS has a devastating impact on most affected families. These families need social support, and fortunately, parent and family support groups can often help them to cope with their loss.

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

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The Functions and Course of Crying A baby’s earliest cries are unlearned and involuntary responses to discomfort—distress signals by which he makes caregivers aware of his needs. Most of a newborn’s early cries are provoked by such physical discomforts as hunger, pain, or a wet diaper, although chills, loud noises, and even sudden changes in illumination (as when the light over a crib goes off ) are often enough to make a baby cry. An infant’s cry is a complex vocal signal that may vary from a soft whimper to piercing shrieks and wails. Brain imaging studies support a gender difference, with females being more sensitive to infants’ hunger cries than males (De Pisapia et al., 2013). Philip Zeskind and his associates (1985) found that adults perceive the intense cries of hungry babies as arousing and urgent as equally intense “pain” cries. So crying probably conveys only one very general message—“Hey, I’m distressed”—and the effectiveness of this signal at eliciting attention depends more on the amount of distress it implies than on the kind of distress that the baby is experiencing (De Pisapia et al., 2013; Gustafson & Harris, 1990; Zeskind, Klein, & Marshall, 1992). WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

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What purposes might be served by each of the following stimuli in a newborn baby’s environment: a rocker or a white noise machine, a mobile or other visual targets suspended over the crib, a caregiver who is responsive to the baby’s cries?

Developmental Changes in Crying. Babies around the world cry most often during the first 3 months of life (St. James-Roberts & Plewis, 1996). In fact, the declines we see early in life in both crying and REM sleep suggest that both these changes are meaningfully related to the maturation of a baby’s brain and central nervous system (Halpern, MacLean, & Baumeister, 1995). And what role do parents play? Will those who are especially responsive to their infant’s cries produce a spoiled baby who enslaves them with incessant demands for attention? Probably not. Mary Ainsworth and her associates (1972) found that the babies of mothers who are relatively quick to respond to their cries come to cry very little! Is this because responsive mothers are especially effective at soothing distressed infants? Possibly, but Lewis and Ramsay (1999) found little evidence for this “soothing” hypothesis. Instead, they believe that sensitive, responsive parenting may result in a less fussy baby because a sensitive and attentive caregiver is more likely to prevent a baby from becoming highly distressed in the first place. Pediatricians, midwives, and nurses are trained to listen carefully to the vocalizations of a newborn infant, because congenital problems are sometimes detectable from the way an infant cries. Preterm babies, for example, and those who are malnourished, brain-damaged, or born addicted to narcotics, often emit shrill, nonrhythmic cries that are perceived as much more “sickly” and aversive than those of healthy full-term infants (Frodi, 1985; Zeskind, 1980). So the infant cry is not only an important communicative prompt for parents but also a meaningful diagnostic tool. Now that we have completed this chapter, take a moment to reflect on just how much newborns can do rather than what they can’t do. Instead of thinking of newborns as “helpless babes,” it is probably much more accurate to portray them as hardy and adaptive beings who are already hard at work writing a fascinating developmental story.

Infant cries can serve both a communicative and a diagnostic function. NEL

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142 Part Two | Foundations of Development

5.3

APPLYING DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH

Methods of Soothing a Fussy Baby Although babies can be delightful companions when alert and attentive, they may irritate the most patient of caregivers when they fuss, cry, and are difficult to pacify. Many people think that a crying baby is either hungry, wet, or in pain. When feeding or diaper changing doesn’t calm the infant, rocking, humming, stroking, and other forms of continuous, rhythmic stimulation will often quiet restless babies (Rock, Trainor, & Addison, 1999). Swaddling (wrapping the infant snugly in a thin blanket) is also comforting because the wrap provides continuous tactile sensation all over the baby’s body. Indeed, researchers at Queen’s University found that swaddling can calm infants even after the distress of the heel lance required for infant blood tests (Fearon, Kisilevsky, Hains, Muir, & Tranmer, 1997). Perhaps the infant’s nervous system is programmed to respond to soft, rhythmic stimulation, because studies have repeatedly shown that rocking, swaddling, and continuous rhythmic sounds have the effect of decreasing a baby’s muscular activity and lowering heart and respiratory rates (Campos, 1989). One particularly effective method of soothing crying infants is simply to pick them up. Whereas soft, rhythmic stimulation may put babies to sleep, lifting is likely to have the opposite effect (Korner, 1972), causing them to become visually alert, particularly if their caregivers place them against their shoulder—an excellent vantage point for visual scanning. Anneliese Korner (1972) believes that parents who often soothe their infants by picking them up may be doing them a favour, because the visual exploration that this technique allows helps babies to learn more about their environment.

Tronick, Thomas, & Daltabuit, 1994). Today this practice has been adopted for use by mothers and fathers in Western countries and is often referred to as “kangaroo” carrying. Infants gain more skin-to-skin contact, ease in breastfeeding, and stimulation (Botero & Sanders, 2014). A baby who is not easily soothed can make a parent feel anxious, frustrated, or downright incompetent—reactions that may contribute to a poor parent–child relationship. For this reason, parents of difficult infants need to cast aside their preconceptions about the typical or “perfect” baby and learn how to adjust to the characteristics of their own child. Indeed, the NBAS training described earlier in this chapter was designed with just this objective in mind by (1) showing parents that even an irritable or unresponsive baby can react positively to them and (2) teaching the parents how to elicit these favourable responses.

Just as infants differ in their sleeping patterns and daily rhythms, so do they also differ in their irritability and ability to be soothed (Korner, 1996). Even in the first few days of life, some infants are easily distressed and difficult to soothe whereas others are rarely perturbed and calm easily if they become overstimulated. There are also cultural differences in infant soothability: Caucasian babies tend to be much more restless and more difficult to calm than Chinese American, Indigenous American, or Japanese infants (Freedman, 1979; Nugent, Lester, & Brazelton, 1989). These differential reactions to stress and soothing are present at birth and may be genetically influenced. Yet it is also clear that child-rearing practices can affect a baby’s demeanour. Many Asian, South American, and Indigenous American mothers, for example, are often successful at improving the dispositions of even their most irritable babies by swaddling them, carrying them around (in slings or pouches) as they do their chores, and nursing at the baby’s first whimper (Nugent et al., 1989;

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Individual and Cultural Differences in Soothability

In many cultures, babies are kept quite contented through swaddling and having ample close contact with their mothers, who stand ready to nurse at the baby’s first whimper.

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Chapter 5 | Birth and the Newborn’s Readiness for Life

CONCEPT CHECK

5.2

143

Infant Development

Check your understanding of the newborn’s readiness for life by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

_____ 1. Markus notices that his newborn son spends many hours sleeping. While his son sleeps, his eyes appear to be moving rapidly under his closed eyelids. Markus also finds that when he spends time giving his new son lots of different things to look at and explore visually, this eye movement during sleep is less pronounced. Which theory would developmental psychologists say is supported by Markus’s experiences? a. irregular sleep b. REM sleep c. autostimulation d. visual stimulation _____ 2. Which of the following is NOT a viable recommendation to help lower the chances of sudden infant death syndrome? a. Ensure that the infant’s sleeping environment is free from soft materials. b. Have the baby tested for the SIDS virus by a pediatrician. c. Do not allow smoking in the baby’s environment. d. Consider breastfeeding the baby, if possible. _____ 3. Which of the following statements is FALSE concerning infants’ crying? a. Crying is an infant state by which an infant communicates his or her distress. b. Shrill and nonrhythmic crying may be an indication of brain damage. c. Crying diminishes rapidly over the first 2 weeks of life as the baby’s brain matures. d. Crying diminishes over the first 6 months of life, partially because parents become better at preventing infants from becoming distressed.

Matching: Match the name of the infant state to the description of that state.

4. Baby’s eyes are open and breathing is irregular; may become fussy and display various bursts of diffuse motor activity. 5. Intense crying that may be difficult to stop and is accompanied by high levels of motor activity. 6. Baby is still, with eyes closed and unmoving; breathing is slow and regular. a. regular sleep b. irregular sleep c. drowsiness d. alert inactivity e. alert activity f. crying Fill in the Blank: Fill in the blank with the appropriate word

or phrase.

7. By 2 to 6 weeks of age, babies are sleeping approximately _______________ hours per day. 8. _____________ is an active, irregular state of sleep characterized where brain wave activity resembles wakefulness. 9. _____ reflexes disappear in the first year of life, signifying that development is proceeding normally. 10. _____ reflexes help newborns adapt to their surroundings and satisfy basic needs.

SUMMARY Childbirth and the Perinatal Environment ■■ Childbirth is a three-step process: ●■ It begins with contractions that dilate the cervix (first stage of labour). ●■ It is followed by the baby’s delivery (second stage of labour). ●■ Finally, the afterbirth is expelled (third stage of labour). ■■ The Apgar test is used to assess the newborn’s condition immediately after birth.

The Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) is a more extensive measure of the baby’s health and well-being. ■■ Labour and delivery medication given to mothers to ease pain can, in large doses, interfere with the baby’s development. ■■ Childbirth practices vary widely across cultures. Natural and prepared childbirth, now common in Western societies, can reduce maternal stress and medication. Home births, or those that take place in alternative birth centres, are just as safe as hospital deliveries, provided that the mother is healthy and is attended by a competent physician or midwife. ■■

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144 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Many mothers feel exhilarated shortly after birth if they have close contact with their babies and begin the process of emotional bonding. ■■ Fathers are often engrossed with their newborns. ■■ The support of fathers during pregnancy and childbirth can make the birth experience easier and more pleasant for mothers. A lack of support from one’s partner is a major contributor to postpartum depression and a poor mother– infant relationship. ■■

Birth Complications Anoxia is a birth complication that can cause brain damage and other defects. Mild anoxia, however, usually has no long-term effects. ■■ Women who abuse alcohol and drugs, smoke, or receive poor prenatal care risk delivering preterm or low-birthweight babies. ■■ Small-for-date babies usually have more severe and longerlasting problems than do preterm infants. ■■ Interventions to stimulate these infants and to teach their parents how to respond appropriately to their sluggish or irritable demeanour can help normalize their developmental progress. ■■ The problems stemming from both prenatal and birth complications are often overcome in time, provided that the ■■

child is not permanently brain-damaged and has a stable and supportive postnatal environment in which to grow.

The Newborn’s Readiness for Life Newborns are remarkably capable organisms. One strength is their repertoire of survival reflexes, which helps them to adapt to their new surroundings and to satisfy basic needs. Other primitive reflexes, thought to be remnants of evolution, are not as useful; however, their disappearance is a sign that development is proceeding normally. ■■ Newborns also have a sleeping–waking cycle that becomes better organized over the first year. Although babies move into and out of six infant states in a typical day, they spend up to 70 percent of their time sleeping. One state, REM sleep, is characterized by twitches, jerks, and rapid eye movement. Proponents of autostimulation theory believe that REM sleep’s function is to provide very young infants with stimulation necessary for the development of the central nervous system. ■■ Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is a leading cause of infant mortality. ■■ Crying is the state by which infants communicate distress. Crying normally diminishes over the first 6 months as the brain matures, caregivers become better at soothing, and infants learn to use other methods to communicate. ■■

KEY TERMS perinatal environment, 123

natural and prepared childbirth, 126

breech birth, 130

survival reflexes, 137

first stage of labour, 123

cesarean section, 126

RH factor, 130

primitive reflexes, 138

second stage of labour, 123

birthing centre, 127

preterm infants, 131

infant states, 138

third stage of labour, 124

emotional bonding, 128 postpartum depression, 128

small-for-date (or small-forgestational-age) babies, 131

REM sleep, 139

Apgar test, 125

engrossment, 129

respiratory distress syndrome, 132

anoxia, 130

reflex, 137

sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), 140

Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS), 125

autostimulation theory, 140

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 5.1

Concept Check 5.2

1. c. postpartum depression

1. c. autostimulation

2. b. anoxia

2. b. Have the baby tested for the SIDS virus by a pediatrician.

3. c. respiratory distress syndrome 4. second

3. c. Crying diminishes rapidly over the first 2 weeks of life as the baby’s brain matures.

5. Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS); brain damage

4. e. alert activity

6. obstetrical forceps; vacuum extractor

5. f. crying

7. b. a father’s initial emotional response to his newborn, with close contact with the newborn soon after birth

6. a. regular sleep

8. a. a mother’s initial emotional response to her newborn, with close contact with the newborn soon after birth

8. REM

7. 14 to 16 9. primitive 10. survival

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6

Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development “My, my, she’s already walking! What a smart little girl!” “Look at you go. Oops, fall down, go boom!” “Get your rest, little guy, it will help you grow big and strong.” “He’s growing like a weed—and his arms are too long!” “Only 11 and she’s got her period! What’s the world coming to?”

H

ave you ever heard adults make these kinds of statements about developing infants and children? Few aspects of development are more interesting to the casual observer than the rapid transformation of a seemingly dependent and immobile little baby into a running, jumping bundle of energy who grows and changes at what may seem to be an astounding pace, and who may one day surpass the physical stature of his or her parents. Those physical changes that many find so fascinating are the subject of this chapter. We will begin by focusing on the changes that occur in the body, the brain, and motor skills throughout childhood. Then we will consider the onset of puberty—as well as the social and psychological impacts of these changes. Finally, we will close by discussing the factors that influence physical growth and development throughout the first 12 years of life. Having experienced the changes covered in this chapter, you may assume that you know quite a bit about physical development. Yet students often discover that there is much they don’t know. To check your own knowledge, take a minute to decide whether the following statements are true or false. True or False? 1. 2. 3.

Babies who walk early are inclined to be especially bright. The average 2-year-old is already about half of his or her adult height. Half the nerve cells (neurons) in the average baby’s brain die (and are not replaced) over the first few years of life.

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145

146 Part Two | Foundations of Development

4.

Most children walk when they are ready, and no amount of encouragement will enable a 6-month-old to walk alone. 5. Hormones have little effect on human growth and development until puberty. 6. Emotional trauma can seriously impair the growth of young children, even those who are adequately nourished, free from illness, and not physically abused. Jot down your responses and we will see how you did on this “pretest” as we discuss these issues throughout the chapter. (If you would like immediate feedback, the correct answers appear at the bottom of the page.)

An Overview of Maturation and Growth Adults are often amazed at how quickly children grow. Even tiny babies don’t remain tiny for long. In the first few months of life, they gain over 28 g each day and 2.5 cm each month. Yet the dramatic increases in height and weight that we see are accompanied by a number of important internal developments in the muscles, bones, and central nervous system that will largely determine the physical feats that children are capable of performing at different ages. In this section of the chapter, we will briefly chart the course of physical development from birth to the onset of adolescence and see that there is a clear relationship between the external aspects of growth that are so noticeable and the internal changes that are much harder to detect.

Changes in Height and Weight Assessing growth, height, and weight against a “standard” is important to ensure healthy development. Deviation from standards may indicate challenges such as diet (malnutrition or overfeeding) and disease. Several standards of measures have evolved and have been or are currently used. Most recently, the World Health Organization Child Growth Standards have been adopted for use internationally. These growth standards are based on an international sample of infants and children raised in optimal environments (de Onis et al., 2012). These standards provide a guideline for “normal” growth. Let’s examine growth more closely. Babies grow very rapidly during the first two years, often doubling their birth weight by 4 to 6 months of age and tripling it (to about 9.5 to 10 kg) by the end of the first year. Growth is very uneven in infancy. Babies may remain the same length for days or weeks at a time before showing spurts of more than a centimetre in a single day, with these growth spurts often related to increased sleep (Lampl, Veldhuis, & Johnson, 1992; Lampl & Johnson, 2011). By age 2, toddlers are already half their eventual adult height and have quadrupled their birth weight to about 12 to 14 kg. If children continued to grow at this rapid pace until age 18, they would stand about 3.7 m and weigh several tonnes! From age 2 until puberty, children gain about 5 to 8 cm in height and about 3 kg in weight each year. During middle childhood (ages 6 to 11), children may seem to grow very little; over the course of an entire year, 5 cm and 3 kg gained are hard to detect on a child who stands 1.2 to 1.4 m tall and weighs 27 to 36 kg. But physical growth and development are once again obvious at puberty, where they experience a two- to three-year growth spurt, during which they may post an annual gain of about 4.5 to 7 kg and 5 to 10 cm in height. After this large growth spurt, there are typically small increases in height until full adult stature is attained (e.g., Sudfeld et al., 2015a). Answers to the pretest: 1. F; 2. T; 3. T; 4. T; 5. F; 6. T

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 147

2 months (fetal)

5 months (fetal)

newborn

2 years

6 years

12 years

25 years

Figure 6.1 Proportions of the human body from the fetal period through adulthood. The head represents 50 percent of body length at 2 months after conception but only 12 to 13 percent of adult stature. In contrast, the legs constitute about 12 to 13 percent of the total length of a 2-month-old fetus but 50 percent of the height of a 25-year-old adult.

Changes in Body Proportions

Tara Hogue

© Tony Freeman/PhotoEdit

cephalocaudal development a sequence of physical maturation and growth that proceeds from the head (cephalic region) to the tail (or caudal region).

To a casual observer, newborns may appear to be “all head”—and for good reason. The newborn’s head is already 70 percent of its eventual adult size and represents one-quarter of total body length, the same fraction as the legs. As a child grows, body shape rapidly changes (see Figure 6.1). Development proceeds in a cephalocaudal (head downward) direction. The trunk grows fastest during the first year. At 1 year of age, a child’s head now accounts for only 20 percent of total body length. From the child’s first birthday until the adolescent growth spurt, the legs grow rapidly, accounting for 50 percent of a child’s height by the age of 7 (Cameron & Bogin, 2012). During adolescence, the trunk once again becomes the fastest-growing segment of the body, although the legs are also growing rapidly at this time. When we reach our eventual adult height, our heads will account for only 12 percent of our total height.

Body proportions change rapidly over the first few years as chubby toddlers become longlegged children. NEL

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148 Part Two | Foundations of Development

proximodistal development a sequence of physical maturation and growth that proceeds from the centre of the body (the proximal region) to the extremities (distal regions).

While children grow upward, they are also growing outward according to a proximodistal (centre outward) direction (Kohler & Rigby, 2003). During prenatal development, for example, the chest and internal organs form first, followed by the arms and legs, and then the hands and feet. Throughout infancy and childhood, the arms and legs continue to grow faster than the hands and feet. However, this centre-outward growth pattern reverses just before puberty, when the hands and feet begin to grow rapidly and become the first body parts to reach adult proportions, followed by the arms and legs and, finally, the trunk.

Biophoto Associates/Science Source

Skeletal Development

Figure 6.2 X-rays showing the amount of skeletal development seen in (a) the hand of an average male infant at 12 months or an average female infant at 10 months and (b) the hand of an average 13-year-old male or an average 10½-year-old female.

skeletal age a measure of physical maturation based on the child’s level of skeletal development.

The skeletal structures that form during the prenatal period are initially soft cartilage that will gradually ossify (harden) into bony material. At birth, nearly all of the bones are a source of blood cells. During postnatal development, the production of blood cells is limited to a few specific bones (Hill, 2003). At birth, most of the infant’s bones are soft, pliable, and difficult to break. One reason that neonates cannot sit up or balance themselves when pulled to a standing position is that their bones are too small and too flexible. The neonate’s skull consists of several soft bones that can be compressed to allow the child to pass through the cervix and the birth canal. These skull bones are separated by six soft spots, or fontanelles, that are gradually filled in by minerals to form a single skull by age 2, with pliable points at the seams where skull bones join. These seams, or sutures, allow the skull to expand as the brain grows larger. Other parts of the body—namely, the ankles and feet, wrists, and hands—develop more bones as the child matures. In Figure 6.2, we see that the wrist and hand bones of a 1-year-old are both fewer and less well interconnected than the corresponding skeletal equipment of an older child. One method of estimating a child’s level of physical maturation is to X-ray the wrist and hand (as in Figure 6.2). The X-ray shows the number of bones and the extent of their ossification, which is then interpretable as a skeletal age. Using this technique, researchers have found that girls mature faster than boys. At birth, girls are only 4 to 6 weeks ahead of boys in their level of skeletal development: but by age 12 the gender difference has widened to two full years (Tanner, 1990; Tanner, Healy, Goldstein, & Cameron, 2001). Not all parts of the skeleton grow and harden at the same rate. The skull and hands mature first, whereas the leg bones continue to develop until the mid- to late teens. For all practical purposes, skeletal development is complete by age 18, although the widths (or thicknesses) of the skull, leg bones, and hands increase slightly throughout life.

Muscular Development Neonates are born with all the muscle fibres they will ever have (Tanner, 1990). Muscle fibres soon begin to grow as the cellular fluid in muscle tissue is bolstered by the addition of protein and salts (Al-Dahhan, Jannoun, & Haycock 2002; Garlick, 2006). Muscular development proceeds in cephalocaudal and proximodistal directions, with muscles in the head and neck maturing before those in the trunk and limbs. The maturation of muscle tissue occurs very gradually over childhood and then accelerates during early adolescence. One consequence of this muscular growth spurt is that members of both sexes become noticeably stronger, although increases in both muscle mass and physical strength are more dramatic for boys than for girls. Although upper-limb strength (e.g., forearm) is greater in boys than girls, differences in lower-limb strength (e.g., thigh) are not as noticeable across genders (Ruff, 2003).

Variations in Physical Development To this point, we have been discussing sequences of physical growth that all humans display. However, physical development is a very uneven process in which different bodily systems display unique growth patterns. The brain and head grow much faster and are quicker to reach adult proportions than the rest of the body, whereas the genitals and NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 149

other reproductive organs grow very slowly throughout childhood and develop rapidly in adolescence. Growth of the lymph tissues—which make up part of the immune system and help children fight off infections—actually overshoots adult levels late in childhood, before declining rapidly in adolescence.

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Individual Variations Not only is the development of body systems an uneven or asynchronous process, but there are also sizable individual variations in the rates at which individuals grow (Kohler & Rigby, 2003). Individual differences in the rate of maturation not only result in visible differences in physical features such as height as can be seen in the picture on next page, but also contribute to differences in other areas of development, including cognition.

There can be large individual differences in the rate of growth across children that are attributable to both genetics and maturation among individuals.

Cultural Variations Finally, there are meaningful cultural and subcultural variations in physical growth and development. As a rule, people from Asia, South America, and Africa tend to be smaller than North Americans, Northern Europeans, and Australians. In addition, there are cultural differences in the rate of physical growth. Asian and African American children, for example, tend to mature faster than European American and European children (Berkey, Wang, Dockery, & Ferris, 1994; Herman-Giddens et al., 1997; Zhang, Sayre, Vachon, Liu, & Huang, 2009). What accounts for all these variations in growth? Current thinking is that heredity, in concert with such environmental factors as the food people eat, the diseases they may encounter, and even the emotional climate in which they live can produce significant variations in the rates at which they grow and the heights they attain (Kohler & Rigby, 2003; Stulp & Barrett, 2014).

Development of the Brain brain growth spurt the period between the seventh prenatal month and 2 years of age when more than half of the child’s eventual brain weight is added.

synapse the connective space (juncture) between one nerve cell (neuron) and another. neurons nerve cells that receive and transmit neural impulses. glia nerve cells that serve multiple functions including nourishing neurons, encasing them in insulating sheaths of myelin, facilitating transport, and waste removal.

The brain grows at an astounding rate early in life, increasing from 25 percent of its eventual adult weight at birth to 75 percent of adult weight by age 2. Indeed, the last 3 prenatal months and the first two years after birth have been termed the period of the brain growth spurt because more than half of an individual’s adult brain weight is added at this time (Glaser, 2000). Between the seventh prenatal month and a child’s first birthday, the brain increases in weight by about 1.7 g a day, or more than a milligram per minute. An increase in brain weight, however, is a general index that tells us very little about how or when various parts of the brain mature and affect other aspects of development. How might we be able to detect developmental differences in brain activity? An abundance of technologies are now used with infants and children to allow us to better understand brain development and activity. Among the many tools available are brain imaging technologies (e.g., MRI and fMRI) and measures of electrical activity in specific regions of the brain. To find out how these can be used, read about work being conducted by Sid Segalowitz in Box 6.1. To explore more about the physical changes in the brain, let’s take a closer look at its internal organization and development.

Neural Development and Plasticity The human brain and nervous system consist of more than a trillion highly specialized cells that work together to transmit electrical and chemical signals across many trillions of synapses, or connective spaces between the cells (see Figure 6.3). Neurons are the basic unit of the brain and nervous system—the cells that receive and transmit neural impulses. A second type of nerve cells, called glia, serve many supportive functions. Neurons are produced in the neural tube of the developing embryo. From there, they migrate along pathways laid down by a network of guiding cells called astrocytes (which are a subtype of glial cells) to form the major parts of the brain (Budday, Steinman, & Kuhl, 2015). The vast majority of the neurons a person will ever have—some 100 to

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150 Part Two | Foundations of Development

6.1

THE INSIDE TRACK

Dr. Sid Segalowitz Sid Segalowitz

Dr. Sid Segalowitz is a faculty member in the Department of Psychology and the Centre for Neuroscience at Brock University in Ontario. His primary research area is human neuroscience relating to cognitive and affective development, areas that are increasingly difficult to separate. He is particularly interested in research methods that address issues of cortical activity across development.

Errors are a part of everyday life. Although it might seem intuitive that we respond differently to different kinds of errors as a function of their perceived severity, it might not seem intuitive that there would be developmental differences in how we respond to errors when measuring brain activity. However, recent research by Sid Segalowitz and his colleagues suggests the presence of important developmental differences in our response to errors for even simple response tasks. Dr. Segalowitz uses methods that reflect the electrical activity of the cortex to study brain processes that are associated with important aspects of child development. For example, he and his colleagues (Davies, Segalowitz, & Gavin, 2004; Santesso & Segalowitz, 2008; Segalowitz & Davies, 2004) examined a particular scalp-recorded component of the event-related potential that is generated when an individual is performing a simple task but unintentionally presses the wrong response button. When this happens, an important structure in the medial portion of the frontal lobe called the anterior cingulate cortex generates a response that is measured in the scalp EEG as a negative deflection. This negative deflection is referred to as the error-related negativity, or

ERN. This ERN is relatively easy to measure and is consistent within the individual. What is interesting is that it reflects not only that the person perceives that he or she committed an error but that individuals differ in how big an ERN is produced. The ERN gets larger as children mature, so that young children’s ERNs are much smaller than those of adults, despite being just as aware of their performance. This area is central to the child’s self-regulation of emotional and impulsive responses, and Dr. Segalowitz and his colleagues have shown that the size of the ERN correlates with the individual’s propensity for risk-taking, and even for empathy and socialized behaviour. These studies suggest that an important aspect of the growth of the child’s mental health is the maturation of this brain structure and how well it responds to the person’s actions and misactions in the world. Thus, the development of strong self-regulation skills may be dependent on having a highly responsive medial prefrontal cortex that is well connected to subcortical structures responsible for registering positive and negative experiences. Dr. Segalowitz and colleagues (Lackner et al., 2018) recently examined the impact of trauma in childhood to structures associated with self-regulation skills. They found relationships between childhood trauma and self-regulation as well as error monitoring. Specifically, self-regulation was lower among those with higher levels of early trauma. In addition, higher levels of childhood trauma were associated with higher error-monitoring errors. These findings support the interplay between experience and brain development. Brain growth and mental health are dynamically and, to some extent, mutually influential in the child’s development.

200 billion of them—have already formed by the end of the second trimester of pregnancy, before the brain growth spurt has even begun (Kolb & Fantie, 1989; Rakic, 1991). Initially, it was thought that no new neurons were produced after a baby was born. However, the formation of new neurons (neurogenesis) does occur throughout life in specific areas of the brain, including the hippocampus (an area of the brain important to learning and memory) (Kemperman & Gage, 1999). What, then, accounts for the brain growth spurt? One major contributor is the glial cells. They play a major role in neuron production and synaptic transmission (Budday, Steinman, & Kuhl, 2015). In addition, they nourish the neurons and manage debris. Eventually, one type of glial cells (called oligodendrocytes) encase neurons in insulating sheaths of a waxy substance called myelin (Freeman, 2010). Glia are far more numerous than neurons, and they continue to form and function throughout life (Budday, Steinman & Kuhl, 2015; Tanner, 1990).

Cell Differentiation and Synaptogenesis Influenced by the sites to which they migrate, neurons assume specialized functions—as cells of the visual or auditory areas of the brain, for example. If a neuron that would normally migrate to the visual area of the brain is instead transplanted to the area that controls hearing, it will change to become an auditory neuron instead of a visual neuron ( Johnson, 1997). So individual neurons have the potential to serve any neural function, and the function each serves depends on where it ends up. NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 151

Meanwhile, the process of synaptogenesis—the formation of synaptic connections among neurons—proceeds rapCell body idly during the brain growth spurt. This brings us to an intriguing fact about the developing nervous system: the average infant has far more neurons and neural connections than do adults (Elkind, 2001). The reason is that neurons that successfully interconnect with other neurons crowd out those that don’t, so that about half the neurons produced early in life also die early in life (Elkind, 2001; Janowsky & Finlay, 1986). Meanwhile, surviving neurons form hundreds of synDendrite apses, many of which also disappear if the neuron is not propAxon Myelin sheath erly stimulated (Huttenlocher, 1994). This refinement and elimination of neurons is called synaptic pruning. Synaptic pruning starts near the time of birth and is completed near the end of sexual maturation (Budday, Steinman, & Kuhl, Synapse 2015). If we likened the developing brain to a house under construction, we might imagine a builder who merrily constructs many more rooms and hallways than is needed and then goes back later and knocks about half of them out! What is happening here reflects the remarkable plasticity of the young infant’s brain—the fact that its cells are highly responsive to the effects of experience (Craik & Bialystok, 2009; Stiles, 2000). As William Greenough and his colFigure 6.3 Two neurons forming a synapse. A synapse between leagues (Greenough, Black, & Wallace, 1987) explain, the neurons links the axon of one to the dendrites of the other. When brain has evolved so that it produces an excess of neurons the first neuron is activated, it releases neurotransmitters that and synapses in preparation for receiving any and all kinds stimulate (or inhibit) electrical activity in the second neuron. of sensory and motor stimulation that a human being could Source: From “Is there a neural basis for cognitive transitions in school-age conceivably experience. Of course, no human being has children?” by J. Janowsky and R. Carper in A. J. Samaroff & M. M. Haith (eds.), The 5–7 Year Shift: Age of Reason & Response, pp. 33–56. Copyright © this broad a range of experiences, so much of one’s neural 1996 by the University of Chicago Press. Used with permission. circuitry remains unused. Presumably, then, neurons and synapses that are most often stimulated continue to function. Other surviving neurons that are stimulated less often lose their synapses synaptogenesis formation of connections (synapses) through synaptic pruning and stand in reserve to compensate for brain injuries or to among neurons. support new skills (Elkind, 2001; Huttenlocher, 1994). Note the implication, then: the development of the brain early in life is not due entirely to the unfolding of a matuplasticity capacity for change; a developmental rational program. It is the result of both a biological program and early experience state that has the potential to be (Craik & Bialystok, 2009; Greenough et al., 1987; Johnson, 1998, 2005; Thompson & shaped by experience. Nelson, 2001).

Neural Plasticity: The Role of Experience How do we know that early experience plays such a dramatic role in the development of the brain and central nervous system? The first clue came from research by Austin Riesen and his colleagues (Riesen, 1947; Riesen, Chow, Semmes, & Nissan, 1951). Riesen’s subjects were infant chimpanzees that were reared in the dark for periods ranging up to 16 months. His results were striking. Dark-reared chimps experienced atrophy of the retina and the neurons that make up the optic nerve. This atrophy was reversible if the animal’s visual deprivation did not exceed 7 months but was irreversible and often led to total blindness if the deprivation lasted longer than a year. So neurons that are not properly stimulated degenerate—a dramatic illustration of the “use it or lose it” principle (Elkind, 2001; Rapoport et al., 2001). Might we, then, foster the neural development of an immature, malleable brain by exposing participants to enriched environments that provide a wide variety of stimulation? Absolutely. Animals raised with lots of companions and many toys to play with have brains that are heavier and display more extensive networks of neural connections than those of litter-mates raised under standard laboratory conditions (Greenough & NEL

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152 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Black, 1992; Rosenzweig, 1984). What’s more, the brains of animals raised in stimulating environments lose some of their complexity if the animals are moved to less stimulating quarters (Thompson, 1993). In one human study, head circumference, a rough indicator of brain size, was assessed in 221 children at a gestational age of 18 weeks, again at birth, and finally at 9 years of age. The head circumference of children from high socioeconomic status (SES) homes and whose mothers had earned college degrees were significantly larger than the head circumferences of children from low-SES homes and whose mothers had no degrees (Gale, 2004). In addition, environmental exposure to information may be necessary for maintaining plasticity in the development of underlying perceptual and cognitive skills. For example, Pascalis and colleagues (Pascalis et al., 2005) demonstrated that some face recognition skills among infants are retained only when infants have continued exposure to various face types. In their study, infants who were exposed to monkey faces early in infancy were better able to recognize and differentiate familiar and new monkey faces than infants who were not thus exposed. The findings were used to support the argument that early exposure allows infants to retain the ability to engage in face recognition beyond their own species only if they receive ongoing exposure. Thus, even though genes may provide rough guidelines on how the brain should be configured, early experience largely determines the brain’s specific architecture (Rapoport et al., 2001). For example, research by Bryan Kolb and his colleagues (Kolb, Gibb, & Robinson, 2003) at the University of Lethbridge has demonstrated quantitative and qualitative differences in synaptic organization and the impact of early experience on brain development (for more details see Box 6.2). 6.2

THE INSIDE TRACK

Bryan Kolb Bryan Kolb is a Professor of Psychology and Neuroscience at the Canadian Centre for Behavioural Neuroscience, located at the University of Lethbridge in Alberta.

Bryan Kolb

If you wanted to look for evidence of plasticity in the brain, where would you look? Kolb and his colleagues at the University of Lethbridge in Alberta would suggest that the “logical place to look for plastic changes [would be] at the junctions between neurons, that is, at synapses” (Kolb et al., 2003, p. 1) because both reductions and increases in synapses indicate change (Kolb & Gibb, 2007). Given the overwhelming number of synapses in the human brain, measuring individual synapses is not feasible. However, one way to estimate the number of synapses is by looking at the length of dendrites, because about 95 percent of cell synapses are found on their dendrites. Kolb and his colleagues use changes in dendritic length and changes in the density of synapses to signify whether synaptic change has occurred. Using animal models, Kolb and his associates demonstrated that plastic changes can be both quantitative and qualitative, depending on the age of the subject. When groups of juvenile, adult, and old animals were exposed to complex, stimulating environments, all the groups showed the expected increases in dendritic length, hence demonstrating a

quantitative change. This was consistent with previous research. Among the adult and old animals, the density of synapses showed an increase. However, this was not true of the juveniles. The juveniles shared the increase in dendritic length but showed a decrease in density. Thus, the same environmental experiences yielded qualitatively different outcomes (Kolb, Gibb, & Gorny, 2003). Kolb’s work opens the door for many new questions. For example, the presence of changes occurring throughout the life span raises the question of whether plastic changes are permanent. Kolb and his colleagues have also examined the impact of maternal separation on the brain development of offspring (Kolb, Harker, Mychasiuk, de Melo, & Gibb, 2017) and demonstrated that the stress of separation early in life can result in changes to the cortical and subcortical regions of the brain, in particular, among male offspring (Muhammad & Kolb, 2011). How does stress impact the developing brain? Maternal stress can result in changes to the neural organization of the hippocampus and the neocortex in offspring (Mychasiuk, Gibb, & Kolb, 2012). Together, Kolb’s work demonstrates the importance of experience before and after birth for brain development. Given the number of situations where behavioural change has been associated with plastic changes (such as the differing experiences outlined above), it would be important to understand whether there are limits to what changes can occur and when changes can occur during the lifespan (Kolb et al., 2003; Kolb et al., 2017; Kolb & Gibb, 2007).

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 153

Brain Differentiation and Growth Not all parts of the brain develop at the same rate (Dubois et al., 2014). At birth, the most highly developed areas are the lower (subcortical) brain centres, which control states of consciousness, inborn reflexes, and vital biological functions such as digestion, respiration, and elimination. Surrounding these structures are the cerebrum and cerebral cortex, the areas most directly implicated in voluntary bodily movements, perception, and higher intellectual activities such as learning, thinking, and production of language. The first areas of the cerebrum to mature are the primary motor areas (which control simple motor activities such as waving the arms) and the primary sensory areas (which control sensory processes such as vision, hearing, smelling, and tasting). Thus, one reason human neonates are reflexive, “sensory-motor” beings is that only the sensory and motor areas of the cortex are functioning well at birth. By 6 months of age, the primary motor areas of the cerebral cortex have developed to the point that they now direct most of the infant’s movements. Inborn responses such as the palmar grasp and the Babinski reflex should have disappeared by now, thus indicating that the higher cortical centres are assuming proper control over the more primitive subcortical areas of the brain.

myelinization the process by which neurons are enclosed in waxy myelin sheaths that will facilitate the transmission of neural impulses.

cerebrum the highest brain centre; includes both hemispheres of the brain and the fibres that connect them. corpus callosum the bundle of neural fibres that connect the two hemispheres of the brain and transmit information from one hemisphere to the other. cerebral cortex the outer layer of the brain’s cerebrum, which is involved involuntary body movements, perception, and higher intellectual functions such as learning, thinking, and speaking.

Myelinization As brain cells proliferate and grow, the oligodendrocytes begin to produce a waxy substance called myelin, which forms a sheath around individual neurons. This myelin sheath acts like an insulator to speed the transmission of neural impulses, thus allowing the brain to communicate more efficiently with different parts of the body (Dubois et al., 2014). Myelinization follows a definite chronological sequence that is consistent with the maturation of the nervous system. At birth or shortly thereafter, the pathways between the sense organs and the brain are reasonably well myelinated. As a result, the neonate’s sensory equipment is in good working order (Dubois et al., 2014). As neural pathways between the brain and the skeletal muscles myelinate (in a cephalocaudal and proximodistal pattern), the child becomes capable of increasingly complex motor activities such as lifting her head and chest, reaching with the arms and hands, rolling over, sitting, standing, and eventually walking and running. Although myelinization proceeds very rapidly over the first few years of life (Herschkowitz, 2000), some areas of the brain are not completely myelinated until the mid to late teens or early adulthood (Fischer & Rose, 1995; Kennedy, Makris, Herbert, Takahashi, & Caviness, 2002; Rapoport et al., 2001; Sowell, Thompson, Holmes, Jernigan, & Toga, 1999). For example, the reticular formation and the frontal cortex—parts of the brain that allow us to concentrate on a subject for lengthy periods—are not fully myelinated until puberty (Tanner, 1990). This may be one reason that the attention spans of infants, toddlers, and school-age children are much shorter than those of adolescents and adults. In addition, as myelinization enhances the efficiency between the more primitive, emotive subcortical areas of the brain and the more regulatory prefrontal cortical areas, an infant or child’s ability to process and respond to socially important emotional input— such as the expressions of fear or disapproval on a parent’s face—may improve. As well, a child’s ability to monitor his or her own emotional reactions increases (Herba & Phillips, 2004). For example, in a rush to grab the next present, a 3- or 4-year-old may quickly discard a disappointing birthday gift, such as clothing, whereas a 6-year-old may pause and give a polite “thank you” to Grandma, thus managing to mask disappointment and delay the gratification of exploring the next, more desirable gift. Cerebral Lateralization The highest brain centre, the cerebrum, consists of two halves (or hemispheres) connected by a band of fibres called the corpus callosum. Each of the hemispheres is covered by a cerebral cortex—an outer layer of grey matter that controls sensory and motor

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154 Part Two | Foundations of Development

cerebral lateralization the specialization of brain functions in the left and the right cerebral hemispheres.

processes, perception, and intellectual functioning. Although identical in appearance, the left and the right cerebral hemispheres serve different functions and control different areas of the body. The left cerebral hemisphere controls the right side of the body, and it contains centres for speech, hearing, verbal memory, decision making, language processing, and expression of positive emotions (see Figure 6.4). By contrast, the right cerebral hemisphere controls the left side of the body and contains centres for processing visual–spatial information, nonlinguistic sounds such as music, tactile (touch) sensations, and expression of negative emotions (Fox et al., 1995). Thus, the brain is a lateralized organ. Cerebral lateralization also involves a preference for using one hand or one side of the body more than the other. About 90 percent of adults rely on their right hands (or left hemispheres) to write, eat, and perform other motor functions, whereas these same activities are under the control of the right hemisphere among most people who are left-handed (e.g., Knecht et., 2000). However, the fact that the brain is a lateralized organ does not mean that each hemisphere is totally independent of the other; the corpus callosum, which connects the hemispheres, plays an important role in integrating their respective functions. When do the two cerebral hemispheres begin to “divide the work” and become lateralized? It was once thought that lateralization took place gradually throughout childhood and was not complete until adolescence (Lenneberg, 1967). Now, however, neuroimaging technology has confirmed that brain lateralization originates during the prenatal period and is well under way at birth (Kasprian et al., 2011). Additional evidence can be observed through behavioural differences. For example, about two-thirds of all fetuses end up positioned in the womb with their right ears facing outward, and it is thought that this gives them a right ear advantage and illustrates the left hemisphere’s specialization in language processing (Previc, 1991). From the first day of life, speech sounds stimulate more electrical activity in the left side of the cerebral cortex than in the right (Molfese, 1977). In addition, most newborns turn to the right rather than to the left when they lie on their backs, and these same babies later tend to reach for objects with their right hands (Kinsbourne, 1989). So it seems that the two cerebral hemispheres may be biologically programmed to assume different functions and have already begun to differentiate by the time a baby is born (Kinsbourne, 1989; Witelson, 1987). However, the brain is not completely specialized at birth; throughout childhood we come to rely more and more on one particular hemisphere or the other to serve particular functions. Consider, for example, that even though left- or right-handedness is apparent early and is reasonably well established by age 2, lateral preferences become stronger with age. In one experiment, preschoolers and adolescents were asked to pick up a crayon; kick a ball; look into a small, opaque bottle; and place an ear to a box to hear

Frontal lobe (decision making)

Motor cortex (body movements)

Sensory cortex (body sensations)

Parietal lobe (perception)

Occipital lobe (vision)

Wernicke’s area (understanding of spoken language) Cerebellum (equilibrium, coordination)

Broca’s area (speech production) Temporal lobe (verbal memory)

Auditory cortex (hearing)

Spinal cord (transmission of neural impulses to and from the brain)

Figure 6.4 Lateral view of the left cerebral cortex and some of the functions that it controls. Although the cerebellum and spinal cord are not part of the cerebral cortex, they serve important functions of their own. NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 155

a sound. Only 32 percent of the preschoolers, but more than half of the adolescents, showed a consistent lateral preference by relying exclusively on one side of the body to perform all four tasks (Coren, Porac, & Duncan, 1981). Because the immature brain is not completely specialized, young children often show a remarkable ability to bounce back from traumatic brain injuries as neural circuits that might otherwise have been lost assume the functions of those that have died (Kolb & Fantie, 1989; Kolb & Gibb, 2007; Rakic, 1991). Although adolescents and adults who suffer brain damage often regain a substantial portion of the functions they have lost, especially with the proper therapy, their recoveries are not typically as rapid or as complete as those of younger children (Kolb & Fantie, 1989; Kolb & Gibb, 2007). Although this general observation holds in many instances, brain trauma and recovery are complex and this pattern may not be true in all cases (Kolb & Gibb, 2007). The pattern does, however, demonstrate the remarkable recuperative power of the human brain (i.e., its plasticity) early in life, before cerebral lateralization is complete.

CONCEPT CHECK

6.1

Overview of Physical Development and Brain Development

Check your understanding of general trends in maturation and growth and the development of the brain by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. The fact that a newborn’s head is 70 percent of its adult size and 25 percent of its body length is best explained by which concept of development? a. the skeletal age trend b. the cephalocaudal trend c. the proximodistal trend d. the fontenelle trend 2. Which of the following body parts overshoots adult levels in childhood and then declines to adult levels later in adolescence? a. the head and brain b. the muscular system c. the lymphatic system d. the skeletal system 3. The basic unit of the brain and nervous system are the cells that receive and transmit neural impulses. What is the name for these cells? a. glia cells b. neurons c. myelin d. synapses 4. Scientists believe that the human brain has evolved so that the infant brain can be highly responsive to the effects of experience. The brain is thought to produce an excess of neurons and synapses so that it can be responsive to many different kinds of sensory and motor stimulation. This responsiveness also results in synaptic and neural degeneration when the neurons that are

not stimulated do not continue to function. What is the term for this aspect of brain development? a. plasticity b. myelinization c. cerebral specialization d. cerebral lateralization 5. Gretchen is having a baby. Based on her understanding of brain lateralization, she predicted the positioning of her fetus when it was examined with ultrasound. If it was like two-thirds of all fetuses, how was her fetus positioned in her womb? a. with its left ear facing outward b. with its right ear facing outward c. with its ears facing upward d. with its ears facing downward True or False: Indicate whether the following statements

are true or false.

6. (T) (F) At birth, an infant’s bones are very stiff and brittle and easy to break. 7. (T) (F) Individual neurons have the potential to serve any neural function, depending on where their migration delivers them. 8. (T) (F) Very few neurons produced early in life die; instead, they are adapted for different functions in the nervous system. 9. (T) (F) Although the brain is lateralized at birth, lateral preferences continue to become stronger across age. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following question.

10. Explain the ways in which the development of the brain and nervous system help us understand why babies are reflexive, “sensory-motor” beings at birth.

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156 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Motor Development One of the more dramatic developments of the first year of life is the remarkable progress that infants make in controlling their movements and perfecting motor skills. Writers are fond of describing newborns as “helpless babes”—a characterization that largely stems from neonates’ inability to move around on their own. Clearly, human infants are disadvantaged when compared with the young of other species, who can follow their mothers to food (and then feed themselves) very soon after birth. However, babies do not remain immobile for long. By the end of the first month, the brain and neck muscles have matured enough to permit most infants to reach the first milestone in locomotor development: lifting their chins while lying flat on their stomachs. Soon thereafter, children lift their chests as well, reach for objects, roll over, and sit up if someone supports them. Investigators who have charted motor development over the first two years of life find that motor skills evolve in a definite sequence, which appears in Table 6.1. Although the ages at which these skills first appear vary considerably from child to child, infants who are quick to proceed through this motor sequence are not necessarily any brighter or otherwise advantaged, compared with those whose rates of motor development are average or slightly below average. Thus, even though the age norms in Table 6.1 are a useful standard for gauging an infant’s progress as he or she begins to sit, stand, and take those first tentative steps, a child’s rate of motor development really tells us very little about future developmental outcomes.

TABLE 6.1

Age Norms (in Months) for Important Motor Developments (Based on European American, Latino, and African American Children in the United States) Month when 50% of infants have mastered the skill

Month when 90% of infants have mastered the skill

Lifts head 90° while lying on stomach

2.2

3.2

Rolls over

2.8

4.7

Sits propped up

2.9

4.2

Sits without support

5.5

7.8

Stands holding on

5.8

10.0

Crawls

7.0

9.0

Walks holding on

9.2

12.7

Skill 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 157

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

Skill

Month when 50% of infants have mastered the skill

Month when 90% of infants have mastered the skill

Plays pat-a-cake

9.3

15.0

Stands alone momentarily

9.8

13.0

Stands well alone

11.5

13.9

Walks well

12.1

14.3

Builds tower of two cubes

13.8

19.0

Walks up steps

17.0

22.0

Kicks ball forward

20.0

24.0

Source: Bayley, N. (1993). Bayley Scales of Infant Development (2nd ed.). San Antonio, TX: Psychological Corporation; Frankenberg, W.K., & Dodds, J.B. (1967). The Denver development screening test. Journal of Pediatrics, 71, 181–91.

Basic Trends in Locomotor Development The two fundamental “laws” that describe muscular development and myelinization also hold true for motor development during the first few years. Motor development proceeds in a cephalocaudal (head-downward) direction, with activities involving the head, neck, and upper extremities preceding those involving the legs and lower extremities. At the same time, development is proximodistal (centre-outward), with activities involving the trunk and shoulders appearing before those involving the hands and fingers. The kicking movements displayed by infants during the first few months present a problem for the cephalocaudal perspective and have been dismissed as unintentional movements generated by the central nervous system (Lamb & Yang, 2000). However, Galloway and Thelen (2004) presented evidence that contradicts the “cephalocaudal rule.” First they point to evidence demonstrating that infants alter the pattern of their leg movements when rewarded. For example, when rewarded, infants change from alternating leg kicks to simultaneous kicks (Thelen, 1994), as well as from flexed leg movements to extended leg movements (Angulo-Kinzler, 2001; Angulo-Kinzler, Ulrich, & Thelen, 2002). They note that even Piaget (1952) noticed that his son repeated leg kicks that shook a toy. Finally, Galloway and Thelen (2004) presented six infants with toys at both foot and hand level. The infants first made contact with the toy at around 12 weeks and did so by lifting

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158 Part Two | Foundations of Development

a leg to touch the toy. First contact with hands was made at around 16 weeks, much later than the intentional foot contact. Extended contact with their feet also preceded extended contact with their hands. Galloway and Thelen suggest that the structure of the hip joint may contribute to infants’ early ability to control their legs because the hip joint is more stable and constrained than the shoulder joint, thus the amount of motion to be controlled is much smaller for the hip joint than for the shoulder joint. Control of the shoulder joint may call for much more experience, practice, and activity to master. Therefore, infants are able to coordinate hip movement earlier than shoulder movement, contradicting the cephalocaudal rule of thumb and suggesting that although cephalocaudal and proximodistal patterns occur, some exception may also apply. How do we explain the sequencing and timing of early motor development? Let’s briefly consider three possibilities: the maturational viewpoint, the experiential (or practice) hypothesis, and a newer dynamical systems theory that views motor development (and the whole of development) as a product of a complex transaction among the child’s physical capabilities, goals, and the experiences she or he has had (Kenrick, 2001; Lee, Bhat, Scholz, & Galloway, 2008; Thelen, Fisher, & Ridley-Johnson, 2002).

The Maturational Viewpoint The maturational viewpoint (Shirley, 1933) describes motor development as the unfolding of a genetically programmed sequence of events where the nerves and muscles mature in a downward and outward direction. As a result, children gradually gain more control over the lower and peripheral parts of their bodies, displaying motor skills in the sequence shown in Table 6.1. One clue that maturation plays a prominent role in motor development comes from cross-cultural research. Despite very different early experiences, infants from around the world progress through roughly the same sequence of motor milestones. In addition, early studies in which one identical twin was allowed to practise motor skills (such as climbing stairs or stacking blocks) while the co-twin was denied these experiences suggested that practice had little effect on motor development: when finally allowed to perform, the unpractised twin soon matched the skills of the co-twin who had many opportunities to practise (Gesell & Thompson, 1929; McGraw, 1935). Taken together, these findings seemed to imply that maturation underlies motor development and that practice merely allows a child to perfect those skills that maturation has made possible. The Experiential (or Practice) Hypothesis Although no one denies that maturation contributes to motor development, proponents of the experiential viewpoint believe that opportunities to practise motor skills are also important (Adolph, 2008; Adolph, Vereijken, & Shrout, 2003). Consider what Wayne Dennis (1960) found when he studied two groups of institutionalized orphans in Iran who had spent most of their first two years lying flat on their backs in their cribs. These infants were never placed in a sitting position, were rarely played with, and were even fed in their cribs with their bottles propped on pillows. Was their motor development affected by these depriving early experiences? Indeed it was! None of the 1- to 2-year-olds could walk, and less than half of them could even sit unaided. In fact, only 15 percent of the 3- to 4-year-olds could walk well alone! So Dennis concluded that maturation is necessary but not sufficient for the development of motor skills. In other words, infants who are physically capable of sitting, crawling, or walking will not be very proficient at these activities unless they have opportunities to practise them. Not only does a lack of practice inhibit motor development, but cross-cultural research also illustrates that a variety of enriching experiences can even accelerate the process (Angulo-Barroso et al., 2011). Cross-cultural studies tell us that the ages at which infants attain major motor milestones are heavily influenced by parenting practices. The Kipsigis people of Kenya, for example, work to promote motor skills. By their eighth week, infants are already practising their “walking” as parents grasp them by the NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 159

armpits and propel them forward. Also, throughout their first few months, infants are seated in shallow holes, dug so that the sides support their backs and maintain an upright posture. Given these experiences, it is perhaps not surprising that Kipsigis infants sit unassisted about five weeks earlier and walk unaided about a month earlier than Western infants do. Similarly, Brian Hopkins (1991) compared the motor development of white infants in England with that of black infants whose families emigrated to England from Jamaica. As in several other comparisons of black and white infants, the black infants displayed such important motor skills as sitting, crawling, and walking at earlier ages. Do these findings reflect genetic differences between blacks and whites? No, because black babies were likely to acquire motor skills early only if their mothers had followed traditional Jamaican routines for handling infants and nurturing motor development. These routines include massaging infants, stretching their limbs, and holding them by the arms while gently shaking them up and down. Jamaican mothers expect early motor development, work to promote it, and get it. Dovetailing nicely with the cross-cultural work are experiments conducted by Philip Zelazo and his associates (Zelazo, Zelazo, Cohen, & Zelazo, 1993; Zelazo, Zelazo, & Kolb, 1972) with North American infants. Zelazo found that 2- to 8-week-old babies who were regularly held in an upright posture and encouraged to practise their stepping reflex showed a strengthening of this response (which usually disappears early in life). They also walked at an earlier age than did infants in a control group who did not receive this training. Why might having your limbs stretched or being held (or sat) in an upright posture hasten motor development? Esther Thelen’s (1986; Thelen & Fisher, 1982) view is that babies who are often placed in an upright position develop strength in the neck, trunk, and legs (an acceleration of muscular growth), which, in turn, promotes the early development of such motor skills as standing and walking. Recent research confirms this relationship between parent positioning of infants and development of independent sitting and walking behaviours and suggests the gains are a function of greater trunk strength, which proceeds in a top-down direction (Duncan et al., 2018). So it seems that both maturation and experience are important contributors to motor development. Maturation does place some limits on the age at which the child will first be capable of sitting, standing, and walking. Yet experiences such as upright posturing and various forms of practice may influence the age at which important maturational capabilities are achieved and translated into action.

dynamical systems theory a theory that views motor skills as active reorganizations of previously mastered capabilities undertaken to find more effective ways of exploring the environment or satisfying other objectives.

Dynamical Systems Theory Although they would certainly agree that both maturation and experience contribute to motor development, proponents of dynamical systems theory differ from earlier theorists in two important ways. First, they do not view motor skills as genetically programmed responses that simply “unfold” as dictated by maturation and opportunities to practise. Instead, they view each new skill as a construction that emerges as infants actively reorganize existing motor capabilities into new and more complex action systems (Savelsbergh, van der Kamp, & Rosengren, 2002; Spencer, Perone, & Buss, 2011). At first, these new motor configurations are likely to be tentative, inefficient, and uncoordinated. New walkers, for example, spend a fair amount of time on their backsides and are called “toddlers” for a reason. But over time, these new motor patterns are modified and refined until all components become smooth, coordinated actions such as bouncing, crawling, walking, running, and jumping (Thelen, 1995; Whitall & Getchell, 1995). But why would infants work so hard to acquire new motor skills? Unlike earlier theories that did not address this issue, the dynamical systems theory offers a straightforward answer: infants hope to acquire and perfect new motor skills that will help them to get to interesting objects they hope to explore or to accomplish other goals they may have in mind (Adolph & Tamis LeMonda, 2014; Thelen, 1995; Spencer, Perone, & Buss, 2011). Consider what Eugene Goldfield (1989) learned in studying infants’ emerging

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160 Part Two | Foundations of Development

According to dynamical systems theory, new motor skills emerge as curious infants reorganize their existing capabilities in order to achieve important objectives.

ability to crawl. Goldfield found that 7- to 8-month-old infants began to crawl on their hands and knees only after they (1) regularly turned and raised their heads toward interesting sights and sounds in the environment, (2) had developed a distinct hand/arm preference when reaching for such stimuli, and (3) had begun to thrust (kick) with the leg opposite to the outstretched arm. Apparently, visual orientation motivates the infant to approach interesting stimuli she can’t reach, reaching steers the body in the right direction, and kicking with the opposite leg propels the body forward. So, far from being a preprogrammed skill that simply unfolds according to a maturational plan, crawling (and virtually all other motor skills) actually represents an active and intricate reorganization of several existing capabilities that is undertaken by a curious, active infant who has a particular goal in mind. Why, then, do all infants proceed through the same sequence of locomotor milestones? Partly because of their human maturational programming, which sets the stage for various accomplishments, and partly because each successive motor skill must necessarily build on specific component activities that have developed earlier. How does experience fit in? According to the dynamical systems theory, a real world of interesting objects and events provides infants with many reasons to want to reach out or to sit up, crawl, walk, and run—that is, with purposes and motives that might be served by actively reorganizing their existing skills into new and more complex action systems (Adolph & Tamis-LeMonda, 2014). Of course, no two infants have exactly the same set of experiences (or goals), which may help to explain why each infant coordinates the component activities of an emerging motor skill in a slightly different way (Thelen et al., 1993). In sum, the development of motor skills is far more interesting and complex than earlier theories had assumed. Though maturation plays a very important role, the basic motor skills of the first two years do not simply unfold as part of nature’s grand plan. Rather, they emerge largely because goal-driven infants are constantly recombining actions, learning from previous actions, and combining their knowledge and skills to allow them to perform new and more complex actions that will help them achieve their objectives (Adolph, 2008; Adolph & Tamis-LeMonda, 2014; Spencer, Perone, & Buss, 2011).

Fine Motor Development Two other aspects of motor development play especially important roles in helping infants explore and adapt to their surroundings: voluntary reaching and manipulatory (or hand) skills.

Development of Voluntary Reaching An infant’s ability to reach out and manipulate objects changes dramatically over the first year. Recall that newborns come equipped with a grasping reflex. They are also inclined to reach for things, although these primitive thrusts (or prereaches) are really little more than uncoordinated swipes at objects in the visual field. Prereaching is truly a hit-or-miss proposition (Bower, 1982). By 2 months of age, infants’ reaching and grasping skills may even seem to deteriorate; the reflexive palmar grasp disappears and prereaching occurs much less often (Bower, 1982). However, these apparent regressions set the stage for the appearance of voluntary reaching. Babies 3 months of age and older display this new competency as they extend their arms and make in-flight corrections, gradually improving in accuracy until they can reliably grasp their objectives (von Hofsten, 1984; Spencer, Perone & Buss, 2011; Thelen et al., 1993). However, infants clearly differ in how they reach for objects. Some infants flap their arms at first and must learn to dampen their enthusiasm, whereas others start off reaching tentatively and will soon learn that they must supply more power to grasp their objectives (Thelen et al., 1993). So, here again, we see that reaching is a motor skill that does not simply “unfold”; instead, babies reach in different ways and take their own unique pathways to refining this important skill. NEL

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proprioceptive information sensory information from the muscles, tendons, and joints that help one to locate the position of one’s body (or body parts) in space.

It was once thought that early reaching required visual guidance of the hand and arm for infants to locate their target. However, research indicates that infants only 3 months old are just as successful at reaching for and grasping objects they can only hear (in the dark) as they are at grabbing those they can see (Clifton, Muir, Ashmead, & Clarkson, 1993). By 5 months, infants are becoming proficient at reaching for and touching (1) stationary illuminated objects that suddenly darken to become invisible as they begin their reaches (McCarty & Ashmead, 1999), as well as (2) glowing objects that move in the dark—even though these young reachers cannot see what their hands are doing (Robin, Berthier, & Clifton, 1996). So, far from being totally controlled by vision, early reaches are also dependent on proprioceptive information from the muscles, tendons, and joints that help infants guide their arms and hands to any interesting objects within arm’s length. Proprioceptive information appears to be especially important for younger infants and is facilitated by vision; however, vision becomes increasingly important to assist judgment about reaching among older infants (Berthier & Carrico, 2010).

Development of Manipulatory Skills Once infants are able to sit well and to reach inward, across their body midline, at about age 4 to 5 months, they begin to grasp interesting objects with both hands and their exploratory activities forever change. Rather than merely batting or palming objects, they are now apt to transfer them from hand to hand or to hold them with one hand and finger them with the other (Rochat, 1989; Rochat & Goubet, 1995). Indeed, this fingering ulnar grasp activity may be the primary method by which 4- to 6-month-olds gain information about an early manipulatory skill in which objects, for their unimanual (one-handed) grasping skills are poorly developed. The an infant grasps objects by pressing the fingers against the palm. reflexive palmar grasp has already disappeared by this age, and the ulnar grasp that replaces it is itself a rather clumsy, clawlike grip that permits little tactile exploration of pincer grasp objects by touch. a grasp in which the thumb is used in During the latter half of the first year, fingering skills improve and infants become opposition to the fingers, enabling an much more proficient at tailoring all their exploratory activities to the properties of infant to become more dexterous at lifting and fondling objects. objects they are investigating (Palmer, 1989). Now, wheeled toys are likely to be scooted rather than banged, spongy objects are squeezed rather than scooted, and so on. The next major step in the growth of hand skills occurs near the end of the first year as infants use their thumbs and forefingers to lift and explore objects (Halverson, 1931). This pincer grasp transforms children from little fumblers into skillful manipulators who may soon begin to capture crawling bugs and to turn knobs, dials, and rheostats, thereby discovering that they can use their newly acquired hand skills to produce any number of interesting results. In addition to demonstrating greater skill with the pincer grasp, research suggests that infants’ awareness of the pincer grasp also emerges at about 9 months of age. Infants at this age are able to discriminate images of the pincer grasp from others (Senna et al., 2017). Throughout the second year, infants become much more proficient with their hands. At 16 months of age, they can scribble with a crayon, and by the end of the second year, they can copy a simple horizontal or vertical line and even build towers of five or more blocks. What is happening is quite consistent with the dynamical systems theory: infants are gaining control over simple movements and then integrating these skills into increasingly complex, coordinated systems. Despite their ability to combine simple motor activities into increasingly complex sequences, even 2- to 3-year-olds are not very good at catching and throwing a ball, cutting food with utensils, or drawing within the lines of their colouring books. These skills will emerge later in childhood as the muscles mature and children become The pincer grasp is a crucial motor milestone that more proficient at using visual information to help them coordinate underlies the development of many coordinated manual activities. their actions. NEL

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162 Part Two | Foundations of Development

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Ron Kelly

Can you identify a common thread between changes in thinking about how (1) the brain’s normal circuitry is finetuned and (2) the emergence of motor skills? What are the implications of these new viewpoints for the nature versus nurture debate?

Psychological Implications of Early Motor Development

Life changes dramatically for both parents and infants once a baby is able to reach out and grasp interesting objects, especially after he can crawl or walk to explore these treasures. Suddenly, parents find they have to child-proof their homes and limit access to certain areas or else run the risk of experiencing a seemingly endless string of disasters. Placing limits on explorations often precipitates conflicts and a “testing of the wills” between infants and their parents (Biringen, Emde, Campos, & Appelbaum, 1995). Nevertheless, parents are often thrilled by their infant’s emerging motor skills, which not only provide clear evidence that development is proceeding normally, but also permit such pleasurable forms of social interaction as pat-a-cake, chase, and hide-and-seek. Aside from the entertainment value it provides, an infant’s increasing control over bodily movements has important cognitive and social consequences (Oudgenoeg-Paz, Leseman, & Volman, 2015). Mobile infants may feel much more bold, for example, about meeting people and seeking challenges if they know that they can retreat to their caregivers for comfort should they feel insecure (Ainsworth, 1979). Achieving various motor milestones may also foster perceptual development. For example, crawlers are better able to search for and find hidden objects than infants of the same age who are not mobile (Kermoian & Campos, 1988). As infants reach for and explore new objects, caregivers have an opportunity to label the objects and provide information about location (under, up, over there) and other spatial concepts, which can improve language skills (Oudgenoeg-Paz, Leseman, & Volman, 2015). The self-produced movement of crawling and walking also makes infants more aware of optical flow, the perceived movement of objects in the visual field as well as the perceived movements of the foreground and background in which the objects are imbedded. Such perceptions are influenced by the relative movements of the observer or the objects being observed. For example, an infant who is seated in a mechanical swing may watch the family dog grow larger and then smaller in a rhythmic manner, as does the sofa in front of which the dog is seated (the background) and the rug on which both the dog and the mechanical swing rest (the foreground). In fact, as the section of rug that the dog is seated on grows larger, the edges of the rug disappear. The outer ends of the sofa may disappear as well. Both the edges of the rug and the ends of the sofa reappear as the dog shrinks. However, if the swing winds down and the infant is stationary, the synchronized optic flow of dog, sofa, and rug ceases. The infant will experience yet a different pattern of optical flow if, while parents are preoccupied, big brother releases her from the swing and allows her to approach the dog unsupervised. The rug and the sofa will grow larger, expanding outward and escaping the infant’s visual field, as the dog expands to fill the field completely—unless the dog’s previous experience with big brother’s infancy was traumatic. Then the crawling infant will perceive the dog as constant in size, as the background and foreground change (i.e., the dog maintains a safe distance as it leads the infant all over the house). As infants mature and begin to add crawling and walking to their array of motor skills, their adeptness in using optic flow to distinguish between self-locomotion and other-locomotion improves. They also learn to use optic flow to detect smaller and smaller changes in locomotion trajectories and velocities, thereby improving at avoiding collisions and correcting balance miscalculations (Gilmore & Rettke, 2003; Gilmore, Baker, & Grobman, 2004; Gilmore, Hou, Pettet, & Norcia, 2007). Optic flow displays must simulate at least a 22-degree change in direction before most nonLife becomes more challenging for parents as infants perfect their motor skills. crawlers recognize the change (Gilmore et al., 2004). By 4 months NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 163

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of age, some infants can distinguish 16-degree changes in direction (Gilmore & Rettke, 2003). In comparison, adults distinguish 1-degree changes, and under some circumstances, less than 1 degree (Royden, Crowell, & Banks, 1994; Warren, Morris, & Kalish, 1998). So optic flow and an infant’s gradual understanding of it helps the child to orient herself in space, improves her posture, and causes her to crawl or walk more efficiently (Agyei, Holth, van der Weel, & van der Meer, 2015; Higgins, Campos, & Kermoian, 1996). Also, crawling and walking both contribute to an understanding of distance relationships and a healthy fear of heights (Adolph, Eppler, & Gibson, 1993; Campos, Bertenthal, & Kermoian, 1992). Experienced crawlers and experienced walkers are better able to use landmarks to find their way than infants who have just begun to crawl or to walk—that is, locomotion influences spatial memory (Clearfield, 2004). So, once again, we see that human development is a holistic enterprise: changes in motor skills have clear implications for other aspects of development.

Top-heavy toddlers often lose their balance when they try to move very quickly.

Beyond Infancy: Motor Development in Childhood The term toddler aptly describes most 1- to 2-year-olds, who often fall down or trip over stationary objects when they try to get somewhere in a hurry. But as children mature, their locomotor skills increase by leaps and bounds. By age 3, children can walk or run in a straight line and leap off the floor with both feet, although they can clear only very small (20 to 25 cm) objects in a single bound and cannot easily turn or stop quickly while running. Four-year-olds can skip, hop on one foot, catch a large ball with both hands, and run much farther and faster than they could one year earlier (Corbin, 1973). By age 5, children are becoming rather graceful; like adults, they pump their arms when they run and their balance has improved to the point that some of them can learn to ride a bicycle. Part of the reason that children are improving at these large-muscle activities is that they are growing larger and stronger, and are also fine-tuning their motor skills. As shown in Figure 6.5, young children throw only with the arm, whereas older children learn to coordinate shoulder, arm, and leg movements to put the force of their bodies behind their throws. Therefore, older children can throw farther than younger children can, not solely because they are bigger and stronger but also because they use more refined and efficient techniques of movement (Gallahue, 1989). Initial

Mature

Figure 6.5 As these initial tosses and mature throws illustrate, large-muscle activities become more refined and efficient with age. NEL

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164 Part Two | Foundations of Development

physically active play moderate to vigorous play activities such as running, jumping, climbing, play fighting, or game playing that raise a child’s metabolic rate far above resting levels.

6.3

At the same time, eye–hand coordination and control of the small muscles are improving rapidly, so that children can make more sophisticated use of their hands. Three-year-olds find it difficult to button their shirts, tie their shoes, or copy simple designs. By age 5, children can accomplish all of these feats and can even cut a straight line with scissors or copy letters and numbers with a crayon. By age 8 or 9, they can use household tools such as screwdrivers and have become skilled performers at games that require hand–eye coordination (such as the controllers for the Wii, or navigating an iPad). Overall, boys and girls are nearly equal in physical abilities until puberty. However, older children display quicker reaction times than do younger children (Williams, Satterwhite, & Best, 1999), which helps to explain why they usually beat younger playmates at “action” games such as dodgeball. Providing infants and children with naturally occurring opportunities to engage in movement skills, such as reaching, crawling, walking, hopping, skipping, running, catching, pulling, and pushing, is important for physical, cognitive, and social development (Adamo et al., 2015; Becker et al., 2013; Carson et al., 2016). As we see in Box 6.3, ensuring that children are physically active throughout childhood is becoming an increasing concern in Canadian society.

APPLYING RESEARCH TO YOUR LIFE

Exercise: The Key to a Healthy Childhood Developmentalists acknowledge the benefits of physically active play as a mechanism for building muscle strength and endurance (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). In addition, physical activity, along with appropriate nutrition, is identified as a key factor in maintaining a healthy weight in children. Concerns with weight and obesity have been widespread in Canada for several years. For example, using the body mass index measure (BMI), 26 percent of children aged 5 to 11 years were classified as overweight or obese in 2012 to 2013 (Statistics Canada, 2015). By 2018, 30 percent of children aged 5 to 17 met these criteria (Government of Canada, 2018). In light of these growing concerns for children’s health, increasing attention has been directed toward physical play. Both immediate and long-term health outcomes are associated with early physical play. Specifically, when infants and children are provided with opportunities to develop fundamental motor skills early in life, they are more likely to engage in physical activities later in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (Adamo et al., 2015). How can we improve children’s motor skills and encourage physical activity? Apart from the early opportunities provided by parents noted earlier in this chapter, early childhood care providers and teachers can also play a critical role in promoting motor skills and physically active play in children.

Early Childhood Educators and Daycare Providers

Many children spend considerable time in daycare and early education contexts. Play is a key element of these contexts, but physical activities that systematically promote fundamental motor skill development may not be as readily implemented as part of the ongoing programming. Kristi Adamo, at the University of Ottawa, and her colleagues (2015) provided

daycare workers with workshops detailing how to integrate physical activities that target motor skill development into ongoing indoor and outdoor activities in the daycare setting. After a six-month period, children in these daycares demonstrated higher general motor skills (which included locomotor skills) and higher levels of physical activity compared to children in daycares that did not receive the training. Interestingly, there was no change in children’s object control skills (the skills required to catch or kick a ball) over time for the children in the daycares where training was provided, but there was a marked decrease in these skills among children in daycares where no training was provided.

Elementary and Middle School Teachers

Recess, gym class, and indoor free activity time provide opportunities to engage children in physically active play. For example, Becker and colleagues (2013) demonstrated that active play during recess was associated with both higher levels of self-regulation and academic achievement in reading and math when very young children were engaged in physically active play. Overall, it is clear that incorporating activities that promote development of fundamental motor skills and physical activity are important for healthy child development. Benefits are seen in physical skills and activities as well as cognitive and social domains. For example, a review by Carson and colleagues (2016) assessing the impact of physical exercise on cognitive outcomes among children 5 years of age and younger identified gains related to both language and executive function (read more about executive function in Chapter 9). Motor skill development should be an important consideration when planning activities to entertain and engage infants and children.

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 165

CONCEPT CHECK

6.2

Motor Development

Check your understanding of motor development and developmental changes by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. True or False: Indicate whether the following statements

are true or false.

1. (T) (F) Infants who proceed through stages of motor development more quickly than the average are likely to be more intelligent later in childhood than infants who are average or behind average. 2. (T) (F) Infants who are mobile (can crawl or walk easily) may feel bolder when meeting strangers because they know they can easily escape to their caregivers if they begin to feel insecure in the new situation. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

3. Zach has a young son about 6 months old. Zach believes that helping his son practise motor skills will help his son achieve motor skills earlier than if he did not help his son practise. Consequently, when Zach plays with his son, he helps his son practise sitting and walking, and encourages his son’s efforts. Zach’s viewpoints about motor development are most closely aligned with which scientific view of motor development? a. the maturational viewpoint b. the experiential viewpoint c. the developmental sequence viewpoint d. the dynamical systems viewpoint

4. What did Dennis (1960) find about the age at which young toddlers could sit, crawl, and walk in his study of orphaned children who were confined to their cribs during their first two years of life? a. Maturation determined the age at which young toddlers could sit, crawl, and walk, regardless of their experiences. b. Experience determined the age at which young toddlers could sit, crawl, and walk, regardless of their maturational age. c. Maturation was necessary but not sufficient for the development of motor skills such as sitting, crawling, and walking. d. Experience was the determining factor, regardless of age, of when young toddlers could sit, crawl, or walk. 5. What is the term for the ability to grasp an object using the thumb and forefinger? a. the pincer grasp b. the ulnar grasp c. the proprioceptive grasp d. the forefinger grasp

The Onset of Puberty: The Early Beginnings of the Physical Transition from Child to Adolescent puberty the point at which a person reaches sexual maturity and is physically capable of fathering or conceiving a child.

The onset of puberty (from the Latin word pubertas, meaning “to grow hairy”) marks the beginning of the transition to sexually maturity (Mustanski, Viken, Pulkkinen, & Rose, 2004). The beginning of puberty typically occurs in the later years of childhood and maturation of the reproductive system follows a predictable sequence for girls and boys.

Sexual Maturation in Girls For most girls, sexual maturation begins at about age 9 to 11 as fatty tissue accumulates around their nipples, forming small “breast buds” (Herman-Giddens et al., 1997; Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Full breast development, which takes about three to four years, finishes around age 14 (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Usually, pubic hair begins to appear a little later, although as many as one-third of all girls develop some pubic hair before their breasts begin to develop (Tanner, 1990). Internally, the vagina becomes larger and the walls of the uterus develop a powerful set of muscles that may one day be used to accommodate a fetus during pregnancy and to push it through the cervix and vagina during the birth process. Externally, the mons pubis (the soft tissue covering the pubic bone), the labia (the fleshy lips surrounding the vaginal opening), and the clitoris all increase in size and become more sensitive to touch (Tanner, 1990). NEL

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166 Part Two | Foundations of Development menarche the first occurrence of menstruation.

At about age 12½, the average girl in Western societies reaches menarche—the time of her first menstruation (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Though it is generally assumed that a girl becomes fertile at menarche, young girls often menstruate without ovulating and may remain unable to reproduce for 12 to 18 months after menarche (Tanner, 1978; Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). In the year following menarche, female sexual development concludes as the breasts complete their development and axillary (underarm) hair appears (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Hair also appears on the arms, legs, and, to a lesser degree, face (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005).

Sexual Maturation in Boys For boys, sexual maturation begins at about age 11 to 12 (but may range between 9½ and 13½) with an enlargement of the testes (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). The growth of the testes is often accompanied or soon followed by the appearance of unpigmented pubic hair (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). As the testes grow, the scrotum also grows; it thins and darkens, and descends to its pendulous adult position (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Meanwhile, the penis lengthens and widens. At about age 13 to 14½, sperm production begins (Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). The male equivalent of menarche, spermarche, refers to the onset of the production of spermatozoa—the male sex cells—and is evidenced by the boy’s first ejaculation (Kulin, Frontera, Demers, Bartholomew, & Lloyd, 1989; Nielson et al., 1986). By the time the penis is fully developed at age 14½ to 15, most boys will have reached puberty and are now capable of fathering a child (Tanner, 1990). Somewhat later, boys begin to sprout facial and body hair (Mustanski et al., 2004; Pinyerd & Zipf, 2005). Another hallmark of male sexual maturity is a lowering of the voice as the larynx grows and the vocal cords lengthen.

Individual Differences in and Sexual Maturation: Early Onset So far, we have been describing developmental norms, or the average ages when changes take place. But as Figure 6.6 indicates, there are many individual differences in the timing of sexual maturation. An early-maturing girl who develops breast buds at age 8, starts her growth spurt at age 9½, and reaches menarche at age 10½ may nearly complete her growth and pubertal development before the late-developing girls in her class have even begun. Individual differences among boys are at least as great: some boys reach sexual maturity by age 12½ and are as tall as they will ever be by age 13, whereas others begin growing later and do not reach puberty until their late teens. The definition of “early” puberty indicates puberty beginning before 8 years of age for girls and 9 years of age for boys (Saenger, 2003). This biological variation in maturational timing may be observed in any late elementary or early high school classroom.

Secular Trends—Are We Maturing Earlier?

secular trend a trend toward earlier maturation and greater body size now than in the past

Over 100 years ago, the timing of sexual maturation was much later in industrialized societies. In 1900, the average age of first menstruation was 14 to 15. By 1950, most girls were reaching menarche between 13½ and 14; norms dropped even further, to age 12½, in the 1990s. This secular trend toward earlier maturation has slowed and is levelling off in industrialized nations but has begun to occur in the more prosperous nonindustrialized countries (Coleman & Coleman, 2002; Rigon et al., 2010). What explains these secular trends? Better nutrition, advances in medical care and genetics seem to be most responsible (Fredriks et al., 2000; Pandy & Pradhan, 2017; Rigon et al., 2010; Tanner, 1990). Today’s children are more likely than their parents or grandparents to reach their genetic potentials for maturation and growth because they are better fed and less likely to experience growth-retarding illnesses. Here, then, are strong clues that nature and nurture interact to influence the timing of pubertal events. NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 167 (b) Males

(a) Females

Height spurt

Height spurt 9.5–14.5

10.5–16

Penis

Menarche

10.5–14.5

10.5–15.5

Testes

Breasts 8–13

12–18

9.5–13.5

8–14 9

13.5–17

Pubic hair

Pubic hair

8

12.5–16.5

10

11

9.5–14.5 12

14

13

Age in years

15

10–15 16

17

8

9

10

11

12

14–16 13

14

15

16

17

Age in years

Figure 6.6 Milestones in the sexual maturation of girls (a) and boys (b). The numbers represent the variation among individuals in the ages at which each aspect of sexual maturation begins or ends. For example, we see that the growth of the penis may begin as early as age 10½ or as late as 14½. Source: Adapted from “Fetus into Man: Physical Growth from Conception to Maturity,” 2nd ed., by J.M. Tanner, 1990. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Copyright © 1978, 1990 by J.M. Tanner.

Does Timing of Puberty Matter? Onset timing of puberty and the pace at which change occurs (called pubertal tempo) have meaningful implications for social and academic outcomes (Mendle, Harden, BrooksGunn, & Graber, 2012). The impact of these in some cases are similar and in others may differ somewhat for boys and girls.

Possible Impacts on Boys Research generally indicates that boys demonstrate a reduction in depressive symptoms across puberty. However, this general pattern appears to differ for boys who mature earlier and particularly for boys who navigate puberty quickly, as these two groups of boys show higher levels of depressive symptoms than their typically developing peers (Mendle et al., 2010). Subsequent research suggests that changes in the quality of peer relationships explains some of these increases in depressive symptoms (Mendle et al., 2012). Other research finds some early-maturing boys to be poised and confident in social settings and more likely to win athletic honours and election to student offices. What explains these advantages for early maturers? One reason may be that their greater size and strength often make them more capable athletes, which in turn is apt to bring social recognition from adults and peers (Simmons & Blyth, 1987). The early maturer’s more adult-like appearance may also prompt others to overestimate his competencies and to grant him privileges and responsibilities normally reserved for older individuals. Indeed, parents hold higher educational and achievement aspirations for early-maturing than for late-maturing sons (Duke et al., 1982), and they have fewer conflicts with early maturers about issues such as acceptable curfews and choice of friends (Savin-Williams & Small, 1986). Perhaps you can see how this generally positive, harmonious atmosphere might promote the poise or self-confidence that enables some early maturers to become popular and to assume positions of leadership within the peer group while others who struggle with peer relationships experience higher levels of emotional distress. NEL

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168 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Possible Effects on Girls Research on girls maturing early indicates both a disadvantage and an advantage. In terms of disadvantages, several studies show a consistent pattern over time that paints earlymaturing girls as somewhat less outgoing and less popular than their prepubertal classmates (Aro & Taipale, 1987; Clausen, 1975; Faust, 1960). In addition, early maturers have been found to be likely to report more symptoms of anxiety and depression (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009; Hayward et al., 1997; Mendle et al., 2010; Stice, Presnell, & Bearman, 2001; Wichstrom, 1999). Intuitively, these findings make some sense. A girl who matures very early may look very different from her female classmates, who may tease her. She will look older and is often noticeably heavier than boys in the class, who will not mature for two to three years and are not As seen in these two boys, individual differences in the timing of yet all that enthused about an early maturer’s more wompuberty and the speed of maturation can impact social, emotional, anly attributes (Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, & Silva, 1993; cognitive, and physical aspects of development. Halpern, Udry, Campbell, & Suchindran, 1999). As a result, early-maturing girls often seek (or are sought out by) older companions, particularly boys who may have a greater interest in sex than these earlymaturing girls (Carter & Williams, 2016). In addition, older peers may steer these younger females away from academic pursuits and into less desirable activities such as smoking, drinking, delinquency, and drug use (Caspi et al., 1993; Dick, Rose, Viken, & Kaprio, 2000; Negriff, Sussman, & Trickett, 2011; Wiesner & Ittel, 2002). In terms of advantages, early breast development is associated with a favourable body image and increased self-confidence (Brooks-Gunn & Warren, 1988), Most earlymaturing girls fare better over time. Not only are they often admired in late elementary school once the female peer group discovers that early-maturing girls tend to be popular with boys, but as young adults, women who matured early are no less well-adjusted than their later-maturing peers (Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). Parents can help their children successfully adjust to puberty by maintaining close relationships, being patient, and helping their children accept themselves and all the physical and social changes they are experiencing (Booth, Johnson, Granger, Crouter, & McHale, 2003; Swarr & Richards, 1996).

Causes and Correlates of Physical Development Although we have now charted the course of physical development, it is time to answer the question, What really causes children to grow in the first place? As we will see in the pages that follow, physical development results from a complex and continuous interplay between the forces of nature and nurture.

Biological Mechanisms Clearly, biological factors play a major role in the growth process. Although children do not all grow at the same rate, we have seen that the sequencing of both physical maturation and motor development is reasonably consistent from child to child. Apparently, these regular maturational sequences that all humans share are species-specific attributes—products of our common genetic heritage.

Effects of Individual Genotypes Aside from our common genetic ties to the human race, we have each inherited a unique combination of genes that influence our physical growth and development. For example, family studies clearly indicate that height is a heritable attribute: identical twins are much NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 169

more similar in height than fraternal twins, whether the measurements are taken during the first year of life, at 4 years of age, or in early adulthood (Tanner, 1990). Rate of maturation is also genetically influenced; female identical twins reach menarche within 2 to 3 months of each other, whereas fraternal twin sisters are typically about 10 to 12 months apart (Kaprio et al., 1995). Similar genetic influences hold for milestones in skeletal growth and even for the appearance of teeth in infants. How does genotype influence growth? We are not completely certain, although it appears that our genes regulate the production of hormones, which have major effects on physical growth and development.

thyroxine a hormone produced by the thyroid gland; essential for normal growth of the brain and the body.

pituitary a “master gland” located at the base of the brain that regulates the endocrine glands and produces growth hormone. growth hormone (GH) the pituitary hormone that stimulates the rapid growth and development of body cells; primarily responsible for the adolescent growth spurt.

estrogen female sex hormone, produced by the ovaries, that is responsible for female sexual maturation. testosterone male sex hormone, produced by the testes, that is responsible for male sexual maturation

Hormonal Influences—The Endocrinology of Growth Hormones begin to influence development long before a child is born. As we learned in Chapter 3, a male fetus assumes a male-like appearance because (1) a gene on his Y chromosome triggers the development of testes, which (2) secrete a male hormone (testosterone) that is necessary for the development of a male reproductive system. By the fourth prenatal month, the thyroid gland has formed and begins to produce thyroxine, a hormone that is essential if the brain and nervous system are to develop properly. Before screening became routine, babies born with a thyroid deficiency developed intellectual disabilities if the condition went undiagnosed and untreated. Today screening measures are employed to ensure early treatment. However, some researchers have raised concerns regarding heightened risk for developmental and educational challenges for those infants who fall just below the screening criteria (Lain et al., 2016). Children who develop a thyroid deficiency later in childhood will not suffer brain damage because their brain growth spurt is over. However, they will begin to grow very slowly, a finding that indicates that a certain level of thyroxine is necessary for normal growth and development. The most critical of the endocrine (hormone-secreting) glands is the pituitary, a “master gland” located at the base of the brain that triggers the release of hormones from all other endocrine glands. In addition to regulating the endocrine system, the pituitary produces a growth hormone (GH) that stimulates the rapid growth and development of body cells. Growth hormone is released in small amounts several times a day. When parents tell their children that lots of sleep will help them to grow big and strong, they are right: GH is normally secreted into the bloodstream about 60 to 90 minutes after a child falls asleep (Tanner, 1990). GH is essential for normal growth and development as well. Children who lack this hormone do grow, and they are usually well proportioned as adults, but, on average, they will stand only about 130 cm tall (Tanner, 1990). However, GH treatments provided to children can promote faster growth and taller final adult heights—approximating average expected heights within families and the population— although individual genetic differences may impact the outcomes of GH treatments for some children ( Jorge et al., 2006). During infancy and childhood, physical growth seems to be regulated by thyroxine and the pituitary growth hormone. What, then, triggers pubertal changes? Long before any noticeable physical changes occur, pituitary secretions stimulate a girl’s ovaries to produce more estrogen and a boy’s testes to produce more testosterone. The female hormone estrogen triggers the growth of a girl’s breasts, uterus, vagina, and pubic and underarm hair and the widening of her hips. In boys, testosterone is responsible for growth of the penis and prostate, voice changes, and the development of facial and body hair. We have learned a about how hormones affect human growth and development (see Figure 6.7 for a brief review). However, the events responsible for the timing and regulation of these hormonal influences remain unclear.

Environmental Influences Three kinds of environmental influence can have a major effect on physical growth and development: nutrition, illnesses, and the quality of care that children receive. NEL

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170 Part Two | Foundations of Development

Hypothalamus

Pituitary gland

Thyroid

Adrenal glands

Thyroxine

Androgens

Growth hormone

Early brain growth Bone growth

Muscular growth Bone growth

General growth of body tissues Adolescent growth spurt

Testes

Ovaries

Testosterone

Estrogen

Direction of male reproductive organs before birth Maturation of male reproductive organs Voice changes Facial and body hair Secondary influence on muscular development, bone growth, and broadening of shoulders

Maturation of female reproductive organs Breast growth Broadening of hips Body hair

Figure 6.7 Hormonal influences on physical development

Stephen Dorey ABIPP/Alamy Stock Photo

Nutrition Diet is perhaps the most potent environmental influence on human growth and development. As you might expect, children who are inadequately nourished grow very slowly, if at all. The dramatic effect of malnutrition on physical development can be seen by comparing the heights of children before and during wartime periods when food is scarce. In Figure 6.8, we see that the average heights of schoolchildren in Oslo, Norway, increased between 1920 and 1940—the period between the two World Wars. However, this secular trend was clearly reversed during World War II, when it was not always possible to satisfy children’s nutritional needs.

This child’s swollen stomach and otherwise emaciated appearance are symptoms of kwashiorkor. Because they lack adequate protein in their diet, children with kwashiorkor are more susceptible to many diseases and may die from illnesses that wellnourished children can easily overcome.

Problems of Undernutrition. If undernutrition is neither prolonged nor especially severe, children will usually recover from any growth deficits by growing much faster than normal once their diet becomes adequate (van IJzendoorn, BakermansKranenburg, & Juffer, 2007). This advantageous catch-up growth is viewed as a basic principle of physical development; presumably, children who have experienced shortterm growth deficits because of malnutrition grow very rapidly to regain (or catch up to) their genetically programmed growth trajectory (Tanner, 1990; Victora, Barros, Horta, & Martorell, 2001). However, prolonged undernutrition has a more serious impact, especially during the first five years of life; brain growth may be seriously retarded and children may remain relatively small in stature (Barrett & Frank, 1987; Sudfield et al., 2015a, 2015b; Tanner, 1990). These findings make sense when we recall that the first five years is a period when the brain normally gains about 65 percent of its eventual adult weight and the body grows to nearly two-thirds of its adult height. In many of the developing countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, as many as 85 percent of all children under age 5 experience some form of undernutrition (Barrett & Frank, 1987), and approximately 3 million children die from malnutrition and its effects each year (UNICEF, 2018). When children are severely undernourished, they are likely to suffer from either of two nutritional diseases, marasmus and kwashiorkor, each of which has a slightly different cause. NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 171

Marasmus affects babies who get insufficient protein and too few calories, as can easily occur if a mother is malnourished and does not have the resources to provide her child with a nutritious commercial substitute for mother’s 170 170 18 years milk. A victim of marasmus becomes very frail and wrinkled in appearance as growth stops and body tissues begin 160 160 to waste away. Even if these children survive, they remain 13 years 13 years small in stature and often suffer impaired physical, social, 12 years 150 150 12 years and intellectual development (Barrett & Frank, 1987; Lelijveld et al., 2016). 11 years 11 years Kwashiorkor affects children who get enough calories 140 140 10 years 10 years but little if any protein. As the disease progresses, the child’s 9 years 9 years hair thins, the face, legs, and abdomen swell with water, and 130 130 8 years 8 years severe skin lesions may develop. In many poor countries of the world, one of the few high-quality sources of protein 120 120 readily available to children is mother’s milk. So breastfed 1920 1940 1960 1920 1940 1960 1930 1950 1930 1950 infants do not ordinarily suffer from marasmus unless their mothers are severely malnourished; however, infants may Figure 6.8 The effect of malnutrition on growth. These graphs develop kwashiorkor when they are weaned from the breast show the average heights of Oslo schoolchildren aged 8 to 18 and denied their primary source of protein. between 1920 and 1960. Notice the trend toward increasing height In Western industrialized countries, the preschool chil(in all age groups) between 1920 and 1940, the period between the two World Wars. This secular trend was dramatically reversed dren who do experience protein and/or calorie deficiencies are during World War II (the shaded section of the graphs), when rarely so malnourished as to develop marasmus or kwashinutrition was often inadequate. orkor. However, vitamin and mineral deficiencies affect chilSource: Adapted from “Foetus into Man: Physical Growth from Conception dren from lower socioeconomic backgrounds in both to Maturity,” 2nd ed., by J.M. Tanner, 1990. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard developing and developed parts of the world (Müller & University Press. Copyright © 1978, 1990 by J.M. Tanner. Krawinkel, 2005; Pollitt, 1994). Especially common among infants and toddlers are iron and zinc deficiencies that occur because rapid growth early in life requires more of these minerals than a young child’s diet catch-up growth normally provides. Thus, children whose diets are deficient in zinc grow very slowly (Pollitt a period of accelerated growth in which children who have experienced growth et al., 1996). Prolonged iron deficiency causes iron-deficiency anemia, a condition that not deficits grow very rapidly to “catch up only makes children inattentive and listless, thereby restricting their opportunities for social to” the growth trajectory that they are interaction, but also retards their growth rates and is associated with poor performances on genetically programmed to follow. tests of motor skills and intellectual development. (a) Boys

(b) Girls

18 years

Mean height in cm

180

marasmus a growth-retarding disease affecting infants who receive insufficient protein and too few calories.

kwashiorkor a growth-retarding disease affecting children who receive enough calories but little if any protein. vitamin/mineral deficiency a form of malnutrition in which the diet provides sufficient protein and calories but is lacking in one or more substances that promote normal growth. iron-deficiency anemia a listlessness caused by too little iron in the diet; makes children inattentive and may retard physical and intellectual development. obesity a medical term describing individuals who are at least 20 percent above the ideal weight for their height, age, and sex.

Problems of Overnutrition. Dietary excess (eating too much) is yet another form of poor nutrition that is increasing in Western societies and can have immediate and long-term consequences (Galuska, Serdula, Pamuck, Siegel, & Byers, 1996). The most immediate effect of overnutrition is that children may become overweight or obese and face added risk of diabetes, high blood pressure, and heart, liver, or kidney disease. Obesity may also make it difficult for children to make friends with age-mates, who are apt to tease them about their size and shape. Indeed, obese youngsters are often among the least popular students in elementary school classrooms (Pont, Puhl, Cook, & Slusser, 2017; Sigelman, Miller, & Whitworth, 1986). Is a plump baby likely to become an obese child, adolescent, or adult? Not necessarily, for there is only a slight correlation between chubbiness in infancy and obesity later in life (Roche, 1981). However, obese elementary school children are much more likely than their thinner peers to be obese in later adolescence and adulthood (Cowley, 2001). Heredity definitely contributes to these trends, as identical twins—even those raised apart—have very similar body weights, whereas the body weights of same-sex fraternal twins may differ dramatically (Stunkard, Harris, Pedersen, & McClearn, 1990). Maternal obesity is also related to childhood obesity (Catalano & Shankar, 2017). Yet a genetic predisposition does not guarantee obesity. Environmental factors also play a role in childhood obesity. In particular, dietary intake, physical activity, and sedentary behaviours have been identified as contributors to obesity (Davison & Birch 2001). For example, the highest levels of obesity are found

NEL

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among children who eat a high-fat diet and do not get sufficient exercise to burn the calories they have consumed (Cowley, 2001; Fisher & Birch, 1995). Bad eating habits that can lead to obesity are often established early in life (Birch, 1990). Some parents overfeed infants because they almost always infer that a fussy baby must be hungry. Other parents use food, especially high-fat and high-calorie foods, to reinforce desirable behaviours (e.g., “Clean your room and you can have some ice cream”). In addition, although not effective, some parents try to bribe their children to eat more nutritious foods with less nutritious options—“No dessert until you eat your peas” (DeJesus, Shutts, & Kinzler, 2017; Smith, 1997), an approach that is not effective. Unfortunately, children attach a special significance to eating that extends far beyond its role in reducing Not only do children tend to snack while passively watching TV, but the hunger if they are encouraged to view food as a foods they see advertised are mostly high-calorie products containing lots of fat and sugar and few beneficial nutrients. reward. Moreover, using high-fat desserts or snacks as rewards may convince young children that the healthier foods they are being “bribed” to eat must really be yucky stuff after all (Birch, Marlin, & Rotter, 1984). In addition to their poor eating habits, obese children are less active than normal-weight peers (see Box 6.3 for the importance of physical play and activity). Of course, their inactivity may both contribute to obesity (obese children burn fewer calories) and be a consequence of their overweight condition. The amount of time children spend in sedentary activities involving watching television or other screen devices (e.g., smartphones, tablets) is related to increased risk factors associated with obesity (Kenney & Gortmaker, 2017). In fact television viewing has consistently been one of the best predictors of future obesity (Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, & Wright, 2001; Cowley, 2001; Tremblay & Willms, 2000). Television viewing may promote poor eating habits: not only do children tend to snack while passively watching TV, but the foods they see advertised are mostly high-calorie products containing lots of fat and sugar and few beneficial nutrients. To date, behavioural approaches that involve obese youngsters and their parents have proven effective (Epstein, McCurley, Wing, & Valoski, 1990; Epstein, Wing, Koeske, & Valoski, 1987). As shown in Figure 6.9, obese children who received an intensive family therapy not only lost weight but had also kept it off when 50 observed during a follow-up five years later. Obese youngsters Child alone who participated in the same program without their parents 40 were unable to maintain the weight loss they had initially achieved. Interventions involving appropriate parent modelling 30 has lasting impacts (DeJesus, Shutts, & Kinzler, 2017). In general, there is a strong indication that childhood obesity is not 20 Parent plus simply an individual problem but rather requires interventions child that address systematic contributions from the family, commu10 nity, and society (de Silva-Sanigorski, 2010; Sabin, Kao, Juonala, Baur, & Wake, 2015). Percentage overweight

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172 Part Two | Foundations of Development

0

2

8 21 Months since treatment began

5-year follow-up

Figure 6.9 Average percentage of excess body weight for obese children who participated in a weight-loss program with and without a parent. Source: Adapted from “Long-Term Effects of Family-Based Treatment of Childhood Obesity,” by L.H. Epstein, R.R. Wing, R. Koeske, & A. Valoski, 1987, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 55, pp. 91–95. Copyright © 1987 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission.

Illnesses Among children who are adequately nourished, common childhood illnesses such as measles, chicken pox, or even pneumonia have little if any effect on physical growth and development. Major illnesses that keep a child in bed for weeks may temporarily retard growth, but after recovering, the child will ordinarily show a growth spurt (catch-up growth) that makes up for the progress lost while he or she was sick (Tanner, 1990). NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 173

nonorganic failure to thrive an infant growth disorder, caused by lack of attention and affection, that causes growth to slow dramatically or stop.

deprivation dwarfism a childhood growth disorder that is triggered by emotional deprivation and characterized by decreased production of GH, slow growth, and small stature.

Quality of Care Finally, otherwise healthy children who experience too much stress and too little affection are likely to lag far behind their age-mates in physical growth and motor development. Nonorganic failure to thrive is a growth disorder that appears early, usually by 18 months of age. Babies who display it stop growing and appear to be wasting away, in much the same way that malnourished infants with marasmus do. These infants do not have an obvious physical illness, and no other biological cause for their condition is apparent. Affected babies often have trouble feeding, and in many cases, their growth retardation is undoubtedly attributable to poor nutrition (Brockington, 1996; Cole & Lanham, 2011; Markowitz, Watkins, & Duggan, 2008). Of course, a major question is, why would an otherwise healthy baby have trouble feeding? One clue comes from these babies’ behaviours around caregivers. They are generally apathetic and withdrawn, and will often watch their caregivers closely, but are unlikely to smile or cuddle when they are picked up. Why? Because their caregivers are typically cool and aloof, impatient with them, and sometimes even physically abusive (Brockington, 1996). So neglect, abuse, and insufficient availability of food due to poverty can contribute to the infant and child’s feeding poorly and displaying few if any positive social responses (Cole & Lanham, 2011). Deprivation dwarfism (also known as psychosocial dwarfism/deprivation) is a second growth-related disorder that stems from emotional deprivation and a lack of affection ( Johnson & Gunnar, 2011). It appears later, usually between 2 and 15 years of age, and is characterized by small stature and dramatically reduced rates of growth, even though children who display this disorder do not look especially malnourished and usually receive adequate nutrition and physical care. What seems to be lacking in their lives is a positive involvement with other people; namely, with their primary caregivers, who themselves are likely to be depressed by an unhappy marriage, economic hardships, or some other personal problem (Brockington, 1996; Roithmaier, Kiess, Kopecky, Fuhrmann, & Butenandt, 1988). It appears that children affected by deprivation grow very slowly because their emotional deprivation depresses the endocrine system and inhibits the production of growth hormone ( Johnson & Gunnar, 2011). Indeed, when these youngsters are removed from their homes and begin to receive attention and affection, secretion of GH quickly resumes and they display catch-up growth, even when they eat the same diet on which they formerly failed to thrive (Brockington, 1996). The prognoses for children affected by nonorganic failure to thrive and deprivation dwarfism are very good if the caregiving problems responsible for these disorders are corrected by individual or family therapy, or if the affected child is placed with caring foster or adoptive parents. In sum, problems resulting from poor quality of care provides yet another indication that children require love and responsive caregiving if they are to develop normally. Fortunately, there is hope for preventing these deprivation-related disorders if parents whose children are at risk can be identified early, which they often can be. Clearly, these families need help and would almost certainly benefit from early interventions that teach parents how to be more sensitive and responsive caregivers.

Applying Developmental Themes to Physical Development Before we close our discussion of physical development, let’s take a brief look at how our developmental themes are reflected in the various aspects of physical development. Recall that our developmental themes include the active child, the interplay of nature and nurture in development, qualitative and quantitative developmental changes, and the holistic nature of development. Our first theme is that of the active child, or how the child participates in his or her own development, both intentionally and through unconscious implications of his or her nature. One dramatic piece of evidence that the child is active in development is the NEL

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174 Part Two | Foundations of Development

CONCEPT CHECK

6.3

Causes of Growth and Development

Check your understanding of the causes and correlates of growth and development by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. True or False: Indicate whether the following statements are

true or false.

1. (T) (F) Even if undernutrition occurs for only a short period of time or if it is not severe, children will usually fail to recover growth deficits. 2. (T) (F) Treatments for overweight and obese children are most effective if they take a systems view that includes the family, culture, and society. Matching: Match the following nutritional deficits with

their definitions. 3. 4. 5. 6.

kwashiorkor iron-deficiency anemia overnutrition marasmus a. a wasting away of body tissues caused by insufficient protein and calories b. a disease marked by a swollen abdomen and severe skin lesions and caused by insufficient protein

c. a disease that is associated with diabetes, high blood pressure, and heart or kidney disease d. a disease that makes children listless and inattentive, retards their growth, and causes them to score poorly on tests of intelligence Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

7. Research has found that the timing of puberty can impact development. Which of the following most accurately describes the effects of early timing for both on girls and boys? a. Only early-maturing boys show advantages to their self-esteem associated with maturing early. b. Only early maturing girls show disadvantages to their self-esteem. c. Both early-maturing girls and boys engage in more delinquent behaviours than typically developing children. d. Both early-maturing girls and boys show a greater potential for depression as well as the possibility of positive outcomes.

fact that the child’s early experiences direct the synaptic pruning that occurs in the first few years of life. Children who are reared in stimulating environments may develop dramatically different brain organizations than those reared in impoverished environments. Further support for this active role in development came from Riesen’s work with dark-reared chimpanzees, which revealed that atrophy of the neurons that make up the optic nerve led to blindness if the young chimps were unable to see for longer than 7 months, suggesting that the active use of these neurons was necessary for normal visual development. Turning to the development of motor skills, dynamical systems theory clearly sees the child as active in the development of motor skills early in life, as the infants use goals and objectives to actively reorganize existing motor capabilities into new and more complex action systems. The interactions of nature and nurture in their effects on physical development expand the influence of the active child to include the environment in which the child is reared. For example, both heredity and environmental factors, such as the food people eat, the diseases they may contract, and even the emotional climate of their lives, can produce significant variations in the rates at which they grow and the statures they eventually attain. We saw that the early development of the brain is the result of both a biological program and early experiences. Physical development across childhood and adolescence is marked by both qualitative and quantitative changes. Quantitative changes mark the period of physical development during middle childhood (ages 6 to 11), when children may seem to grow very little. This is because their rate of growth is slow and steady throughout these years. A qualitative change concerns the body’s physical proportions. Body shape changes from infancy to childhood. Qualitative physical changes also influence cognitive abilities (which is also an example of the holistic nature of development). NEL

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 175

Finally, looking at the holistic nature of development, we saw many examples in this chapter of the effects physical development can have on social, intellectual, and psychological aspects of development. Indeed, these effects are the reason a chapter on physical development is included in a developmental psychology textbook. Some examples include the fact that individual differences in the rates at which children grow have strong consequences for their social and personality development. Looking at motor skill development, we saw that the dynamical systems theory sees early motor development as a holistic enterprise involving the infants’ cognitive goals and objectives, and leading to the reorganization of simple motor skills into more complex motor systems. We saw that experienced crawlers and walkers are better able to use landmarks to guide their adventures than are infants who have just begun to crawl or walk. This suggests that locomotion influences spatial memory, another example of how various aspects of development work together in a holistic manner.

SUMMARY An Overview of Maturation and Growth ■■ The body is constantly changing between infancy and adulthood. ■■ Height and weight increase rapidly during the first two years. ■■ Growth becomes more gradual across middle childhood. ■■ The shape of the body and body proportions also change because various body parts grow at different rates. ■■ Physical development follows a cephalocaudal (headdownward) and a proximodistal (centre-outward) direction; structures in the upper and central regions of the body mature before those in the lower and peripheral regions. ■■ Skeletal and muscular development parallel the changes occurring in height and weight. ■■ Bones become longer and thicker and gradually harden, completing their growth and development by the late teens. ■■ Skeletal age is an excellent measure of physical maturation. ■■ Muscles increase in density and size, particularly during the growth spurt of early adolescence. ■■ Physical growth is quite uneven, or asynchronous: ●■ The brain, the reproductive system, and the lymph tissues mature at different rates. ●■ There are also sizable individual and cultural variations in physical growth and development. Development of the Brain ■■ A brain growth spurt occurs during the last 3 months of the prenatal period and the first 2 years of life. ■■ Neurons form synapses with other neurons. ■■ Glia form to nourish the neurons and encase them in myelin—a waxy material that speeds the transmission of neural impulses. ■■ Many more neurons and synapses are formed than are needed: ●■ Those that are used often will survive.

●■ Neurons that are stimulated less often either die or lose their synapses and stand in reserve to compensate for brain injuries. ■■ Up until puberty, the brain shows a great deal of plasticity. This allows it to change in response to experience and to recover from many injuries. ■■ The highest brain centre, or cerebrum, consists of two hemispheres connected by the corpus callosum. ■■ Each hemisphere is covered by a cerebral cortex. ■■ The brain may be lateralized at birth so that the two hemispheres assume different functions. ■■ Children come to rely increasingly on one particular hemisphere or the other to perform each function. ■■ Myelinization and reorganization of the neural circuitry of the cerebral cortex continue throughout childhood.

Motor Development Like the physical structures of the body, motor development proceeds in cephalocaudal and proximodistal directions. ■■ Motor skills evolve in a definite sequence: infants gain control over their heads, necks, and upper arms before they become proficient with their legs, feet, and hands. ■■ Motor skills that infants display do not simply unfold according to a maturational timetable: ●■ Experience is important as well. ●■ Institutionalized children who have few opportunities to practise motor skills have retarded motor development. ■■ Cross-cultural research shows that motor development can be accelerated. ■■ According to dynamical systems theory, each new motor skill represents an active and intricate reorganization of several existing capabilities that infants undertake to achieve important objectives. ■■ Fine motor skills improve dramatically in the first year. ●■ Prereaching is replaced by voluntary reaching. ■■

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176 Part Two | Foundations of Development

The clawlike ulnar grasp is replaced by the pincer grasp. ●■ Reaching and grasping skills transform infants into skillful manipulators who soon reorganize their existing capabilities to copy lines and build towers of blocks. ■■ Emerging motor skills often thrill parents and allow new forms of play. Emerging motor skills support other aspects of perceptual, cognitive, and social development. With each passing year, children’s motor skills improve. ●■

The Onset of Puberty: The Early Beginnings of the Physical Transition from Child to Adolescent ■■ Puberty begins at about age 9 to 11 for females and age 11 to 12 for males. ■■ Sexual maturation follows a predictable sequence. ■■ For girls, puberty includes ●■ the onset of breast and pubic hair development ●■ a widening of the hips, enlarging of the uterus and vagina ●■ menarche (first menstruation) ●■ completion of breast and pubic hair growth ■■ For boys, puberty includes ●■ development of the testes and scrotum ●■ the emergence of pubic hair ●■ the growth of the penis and the ability to ejaculate ●■ the appearance of facial hair ●■ a lowering of the voice ■■ There are great individual differences in the timing of sexual maturation. ■■ The secular trend refers to the fact that that people are reaching sexual maturity earlier than in the past. ●■ People are also growing taller and heavier than people in the past.

The secular trend is due to improved nutrition and health care. ■■ Timing of puberty and speed of maturation can have personal and social consequences: ●■ Some early-maturing boys and girls have higher rates of depression. ●■ Boys have better body images. ●■ Boys and girls can feel more self-confident. ●■ Girls may engage in more antisocial behaviours. ●■ These effects do not hold for all individuals and tend to fade over time. ●■

Causes and Correlates of Physical Development Physical development results from a complex interplay between biological and environmental forces. ■■ Individual genotypes set limits for stature, shape, and tempo of growth. Growth is also heavily influenced by hormones released by the endocrine glands, as regulated by the pituitary. ■■ Growth hormone (GH) and thyroxine regulate growth throughout childhood. ■■ Adequate nutrition, in the form of total calories, protein, and vitamins and minerals, is necessary for children to reach their growth potentials. ■■ Marasmus, kwashiorkor, and iron-deficiency anemia are three growth-retarding diseases that stem from undernutrition. ■■ In industrialized countries, obesity is a nutritional problem with many physical and psychological consequences. ■■ Chronic infectious diseases can combine with poor nutrition to stunt physical and intellectual growth. ■■ Nonorganic failure to thrive and deprivation/psychosocial dwarfism illustrate that affection and sensitive, responsive caregiving are important to ensuring normal growth. ■■

KEY TERMS cephalocaudal development, 147

myelinization, 153

physically active play, 164

catch-up growth, 170

proximodistal development, 148

cerebrum, 153

puberty, 165

marasmus, 171

skeletal age, 148

corpus callosum, 153

menarche, 166

kwashiorkor, 171

brain growth spurt, 149

cerebral cortex, 153

secular trend, 166

vitamin/mineral deficiency, 171

synapse, 149

cerebral lateralization, 154

thyroxine, 169

iron-deficiency anemia, 171

neurons, 149

dynamical systems theory, 159

pituitary, 169

obesity, 171

glia, 149

proprioceptive information, 161

growth hormone (GH), 169

nonorganic failure to thrive, 173

synaptogenesis, 151

ulnar grasp, 161

estrogen, 169

deprivation dwarfism, 173

plasticity, 151

pincer grasp, 161

testosterone, 169

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Chapter 6 | Physical Development: The Brain, Body, Motor Skills, and the Beginnings of Sexual Development 177

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 6.1 1. b. the cephalocaudal trend

4. c. Maturation was necessary but not sufficient for the development of motor skills such as sitting, crawling, and walking.

2. c. the lymphatic system

5. a. the pincer grasp

3. b. neurons

Concept Check 6.3

4. a. plasticity

1. F

5. b. with its right ear facing outward

2. T

6. F

3. b. a disease marked by a swollen abdomen and severe skin lesions and caused by insufficient protein

7. T 8. F 9. T

4. d. a disease that makes children listless, inattentive, retards their growth, and lowers scores on tests of intelligence

Concept Check 6.2

5. c. a disease associated with diabetes, high blood pressure, and heart or kidney disease

1. F

6. a. a wasting away of body tissues caused by insufficient protein and calories

2. T

7. d. Both early-maturing girls and boys show a greater potential for depression as well as the possibility of positive outcomes.

3. b. the experiential viewpoint

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Andrea Nord

7

Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning

I sensation detection of stimuli by the sensory receptors and transmission of this information to the brain. perception process by which we categorize and interpret sensory input.

178

magine that you are a neonate, only 5 to 10 minutes old, who has just been sponged, swaddled, and handed to your mother. As your eyes meet hers, she smiles and says, “Hi there, sweetie,” in a high-pitched voice as she moves her head closer and gently strokes your cheek. What would you make of all this sensory input? How would you interpret these experiences? Developmentalists are careful to distinguish between sensation and perception. Sensation is the process by which sensory receptor neurons detect information and transmit it to the brain. Clearly, neonates “sense” the environment. They gaze at interesting sights, react to sounds, tastes, and odours, and are likely to cry up a storm when poked by a needle for a blood test. But do they “make sense” of these sensations? Perception is the interpretation of sensory input: recognizing what you see, understanding what is said to you, or knowing that the odour you’ve detected is fresh-baked bread. Are newborns capable of drawing any such inferences? Do they perceive the world, or merely sense it? We might also wonder whether very young infants can associate their sensations with particular outcomes. When, for example, might a baby first associate his or her mother’s breast with milk and come to view Mom as a valuable commodity who eliminates hunger and other kinds of distress? Are infants capable of modifying their behaviour to persuade Mom to attend to them? These are questions of learning—the process by which our behaviours change as a result of experience. Maybe we should start with a more practical question. Why should we concern ourselves with the development of sensation, perception, and learning? Perhaps because these three processes are at the heart of human functioning. Virtually everything we do depends on our interpretations of and reactions to sensory input—the things we experience. So the study of early sensory, perceptual, and learning capabilities can provide some fundamental clues about how we gain knowledge of reality.

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 179

Early Controversies about Sensory and Perceptual Development Nature versus Nurture

enrichment theory theory specifying that we must add to sensory stimulation by drawing on stored knowledge in order to perceive a meaningful world. differentiation theory theory specifying that perception involves detecting distinctive features or cues that are contained in the sensory stimulation we receive. distinctive features characteristics of a stimulus that remain constant; dimensions on which two or more objects differ and can be discriminated (sometimes called invariances or invariant features).

Figure 7.1 Expectations affect perception. If told to name the animal in this drawing, you would likely see a rat with large ears and its tail circling in front of the body. But if you saw the drawing amid other drawings of faces, you would likely perceive an elderly bald man with glasses (see him?). So, as Piaget and other enrichment theorists have argued, cognition does affect our interpretation of sensory stimulation. Source: Adapted from “‘Perceptual Set’ in Young Children,” by H. W. Reese, 1963, Child Development, 34, pp. 151–59. Copyright © 1963 by the Society for Research in Child Development.

Long before anyone conducted any experiments to decide the issue, philosophers were already debating what newborns might sense and perceive. Empiricist philosophers believed that an infant was a tabula rasa (blank slate) who must learn to interpret sensations. In fact, William James (1890) argued that all senses are integrated at birth, so that sights, sounds, and other sensory inputs combine to present the newborn with a “blooming, buzzing confusion.” By contrast, nativist philosophers such as René Descartes (1638/1965) and Immanuel Kant (1781/1958) took the nature side of the nature/nurture issue, arguing that many basic perceptual abilities are innate. For example, they believed that we are born with an understanding of spatial relations. Presumably, infants do not need to learn that receding objects appear smaller or that approaching objects seem to increase in size; these were said to be adaptive perceptual understandings that were built into the human nervous system over the course of evolution. Today’s developmentalists take less extreme stands on this nature/nurture issue. Although most would concede that babies see some order in their surroundings from day 1, they recognize that the perceptual world of a human neonate is rather limited and that both maturational processes and experience contribute to the growth of perceptual awareness (Smith & Katz, 1996).

Enrichment versus Differentiation Now consider a second issue that early philosophers debated: is the coherent reality that we experience through the senses simply “out there” to be detected? Or, rather, do we construct our own interpretations of that reality based on our experiences? This issue is hotly contested in two modern theories of perceptual development: enrichment theory and differentiation theory. Both of these theories argue that there is an objective reality out there to which we respond. However, enrichment theory (Piaget, 1954, 1960) claims that sensory stimulation is often fragmented or confusing. To interpret such ambiguous input, we use our available cognitive schemes to add to or enrich it. You have probably heard radio contests in which people call in to identify a song after hearing only a note or two. According to enrichment theory, contest winners can answer correctly because they draw on their memory of musical passages to add to what they have just heard and infer what the song must be. In sum, the enrichment position is that cognition enriches sensory experience. Our knowledge helps us construct meaning from the sensory stimulation we receive (see Figure 7.1). By contrast, Eleanor Gibson’s (1969, 1987, 1992) differentiation theory argues that sensory stimulation provides all we need to interpret our experiences. Our task as fledgling perceivers is simply to detect the differentiating information, or distinctive features, that enable us to discriminate one form of experience from another. Consider that many 2-year-olds are apt to say “doggie” whenever they see a dog, a cat, or some other small, furry animal. They have not yet noticed the critical differences in sizes, shapes, mannerisms, or sounds that enable us to discriminate these creatures. Once children master this perceptual learning, however, their continuing quest for differentiating information may soon enable them to distinguish long-nosed collies from pug-faced boxers or spotted Dalmatians, although they understand that all these animals are properly labelled dogs. Gibson’s point is that the information needed to make these finer distinctions was always there in the animals themselves, and that the children’s perceptual capabilities blossom as they detect these distinctive features.

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180 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

So which theory is correct? Maybe both of them are. The research we will review in this chapter provides ample support for Gibson’s view: children do get better at detecting information already contained in their sensory inputs. Yet Piaget’s view that existing knowledge provides a basis for interpreting our sensations is also well documented, as we will see in examining Piaget’s theory of cognitive development in Chapter 8.

Research Methods Used to Study the Infant’s Sensory and Perceptual Experiences In the early 1900s, many medical texts claimed that human infants were functionally blind, deaf, and impervious to pain for several days after birth. Babies were believed to be unprepared to extract any “meaning” from the world around them. Today, we know otherwise. Why the change in views? It is not that babies have become any more capable or any smarter. Instead, researchers have gotten smarter and have developed some ingenious research methods for understanding what nonverbal infants can sense and perceive (Bornstein, Arterberry, & Mash, 2015). Let’s briefly discuss some of these techniques.

The Preference Method preference method method used to gain information about infants’ perceptual abilities by presenting two (or more) stimuli and observing which stimulus the infant prefers. habituation decrease in response to a stimulus that has become familiar through repetition.

The preference method is a simple procedure in which at least two stimuli are presented simultaneously to see whether infants will attend more to one of them than the other(s) (Houston-Price & Nakai, 2004; Dunn & Bremnar, 2017). This approach became popular during the early 1960s after Robert Fantz used it to determine whether very young infants could discriminate visual patterns (e.g., faces, concentric circles, newsprint, and unpatterned disks). Babies were placed on their backs in a looking chamber (see Figure 7.2) and shown two or more stimuli. An observer located above the looking chamber then recorded the amount of time the infant gazed at each of the visual patterns. If the infant looked longer at one target than the other, it was assumed that he or she preferred that pattern. Fantz’s early results were clear. Newborns could easily discriminate (or tell the difference between) visual forms, and they preferred to look at patterned stimuli such as faces or concentric circles rather than at unpatterned disks. Apparently, the ability to detect and discriminate patterns is innate (Fantz, 1963). The preference method, with a modern setup (see Figure 7.3), continues to be used to study infants’ abilities such as numeracy (McCrink & Wynn, 2004). The preference method has one major shortcoming. If an infant shows no preferences among the target stimuli, it is not clear whether she or he failed to discriminate them or simply found them equally interesting. Fortunately, each of the following methods can resolve this ambiguity.

Chris Linton

The Habituation Method

Figure 7.2 The looking chamber that Fantz used to study infants’ visual preferences.

Perhaps the most popular strategy for measuring infant sensory and perceptual capabilities is the habituation method. Habituation is the process in which a repeated stimulus becomes so familiar that responses initially associated with it (e.g., head or eye movements, changes in respiration or heart rate) no longer occur. Thus, habituation is a simple form of learning. As infants stop responding to familiar stimuli, they are NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 181

telling us that they recognize them as old hat—something that they have experienced before (Aslin, 2007). For this reason, the habituation method is also referred to as a “familiarization–novelty” procedure (Bornstein & Colombo, 2012). To test an infant’s ability to discriminate two stimuli that differ in some way, the investigator first presents one of the stimuli until the infant stops attending or otherwise responding to it (habituates). Then the second stimulus is presented. If the infant discriminates this second stimulus from the first, he or she will dishabituate—that is, attend closely to it while showing a change in respiration or heart rate. If the infant fails to react, it is assumed that the differences between the two stimuli were too subtle for him or her to detect. Because babies habituate and dishabituate to so many different kinds of stimulation—sights, sounds, odours, tastes, and touches—the habituation method is very useful for assessing their sensory and Figure 7.3 A modern version of the preference method to perceptual capabilities. study infants’ numeracy ability. However, distinguishing between habituation and preference effects can be tricky (Houston-Price & Nakai, 2004). Infants display preference when they are familiar with—but not too familiar with—a stimulus. When predishabituation an increase in responsiveness that sented with two stimuli, initially infants show no preference—they don’t look at one toy, occurs when stimulation changes. person, and picture any more frequently than they look at the other. When one stimulus does capture their attention, they begin to look at it more often and, for a short time, when presented with this partially familiar stimulus and an unfamiliar stimulus, they will spend more time looking at the partially familiar stimulus. When they become thoroughly familiar with the original stimulus, they become ready to move on and will spend less time looking at the familiar stimulus than its unfamiliar partner (see Figure 7.4 for an example of this sequence of attentional events). To properly categorize infant looking behaviours, researchers must pay careful attention to the familiarization time line of each infant being tested (Houston-Price & Nakai, 2004).

The High-Amplitude Sucking Method Most infants can exert enough control over their sucking behaviour to use it to show us what they can sense and to give us some idea of their likes and dislikes. The high-amplitude sucking method, which is appropriate for infants between birth and 4 months old, provides Novel

Preference

high-amplitude sucking method a method of assessing infants’ perceptual capabilities that capitalizes on the ability of infants to make interesting events last by varying the rate at which they suck on a special pacifier.

None

Familiar

Familiarization time No preference

Familiar preference

No preference

Novel preference

Figure 7.4 A model of the effect of familiarization time on an infant’s preference for a novel versus familiar stimulus. Source: From Michael A. Hunter and Elinor W. Ames, A multifactor model of infant preferences for novel and familiar stimuli, Fig. 2, Advances in Infancy Research, Volume 5, Rovee-Collier, Lewis P. Lipsitt (eds.), 1988. NEL

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182 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Figure 7.5 The high-amplitude sucking apparatus. Source: Republished with permission of John Wiley, from C. Moon, H. Lagercrantz, and P. Kuhl, “Language experienced in utero affects vowel perception after birth: a two-country study,” Acta Pædiatrica, Volume 102, Issue 2. Copyright ©2012; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

infants with a special pacifier containing electrical circuitry that enables them to exert some control over the sensory environment (see Figure 7.5; Jusczyk, 1985). After the researcher establishes an infant’s baseline sucking rate, the procedure begins. Whenever the infant sucks faster or harder than he or she did during the baseline observations (high-amplitude sucking), the infant trips the electrical circuit in the pacifier, thereby activating a slide projector or tape recorder that introduces some kind of sensory stimulation. Should the infant detect this stimulation and find it interesting, she or he can make it last by displaying bursts of high-amplitude sucking. But once the infant’s interest wanes and her or his sucking returns to the baseline level, the stimulation stops. If the investigator then introduces a second stimulus that elicits a dramatic increase in high-amplitude sucking, he or she could conclude that the infant has discriminated the second stimulus from the first. This procedure can even be modified to let the infant tell us which of two stimuli is preferred. If we wanted to determine whether babies prefer their mother’s voice to that of a female stranger, we could adjust the circuitry in the pacifier so that high-amplitude sucking activates the mother’s voice and low-amplitude (or no) sucking activates the other (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980). By then noting what the baby does, we could draw some inferences about which of these voices is preferred.

The Evoked Potentials Method

evoked potential a change in patterning of the brain waves that indicates that an individual detects (senses) a stimulus.

Yet another way of determining what infants can sense or perceive is to present them with a stimulus and record their brain waves. Electrodes are placed on the infant’s scalp above those brain centres that process the kind of sensory information that the investigator is presenting (see Figure 7.6). This means that responses to visual stimuli are recorded from the back of the head, at a site above the occipital lobe, whereas responses to sounds are recorded from the side of the head, above the temporal lobe. If the infant senses the particular stimulus present, she will show a change in the patterning of her brain waves, or evoked potential triggered by the neural firing of cells. Stimuli that are not detected will produce no changes in the brain’s electrical activity. This evoked potentials procedure tells us when the brain activity is occurring following the detection of a particular stimulus. It can even tell us whether infants can discriminate various sights or sounds, because two stimuli that are sensed as “different” produce different temporal patterns of electrical activity (Molfese, Fonaryova Key, Maguire, Dove, & Molfese, 2008).

Oli Scarff/Getty Images

Brain Imaging Techniques

Figure 7.6 An EEG cap is used to place electrodes around the baby’s head to record electrode activity at appropriate places on the baby’s brain.

While the evoked potentials method records the electrical activity in the brain, magnetoencephalography (MEG)—a neuroimaging technique—records the magnetic fields generated by the brain’s electric activity (Hamalainen, Hari, Ilmoniemi, Knuutila, & Lounasmaa, 1993) a few milliseconds after the neural firing. Unlike the evoked potentials method, this technique tells us when and where the brain’s activity is occurring when the newborn or infant detects particular stimuli, such as speech versus nonspeech (Imada, Yang, Cheour, Taulu, Ahonen, & Kuhl, 2006) or native speech versus non-native speech (Kuhl, Ramírez, Bosseler, Lin, & Imada, 2014). The most common neuroimaging technique is the functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Instead of recording the brain’s electric activity, this technique measures the amount of oxygen-rich blood flow to specific brain areas to replace the deoxygenated blood used by these areas to detect a particular stimulus (Logothetis, Pauls, Augath, Trinath, & Oeltermann, 2001; Ogawa et al., 1992). This procedure tells us where the brain activity has occurred when an infant detects a particular stimulus, but not when the brain activity occurs, as it measures brain activity at the level of seconds (and not milliseconds). Not only are researchers curious to understand how specific brain areas are recruited to perform a function or behaviour, they are also interested in studying the brain areas that are recruited when infants are not doing anything. Hence, the fMRI procedure has been modified to what is known as the resting-state fMRI to allow us to know more about how brain areas are functionally organized in neonates and infants as they develop (Zhang, Shen, & Lin, 2018). NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 183

Infant Sensory Capabilities Let’s now see what these creative methods have revealed about babies’ sensory and perceptual capabilities. How well do newborns sense their environments? Better, perhaps, than you might imagine. Let’s begin our exploration of infants’ sensory world by examining their auditory capabilities.

Hearing Using the evoked potentials method, researchers have found that soft sounds that adults can hear must be made noticeably louder before a neonate can detect them (Aslin, Pisoni, & Jusczyk, 1983). In the first few hours of life, infants may hear about as well as an adult with a head cold. Their insensitivity to softer sounds could be due, in part, to fluids that have seeped into the inner ear during the birth process. Despite this minor limitation, habituation studies indicate that neonates are capable of discriminating sounds that differ in loudness, duration, direction, and frequency (Bower, 1982). They hear rather well indeed. And they impart meaning to sounds fairly early. For a sound to be detected, its intensity has to be about 40 to 55 decibels for 1-month-olds but only about 10 to 30 decibels for 6- to 12-month-olds (Olsho, Koch, Carter, Halpin, & Spetner, 1988; Trehub, Schneider, & Edman, 1980). At 4 to 6 months, infants react to a rapidly approaching auditory stimulus in the same way that they react to approaching visual stimuli: they blink in anticipation of a collision (Freiberg, Tually, & Crassini, 2001). Hearing is highly developed at birth; however, in their first 6 months of life, infants are not always consistent in responding to noises when noises are presented to them. In fact, many researchers have noted a U-shaped curve in studies where infants are presented sounds and measured to see if they turn toward the sound. That means that infants at first always turn to the side where a sound is presented, then they seem to stop responding, and then at a later time start responding again. For example, when newborns are held facing the ceiling and hear a rattle sound on their left, they turn their heads to face the sound source (Muir & Field, 1979). By about 1 month of age, infants stop turning reliably toward off-centred sounds; they may even turn away. By 3 to 4 months of age, infants successfully orient toward the same sounds again. By 5 months of age, infants successfully use sound to localize objects in their environment (Neil, Chee-Ruiter, Schieer, Lewkowicz, & Shimojo, 2006). So what can explain this U-shaped curve for auditory localization? Muir and Hains (2004) suggest that neural maturation might be the best explanation. They argue that, similar to the stepping reflex (which appears at first as a reflex, disappears, and then returns later as a coordinated function controlled by another part of the now more mature brain), auditory localization may start out like a reflex and eventually come under the control of the mid- and forebrain structures as they mature. The work of Sandra Trehub and her colleagues at York University indicates that although a baby’s hearing improves over the first 4 to 6 months of life, even newborns are remarkably well prepared for such significant achievements as using voices to identify and discriminate their companions (Trehub, Schneider, Thorpe, & Judge, 1991). This is significant because hearing is especially important to development, as the research on hearing loss in Box 7.1 suggests.

Reactions to Voices Young infants are particularly attentive to voices, especially high-pitched feminine voices (Ecklund-Flores & Turkewitz, 1996). But can they recognize their mother’s voice? Research by Anthony DeCasper and his associates (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980; DeCasper & Spence, 1986, 1991) reveals that newborns suck faster on a nipple to hear a recording of their mother’s voice than a recording of another woman. In fact, when mothers were instructed to recite a passage (e.g., portions of Dr. Seuss’s The Cat in the Hat) many times during the last 6 weeks of their pregnancies, their newborns sucked faster and NEL

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184 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

7.1

FOCUS ON RESEARCH

How important is hearing to human development? We gain some insight on this issue from the progress made by otherwise healthy youngsters whose hearing is impaired by a common childhood infection. Otitis media, a bacterial otitis media infection of the middle common bacterial infection of the middle ear that produces mild to ear, is the most frequently moderate hearing loss. diagnosed disease among infants and preschool children in Canada (Touchie, 2013). About 75 percent of children are infected at least once and recurrence is common (Vergison et al., 2010). Antibiotics can eliminate the bacteria that cause this disease but will do nothing to reduce the buildup of fluid in the middle ear, which often persists without any symptoms of pain or discomfort. Unfortunately, this fluid may produce mild to moderate hearing loss that can last for months after an infection has been detected and treated (Halter et al., 2004; Vergison et al., 2010). Otitis media strikes hardest between the ages of 6 months and 3 years. As a result, developmentalists feared that youngsters with recurring infections may have difficulty understanding others’ speech, which could hamper their language development and other cognitive and social skills that normally emerge early in childhood (Roberts, Rosenfeld, & Zeisel, 2004; Vernon-Feagans, Hurley, Yont, Wamboldt, & Kolak, 2007). Research indicates that children who have had recurring ear infections early in life do show delays in language development. For example, Susan Rvachew and her colleagues at McGill University demonstrated that not only do infants with early-onset otitis media (OM) not produce speech-like babble at the expected age (Rvachew, Slawinski, Williams, & Green, 1999), they have difficulties discriminating syllables (e.g., boo vs goo) (Polka & Rvachew, 2005). They also exhibit impaired auditory attention skills (Asbjørnsen et al., 2005). In addition, compared to those who have no history of chronic OM, very young children with histories of chronic OM perform more poorly on tasks that involve syllable and phoneme awareness (syllables are made up of consonant-vowel clusters, and phonemes are basic units of sound that are used in a spoken

© Bill Aron/PhotoEdit

Causes and Consequences of Hearing Loss

Very young infants are particularly responsive to the sound of human voices.

language) (Nittrouer & phonemes Burton, 2005). Older the basic units of sound that are children with histories of used in a spoken language. chronic OM have more difficulty when asked to recall a series of words, as well as more difficulty comprehending syntactically complex sentences (Nittrouer & Burton, 2005). Children with recurring infections show poorer academic performance early in elementary school than peers whose bouts with the disease were less prolonged (Friel-Patti & Finitzo, 1990; Teele et al., 1990). A longitudinal study conducted with over 1000 children in New Zealand revealed that poor academic performance in reading as well as hyperactive and inattentive behaviour issues associated with chronic otitis media persist later into childhood and adolescence (Bennett, Haggard, Silva, & Stewart, 2001). The early returns clearly imply that young children with mild to moderate hearing loss are likely to be developmentally disadvantaged and that otitis media, a major contributor to early hearing loss, needs to be detected early and treated aggressively (Jung et al., 2005).

harder to hear those particular passages than to hear other samples of their mother’s speech. Might these preferences reflect the experiences a baby had before birth, as he or she listened to his mother’s muffled voice through the uterine wall? Probably so, because researchers (DeCasper et al., 1994; Kisilevsky et al., 2003) have found that fetuses in their third trimester experience changes in their heart rate when responding to information provided by mothers. Specifically, DeCasper and Spence (1994) found changes between familiar and novel passages read by their mothers, and Barbara Kisilevsky and colleagues at Queen’s University (2003) found changes between passages read by their mother and a stranger. These studies provide a clear indication that the fetuses were learning sound patterns before birth. This special responsiveness to mother’s voice after birth may even be highly adaptive if it encourages a mother to talk to her infant and to provide the attention and affection that foster healthy social, emotional, and intellectual development. NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 185

Clearly, in the healthy fetus, learning the mother’s voice occurs under naturalistic conditions with no environmental manipulation necessary. It is speculated that fetal recognition of the mother’s voice is based on prosodic cues (pitch, juncture, stress, etc.), as has been suggested for infants (Floccia, Nazzi, & Bertoncini, 2000). If so, then the fetuses must have learned the prosodic information specific to their mother’s voice during repeated exposure. This indicates that, before birth, environmental sounds are available for shaping neural networks and laying the foundation for language acquisition. Fetal recognition of the mother’s voice also provides evidence that prenatal learning influences neonatal preferences. In particular, it supports the speculation that the prenatal learning of the mother’s voice is responsible for the newborn’s preference for the maternal voice (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980) and face (Sai, 2005), compared to those of a female stranger. Fetal learning of the mother’s voice raises other questions about auditory information processing before birth. For example, does the fetus learn the father’s voice, which also would be expected to be experienced frequently? What about recognition of the native versus a foreign language? Understanding more about what sounds the fetus is learning and how this learning affects auditory development and behaviour is critical for a better understanding of brain development before birth.

Reactions to Speech Babies not only attend closely to voices but also to speech. Using the high-amplitude sucking method, newborns have been shown to demonstrate a preference for speech that was modified to mimic speech they heard in utero instead of nonspeech sounds (Vouloumanos & Werker, 2007). By 3 months old, infants will turn their heads to hear non-native speech but not other nonspeech (e.g., human vocalizations) and water environmental sounds (e.g., boiling or dripping water; Shultz & Vouloumanos, 2010). By 4½ months, they will reliably turn their heads to hear their own name but not to hear other names, even when these other names share the same stress pattern as their own— such as “Abbey” versus “Johnny,” for example (Mandel, Jusczyk, & Pisoni, 1995). Babies this young probably do not know that the word for their name refers to them, but they are able to recognize such frequently heard words very early in life. At 5 months, if the speaker is loud enough, infants are able to detect their own names against a background of babbling voices. The volume of the spoken name must be around 10 decibels higher than the volume of the background voices. At about 1 year, infants turn in response to their own names when the names are only 5 decibels louder than background voices (Newman, 2005).

Taste and Smell Infants are born with some very definite taste preferences. For example, they apparently come equipped with something of a sweet tooth, because both full-term and premature babies suck faster and longer for sweet liquids than for bitter, sour, salty, or neutral (water) solutions (Crook, 1978; Smith & Blass, 1996). Different tastes also elicit different facial expressions from newborns, as young as 2 hours old (Oster, 2005). Sweets reduce crying and produce smiles and smacking of the lips, whereas sour substances cause infants to wrinkle their noses and purse their lips. Bitter solutions often elicit expressions of disgust—a down-turning of the corners of the mouth, tongue protrusions, and even spitting (Blass & Ciaramitaro, 1994; Ganchrow, Steiner, & Daher, 1983). Furthermore, these facial expressions become more pronounced as solutions become sweeter, more sour, or more bitter, suggesting that newborns can discriminate different concentrations of a particular taste. Newborns are also capable of detecting a variety of odours, and they react vigorously by turning away and displaying expressions of disgust in response to unpleasant smells such as vinegar, ammonia, or rotten eggs (Rieser, Yonas, & Wilkner, 1976; Steiner, 1979). NEL

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186 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

In the first 4 days after birth, babies already prefer the odour of milk to that of amniotic fluid (in which they have been living for 9 months; Marlier, Schall, & Soussignan, 1998). And a 1- to 2-week-old breastfed infant can already recognize her or his mother (and discriminate her from other women) by the smell of her breasts and underarms (Cernoch & Porter, 1985; Porter, Makin, Davis, & Christensen, 1992). Like it or not, each of us has a unique “olfactory signature”—a characteristic odour that babies can use as an early means of identifying their closest companions. To demonstrate this discrimination of mother by smell, Macfarlane (1977) asked nursing mothers to wear breast pads in their bras between nursings (such pads absorb milk and odours from the breast that may be emitted between nursings). Next, 2-day-old or 6-day-old nursing infants were observed lying down with a breast pad from their own mother on one side of their heads and the breast pad of another nursing mother on the other side of their heads. Macfarlane found that the 2-day-old infants showed no difference in which breast pad they turned to. In contrast, the 6-day-old infants consistently turned to the side facing their mother’s breast pad. This demonstrated that the infants had learned their mother’s unique smell in their first week of life and had also developed a preference for her smell over the smells of other nursing women.

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Based on what you now know about a newborn’s sensory capabilities, prepare a brief description of what a newborn might sense as he or she gazes at his or her attentive mother and other parent. Can you think of any reason that the baby might be quicker to orient to one parent than the other? If so, which parent, and why?

Touch, Temperature, and Pain Receptors in the skin are sensitive to touch, temperature, and pain. We learned in Chapter 5 that newborn infants reliably display a variety of reflexes if they are touched in the appropriate areas. Even while sleeping, neonates habituate to stroking at one locale but respond again if the tactile stimulation shifts to a new spot—from the ear to the chin, for example (Kisilevsky & Muir, 1984). Sensitivity to touch clearly enhances infants’ responsiveness to their environments. Premature infants show better developmental progress when they are periodically stroked and massaged in their isolettes. Touch and close contact promote developmental progress in all infants, not just premature babies. Touch lowers stress levels, calms, and promotes neural activity (Diamond & Amso, 2008; Field et al., 2004). The therapeutic effect of touch is also due, in part, to the fact that gentle stroking and massaging arouses inattentive infants and calms agitated ones, often causing them to smile at and become more involved with their companions (Field et al., 1986; Stack & Muir, 1992). Later in the first year, babies begin to use their sense of touch to explore objects—first with their lips and mouths, and later with their hands. So touch is a primary means by which infants acquire knowledge about their environment, which contributes to their early cognitive development (Piaget, 1960). Newborns are also quite sensitive to warmth, cold, and changes in temperature. They refuse to suck if the milk in their bottles is too hot, and they try to maintain their body heat by becoming more active should the temperature of a room suddenly drop (Pratt, 1954). Do babies experience much pain? Apparently so, for even 1-day-old infants cry loudly when pricked by a needle for a blood test. In fact, very young infants show greater distress upon receiving an inoculation than 5- to 11-month-olds do (Axia, Bonichini, & Benini, 1999). However, such pain experienced by newborns could be reduced drastically if they are held by their mother, providing them with skin-to-skin contact (Gray, Watt, & Blass, 2000). In fact, infants who had skin-to-skin contact with their mothers cried 82 percent less and grimaced 65 percent less than those who were in a crib during a blood test. Besides skin-toskin contact, pain experience (once again, measured by crying and grimacing) caused by a needle prick can also be reduced simply by keeping newborns in a warm environment (Gray, Lang, & Porges, 2012). Keeping newborns warm is a more effective analgesia than a sugar solution and pacifier during vaccination (Gray et al., 2012). Male babies are highly stressed by circumcision, an elective operation that is usually done without anesthesia because giving pain-killing drugs to infants is itself very risky (Hill, 1997). While the surgery is in progress, infants emit high-pitched wails that are NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 187

similar to the cries of premature babies or those who are brain-damaged (Porter, Porges, & Marshall, 1988). Moreover, plasma cortisol, a physiological indicator of stress, is significantly higher just after a circumcision than just before the surgery (Gunnar, Malone, Vance, & Fisch, 1985). Findings such as these, however, challenge the medical wisdom of treating infants as if they are insensitive to pain. Researchers have found that babies treated with a mild topical anesthetic before circumcision—though even topical anesthetics can pose risks (Engberg et al., 1985)—and given a sugary solution to suck afterward are less stressed by the operation and are able to sleep more peacefully (Hill, 1997). In 1996, the Canadian Paediatric Society re-evaluated its position on circumcision and suggested that the procedure is largely unnecessary, and currently most Canadian provincial health insurance plans no longer pay for this procedure.

Vision

Steve McAlister/Getty Images

Steve McAlister/Getty Images

Although most of us tend to think of vision as our most indispensable sense, it may be the least mature of the newborn’s sensory capabilities. Changes in brightness will elicit a subcortical pupillary reflex, which indicates that the neonate is sensitive to light (Pratt, 1954). Babies can also detect movement in the visual field and are likely to track a visual stimulus with their eyes, as long as the target moves slowly (Banks & Salapatek, 1983). Newborn infants are more likely to track faces (or facelike stimuli) than other patterns ( Johnson, Dziurawiec, Ellis, & Morton, 1991), although this preference for faces disappears within 1 or 2 months. Demonstrating this preference, Johnson and his colleagues prepared three head-shaped cutouts with different drawings on them: one was a human face, one a scrambled version of face parts, and one was blank. They moved these cutouts in the visual field of infants just minutes old to 5 weeks old. They found that the infants were more likely to follow (both with their eyes and their heads) the movement of the cutout with the human face than either of the other two stimuli. This demonstrated that infants just minutes old could track a visual stimulus with their eyes and heads and that they showed a preference for the human face. How do newborns recognize faces? Despite their poor vision, they use both outer facial features (such as hair and ears) as well as inner facial features (such as eyes, nose, and mouth), although outer facial features are preferred over inner ones (Turati, Cassia, Simion, & Leo, 2006). Given their ability in facial recognition, do they have a visual preference for their mother’s face?

(a) Newborn’s view

(b) Adult’s view

The newborn’s limited powers of accommodation and poor visual acuity make the mother’s face look fuzzy (photo A) rather than clear (photo B), even when viewed from close up. (Try it yourself by moving the photos to within 15 to 20 cm of your face.) NEL

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188 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

visual acuity person’s ability to see small objects and fine detail.

visual contrast amount of light/dark transition in a visual stimulus.

In fact, studies show that they do. Newborns who are only a few hours old prefer their mother’s face over that of a female stranger (Bushnell, 2001; Bushnell, Sai, & Mullin, 1989; Field, Cohen, Garcia, & Greenberg, 1984; Pascalis, de Schonen, Morton, Deruelle, & Fabre-Grenet, 1995). Why do babies display this preference? One possibility is that it represents an adaptive remnant of our evolutionary history—a reflex, controlled by subcortical areas of the brain, that serves to orient babies to their caregivers and promote social interactions ( Johnson et al., 1991). Using the habituation method, Russell Adams and Mary Courage of Memorial University of Newfoundland (1998) have found that neonates see the world in colour, but they have trouble discriminating blues, greens, and yellows from whites (Adams & Courage, 1998). However, rapid development of the visual brain centres and sensory pathways allows their colour vision to improve quickly. By 2 to 3 months of age, babies can discriminate all the basic colours (Bornstein, 2015; Brown, 1990; Matlin & Foley, 1997), and by 4 months they are grouping colours of slightly different shades into the same basic categories—the reds, greens, blues, and yellows—that adults do (Franklin, 2015; Bornstein, Kessen, & Weiskopf, 1976). Despite these impressive capabilities, very young infants do not resolve fine detail very well (Kellman & Arteberry, 2007). Neonates are born “legally blind,” with visual acuity around 20/400, which means they can see at 6 m what an adult with excellent vision sees at 120 m. What’s more, objects at any distance look rather blurry to a very young infant, who has trouble accommodating—that is, changing the shape of the lens of the eye to bring visual stimuli into focus. Given these limitations, it is perhaps not surprising that many patterns and forms are difficult for a very young infant to detect; infants simply require sharper visual contrasts to “see” them than adults do (Kellman & Arteberry, 2007). However, acuity improves very rapidly over the first few months (Courage & Adams, 1996). By age 6 months, babies’ visual acuity is about 20/100 (Marg, Freeman, Peltzman, & Goldstein, 1976; Norcia & Tyler, 1985), and by age 12 months they see about as well as adults do (Kellman & Arteberry, 2007). In sum, the young infant’s visual system is not operating at peak efficiency, but it certainly is working. Even newborns can sense movement, colours, changes in brightness, and a variety of visual patterns—as long as these patterned stimuli are not too finely detailed and have a sufficient amount of light/dark contrast. Visual functions evident in newborns are largely experience-independent. As infants explore the world with their eyes, experience-dependent mechanisms—such as synaptic reinforcement—begin to contribute to the development of visual acuity. Thus, both experience-independent and experience-dependent mechanisms promote the development of the infant’s visual systems (Fox, Levitt, & Nelson, 2010; Johnson, 2001). Overall, each of the major senses is functioning at birth (see Table 7.1 for a review), so even neonates are well prepared to see their environments. But do they interpret this input? Can they perceive?

TAbLE 7.1

The Newborn’s Sensory Capabilities

Sense

Newborn’s Capabilities

Vision

Least well-developed sense; accommodation and visual acuity limited; is sensitive to brightness; can discriminate some colours; tracks moving targets.

Hearing

Turns in direction of sounds; less sensitive to soft sounds than an adult would be but can discriminate sounds that differ in such dimensions as loudness, direction, and frequency; particularly responsive to speech; recognizes mother’s voice.

Taste

Prefers sweet solutions; can discriminate sweet, salty, sour, and bitter tastes.

Smell

Detects a variety of odours; turns away from unpleasant ones; if breastfed, can identify mother by the odour of her breast and underarm area.

Touch

Responsive to touch, temperature change, and pain.

NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 189

Visual Perception in Infancy Although newborn infants see well enough to detect and even discriminate some patterns, we might wonder what they “see” when looking at these stimuli. If we show them a ■, do they see a square, or must they learn to construct a square from an assortment of lines and angles? When do they interpret faces as meaningful social stimuli or begin to distinguish the faces of close companions from those of strangers? Can neonates perceive depth? Do they think receding objects shrink, or do they know that these objects remain the same size and only look smaller when moved away? These are precisely the kinds of questions that have motivated curious investigators to develop research methods to determine what infants see.

Perception of Patterns and Forms Recall Robert Fantz’s observations of infants in his looking chamber. Babies only 2 days old could easily discriminate visual patterns. In fact, of all the targets that Fantz presented, the most preferred stimulus was a face! Does this imply that newborns already interpret faces as a meaningful pattern?

Seconds of fixation in 2-minute test

Early Pattern Perception (0 to 2 Months) Apparently not. When Fantz (1961) presented young infants with a face, a stimulus consisting of scrambled facial features, and a simpler stimulus that contained the same amount of light and dark shading as the facelike and scrambled face drawings, the infants were just as interested in the scrambled face as the normal one (see Figure 7.7). Later research revealed that very young infants prefer to look at high-contrast patterns with many sharp boundaries between light and dark areas, and at moderately complex patterns that have curvilinear features (Kellman & Arteberry, 2007). So faces and scrambled faces may have been equally interesting to Fantz’s young subjects (a) (b) (c) because these targets had the same amount of contrast, curvature, and complexity. 60 By analyzing the characteristics of stimuli that very young infants will or will not look at, we can estimate what they see. 50 A Figure 7.7, for example, indicates that babies less than 2 months old see only a dark blob when looking at a highly B 40 complex checkerboard, probably because their immature eyes don’t accommodate well enough to resolve the fine detail. However, the infant sees a definite pattern when gazing at the 30 moderately complex checkerboard (banks & Salapatek, 1983). Martin Banks and his associates (see also Banks & Ginsurg, 20 1985) have summarized the looking preferences of very young C infants quite succinctly: babies prefer to look at whatever they 10 see well, and the things they see best are moderately complex, high-contrast targets, particularly those that capture their attention by moving. 4 days 1 month 2 months Clearly, very young infants can detect and discriminate Age of infants different patterns. But can they perceive forms? If shown a Figure 7.7 Fantz’s test of young infants’ pattern preferences. triangle, do they see the ∇ that we do? Or, rather, do they Infants preferred to look at complex stimuli rather than at a simpler detect only pieces of lines and maybe an angle (such as /)? black-and-white oval (c). However, the infants did not prefer the Although the answers to these questions are by no means facelike figure (a) to the scrambled face (b). established, most researchers believe that 1- to 2-month-old Source: Adapted from “The Origin of Form Perception,” by R.l. Fantz, May infants detect few if any forms because they see so poorly 1961, Scientific American, 204, p. 72 (top). Copyright © 1961 by Scientific and they scan visual stimuli in a very limited way American, Inc. NEL

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190 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development What we see Moderately complex 66

Highly complex 1616

(see Figures 7.8 and 7.9) (Haith, 2004). So unless the form is very small, they are unlikely to see all of it, much less put all this information together to perceive a unified whole.

Later Form Perception (2 Months to 1 Year) Between 2 and 12 months of age, the infant’s visual system is rapidly maturing. He or she now sees better and is capable of making increasingly complex visual discriminations, eventually being able to discriminate temporal movement sequencing (Kirkham, Slemmer, Richardson, & Johnson, 2007). The infant is also organizing what she or he sees to perceive visual forms and sets of separate forms (Cordes & Brannon, 2008). By 5 months old, the infant is able to form an What the young infant sees accurate image of an object in three-dimensional form after seeing a series of two-dimensional images of the object from multiple perspectives. He or she is able to recognize the object even when it was inverted upside-down (Mash, Arteberry, & Bornstein, 2007). The most basic task in perceiving a form is to discriminate that object from its surrounding context (i.e., other objects and the general background). How do you suppose an infant eventually recognizes that a bottle of milk in front of a centrepiece on the dining room table is not just a part of the centrepiece? What information does the infant use to perceive forms, and when does Figure 7.8 What patterns look like to the young eye. By the he or she begin to do so? time these two checkerboards are processed by eyes with poor Philip Kellman and Elizabeth Spelke (1983; Kellman, Spelke, & vision, only the checkerboard on the left may have any pattern Short, 1986) were among the first to explore these issues. Infants left to it. Poor vision in early infancy helps explain a preference were presented with a display consisting of a rod partially hidden by for moderately complex rather than highly complex stimuli. a block in front of it (see Figure 7.10, A and B). Would they perceive Source: Adapted from “Infant Visual Perception,” by M.S. Banks, in the rod as a whole object, even though part of it was not visible, or collaboration with P. Salapatek, 1983, in Handbook of Child Psychology, Vol. 2: Infancy and Developmental Psychobiology, by M.M. Haith & would they act as though they had seen two short and separate rods? J.J. Campos (Eds.). Copyright (c) 1983 by John Wiley & Sons. Adapted To find out, 4-month-olds were first presented with either disby permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. play A (a stationary hidden rod) or display B (a moving hidden rod) and allowed to look at it until they habituated and were no longer interested. Then infants were shown displays C (a whole rod) and D (two rod segments) and their looking preferences were recorded. Infants who had (a) (b) habituated to the stationary hidden rod Finish (display A) showed no clear preference for Start display C or D in the later test. They were apparently not able to use available cues, such as the two identical rod tips oriented along the same line, to perceive a whole rod Finish when part of the rod had been hidden. By contrast, infants did apparently perceive the moving rod (display B) as “whole,” for after Start habituating to this stimulus, they much preferred to look at the two short rods (display D) than at a whole rod (display C, which they now treated as familiar). It seems that these 1-month-old 2-month-old 1-month-old 2-month-old latter infants inferred the rod’s wholeness Figure 7.9 By photographing eye movements, researchers can determine what babies are from its synchronized movement—the fact looking at when scanning a visual stimulus. Although very young infants rarely scan an that its parts moved in the same direction at entire form, 1-month-olds scan much less thoroughly than 2-month-olds do, the same time. So infants rely heavily on concentrating most on specific outer edges or boundaries and least on internal features. kinetic motion cues to identify distinct forms Source: Adapted from “Pattern Perception in Infancy,” by P. Salapatek, 1975, in Infant Perception: From ( Johnson & Mason, 2002; Kellman & Sensation to Cognition, by L.B. Cohen & P. Salapatek (Eds.). Copyright © 1975 by Academic Press, Inc. Adapted by permission. Arteberry, 2007). NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 191 Habituation stimuli

Test stimuli

(b)

(a)

(c)

(d)

Figure 7.10 Perceiving objects as wholes. An infant is habituated to a rod partially hidden by the block in front of it. The rod is either stationary (a) or moving (b). When tested afterward, does the infant treat the whole rod (c) as “old hat”? We certainly would, for we could readily interpret cues that tell us that there is one long rod behind the block and would therefore regard the whole rod as familiar. But if the infant shows more interest in the whole rod (c) than in the two rod segments (d), he or she has apparently not been able to use available cues to perceive the whole rod. Source: Adapted from “Perception of Partly Occluded Objects in Infancy,” by P.J. Kellman & E.S. Spelke, 1983, Cognitive Psychology, 15, pp. 483–524. Copyright © 1983 by Academic Press, Inc.

Interestingly, this impressive ability to use object movement to perceive form is apparently not present at birth (Slater et al., 1990) but has developed by 2 months of age ( Johnson & Aslin, 1995). By 3 to 4 months, infants can even perceive form in some stationary scenes that capture their attention. Look carefully at Figure 7.11. Do you see a square in this display? So do 3- to 4-month-olds (Ghim, 1990)—a remarkable achievement indeed, for the boundary of this “square” is a subjective contour that must be constructed mentally rather than simply detected by the visual system. Further strides in form perception occur later in the first year as infants come to detect more and more about structural configurations from the barest of cues (Craton, 1996). At about 8 months, infants no longer need kinetic cues to perceive a partially obscured rod as whole ( Johnson & Richard, 2000; Kavšek, 2004). By 9 months, infants exposed to the moving point-light displays shown in Figure 7.12 pay much more attention to display A than to displays B and C, as if they were interpreting this stimulus as a representation of (a)

(b)

(c)

7

11

1 2

7

2

3

5 9

6

6

10

8

3

4

Figure 7.11 By 3 months of age, infants are perceiving subjective contours such as the “square” shown here. Source: Adapted from “Development of Visual Organization: The Perception of Subjective Contours,” by B.I. Bertenthal, J.J. Campos, & M.M. Haith, 1980, Child Development, 51, pp. 1077–80. Copyright © 1980 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.

4

9

5 10

1

8

5 10

6 4

11

7

11

9

8

3

2 1

Figure 7.12 The three point-light displays used in Bertenthal’s research. Source: Reprinted with permission of Elsevier Science and Technology Journals, from “Infant Sensitivity to Figural Coherence in Biomechanical Motions,” by B.I. Bertenthal, D.R. Proffitt, & J.E. Cutting, 1984, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 37, pp. 213–30. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

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192 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

the human form, just as adults do (Bertenthal, Proffitt, & Cutting, 1984). Twelve-month-old infants are even better at constructing form from limited information. After seeing a single point of light move so as to trace a complex shape such as an exclamation mark (!), 12-month-olds (but not 8- or 10-month-olds) prefer to look at actual objects with different shapes. This preference for novelty on the part of the 12-month-olds indicates that they have perceived the form traced earlier by the light and now find it less interesting than other novel forms (Rose, 1988; Skouteris, McKenzie, & Day, 1992). Understanding facial information and being able to discriminate faces are important perceptual and social accomplishments. When do we become fully able to process and discriminate critical information about faces? Research by Daphne Maurer at McMaster University suggests that some aspects of face recognition are not developed until the mid-teen years or later (see Box 7.2).

Explaining Form Perception You may have noticed from reading Box 7.2 that the development of face perception follows the same general course as the perception of other forms. Newborns are biologically prepared to seek visual stimulation and make visual discriminations. These early visual experiences are important, because they keep the visual neurons firing and contribute to the maturation of the visual centres of the brain (Dilks, Baker, Liu, & Kanwisher, 2009; Fox, Levitt, & Nelson, 2010). In fact, work at McMaster University demonstrates that visual input is necessary right after birth to set up the neural architecture that will

7.2

THE INSIDE TRACK

Daphne Maurer

Daphne Maurer

Daphne Maurer is a Distinguished University Professor in the Department of Psychology, Neuroscience & Behaviour at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario. She was elected as a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada in 2007. Her research involves investigating the development of vision in human infants. She studies vision development in children with normal vision and children who have been treated for cataracts.

As adults, we are “experts” in face processing. We can recognize thousands of individual faces quickly and accurately. Three important pieces of information that we have to be able to process are the shape, or contours, of the individual’s head (e.g., Justin Bieber’s jaw line); the shapes of individual features (such as the curl of Drake’s mouth); and the spacing among the features (for instance, the distance between Alessia Cara’s eyes). Sensitivity to the spacing of features— called configural processing—underlies our ability to recognize upright faces even under poor conditions such as brief exposure, low lighting, or a new angle of view. Although precursors of these skills are already evident at birth, even 14-year-olds make more errors than adults do (Carey, Diamond, & Woods, 1980). The reasons for the slow development in face recognition were examined by Daphne Maurer and her colleagues at

McMaster University (Mondloch, Le Grand, & Maurer, 2002). They used photography and computer software to create the face of an imaginary female (called Jane) and the faces of her imaginary “sisters.” The sisters were just like Jane except for one critical feature, such as the shape of the external contour (contour set), the shape of the eyes and mouth (featural set), or the spacing of the eyes and mouth (spacing set). Participants saw two faces in sequence and indicated whether they were the same or different. By age 6, children were as accurate as adults at discriminating the faces that had different external contours. By age 10, children were as accurate as adults in recognizing faces that had different features. But for the spacing set, although improvements continued until 14 years of age, the accuracy of children was still not as high as that of adults. Discriminating faces is clearly a complex task that develops over time (Mondloch, Geldart, Maurer, & LeGrand, 2003; Mondloch et al., 2002). Indeed the ability to recognize faces can develop over time even for children who have a deficit in this area such as those with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) (Weigelt, Koldyn, & Kanwisher, 2012). These children show protracted development in facial recognition compared to their typically developing peers because they do not pay the same attention to social interactions in the same manner as their peers (Dawson et al., 2004; Joseph & Tanaka, 2003; Zwaigenbaum et al., 2005). However, in a recent study conducted by Daphne Maurer and her colleagues, high-functioning adults with ASD are able to learn, discriminate, and recognize faces as their typically developing peers using the same perceptual face coding processes (Walsh et al., 2015).

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 193

be refined over the next 15 or more years (Le Grand, Mondloch, Maurer, & Brent, 2001). By about 2 to 3 months of age, maturation has progressed to the point of allowing an infant to see more detail, scan more systematically, and begin to construct visual forms, including one for faces in general as well as more specific configurations that represent the faces of familiar companions. All the while, infants are continuing their visual explorations and gaining knowledge that will permit them to make even finer distinctions among visual stimuli and to draw some general inferences about the significance of such forms as an elongated toy that rattles when shaken or a gleeful look on a father’s face. Recall that after birth, the infant’s visual acuity limits input to large objects with high contrast. How were the researchers able to determine that this period was critical? They compared normally developing children with children who had missed visual input during the first few months of life because they had dense cataracts in both eyes. Although the children treated for cataracts developed normal skills in differentiating the shapes of faces (e.g., jaw line) and individual features (e.g., mouth), they showed deficits in their ability to discriminate among faces that differed in the spacing of features (e.g., eye spacing) and orientation (e.g., upright or inverted faces). These deficits persist into adulthood (Heering & Maurer, 2014; Robbins, Maurer, Hatry, Anzures, & Mondloch, 2012). Because the cataracts were present at birth and treated shortly after, the researchers were able to conclude that the visual input from large objects with high contrast in infancy appears to “reserve the neural tissue for later refinement” (Geldart, Mondloch, Maurer, de Schonen, & Brent, 2002; Le Grand et al., 2001). Notice, then, that the growth of form perception results from a continuous interplay, or interaction, among the baby’s inborn equipment (a working but immature visual sense), biological maturation, and visual experiences (or learning). Let’s see if this same interactive model holds for spatial perception as well.

Perception of Three-Dimensional Space

stereopsis fusion of two flat images to produce a single image that has depth.

pictorial (perspective) cues depth and distance cues (including linear perspective, texture gradients, sizing, interposition, and shading) that are monocular—that is, detectable with only one eye.

visual looming expansion of the image of an object to take up the entire visual field as it draws very close to the face.

Because we adults easily perceive depth and the third dimension, it is tempting to conclude that newborns can too. However, empiricists have argued that poor visual acuity and an inability to bring objects into sharp focus (i.e., to accommodate) prevent the neonate from making accurate spatial inferences. In addition, infants younger than 3 months of age do not exhibit stereopsis—a convergence of the visual images of the two eyes to produce a singular, non-overlapping image that has depth (Birch & Petrig, 1996; Takai, Sato, Tan, & Hirai, 2005). All these limitations may make it difficult for newborns to perceive depth and to locate objects in space. However, nativists argue that several cues to depth and distance are monocular—that is, detectable with only one eye (Granrud & Yonas, 1984; Lee, 1980). Movement of objects (such as the mother’s head) toward and away from the face may be one such cue that newborns can detect. And artists make good use of other pictorial (or perspective) cues to create the illusion of three-dimensionality on a two-dimensional surface. Examples are linear perspective (making linear objects converge as they recede toward the horizon), texture gradients (showing more detail in nearby objects than in distant ones), sizing cues (drawing distant objects smaller than nearby ones), interposition (drawing a near figure to partly obscure one farther away), and shading (varying the lighting across an object’s surface to create the impression of depth). If neonates can detect these monocular depth cues, then their world may be three-dimensional from the very beginning. But when are infants capable of perceiving depth and making reasonably accurate inferences about size and spatial relations? We’ll briefly consider three programs of research designed to answer these questions.

Size Constancy Very young infants have shown some intriguing abilities to interpret movement across the third dimension. For example, a 1-month-old reacts defensively by blinking his or her eyes as a looming object approaches the face—an effect called visual looming (Nanez & Yonas, 1994). Three- to 5-month-olds react differently to looming objects than to looming

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194 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Figure 7.13 This bank of windows is actually a large photograph taken at a 45-degree angle, and the two edges of this stimulus are in fact equidistant from an infant seated directly in front of it. If infants are influenced by pictorial cues to depth, they should perceive the right edge of the photo to be nearer to them and indicate as much by reaching out to touch this edge rather than the more “distant” edge to their left. Source: Republished with permission of American Association for the Advancement of Science, from “Development of Sensitivity of Pictorial Depth,” by A. Yonas, W. Cleaves, & L. Pettersen, 1978, Science, 200, pp. 77–79. Copyright Ó1978 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

size constancy tendency to perceive an object as the same size from different distances despite changes in the size of its retinal image. kinetic cues cues created by movements of objects or movements of the body; provide important information for the perception of forms and spatial

visual cliff elevated platform that creates an illusion of depth; used to test the depth perception of infants.

openings. Along with pressing the head backward and throwing the arms outward, infants’ heightened blinking response has been interpreted as anticipation of an impending collision (Schmuckler & Li, 1998). This similar blinking response is also observed in 1-month-olds (Schmuckler, Collimore, & Dannemiller, 2007). As an object moves closer to an observer (i.e., as it looms), it consumes more of the visual field and, consequently, the observer sees less and less of what is behind the object. However, as an aperture— that is, an opening—approaches, more and more of what is behind the opening becomes visible while room for seeing what is in front of or beside the opening decreases. While an increased rate of blinking reflects an impending collision, lower frequencies of blinking have been interpreted as acknowledgement of an impending pass through the aperture (Schmuckler & Li, 1998). But do very young infants display size constancy, recognizing that an object remains the same size when its image on the retina becomes larger as it moves closer or smaller as it moves farther away? In the past, size constancy was assumed to emerge around 3 to 5 months of age, after infants had developed good binocular vision (stereopsis) that would help them make accurate spatial inferences. However, this assumption was incorrect. Size constancy is present at birth (Granrud, 1987; Slater, Mattock, & Brown, 1990). Apparently, binocular vision does contribute to its development, for the 4-montholds who show greater evidence of size constancy are those whose binocular capabilities are most mature (Aslin, 1987). Movement cues also contribute; inferences about real size among 4½-month-olds are more likely to be accurate if the infants have watched an object approach and recede (Day & McKenzie, 1981). Size constancy steadily improves throughout the first year; however, this ability is not fully mature until 9 to 10 years of age (Day, 1987; Granrud & Schmechel, 2006).

Use of Pictorial Cues Albert Yonas and his associates have studied infants’ reactions to monocular depth cues— the tricks artists and photographers use to portray depth and distance on a two-dimensional surface. In the earliest of these studies (Yonas et al., 1978), infants were exposed to a photograph of a bank of windows taken at a 45-degree angle. As we see in Figure 7.13, the windows on the right appear (to us at least) to be much closer than those on the left. So if infants perceive pictorial depth cues, they might be fooled into thinking that the windows on the right are closer and they should reach to the right. But if they are insensitive to pictorial cues, they should reach out with one hand about as often as they do with the other. Yonas and colleagues found that 7-month-olds reliably reached toward the windows that appeared nearest, whereas 5-month-olds displayed no such reaching preferences. In later research, Yonas and colleagues found that between 5 and 7 months of age, infants are sensitive to pictorial cues such as interposition, relative size, and other two-dimensional pictorial cues (e.g., shading cues, texture gradients, and linear perspective (Arteberry, 2008; Kavsek, Granrud, & Yonas, 2009). In sum, infants become sensitive to different spatial cues at different ages. From a limited capacity for size constancy at birth, babies extract spatial information from kinetic cues (i.e., from looming and other moving objects) between 1 and 3 months, binocular cues at 3 to 5 months (Birch & Petrig, 1996; Takai, Sato, Tan, & Hirai, 2005), and monocular (pictorial cues) by age 6 to 7 months. Do these impressive accomplishments imply that a 6- to 7-month-old infant perceives depth and knows enough to avoid crawling off the edge of a sofa or a staircase? Let’s see what researchers have learned from their attempts to answer these questions. Development of Depth Perception Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk (1960) developed an apparatus they called the visual cliff to determine whether infants can perceive depth. The visual cliff (see Figure 7.14) consists of an elevated glass platform divided into two sections by a centre board. On the NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 195

Figure 7.14 An infant at the edge of the visual cliff.

“shallow” side, a checkerboard pattern is placed directly under the glass. On the “deep” side, the pattern is placed several feet below the glass, creating the illusion of a sharp dropoff, or “visual cliff.” The investigator tests an infant for depth perception by placing the child on the centre board and then asking the child’s mother to try to coax the infant to cross both the “shallow” and the “deep” sides. Testing infants 6½ months and older, Gibson and Walk (1960) found that 90 percent of them would cross the shallow side but fewer than 10 percent would cross the deep side. Apparently, most infants of crawling age clearly perceive depth and are afraid of dropoffs. Might children who are too young to crawl also perceive depth? To find out, Joseph Campos and associates (Campos, Langer, & Krowitz, 1970) recorded changes in infants’ heart rates when they were lowered face down over the “shallow” and “deep” sides of the apparatus. Babies as young as 2 months of age showed a decrease in heart rate when over the deep side but no change in heart rate on the shallow side. Why a decrease in heart rate? When we are afraid, our hearts beat faster, not slower. A decrease in heart rate is a sign of interest. So 2-month-old infants detect a difference between the deep and shallow sides, but they have not learned to fear dropoffs. Motor Development and Depth Perception. One reason that many 6- to 7-month-olds come to fear dropoffs is that they are more sensitive to kinetic, binocular, and monocular depth cues than younger infants are. Yet this fear also depends very heavily on the experiences infants have creeping and crawling about and perhaps falling now and then. Joseph Campos and associates (Campos, Bertenthal, & Kermoian, 1992) later found that infants who have crawled for a couple of weeks are much more afraid of dropoffs than infants of the same age who are not yet crawling. In fact, precrawlers quickly develop a healthy fear of heights when given special walkers that allow them to move around on their own. So motor development provides experiences that change infants’ interpretation of the meaning of depth. However, recent studies have disputed the fear factor as an explanation for why crawling infants avoid the dropoff on the visual cliff (Adolph & Kretch, 2012; Adolph, Kretch, & LoBue, 2014). Instead, infants avoid the dropoff because they are becoming increasingly aware of the possibilities or affordances for balance and locomotion. For example, experienced crawlers would refuse to crawl over an extremely high cliff or steep slope because through their crawling experience, they learn that it is not NEL

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196 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

possible to crawl over such extreme cliffs or slopes without falling. On the other hand, novice walkers would walk over the dropoff (Adolph, Tamis-LeMonda, Ishak, Karasik, & Lobo, 2008; Kretch & Adolph, 2013). And as we saw in Chapter 6, infants who have begun to move around on their own are better than those who haven’t at solving other spatial tasks, such as finding hidden objects. Why does self-produced movement make such a difference? Probably because young creepers and crawlers have discovered that the visual environment changes when they move, so that they are more inclined to use a spatial landmark to help them define where they (and hidden objects) are in relation to the larger spatial layout. A study by Dina Bai and Bennett Bertenthal (1992) nicely supports this interpretation. Seven- to 8-month-old creepers and precreepers saw a toy put into one of two differentcoloured containers on a table. Next, either the infant or the table was rotated 180 degrees (see Figure 7.15) and the infant was allowed to search for the toy. The results were clear. When the table had been rotated (and the infant did not move), both creepers and precreepers tracked the movement of the containers and were equally proficient at finding the hidden toy. But when the infant had been rotated (and the containers did not move), creepers were much better at finding the hidden toy than precreepers were. Why? Because creepers were more inclined to use the colour of the correct container as a spatial landmark to tell them where to search after their own position in space had changed. Self-produced movement also makes an infant more sensitive to optical flow—the sensation that other objects move when he or she does— which may promote the development of new neural pathways in the sensory and motor areas of the brain that underlie improvements in both motor skills and spatial perception (Dahl et al., 2013; Higgins, Campos, & Kermoian, 1996; Holmes, Newcombe, & Shipley, 2018; Schmuckler & Tsang-Tong, 2000).

INFANT DISPLACEMENT Start

Displacement

Test

TABLE DISPLACEMENT Start

Displacement

Test

Figure 7.15 Test trials for the Bai and Bertenthal (1992) experiment. Infants were allowed to search for a hidden toy after they had moved (top row) or the table had rotated, causing the hidden object to move (bottom row). Source: Adapted from “Locomotor Status and the Development of Spatial Search Skills,” by D.L. Bai & B.J. Bertenthal, 1992, Child Development, 63, pp. 215–26. Copyright 1992 by The Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 197

Table 7.2

Milestones in Infant Visual Perception

Age

Pattern/Form Perception

Spatial Perception

Birth–1 month

Moderately complex stimuli with high visual contrast.

Displays some size constancy.

Scans boundaries of visual targets.

Responds to looming objects and kinetic depth lines.

Visual scanning of entire stimulus.

Detects depth cues on the visual cliff.

Perceives forms from their motion.

Becomes sensitive to binocular depth cues.

2–4 months

Detects some subjective contours. Prefers faces to scrambled faces. Recognizes mother’s face; prefers attractive to unattractive faces. 5–8 months 9–12 months

Perceives form in stationary objects.

Size constancy improves.

Detects more subtle subjective contours.

Becomes sensitive to pictorial (monocular) depth cues. Fears dropoffs.

Perceives form from limited information (e.g., a moving light).

All aspects of spatial perception become more refined.

Interprets others’ facial expressions.

Perhaps by now you have already inferred that the interactive model that best explains the growth of form perception applies equally well to the development of spatial abilities. Maturation of the visual sense enables infants to see better and to detect a greater variety of depth cues, while also contributing to the growth of motor skills. Yet experience is equally important: the first year is a time when curious infants are constantly making new and exciting discoveries about depth and distance relations as they become ever more skilled at reaching for and manipulating objects and at moving about to explore stairs, sloped surfaces, and other “visual cliffs” in the natural environment (Adolph & Robinson, 2015). Table 7.2 summarizes the remarkable changes in visual perception that occur during the first year of life. Now let’s consider how infants come to integrate information from more than one sense to make perceptual inferences.

Intermodal Perception

intermodal perception ability to use one sensory modality to identify a stimulus or pattern of stimuli that is already familiar through another modality.

Suppose you are playing a game in which you are blindfolded and are trying to identify objects by touch. A friend places a small spherical object in your hand. As you finger it, you determine that it is about 3 cm in diameter, that it weighs a few grams, and that it is very hard and covered with many small “dimples.” You then say “aha!” and conclude that the object is a _______. A colleague who conducts this exercise in class reports that most students easily identify the object as a golf ball—even if they have never touched a golf ball in their lives. This is an example of intermodal perception—the ability to recognize by one sensory modality (in this case, touch) an object that is familiar through another (vision). As adults, we can make many inferences of this kind. When do babies first display these abilities?

Are the Senses Integrated at Birth? It would obviously be useful for an infant who is attempting to understand the world to be able to integrate information gained by viewing, fingering, sniffing, or otherwise exploring objects. Do the senses function in an integrative way early in life? Suppose that you captured a baby’s attention by floating a soap bubble in front of his face. Would he reach for it? If so, how do you think he would react when the bubble pops at his slightest touch? NEL

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198 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Thomas Bower and his associates (Bower, Broughton, & Moore, 1970) exposed neonates to a situation similar to the soap bubble scenario. The subjects were 8- to 31-day-old infants who could see an object well within reaching distance while they were wearing special goggles. Actually, this virtual object was an illusion created by a shadow caster. If the infant reached for it, his or her hand would feel nothing at all. Bower and his associates found that the infants did reach for the virtual object and that they often became frustrated to tears when they failed to touch it. These results suggest that vision and touch are integrated: infants expect to feel objects that they can see and reach, and an incongruity between vision and the tactile sense is discomforting. Other research on auditory–visual incongruities (Aronson & Rosenbloom, 1971) reveals that 1- to 2-month-olds often become distressed when they see their mothers talking behind a soundproof screen but hear their mothers’ voices through a speaker off to the side. Their discomfort implies that vision and hearing are integrated; a baby who sees his mother expects to hear her voice coming from the general direction of her mouth. Even a newborn’s ability to recognize his or her mother’s face may depend on early intermodal integration. Shortly after birth, newborns have shown a preference for their mother’s face over the faces of strangers—they look toward their mothers’ faces more often and for longer periods than they look at strangers’ faces. This preference has been demonstrated when olfactory cues have been controlled; that is, the experimenters prevented the newborns from sniffing the moms out (Bushnell & Sai, 1989; Sai, 1990). However, when newborns are prevented from hearing their mothers’ voices, they show no preference for gazing at their mothers’ faces in comparison to strangers’ faces. Apparently, newborns must both see and hear Mom before they become able to recognize her (Sai, 2005). Infants are able to learn the face–voice associations of strangers as early as 3½ months (Brookes et al., 2001). In sum, the senses are apparently integrated early in life. Nevertheless, infants’ negative emotional responses to confusing sensory stimulation says very little about their ability to use one sense to recognize objects and experiences that are already familiar through another sense.

Development of Intermodal Perception Although intermodal perception has never been observed in newborns, it seems that babies only 1 month old have the ability to recognize by sight at least some of the objects they have previously sucked. In one study, Eleanor Gibson and Arlene Walker (1984) allowed 1-month-old infants to suck either a rigid cylinder or a spongy, pliable one. Then the two objects were displayed visually to illustrate that the spongy cylinder would bend and the rigid one would not. The results were clear: infants who had sucked on a spongy object preferred to look at the rigid cylinder, whereas those who had sucked on a rigid cylinder now gazed more at the pliable one. Apparently, these infants could “visualize” the object they had sucked and now considered it less interesting than the other stimulus, which was new to them. Because 30-day-old infants have had lots of experience sucking on both spongy objects (nipples) and rigid ones (their own thumbs), we cannot necessarily conclude that intermodal perception is innate. And before we get too carried away with the remarkable proficiencies of 1-month-olds, let’s note that (1) oral-to-visual perception is the only cross-modal skill that has ever been observed in infants this young, and (2) this ability is weak, at best, in very young infants and improves dramatically over the first year (Rose, Gottfreid, & Bridger, 1981). Even the seemingly related ability to match tactile sensations (from grasping) with visual ones does not appear until 4 to 6 months of age (Rose et al., 1981; Streri & Spelke, 1988), largely because infants younger than this cannot grasp objects well (Fagard, Spelke, & von Hofsten, 2009). In fact, researchers such as Daphne Maurer and her colleagues have tested touch-to-vision perception in 1-month-old infants and have shown that transfer is very tenuous and may be affected greatly by small NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 199

experimental manipulations such as preferences for one stimulus over another (Maurer, Stager, & Mondloch, 1999). Intermodal matching between vision and hearing emerges at about 4 months— precisely the time that infants begin to voluntarily turn their heads in the direction of sounds (Bahrick, Netto, & Hernandez-Reif, 1998). By age 4 months, infants can even match visual and auditory cues for distance. So if they are listening to a sound track in which engine noise is becoming softer, they prefer to watch a film of a train moving away rather than one showing a train approaching (Pickens, 1994; Walker-Andrews & Lennon, 1985). Clearly, 4-month-olds know what sights go with many sounds, and this auditory– visual matching continues to improve over the next several months (Guihou & Vauclair, 2008). However, it turns out that our ability in auditory-visual matching of faces and speech sounds is present at birth (Lewkowicz, Leo, & Simion, 2010; Sai, 2005). As the separate sensory systems mature, intermodal perception continues to assist infants in learning about and exploring their worlds. When habituated to a serial presentation of objects that emit a series of idiosyncratic noises, both 4- and 8-month-olds are able to differentiate between the habituated presentation and a presentation of the same object–sound pairings in a different serial order. However, when the object–sound pairings are separated and the presentation order of only one modality, either sound or sight, is manipulated independently, 4-month-olds no longer detect the difference between the habituated presentation and the presentations in which the sounds or objects are presented out of order. In contrast, 8-month-old infants are able to detect the single modality differences in presentation. For the younger infants, the object–sound pairings elicit an intermodal perceptual response that draws attention to the serial relationship, thus laying the foundation for the more advanced order-detection skills demonstrated by the 8-month-olds (Leckowicz, 2004). In some situations, infants as young as 1 year may demonstrate a stronger response to stimuli perceived by more than one sense. During a visual cliff procedure, 12-montholds crossed the cliff more quickly when they received both visual and auditory cues from their mothers. They crossed somewhat less quickly when receiving auditory cues alone, and crossing times were slowest when infants received visual cues only (see Figure 7.16). Also, the infants looked to their mothers more when they received both auditory and visual cues. There was no significant difference between the amount and number of times that infants looked toward Mom in the voice-only and face-only conditions. With respect to the overall influence of voice, think about a parent running up behind an infant who is about to do something dangerous or naughty. Infants often receive voice-only cues, and even when facing a child in a precarious position, a parent’s voice can reach the child before the parent can (Vaish & Strian, 2004).

Mean crossing time (seconds)

250

Explaining Intermodal Perception

200 150 100 50 0 Face plus voice

Face only

Voice only

Condition

Figure 7.16 Mean times for infants to cross the visual cliff as a function of condition. Source: Reprinted with permission of John Wiley and Sons, from A. Vaish and T. Strian, “Is visual reference necessary? Contributions of facial versus vocal cues in 12-month-olds,” Developmental Science, 7, 261–269; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

The intersensory redundancy hypothesis suggests that the amodal detection of a stimulus aids in the development and differentiation of individual senses (Bahrick & Lickliter, 2000). That is, the multiple sensory modalities of a stimulus object draw an infant’s attention, and as the infant attends to and interacts with that object, the infant gathers comparative input that refines individual sensory modalities. Consequently, the infant’s perceptual system advances from an amodal state, in which various sensory inputs are received as a whole, to an intermodal state, in which the infant can separate sound from sight, sight from smell, and so forth. For example, because both visual and auditory senses are activated, an infant’s attention may be captured very quickly by the kneading and purring of a kitten. As the infant watches and listens, both auditory and visual

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200 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

input interact with the infants’ developing senses—vision and hearing—so that the infant learns to hear and see with more acuity. If the kitten were silent, the opportunity for the infant to differentiate between auditory and visual input would not be available. Therefore, according to the intersensory redundancy hypothesis, attending to multimodal stimuli actually promotes perceptual differentiation (Bahrick & Lickliter, 2000; Bahrick, Lickliter, & Flom, 2004). In this sense, the intermodal sensory perception of a newborn may be viewed as quite different from the intermodal sensory perception of a 6-month-old infant. At birth, sensory perception is amodal—or undifferentiated— and as infants experience multimodal sensory stimuli, they develop true intermodal perception. That is, as infants learn to see, hear, smell, taste, and feel, they are able to distinguish and then reintegrate sensory modalities that are becoming more and more differentiated (Bahrick, 2000).

Infant Perception in Perspective—And a Look Ahead WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Learning to read is a complex intermodal task. Can you think of at least two intermodal integrations that underlie reading skills?

What remarkable perceptual competencies infants display! All their senses are functioning reasonably well at birth, and babies immediately put them to work, searching for stimuli to explore and identifying similarities and differences among these sensory inputs. Within the first few months, infants are becoming accomplished perceivers. They detect forms, react to depth and distance cues, recognize definite patterns in the language they hear, and regularly combine information from different sensory modalities to achieve a richer understanding of the natural environment. We have concentrated heavily on the perceptual skills of infants because infancy is the period when most basic perceptual competencies emerge (Bornstein, Arterberry, & Mash, 2015). In fact, many researchers believe that advances in perception beyond the first year stem primarily from children’s increasing ability to focus their attention on sensory inputs and draw meaningful inferences from them—milestones that reflect advances in information processing and might be properly labelled cognitive developments (Kellman & Arteberry, 2007). Before closing the book on perception, however, let’s take note of one very influential theory of perceptual development that helps to explain why younger children may require much more information to recognize common objects than older ones do, why preschool children may have some difficulty learning to read, and why people in different cultures might perceive the world in somewhat different ways.

Perceptual Learning in Childhood: Gibson’s Differentiation Theory perceptual learning changes in ability to extract information from sensory stimulation that occur as a result of experience.

According to Eleanor Gibson (1969, 1987, 1992), perceptual learning occurs when we actively explore objects in our environment and detect their distinctive (or invariant) features. As we have noted, a distinctive feature is any cue that differentiates one stimulus from all others. A 3-year-old may initially confuse rabbits and cats because both are furry animals of about the same size. However, the child will eventually discover that rabbits have long ears—a distinctive feature that differentiates them from cats, rats, squirrels, and all other small, furry animals. Gibson believes that the motivation for perceptual learning is inborn; from birth, humans are active information seekers who search for order and stability (invariants) in the natural environment. Of course, some invariants are easier to detect than others. Even a 4-year-old whose attentional strategies are relatively immature soon notices large distinctive features such as an elephant’s trunk or a rabbit’s long ears. However, a 4-year-old may not easily differentiate b from d because the distinctive feature that discriminates these letters (the direction of curvature) is subtle and not very meaningful. Gibson and her colleagues conducted an experiment to study the ability of young children to distinguish different letterlike forms (Gibson, Gibson, Pick, & Osser, 1962). NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 201 1

Standard

2

3

Line-to-curve Line-to-curve transformation transformation

4

5

6

7

45° rotation

90° rotation

Left-to-right reversal

Same as standard

Figure 7.17 Examples of figures used to test children’s ability to detect the distinctive features of letterlike forms. Stimulus 1 is the standard. The child’s task is to examine each of the comparison stimuli (stimuli 2–7) and pick out those that are the same as the standard. Source: Adapted from “A Developmental Study of the Discrimination of Letter-like Forms,” by E.J. Gibson, J.J. Gibson, A.D. Pick, & H.A. Osser, 1962, Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, 55, pp. 897–906.

Children ages 4 to 8 were shown a standard letterlike stimulus and several transformations of this standard form (examples appear in Figure 7.17). Their task was to pick out the stimuli that were identical to the standard. The 4- and 5-year-olds had difficulties with all the transformations; they often judged these stimuli to be identical to the standard. However, 6- to 8-year-olds were generally able to detect the distinctive features that differentiated the transformations from the standard stimulus. Perhaps you can see the relevance of Gibson’s work for elementary education, particularly reading education. Clearly, the ability to discriminate and categorize letters of the alphabet is a major perceptual milestone that is necessary before children can hope to decode words and become proficient readers. Although preschool training in letter recognition (at home, at nursery school, and on educational television programs such as Sesame Street) helps children to recognize many letters and even a few written words (such as their own names), preschoolers younger than 5 to 5½ continue to confuse letters such as b, h, and d, or m and w, that have similar perceptual characteristics (Chall, 1983). By contrast, Gibson’s subjects were beginning to detect and appreciate subtle differences in unfamiliar letterlike forms at precisely the time (age 6) that serious reading instruction begins at school. As it turns out, learning to read is a very complex task. In sum, Gibson is a differentiation theorist. She believes that young children are constantly extracting new and more subtle information from the environment and thereby discovering the properties, patterns, and distinctive features that will enable them to differentiate objects and events. As this differentiation continues, a child grows perceptually and becomes increasingly accurate at interpreting the broad array of stimuli that impinge on the sensory receptors. However, other researchers believe that Gibson’s theory is incomplete and that children do far more when making sense of their experiences than simply detecting distinctive features (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969; Bornstein & Mash, 2010). Their point is that children also use their existing knowledge to enrich their sensory experiences and construct new interpretations. Indeed, unless infants used existing knowledge to impose meaning on ambiguous stimuli, it is hard to see how they could ever interpret the moving light display in Figure 7.12—a stimulus with few distinctive features—as an upright human form. So, as we noted in opening this chapter, both the differentiation and the enrichment perspectives have some merit and have contributed substantially to our understanding of early perceptual (and cognitive) developments.

Cultural Influences on Perception How is perception influenced by one’s culture and cultural traditions? Although people in different cultures rarely differ in such basic perceptual capabilities as the ability to discriminate forms, patterns, and degrees of brightness or loudness (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992), culture can have some subtle but important effects on perception. NEL

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202 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

For example, there are some phonemic discriminations that an infant can make better than adults can (Werker & Desjardins, 1995). Each of us begins life biologically prepared to acquire any language that humans speak. But as we are exposed to a particular language, we become especially sensitive to the sound patterns that are important to that language (i.e., to its distinctive features) and less sensitive to auditory distinctions our language deems irrelevant (Werker, Yeung, & Yoshida, 2012). So all infants easily discriminate the consonants r and l (Eimas, 1975). So can you, if your native language is English, French, Spanish, or German. However, Japanese makes no distinction between r and l, and adult native Japanese speakers cannot make this auditory discrimination as well as infants can (Miyawaki et al., 1975). Music is another cultural tool that influences our auditory perception. Infants as young as 4 months old prefer the musical beats in their culture (e.g., Western versus Javanese in Indonesia, which has a musical scale of seven notes to the octave, with uneven intervals, usually played in five-note subsets of the seven-tone collection) (Soley & Hannon, 2010). Michael Lynch and his associates (Lynch, Eiles, Oller, & Urbano, 1990) had 6-month-old infants and American adults listen to melodies in either the Western major/minor scale or the Javanese pelog scale, which sounds a bit strange to Western adults. Inserted within the melodies was an occasional “mistuned” note that violated the

CONCEPT CHECK

7.1

Infant Sensation and Perception

Check your understanding of the research methods used to study infants’ sensation and perception, as well as the infant’s sensory and perceptual experiences, by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Visual perception develops rapidly in the first year. At what age do we describe infants as “stimulus seekers” who prefer to look at moderately complex, high-contrast stimuli (especially those that move)? a. 0 to 2 months b. 2 to 6 months c. 6 to 9 months d. 9 to 12 months 2. Researchers devised a clever method for investigating infants’ depth perception. With this method, researchers learned when infants can perceive but do not fear changes in depth. The method also revealed when infants begin to fear changes in depth. What is the name for this research method? a. the habituation method b. the visual cliff method c. the high-amplitude sucking method d. the preference method 3. What is the term for the ability to recognize by one sensory modality an object or experience that is already familiar through another sensory modality? a. sensory integration b. sensory learning c. intermodal perception d. visual integration

Fill in the blank: Check your understanding of newborns’

sensory capabilities by selecting the correct word or phrase to complete the following sentences. 4. Newborns’ visual acuity is (poor/good/very good) compared to adults’ visual acuity. 5. Newborns can hear and discriminate sounds (very poorly/very well). 6. Newborns are (insensitive/quite sensitive) to touch, temperature, and pain.

Matching: Check your understanding of the research methods used to study sensation and perception by matching the name of the research method to the description of that method.

a. the preference method b. the habituation method c. the evoked potentials method d. the high-amplitude sucking method 7. Two pictures are presented to the infant and the length of time the infant looks at each picture is measured and compared. 8. A pacifier is connected to a speaker system and the infant controls whether she listens to her mother’s voice or a stranger’s voice by sucking or not sucking on the pacifier. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following ques-

tions to demonstrate your understanding of perceptual development in infancy. 9. Describe how a loss of sensory ability as the infant develops is an indication that cultural experiences influence perceptual development. 10. Discuss the causes and consequences of hearing loss in infancy.

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 203

musical scale. Remarkably, 6-month-old infants often detected these mistuned notes, regardless of whether they violated a Western or a Javanese melody. Apparently, babies are born with the potential to perceive “musicality” and to discriminate good from bad notes in a variety of musical scales. By contrast, American adults were much less sensitive to bad notes in the unfamiliar Javanese musical system than to mistuned notes in their native Western scale, suggesting that their years of experience with the Western musical system had shaped their perceptions of music. This gradual insensitivity to unfamiliar melodies likely starts around 5 years of age (Schellenberg & Trehub, 1999). These findings illustrate two general principles of development that are very important. First, the growth of perceptual abilities, like so many other aspects of development, is not simply a matter of adding new skills; it is also a matter of losing unnecessary ones. Second, our culture largely determines which sensory inputs are distinctive and how they should be interpreted. We learn not to hear certain phonemes if they are not distinctive to the language we speak. We North Americans learn to view rats and snakes as loathsome nonfood items, whereas people in many other cultures perceive them to be tasty delicacies. The way we perceive the world depends not only on the detection of the objective aspects in our sensory inputs (perceptual learning) but also on cultural learning experiences that provide a framework for interpreting these inputs. Let’s now take a closer look at learning and see if we can determine why many developmentalists include it (along with maturation and perception) among the most fundamental developmental processes.

basic Learning Processes learning a relatively permanent change in behaviour (or behavioural potential) that results from one’s experiences or practice.

Learning is one of those deceptively simple terms that is actually quite complex. Most psychologists think of learning as a change in behaviour (or behaviour potential) that meets the following three requirements (Domjan, 1993): 1. 2.

The individual now thinks, perceives, or reacts to the environment in a new way. This change is clearly the result of a person’s experiences—that is, attributable to repetition, study, practice, or the observations the person has made, rather than to hereditary or maturational processes or to physiological damage resulting from injury. 3. The change is relatively permanent. Facts, thoughts, and behaviours that are acquired and immediately forgotten have not really been learned; and temporary changes caused by fatigue, illness, or drugs do not qualify as learned responses. Let’s now consider four fundamental ways in which children learn: habituation, classical conditioning, operant (or instrumental) conditioning, and observational learning.

Habituation: Early Evidence of Information Processing and Memory Earlier, we touched on one very simple and often overlooked form of learning called habituation—the process by which we stop attending or responding to a stimulus that is repeated (Bornstein, 1985; Bornstein & Colombo, 2012). Habituation can be thought of In a debate, your opponent claims as learning to become disinterested in stimuli that are recognized as old hat and nothing that all humans share a uniquely to get excited about. It can occur even before a baby is born: 27- to 36-week-old fetuses human nervous system that initially become quite active when a vibrator is placed on the mother’s abdomen but soon causes them to perceive the world stop moving (i.e., habituate), as if they process these vibrations as a familiar sensation in pretty much the same way. Do you agree? If not, how might you that is no longer worthy of attention (Madison, Madison, & Adubato, 1986). How do we know that an infant is not merely fatigued when he or she stops respond to your opponent? responding to a familiar stimulus? We know because when a baby has habituated to

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

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204 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

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one stimulus, he or she often dishabituates—that is, attends to or even reacts vigorously to a slightly different stimulus. Dishabituation, then, indicates that the baby’s sensory receptors are not simply tired and that he or she can discriminate the familiar from the unfamiliar.

Developmental Trends Habituation improves dramatically throughout the first year. Infants less than 4 months old may require long exposures to a stimulus before they habituate; by contrast, 5- to 12-month-olds may recognize the same stimulus as familiar after a few seconds of sustained attention and are likely to retain this knowledge for days or even weeks (Fagan, 1984; Richards, By 6 months of age, infants are quick to discriminate novel objects and events 1997). Sometime between 10 and 14 months, infants from familiar ones, and once they brand a stimulus as familiar, they may not only habituate to objects, but also to objects in retain this knowledge for months. relation to one another. After viewing toys that sit atop upside-down containers, infants habituate to this support configuration and choose to take a longer look at a containment configuration—in which the same toys are seated inside the same, now right-side-up containers (Casasola, 2005). This trend toward rapid habituation is undoubtedly related to the maturation of the sensory areas of the cerebral cortex. As the brain and the senses continue to mature, infants process information faster and detect more about a stimulus during any given exposure (Chomiak & Hu, 2016; Richards, 1997; Rovee-Collier, 1987, 1999).

classical conditioning type of learning in which an initially neutral stimulus is repeatedly paired with a meaningful non-neutral stimulus so that the neutral stimulus comes to elicit the response originally made only to the non-neutral stimulus. unconditioned stimulus (UCS) stimulus that elicits a particular response without any prior learning. unconditioned response (UCR) unlearned response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus. conditioned response (CR) learned response to a stimulus that was not originally capable of producing the response. conditioned stimulus (CS) initially neutral stimulus that comes to elicit a particular response after being paired with an unconditioned stimulus that always elicits the response.

Individual Differences Infants reliably differ in the rate at which they habituate. Some are highly efficient information processors; they quickly recognize repetitive sensory inputs and are very slow to forget what they have experienced. Others are less efficient; they require longer exposures to brand a stimulus as familiar and may soon forget what they have learned. Might these early individual differences in learning and memory have any implications for later development? Apparently so. Infants who habituate rapidly during the first 6 to 8 months of life are quicker to understand and use language during the second year (Choudhury, Leppanen, Leevers, & Benasich, 2007; Tamis-LeMonda & Bornstein, 1989) and reliably outscore their slower-habituating age-mates on standardized intelligence and language tests later in childhood (Colombo, Shaddy, Richman, Maikranz, & Blaga, 2004; McCall & Carriger, 1993; Rose & Feldman, 1995). Why? Probably because rate of habituation measures the speed at which information is processed, attention, memory, and preferences for novelty, all of which underlie the complex mental activities and problem-solving skills normally measured on IQ tests (Rose & Feldman, 1995, 1996).

Classical Conditioning A second way young children learn is through classical conditioning. In classical conditioning, a neutral stimulus that initially has no effect on the child eventually elicits a response of some sort by virtue of its association with a second stimulus that always elicits the response. Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov originally discovered this form of learning while studying digestive processes in dogs. Specifically, Pavlov noted that his dogs would often salivate at the appearance of the caretaker who had come to feed them. He then speculated that the dogs had probably associated the caretaker NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 205

?

Neutral stimulus

leads to

1. Preconditioning phase

Bell

No response Unconditioned response (UCR)

Unconditioned stimulus (UCS) elicits Food

Salivation

Neutral stimulus

2. Conditioning phase

Bell Unconditioned stimulus (UCS)

elicits (several pairings)

Salivation

Food Conditioned stimulus (CS)

(an initially neutral stimulus) with food, a non-neutral stimulus that ordinarily makes dogs salivate (an unlearned, or reflexive, response to food). In other words, salivation at the sight of the caretaker was said to be a learned response that the dogs acquired as they made a connection between the caretaker and the presentation of food. Pavlov then designed a simple experiment to test his hypothesis. Dogs first listened to a bell, a neutral stimulus in that bells do not ordinarily make them salivate. This neutral stimulus was sounded just before the dogs were fed. Of course, food normally elicits salivation. In the language of classical conditioning, food is an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) and salivation is an unlearned or unconditioned response (UCR) to food. After the bell and the food had been paired several times, Pavlov then sounded the bell, withheld the food, and observed that the dogs now salivated to the sound of the bell alone. Clearly, their behaviour had changed as a result of their experiences. In the terminology of classical conditioning, the dogs were now emitting a conditioned response (CR), salivation, to an initially neutral or conditioned stimulus (CS), the bell (see Figure 7.18). Pavlov also discovered that a classically conditioned response would persist for long periods as long as the CS that elicited it was occasionally paired with the UCS to maintain their association. But if the CS (the bell) was presented alone enough times without being paired with the UCS (food), the CR (salivation) diminished in strength and eventually disappeared—a process known as extinction.

Conditioned response (CR)

Classical Conditioning of Emotions Although the salivary responses that Pavlov conditioned may 3. Postconditioning seem rather mundane, it is quite likely that every one of us has phase learned many, many things through classical conditioning, including some of our fears, phobias, and attitudes. Consider elicits the plight of little Albert (Watson & Raynor, 1920), the Bell Salivation 9-month-old we met in Chapter 2 who had learned to fear a white rat because every time he reached for it he heard a loud, Figure 7.18 The three phases of classical conditioning. In the preconditioning phase, the unconditioned stimulus (UCS) always elicits startling bang behind him (the experimenter striking a rod with a hammer). In this case, the loud banging noise was the an unconditioned response (UCR) whereas the conditioned stimulus unconditioned stimulus (UCS) because it elicited fearful behav(CS) never does. During the conditioning phase, the CS and UCS are iour (the UCR) without any learning having taken place. And paired repeatedly and eventually associated. At this point, the learner passes into the postconditioning phase, in which the CS alone elicits as the noise and the rat (an initially neutral stimulus) were the original response (now called a conditioned response, or CR). repeatedly paired, Albert soon detected their association, coming to fear his furry companion (the CR). Emotional extinction responses can be acquired through classical conditioning. gradual weakening and disappearance Of course, classical conditioning may produce favourable attitudes or behavof a learned response that occurs ioural responses as well (Staats, 1975). Consider what Mary Cover Jones (1924) found because the conditioned stimulus is no when she tried to treat a young boy’s existing phobia through counterconditioning— longer paired with the unconditioned stimulus (in classical conditioning) or a therapeutic intervention based on classical conditioning procedures. Her patient the response is no longer reinforced (in was a 2-year-old named Peter who, like little Albert, had acquired a strong fear of operant conditioning). furry objects. While Peter was eating some of his favourite foods (a UCS for pleasant counterconditioning feelings), he was exposed to a dreaded rabbit (for him, a strong CS for fear). The rabbit treatment based on classical was gradually moved closer and closer until, after several sessions, Peter was able to conditioning in which the goal is to hold it on his lap. Thus, by pairing the rabbit with pleasurable stimuli, Jones eliminated extinguish an undesirable response Peter’s conditioned fear and replaced it with a more desirable response (playing with and replace it with a new and more the rabbit). adaptive one. NEL

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206 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

First haircuts are fearful events for many young children. With gentle treatment from the hairdresser—and perhaps a treat after the job is done—fear of the barbershop (or hair salon) will be lessened by counterconditioning.

Can Newborns be Classically Conditioned? Though it is extremely difficult and was once thought impossible, even newborns can be classically conditioned. Lewis Lipsitt and Herbert Kaye (1964), for example, paired a neutral tone (the CS) with the presentation of a nipple (a UCS that elicits sucking) to infants 2 to 3 days old. After several of these conditioning trials, the infants began to make sucking motions at the sound of the tone, before the nipple was presented. Clearly, their sucking qualified as a classically conditioned response because it was now elicited by a stimulus (the tone) that does not normally elicit sucking behaviour. Yet there are important limitations on classical conditioning in the first few weeks of life. Conditioning is likely to be successful only for biologically programmed reflexes, such as sucking, that have survival value. Furthermore, neonates process information very slowly and require more time than an older participant to associate the conditioned and unconditioned stimuli in classical conditioning experiments (Little, Lipsitt, & Rovee-Collier, 1984). But despite these early limitations in information processing, classical conditioning is almost certainly one of the ways in which very young infants recognize that certain events occur together in the natural environment and learn other important lessons, such as that bottles or breasts give milk, or that some people signify warmth and comfort.

Operant (or Instrumental) Conditioning operant conditioning a form of learning in which freely emitted acts (or operants) become either more or less probable depending on the consequences they produce.

reinforcer any consequence of an act that increases the probability that the act will recur. positive reinforcer any stimulus whose presentation, as the consequence of an act, increases the probability that the act will recur. negative reinforcer any stimulus whose removal or termination, as the consequence of an act, increases the probability that the act will recur.

punisher any consequence of an act that suppresses the response and/or decreases the probability that it will recur.

In classical conditioning, learned responses are elicited by a conditioned stimulus. Operant conditioning is quite different: the learner first emits a response of some sort (i.e., operates on the environment) and then associates this action with the pleasant or unpleasant consequences it produces. It was B.F. Skinner (1953) who made this form of conditioning famous. He argued that most human behaviours are those we emit voluntarily (i.e., operants) and become more or less probable, depending on their consequences. This basic principle makes a good deal of sense. We do tend to repeat behaviours that have favourable consequences and limit those that produce unfavourable outcomes (see Figure 7.19).

Four Possible Consequences of Operant Responses In operant conditioning, a reinforcer is any consequence that strengthens a response by making it more likely to occur in the future. If a toddler smiles at his or her father, who then plays with her, the playful attention will probably serve as a positive reinforcer for smiling, as shown in Figure 7.19. Positive here means that something has added to this situation (in this case, playful stimulation), so a positive reinforcement is an event that, when introduced following a behaviour, makes that behaviour more probable in the future. Negative reinforcers also strengthen behaviours, but the behaviour is strengthened because something unpleasant is removed from the situation (or avoided) after the behaviour occurs. We have all been in cars in which an obnoxious buzzer sounds until we buckle our seat belts. The idea here is that “buckling up” will become a stronger habit through negative reinforcement; we learn to fasten the belt because this act ends the irritating noise. Similarly, if a child finds that he can prevent an aversive scolding by picking up his crayons after using them, tidying up should become more probable through negative reinforcement, avoiding something unpleasant. Is negative reinforcement merely a fancy name for punishment? No, it is not! People tend to confuse the two because they generally think of pleasant stimuli as reinforcers and unpleasant ones as punishments. This source or confusion can be overcome if we keep in mind that reinforcers and punishers are defined not by their pleasantness or unpleasantness but by their effects. Reinforcers always strengthen responses, whereas NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 207

General principle

Consequence which produces

Child emits a response

1. Infant smiles when adult enters the room

2. Child writes on wall with crayons

which produces

which produces

An outcome or consequence

Attention and playful gestures from a caregiver

A scolding and banishment to the bedroom

Result which

which

which

Affects the likelihood that the response will be repeated

Increases the likelihood that the infant will smile again to attract attention

Fails to strengthen and will probably suppress the act of writing on the wall

© Cengage Learning

Response

Figure 7.19 Basic principles of operant conditioning.

positive punishment punishing consequence that involves the presentation of something unpleasant following a behaviour. negative punishment punishing consequence that involves the removal of something pleasant following a behaviour.

punishers inhibit or suppress them. There are actually two forms of punishment that parallel the two forms of reinforcement. Positive punishment occurs when an unpleasant consequence is added to the situation following a behaviour (as in Figure 7.19, where a mother scolds her son for writing on the wall), whereas negative punishment occurs when something pleasant is removed from the situation following the behaviour (e.g., a father punishes a daughter’s hitting by suspending her trip to the movies on Saturday). Both these forms of punishment are intended to suppress behaviours and decrease the likelihood that they will recur. These four possible consequences of a behaviour are summarized in Table 7.3. Which of these outcomes is most likely to encourage desirable habits? Skinner (1953) and other behavioural theorists emphasize the power of reinforcement, particularly positive reinforcement. They argue that punishment is less effective at producing desirable changes in behaviour because it merely suppresses ongoing or established responses without really teaching anything new. For example, a toddler who is scolded for grabbing food with her hands is likely to stop eating altogether rather than learn to use a spoon. A much simpler way to promote the use of silverware is to positively reinforce this desirable response with lots of attention and praise (Skinner, 1953).

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208 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

TAbLE 7.3

Four Common Consequences of an Operant Behaviour

Julio comes into the family room and sees his father joking with his sister Rita as the two watch a gymnastics meet. Soon Julio begins to whine, louder and louder, that he wants to use the TV to play his Wii. Here are four possible consequences of Julio’s whining behaviour.

Administered

Withdrawn

Positive Stimulus (Pleasant)

Negative Stimulus (Unpleasant)

Positive reinforcement (strengthens the response)

Positive punishment (weakens the response)

Dad gives in to the whining and lets Julio use the TV, making whining more likely in the future.

Dad calls Julio a “crybaby,” which violates Julio’s image of himself as a “big boy” and makes him less inclined to whine in the future.

Negative punishment (weakens the response)

Negative reinforcement (strengthens the response)

Dad confiscates Julio’s treasured Wii game to discourage such whining in the future.

Dad stops joking with Rita when Julio’s Wii whining becomes rather obvious. Since Julio gets jealous when Dad attends to Rita, his whining has enabled him to bring this unpleasant state of affairs to an end (and is thus reinforced).

Operant Conditioning in Infancy

Christopher Rovee

Even babies born prematurely are susceptible to operant conditioning (Thoman & Ingersoll, 1993). However, successful conditioning in very young infants is generally limited to the few biologically significant behaviours (e.g., sucking, head turning) that they can control (Rovee-Collier, 1987). Newborns are also very inefficient information processors who learn very slowly (Rovee-Collier, 1999). So if you hoped to teach 2-day-old infants to turn their heads to the right and offered them a nippleful of milk every time they did, you would find that they took about 200 trials, on average, to acquire this simple habit (Papousek, 1967). Older infants learn much faster. A 3-month-old requires only about 40 trials to display a conditioned head-turning response, and 5-month-olds acquire this habit in fewer than 30 trials. Apparently, older infants are quicker to associate their behaviour (in this case, head turning) with its consequences (a tasty treat)—an advance in information processing that seems to explain infants’ increasing susceptibility to operant conditioning over the first few months of life. Older infants are also easier to condition when both auditory and visual cues are used to train their behaviour (Tiernan & Angulo-Barroso, 2008).

Figure 7.20 When ribbons are attached to their ankles, 2- to 3-month-old infants soon learn to make a mobile move by kicking their legs. But do they remember how to make the mobile move when tested days or weeks after the original learning? These are the questions that Carolyn Rovee-Collier has explored in her fascinating research on infant memory.

Can Infants Remember What They Have Learned? Earlier, we noted that very young infants seem to have very short memories. Minutes after they have dishabituated to a stimulus, they may begin to respond once again to that stimulus as if they no longer recognize it as familiar. The simple act of recognizing a stimulus as familiar may not be terribly meaningful to a neonate, or even a 2-month-old. Might young infants be better at remembering behaviours they have performed that have proven to be reinforcing in the past? Yes indeed, and a program of research by Carolyn Rovee-Collier (1995, 1997; Hayne & Rovee-Collier, 1995) makes this point quite clearly. Rovee-Collier’s procedure was to place an attractive mobile over the cribs of 2- to 3-month-old infants and to run a ribbon from the mobile to the infants’ ankles (see Figure 7.20). Within a matter of minutes, these young participants discovered that they could make the mobile move by kicking their legs, and they took great pleasure in doing so. But would they remember how to make the mobile move a week later? To succeed at this memory task, the infant had to not only recognize the mobile but also recall that it moves and that kicking was the way to get it to move. NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 209

The standard procedure for testing an infant’s memory was to put the child back in the crib to see whether kicking occurred when he or she saw the mobile. RoveeCollier and her associates found that 2-month-old infants remembered how to make the mobile move for up to three days after the original learning, whereas 3-montholds recalled this kicking response for more than a week. Clearly, a very young infant’s memory is much more impressive than habituation studies would have us believe. Why do infants eventually forget how to make the mobile move? It is not that their previous learning has been lost, because even two to four weeks after the original training, infants who were “reminded” of their previous learning by merely seeing the mobile move looked briefly at it and then kicked up a storm as soon as the ribbon was attached to their ankles (Rovee-Collier, 1987). By contrast, infants who received no reminder did not try to make the mobile move when given an opportunity. So even 2- to 3-month-old infants can retain meaningful information for weeks, if not longer. However, they find it hard to retrieve what they have learned from memory unless they are given explicit reminders. Interestingly, these early memories are highly context-dependent: if young infants are not tested under the same conditions in which the original learning occurred (i.e., with the same or a highly similar mobile), they show little retention of previously learned responses (Hayne & Rovee-Collier, 1995; Howe & Courage, 1993). So a baby’s earliest memories can be relatively fragile. The Social Significance of Early Operant Learning. Because even newborns are capable of associating their behaviours with its outcomes (Floccia, Christophe, & Bertoncini, 1997), they should soon learn that they can elicit favourable responses from other people. For example, babies may come to display such sociable gestures as smiling or babbling because they discover that these responses often attract attention and affection from caregivers. At the same time, caregivers learn how to elicit favourable reactions from their baby, so that their social interactions gradually become smoother and more satisfying for both the infant and her or his companions (Carpenter, Nagell, Tomasello, Butterworth, & Moore, 1998). It is fortunate, then, that babies can learn, because in doing so they are likely to become ever more responsive to other people, who in turn become more responsive to them. As we will see in Chapter 12, these positive reciprocal interactions provide a foundation for the strong emotional attachments that often develop between babies and their closest companions.

Corporal Punishment as a Tactic for Controlling behaviour Should parents use corporal, or physical, punishment to suppress their children’s undesirable conduct? Over the last few decades, theorists have been divided in their views about punishment (Baumrind, Larzelere, & Cowan, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016; Hoffman, 1988). For example, some learning theorists have argued that there is a case to be made for its use, particularly if the prohibited act is something dangerous like playing with matches or probing electrical sockets with metal objects. However, other learning theorists believe that corporal punishment may prove counterproductive and even harmful in the long run. When researchers first began to study the effects of punishment, they generally favoured a conditioning viewpoint. Presumably, punishment produces fear or anxiety, which becomes associated with the punished act. Once this conditioning occurs, the child should resist temptation to repeat the prohibited act, either to avoid the anxiety she has come to associate with it or to avoid further punishment (Parke, 1972). Thus, conditioning theorists viewed punitive suppression as nothing more than a conditioned avoidance response. Operant theorists, however, are among the strongest critics of punitive controls. They believe that punishment merely suppresses an undesirable response without teaching anything new. They also stress that punishment may engender anger, hostility, NEL

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210 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

or resentment and, at best, a temporary suppression of the behaviour it is designed to eliminate. Finally, they contend produces that a fear of aversive consequences can never be a totally effective deterrent because the child may simply inhibit unacceptable conduct until it is unlikely to be detected and Negative arousal (anxiety, uneasiness) punished. The finding that all forms of punishment become more which effective when accompanied by a good cognitive rationale stimulates eventually led many researchers to reject the conditioning Causal viewpoint in favour of an information-processing model of puninterpretations ishment. Information-processing theorists agree that punish(Why am I uneasy?) ment can make children anxious or emotionally aroused. but if if They argue, however, that it is not the amount of anxiety or apprehension that the child experiences that determines whether he or she will inhibit a punished act. Rather, the Internal attributions External attributions (guilt, shame, (fear of detection or most critical determinant of a child’s future conduct is his concern for others) fear of disciplinarian) interpretation of the uneasiness he is experiencing—a cognitive process that depends on the kind of rationale he has then then heard for modifying one’s conduct. To illustrate, imagine a child who is given no rationale with her punishment or, alterGeneral-response inhibition Limited-response inhibition (to avoid guilt, shame; (response suppressed only natively, hears a rationale that focuses her attention on negato feel proud) when its detection is likely) tive consequences (e.g., “I’ll blister your rear if I catch you again”). If this child interprets uneasiness as a fear of getting Figure 7.21 An information-processing model of the suppressive caught or a fear of the disciplinarian, she may well inhibit the effects of punishment. punished act in the presence of authority figures but feel quite free to perform it when there is no one else around to detect these antics (see Figure 7.21). By contrast, a second child who hears rationales specifying why a punished act is wrong and why he should feel bad for having performed it may be just as upset by the punishment received. But there is different information to process. The child may now feel rather immature and even ashamed for even contemplating this harmful act and thus be internally motivated to inhibit it in the future, even when there is no one else around to monitor one’s conduct. In sum, punitive episodes provide children with a rich array of information to process, and the child’s interpretation of this input, rather than the sheer amount of anxiety he or she experiences, can determine the effectiveness of punitive controls (Hoffman, 1988; Parke, 1972). In Box 7.3, we examine the issue of punishment in Canada and other cultures, as well as some guidelines for using punishment effectively. Punishment

Observational Learning observational learning learning that results from observing the behaviour of others.

The last form of basic learning we will consider is observational learning, which results from observing the behaviour of other people. Almost anything can be learned by watching (or listening to) others. For example, a child may learn how to speak a language and tackle math problems, swear, snack between meals, and smoke by imitating his or her parents. As we saw in Chapter 2, observational learning takes centre stage in Albert Bandura’s (1977, 1989) social learning theory. Recall that new responses acquired by observation need not be reinforced or even performed before they are learned (review Box 2.1 on page 44). Instead, this cognitive form of learning occurs as the observer attends carefully to the model and constructs symbolic representations (e.g., images or verbal summaries) of the model’s behaviour. These mental symbols are then stored in

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 211

7.3

APPLYING DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH

Corporal Punishment—Cultural Ideals and Alternatives What alternative do parents use when corporal punishment is not a possibility? Parents who explain the consequences of the child’s behaviours, firmly enforce age-appropriate rules, consider the child’s perspective, clearly communicate expectations, and support the child’s positive behaviours have children who are more socially, behaviourally, and academically competent than parents who either use rigid control or are permissive (Baumrind, 1967, 1971). Other alternatives to physical punishment include taking away desirable things or privileges that the child already has (e.g., candy) or would ordinarily receive in the future (a movie next Saturday). “Time out” is an effective procedure in which the adult removes children from the situation in which their misbehaviour is positively reinforced. A boy who thoroughly enjoys dominating his little sister might be sent to a quiet room where he is cut off from the pleasure he receives from his bullying behaviour. When misbehaviour is no longer reinforced, it weakens through extinction. It is important to reinforce alternative appropriate behaviours. Since punishment alone tells a child what not to do but not what to do, it makes sense to strengthen acceptable alternatives to the misbehaviour. The parent who does not want a toddler to play with an expensive vase might punish that behaviour but also reinforce play with an unbreakable plastic pot.

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Although operant researchers emphasize the use of positive reinforcement to shape children’s conduct, some Canadian parents use corporal, or physical, punishment at least occasionally to suppress undesirable behaviours (Durrant & Ensom, 2012). Unfortunately, physical punishments are sometimes excessive. For example, research indicates punishments result in a rate of just over three cases of substantiated physical abuse per 1000 children (Trocmé, Fallon, MacLaurin et al., 2010). In Sweden, attitudes toward punishment changed following legislation in 1979 that banned corporal punishment, resulting in a decrease in its acceptance and use (Durrant, 1999). This trend has been replicated in 49 other countries in the world, consistent with United Nations initiatives that suggest that children should not be exposed to physical harm (Global Initiative, 2017). Cultural influences may affect North Americans’ acceptance of corporal punishment (Durrant, Broberg, & RoseKrasnor, 1999; Durrant & Ensom, 2012; Gershoff, 2013). For example, physical punishment of children may be supported by a general tolerance of violence, combined with a lack of recognition of children as individuals who have rights of their own. There seems to be some conflict regarding the acceptance of corporal punishment in Canadian society. For example, although the Canadian government has signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which requires the government to work toward abolishing physical punishment against children, section 43 of the Canadian Criminal Code retains a provision that permits physical punishment given by parents or other adults acting as parents (Durrant & Ensom, 2012). A challenge to this section of the Criminal Code (Department of Justice Canada, 2004) maintained this provision. However, some refinements were made as a function of the challenge. Specifically, physical punishment was deemed inappropriate for children under 2 and adolescents. Also, the definition of physical punishment defines it as being “part of a genuine effort to educate the child, poses no reasonable risk of harm that is more than transitory and trifling, and is reasonable under the circumstances” (Department of Justice, Canada, 2009). Corporal punishment has been associated with a variety of negative outcomes, including severe temper tantrums (Needlman, Stevenson, & Zuckerman, 1991), lower compliance (Power & Chapieski, 1986), lower internalization of moral information (Gershoff, 2002), and aggression toward siblings, peers, and parents (Gershoff, 2002; Strassberg, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1994; Strauss, Sugarman, & Giles-Sims, 1997; Weiss, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1992). Interestingly, not all corporal punishment is equal in predicting outcomes. Indeed, harsher forms of corporal punishment have been shown to have more significant negative outcomes (Lynch et al., 2006), and contextual variables (including the family context) affects how corporal punishment is interpreted and the potential for negative outcomes (Gershoff, 2002, 2010). Interestingly, among cultures that accept corporal punishment, children who were spanked more frequently behave more aggressively than children who were not (Gershoff et al., 2010).

Improperly applied, physical punishment can have many undesirable side effects, including an increase in the child’s aggressiveness.

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Courtesy Andrew N. Meltzoff

212 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Figure 7.22 Sample photographs from videotaped recordings of 2- and 3-week-old infants imitating tongue protrusion, mouth opening, and lip protrusion.

encoding process by which external stimulation is converted to a mental representation.

memory and retrieved later to guide the observer’s performance of what she or he has observed. Of course, successful observational learning requires not only the capacity to imitate others, but also the ability to encode a model’s behaviour and rely on mental symbols to reproduce what one has witnessed. When do these abilities first emerge?

Newborn Imitation Researchers once believed that infants were unable to imitate the actions of another person until the latter half of the first year (Piaget, 1951). But beginning in the late 1970s, a number of studies began to report that babies less than 7 days old were apparently able to imitate a number of adult facial gestures, including sticking out their tongues, opening and closing their mouths, protruding their lower lips (as if they were sad), and even displaying happiness (Field, Woodson, Greenberg, & Cohen, 1982; Meltzoff & Moore, 1977). (See also Figure 7.22.) Interestingly, these early imitative displays become much harder to elicit over the first 3 to 4 months of life (Abravanel & Sigafoos, 1984). Some have interpreted this to mean that the neonate’s limited capacity for mimicry may be a largely involuntary reflexive scheme that disappears with age (as many other reflexes do), only to be replaced later by voluntary imitative responses (Kaitz, Meschulach-Sarfaty, Auerbach, & Eidelman, 1988; Vinter, 1986). Others have argued that these imitative displays are reliably confined only to protruding the tongue and opening the mouth, both of which simply reflect an innate releasing mechanism (i.e., the release of a fixed-action pattern (e.g., tongue protrusion) in response to a particular stimulus (Anisfield, 1996; Heimann & Ullstadius, 1999; Heyes, 2001). However, Andrew Meltzoff (1990) contends that these early expressive displays are voluntary imitative responses because babies will often match an adult’s facial expression after a short delay although the model is no longer posing that expression. Meltzoff ’s view is that neonatal imitation is simply another example of intermodal perception, one in which babies match facial movements they can see in the model’s face to those they can feel in their own faces (Meltzoff & Moore, 1992). However, critics contend that if neonatal imitation represented an infant’s voluntary intermodal matching, it should get stronger with age, rather than disappearing (Bjorklund, 2000). So the underlying cause of these early matching facial displays remains a topic of debate, although the innate releasing mechanism hypothesis currently has the most support (Heyes, 2001). But regardless of what we choose to call it, a newborn’s responsiveness to facial gestures serves a useful function in that it is likely to warm the hearts of caregivers and help ensure that they and their baby get off to a good start.

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 213

Advances in Imitation and Observational Learning An infant’s capacity to imitate novel responses that are not part of his or her behavioural repertoire becomes much more obvious and more reliable between 8 and 12 months of age (Piaget, 1951). At first, the model must be present and must continue to perform the new response before the child is able to imitate. But by age 9 months, some infants can imitate very simple acts (such as closing a wooden flap) up to 24 hours after they first observe them (Herbert, Gross, & Hayne, 2006; Meltzoff, 1988c). This deferred imitation—the ability to reproduce the actions of a model at some point in the future— develops rapidly during the second year. By age 14 months, nearly half the infants in one study imitated the simple actions of a televised model after a 24-hour delay (Meltzoff, 1988a). And this study probably underestimates their imitative capabilities because 12- to 15-month-olds are much more inclined to recall and later imitate the actions of live rather than televised models (Barr & Haynes, 1999). Indeed, nearly all the 14-month-olds in one experiment were able to imitate at least three (of six) novel behaviours displayed by a live model after a delay of one week (Meltzoff, 1988b). What’s more, 2-year-olds are able to reproduce the behaviour of absent models, even when the materials available to them differ somewhat from those that the model used (Herbert & Hayne, 2000). Clearly, deferred imitation is an important developmental milestone—one indicating that children not only are conBy age 2, toddlers are already acquiring important personal structing symbolic representations of their experiences, but can and social skills by imitating the adaptive acts of social models. also retrieve this information from memory to guide their reproduction of past events. So 14- to 24-month-olds should now be prepared to learn a great deal by observing the behaviour of their companions. But do they take advantage of this newly acquired ability? deferred imitation ability to reproduce a modelled Yes indeed! Not only do older toddlers make use of their imitative capabilities, but it activity that has been witnessed at also appears that observational learning is already an important means by which they some point in the past. acquire basic personal and social competencies and gain a richer understanding of the routines and regulations that they are expected to follow (Kuczynski, ZahnWaxler, & Radke-Yarrow, 1987; see also Want & Harris, 2001). Finally, elementary school children become even better at learning from social WHAT DO YOU THINK? ? models because they are less likely than toddlers and preschoolers to rely solely on Why is it that after carefully imagery to represent what they have witnessed. Instead, they verbally describe the attending to the same sequence model’s behaviour to themselves, and these verbal codes are much easier to store and of actions as they watch their retrieve than are visual or auditory images (Bandura, 1989; Coates & Hartup, 1969). dad open his combination safe, a In sum, children can learn any number of new responses by merely attending to 10-year-old may quickly succeed others’ behaviour and retaining mental representations of what they have witnessed. at this “safe-cracking” challenge Because observational learning requires neither formal instruction nor reinforcewhereas a 4-year-old sibling ment, it probably occurs daily, even when models are simply pursuing their own usually will not? interests and not trying to teach anything in particular. Bandura (1977, 1986, 1989) reminds us that all developing children learn from a variety of social models and that no two children are exposed to exactly the same set of modelling influences. So children should never be expected to emerge as carbon copies of their parents, their siblings, or the child next door. Individual differences are an inevitable consequence of observational learning.

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214 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

CONCEPT CHECK

7.2

Basic Learning Processes in Infancy

Check your understanding of the infant learning processes by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. True or False: Identify whether the following statements are

true or false.

1. (T) (F) Fetuses have been found to learn through habituation procedures. 2. (T) (F) Learning can be a change in behaviour that is a result of hereditary or maturational processes, or to physiological damage resulting from injury. 3. (T) (F) Individual differences in infant habituation patterns are correlated with standardized intelligence test scores later in childhood. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

4. Researchers paired a tone with the presentation of a nipple to infants 2 to 3 days old. After several of these trials, the infants began sucking motions at the sound of the tone, before the nipple was presented. In this classical conditioning learning demonstration, what does the tone represent? a. the unconditioned stimulus b. the unconditioned response c. the conditioned stimulus d. the conditioned response 5. Rachel and Ross discover that when they sing rap music to their infant daughter, Emma, she smiles and laughs. They try other methods to get her to laugh, but she consistently laughs only when they sing rap music to her. Consequently, Rachel and Ross eventually learn to sing rap music to Emma over and over to enjoy her laughter. What type of learning is this? a. operant conditioning b. classical conditioning

c. observational learning d. imitation 6. Researchers examined infant learning by teaching infants to kick their legs when a mobile hanging over their cribs was attached to their legs by a ribbon. What is the term for this form of learning? a. habituation b. classical conditioning c. operant conditioning d. observational learning Matching: Match each description of learning with the term

used to describe it.

a. newborn imitation b. deferred imitation c. infant imitation 7. Between 8 and 12 months, infants can imitate novel behaviours that a model presents and continues to perform while the infant imitates. 8. As early as 7 days after birth, the infant can imitate facial expressions such as tongue protrusions. 9. By 9 months of age, the infant can imitate novel responses up to 24 hours after observing a model perform the response. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

10. Discuss the benefits of early learning in infancy for forming social relationships and attachments between the infant and her caregivers.

Applying Developmental Themes to Infant Development, Perception, and Learning Just how important are perception and learning to the process of human development? Our first theme is that of the active child, or how the child participates in his or her own development. We have seen evidence of this in the findings that perceptual development is the growth of interpretive skills: a complex process that depends on the maturation of the brain and the sensory receptors, the kinds of sensory experiences the child has available to analyze and interpret, his emerging motor skills, and even the social/ cultural context in which he is raised. So in both conscious and unconscious ways, children are active in their perceptual development. Infants are also highly active in their development though the various learning processes they experience. Finally, infants can be thought of as actively contributing to their own development through some of the losses they have in healthy development, such as the loss of primitive reflexes over the first year of life and the loss of the ability to perceive some sensory distinctions (such as sounds that are not used in their native language) over the first year of life. NEL

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 215

Our second theme, the interaction of nature and nurture in development, borrows the example of the interpretive skills of perception mentioned above. Sensory and perceptual development clearly require both nature and nurture to proceed. The infant’s brain and sensory receptors mature over the first year, and this maturation limits and guides the development of what the infant is able to sense and perceive. But the infant’s abilities are also guided by sensory experiences and how experiences and motor developments shape perceptions. By definition, the various forms of learning the infant experiences early in life (habituation, classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and observational learning) all require experience (or nurture) to develop. Yet we also saw many examples of how infants’ developing cognitive abilities—to retain and retrieve from memory the things they observed and learned—provided examples of how their biological development (or nature) set limits on their developing learning abilities. Learning also provided examples of qualitative and quantitative changes in development across infancy. Some of the changes in the ability to learn through observation and conditioning improved quantitatively; the infant gradually became better able to retain, recall, and use what he or she had learned over longer delays. Some of the changes in learning, such as newborn imitation, changed qualitatively: infants were able to express this ability very early in life, but then passed through a developmental stage at a few months of age when they were not able to imitate, and finally reached another stage of development when imitation seemed to take a different form and they could again imitate facial expressions. Finally, although we have focused heavily on perceptual growth in this chapter, we should remember that development is a holistic enterprise and that a child’s maturing perceptual abilities influence all aspects of development. Jean Piaget argued that all the intellectual advances of the first two years spring from the infant’s sensory and motor activities. How else, he asked, could infants ever come to understand the properties of objects without being able to see, hear, or smell them, to fondle them, or to hold them in their mouths? How could infants ever use language without first perceiving meaningful regularities in the speech they hear? So Piaget (and many others) claim that perception is central to everything—there is nothing we do that is not influenced by our interpretation of the world around us. In sum, it is important to understand the growth of perceptual skills and the ways in which humans learn because perception and learning are crucial cognitive foundations that are at the heart of human development.

SUMMARY Early Controversies about Sensory and Perceptual Experiences ■■ Sensation refers to the detection of sensory stimulation; perception is the interpretation of what is sensed. ■■ Philosophers and developmentalists have debated whether basic perceptual skills are innate (the nativist position) or acquired (the empiricist position) and whether perception involves detection of the distinctive features of sensory input (differentiation theory) or the cognitive embellishment of sensations (enrichment theory). ■■ Today, most researchers favour an interactionist perspective by adopting both the nativist and empiricist positions, and many believe that both detection and embellishment of sensory information contribute to perceptual development.

Research Methods Used to Study the Infant’s Sensory and Perceptual Experiences ■■ Researchers have devised creative methods for understanding what infants might be sensing or perceiving; for example, ●■ the preference method ●■ the habituation method ●■ the high-amplitude sucking method ●■ the evoked potentials method Infant Sensory Capabilities ■■ Young infants can hear very well; even newborns can discriminate sounds that differ in loudness, direction, duration, and frequency.

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216 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Infants prefer their mother’s voice to that of another woman. ■■ Even mild hearing losses, such as those associated with otitis media, may have adverse developmental effects. ■■ Babies are born with definite taste preferences, favouring sweet over sour, bitter, or salty substances. ■■ They avoid unpleasant smells and soon come to recognize their mothers by odour alone if they are breastfed. ■■ Newborns are also quite sensitive to touch, temperature, and pain. ■■ Newborns can see patterns and colours and detect changes in brightness. ■■ Their visual acuity is poor by adult standards but improves rapidly over the first 6 months. ■■

Visual Perception in Infancy Visual perception develops rapidly in the first year. ■■ For the first 2 months, babies are “stimulus seekers” who prefer to look at moderately complex, high-contrast targets, particularly those that move. ■■ Between 2 and 6 months of age, infants begin to explore visual targets more systematically, become increasingly sensitive to movement, and begin to perceive visual forms and recognize familiar faces. ■■ By 9 to 12 months, infants can construct forms from the barest of cues. ■■ Although newborns display some size constancy, they lack stereopsis and are insensitive to pictorial cues to depth; consequently, their spatial perception is immature. ■■ By the end of the first month, they are becoming more sensitive to kinetic cues and are responding to looming objects (visual looming). ■■ Their developing sensitivities to binocular cues (by 3 to 5 months) and pictorial cues (at 5 to 7 months), in conjunction with important motor developments and the experiences they provide, help explain why older infants come to fear heights (as on the visual cliff ) and to make more accurate judgments about size constancy and other spatial relations. ■■

Intermodal Perception Signs that senses are integrated at birth include ●■ looking in the direction of sound-producing sources ●■ reaching for objects they can see ●■ expecting to see the source of sounds or to feel objects for which they are reaching ■■ As soon as sensory information is readily detectable through two or more senses, infants display intermodal perception—the ability to recognize by one sensory modality an object or experience that is already familiar through another modality. ■■

Infant Perception in Perspective—And a Look Ahead ■■ Although infancy is the period when most basic perceptual competencies emerge, much perceptual learning

occurs later as children continue to explore objects in their environment and to detect distinctive (invariant) features. These finer perceptual discriminations underlie many new competencies, including children’s readiness to read. ■■ Cultural influences affect perceptual capabilities. Some of these influences involve losing the ability to attend to and detect sensory input that has little sociocultural significance.

basic Learning Processes is a relatively permanent change in behaviour ■■ results from experience (repetition, practice, study, or observations) rather than from heredity, maturation, or physiological change resulting from injury ■■ is a process in which infants come to recognize and cease responding to stimuli that are presented repeatedly ■■ although possible even before birth, improves dramatically over the first few months of life ■■ A neutral conditioned stimulus (CS) is repeatedly paired with an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) that always produces an unconditioned response (UCR). After several such pairings, the CS alone comes to elicit the response, which is now called a conditioned response (CR). ■■ Newborns can be classically conditioned if the UCS and UCR have survival value, but they process information very slowly and are less susceptible to this kind of learning than older infants are. ■■ The subject first emits a response and then associates this action with a particular outcome. Positive and negative reinforcers are outcomes that increase the probability that a response will be repeated. ■■ Positive and negative punishments are outcomes that suppress an act and decrease the likelihood that it will be repeated. ■■ Punishment can be an effective means of suppressing undesirable conduct. Factors that influence the effectiveness of punishment include its timing, intensity, consistency, and underlying rationale and the relationship between the subject and the punitive agent. When applied improperly, punishment may produce a number of undesirable side effects that limit its usefulness. ■■ Occurs as the observer attends to a model and constructs symbolic representations of the model’s behaviour. ■■ These symbolic codes are then stored in memory and may be retrieved at a later date to guide the child’s attempts to imitate the behaviour he or she has witnessed. Infants become better at imitating the novel responses of social models and may even display deferred imitation by the end of the first year. ■■ Children’s capacity for observational learning continues to improve, enabling them to rapidly acquire many new habits by attending to social models. ■■

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Chapter 7 | Early Cognitive Foundations: Sensation, Perception, and Learning 217

KEY TERMS sensation, 178

otitis media, 184

perceptual learning, 200

operant conditioning, 206

perception, 178

phonemes, 184

learning, 203

reinforcer, 206

enrichment theory, 179

visual acuity, 188

classical conditioning, 204

positive reinforcer, 206

differentiation theory, 179

visual contrast, 188

negative reinforcer, 206

distinctive features, 179

stereopsis, 193

unconditioned stimulus (UCS), 204

preference method, 180

pictorial (perspective) cues, 193

positive punishment, 207

habituation, 180

visual looming, 193

unconditioned response (UCR), 204

dishabituation, 181

size constancy, 194

high-amplitude sucking method, 181

kinetic cues, 194

evoked potential, 182

visual cliff, 194 intermodal perception, 197

conditioned response (CR), 204 conditioned stimulus (CS), 204 extinction, 205 counterconditioning, 205

punisher, 206 negative punishment, 207 observational learning, 210 encoding, 212 deferred imitation, 213

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 7.1

Concept Check 7.2

1. a. 0 to 2 months

1. T

2. b. the visual cliff method

2. F

3. c. intermodal perception

3. T

4. poor

4. c. the conditioned stimulus

5. very well

5. a. operant conditioning

6. quite sensitive

6. c. operant conditioning

7. a. the preference method

7. c. infant imitation

8. b. the high-amplitude sucking method

8. a. newborn imitation 9. b. deferred imitation

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8

Cognitive Development: Piaget’s Theory, Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory, and Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Viewpoint Ten-year-old Jake has just been told by his mother that he needs to share the remaining cookies in the package with his 4-year-old brother, Tommy. Jake notices there are only three cookies left and he would like to have two of them. He decides to try to “fool” his little brother. He breaks one cookie in half and offers his brother the two halves and takes the other two whole cookies for himself. To his surprise, Tommy is happy with his “two” cookies and goes off to play.

cognition the activity of knowing and the processes through which knowledge is acquired.

cognitive development changes that occur in mental activities such as attending, perceiving, learning, thinking, and remembering.

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W

hy would Tommy be happy with this arrangement? Is it possible to “fool” a 4-year-old in this way? In this chapter we will discover why it is possible to “fool” younger children, and we will discover why Tommy was happy with this arrangement! Over the next three chapters we examine the growth of cognition—a term psychologists use to refer to the activity of knowing and the mental processes by which human beings acquire and use knowledge to solve problems. The cognitive processes that help us understand and adapt to the environment include such activities as attending, perceiving, learning, thinking, and remembering—in short, the unobservable events and undertakings that characterize the human mind (Bjorklund, 2005). The study of cognitive development—the changes that occur in children’s mental abilities over the course of their lives—is one of the more diverse and exciting topics in all of developmental sciences. In this chapter, we begin our exploration of the developing mind, focusing first on the many important contributions of Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget, who charted what he (and others) believed to be a universal pattern of intellectual growth that unfolds during infancy, childhood, and adolescence. We will then examine Robert Case’s neo-Piagetian theory, which builds on Piaget’s original theories. Finally, we will compare and contrast Piaget’s theory with Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural viewpoint—a theory that claims that cognitive growth is heavily influenced by one’s culture and may be nowhere near as universal as Piaget and his followers assumed (Wertsch & Tulviste, 1992). NEL

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Chapter 9 introduces another influential perspective on the developing mind: information processing, a viewpoint that arose, in part, from questions left unanswered by Piaget’s earlier work. Our attention then shifts in Chapter 10 to the psychometric, or intelligence testing, approach, where we discuss the many factors that contribute to individual differences in children’s intellectual performance.

Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development genetic epistemology the experimental study of the development of knowledge, developed by Piaget.

You were introduced to Piaget in Chapter 2. By far the most influential theorist in the history of child development, Piaget combined his earlier interests in zoology and epistemology (the branch of philosophy concerned with the origins of knowledge) to develop a new science he termed genetic epistemology, which he defined as the experimental study of the origin of knowledge. (Piaget used the term genetic in an older sense, meaning, essentially, developmental.) Piaget began his studies by carefully observing his own three children as infants: how they explored new toys, solved simple problems that he prepared for them, and generally came to understand themselves and their world. Later, Piaget studied large samples of children through what became known as the clinical method, a flexible question-andanswer technique he used to discover how children of different ages solve various problems and think about everyday issues. From these naturalistic observations of topics ranging from the rules of games to the laws of physics, Piaget formulated his grand theory of intellectual growth.

What Is Intelligence? intelligence in Piaget’s theory, a basic life function that enables an organism to adapt to its environment.

cognitive equilibrium Piaget’s term for the state of affairs in which there is a balanced, or harmonious, relation.

constructivist one who gains knowledge by acting or otherwise operating on objects and events to discover their properties.

Piaget’s background in zoology is quite apparent from his definition of intelligence as a basic life function that helps the organism adapt to its environment. We observe such adaptation as we watch a toddler figure how to turn on the TV or a cellphone; or a school-age child decide how to divide candies among friends. Piaget proposed that intelligence is “a form of equilibrium toward which all cognitive structures tend” (1950, p. 6). His point was simply that all intellectual activity is undertaken with one goal in mind: to produce a balanced, or harmonious, relationship between one’s thought processes and the environment. Such a balanced state of affairs is called cognitive equilibrium, and the process of achieving it is called equilibration. Piaget stressed that children are active and curious explorers who are constantly challenged by many novel stimuli and events that are not immediately understood. He believed that these imbalances (or cognitive disequilibria) between the children’s modes of thinking and environmental events prompt them to make mental adjustments that enable them to cope with puzzling new experiences and thereby restore cognitive equilibrium. So we see that Piaget’s view of intelligence is an interactionist model that implies that mismatches between internal mental schemes (existing knowledge) and the external environment stimulate cognitive activity and intellectual growth. A very important assumption underlies Piaget’s view of intelligence: if children are to know something, they must construct that knowledge themselves. Indeed, Piaget described the child as a constructivist—an individual who acts on novel objects and events and thereby gains some understanding of their essential features. Children’s constructions of reality (i.e., interpretations of objects and events) depend on the knowledge they have available to them; the more immature the child’s cognitive system, the more limited his or her interpretation of an event. For example, 4-year-old Robin told his mother after school one day, “Mommy, today at recess, a big cold wind came and almost blew me down! I think it knew I was hot and it came to cool me down!” This child is making an important assumption that dominates his attempt at understanding—namely, that inanimate things, in this case wind, have intentions. He does not make the distinction between animate and inanimate objects, at least not the

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220 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

type of distinction that adults make. As a result, he constructs a very different interpretation of “reality” than his mother does. He interprets the wind as interacting specifically with him. (We will learn more about this when we discuss egocentrism later in the chapter.)

scheme an organized pattern of thought or action that a child constructs to make sense of some aspect of his or her experience; Piaget sometimes uses the term cognitive structures as a synonym for schemes.

How We Gain Knowledge: Cognitive Schemes and Cognitive Processes

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According to Piaget, cognition develops through the refinement and transformation of mental structures, or schemes (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Schemes are unobservable mental systems that underlie intelligence. A scheme is a pattern of thought or action and is most simply viewed as some enduring knowledge base through which children organization an inborn tendency to combine and interpret their world. Schemes, in effect, are representations of reality. Children know integrate available schemes into their world through their schemes. Schemes are the means by which children interpret coherent systems or bodies of and organize experience. For Piaget, cognitive development is the development of knowledge. schemes, or structures. Children enter the world with some reflexes through which they adaptation interpret their surroundings. These underlying reflexes and the combination of reflexes an inborn tendency to adjust to the are schemes. demands of the environment. How do children construct and modify their intellectual schemes? Piaget believed assimilation that all schemes, all forms of understanding, are created through the workings of two the process of interpreting new inborn intellectual processes: organization and adaptation. experiences by incorporating them Organization is the process by which children combine existing schemes into into existing schemes. new and more complex intellectual schemes. For example, an infant who has gazing, reaching, and grasping reflexes soon organizes these initially unrelated schemes into a more complex structure—visually directed reaching—that enables her to reach out and discover the characteristics of many interesting objects in the environment. Although cognitive schemes may assume radically different forms at different phases of development, the process of organization is unchanging. Piaget believed that children are constantly organizing whatever schemes they have into more complex and adaptive structures. The goal of organization is to promote adaptation, the process of adjusting to the demands of the environment. According to Piaget, adaptation occurs through two complementary activities: assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation is the process by which children try to interpret new experiences in terms of their existing models of the world—the schemes they already possess. The young child who sees a horse for the first time may try to assimilate it into one of her existing schemes for four-legged animals and thus think of this creature as a “doggie.” In other words, the child is trying to adapt to this novel stimulus by construing it as something familiar. Yet truly novel objects, events, and experiences may be difficult to interpret in terms of an individual’s existing schemes. For example, our young child may soon notice that this big animal she is labelling a doggie has funny-looking feet and a most peculiar bark, and she may seek a better understanding of the observations she has made. Accommodation, the complement of assimilation, is the process of modifying existing structures in order to account for new experiences. So, the child who recognizes that a horse is not a dog may invent a name for this new creature or perhaps say, “What dat?” and adopt the label that her companion uses. In so doing, she has modified Infants develop a broad range of behavioural schemes (accommodated) her scheme for four-legged animals to include a new they can use to explore and “understand” new objects category of experience—horses. and to solve simple problems. NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

Table 8.1

Start

Finish

221

A Small Sample of Cognitive Growth from Piaget’s Perspective

Piagetian Concept

Definition

Example

Equilibrium

Harmony between one’s schemes and one’s experience

Toddler who has never seen anything fly but birds thinks that all flying objects are “birdies.”

Assimilation

Tries to adapt to new experience by interpreting it in terms of existing schemes

Seeing an airplane in the sky prompts child to call the flying object a birdie.

Accommodation

Modifies existing schemes to better account for puzzling new experience

Toddler experiences conflict or disequilibrium upon noticing that the new birdie has no feathers and doesn’t flap its wings. Concludes it is not a bird and invents a new name for it (or asks, “What dat?”). Successful accommodation restores equilibrium—for the moment, at least.

Organization

Rearranges existing schemes into new and more complex structures

Forms hierarchical scheme consisting of a superordinate class (flying objects) and two subordinate classes (birdies and airplanes).

accommodation the process of modifying existing schemes in order to incorporate or adapt to new experiences.

Piaget believed that assimilation and accommodation work together to promote cognitive growth. They do not always occur equally, as in the preceding example, but assimilations of experiences that do not quite “jibe” with existing schemes eventually introduce cognitive conflict and prompt accommodations to those experiences. And the end result is adaptation, a state of equilibrium, or balance, between one’s cognitive structures and the environment. Table 8.1 provides one example of how cognitive growth might proceed from Piaget’s point of view—a perspective that stresses that cognitive development is an active process in which children are regularly seeking and assimilating new experiences, accommodating their cognitive structures to these experiences, and organizing what they know into new and more complex schemes. So two inborn activities—organization and adaptation—make it possible for children to construct progressively greater understandings of the world they live in.

Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

invariant developmental sequence a series of developments that occur in one particular order because each development in the sequence is a prerequisite for those appearing later.

sensorimotor period Piaget’s first intellectual stage, from birth to 2 years, when infants are relying on behavioural schemes as a means of exploring and understanding the environment.

Piaget identified four major periods, or stages, of cognitive development: the sensorimotor stage (birth to 2 years), the preoperational stage (2 to 7 years), the stage of concrete operations (7 to 11 years), and the stage of formal operations (11 years and beyond). These stages of intellectual growth represent qualitatively different levels of functioning and form what Piaget calls an invariant developmental sequence; that is, all children progress through the stages in the same order. Piaget argued that stages can never be skipped because each successive stage builds on the accomplishments of previous stages. Although Piaget believed that the sequencing of intellectual stages is fixed, or invariant, he recognized that there are tremendous individual differences in the ages at which children enter or emerge from any particular stage. In fact, his view was that cultural factors and other environmental influences may either accelerate or delay a child’s rate of intellectual growth, and he considered the age norms that accompany his stages (and substages) as only rough approximations at best.

The Sensorimotor Stage (Birth to 2 Years) During the sensorimotor period, infants coordinate their sensory inputs and motor capabilities, forming behavioural schemes that permit them to “act on” and get to “know” their environment. How much can they really understand by relying on overt actions to generate knowledge? More than you might imagine. During the first two years, infants

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222 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Table 8.2

Summary of Piaget’s Account of Sensorimotor Development Methods of Solving Problems or Producing Interesting Outcomes

Imitation

Object Concept

Reflex activity (0–1 month)

Exercising and accommodation of inborn reflexes.

Some reflexive imitation of motor responses.1

Tracks moving object but ignores its disappearance.

Primary circular reactions (1–4 months)

Repeating interesting acts that are centred on infant’s own body.

Repetition of own behaviour that is mimicked by a companion.

Looks intently at the spot where an object disappeared.2

Secondary circular reactions (4–8 months)

Repeating interesting acts that are directed toward external objects.

Same as in substage 2.

Searches for partly concealed object.

Coordination of secondary schemes (8–12 months)

Combining actions to solve simple problems (first evidence of intentionality).

Gradual imitation of novel responses; deferred imitation of very simple motor acts after a brief delay.

Clear signs of emerging concept of objects; searches for and finds concealed object that has not been visibly displaced.

Tertiary circular reactions (12–18 months)

Experimenting to find new ways to solve problems or reproduce interesting outcomes.

Systematic imitation of novel responses; deferred imitation of simple motor acts after a long delay.

Searches for and finds object that has been visibly displaced.

Mental representation (18–24 months)

First evidence of insight as the child solves problems at an internal, symbolic level.

Deferred imitation of complex behavioural sequences.

Object concept is complete; searches for and finds objects that have been hidden through invisible displacements.

Substage

1

Imitation of simple motor acts (such as tongue protrusions, head movements, and the opening and closing of lips or hands) is apparently an inborn, reflex-like ability that bears little relation to the voluntary imitation that appears later in the first year.

2

Many researchers now believe that object permanence may be present very early and that Piaget’s reliance on search procedures underestimated what young infants know about objects as we have since identified that they have difficulty coordinating perceptions and actions (see Box 8.1 on page 227).

develop from reflexive creatures with very limited knowledge into planful problem solvers who have already learned a great deal about themselves, their close companions, and the objects and events in their everyday world. So drastic is the infant’s cognitive growth that Piaget divided the sensorimotor period into six substages (see Table 8.2) that describe the child’s gradual transition from a reflexive to a reflective being. Our review will focus on three important aspects of sensorimotor development: problem-solving skills (or means/ends activities), imitation, and the growth of object concept.

reflex activity first substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; infants’ actions are confined to exercising innate reflexes, assimilating new objects into these reflexive schemes, and accommodating their reflexes to these novel objects.

Development of Problem-Solving Skills Reflex activity (birth to 1 Month). Piaget characterized the first month of life as a stage of reflex activity—a period when an infant’s actions are pretty much confined to exercising innate reflexes, assimilating new objects into these reflexive schemes (such as sucking on blankets and toys, as well as on nipples), and accommodating their reflexes to these novel objects. Granted, this is not high intellect, but these primitive adaptations represent the beginning of cognitive growth.

primary circular reactions second substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; a pleasurable response, centred on the infant’s own body, that is discovered by chance and performed over and over.

Primary Circular Reactions (1 to 4 Months). The first nonreflexive schemes emerge at 1 to 4 months of age as infants discover by chance that various responses that they can emit and control (e.g., sucking their thumbs, making cooing sounds) are satisfying and, thus, worthy of repeating. These simple repetitive acts, called primary circular reactions, are always centred on the infant’s own body. They are called “primary” because they are the first motor habits to appear and “circular” because they are repetitive.

secondary circular reactions third substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; a pleasurable response, centred on an external object, that is discovered by chance and performed over and over.

Secondary Circular Reactions (4 to 8 Months). Between 4 and 8 months of age, infants discover, again by chance, that they can make interesting things happen to objects beyond their own bodies, such as making a rubber duck quack by squeezing it. These new schemes, called secondary circular reactions, are also repeated for the pleasure they bring. According to Piaget, 4- to 8-month-olds’ sudden interest in external objects NEL

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indicates that they have begun to differentiate themselves from objects they can control in the surrounding environment. Is an infant who delights in such repetitive actions as swatting a brightly coloured mobile or making a toy duck quack engaging in planful, or intentional, behaviour? Piaget said no; the secondary circular reaction is not a fully intentional response, because the interesting result it produces was discovered by chance and was not a purposeful goal the first time the action was performed.

Blowing bubbles is an accommodation of the sucking reflex and one of the infant’s earliest primary circular reactions. coordination of secondary circular reactions fourth substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; infants begin to coordinate two or more actions to achieve simple objectives. This is the first sign of goal-directed behaviour.

tertiary circular reactions fifth substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; an exploratory scheme in which the infant devises a new method of acting on objects to reproduce interesting results

inner experimentation sixth substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; the ability to solve simple problems on a mental, or symbolic, level without having to rely on trial-and-error experimentation.

Coordination of Secondary Schemes (8 to 12 Months). Truly planful responding first appears between 8 and 12 months of age, during the substage of the coordination of secondary circular reactions, as infants begin to coordinate two or more actions to achieve simple objectives. For example, if you were to place an attractive toy under a cushion, a 9-month-old might lift the cushion with one hand while using the other to grab the toy. In this case, the act of lifting the cushion is not a pleasurable response in itself, nor is it executed by chance. Rather, it is part of a larger intentional scheme in which two initially unrelated responses—lifting and grasping—are coordinated as a means to an end. Piaget believed that these simple coordinations of secondary schemes represent the earliest form of goal-directed behaviour, and thus true problem solving. Tertiary Circular Reactions (12 to 18 Months). Between 12 and 18 months of age, infants begin to actively experiment with objects and try to invent new methods of solving problems or reproducing interesting results. For example, an infant who had originally squeezed a rubber duck to make it quack may now decide to drop it, step on it, and crush it with a pillow to see whether these actions will have the same or different effects on the toy. Or she may experiment with dropping food and objects from her highchair to determine what happens. Although parents may be less than thrilled by such exciting new cognitive advances, these trial-and-error exploratory schemes, called tertiary circular reactions, reflect an infant’s active curiosity—her strong motivation to learn about the way things work. Mental Representation (18 to 24 Months). The crowning achievement of the sensorimotor stage occurs as infants begin to internalize their behavioural schemes to construct mental symbols, or images, that they can then use to guide future conduct. Now the infant can experiment mentally and may show a kind of “insight” in how to solve a problem. Piaget’s son, Laurent, nicely illustrates this symbolic problem solving, or inner experimentation: Laurent is seated before a table and I place a bread crust in front of him, out of reach. Also, to the right . . . I place a stick, about 25 cm. long. At first, Laurent tries to grasp the bread . . . and then he gives up. . . . Laurent again looks at the bread, and without moving, looks very briefly at the stick, then suddenly grasps it and directs it toward the bread . . . [he then] draws the bread to him. (Piaget, 1952, p. 335) Clearly, this is not trial-and-error experimentation. Instead, Laurent’s problem solving occurred at an internal, symbolic level as he visualized the stick being used as an extension of his arm to obtain a distant object.

Development of Imitation Piaget recognized the adaptive significance of imitation, and he was very interested in its development. His own observations led him to believe that infants are incapable of imitating novel responses displayed by a model until 8 to 12 months of age (the same age at which they show some evidence of intentionality in their behaviour). However, the imitative schemes of infants this young are rather imprecise. Were you to bend and straighten your finger, the infant might mimic you by opening and closing her entire hand (Piaget, 1951). Indeed, precise imitations of even the simplest responses may take NEL

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224 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

days or even weeks of practice (Kaye & Marcus, 1981), and literally hundreds of demonstrations may be required before an 8- to 12-month-old will catch on and begin to enjoy sensorimotor games such as peekaboo or pat-a-cake. More recent research on factors related to imitation behaviour in infants showed that 7-month-old infants were more likely to imitate goal-directed behaviours, such as grasping at an object than goal-ambiguous behaviour such as touching a toy with the back of a hand (Hamlin, Hallinan & Woodward, 2008). Older infants, 14- to 16-month-old, imitated behaviour that was necessary to produce an interesting result (Brugger, Lariviere, Mumme & Bushnell, 2007). The study found that social cuing by the experimenter to elicit the infants’ attention facilitated imitation more often than behaviour that was prior to but not necessary to produce an interesting result (Brugger et al., 2007). Voluntary imitation becomes much more precise at age 12 to 18 months, as we see in the following example: At [1 year and 16 days of age, Jacqueline] discovered her forehead. When I touched the middle of mine, she first rubbed her eye, then felt above it and touched her hair, after which she brought her hand down a little and finally put her finger on her forehead (Piaget, 1951, p. 56) deferred imitation the ability to reproduce a modelled activity that has been witnessed at some point in the past.

According to Piaget, deferred imitation—the ability to reproduce the behaviour of an absent model—first appears at 18 to 24 months of age. Consider the following observation of the antics of Jacqueline, Piaget’s 16-month-old daughter: Jacqueline had a visit from a little boy (18 months of age) who, in the course of the afternoon got into a terrible temper. He screamed as he tried to get out of a playpen and pushed it backward, stamping his feet. Jacqueline stood watching him in amazement, never having witnessed such a scene before. The next day, she herself screamed in her playpen and tried to move, stamping her foot . . . several times in succession (Piaget, 1951, p. 63) Piaget believed that older infants are capable of deferred imitation because they can now construct mental symbols, or images, of a model’s behaviour that are stored in memory and retrieved later to guide the child’s recreation of the modelled sequence. Other investigators disagree with Piaget, arguing that deferred imitation, and thus symbolic representation, begins much earlier. For example, researchers have found that 6-month-olds are able to imitate very simple acts (e.g., button-pressing to activate a noisemaking toy) after 24 hours (Collie & Hayne, 1999), and toddlers have been shown to imitate particularly memorable events up to 12 months after first witnessing them (Bauer, Wenner, Dropik, & Wewerka, 2000; Meltzoff, 1995a). So a capacity for deferred imitation—imitation requiring the infant to construct, store, and then retrieve mental symbols—is present much earlier than Piaget thought, and this finding questions Piaget’s account of the nonsymbolic sensorimotor child.

object permanence the realization that objects continue to exist when they are no longer visible or detectable through the other senses.

Development of Object Permanence One of the more notable achievements of the sensorimotor period is the development of object permanence, the idea that objects continue to exist when they are no longer visible or detectable through the other senses. If you put your phone under your textbook, you would still know that the phone continues to exist. But because very young infants rely so heavily on their senses and their motor skills to “understand” an object, they seem to operate as if objects exist only if they can be immediately sensed or acted upon. Indeed, Piaget (1954) and others have found that 1- to 4-month-olds will not search for attractive objects that are hidden from view. If a toy that interests them is covered by a cloth, they soon lose interest, almost as if they believe that the toy no longer exists or has been transformed into the cloth. At age 4 to 8 months, infants will retrieve toys that are partially concealed or placed beneath a semitransparent cover, but their continuing failure to search for objects that are completely concealed suggested to Piaget that, from the infant’s perspective, disappearing objects no longer exist. NEL

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Clearer signs of an emerging concept of objects appear by 8 to 12 months of age. However, object permanence is far from complete, as we see in Piaget’s demonstration with his 10-month-old daughter:

Playing peekaboo is an exciting activity for infants who are acquiring object permanence.

a-not-b error tendency of 8- to 12-month-olds to search for a hidden object where they previously found it even after they have seen it moved to a new location.

Jacqueline is seated on a mattress without anything to . . . distract her . . . I take her [toy] parrot from her hands and hide it twice . . . under the mattress, on her left [point A]. Both times Jacqueline looks for the object immediately and grabs it. Then I take it from her hands and move it very slowly before her eyes to the corresponding place on her right, under the mattress [point B]. Jacqueline watches this movement . . . but at the moment when the parrot disappears [at point B] she turns to her left and looks where it was before [at point A]. (Piaget, 1954, p. 51; italics added)

Jacqueline’s response is typical of 8- to 12-month-olds, who will search for a hidden object where they found it previously rather than where they saw it last (Marcovitch & Zelazo, 1999). Piaget’s account of this A-not-B error was straightforward: Jacqueline acted as if her behaviour determines where the object will be found; consequently, she does not treat the object as if it exists independent of her own activity. Between 12 and 18 months of age, the object concept improves. Toddlers now track the visible movements of objects and search for them where they were last seen. Object permanence is not complete, however, because the child cannot make the mental inferences necessary to understand invisible displacements. So if you conceal a toy in your hand, place your hand behind a barrier and deposit the toy there, remove your hand, and then ask the child to find the toy, 12- to 18-month-olds will search where the toy was last seen—in your hand—rather than looking behind the barrier. By 18 to 24 months of age, toddlers are capable of mentally representing such invisible displacements and using these mental inferences to guide their search for objects that have disappeared. At this point, they fully understand that objects have a “permanence” about them and take great pride at locating their sought-after objects in sophisticated games of hide-and-seek.

Challenges to Piaget’s account of Sensorimotor Development: Neo-nativism and Theory Theories Piaget was an amazing observer of infants, and at the level of describing infant problem solving that most people (including parents) actually see, Piaget’s account of infant development is generally accurate (see Table 8.2 for a summary), although somewhat incomplete (Bjorklund & Ellis, 2014). Yet Piaget generally underestimated infants’ cognitive capabilities, and many researchers today believe that new theories are needed to completely capture the richness of infant intelligence. neo-nativism idea that much cognitive knowledge, such as the object concept, is innate, requiring little in the way of specific experiences to be expressed, and that there are biological constraints, in that the mind/brain is designed to process certain types of information in certain ways.

Neo-nativism. The most articulate criticism of Piaget’s infancy theory comes from neo-nativists—theorists who believe that infants are born with substantial innate knowledge about the physical world that requires much less time and experience to be demonstrated than Piaget proposed (Baillargeon et al., 2012; Baillargeon & DeJong, 2017; Gelman & Williams, 1998; Spelke & Newport, 1998). This can be seen in the description of the work of Baillargeon (1987) on object permanence described in Box 8.1. As the research presented in this box indicates, infants know something about the permanency of objects very early on; such knowledge does not have to be “constructed” as Piaget

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226 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

CONCePT CHeCK

8.1

Understanding Piagetian Assumptions and Concepts

Check your understanding of the basic assumptions and concepts of Piaget’s theory by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. According to Piaget, what does the term accommodation refer to? a. the modification or distortion of new information in order to incorporate it into current schemes b. the fact that every structure has its genesis in previous structures c. the tendency to integrate structures into higher-order systems of structures d. the changing of a current scheme in order to incorporate new information 2. According to Piaget, what does the term cognitive equilibration refer to? a. the tendency to integrate structures into higher-order systems or structures b. the individual seeking to stabilize his or her cognitive structures c. the tendency to modify structures in order to incorporate new information into existing structures d. the fact that every structure has its genesis (i.e., its origins) in earlier structures 3. Professor Johansson believes that children’s thinking follows an invariant developmental sequence. Does Professor Johansson generally agree or disagree with Piaget? a. Professor Johansson agrees with Piaget and is a stage theorist. b. Professor Johansson agrees with Piaget and is not a stage theorist. c. Professor Johansson disagrees with Piaget and believes that children’s thinking is uneven at different times in development.

d. Professor Johansson disagrees with Piaget and believes that children’s thinking strongly reflects sociocultural influence. Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions. a. b. c. d. e. f.

scheme constructivist cognitive equilibration intelligence organization assimilation 4. In Piaget’s theory, a basic life function that enables an organism to adapt to its environment. 5. Piaget’s term for the state of affairs in which there is a balanced, or harmonious, relationship between one’s thought processes and the environment. 6. The process of interpreting new experiences by incorporating them into existing schemes. 7. One who gains knowledge by acting or otherwise operating on objects and events to discover their properties. 8. An organized pattern of thought or action that a child constructs to interpret some aspect of the child’s experience. 9. An inborn tendency to combine and integrate available schemes into coherent systems or bodies of knowledge.

essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following

questions.

10. Discuss Piaget’s concept of adaptation. How do assimilation and accommodation “work” together to result in adaptation? 11. How did Piaget define intelligence? How is this different from the way most people define the term?

proposed, but is part of an infant’s genetic heritage. This does not mean that there is no development or that no experience is necessary for the mature expression of an ability, but rather that babies are prepared by evolution to make sense of certain aspects of their physical world that are universally experienced, such as the permanency of objects. Similarly, others argue that not only do infants know more about physical properties of objects than we once expected, but from the very earliest months of life, infants are symbolic beings—a perspective very different from the one argued by Piaget (Meltzoff, 1990). Research on deferred imitation (and neonatal imitation, discussed in Chapter 7) is consistent with this position and caused Andrew Meltzoff to argue that “in a very real sense, there may be no such thing as a purely ‘sensorimotor period’ in the normal human infant” (1990, p. 20). The early display of symbolic ability is illustrated in innovative research by Karen Wynn (1992), who used techniques similar to those of Renée Baillargeon (1987) presented in Box 8.1 to assess simple arithmetic abilities in infants. In Wynn’s experiment, 5-month-old infants were shown a sequence of events that involved the addition or NEL

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DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES

Do young infants really believe that vanishing objects cease to exist? Renée Baillargeon’s (1987) early research suggests not. Her research, which was grounded in the possibility of an innate physical reasoning system (Baillargeon, 2012), illustrated a theme that has been echoed by many contemporary researchers: young infants know more about objects than Piaget thought they did; in fact, they may never be totally ignorant about the permanence of objects. The trick in demonstrating what very young infants know is to conduct tests appropriate to their developmental level. Unfortunately, 3- to 4-month-old infants have limited motor skills, so their inability to search for things (Piaget’s tests) really says very little about their knowledge of objects. Baillargeon (1987; Baillargeon & DeJong, 2017) used the habituation/dishabituation paradigm to assess what 3½- to 4½-monthold infants may know about objects and their properties. Baillargeon (1987) first habituated each infant to a screen that moved 180 degrees, from being flat with its leading edge facing the infant and rising continuously through an arc until it rested in the box with its leading edge farthest away from the infant (see panel A of figure). Once habituated to this event, infants were shown a colourful wooden block with a clown face painted on it, placed to the rear of the flat screen. (Actually, the block was an illusion created by a mirror.) Then, as illustrated in the figure, the screen was rotated to produce either a possible event (the screen would stop as if stopped by the block, see panel B), or an impossible event (the screen rotated 180 degrees, passing through the block, see panel C). Baillargeon reasoned that if babies thought the block still existed, even when hidden by the screen, they should stare longer at the screen and be more surprised when it appeared to pass through the solid block (impossible event) than when it bumped the box and stopped its forward motion (possible event). That is exactly what most of the 4½-month-olds and many of the 3½-month-olds did, taking great interest in the impossible event. Infants’ performance in the “impossible event” condition reflects not only a knowledge of the permanence of objects, but also a knowledge of properties of objects. For example, Elizabeth Spelke (1991; Spelke, Breinlinger, Macomber, & Jacobson, 1992) had similarly demonstrated in a series of experiments that infants as young as 2½ months of age have a knowledge of the solidity and the continuity of objects (the fact that a solid object cannot pass through another solid object or that a moving object continues on its path). Research by Baillargeon and her colleagues has illustrated young infants’ understanding of support (an object must be supported or partially supported or it falls; Wang, Zhang, & Baillargeon, 2016), collisions (an object that is hit by another object moves; Baillargeon, Kotovsky, & Needham, 1995), and containment (a larger object cannot fit into a smaller object; Aguiar & Baillargeon, 1998). Baillargeon modified her initial physical reasoning system, and now explains her findings using explanation-based learning (EBL). EBL describes how infants learn about the properties of objects and the rules (or statistical probabilities of the events co-occurring) based on a very small set of exemplars (Baillargeon & DeJong, 2017). EBL involves three steps:

Based on “Object Permanence in 3½- and 4½-Month-Old Infants,” by R. Baillargeon, 1987, Developmental Psychology, 23, pp. 655–64. Copyright © 1987 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted by permission.

Why Infants Know More about Objects than Piaget Assumed (a) Habituation event

(b) Possible event

(c) Impossible event

Representations of the habituation stimulus and the possible and impossible events shown to young infants in Baillargeon’s experiment. Babies took great interest in the “impossible” event, thus suggesting that they knew that the block continues to exist and that the screen shouldn’t have passed through it.

(1) triggering, (2) explanation construction and generalization, and (3) empirical confirmation. Triggering occurs when infants encounter outcomes they cannot explain on the basis of their current rules. Infants might not have acquired the rules in that specific situation or might encounter events with outcomes that do not consistently support their rules. Exposure to these unexplained outcomes triggers EBL. For the explanation construction step, infants use their physical-domain knowledge to construct an explanation for the observed outcome. Although their explanations are still primitive when compared to scientific explanations, they become more complex. The new rule must be evaluated against further evidence in order to confirm or reject it. If the rule is accepted based on the evidence, it becomes part of infants’ domain knowledge and guides future explanations of events by the infant. It was once thought that memory deficits explained the A-not-B error that 8- to 12-month-olds display. But we know now that infants this old have reasonably good memories and are actually quite surprised if a hidden object turns out not to be where they have last seen it (at point B) (Baillargeon & Graber, 1988). So 8- to 12-month-olds who commit A-not-B errors will often remember that an object has been hidden at new location B; what they may lack is the ability to inhibit the tendency to search where they have previously found the object. Indeed, Adele Diamond (1985) claims that some infants who search inappropriately for hidden objects at point A hardly look there at all, as if they realize this is not the right place to search but simply cannot stop themselves. Diamond tested 25 infants in the A-not-B task, beginning at about 7½ months and continuing until 12 months of age. She reported that the delay between hiding and searching that was necessary to produce an A-not-B error increased with age at a rate of about two seconds per month. That is, 7½-month-old infants searched for the (continued)

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228 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

hidden object at the erroneous A position after only a twosecond delay. By 12 months of age, infants made the error only if 10 seconds had passed between the hiding of the object and the beginning of the search. Based on these and other data, Diamond (1991, 2002) believes that maturational changes in the frontal and prefrontal lobes of the cerebral cortex during the second 6 months of life permit infants to gain more control over their motor responses, thus allowing them to inhibit an impulse to search for hidden objects at locations they know are incorrect. And she may be right. Martha Bell, Nathan Fox, and their

colleagues (1992, 2018) found that 7- to 12-month-olds who avoid making A-not-B errors show far more frontal lobe electrical activity while performing the task and greater gains in occipital lobe power than their age-mates who search less appropriately (MacNeill, Ram, Bell, Fox & PerezEdgar, 2018). Though we’ve considered only a portion of the evidence, it is clear that Piaget’s reliance on active search procedures caused him (1) to badly underestimate what very young infants know about objects and (2) to misinterpret why infants display the A-not-B error.

subtraction of elements (also see Bremner et al., 2017). Two of these sequences are shown in Figure 8.1. One sequence (the “possible outcome”) led to the conclusion that 1  1  2; the other sequence (the “impossible outcome”) led to the conclusion that 1  1  1. Infants sat in front of a stage and watched as one object was placed in it (Step 1 in Figure 8.1). A screen was then raised, hiding the object (Step 2 in Figure 8.1). The infant then watched as a second object was placed behind the screen and an empty hand was shown (Steps 3 and 4 in Figure 8.1). The screen was then lowered, revealing either two objects (the “possible outcome”) or one object (the “impossible outcome”). If infants have some primitive concept of addition, they should be surprised and thus spend more time looking at the “impossible outcome.” This was exactly what occurred, both for the addition problem shown in Figure 8.1 and for a simple subtraction problem (2  1  1). How can these results best be interpreted? Infants seem not to be making only a perceptual discrimination between two displays (i.e., telling the difference between a display with one item in it and another with two). Rather, when they watch as one item is added to another behind a screen, they expect to see two items when the screen is dropped. This requires a certain level of object permanence and memory, but also some rudimentary ideas about addition. They must infer that the second object was added to the first without actually seeing that this was done (recall that the screen blocked their vision). These findings are provocative and suggest substantially greater quantitative (symbolic) knowledge in young infants than proposed by Piaget. Others question Wynn’s interpretation, however, and suggest that babies are not responding on the basis of number but rather to the total amount of substance present (Mix, Huttenlocher, & Levine, 2002). In other words, infants are not doing primitive (and unconscious) addition and subtraction but are reacting to changes in the amount of “stuff ” that is present in the various arrays. For example, rather than reflecting infants’ abstract understanding of integers (i.e., there should be “1” or “2” objects behind the screen), their behaviour may be based on representations of the actual objects (such as versus ), suggesting that decisions are based more on perceptual than conceptual relations (Uller et al., 1999; Mandler, 2000). Others have extended these findings and shown that infants understand differences in the number of objects if the ratio between the numbers is large (16 to 32) but not if the ratio is small (16 to 24) (Xu, Spelke & Goddard, 2005). However, regardless of which interpretation one prefers, it does not justify the conclusion that babies are born knowing basic arithmetic or that infants and toddlers should be able to learn complicated mathematics given proper instructions.

theory theories theories of cognitive development that combine neo-nativism and constructivism, proposing that cognitive development progresses by children generating, testing, and changing theories about the physical and social world.

Theory Theories. There are other theorists who acknowledge that infants indeed come into the world with more knowledge than Piaget proposed but who believe that, beyond the very early stages of sensorimotor development, Piaget’s constructivist account is generally close to the truth. These are the theorists who combine aspects of neo-nativism with Piagetian constructivism (Gopnik & Meltzoff, 1997; Karmiloff-Smith, 1999; also see Baillargeon & DeJong, 2017). The basic idea behind theory theories is that infants are prepared from birth to make sense of certain classes of information (about objects and language, for example), much as neo-nativists propose, but such innate NEL

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SEQUENCE OF EVENTS: 1 + 1 = 2 or 1 2 1

First object placed; screen then raised

Second object placed behind raised screen

Possible outcome: two objects present when screen is lowered

Empty hand is seen leaving the stage

Impossible outcome: one object present when screen is lowered

SEQUENCE OF EVENTS: 1 – 1 = 1 or 2

2

1

Two objects placed; screen then raised

Empty hand is seen entering the stage

Possible outcome: one object present when screen is lowered

One object removed

Impossible outcome: two objects present when screen is lowered

Figure 8.1 Sequence of events for the 1  1  2 (possible) outcome and the 1  1  1 (impossible) outcome. Source: Bremner et al. “Young Infants Visual Fixation Patterns in Addition and Subtraction Tasks Support an Object Tracking Account.” Fig. 1 The Sequence of Events in Addition and Subtraction Test Trials. Pg 203. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 162 (2017) 199–208. www.elsevier.com/locate/jecp

knowledge is incomplete and requires substantial experience for infants to construct reality, much as Piaget proposed. Infants do this by constructing “theories” about how the world works. They then test and modify their theories, much as scientists do, until the models in their brains resemble the way the world is structured. Developmental change following the acquisition of theory theories is similar to that described by Piaget. According to Alison Gopnik and Andrew Meltzoff, “We will typically see a pattern in which the child holds to a particular set of predictions and interpretations for some time; the child has a particular theory. Then we may expect a period of disorganization, in which the theory is in crisis. And finally, we should see a new, equally coherent and stable theory emerge” (1997, p. 63). This is reminiscent of Piaget’s concept of equilibration, discussed earlier in this chapter. NEL

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230 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

One question that is fair to ask of the theory theories approach is that, if development is the process of testing and changing theories, why do children all over the globe end up with basically the same adult theories of the world? Experience plays an important role in this formulation, and experiences will surely vary considerably between children growing up in information-age societies and those growing up in traditional hunter–gatherer societies. And, of course, adults in these cultures do differ considerably in their thinking, but their understanding of the physical and social world is remarkably the same. How can theory theories explain such similarity of cognitive functioning? Consistent with the ideas of evolutionary developmental psychologists (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Hernández Blasi & Bjorklund, 2003), Gopnik and Meltzoff propose that children around the world are born with the same initial theories and that powerful mechanisms revise current theories when children are faced with conflicting evidence. That is, all infants start with the same ideas about how the world works and modify these theories as they grow. They also try to solve basically the same problems about how the physical and social world works, and they get similar information at about the same time in their lives (e.g., all faces have 2 eyes, a nose and a mouth; gravity is relatively constant on earth) (Karmiloff-Smith, 1999). We will have more to say about a particular type of theory later in this chapter; namely, children’s development of theory of mind.

Summing Up Piaget’s theory of infant cognitive development has been one of the most influential ever proposed. It uncovered previously unknown phenomena (e.g., object permanence) and generated nearly a century of research. However, it has become obvious in recent decades that new theories are necessary to account for the greater cognitive abilities that infants have been shown to possess. Yet, as new research accumulates, it has also become clear that we do not want to throw out Piaget with the baby’s bathwater. Many of Piaget’s ideas, particularly constructivism, have been shown to have staying power and have been incorporated into contemporary theories of infant development.

The Preoperational Stage (2 to 7 Years) and the Emergence of Symbolic Thought preoperational period Piaget’s second stage of cognitive development, lasting from about age 2 to 7, when children are thinking at a symbolic level but are not yet using cognitive operations. symbolic function the ability to use symbols (e.g., images and words) to represent objects and experiences. representational insight the knowledge that an entity can stand for (represent) something other than itself.

The preoperational period is marked by the appearance of the symbolic function— the ability to make one thing—a word or an object—stand for, or represent, something else. Judy DeLoache (2000, 2004; Uttal, O’Doherty, Newland, Hand & DeLoache, 2009) refers to the knowledge that an entity can stand for something other than itself as representational insight. For example, understanding that images captured in photos are representations of people has been reported to occur in the second year of life. Infants also gradually learn that pictures represent real objects, matching only identical exemplars of pictures and objects by ages 15 to 18 months, but being able to match similar pictures and objects by 24 months (Ganea, Butler, Allen, Carey & DeLoache, 2009). This transition from the curious hands-on-everything toddler to the contemplative, symbolic preschool child is remarkable indeed. Consider, for example, that because 2- to 3-year-olds can use words and images to represent their experiences, they are now quite capable of reconstructing the past and thinking about or even comparing objects that are no longer present. And just how much does the ability to construct mental symbols transform a child’s thinking? David Bjorklund (2005) answers by noting that the average symbolic 3-year-old probably has more in common intellectually with a 21-year-old adult than with a 12-month-old infant. Although a 3-year-old’s thinking will change in many ways over the next several years, it is similar to an adult’s in that both preschool children and adults think by manipulating mental symbols such as images and language, with most “thinking” being done covertly, “in the head.” NEL

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Language is perhaps the most obvious form of symbolism that young children display. Although most infants utter their first meaningful word by the end of the first year, it is not until about 18 months of age—the point at which they show other signs of symbolism such as inner experimentation—that they combine two (or more) words to form simple sentences. Does the use of language promote cognitive development? Piaget said no, arguing instead that language merely reflects what the child already knows and contributes little to new knowledge. In other words, he believed that cognitive development promotes language development, not vice versa. (We will have more to say about Piaget’s and other theorists’ ideas about the relationship between language and thought later in this chapter.) A second major hallmark of the early preoperational period is the blossoming of pretend (or symbolic) play. Toddlers often pretend to be people they are not (mommies, superheroes), and they may play these roles with props such as a shoe box or a stick that symbolize other objects, such as a baby’s crib or a gun. Although some parents are concerned when their preschool children immerse themselves in a world of makebelieve and begin to invent imaginary playmates, Piaget felt that these are healthy activities, a viewpoint held by contemporary researchers (Thibodeau, Gilpin, Brown & Meyer, 2016). In Box 8.2, we focus briefly on children’s play and see how these “pretend” activities may contribute in a positive way to the child’s social, emotional, and intellectual development.

Percentage of errorless retrievals

New Views on Symbolism Piaget’s emphasis on the symbolic nature of preoperational children’s thought has captured the attention of developmentalists. Judy DeLoache and her colleagues (DeLoache, 1987, 2000; Uttal et al., 2009), for example, have explored preschool children’s abilities to use scale models and pictures as symbols. In DeLoache’s studies, children are dual representation (dual asked to find a toy hidden in a room. Prior to searching for the toys, children are shown encoding) a scale model of the room, with the experimenter hiding a miniature toy (Snoopy) behind the ability to represent an object a small chair in the model. The miniature toy and model chair correspond to a large simultaneously as an object in Snoopy and real chair in the adjoining “real” room. Children are then asked to find the itself and as a representation of something else. toy in the real room (retrieval 1). After searching for the toy in the real room, they return to the model and are asked to find where the miniature toy was hidden (retrieval 2). If children cannot find the large toy in the 100 real room (retrieval 1) but can find the miniature toy in the scale model (retrieval 2), their failure to find the large toy cannot 80 be due to forgetting where the miniature toy was hidden (see Figure 8.2). A better interpretation would be that the children have no representational insight and cannot use the model in a 60 symbolic fashion to guide their search. DeLoache reported that the 3-year-olds performed well in 40 both retrieval tasks, indicating that they remembered where the miniature toy was hidden and used the information from the 3-year-olds 20 scale model to find the large toy in the real room. The 2½-year1 2 /2-year-olds olds showed good memory for where the miniature toy had been hidden but performed very poorly when trying to find the 0 Retrieval 1 Retrieval 2 large toy in the real room. Apparently, 2½-year-olds failed to (Toy in real room) (Toy in scale model) recognize that the scale model was a symbolic representation of Figure 8.2 The number of errorless retrievals (correctly the large room. It is not that 2½-year-olds have no representational locating the hidden toy) for 2½- (younger) and 3-year-olds insight. If given a photo that shows Snoopy’s hiding place in the (older) on a model task. Retrieval 1 involved locating the real real room, 2½-year-olds (but not 2-year-olds) can find him when toy in the real room; retrieval 2 involved locating the miniature given the opportunity. Why do they do better with a twotoy in the model. dimensional photo than with an actual three-dimensional scale Source: From “Rapid Change in the Symbolic Functioning of Very model? DeLoache believes that scale models are harder to use as Young Children,” by J.S. DeLoache, 1987, Science, 238, pp. 1556–57. symbols because 2½-year-olds lack dual representation—the Copyright © 1987 by the American Association for the Advancement of ability to think about an object in two different ways at the same Science. Reprinted with permission from AAAS and the author. NEL

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8.2

DeVelOPMeNTal ISSUeS

Play Is Serious Business more advanced intellectual skills during pretend play than they do when performing other activities, suggesting that play fosters cognitive development (Lillard et al., 2011). Indeed, preschool children who engage in a great deal of pretend play (or who are trained to do so) perform better on tests of Piagetian cognitive development, language skills, executive function, and creativity than children who “pretend” less often (Fisher, 1992; Thibodeau et al., 2016). Preschool pretend activities may also promote social development. To be successful at social pretend play, children must adopt different roles, coordinate their activities, and resolve any disputes that may arise. Children may also learn about and prepare for adult roles by “playing house” or “school” and stepping into the shoes of their mothers, fathers, or nursery school teachers (Pellegrini & Bjorklund, 2004; Pellegrini, 2009). Perhaps due to the social skills they acquire (such as an ability to cooperate) and the role-taking experiences they encounter, preschool children who participate in a lot of social pretend play tend to be more socially mature and more popular with peers than age-mates who often play without partners (Lillard et al., 2013). Finally, play may foster healthy emotional development by allowing children to express feelings that bother them or to resolve emotional conflicts (Lillard et al., 2013). If Jennie, for example, has been scolded at lunch for failing to eat her peas, she may gain control of the situation at play as she scolds her doll for picky eating or persuades the doll to “eat healthy” and consume the peas. Indeed, playful resolutions of such emotional conflicts may even be an important contributor to children’s understanding of authority and the rationales that underlie all those rules they must follow (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Let it never be said that play is useless. Although children play because it is fun, not because it sharpens their skills, players indirectly contribute to their own social, emotional, and intellectual development, enjoying themselves all the while. In this sense, play truly is the child’s work—and is serious business indeed!

Photodisc

Play is an intrinsically satisfying activity—something young children do for the sheer fun of it (Rubin, Fein, & Vandenberg, 1983). In contrast to earlier views that childhood play activities were a frivolous waste of time, Piaget (1951) was fascinated by the young child’s play. He believed that play provides a glimpse of the child’s emerging cognitive schemes in action while allowing young players to practise and strengthen whatever competencies they possess. Sensorimotor play begins very early and develops in much the same way in all cultures (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Infants progress from playing with their own bodies (e.g., sucking their thumbs), to manipulating external objects such as rattles and stuffed animals, to fully functional play—using objects to serve the functions they normally serve—which appears by the end of the first year. So a 12-month-old is now more inclined to push the buttons on a toy car and make “engine” noises rather than merely sucking on or banging the toy. Perhaps the most exciting breakthrough in play activities is the emergence of symbolic (or pretend) play at 11 to 13 months of age. The earliest “pretend” episodes are simple ones in which infants pretend to engage in familiar activities such as eating, drinking, or sleeping. But by 18 to 24 months of age, toddlers have progressed to a point where they will pretend to perform multiple acts in a meaningful sequence. They can also coordinate their actions with those of a play partner, making social games of imitating each other and sometimes even cooperating to achieve a goal (Brownell & Carriger, 1990; Howes & Matheson, 1992). Parents can foster this development by providing time for free play as well as by playing with their child (Ginsburg, 2007). Symbolic play truly blossoms during Piaget’s preoperational period. By age 2, toddlers can use one object (a block) to symbolize another (a car) and are now using language in inventive ways to create rich fantasy worlds for themselves. They clearly understand pretence: if you hand them a towel and suggest that they wipe up the imaginary tea you just spilled, they will do it (Harris, Kavanaugh, & Meredith, 1994). Think about this: because there is no tea in sight, the child’s willingness to clean it up suggests that he can construct a mental representation of someone else’s pretend event and then act according to this representation. Pretend play becomes increasingly social and increasingly complex between ages 2 and 5. More importantly, children combine their capacity for increasingly social play and their capacity for understanding pretence to create shared representations for objects and to cooperate with each other at planning their pretend activities. They name and assign roles that each player will enact, propose play scripts, and may even stop playing to modify the script if necessary (Howes & Matheson, 1992; Lillard, Lerner, Hopkins, Dore, Smith, & Palmquist, 2013). Rules are negotiated throughout the play episode and do not exist a priori (Pellegrini, 2009). Indeed, play episodes are among the most complex social interactions that preschoolers have (Pellegrini & Bjorklund, 2004). What good is play? Intellectually, play provides a context for using language to communicate and using the mind to fantasize, plan strategies, and solve problems. Children often show

The reciprocal roles children enact during pretend play promote the growth of social skills and interpersonal understanding.

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time. Dual representation is not required with photos because the primary purpose of a photo is to represent something else. But a scale model is an interesting object in its own right, and 2½-year-olds may not recognize that it is also a representation of the larger room. If DeLoache is right, then anything that induces young children to pay less attention to the scale model as an object should persuade them to use it as a symbol and thereby improve their search for the hidden toy. Indeed, DeLoache (2000) reports that

CONCePT CHeCK

8.2

Understanding Infant Intelligence

Check your understanding of Piaget’s view of infant intelligence and what more recent research has found about infant intelligence by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. The first major period in Piaget’s stage theory is the sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to approximately 2 years of age. According to Piaget, how do children at this stage think about the world? a. They are not able to comprehend the world yet and must rely on others to do their thinking for them. b. They are able to think logically and comprehend their environment. c. They cannot comprehend the world because they are unable to verbalize fluently. d. They are able to comprehend the world around them through their actions on it. 2. According to Piaget, imitation is the purest example of which of the following? a. accommodation b. assimilation c. the coordination of both assimilation and accommodation d. abstract representation 3. Six-month-old Pedro is playing with his stuffed toy rabbit in his crib. He sets the rabbit down, and as he moves to reach his bottle, his blanket covers this toy. Pedro then turns to reach for his rabbit, but seeing only a bump in his blanket, he cries. According to Piaget, what do Pedro’s actions in this situation reflect? a. a lack of object permanence b. a lack of deferred imitation c. a lack of primary circular reactions d. a lack of assimilation 4. What does Piaget’s concept of object permanence refer to? a. the knowledge that objects have an existence in space and time independent of one’s perceptions of and action on them b. the knowledge that an inanimate object (e.g., a ball) will remain in a given location when put there, although an animate object (e.g., a cat) may not

c. the tendency for semantic knowledge of objects to remain permanently in long-term memory d. the tendency to memorize the spatial location of permanent objects in the environment Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions. a. b. c. d. e. f.

invariant developmental sequence coordination of secondary circular reactions explanation-based learning neo-nativism theory theories primary circular reactions 5. A theory that describes how infants learn about the properties of objects based on a very small set of exemplars. 6. Second substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; a pleasurable response, centred on the infant’s own body, that is discovered by chance and performed over and over. 7. A series of developments that occur in one particular order because each development in the sequence is a prerequisite for those appearing later. 8. Theories of cognitive development that combine neo-nativism and constructivism, proposing that cognitive development progresses by children generating, testing, and changing theories about the physical and social world. 9. The fourth substage of Piaget’s sensorimotor stage; infants begin to coordinate two or more actions to achieve simple objectives. This is the first sign of goal-directed behaviour. 10. The idea that much cognitive knowledge, such as object concept, is innate, requiring little in the way of specific experiences to be expressed, and that there are biological constraints, in that the mind/brain is designed to process certain types of information in certain ways.

essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following questions.

11. Discuss the development of imitation through the sensorimotor period. 12. Discuss the development of object permanence through the sensorimotor period. What evidence is there to suggest that Piaget underestimated infants’ knowledge of objects?

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234 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

2½-year-olds who are not allowed to play with the scale model but only to look through its windows do focus less on the interesting qualities of the scale model itself, treating it more like a symbol that helps them find the hidden toy in the real room. Even 3-year-olds struggle to make the link between the model and the room if they have to wait five minutes (Uttal Schreiber & DeLoache, 1995). So dual representation—the ability to keep in mind the relationship between a symbol and its referent—is rather fragile in 3-yearolds but improves substantially over the preschool years.

animism attributing life and lifelike qualities to inanimate objects.

egocentrism the tendency to view the world from your own perspective while failing to recognize that others may have different points of view.

Deficits in Preconceptual Reasoning Despite important new strengths that the use of symbols provides, Piaget’s descriptions of preoperational intelligence focused mainly on the limitations, or deficiencies, in children’s thinking. Indeed, he called this period “preoperational” because he believed that preschool children have not yet acquired the operational schemes that enable them to think logically. He claimed, for example, that young children often display animism—a willingness to attribute life and lifelike qualities (e.g., motives and intentions) to inanimate objects. The 4-year-old who believed that the wind blew on him to cool him off provides a clear example of the animistic logic that children are likely to display during the early preschool years. According to Piaget, the most striking deficiency in children’s preoperational reasoning—a deficiency that contributes immensely to the other intellectual shortcomings they display—is their egocentrism, a tendency to view the world from one’s own perspective and to have difficulty recognizing another person’s point of view. Piaget and Inhelder demonstrated this by first familiarizing children with an asymmetrical mountain scene (see Figure 8.3) and then asking them what an observer on the opposite side of the table would see as he gazed at the scene. Often, 3- and 4-year-olds said the other person would see exactly what they saw, thus failing to consider the other’s different perspective. The example introduced earlier in this chapter regarding the 4-year-old’s interpretation of the wind’s effects on him is another example of egocentrism. Other examples of this self-centred thinking appear in the statements young children make. Take the telephone conversation of 4-year-old Sandy with her uncle Dave:

© 2013 Cengage Learning

dave: So you’re going to a party today. Great. What are you wearing? sandy: This.

Figure 8.3 Piaget and Inhelder’s three-mountain problem. Young preoperational children are egocentric. They cannot easily assume another person’s perspective and often say that another child viewing the mountain from a different vantage point sees exactly what they see from their own location.

Sandy probably pointed to her new dress while talking into the phone, seemingly unaware that her uncle couldn’t know what she was talking about. Consequently, her speech is not adapted to the needs of her listener, reflecting instead her egocentric point of view. Finally, Piaget claimed that the young children’s egocentric focus on the way things appear to be makes it nearly impossible for them to distinguish appearances from reality. Consider Rheta DeVries’s (1969) classic study of the appearance/reality distinction. Children 3 to 6 years of age were introduced to a cat named Maynard. After the children had petted Maynard, DeVries hid Maynard’s head and shoulders behind a screen while she strapped a realistic mask of a dog’s face onto Maynard’s head (see Figure 8.4). The children were then asked questions about Maynard’s identity, such as, “What kind of animal is it now?” and “Does it bark or meow?” Even though Maynard’s back half and tail remained in full view during the transformation, nearly all the 3-year-olds focused on Maynard’s new appearance and concluded that he was really a dog. By contrast, most 6-year-olds could distinguish appearances from reality, correctly noting that Maynard the cat now merely looked like a dog. NEL

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Courtesy of Rheta DeVries

Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

Figure 8.4 Maynard the cat, without and with a dog mask. Three-year-olds who met Maynard before his change in appearance nonetheless believed that he had become a dog.

appearance/reality distinction ability to keep the true properties or characteristics of an object in mind despite the deceptive appearance that the object has assumed; notably lacking among young children during the preconceptual period.

centration (centred thinking) in Piaget’s theory, the tendency of preoperational children to attend to one aspect of a situation to the exclusion of others; contrasts with decentration.

Why do 3-year-olds fail to distinguish between the misleading visual appearance of an object and its actual identity? Their problem, according to John Flavell and his associates (1986; Flavell, 2004), is that they are not yet proficient at dual encoding—at representing an object in more than one way at a time. Just as young children have difficulty representing a scale model as both an object and a symbol (DeLoache, 2000), so do they struggle to construct simultaneous mental representations of an object that looks like something other than what it really is. To illustrate, Flavell and his colleagues (Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 1983; Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1989; Flavell, 2004) found that 3-year-olds who were shown a toy sponge that looked like a rock were apt to say that not only does it look like a rock, but it “really and truly is a rock.” Their representation of the object’s identity was based on its single most salient feature—its deceptive appearance. Yet when 3-year-old children are persuaded to play a trick on someone (e.g., “Let’s trick Sally and make her think that this sponge really is a rock, and not just a sponge that looks like one”), many 3-year-olds are capable of this kind of pretence, forming dual representations of this object as a sponge (reality) that only looks like a rock (appearance) (Rice, Koinis, Sullivan, Tager-Flusberg, & Winner, 1997). Clearly, symbolic play activities in which children pretend that objects (such as a large cardboard box) are something other than what they really are (such as a fort) are an important contributor to dual representation and to children’s gradually emerging abilities to distinguish misleading appearances from reality (Wyman, Rokoczy & Tomasello, 2009). These abilities develop gradually over the preschool period. Children become less egocentric and more proficient at classifying objects on the basis of shared perceptual attributes such as size, shape, and colour over the preschool years. But their thinking still shows a number of limitations. Piaget described preschool children’s thinking as intuitive because their understanding of objects and events is still largely based, or “centred,” on their single most salient perceptual feature—the way things appear to be—rather than on logical or rational thought processes. The most frequently cited examples of children’s intuitive reasoning come from Piaget’s famous conservation studies (Flavell, 1963). One of these experiments begins with the child adjusting the amounts of liquid in two identical containers until each is said to have “the same amount to drink.” Next the child sees the experimenter pour the liquid from one of these tall, thin containers into a short, broad container. The child is then asked whether the remaining tall, thin container and the shorter, broader container have the same amount of liquid or if one or the other container has more liquid (see Figure 8.5 for an illustration of the procedure). Children younger than 6 or 7 will usually say that the tall, thin receptacle contains more liquid than the short, broad one. The child’s thinking about liquids is apparently centred on one perceptual feature—the relative heights of the columns (tall column = more liquid). In Piaget’s terminology,

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236 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Liquids:

Mass (continuous substance):

Number:

Volume (water displacement):

Two identical beakers are filled to the same level, and the child agrees that they have the same amount to drink.

Two identical balls of playdough are presented. The child agrees that they have equal amounts of dough.

Child sees two rows of beads and agrees that each row has the same number.

Two identical balls of clay are placed in two identical beakers that had been judged to have the same amount to drink. The child sees the water level rise to the same point in each beaker.

Contents of one beaker are poured into a different-shaped beaker so that the two columns of water are of unequal height.

One ball is rolled into the shape of a sausage.

One row of beads is increased in length.

One ball of clay is taken from the water, molded into a different shape, and placed above the beaker. Child is asked whether the water level will be higher than, lower than, or the same as in the other beaker when the clay is reinserted into the water.

Conserving child recognizes that each beaker has the same amount to drink (on the average, conservation of liquids is attained at age 6–7 years).

Conserving child recognizes that each object contains the same amount of dough (average age, 6–7).

Child recognizes that each row still contains the same number of beads (average age, 6–7).

Conserving child recognizes that the water levels will be the same because nothing except the shape of the clay has changed—that is, the pieces of clay displace the same amount of water (average age, 9–12).

Figure 8.5 Some common tests of the child’s ability to understand the idea of conservation.

conservation the recognition that the properties of an object or substance do not change when its appearance is altered in some superficial way.

decentration in Piaget’s theory, the ability of concrete operational children to consider multiple aspects of a stimulus or situation; contrasts with centration.

reversibility the ability to reverse, or negate, an action by mentally performing the opposite action (negation).

preoperational children are incapable of conservation; they do not yet realize that certain properties of objects (such as volume, mass, or number) remain unchanged when the objects’ appearances are altered in some superficial way. Why do preschool children fail to understand conservation? The answer, according to Piaget, is that these children lack two cognitive operations that would help them to overcome their perceptually based intuitive reasoning. The first of these operations is decentration—the ability to concentrate on more than one aspect of a problem at the same time. Children, who are not able to decentre, are unable to attend simultaneously to both height and width when trying to solve the conservation-of-liquids problem. They centre their attention either on the difference in height or width and make their decisions on the basis of differences in that single dimension. Consequently, they fail to recognize that increases in the width of a column of liquid compensate for decreases in its height to preserve (or conserve) its absolute amount. Preschoolers also lack reversibility—the ability to mentally undo or negate an action (see Figure 8.5). So an intuitive 5-year-old faced with the conservation-of-liquids problem is unable to mentally reverse what he has seen to conclude that the liquid in the short, broad beaker is still the same water and would attain its former height if it were poured back into its original container. NEL

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Does Piaget Underestimate the Preoperational Child? Are preschool children really as intuitive, illogical, and egocentric as Piaget assumed? Can a child who has no understanding of cognitive operations be taught conservation? Let’s see what later research can tell us. evidence on egocentrism. Numerous experiments indicate that Piaget underestimated the ability of preschool children to recognize and appreciate another person’s point of view. For example, Piaget and Inhelder’s three-mountain task has been criticized as being unusually difficult, and more recent research has shown that children look much less egocentric when provided with less complicated visual displays (Gzesh & Surber, 1985; Newcombe & Huttenlocher, 1992). John Flavell and his associates (Flavell, Everett, Croft, & Flavell, 1981), for example, showed 3-year-olds a card with a dog on one side and a cat on the other. The card was then held vertically between the child (who could see the dog) and the experimenter (who could see the cat), and the child was asked which animal the experimenter could see. The 3-year-olds performed flawlessly, indicating that they could assume the experimenter’s perspective and infer that he must see the cat rather than the animal they were looking at. Flavell’s study investigated young children’s perceptual perspective taking—that is, the ability to make correct inferences about what another person can see or hear. Can preoperational children engage in conceptual perspective taking by making correct inferences about what another person may be thinking or feeling when these mental states differ from their own? The answer is a qualified yes. In one study, conducted by Suzanne Hala from the University of Calgary and Michael Chandler from the University of British Columbia (1996), 3-year-olds were asked to play a trick on a person (Lisa) by moving some biscuits from their distinctive biscuit jar to a hiding place so that Lisa would be fooled. When later asked where Lisa would look for the biscuits and where she would think the biscuits are, children who helped plan the deception performed quite well, saying that Lisa would look in the biscuit jar. In contrast, children who merely observed the experimenter planning the deception did not perform as well. Rather, they were more likely to answer this false-belief task erroneously, stating that Lisa would look for the biscuits in the new hiding place. In other words, when they planned to deceive someone, 3-year-olds were later able to take the perspective of that person. When they were not actively involved in the deceit, however, they performed egocentrically, stating that the unsuspecting person would look for the biscuits where they knew them to be (see also Carlson, Moses, & Hix, 1998). Such tasks have been proposed to assess children’s theory of mind, a topic we will discuss in greater detail shortly. Clearly, preoperational children are not nearly as egocentric as Piaget thought. Today, researchers believe that children gradually become less egocentric and better able to appreciate others’ points of view as they learn more and more—particularly about other people and the causes of their behaviour. In other words, perspective-taking abilities are not totally absent at one stage and suddenly present at another; they develop slowly and become more refined from early in life into adulthood (Bjorklund, 2005). another look at Children’s Reasoning. Piaget was quite correct in stating that preschool children are likely to provide animistic answers to many questions and to make logical errors when thinking about cause-and-effect relationships. Yet Susan Gelman and Gail Gottfried (1996) found that 3-year-olds do not routinely attribute life or lifelike qualities to inanimate objects, even such inanimates as a robot that can be made to move. In addition, most 4-year-olds recognize that plants and animals grow and will heal after an injury, whereas inanimate objects (e.g., a table with a broken leg) will not (Backschneider, Shatz, & Gelman, 1993). Although preschool children do occasionally display animistic responses, these judgments stem not so much from a general belief that moving inanimates have lifelike qualities (Piaget’s position) as from the (typically accurate) presumption that unfamiliar objects that appear to move on their own are alive (Dolgin & Behrend, 1984). NEL

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238 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

identity training an attempt to promote conservation by teaching nonconservers to recognize that a transformed object or substance is the same object or substance, regardless of its new appearance.

theory of mind a person’s concepts of mental activity; used to refer to how children conceptualize mental activity and how they attribute intention to and predict the behaviour of others; see also belief–desire reasoning. belief–desire reasoning the process whereby we explain and predict what people do based on what we understand their desires and beliefs to be.

Can Preoperational Children Understand Conservation? According to Piaget (1970b), children younger than 6 or 7 cannot solve conservation problems because they have not yet acquired the operation of reversibility—the cognitive operations that enable them to discover the constancy of attributes such as mass and volume. Piaget also argued that one cannot teach conservation to children younger than 6 or 7, as these preoperational youngsters are much too intellectually immature to understand and use logical operations such as reversibility. However, many researchers have demonstrated that nonconservers as young as 4 years of age, and even children with intellectual disabilities, can be trained to understand conservation by a variety of techniques (Gelman, 1969; Hendler & Weisberg, 1992). One approach that has proved particularly effective is identity training—teaching children to recognize that the object or substance transformed in a conservation task is still the same object or substance, regardless of its new appearance. For example, a child being trained to recognize identities on a conservation-of-liquids task might be told, “It may look like less water when we pour it from a tall, thin glass into this shorter one, but it is the same water, and there has to be the same amount to drink.” Dorothy Field (1981) showed that 4-year-olds who received this training not only conserved on the training task but also could use their new knowledge about identities to solve a number of conservation problems on which they had not been trained. Field also reported that nearly 75 percent of the 4-year-olds who had received some kind of identity training were able to solve at least three (out of five) conservation problems that were presented to them 2½ to 5 months after their training had ended. So, contrary to Piaget’s viewpoint, many preoperational children can learn conservation, and their initial understanding of this law of nature seems to depend more on their ability to recognize identities than on their use of reversibility and decentration.

The Development of Theory of Mind (ToM) In discussing challenges to Piaget’s theory of sensorimotor development, we introduced the idea that infants possess some ideas of how the world is structured (theories) and modify these theories as a function of experience until their understanding of the world more closely resembles that of adults. The most investigated theory is not associated with infant intelligence, however, but develops during Piaget’s preoperational period: theory of mind. In general, the phrase theory of mind is used to refer to children’s developing concepts of mental activity—an understanding of how the human mind works and a knowledge that humans are cognitive beings whose mental states are not always shared with or accessible to others. Belief–desire reasoning suggests that we understand that our behaviour, and the behaviour of others, is based on what we know or believe and what we want or desire (Wellman, 1990). Such an understanding of intentional behaviour is the basis of nearly all social interactions among people beyond preschool age (see Wellman, Cross & Watson, 2001). early Understandings of Mental States. The first steps toward acquiring a theory of mind are the realizations that oneself and other humans are animate (rather than inanimate) objects whose behaviours reflect goals and intentions. Remarkably, 2-month-old infants are making some progress—they are already more likely to repeat simple gestures displayed by a human rather than an inanimate object, thereby suggesting that they may already identify with human models (Legerstee, 1991). Infants as young as 3 months of age appear to be quite sensitive to eye contact and adult eye direction, as well as contingency or responsiveness on the part of the adult (Leekam, Lopez & Moore, 2000; Muir & Hains, 1999). By 6 months, infants perceive human actions as purposeful and know that humans behave differently toward people than they do toward inanimate objects. For example, if 6-month-olds see an actor talking to an unseen stimulus behind a screen, they expect a person to appear when the screen is removed and are surprised if an inanimate object appears. By contrast, if the actor manipulated the unseen stimulus, 6-month-olds expect to see an object and are surprised if a person appears (Legerstee, NEL

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Barna, & DiAdamo, 2000). By 9 months, infants will often point or otherwise direct a companion’s attention to objects or events, thus implying that they perceive a social partner as capable of understanding or sharing their own intentions (Tomasello, Carpenter & Liszkowski, 2007). By 18 months of age, toddlers know that desires direct actions and can often reason accurately about other people’s desires. So having seen a woman express disgust at the thought of eating crackers, they know that she would prefer vegetables to the crackers they personally favour when offered a choice between these snacks (Repacholi & Gopnik, 1997). Between ages 2 and 3, children often talk about such mental states as perceptions, feelings, and desires, and they even display some understanding of connections between different mental states. They know, for example, that a child who wants a cookie will feel good (happy) if she receives it and feel bad (angry, sad) if she does not (Moses, Coon, & Wusinich, 2000; Wellman, Phillips, & Rodriquez, 2000). According to Daniela O’Neill of the University of Waterloo (Atance & O’Neill, 2004), 3-year-olds are also aware that they may know something that others do not know. In addition, they know that people cannot actually observe their thoughts (Flavell, 2004). Yet, even though 3-year-olds are mindful of the human mind and of an emerging private self, they still have a very primitive understanding of such constructive or interpretive mental activities as beliefs and inferences. In fact, they might be labelled desire theorists because they think that a person’s actions generally reflect his desires and are much less inclined to assume that what a person believes might influence his behaviour (Wellman et al., 2001). Between the ages of 3 and 4, children develop a belief–desire theory of mind in which they recognize, as we adults do, that beliefs and desires are different mental states and that either or both can influence one’s conduct (Wellman et al., 2001). So a 4-year-old who has broken a vase while roughhousing may try to overcome his mother’s desire to punish him by trying to make her believe that his breaking the vase was unintentional (“I didn’t mean to, Mama. It was an accident!”).

false-belief task a type of task used in theory-of-mind studies, in which the child must infer that another person does not possess knowledge that he or she possesses (i.e., that other person holds a belief that is false).

Origins of a belief–Desire Theory. Very young children may view desire as the most important determinant of behaviour because desire so often triggers their own actions and they may assume that other people’s conduct reflects similar motives. For example, when 14-month-olds have the option of giving a woman a food treat of either crackers or broccoli, they give her the crackers, even though they had just seen her express disgust about crackers. Eighteen-month-olds, however, will offer the woman the vegetables, apparently realizing that the woman’s desires are different from their own (Repacholi & Gopnik, 1997). The most frequently used tool to assess children’s theory of mind is the false-belief task. Consider the following scenario: Jorge puts some chocolate in a blue cupboard and goes out to play. In his absence, his mother moves the chocolate to the green cupboard. When Jorge returns, he wants his chocolate. Where does he look for it? Three-year-olds say, “In the green cupboard.” They know where the chocolate is, and because beliefs represent reality, they assume that Jorge will be driven by his desire for chocolate to look in the right place. From a Piagetian perspective, children are making an egocentric response, believing that because they know where the chocolate is hidden, Jorge will know its location as well. In contrast, 4- to 5-year-olds display a belief–desire theory of mind; they understand that beliefs are merely mental representations of reality that may be inaccurate and that someone else may not share; thus, they know that Jorge will look for his chocolate in the blue cupboard, where he believes it is (beliefs determine behaviour, even if they are false), rather than in the green cupboard, where they know it is (Wellman & Woolley, 1990). In some instances, younger children do have the capacity to recognize a false belief or its implications. For example, if 3-year-olds collaborate with an adult in formulating a deceptive strategy in a hide-the-object game, their performance improves substantially on other false-belief tasks (Sodian, Taylor, Harris, & Perner, 1991). Nevertheless, between

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240 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

8.3

THe INSIDe TRaCK

Kang Lee

Kang Lee

Kang Lee is a professor in Applied Psychology and Human Development at the Ontario Institute of Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. He examines the cognitive-socialcultural factors that affect the development of lying and truthtelling. Among other techniques, he uses neuroscience methods (e.g., EEG, fMRI, fNIRS) to examine neural-physiological correlates of lying and truth-telling in children.

Kang Lee’s early research on the correlates of theory of mind demonstrated that 3-year-old children’s nonverbal behaviours are better indicators of their understanding of appearance and reality than their verbal responses are (Sapp, Lee & Muir, 2000). Lee has examined the role of theory of mind in terms of the development of lying, which among other abilities

requires knowledge of what others do and do not know. Although theory of mind is viewed as a cognitive advancement, training to increase children’s understanding of mental states also increases 3-year-old children’s ability to lie (Ding, Wellman, Wang, Fu, & Lee, 2015). Lee has contributed to research on cross-cultural universals of theory of mind by comparing children in China to children in North America in terms of theory of mind. For example, Lee and his colleagues found that theory of mind was related to executive functioning in preschoolers in China and the United States (Sabbagh, Xu, Carlson, Moses & Lee, 2006). He has also found links between executive function and the ability to learn how to cheat in a game, which required children to lie in order to get a reward (Fu, Sia, Yuan & Lee, 2018). Lying is evidence of children’s growing understanding of the minds and desires of others. Therefore, although lying is typically discouraged by parents, developmental psychologists view it as an important sign of cognitive development in young children.

3 and 4 years of age is when children normally achieve a much richer understanding of mental life and more clearly understand how beliefs and desires motivate their own behaviour and also the behaviour of other people (Wellman et al., 2001; Wellman & Liu, 2004). Such an understanding allows young children to engage in lying behaviour (see Box 8.3). Additionally, 4- and 5-year-old children are more skeptical about the reality of unfamiliar events that are improbable or impossible than was previously believed (Woolley & Ghossainy, 2013). How Does a Theory of Mind Originate? How do children manage to construct a theory of mind so early in life? Researchers (Zelazo & Frye, 1998) suggest that the age differences found with theory-of-mind tasks may be related to the development of causal reasoning skills. Other tasks that have similar information-processing requirements show similar age differences (see Chapter 9 for a summary of the information-processing perspective). According to Andrew Meltzoff (1995), however, one perspective is that human infants may be just as biologically prepared and as motivated to acquire information about mental states as they are to share meaning through language. As Box 8.4 illustrates, there are even those who believe that theory of mind is a product of evolution and that the human brain has specialized modules that allow children to construct an understanding of mental activities. Why do 3-year-olds fail at the false-belief task? Current researchers on theory of mind have proposed that children who lack theory of mind also lack a set of cognitive skills, collectively referred to as executive function, necessary to perform false-belief tasks properly (Zelazo & Frye, 1998). Executive function refers to a set of processes involved in planning, executing, and inhibiting actions. Of the various components of executive function related to theory of mind, inhibition mechanisms have received the most attention (Carlson, Moses, & Claxton, 2004; Flynn, O’Malley, & Wood, 2004). In a meta-analysis, researchers at Simon Fraser University and Kwantlen Polytechnic University in British Columbia examined the results of over 250 studies and showed the emergence of executive function leads to the development of theory of mind in preschoolers (Derksen, Hunsche, Giroux, Connolly & Bernstein, 2018). These relationships exist across cultures (Sabbagh et al., 2006). However, as children NEL

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8.4

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FOCUS ON ReSeaRCH

Is Theory of Mind Biologically Programmed? The Special Case of Autism Spectrum Disorder Some theorists claim that the capacities underlying selfconsciousness and complex theories of mind are products of human evolution and are the basis for our social intelligence and the development of cultures (Baron-Cohen, 1995; Mitchell, 1997). Presumably, our ancestors would have found it highly adaptive to understand beliefs, desires, and other mental states, as this ability to read minds allows for the evolution of cooperative divisions of labour that help to ensure survival, as well as more accurate assessments of the motives of rival groups that might threaten survival. Simon Baron-Cohen (1995) proposed that humans possess information-processing mechanisms that are specialized for theory of mind. One such mechanism is the shared-attention mechanism (SAM), which is said to develop between 9 and 18 months of age and allows two or more individuals to understand that they are paying attention to the same thing (Mundy et al., 2007). Another such mechanism is the theory-of-mind module (ToMM), which develops between 18 and 48 months of age and permits children to eventually discriminate such mental states as beliefs, desires, and intentions, and is believed to have neural correlates (Sabbagh &Taylor, 2000). Indeed, there is some evidence that development of a belief–desire theory of mind may reflect processing skills that are domain-specific—that is, apart from normal intelligence. For example, children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) perform poorly on theory of mind tasks even though these children may perform quite well on other intellectual tasks.

Individuals with ASD have deficits in social communication (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, DSM-5, 2013). Baron-Cohen (1995) claims that individuals with ASD lack ToMM and display severe deficits in reading minds, or mindblindness. Imagine how confusing and frightening it would be to interact with other humans if you lacked the capacity to understand their desires or recognize that they may try to deceive you. Temple Grandin, a woman with ASD who is a professor of animal sciences, described having to compensate for her lack of mind-reading skills by actively creating a memory bank of how people behave and what emotions they are likely to express in particular situations (Sacks, 2010). Although she can grasp simple emotions like happiness, she could never quite understand what Romeo and Juliet was all about. Theory of mind deficits in persons with ASD might also stem from deficits that children with ASD show in shared attention (Dawson et al., 2004), or from more general problems they display at tying together related pieces of information to reach appropriate conclusions (Jarrold, Butler, Cottingham, & Jimenez, 2000). Chris Moore’s research at Dalhousie University in Halifax has examined the independent roles of peer-related social skills and theory of mind in children with ASD and children who are deaf (Peterson, Slaughter, Moore, & Wellman, 2016). For children with ASD, social skills and theory of mind are linked to language skills; for children who are deaf, a direct link was found between peer-related social skills and theory of mind.

enter middle childhood, their theory of mind is related to executive function in a bidirectional way, meaning that performance on theory of mind and executive function influence each other (Derksen et al., 2018; also see Carlson, Mandell & Williams, 2004). Other cognitive developmental factors that are related to theory of mind are attention in infancy, and language skills in toddlers and preschoolers (Derksen et al., 2018). Other, more social factors also seem to influence theory of mind development. Pretend play, for example, is an activity that prompts children to think about mental states. As toddlers and preschool children conspire to make one object represent another or to enact pretend roles such as cops and robbers, they become increasingly aware of the creative potential of the human mind—an awareness that beliefs are merely mental constructions that can influence ongoing behaviour, even if they misrepresent reality (as they often do during pretend play) (Hughes & Dunn, 1999; Taylor & Carlson, 1997). Young children also have ample opportunity to learn how the mind works from family conversations centring on the discussion of motives, intentions, and other mental states (Sabbagh & Callanan, 1998), as well as on the resolution of conflicts among siblings and reasoning about moral issues (Dunn, 1994). Indeed, researchers such as Jennifer Jenkins and colleagues at the University of Toronto have found that preschoolers with siblings, especially those with older siblings, do better on false-belief tasks and are quicker to acquire a belief–desire theory of mind than are children without siblings ( Jenkins & Astington, 1996). Having older siblings NEL

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242 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

seems to be more beneficial to theory of mind development than having younger siblings; however, the results are inconsistent (see Ruffman, Perner, Naito, Parkin, & Clements, 1998, for a review). Additional research has shown that having large numbers of siblings does not facilitate theory of mind development unless the next oldest sibling is sensitive to the younger sibling’s emotions and abilities (Prime, Plamondon, Pauker, Perlman & Jenkins, 2016). How do older siblings confer an advantage? Some research suggests that older siblings might affect the amount of mental state talk that the child hears ( Jenkins, Turrell, Kogushi, Lollis, & Ross, 2003). In general, having siblings may provide more opportunities for pretend play as well as more interactions involving deception or trickery—experiences that illustrate that beliefs need not reflect reality to influence one’s own or another’s behaviour. However, preschoolers who perform especially well on false-belief tasks also interact with a larger number of adults, which implies that children are apprentices to a variety of tutors as they acquire a theory of mind ( Jenkins et al., 2003).

Summing Up Taken together, the evidence we have reviewed suggests that preschool children are not nearly as illogical or egocentric as Piaget assumed. Today, many researchers believe that Piaget underestimated the abilities of preschool children because his problems were too complex to allow them to demonstrate what they actually knew. If we were to ask you, “What do quarks do?” you probably could not tell us unless you were a physics major. Surely this is an unfair test of your “causal logic,” just as Piaget’s tests were when he questioned preschool children about phenomena that were equally unfamiliar to them (“What causes the wind?”). Even when they were thinking about familiar concepts, Piaget required children to verbally justify their answers—to state rationales that these young, relatively inarticulate preschoolers were often incapable of providing (to Piaget’s satisfaction, at least). Yet later research consistently indicates that Piaget’s participants may have had a reasonably good understanding of many ideas that they couldn’t articulate (such as distinctions between animates and inanimates) and would have easily displayed such knowledge if asked different questions or given nonverbal tests of the same concepts (Bullock, 1985; Waxman & Hatch, 1992). Clearly, Piaget was right in arguing that preschool children are more intuitive, egocentric, and illogical than older elementary school children. Yet it is now equally clear that (1) preschoolers are capable of reasoning logically about simple problems or concepts that are familiar to them, and (2) a number of factors other than lack of cognitive operations may account for their poor performances on Piaget’s cognitive tests.

The Concrete-Operational Stage (7 to 11 Years) concrete-operational period Piaget’s third stage of cognitive development, lasting from about age 7 to age 11, when children are acquiring cognitive operations and thinking more logically about real objects and experiences.

During Piaget’s concrete-operational period, children rapidly acquire cognitive operations and apply these important new skills when thinking about objects and events that they have experienced. A cognitive operation is an internal mental activity that enables children to modify and reorganize their images and symbols to reach a logical conclusion. With these powerful new operations in their cognitive arsenal, elementary school children progress far beyond the static and centred thinking of the preoperational stage. For every limitation of the preoperational child, we can see a corresponding strength in the concrete operator (see Table 8.3). For example, Markovits and colleagues from the University of Quebec at Montreal found that children ages 8 to 11 years were more likely to evaluate a logical argument than an argument supported by an authority figure (Markovits, Brisson, de Chantal & St. Onge, 2016). Below we provide a couple of examples of operational thought: conservation and relational logic. NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

Table 8.3

243

A Comparison of Preoperational and Concrete-Operational Thought

Concept

Preoperational Thought

Concrete-Operational Thought

Egocentrism

Children typically assume that others share their point of view.

Children may respond egocentrically at times but are now much more aware of others’ divergent perspectives.

Animism

Children are likely to assume that unfamiliar objects that move on their own have lifelike qualities.

Children are more aware of the biological bases for life and do not attribute lifelike qualities to inanimates.

Causality

Limited awareness of causality. Children occasionally display transductive reasoning, assuming that one of two correlated events must have caused the other.

Children have a much better appreciation of causal principles (although this knowledge of causality continues to develop into adolescence and beyond).

Perception-bound thought/concentration

Children make judgments based on perceptual appearances and focus on a single aspect of a situation when seeking answers to a problem.

Children can ignore misleading appearances and focus on more than one aspect of a situation when seeking answers to a problem (decentration).

Irreversibility/reversibility

Children cannot mentally undo an action they have witnessed. They cannot think back to the way an object or situation was before the object or situation changed.

Children can mentally negate changes they have witnessed to make before and after comparisons and consider how changes have altered the situation.

Performance on Piagetian tests of logical reasoning

Their egocentrism and their perception-bound, centred reasoning means that children often fail conservation tasks, have difficulty grouping objects into hierarchies of classes and subclasses, and display little ability to order objects mentally along such quantitative dimensions as height or length.

Their declining egocentrism and acquisition of reversible cognitive operations permit concrete-operational children to conserve, correctly classify objects on several dimensions, and mentally order objects on quantitative dimensions. Conclusions are now based on logic (the way things must necessarily be) rather than on the way they appear to be.

mental seriation a cognitive operation that allows one to mentally order a set of stimuli along a quantifiable dimension such as height or weight.

Conservation Concrete-operational children can easily solve several of Piaget’s conservation problems. Faced with the conservation-of-liquids puzzle, for example, a 7-year-old concrete operator can decentre by focusing simultaneously on both the height and width of the two containers. She also displays reversibility—the ability to mentally undo the pouring process and imagine the liquid in its original container. Armed with these cognitive operations, she now knows that the two different containers each have the same amount of liquid; she uses logic, not misleading appearances, to reach her conclusion.

Relational logic. An important hallmark of concrete-operational thinking is a better understanding of quantitative relations and relational logic. Do you remember transitivity an occasion when your gym teacher said, “Line up by height from tallest to shortest”? the ability to recognize relations Carrying out such an order is really quite easy for concrete operators, who now are among elements in a serial order (e.g., capable of mental seriation—the ability to mentally arrange items along a quantifiable if A  B and B  C, then A  C). dimension such as height or weight. By contrast, preoperational youngsters perform poorly on many seriation tasks (see Figure 8.6) and would struggle to comply with the gym teacher’s request. Concrete-operational thinkers have also mastered the related concept of transitivity, which describes the necessary relations among elements in a series. If, for example, John is taller than Mark, and Mark is taller than Miguel, who is taller, (a) Incomplete (b) Extension (c) Seriation John or Miguel? It follows logically that John must be taller Preoperational Concrete-operational than Miguel, and the concrete operator grasps the transitivity orderings ordering of these size relationships. Lacking the concept of transitivity, Figure 8.6 Children’s performance on a simple seriation task. the preoperational child relies on perceptions to answer the If asked to arrange a series of sticks from shortest to longest, question and might insist that John and Miguel stand next to preoperational children often (a) line up one end of the sticks each other so that he can determine who is taller. Preoperational and create an incomplete ordering or (b) order them so the top children probably have a better understanding of transitive of each successive stick extends higher than the preceding stick. relations than Piaget gave them credit for (Trabasso, 1975), but Concrete operators, by contrast, can use the inverse cognitive they still have difficulty grasping the logical necessity of transioperations greater than () and less than () to quickly make tivity (Markovits & Dumas, 1999). successive comparisons and create a correct serial ordering. NEL

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244 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

horizontal décalage Piaget’s term for a child’s uneven cognitive performance; an inability to solve certain problems even though the child can solve similar problems requiring the same mental operations.

The Sequencing of Concrete Operations. While examining Figure 8.5, you may have noticed that some forms of conservation (such as mass) are understood much sooner than others (volume). Piaget was aware of this and other developmental inconsistencies, and he coined the term horizontal décalage (décalage is French for “discrepancy”) to describe them. Why does the child display different levels of understanding on conservation tasks that seem to require the same mental operations? According to Piaget, horizontal décalage occurs because problems that appear quite similar may actually differ in complexity. For example, conservation of volume (see Figure 8.5) is not attained until ages 9 to 12 because it is a complex task that requires the child to simultaneously consider the operations involved in the conservation of both liquids and mass and then to determine whether there are any meaningful relationships between these two phenomena. Although we have described concrete operations as if they were a set of skills that appear rather abruptly over a brief period, this was not Piaget’s view. Piaget always maintained that operational abilities develop gradually and sequentially as the simpler skills that appear first are consolidated, combined, and reorganized into increasingly complex mental structures. After reviewing some of the intellectual accomplishments of the concrete-operational period, we can see why many societies begin formal education at 6 to 7 years of age. According to Piaget, this is precisely the time when children are decentring from perceptual illusions and acquiring the cognitive operations that enable them to comprehend arithmetic; think about language and its properties; classify animals, people, objects, and events; and understand the relations between uppercase and lowercase letters, letters and the printed word, and words and sentences.

The Formal-Operational Stage (11 to 12 Years and Beyond)

formal operations Piaget’s fourth and final stage of cognitive development, from age 11 or 12 and beyond, when the individual begins to think more rationally and systematically about abstract concepts and hypothetical events.

hypothetico-deductive reasoning in Piaget’s theory, a formal operational ability to think hypothetically.

According to Piaget, the impressive thinking of concrete-operational children is limited because they can apply their operational schemes only to objects, situations, or events that are real or imaginable. The transitive inferences of concrete operators, for example, are likely to be accurate only for real objects that are (or have been) physically present. Seven- to 11-year-olds cannot yet apply this relational logic to abstract signifiers such as the x, y, and z that we use in algebra. By contrast, formal operations, first seen between the ages of 11 and 13 years of age, are mental actions performed on ideas and propositions. No longer is thinking tied to the factual or observable, because formal operators can reason quite logically about hypothetical processes and events that may have no basis in reality.

Hypothetico-deductive Reasoning The benchmark of formal operations is what Piaget referred to as hypothetico-deductive reasoning (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). Deductive reasoning, which entails reasoning from the general to the specific, much as Sherlock Holmes would do in examining the clues to a crime to catch the villain, is not, in itself, a formal operational ability. Concreteoperational children can arrive at a correct conclusion if they are provided with the proper concrete “facts” as evidence. Formal-operational children, on the other hand, are not restricted to thinking about previously acquired facts but can generate hypotheses; what is possible is more important to them than what is real. Hypothetical thinking is also critical for most forms of mathematics beyond simple arithmetic. If 2x + 4 = 14, what does x equal? The problem does not deal with concrete entities such as apples or oranges, only with numbers and letters. It is an arbitrary, hypothetical problem that can be answered only if approached abstractly, using a symbol system that does not require concrete referents. NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

inductive reasoning the type of thinking that scientists display, where hypotheses are generated and then systematically tested in experiments.

CONCePT CHeCK

8.3

245

Thinking like a Scientist In addition to the development of deductive reasoning abilities, formal-operational children are hypothesized to be able to think inductively, going from specific observations to broad generalizations. Inductive reasoning is the type of thinking that scientists display, where hypotheses are generated and then systematically tested in experiments. Piaget (1970b) believed that the transition from concrete-operational to formaloperational reasoning takes place very gradually. For example, 11- to 12-year-olds who are entering formal operations are able to consider simple hypothetical propositions such as what would happen if you had three eyes. However, they are not yet proficient at generating and testing hypotheses. Other investigators suggest that each person has an optimal, or “highest,” level of cognitive performance that will show itself in familiar or well-trained content domains (Thompson, 2000). However, according to Zopito Marini from Brock University and the late Robbie Case (1994), performance is likely to be inconsistent across domains unless the person has had a chance to build knowledge

Understanding Cognitive Development

Check your understanding of older children’s cognitive development by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Glen’s mother has short dark hair; Glen thinks that all mothers have short dark hair. This an example of: a. conservation b. disequilibrium c. egocentrism d. accommodation 2. What characterizes the preoperational child? a. introspective and abstract thinking b. logical, concrete, and nonabstract thinking c. symbolic, intuitive, and egocentric thinking d. logical, abstract, and egocentric thinking 3. A 5-year-old child suggests that John, who is 1.8 m tall, must be older than his Aunt Mary, who is only 1.5 m tall. What can this approach of interpreting age based solely on the height of an individual be attributed to? a. this child’s seeing events as specific states and ignoring transformations b. this child’s egocentricity c. this child’s inability to deal with a superordinate and subordinate concept simultaneously d. this child’s perceptual centration 4. What is the term for children’s developing concepts of mental activity, including some coherent framework for organizing facts and making predictions? a. dual encoding b. reflective abstraction c. theory of mind d. representational insight

Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions. a. b. c. d. e. f.

representational insight animism conservation theory of mind horizontal décalage hypothetico-deductive reasoning 5. A person’s concepts of mental activity; used to refer to how children conceptualize mental activity and how they attribute intention to and predict the behaviour of others. 6. The knowledge that an entity can stand for (represent) something other than itself. 7. The recognition that the properties of an object or substance do not change when its appearance is altered in some superficial way. 8. In Piaget’s theory, a formal operational ability to think hypothetically. 9. Attributing life and lifelike qualities to inanimate objects. 10. Piaget’s term for a child’s uneven cognitive performance; an inability to solve certain problems even though the child can solve similar problems requiring the same mental processes.

essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following

questions.

11. What are some of the cognitive abilities that differentiate preoperational from concrete-operational children? 12. How are false-belief tasks used to assess belief–desire reasoning in children?

NEL

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246 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

and to practise reasoning in all these content areas. So we must be careful not to underestimate the cognitive capabilities of those who fail Piaget’s formal-operational tests, for their less-than-optimal performances on these problems may simply reflect either a lack of interest or a lack of experience with the subject matter rather than an inability to reason at the formal level. In sum, formal-operational thinking is rational, systematic, and abstract. The formal operator can now think in an organized way about thought and can operate on ideas and hypothetical concepts, including those that contradict reality.

an evaluation of Piaget’s Theory We have provided some evaluation of Piaget’s theory of cognitive development throughout this chapter. In this section, we take a broader view of this monumental theory. Let us start by giving credit where credit is due before considering the challenges to Piaget’s viewpoint.

Piaget’s Contributions Piaget is a giant in the field of human development. As one anonymous scholar quoted by Harry Beilin put it, “Assessing the impact of Piaget on developmental psychology is like assessing the impact of Shakespeare on English literature or Aristotle on philosophy— impossible” (1992, p. 191). It is hard to imagine that we would know even a fraction of what we know about intellectual development had Piaget pursued his early interests in zoology and never worked with developing children. So what exactly has Piaget contributed to the field of human development? The following list is a brief assessment of Piaget’s major contributions made by several prominent researchers (Brainerd, 1996; Elkind, 1996; Fischer & Hencke, 1996; Flavell, 1996; Gopnik, 1996; Kessen, 1996): 1.

2.

3.

4.

5. 6.

Piaget founded the discipline we know today as cognitive development. His interest in children’s thinking ensured that this field would be “developmental” and not merely apply to children the ideas and methods from the study of adult thinking. Piaget convinced us that children are curious, active explorers who play an important role in their own development. Although Piaget’s assumptions that children actively construct their own knowledge may seem obvious today, this viewpoint was innovative and counter to the thinking of his time. Piaget’s theory was one of the first to try to explain, and not just describe, the process of development. Largely prompted by his theory, many theorists, including Juan Pascual-Leone of York University, have taken seriously the need to explain transitions in children’s thinking (Pascual-Leone, 2012; Pascual-Leone & Johnson, 2010; Siegler, 1996). Piaget’s description of broad sequences of intellectual development provides a reasonably accurate overview of how children of different ages think. He may have been wrong about some of the specifics, but, as Robert Siegler notes, “His descriptions feel right . . . The general trends . . . appeal to our intuitions and our memories of childhood” (1991, p. 18). Piaget’s ideas have had a major influence on thinking about social and emotional development, as well as many practical implications for educators. Finally, Piaget asked important questions and drew literally thousands of researchers to the study of cognitive development. And, as often happens when heuristic theories such as Piaget’s are repeatedly scrutinized, some of his research led to new insights while pointing to problems with his original ideas. NEL

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Challenges to Piaget Critics have pointed to several apparent shortcomings of Piaget’s theory. We will briefly consider four of these criticisms.

Piaget Failed to Distinguish Competence from Performance We have commented repeatedly throughout this chapter that Piaget underestimated the cognitive capabilities of infants, toddlers, and preschool children. One reason for this consistent underestimation of children’s abilities is Piaget’s concern with identifying the underlying competencies, or cognitive structures, that presumably determine how children perform on various cognitive tasks. He tended to assume that a child who failed one of his problems simply lacked the underlying concepts, or thought structures, that he was testing. We now know that this assumption is not valid because many factors other than a lack of critical competencies might undermine one’s performance on a cognitive test. We’ve seen, for example, that 4- and 5-year-olds, who seem to know the differences between animates and inanimates, failed Piaget’s tests largely because Piaget required them to explain principles they understood (critical competency) but could not articulate. His tendency to equate task performances with competencies (and to ignore motivation, task familiarity, and all other factors that influence performance) is a major reason that his age norms for various cognitive milestones were often so far off target. Does Cognitive Development Really Occur in Stages? Piaget maintained that his stages of intellectual development are holistic structures; that is, coherent modes of thinking that are applied across a broad range of tasks. To say that a child is concrete-operational, for example, implies that he relies on cognitive operations and thinks logically about the vast majority of intellectual problems he encounters. Recently, this holistic-structures assumption has been challenged by researchers who question whether cognitive development is at all stagelike (Bjorklund, 2005; Siegler, 2000). From their perspective, a “stage” of cognitive development implies that abrupt changes in intellectual functioning occur as the child acquires several new competencies over a relatively brief period. Yet we’ve seen that cognitive growth doesn’t happen that way. Major transitions in intellect occur quite gradually, and there is often very little consistency in the child’s performance on tasks that presumably measure the abilities that define a given stage. For example, it may be years before a 7-year-old who can seriate or conserve number will be able to conserve volume (see Figure 8.5). Furthermore, it now WHaT DO YOU THINK? ? appears that different concrete-operational and formal-operational problems are mastered in different orders by different children, a finding that suggests that there is a lot less Joe, who is 4½ years old, is consistency and coherence to cognitive growth than Piaget assumed (Case, 1992; Case & obsessed with dinosaurs. He can Okamoto, 1996; Larivèe, Normandeau, & Parent, 2000). classify them in many different So is cognitive development truly stagelike? The issue is still hotly debated and far ways (e.g., carnivores vs. herbivores, from being resolved. Some theorists insist that cognitive development is coherent and large vs. small) but struggles with does progress through a series of stages, though not necessarily through the same the kindergarten unit on animals stages that Piaget proposed (Case & Okamoto, 1996). Yet many other theorists believe where he has to classify “barn animals” and “house animals,” and that intellectual development is a complex, multifaceted process in which children then use the global category of gradually acquire skills in many different content areas, such as deductive reasoning, “animals” when discussing things mathematics, visual–spatial reasoning, verbal skills, and moral reasoning, to name a you see on the farm. Which of few (Bjorklund, 2005; Fischer & Bidell, 1998). Although development within each of Piaget’s stages does Joe’s problem these domains may occur in small, orderly steps, there is no assumption of consistency solving seem to illustrate in each across domains. Thus, a 10-year-old who enjoys solving word puzzles and playing area of knowledge? How would verbal games might outperform most age-mates on tests of verbal reasoning but Piaget deal with this inconsistent function at a much lower level in less familiar domains, such as hypothesis testing or reasoning? mathematical reasoning. NEL

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248 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

In sum, many aspects of cognitive development are orderly and coherent (and some would say stagelike) within particular intellectual domains. Yet there is very little evidence for strong consistencies in development across domains or for broad, holistic cognitive stages of the kind Piaget described.

Does Piaget explain Cognitive Development? Even those researchers who claim that cognitive growth is stagelike are bothered by Piaget’s account of how children move from one stage of intellect to the next. Recall Piaget’s interactionist viewpoint: presumably children are (1) constantly assimilating new experiences in ways that their level of maturation allows, (2) accommodating their thinking to these experiences, and (3) reorganizing their structures into increasingly complex mental schemes that enable them to re-establish cognitive equilibrium with novel aspects of the environment. As children continue to mature, assimilate more complex information, and alter and reorganize their schemes, they eventually come to view familiar objects and events in new ways and move from one stage of intellect to the next. This rather vague explanation of cognitive growth raises more questions than it answers. What maturational changes are necessary before children can progress from sensorimotor to preoperational intellect or from concrete to formal operations? What kinds of experiences must a child have to construct mental symbols, use cognitive operations, or operate on ideas and think about hypotheticals? Piaget was simply not very clear about these or any other mechanisms that might enable a child to move to a higher stage of intellect. As a result, a growing number of researchers now look on his theory as an elaborate description of cognitive development that has limited explanatory power (Makris, Tachmatzidis, Demetriou & Spanoudis, 2017). Piaget Devoted Too little attention to Social and Cultural Influences The majority of Piaget’s theory was supported by research conducted in North America and Europe. However, children live in varied social and cultural contexts that affect the way their world is structured. Although Piaget admitted that cultural factors may influence the rate of cognitive growth, developmentalists now know that culture influences how children think as well (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff, 2003). Piaget also paid too little attention to the ways that children’s minds develop through their social interactions with more competent individuals. It would be an overstatement to say that Piaget ignored social influences on cognitive development. For example, Piaget felt that conflict among peers was a major contributor to cognitive disequilibrium and intellectual growth, particularly the growth of perspectivetaking skills and moral reasoning. Nevertheless, Piaget’s descriptions emphasize the self-directed character of cognitive growth, almost as if children were isolated scientists, exploring the world and making critical discoveries largely on their own. Today, we know that children develop many of their most basic (and not so basic) competencies by collaborating with parents, teachers, older siblings, and peers. Indeed, the belief that social interaction contributes importantly to cognitive growth is a cornerstone of the sociocultural perspective on cognitive development offered by one of Piaget’s contemporaries, Lev Vygotsky.

Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory As we have seen, Piaget’s theory has not gone unchallenged. Yet Piagetian theory revolutionized the way developmental psychologists view children. It also inspired many researchers who accepted the core principles in Piaget’s theory to expand and develop the theory. These researchers became known as neo-Piagetians. Juan Pascual-Leone, a prominent neo-Piagetian from York University, has been examining links between cognitive NEL

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Archives of the History of American Psychology, University of Akron

Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

Robbie Case (1944–2000) was a wellknown neo-Piagetian researcher, affiliated with the University of Toronto.

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development, information-processing capacity and general intelligence (Pascual-Leone & Johnson, 2010). See Chapter 9 for further discussion of information-processing capacity and Chapter 10 for further discussion on the nature of intelligence. One of the best known neo-Piagetians is Robbie Case, who conducted his work at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) at the University of Toronto. Case agreed with the general concepts of accommodation and assimilation but refined these general concepts to explain how the processes occur. For example, he believed that accommodation occurs through exploration and problem solving. As children explore their environment and engage in problem solving, they expand their existing cognitive structures. Case explained assimilation through the concepts of consolidation and automatization. To acquire new concepts, children first have to consolidate existing knowledge—that is, establish firm links among bits of information that form a concept. Children also need to have an opportunity for repeated practice, because it is through practice that existing knowledge is automatized and thus readily accessed. By viewing accommodation as exploration and problem solving, and assimilation as consolidation and automatization, Case allowed for related skills to be acquired at different times. Although he agreed with Piaget that many tasks are accomplished in a fairly universal sequence, Case argued that acquisition across tasks is similar only if the problems have a similar level of complexity and problem-solving procedures (Case & Okamoto, 1996; Case, Griffin, McKeough, & Okamoto, 1992; Marini & Case, 1994). If they differ, generalization to other tasks will not occur at the same time. For example, children acquire conservation of volume later than conservation of mass (see Figure 8.5 on page 236) because the volume problem is more complex. Interestingly, Case also argued that children must progress through the same number and the same sequence of steps for each of the concepts. For example, the general sequence of problem-solving processes needed to acquire conservation of mass would also be necessary to acquire conservation of volume— and concepts outside the logico-mathematico domain as well, such as social cognition. Case also suggested that processing capacity and biological factors are important predictors of cognitive growth (Case, 1985). His focus on capacity applied Piagetian theory to information processing (which we will explore in Chapter 9). Children’s capacity to attend to information, or “working memory,” is cited as one of the major constraining factors, or upper limits, on their developing cognition. Case defined the central processing structures as “central” in at least three ways. First, they form the conceptual “centre” of children’s understanding of a broad array of situations, both within and across culturally defined disciplines or content areas. Second, they form the core elements out of which more elaborate structures will be constructed in the future. In effect, central processing structures constitute the conceptual kernel on which children’s future cognitive growth will depend. Third, they are the product of children’s central processing or working memory capacity. Case held that specific biological factors determine the upper limits on working memory—factors such as myelinization (Case, 1985). As noted in Chapter 6, myelinization involves the development of myelin sheaths that facilitate transmission of neural impulses. Finally, Case was sensitive to the role of experience and cultural variations in cognition (Case, 1992, 1998; Case & Okamoto, 1996). He argued that the overarching symbolic logic proposed by Piaget was not sensitive to cultural differences. Instead, Case proposed that cognitive structures could be specific to a culture and not universal. For example, the formal structures of Western science and math involve segmenting problems into small enough units that they can be systematically manipulated and controlled. Other cultures engage in equally sophisticated processing but may not use this particular method. In fact, Case suggested that cultural experience is a vital component of children’s ability to master new skills. Although processing capacity may be similar across children, their experiences differ. This focus on experience highlights the role of the family and the larger culture on development, a perspective many critics feel that Piaget did not highlight enough. Indeed, the belief that social interaction contributes importantly to cognitive growth is a cornerstone of the sociocultural perspective on cognitive development offered by one of Piaget’s contemporaries, Lev Vygotsky.

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250 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective sociocultural theory Vygotsky’s perspective on cognitive development, in which children acquire their culture’s values, beliefs, and problem-solving strategies through collaborative dialogues with more knowledgeable members of society.

To view Piaget’s work from a new vantage point, let’s consider a perspective on cognitive development that has aroused a great deal of interest—the sociocultural theory of Lev Vygotsky (1934/1962; 1930–1935/1978; and see Gauvain, 2001; Rogoff, 1990, 2003; Wertsch & Tulviste, 1992). This Russian developmentalist was an active scholar in the 1920s and 1930s when Piaget was formulating his theory. Unfortunately, Vygotsky died at the age of 38 before his work was complete and was only “rediscovered” in the 1970s in North America. Nevertheless, he left us with much food for thought by insisting that (1) cognitive growth occurs in a sociocultural context that influences the form it takes, and (2) many of a child’s most noteworthy cognitive skills evolve from social interactions with parents, teachers, and other more competent associates.

The Role of Culture in Intellectual Development

ontogenetic development development of the individual over his or her lifetime. microgenetic development changes that occur over relatively brief periods, in seconds, minutes, or days, as opposed to larger-scale changes, as conventionally studied in ontogenetic development. phylogenetic development development over evolutionary time. sociohistorical development changes that have occurred in an individual’s culture and the values, norms, and technologies such a history has generated.

The crux of the sociocultural perspective as advocated by Vygotsky was that children’s intellectual development is closely tied to their culture. Children do not develop the same type of reasoning all over the world, but learn to use their species-typical brain and mental abilities to solve problems and interpret their surroundings consistent with the demands and values of their culture. For Vygotsky, human cognition, even when carried out in isolation, is inherently sociocultural, affected by the beliefs, values, and tools of intellectual adaptation passed to individuals by their culture. And because these values and intellectual tools may vary substantially from culture to culture, Vygotsky believed that neither the course nor the content of intellectual growth was as universal as Piaget assumed. James Allen at Trent University and Christopher Lalonde at the University of Victoria conducted research influenced by the ideas of Piaget and Vygotsky. They examined narrative skills in a group of culturally diverse Grade 1 students who had been exposed to First Nations/Indigenous stories and cultural experiences through their classroom curriculum (Allen & Lalonde, 2015). When the children were asked to retell the stories, they used similar speech patterns and rhetorical devices as were used in the original stories. Vygotsky proposed that we should evaluate development from the perspective of four interrelated levels—microgenetic, ontogenetic, phylogenetic, and sociohistorical—in interaction with children’s environments. Ontogenetic development refers to development of the individual over his or her lifetime, and is the topic of this book and the level of analysis for nearly all developmental psychologists. Microgenetic development refers to changes that occur over relatively brief periods, such as the changes one may see in a child solving arithmetic problems every week for eight consecutive weeks (Siegler & Stern, 1998), or even the changes in the use of memory strategies that children use over five different trials in the course of a 20-minute session (Coyle & Bjorklund, 1997). This is obviously a finergrained analysis than that afforded by the traditional ontogenetic level. Phylogenetic development refers to changes over evolutionary time, measured in thousands and even millions of years. Here, Vygotsky anticipated the current evolutionary psychology perspective, believing that an understanding of the species’ history can provide insight into child development (Bjorklund, 2018; Ellis & Bjorklund, 2005). Finally, sociohistorical development refers to the changes that have occurred in an individual’s culture and the values, norms, and technologies such a history has generated. It is this sociohistorical perspective that modern-day researchers have emphasized most about Vygotsky’s ideas.

Tools of Intellectual adaptation Vygotsky proposed that infants are born with a few elementary mental functions—attention, sensation, perception, and memory—that are eventually transformed by the culture into new and more sophisticated higher mental functions. Take memory, for example. Young children’s early memory capabilities are limited by biological constraints to the images NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

tools of intellectual adaptation Vygotsky’s term for methods of thinking and problem-solving strategies that children internalize from their interactions with more competent members of society.

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and impressions they can produce. However, each culture provides its children with tools of intellectual adaptation that permit them to use their basic mental functions more adaptively. For example, children in information-age societies might enhance their memory by taking notes on their laptops, whereas their age-mates in preliterate societies might represent each object they must remember by tying a knot in a string. Such socially transmitted memory strategies and other cultural tools teach children how to use their minds—in short, how to think. And because each culture also transmits specific beliefs and values, it teaches children what to think as well. One subtle difference in cultural tools of intellectual adaptation that can make a noticeable difference in children’s cognitive task performance is found in how a language names its numbers (Dehaene, 2011). For example, in all languages, the first 10 digits must be learned by rote. After that, however, some languages take advantage of the base-10 number system and name numbers accordingly. English does this beginning at 20 (twenty-one, twentytwo, and so on). However, the teen numbers in English are not so easily represented. Rather, eleven and twelve must also be memorized. Not until 13 does a base-10 system begin (three + ten = thirteen), and even then, several of the number names do not correspond to the formula digit + ten. Fourteen, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, and nineteen do, but the number names for thirteen and fifteen are not as straightforward (i.e., they are not expressed as threeteen and fiveteen). Moreover, for the teen numbers, the digit unit is stated first (fourteen, sixteen), whereas the decade unit is stated first for the numbers 20 through 99 (twenty-one, thirtytwo). Thus, the number system becomes regular in English beginning with the 20s. Other languages, such as Chinese, have a more systematic number-naming system. In Chinese, as in English, the first 10 digits must be memorized. However, from this point, the Chinese number-naming system follows a base-10 logic, with the name for 11 translating as “ten one,” the name for 12 translating as “ten two,” and so on. Table 8.4 Table 8.4

Chinese and English Number Words from 1 to 20

The more systematic Chinese numbering system follows a base-10 logic (i.e., “11” translating as “ten one” [“shi yee”]) requiring less rote memorization, which may explain why Chinese-speaking children learn to count to 20 earlier than English-speaking children.

Number

Chinese Character

Chinese Word

English Word

1

y

one

2

ér

two

3

s n

three

4

sì

four

5

w

five

6

liù

six

7

q

seven

8

b

eight

9

ji

nine

10

shí

ten

11

shí y

eleven

12

shí èr

twelve

13

shí s n

thirteen

14

shí sì

fourteen

15

shí w

fifteen

16

shí liù

sixteen

17

Shí q

seventeen

18

shí b

eighteen

19

shí ji

nineteen

20

ér shí

twenty

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252 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

shows the names for the numbers 1 to 20 in both English and Chinese. Kevin Miller and his colleagues (1995) reasoned that differences in the number-naming systems between English and Chinese might be associated with early mathematical competence, specifically counting. They tested 3- through 5-year-old children in Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, and Beijing, China. They asked each child to count as high as possible. There were no cultural differences for the 3-year-olds, but the Chinese children began to show a counting advantage by age 4, and this advantage was even larger at age 5. Further analyses indicated that cultural differences were centred on the teens. Although almost all children could count to 10 (94 percent of the American children and 92 percent of the Chinese children), only 48 percent of the American children could count to 20, compared to 74 percent of the Chinese children. Once children could count to 20, there were no cultural differences for counting to 100. These findings indicate how differences in the number-naming system of a language can contribute to an early difference in cognitive skill. This early difference in a tool of intellectual adaptation might contribute to later differences in mathematical abilities found between Chinese and American children (Stevenson, Lee, & Stigler, 1986). Interestingly, no differences were found in terms of the relations between English language skill and mathematical development in immigrant and non-immigrant children (Vukovic & Lesaux, 2013).

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The Social Origins of Early Cognitive Competencies

According to Vygotsky, new skills are often easier to acquire if children receive guidance and encouragement from a more competent associate.

zone of proximal development Vygotsky’s term for the range of tasks that are too complex to be mastered alone but can be accomplished with guidance and encouragement from a more skillful partner.

Vygotsky agreed with Piaget that young children are curious explorers who are actively involved in learning and discovering new principles. Unlike Piaget, however, Vygotsky believed that many of the truly important “discoveries” that children make occur within the context of cooperative, or collaborative, dialogues between a skillful tutor—who models the activity and transmits verbal instructions—and a novice pupil—who first seeks to understand the tutor’s instruction and eventually internalizes this information, using it to regulate her or his own performance. To illustrate collaborative (or guided) learning as Vygotsky viewed it, let’s imagine that Annie, a 4-year-old, has just received her first jigsaw puzzle. She attempts to work the puzzle but gets nowhere until her father sits down beside her and gives her some tips. He suggests that it would be a good idea to put together the corners first, points to the pink area at the edge of one corner piece and says, “Let’s look for another pink piece.” When Annie seems frustrated, he places two interlocking pieces near each other so that she will notice them, and when Annie succeeds, he offers words of encouragement. As Annie gradually gets the hang of it, he steps back and lets her work more and more independently.

The Zone of Proximal Development How do collaborative dialogues foster cognitive growth? First, Vygotsky would say that Annie and her father are operating in what he called the zone of proximal development—the difference between what a learner can accomplish independently and what he or she can accomplish with the guidance and encouragement of a more skilled partner. This zone is where sensitive instruction should be aimed and in which new cognitive growth can be expected to occur. Annie obviously becomes more competent at solving puzzles with her father’s help than without it. More importantly, she will internalize the problem-solving techniques that she uses in collaboration with him and ultimately use them on her own, rising to a new level of independent mastery.

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development scaffolding process by which an expert, when instructing a novice, responds contingently to the novice’s behaviour in a learning situation, so that the novice gradually increases his or her understanding of a problem.

guided participation adult–child interactions in which children’s cognition and modes of thinking are shaped as they participate with or observe adults engaged in culturally relevant activities.

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One feature of social collaboration that fosters cognitive growth is scaffolding, the tendency of more expert participants to carefully tailor the support they provide to the novice learner’s current situation so that he can profit from that support and increase his understanding of a problem (Wood, Bruner, & Ross, 1976). Scaffolding occurs not just in formal educational settings, but any time a more expert person adjusts her input to guide a child to a level near the limits of his or her capabilities. The behaviour of Annie’s father in the preceding example reflects not only working in the zone of proximal development but also scaffolding. In an observational study of parents tutoring their Grade 5 children completing their long-division math homework, parents were more likely to provide tutorial support to children who had poorer initial skills on solving long-division problems (Pratt, Green, MacVicar, & Bountrogianni, 1992). In addition, greater parental support was offered, on average, when the children experienced failure at solving the problems, while less support was offered following success, consistent with a scaffolding approach. Decreasing the level of support after success allows the child to take greater responsibility for the task. Children whose parents adjusted their tutorial support according to their child’s level of expertise were also more likely to be successful in solving long-division problems in an independent session following the tutoring (Pratt et al., 1992). All the responsibility for determining the extent of adult involvement is not on the adult. Both adults and children jointly determine the degree to which children can function independently. For example, children who are less able to solve problems on their own will elicit more support from adults than will more capable children. More skilled children need less adult support, or scaffolding, to solve a problem (Plumert & Nichols-Whitehead, 1996). Today these principles of scaffolding are being incorporated into software design to provide visual or auditory prompts for children who do not initially succeed at the task (Abrami, Venkatesh, Meyer & Wade, 2013). We have been careful not to use the word competence in describing children’s problem-solving abilities. In Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective, learning and development are the result of interacting in specific culturally defined tasks that have specific rules. Unlike other theories of cognitive development (such as Piaget’s), “competence” is not an absolute level beyond which a child cannot exceed but rather is task-specific (Fischer & Bidell, 1998). A child can show an elevated level of ability on one highly practised task but be much less adept on a very similar, perhaps even objectively less demanding task. A child’s level of intellectual functioning is always evaluated by performance on specific tasks or in specific culturally determined situations.

apprenticeship in Thinking and Guided Participation In some cultures, children do not learn by going to school with other children, nor do their parents formally teach such lessons as weaving and hunting. Instead, they learn through guided participation—by actively participating in culturally relevant activities alongside more skilled partners who provide necessary aid and encouragement (Rogoff, 2003). Guided participation is an informal “apprenticeship in thinking” in which children’s cognition is shaped as they partake, alongside adults or other more skillful associates, in everyday culturally relevant experiences. Barbara Rogoff believes that cognitive growth is shaped as much or more by these informal adult–child transactions as it is by more formal teaching or educational experiences. The idea of an apprenticeship, or guided participation, may seem reasonable in cultures where children are integrated early into the daily activities of adult life, such as the agrarian Mayans of Guatemala and Mexico, or the !Kung of Africa, whose huntingand-gathering lifestyle has remained virtually unchanged for thousands of years. But this idea is not as easily grasped for a culture such as our own, because many aspects of cognitive development in Western culture have shifted from parents to professional educators, whose job it is to teach important cultural knowledge and skills to children. Nevertheless, learning certainly occurs at home in modern societies, particularly during

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254 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

context-independent learning learning that has no immediate relevance to the present context, as is done in modern schools; acquiring knowledge for knowledge’s sake.

the preschool years. And in many ways, these home-learning experiences prepare children for the schooling that will follow. For example, formal education in Canada, Europe, and the United States involves children responding to adults’ questions when the adults already know the answers. It also involves learning and discussing things that have no immediate relevance—knowledge for knowledge’s sake. Such context-independent learning, foreign to so many cultures, is fostered from infancy and early childhood in our own culture (Rogoff, 1990). Consider the following interchange between 19-month-old Brittany and her mother: mother: Brittany, what’s at the park? brittany: Babyswing. mother: That’s right, the babyswing. And what else? brittany: (shrugs) mother: A slide? brittany: (smiling, nods yes) mother: And what else is at the park? brittany: (shrugs) mother: A see . . . brittany: Seesaw! mother: That’s right, a seesaw.

This type of conversation is typical for a Canadian mother and her child, and it is a good example of Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development. Brittany, in this case, was not only learning to recall specific objects with her mother’s help, but was also learning the importance of remembering information out of context (mother and daughter were in their living room at the time, far from the park). Brittany was learning that she could be called upon to state facts to her mother that her mother already knew. She was also learning that she could depend on her mother to help provide answers when she was unable to generate them herself. Figure 8.7 provides a list of some of the functions that such “shared remembering” between parent and child can have on memory development.

“Playing” in the Zone of Proximal Development Another important behaviour that is often guided by older, more expert associates is children’s pretend, or symbolic, play. Investigators have found that young children are more likely to engage in symbolic play when they are playing with someone else rather than alone, and that mothers in particular bring out high levels of symbolic play in their children (Bornstein, Haynes, O’Reilly, & Painter, 1996; Youngblade & Dunn, 1995). Close examinations of play episodes between mothers and their 21-month-old toddlers reveal

Children learn about memory process, for example, strategies Children learn ways of remembering and communicating memories with others, for example, narrative structure Children learn about themselves, which contributes to the development of the self-concept Children learn about their own social and cultural history Children learn values important to the family and the community, that is, what is worth remembering Promotes social solidarity

Figure 8.7 Some functions of shared remembering in children’s memory development. Source: Gauvain, M. (2001). The Social Context of Cognitive Development. New York: Guilford, p. 111. Copyright © 2001 by Guilford Press. All rights reserved. NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

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that many mothers adjust their level of play to that of their child. What’s more, mothers who know the most about the development of play provide the most challenging play interactions by adjusting their own playful behaviours to a level just beyond the child’s own. Consistent with Vygotsky’s idea of a zone of proximal development and Rogoff ’s idea of guided participation, young children who interact with a more skilled partner who structures the situation appropriately advance in their skills faster than those who lack that support (Damast, Tamis-LeMonda, & Bornstein, 1996). Similar mother–child play patterns are found across cultures, attesting to the universality of play development. However, there are also differences between cultures. For example, Chinese children are more likely to engage in pretend play with their caregivers than with other children, whereas the reverse is true for Irish American children (Haight, Wang, Fung, Williams & Mintz, 1999). In other research, Argentinean mothers were more likely than American mothers to involve their 20-month-old children in symbolic play, whereas the opposite pattern was found for exploratory play (Bornstein, Haynes, Pascual, Painter, & Galperin, 1999). Why might it be important to facilitate symbolic play, and what might be the consequences to cognitive development of different play styles in different cultures? Children learn about “people, objects, and actions” through symbolic play, and research indicates that such play might be related to other aspects of cognitive development (see Astington & Jenkins, 1995, regarding theory of mind, discussed earlier in this chapter). Developing an advanced theory of mind is necessary if children are to succeed in any society, and it appears that the guided participation of parents, siblings, and other more expert partners during symbolic play contributes to this development. Advanced play, or make-believe and fantasy play, benefits from adult mediation or scaffolding as well as from the use of objects to represent other objects. Some research suggests that advanced play skills have declined over time, possibly related to decreased adult mediation and the highly realistic nature of children’s toys (Bodrova, 2008; Karpov, 2005). It is easy to think of cognitive development as something that “just happens” exactly the same way for children worldwide. After all, evolution has provided all humans with a uniquely human nervous system. Yet intelligence is also rooted in the environment, particularly in the culture. Understanding how cultural beliefs and technological tools influence cognitive development through child-rearing practices helps us better comprehend the process of development and our role as guides in fostering that process.

Implications for Education Vygotsky’s theory has some rather obvious implications for education. Like Piaget, Vygotsky stressed active rather than passive learning and took great care to assess what the learner already knew, thereby estimating what he or she was capable of learning. The major difference in approaches concerns the role of the instructor. Whereas students in Piaget’s classroom would spend more time in independent, discovery-based activities, teachers in Vygotsky’s classroom would favour guided participation in which they structure the learning activity, provide helpful hints or instructions that are carefully tailored to the child’s current abilities, and then monitor the learner’s progress, gradually turning over more of the mental activity to their pupils. Teachers may also arrange cooperative learning exercises in which students are encouraged to assist one another; the idea here is that the less competent members of the team are likely to benefit from the instruction they receive from their more skillful peers, who also benefit by playing the role of teacher (Palinscar, Brown, & Campione, 1993). Is there any evidence that Vygotsky’s collaborative-learning approach might be a particularly effective educational strategy? Consider what Lisa Freund (1990) found when she had 3- to 5-year-olds help a puppet decide which furnishings (such as sofas, beds, bathtubs, and stoves) should be placed in each of six rooms of a dollhouse that the puppet was moving into. First, children were tested to determine what they already knew NEL

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256 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

WHaT DO YOU THINK?

?

Starting at a pupil’s current level of mastery, many educational software programs present increasingly difficult problems, often diagnosing errors and intervening with hints of clues when progress has broken down. Why might both Piaget and Vygotsky see some merit in supplementing traditional classroom instruction with these educational software learning activities?

about proper furniture placement. Then each child worked at a similar task, either alone (as might be the case in Piaget’s discovery-based classroom) or with his or her mother (Vygotsky’s guided learning). Then, to assess what they had learned, children performed a final, rather complex furniture-sorting task. The results were clear: children who had sorted furniture with help from their mothers showed dramatic improvements in sorting ability, whereas those who had practised on their own showed little improvement at all, even though they had received some corrective feedback from the experimenter. Similar advances in problem-solving skills have been reported when children actively collaborate with peers, particularly more competent peers, as opposed to working alone ( Johnson & Johnson, 1987). David Johnson and Roger Johnson (1987) conducted an analysis of 378 studies that compared the achievement of people working alone versus working together, cooperatively and found that cooperative learning resulted in superior performance in more than half of the studies; in contrast, working alone resulted in improved performance in fewer than 10 percent of the studies. There appear to be at least three reasons that cooperative learning is effective ( Johnson & Johnson, 1989). First, children are often more motivated when working on problems together. Second, cooperative learning requires children to explain their ideas to one another and to resolve conflicts. These activities help young collaborators to examine their own ideas more closely and to become better at articulating them so that they can be understood. Finally, children are more likely to use high-quality cognitive strategies while working together—strategies that often lead to ideas and solutions that no one in the group would likely have generated alone. As with other aspects of sociocultural theory, the effectiveness of collaborative learning varies by culture and as a function of practice. Children need opportunities to actively engage in the shared decision making found in cooperative learning (Rogoff, 1998). Both families and schools can foster cooperative learning and by doing so the benefits of cooperative learning are sure to increase (Rogoff, 1998).

The Role of Language in Cognitive Development From Vygotsky’s viewpoint, language plays two critical roles in cognitive development by (1) serving as the primary vehicle through which adults pass culturally valued modes of thinking and problem solving to their children, and (2) eventually becoming one of the more powerful “tools” of intellectual adaptation in its own right. As it turns out, Vygotsky’s and Piaget’s perspectives on language and thought contrast sharply.

egocentric speech Piaget’s term for the subset of a young child’s utterances that are nonsocial—that is, neither directed to others nor expressed in ways that listeners might understand.

Piaget’s Theory of language and Thought As Piaget (1926) recorded the chatterings of preschool children, he noticed that they often talked to themselves as they went about their daily activities, almost as if they were play-by-play announcers (“Put the big piece in the corner. Not that one, the pink one”). Indeed, two preschool children playing close to each other sometimes carried on their own separate monologues rather than truly conversing, something Piaget referred to as collective monologues. Piaget called these self-directed utterances egocentric speech—talk not addressed to anyone in particular and not adapted in any meaningful way so that a companion might understand it. What part might such speech play in a child’s cognitive development? Very little, according to Piaget, who saw egocentric speech as merely reflecting the child’s ongoing mental activity. However, he did observe that speech becomes progressively more social and less egocentric toward the end of the preoperational stage, which he attributed to the child’s increasing ability to assume the perspective of others and thus adapt her speech so that listeners might understand. So here was another example of how cognitive development (a decline in egocentrism) was said to promote language development (a shift from egocentric to communicative speech), rather than the other way around. NEL

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Chapter 8 | Cognitive Development

private speech Vygotsky’s term for the subset of a child’s verbal utterances that serve a self-communicative function and guide the child’s thinking.

cognitive self-guidance system in Vygotsky’s theory, the use of private speech to guide problemsolving behaviour.

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Vygotsky’s Theory of language and Thought Vygotsky agreed with Piaget that the child’s earliest thinking is prelinguistic and that early language often reflects what the child already knows. However, he argued that thought and language eventually merge and that many of the nonsocial utterances that Piaget called “egocentric” actually illustrate the transition from prelinguistic to verbal reasoning. Vygotsky noticed that preschool children’s self-directed monologues occur more often in some contexts than in others, specifically as they attempt to solve problems or achieve important goals (such as in Figure 8.8), and that this nonsocial speech increased substantially whenever these young problem solvers encountered obstacles in pursuing their objectives. He then concluded that nonsocial speech is not egocentric but communicative; it is “speech for self,” or private speech, that helps young children to plan strategies and regulate their behaviour so that they are more likely to accomplish their goals. Viewed through this theoretical lens, language may thus play a critical role in cognitive development by making children more organized and efficient problem solvers. Vygotsky also observed that private speech becomes more abbreviated with age, progressing from the whole phrases that 4-year-olds produce, to single words, to simple lip movements that are more common among 7- to 9-year-olds. His view was that private speech never completely disappears; it serves as a cognitive self-guidance system and then goes “underground,” becoming silent, or inner speech—the covert verbal thought that we use to organize and regulate our everyday activities.

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Which Viewpoint Should We endorse? Contemporary research sides squarely with Vygotsky’s theory over that of Piaget (see Diaz & Berk, 2014). It seems that the social speech that occurs during guided learning episodes (e.g., the conversation between Annie and her father as they worked jointly on a puzzle) gives rise to much of the private speech (Annie’s talking aloud as she tries to work the puzzle on her own) that preschool children display. Also consistent with Vygotsky’s claims, children rely more heavily on private speech when facing difficult rather than easy tasks and deciding how to proceed after making errors (Berk, 1992), and their performance often improves after using self-instruction (Berk & Spuhl, 1995). For example, preschoolers carried out paper-folding and story-sequencing tasks over three sessions. They found that a greater percentage of preschoolers’ private speech occurred when they were presented with difficult or novel items compared to easy or familiar items (Duncan & Pratt, 1997). Furthermore, it is the brighter preschool children who rely most heavily on private speech, a finding that links this “self-talk” to cognitive competence rather than the cognitive immaturity (egocentrism) that Piaget claimed it represents (Diaz & Berk, 2014). Finally, private speech does eventually go underground, progressing from words and phrases to whispers and mutterings, to inner speech (Bivens & Berk, 1990). So private speech does appear to be an important tool in intellectual adaptation—a means by which children plan and regulate their mental activities to solve problems and make new discoveries.

Vygotsky in Perspective: Summary and Evaluation Figure 8.8 According to Vygotsky, private speech is an important tool used by preschool and young elementary school children to plan and regulate their problemsolving activities.

Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory offers another lens through which to view cognitive development by stressing the importance of specific social processes that Piaget (and others) largely overlooked. According to Vygotsky, children’s minds develop as they (1) take part in cooperative dialogues with skilled partners on tasks that are within their zones

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258 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

of proximal development, and (2) incorporate what skillful tutors say to them into what they say to themselves. As social speech is translated into private speech and then inner speech, the culture’s preferred methods of thinking and problem solving—or the tools of intellectual adaptation—work their way from the language of competent tutors into the child’s own thinking. Unlike Piaget’s theory, which stressed universal sequences of cognitive growth, Vygotsky’s theory leads us to expect wide variations in cognitive development across cultures—variations that reflect differences in children’s cultural experiences. So children in Western cultures acquire context-independent memory and reasoning skills that prepare them for highly structured Western classrooms, whereas children of Australian Indigenous people and San hunters of Africa acquire elaborate spatial reasoning skills that prepare them to successfully track the prey on which their lives depend. Neither set of cognitive capacities is necessarily any more “advanced” than the other; instead, they represent alternative forms of reasoning, or “tools of adaptation,” that have evolved because they enable people to adapt successfully to cultural values and traditions (Rogoff, 1998; Vygotsky, 1978). As we see in Table 8.5, Vygotsky’s theory challenges many of Piaget’s most basic assumptions and has attracted a lot of attention more recently among Western developmentalists, whose own research efforts tend to support his ideas. Yet many of Vygotsky’s writings were not translated from Russian to other languages until much later than Piaget’s work (Wertsch & Tulviste, 1992), and his theory has not received the intense scrutiny that Piaget’s has. Nevertheless, at least some of his ideas have already been challenged. Barbara Rogoff (1990, 1998), for example, argues that guided participations that rely heavily on the kinds of verbal instruction that Vygotsky emphasized may be less adaptive in some cultures or less useful for some forms of learning than for others. A young child learning to stalk prey in Australia’s outback or to plant, care for, and harvest rice in Southeast Asia may profit more from observation and practice than from verbal instruction and encouragement. Other investigators are finding that collaborative problem solving among peers does not always benefit the collaborators, if the teachers do not appropriately structure lessons that require cooperative learning ( Johnson & Johnson, 1994). Robert Duncan (2000) suggests that private speech is used with considerable frequency by adults, challenging Vygotsky’s claims that this speech form is peculiar to childhood. But despite whatever criticism his theory may generate in the years ahead, Vygotsky has provided a valuable service by reminding us that cognitive growth, like all other aspects of development, is best understood when studied in the cultural and social contexts in which it occurs. The reader may get the impression that, compared to Piaget, Vygotsky got off pretty easy in the criticism department. As we mentioned earlier, this is due in part to the fact that Vygotsky’s theory and the sociocultural approach in general is relatively new to Western psychologists and has thus received less scrutiny that Piaget’s theory. But there is another reason that Vygotsky’s approach has received less criticism than Piaget’s. Unlike Piaget’s theory, which generated many testable hypotheses that could be disproved, Vygotsky’s approach may not truly deserve the label “theory” but be better thought of Table 8.5

Comparing Vygotsky’s and Piaget’s Theories of Cognitive Development

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory

Piaget’s Cognitive-Developmental Theory

Cognitive development varies across cultures.

Cognitive development is mostly universal across cultures.

Cognitive growth stems from social interactions (from guided learning within the zone of proximal development as children and their partners “co-construct” knowledge).

Cognitive development stems largely from independent explorations in which children construct knowledge on their own.

Social processes become individual psychological processes (e.g., social speech becomes private speech and, eventually, inner speech).

Individual (egocentric) processes become social processes (e.g., egocentric speech is adapted in ways to allow more effective communication).

Adults are especially important as change agents (by transmitting their culture’s tools of intellectual adaptation that children internalize).

Peers are especially important as change agents (because peer contacts promote social perspective taking, a topic we will explore in detail in Chapter 13).

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as a general perspective used to guide research and interpret children’s intellectual development. A sociocultural perspective tells us that context matters—that the environments in which children grow up will influence how they think and what they think about. This is considered a general truism today, much as Piaget’s view of the child as an intellectually active being is viewed as “a known fact.” And although researchers from a sociocultural perspective can and do formulate specific testable hypotheses, disconfirmation of these hypotheses rarely implies disconfirmation of the underlying

CONCePT CHeCK

8.4

Understanding Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory

Check your understanding of Vygotsky’s concepts and theory by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. Vygotsky discussed four perspectives of development that should be considered in any theory of intellectual development. Which one of the following is NOT one of the perspectives proposed by Vygotsky? a. microgenetic development b. phylogenetic development c. sociocultural development d. prenatal development 2. Miller and his colleagues observed that Chinese children learned to count to 20 before American children. What did they attribute this discrepancy to? a. differences in the number words used in Chinese and English b. differences in the amount of instruction in counting that Chinese and American children receive c. differences in the amount of scaffolding that Chinese and American children receive d. differences in genetic dispositions, with Chinese children being genetically disposed to better arithmetic abilities than most American children 3. Five-year-old Erin sits on the floor with her mother as they play a board game. Erin rolls a 2 and a 3 on the dice. She picks up her game piece, a small toy dog, moving it along the board as she says, “I move my doggie one, two . . . then I move my doggie one, two, three.” What does Erin’s behaviour reflect? a. Piaget’s perspective: that private speech reflects the child’s egocentricity of thought and represents the child’s unsuccessful attempt at social speech b. Piaget’s perspective: that private speech is a necessary precursor to social speech in that it serves as preparation (practice) for successful social communication c. Vygotsky’s perspective: that private speech serves as a cognitive self-guidance system for young children

d. Vygotsky’s perspective: that private speech serves only to initiate or inhibit overt motor actions and has no influence on guiding cognition Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions. a. b. c. d. e. f.

tools of intellectual adaptation zone of proximal development scaffolding ontogenetic development microgenetic development guided participation 4. Vygotsky’s term for the range of tasks that are too complex to be mastered alone but can be accomplished with guidance and encouragement from a more skillful partner. 5. Development of the individual over his or her lifetime. 6. Adult–child interactions in which children’s cognition and modes of thinking are shaped as they participate with or observe adults engaged in culturally relevant activities. 7. Changes that occur over relatively brief periods, in seconds, minutes, or days, as opposed to larger-scale changes, as conventionally studied in ontogenetic development. 8. Process by which an expert, when instructing a novice, responds contingently to the novice’s behaviour in a learning situation, so that the novice gradually increases his or her understanding of a problem. 9. Vygotsky’s term for methods of thinking and problem-solving strategies that children internalize from their interactions with more competent members of society.

essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following

questions.

10. Discuss the concepts of the zone of proximal development and apprenticeship in thinking as they relate to cognitive development. 11. How can Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory be applied to education?

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260 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

theory. Cultural context matters, but how it matters is to be discovered. In other words, Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective does not provide as many specific hypotheses to test as did Piaget’s theory, making its refutation difficult, if not impossible. We do not mean to minimize the contribution of Vygotsky and his followers. We believe that such a perspective is inherently correct—that children’s intellects are influenced by the culture in which they develop. However, this perspective does not eliminate a need to look at developmental universals (such as Piaget proposed) or the role of biology on development. Vygotsky himself was clearly aware of this, listing sociohistorical development as only one of four levels of analysis that must be used to evaluate behaviour (the others being ontogenetic, microgenetic, and phylogenetic development). Cognitive development (as with development in general) results from the continuous and bidirectional interaction between a child and his or her environment over time at all levels of organization, beginning at conception and the genetic level and progressing through the cultural level. Vygotsky’s approach provides a valuable perspective to this view of development, but, like Piaget’s theory, by itself it is not the whole answer.

applying Developmental Themes to Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s Theories Now that we’ve learned about the cognitive developmental theories of Piaget and Vygotsky, let’s consider how these theories address our four developmental themes: the active child, nature and nurture interactions, quantitative and qualitative developmental changes, and the holistic nature of development. Consider first the theme of the active child. This theme is particularly important in Piaget’s theory. In fact, it was Piaget who brought to developmental psychologists’ attention the fact that infants and children are active, hands-on, creatures—in many ways the sculptors of their own development. Unlike the views that were fashionable in psychology in the early decades of the 20th century, Piaget did not see the child as moulded by environmental pressures and his or her parents, nor as the inevitable product of the unfolding of a genetic plan. Rather, Piaget viewed the child as playing a primary role in development. It is because of Piaget that we can no longer give serious consideration to either the environmentalist view of children shaped by external forces or the maturationalist view of children as products of their heredity. Vygotsky also advocated the idea of an active child, although his emphasis on the role that significant others in a child’s world play in cognitive development contrasts sharply with Piaget’s views. Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories also emphasize the interaction of nature and nurture in development. Piaget’s “active child” follows a species-typical course of cognitive development, influenced by the common biological inheritance shared by all human beings. But this course is also influenced by the child’s surroundings. The experiences children have as they explore their environment and their social and educational worlds especially affect the rate of their development. Vygotsky placed greater weight on the role that adults and other cultural agents have on children’s thinking, believing that nurture plays a greater role in cognitive development than that proposed by Piaget. But in addition to emphasizing the sociocultural influences on children’s development, Vygotsky also made it clear that we must consider the evolutionary past in explaining contemporary behaviour and development. This focus on the ancient origins of behaviour illustrates Vygotsky’s recognition that we cannot account for children’s cognitive development by sociocultural factors alone; we must also take “human nature” into consideration. With respect to qualitative versus quantitative changes, Piaget’s theory heavily emphasizes qualitative changes. For Piaget, children’s thinking is different in type, or kind, at each major stage in development, with smaller changes within a stage also occurring in a step-by-step fashion (recall Piaget’s description of sensorimotor development). In fact, this is one area for which Piaget has been criticized. Although Piaget’s account of children’s thinking is valuable, it tends to overstate how stagelike cognitive development NEL

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truly is. Contemporary developmentalists generally believe that cognitive development consists of both qualitative and quantitative changes. Piaget’s description of qualitative changes is generally accurate, but it is also limited because he basically ignored more quantitative types of changes. Vygotsky’s theory was less concerned with the qualitative or quantitative nature of developmental changes and focused more on the source of the change (mainly from the social environment). Nevertheless, it’s fair to say that Vygotsky was more apt to see changes as less stagelike than Piaget.

Summing Up In this chapter devoted to cognitive development, it is not surprising that there has been less emphasis on the holistic nature of development. However, both Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories were intended to apply to more than children’s thinking. Piaget believed that children’s cognitive development influenced their social and emotional development. We’ll see in later chapters that Piaget’s theory has been applied to issues far removed from intelligence, including gender identification and moral development. And Vygotsky’s emphasis on the sociocultural influences on children’s thinking makes it clear that cognitive development cannot be viewed in isolation. The social environment, starting with the family, extending to peers and eventually to the entire culture, is the context in which cognition develops.

SUMMaRY ■■ This and the following two chapters are devoted to an examination of cognition, the mental processes by which humans acquire and use knowledge, and to cognitive development.

Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development Piaget’s theory of genetic epistemology (cognitive development) defines intelligence as a basic life function that helps the child adapt to the environment. ■■ Piaget described children as active explorers who construct schemes to establish cognitive equilibrium between their thinking and their experiences. ■■ Schemes are constructed and modified through the processes of organization and adaptation. ■■ Adaptation consists of two complementary activities: assimilation (attempts to fit new experiences to existing schemes) and accommodation (modifying existing schemes in response to new experiences). ■■ Cognitive growth results as assimilations stimulate accommodations, which induce the reorganization of schemes, which permit further assimilations, and so on. ■■

Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development Piaget claimed that intellectual growth proceeds through an invariant sequence of stages that can be summarized as follows: ●■ Sensorimotor period (age 0 to 2). From basic reflex activity, infants over the first two years come to know and understand objects and events by acting on them. ■■

Subsequent substages involve the construction of schemes via primary and secondary circular reactions, the coordination of secondary circular reactions (which are the first signs of goal-directed behaviour), and tertiary circular reactions. These behavioural schemes are eventually internalized to form mental symbols that support such achievements as inner experimentation. ●■ Although Piaget’s general sequences of sensorimotor development have been confirmed, recent evidence indicates that Piaget’s explanation of A-not-B errors was incorrect and that infants achieve such milestones as deferred imitation and object permanence earlier than Piaget thought. ●■ Alternative approaches, such as neo-nativism and theory theories, assume, counter to Piaget’s theory, that infants possess innate knowledge that directs their early development. ●■ Preoperational period (roughly 2 to 7 years). Symbolic reasoning increases dramatically as children in the preoperational period rely on symbolic function and display representational insight. Symbolism gradually becomes more sophisticated as children acquire a capacity for dual representation (or dual encoding). ●■ Piaget described the thinking of 2- to 7-year-olds as animistic and egocentric, characterized by centration. ●■ Although preoperational children often fail to make appearance/reality distinctions, recent research indicates that they are much more logical and less egocentric when thinking about familiar issues or about simplified versions of Piaget’s tests.

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262 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Procedures such as identity training enable preoperational children to solve conservation tasks, indicating that preschool children possess an early capacity for logical reasoning that Piaget overlooked. ●■ During the preoperational period, children acquire belief–desire reasoning, a reflection of theory of mind, in which children come to understand that their behaviour and the behaviour of others is based on what they know or believe and what they want or desire. Theory of mind is usually assessed using false-belief tasks. ●■ Children’s ability to perform theory of mind tasks is influenced by the development of executive functions, such as inhibition, and by social factors, such as interacting with siblings. ●■ Concrete-operational stage (7 to 11 years). During concrete operations, children acquire such cognitive operations as decentration and reversibility that enable them to think logically and systematically about tangible objects, events, and experiences. ●■ Becoming operational in their thinking permits children to conserve, mentally seriate, and display transitivity. However, concrete operators can apply their logic to real or tangible aspects of experience and cannot reason abstractly. ●■ Piaget noted that children’s cognitive accomplishments were often uneven, with children being unable to solve certain problems even though they could solve similar problems requiring the same mental operations, a phenomenon he referred to as horizontal décalage. ●■ Formal-operational stage (11 or 12 and beyond). Formaloperational reasoning is rational and abstract, and involves both hypothetico-deductive and inductive reasoning. ●■

an evaluation of Piaget’s Theory Piaget founded the field of cognitive development, discovered many important principles about developing children, and influenced thousands of researchers in psychology and related fields. ■■ Although Piaget seems to have adequately described general sequences of intellectual development, his tendency to infer underlying competencies from intellectual performances often led him to underestimate children’s cognitive capabilities. ■■ Some investigators have challenged Piaget’s assumption that development occurs in stages, and others have criticized his theory for failing to specify how children progress from one “stage” of intellect to the next, as well as for underestimating social and cultural influences on intellectual development. ■■

Case’s Neo-Piagetian Theory Robbie Case agreed with Piaget’s constructs of accommodation and assimilation, but he refined our understanding of how these processes take place. Specifically, accommodation occurs through problem solving and exploration; assimilation occurs through consolidation and automatization. ■■

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Perspective Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory emphasizes social and cultural influences on intellectual growth. ■■ He proposed that we should evaluate development from the perspective of four interrelated levels in interaction with children’s environments—ontogenetic, microgenetic, phylogenetic, and sociohistorical. ■■ Each culture transmits beliefs, values, and preferred methods of thinking or problem solving—its tools of intellectual adaptation—to each successive generation. Thus, culture teaches children what to think and how to go about it. ■■ Children acquire cultural beliefs, values, and problemsolving strategies in the context of collaborative dialogues with more skillful partners as they gradually internalize their tutor’s instructions to master tasks within their zone of proximal development. ■■ Learning occurs best when more skillful associates properly scaffold their intervention. ■■ Much of what children acquire from more skillful associates occurs through guided participation—a process that may be highly context-independent (in Western cultures) or may occur in the context of day-to-day activities (as is most common in traditional cultures). ■■ Unlike Piaget, who argued that children’s self-talk, or egocentric speech, plays little if any role in constructing new knowledge, Vygotsky claimed that a child’s private speech becomes a cognitive self-guidance system that regulates problem-solving activities and is eventually internalized to become covert verbal thought. Recent research favours Vygotsky’s position over Piaget’s, suggesting that language plays a most important role in children’s intellectual development. ■■ Vygotsky has provided a valuable service by reminding us that cognitive growth is best understood when studied in the social and cultural contexts in which it occurs. Although this theory has fared well to date, it has yet to receive the intense scrutiny that Piaget’s theory has. ■■

KeY TeRMS cognition, 218

constructivist, 219

accommodation, 220

primary circular reactions, 222

cognitive development, 218

scheme, 220

secondary circular reactions, 222

genetic epistemology, 219

organization, 220

invariant developmental sequence, 221

intelligence, 219

adaptation, 220

sensorimotor period, 221

coordination of secondary circular reactions, 223

cognitive equilibrium, 219

assimilation, 220

reflex activity, 222

tertiary circular reactions, 223 NEL

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inner experimentation, 223

egocentrism, 234

concrete-operational period, 242

sociohistorical development, 250

deferred imitation, 224

appearance/reality distinction, 234

mental seriation, 243

tools of intellectual adaptation, 251

centration (centred thinking), 235

horizontal décalage, 244

object permanence, 224 A-not-B error, 225 neo-nativism, 225 theory theories, 228 preoperational period, 230 symbolic function, 230 representational insight, 230 dual representation (dual encoding), 231 animism, 234

conservation, 236

transitivity, 243 formal operations, 244

decentration, 236

hypothetico-deductive reasoning, 244

reversibility, 236

inductive reasoning, 245

identity training, 238

sociocultural theory, 250

theory of mind, 238

ontogenetic development, 250

belief–desire reasoning, 238

microgenetic development, 250

false-belief task, 239

phylogenetic development, 250

zone of proximal development, 252 scaffolding, 253 guided participation, 253 context-independent learning, 254 egocentric speech, 256 private speech, 257 cognitive self-guidance system, 257

aNSWeRS TO CONCePT CHeCK Concept Check 8.1 1. d. the changing of a current scheme in order to incorporate new information

Concept Check 8.3 1. c. egocentrism 2. c. symbolic, intuitive, and egocentric thinking

2. b. the individual seeking to stabilize his or her cognitive structures

3. d. this child’s perceptual centration

3. a. Professor Johansson agrees with Piaget and is a stage theorist

4. c. theory of mind

4. d. intelligence

5. d. theory of mind

5. c. cognitive equilibration

6. a. representational insight

6. f. assimilation

7. c. conservation

7. b. constructivist

8. f. hypothetico-deductive reasoning

8. a. scheme

9. b. animism

9. e. organization

10. e. horizontal décalage

Concept Check 8.2

Concept Check 8.4

1. d. they are able to comprehend the world around them through their actions on it 2. a. assimilation

1. d. prenatal development 2. a. differences in the number words used in Chinese and English

3. a. a lack of object permanence

3. c. Vygotsky’s perspective: that private speech serves as a cognitive selfguidance system for young children.

4. a. the knowledge that objects have an existence in space and time independent of one’s perceptions of and action on them

4. b. zone of proximal development

5. c. explanation-based learning 6. f. primary circular reactions 7. a. invariant developmental sequence 8. e. theory theories 9. b. coordination of secondary circular reactions

5. d. ontogenetic development 6. f. guided participation 7. e. microgenetic development 8. c. scaffolding 9. a. tools of intellectual adaptation

10. d. neo-nativism

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Scott Quinn Photography/Getty Images

9

Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism

P

iaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories have had a profound influence on our current understanding of cognitive development. Yet the shortcomings of those approaches led many cognitive scholars to believe that a fresh outlook on human cognition was necessary. Then came the digital computer—a wondrous new invention that intrigued many scientists with its capacity for rapidly and systematically converting input (or information) into output (answers and solutions). Might the operations of a computer be similar in certain respects to the workings of the human mind? Proponents of a third influential viewpoint on cognitive development—the information-processing perspective—certainly thought so (Klahr & MacWhinney, 1998; Newell & Simon, 1961). How is the human mind similar to a computer? One way is that both the mind and a computer have a limited capacity for processing information associated with their hardware and software. Computer hardware is the machine itself—its keyboard (or input system), storage capacity, and the quality and speed of its processing chip. The mind’s “hardware” is the nervous system, including the brain, the sensory receptors, and their neural connections. The computer’s software consists of the programs used to store and manipulate information—word processing, statistics programs, Internet browsers, email programs, and so on. The mind, too, has its “software”—rules, strategies, and other “mental programs” that specify how information is registered, interpreted, stored, retrieved, and analyzed. As children’s brains and nervous systems mature (hardware improvements) and as they adopt new strategies for attending to information, interpreting it, remembering what they have experienced, and monitoring their mental activities (software improvements), they are able to perform increasingly complex cognitive feats with greater speed and accuracy (Bjorklund, 2000; Roebers, 2017). (Of course, information-processing theorists offer the mind–computer analogy as a metaphor rather than a representation of reality.)

264

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 265

In this chapter, we will examine developmental differences in several important aspects of children’s thinking that have been analyzed from an information-processing perspective. However, we will first look at aspects of children’s information processing that influence all types of thinking: ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

■■

the capacity of short-term storage (hardware) the speed of processing (hardware) children’s use of strategies (software) children’s attention to and self-regulation of incoming information (executive function, software) children’s understanding of what it means to think and assessment of the efficacy of their own cognitive processes (metacognition)

Information Flow and the Multistore Model multistore model information-processing model that depicts information as flowing through three processing units (or stores): the sensory store, the shortterm store (STS), and the long-term store (LTS). sensory store (or sensory register) first information-processing store, in which stimuli are noticed and briefly available for further processing.

There is no single information-processing theory of cognition or cognitive development. Yet central to all information-processing perspectives is the idea that people use a variety of cognitive operations or strategies to process information through a limited-capacity system. More than 50 years ago, Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) proposed a multistore model of the information-processing system as a guide for understanding how people think. This model developed from a relatively passive linear model of memory that captured information input → short-term store → long-term store, to a more advanced model as it became clear that we are not passive recipients of information but actively apply various cognitive operations to information we have perceived (see Figure 9.1). As we see in Figure 9.1, the first of these components is the sensory store (or sensory register). This is the system’s log-in unit; it simply holds raw sensory input as a kind of “afterimage” (or echo) of what you have sensed. Although the model proposes separate sensory registers for each sense modality, many experiences are multisensory (e.g., looking at someone who is talking). These registers can hold large quantities of information, but only for very brief periods of time (milliseconds in the case of vision). The contents of sensory stores are thus extremely volatile and soon disappear without further processing.

Responses

Environmental input

Feeds into

Sensory store (logs input)

Attention

Short-term (“working”) memory (holds information temporarily; executes operations on information)

Storage

Retrieval

Long-term memory (is a relatively permanent storehouse of knowledge and information-processing strategies acquired from previous experiences)

Executive control processes plan and run each phase of information processing; that is, 1. regulate attention 2. select appropriate memory processes and problem-solving strategies 3. monitor quality of tentative answers and solutions

Figure 9.1 A schematic model of the human information-processing system. Source: Adapted from “Human Memory: A Proposed System and Its Control Processes,” by R. C. Atkinson and R. M. Shiffrin, 1968, in K. W. Spence and J. T. Spence (eds.), The Psychology of Learning and Motivation: Advances in Research and Theory. (Vol. 2). Copyright © 1968 by Academic Press, Inc. Adapted by permission from Elsevier. NEL

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266 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development short-term store (STS) or working memory second information-processing store, in which stimuli are retained for several seconds and operated upon.

long-term store (LTS) third information-processing store, in which information that has been examined and interpreted is stored for future use.

Should you attend to this information, however, it passes into the short-term store (STS), a processing unit that can store a limited amount of information (perhaps five to nine pieces) for several seconds. Thus, the capacity of the short-term store is sufficient to allow you to retain a telephone number for about as long as it takes you to dial it. But unless this information is rehearsed or other cognitive operations are applied to it, it too is soon lost. Indeed, the label working memory is now more common than “short-term memory” to reflect that the information is not merely deposited but important cognitive processing takes place here. Thus, working memory has two functions: (1) to store information temporarily, so that (2) you can do something with it. Finally, new information that is operated on while in the short-term store passes into the long-term store (LTS)—where information is more stable and can last for very long periods of time. This is where your knowledge of the world, your impressions of past experiences and events, and the strategies that you use to process information and solve problems are stored.

Cognitive Processes and the Multistore Model

executive function a set of self-regulated processes involved in planning and executing strategies on the information just gathered or retrieved from long-term memory toward achievement of some cognitive goal. attention the process of selecting what stimuli children will detect or work on inhibitory control a form of self-regulation that allows children to purposely choose not to attend to information. set-shifting moving from one strategy to another.

The term working memory was proposed by Alan Baddeley (1992) to identify the critical role it plays in allowing us to “work” with information. People must decide what information to attend to and which, if any, strategies to execute to move information through the system. So information does not simply flow on its own through the various stores, or processing units, of the system; instead, we actively channel the input. The active process of channelling information is possible due to a set of cognitive control processes known as executive function (see Zelazo, 2015). These processes are used to plan and monitor what you attend to and what you do with this information input. As shown in Figure 9.2, executive functions are important for adaptive functioning in cognitive, social, and affective systems in a child’s life. Regarding memory, some of the more important processes include the regulation of attention (what we focus on and when), inhibitory control (purposely not attending to information; self-regulation), and set-shifting (moving from one strategy to another). In fact, working memory is now considered to be a part of executive function because the amount and decay of information is related to the complexity of processes within the capacity of working memory. Our executive control processes are thought to be intentional and are, in fact, what most clearly distinguish human information processors from computers. Unlike computers, we humans must initiate, organize, and monitor our own cognitive activities. We decide what to attend to; we select our own strategies for retaining and retrieving this input; we call up our own programs for solving problems; and, last but not least, we are often free to choose the very problems we attempt to solve. Some of these processes may be so familiar that we experience them automatically, without conscious experience. Executive functions (work together in various combinations)

Organizing, Focusing, prioritizing, sustaining, and and activating shifting attention to work to tasks 1. Activation

2. Focus

Regulating alertness, sustaining effort, and processing speed 3. Effort

Managing frustration and modulating emotions

Utilizing working memory and accessing recall

Monitoring and self-regulating action

4. Emotion

5. Memory

6. Action

Figure 9.2 Executive functions can be recruited to enable adaptive goal-driven behaviour in both social and cognitive domains in a child’s life. Source: Adapted from Brown, T.E. Manual for Attention Deficit Disorder Scales for Children and Adolescents. (2001). Used with permission. NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 267

CONCEPT CHECK

9.1

Understanding the Multistore Information-Processing Model

Check your understanding of the information-processing model of cognitive development by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Match: Match the following concepts with their definitions a. b. c. d. e.

sensory register short-term store (STS) executive function long-term store (LTS) multistore model 1. The second information-processing store, in which stimuli are retained for several seconds and operated on (also called working memory).

frontal lobe the part of the brain active during higher-order processing such as focusing or inhibiting attention.

2. The information-processing model that depicts information as flowing through three processing units (or stores). 3. The first information-processing store, in which stimuli are noticed and briefly available for further processing. 4. The third information-processing store, in which information that has been examined and interpreted is permanently stored for future use. 5. The processes involved in regulating attention and in determining what to do with information just gathered or retrieved from long-term memory.

Clearly, humans are rather skilled and versatile information processors. We are capable of sophisticated cognition by organizing and integrating lower-level units (sensations, features of a stimulus) into higher-order units (a perception, a concept). These improvements in cognitive processing are also reflected in the brain. Neurological studies show that the frontal lobe is active when carrying out executive processes. The frontal lobe is the part of our brain that lies just behind our forehead and the neurons here actively fire during a higher-order task (e.g., inhibiting recall). As children become more and more expert at channelling information, the frontal lobe also increases in size. Increases in the complexity of links between neurons in the frontal lobe can also simultaneously give rise to improvements in the quality and quantity of executive function processes.

Developmental Differences in “Hardware”: Information-Processing Capacity Capacity within an information-processing system can be expressed in a variety of ways. It is sometimes used to refer to the total amount of “space” available to store information, sometimes to how long information can be retained in a storage unit, and sometimes to how quickly information can be processed. Processing capacity is a fundamental predictor of performance in many cognitive tasks we perform every day. For example, recent research suggests that differences in processing capacity may account for some of the differences we see between older and younger children in reading and writing skills. In the following sections, we examine the capacity of the short-term store (STS), specifically age changes in how much information can be held in the STS, and developmental differences in the speed at which information can be processed.

Development of the Short-Term Store memory span measure of the amount of information that can be held in the short-term store.

Have you ever tried to keep a telephone number in your head? Traditionally, the capacity of the short-term store has been assessed by tests of memory span. Memory span refers to the number of rapidly presented and unrelated items that can be recalled in exact order. Age differences in memory span are highly reliable (see Figure 9.3). In fact, they are so

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reliable that memory span is used as one indication of general intelligence on the two most widely used intelligence tests for 9 children. The forward digit span task requires you to repeat a set 8 of unrelated digits. After a successful trial, an extra digit is added to the set, and so on, until you reach your maximum memory 7 span (number of digits in the last successful set). Try it out with 6 some friends! 5 Short-term memory has even been assessed in infants using looking-time procedures like those described earlier in the text. 4 Not surprisingly, results show that the amount of visual infor3 mation infants can keep in mind at a time increases over the first 2 year of life (Pelphrey et al., 2004; Ross-Sheehy, Oakes, & Luck, 2003). Until children are 7 to 9 years old, a reasonable expectation 1 is that their short-term memory capacity (number of “items”) is 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Adults equal to their age in years. Age (years) With development comes the ability to use one’s memory span in more difficult tasks, such as recalling a telephone number Figure 9.3 Children’s memory span for digits (digit span) shows regular increases with age. in backward order. All seven (or ten) numbers would need to be kept in working memory as each number is recalled. Performance Source: Adapted from “Memory Span: Sources of Individual and Developmental Differences,” by F.N. Dempster, 1981, Psychological on such backward digit span measurements is usually lower than Bulletin, 89, pp. 63–100. Copyright © 1981 by the American forward digit spans. Psychological Association. However, critics of memory span tests believe that they overestimate the capacity of the short-term store. Why? Because people may “chunk” or rehearse numbers presented successively, much as we do when trying to remember phone numbers (chunking the first three numbers into one “item,” and the remaining four numbers as a separate “item”). Thus, developmental differences on traditional memory span tests may represent age differences in strategy use rather than age differences in the capacity of the short-term store. Clearer evidence for developmental differences in the capacity of the short-term store comes from a study by Cowan and his colleagues (Cowan, Nugent, Elliott, span of apprehension Ponamarev, & Saults, 1999). Cowan assessed age differences in a span of apprehenthe number of items that people can sion, a term used to refer to the number of items that people can keep in mind at any keep in mind at any one time, or the one time or can attend to at once without operating mentally on this information. amount of information that people Does the span of apprehension represent an absolute capacity of the short-term store, can attend to at a single time and does it increase with age? In the study by Cowan and colleagues, children in without operating mentally to store this information. Grade 1 and in Grade 4, and adults played a computer game. Over earphones, they also heard a series of digits that they were told to ignore. Occasionally and unexpectedly, however, they were signalled to recall, in exact order, the most recently presented set of digits they had heard. Because participants were not explicitly attending to the digits, making it unlikely that they were using any encoding strategies to remember them, performance on this task seems to be a fair test of span of apprehension—the capacity of the short-term store. Average span of apprehension was about 3.5 digits for adults, about 3 digits for children in Grade 4, and about 2.5 digits for children in Grade 1. Cowan and his colleagues interpreted these significant age differences as reflecting a true developmental difference in the capacity of short-term store—a difference that serves as the foundation for age differences on memory span tasks. The bidirectional nature of cognitive processes is an important aspect of informationprocessing models. As well as information entering the long-term store, information in the long-term store can also be retrieved and used to increase capacity. In one classic study, Chi (1978) showed that individual and developmental differences in memory span are influenced by children’s prior knowledge of the material they are asked to remember. A group of graduate students was given two simple memory tests. The first was a digit span task. On a second test, they were shown chess pieces on a chessboard (about one chess piece per second), then given the pieces and asked to place them at their previous positions on the board. Their performance on these tasks was compared Number of digits recalled

10

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Average number of items recalled

Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 269

10 Chess pieces 9 8 7 6

Numbers

10-year-old “expert” chess players

Adults

Figure 9.4 Knowledge base and memory. Children who are chess “experts” recall more about locations of chess pieces than “novice” adults do. However, adults recall more numbers than children do, a finding Chi attributes to adults’ greater familiarity with (or knowledge of ) numbers. Source: From “Knowledge Structures and Memory Development,” by M.T.H. Chi, in R.S. Siegler (Ed.), “Children’s Thinking: What Develops?” Reproduced with permission. domain specificity describes specialized learning mechanisms for different domains or areas. Skill playing baseball, for example, may not transfer to another domain, such as playing football.

with that of a group of 10-year-olds. But, in all fairness, these were not typical 10-yearolds; they were all chess experts—winners of local tournaments or members of chess clubs. If younger children simply have smaller short-term stores than adults, the graduate students should have outperformed the 10-year-olds on both memory tests. But this is not what Chi found. As we see in Figure 9.4, the child experts clearly outperformed the adults when memory for chess pieces was tested. However, their remarkable performance was limited to the chess task, because they performed much worse than adults when their memory for digits was tested (see also Schneider, Gruber, Gold, & Opwis, 1993). These findings indicate that having a detailed knowledge base for a particular domain (in this case, chess) facilitates memory performance for information from that domain but not necessarily for information from other areas. How does being an “expert” in a subject such as chess result in improved memory span? There are several possibilities. Having a well-developed knowledge base allows greater ease of item identification—how quickly the child identifies items to be remembered. Children who are experts in a domain can rapidly process information in that domain and thus have an advantage when it comes to memory span. Their speed of item identification is an indication of their domain-specific processing efficiency. One reason we see age differences between older and younger children in most domains in which young children are not experts is that older children tend to process most types of information faster than younger children, and faster processing contributes to larger memory spans (Chuah & Maybery, 1999; Luna, Garver, Urban, Lazar, & Sweeney, 2004).

Knowledge Base and Memory Development As we noted above, children who are experts in a particular domain, such as chess, have longer memory spans when tested on information from their area of expertise (Chi, 1978). Consider another implication of this finding. Since older children generally know more about the world than younger ones do, they are relative experts on a greater number of topics. Thus, age differences in recall memory could be due as much to increases in children’s knowledge base as to increases in processing speed or use of strategies (Bjorklund, 1987; Schneider & Bjorklund, 2003). Improvements in strategy use when processing familiar material are present no matter the area of expertise. Whether the topic is math, chess, dinosaurs, or soccer, children seem to develop highly specialized strategies for processing information that make learning and remembering new information about that topic much easier (Bjorklund, 1987; Hasselhorn, 1995). Think about the difference between reading about a topic you already know well and reading about an unfamiliar topic. In the first case, you can read and process the information quickly by linking it to existing knowledge. That is, you already have an organized scheme for understanding new information. Conversely, learning and retaining information about an unfamiliar topic is much more effortful because you have no existing conceptual pegs to hang it on. It has been suggested that improvements in working memory also impact related domains such as improved academic achievement. However, results from research studies are mixed regarding transfer between domains. Recent studies have identified that a strategy as simple as repeating a number over and over is easily disrupted in children. Elliott and colleagues (2016) asked children to remember lists of four words. Some children were presented with sounds that were irrelevant to the list being presented, while others did the span task in silence. Children’s span decreased (fewer words were recalled) when the irrelevant sounds were presented. Children’s accuracy dropped about 20 percent, while adults’ doing the same type of task only dropped 5 percent in accuracy (Elliott et al., 2016).

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270 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Information-processing theorists often point to similarities in the workings of human minds and digital computers. In what important ways might the human mind differ from a computer? What kinds of thinking might we humans do better than computers can?

What maturational developments might underlie age-related changes in processing speed? Increased myelinization of neurons in the associative areas of the brain (those involved in linking and coordinating sensory and motor areas) could interfere with efficient information processing. As we noted in Chapter 6, myelin is a fatty substance that surrounds nerves and facilitates transmission of nerve impulses. Myelinization of most sensory and motor areas of the brain is accomplished within the first several years of life, followed by myelinization of the associative areas into adolescence (Tau & Peterson, 2010). Many theorists have proposed that age differences in myelinization are directly responsible for age differences in speed of information processing and, ultimately, for age differences in the efficient use of one’s limited mental capacity (Bjorklund & Harnishfeger, 1990; Case, 1985; Kail & Salthouse, 1994). We will see later, however, how working memory capacity develops as the brain recruits more cortical areas as children age. In sum, knowledge is power, and the more we know about a topic, the more we can learn and remember. Detailed general knowledge may result in improved memory performance because the better established the information is in our mind, the more easily it can be activated, or brought to consciousness (Bjorklund, 1987; Kee, 1994). Further, because older children usually know more than younger children about most subjects, they expend less mental effort to activate what they know, leaving them with more mental capacity to encode, classify, and execute other cognitive operations on new material they encounter. We have described the basic premises of information-processing theory and discussed the development of processing hardware and software in a general way. Now we will trace the development of critical information-processing skills.

Developmental Differences in “Software”: Strategies

strategic memory processes involved as one consciously attempts to retain or retrieve information. mnemonics (memory strategies) effortful techniques used to improve memory, including rehearsal, organization, and elaboration.

strategies goal-directed and deliberately implemented mental operations used to facilitate task performance.

Age differences in information-processing hardware—how much a child can hold in mind at one time and how quickly she can process information—will clearly influence how effectively the child can “think.” Yet central to the information-processing perspective is the idea that people possess a variety of cognitive operations they apply to information, and that both the quantity and quality of these operations change with age. Cognitive processes vary in several dimensions. Some processes are executed automatically, so you may not even be aware that you are thinking. When you look at a drawing, for example, you effortlessly “see” the images without having to consciously concentrate on converting the light waves into coherent patterns. And if you tried to analyze how you performed such a complicated feat, you probably couldn’t. Other cognitive processes are more effortful, and we are quite aware of them. Suppose you engaged in a search task (e.g., “Where’s Waldo?”), you would need to use more effortful, organized, and planful cognitive processes to perform the task. These latter types of processes, called strategies, can change substantially with age. Strategic memory refers to the processes involved when we consciously try to retain or retrieve such information as a telephone number, the route to a theatre across town, or the words to “O Canada” for the beginning of a basketball game. Researchers have investigated a variety of memory strategies, or mnemonics, that might promote academic performance, and we will examine the development of several such strategies and some of the factors that influence their development. In general, research suggests that the number of strategies in a child’s repertoire, the use of strategies, and effectiveness of strategies used increase with age (Bjorklund & Douglas, 1997). Although there may be great individual differences across children in the variety of different strategies they use, the sophistication of the “average” strategy that children use increases with age (Coyle & Bjorklund, 1997; Coyle, Read, Gaultney, & Bjorklund, 1999). Strategies are usually defined as deliberately implemented, goaldirected operations used to aid task performance (Harnishfeger & Bjorklund, 1990; Schneider & Pressley, 1997). Much of our conscious thinking is guided by strategies, and even young children may discover or invent strategies when they encounter problems in NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 271

everyday life. Many strategies, however, are explicitly taught by parents or in school (Moely, Santulli, & Obach, 1995), including strategies in mathematics, reading, memory, and scientific problem solving. In the following sections, we discuss research on the development of several memory strategies and look at the role that metamemory and knowledge have on memory strategies and memory development. Age differences in strategy use account for a substantial part of the age-related differences we see in children’s cognitive performance. Generally speaking, younger children use fewer strategies and use them far less effectively than older children do. Younger children do not have as much insight into their own capabilities and deficiencies and so may not even realize that (a) they need to use a strategy, and (b) what strategy is the most efficient. Yet the development of cognitive strategies is much more complex than this statement implies, because even young children can use some strategies effectively, and the more sophisticated strategies that older children use do not always help them as much as we might expect. How do children learn to organize materials in ways that could help them remember? If we think back to Vygotsky’s perspective on how many new skills are socially mediated, we might suspect that organizational strategies evolve from experiences children have had (1) categorizing highly related objects and events under the direction of a teacher or parent, or (2) watching as a teacher or parent presents materials in a highly organized fashion. When parents and teachers spend time teaching children explicit memory strategies, play strategy-related games with them, and show children how to be planful and strategic when completing and checking their homework, children and students tend to rely more on organizational strategies and perform better on recall tests (Carr, Kurtz, Schneider, Turner, & Borkowski, 1989; Moely et al., 1995).

Rehearsal rehearsal strategy for remembering that involves repeating the items one is trying to retain.

One very simple yet effective strategy that people use to retain new information is rehearsal—repeating it over and over until we think we will remember it. When instructed to try to remember a group of toys they have been shown, 3- to 4-year-olds look very carefully at the objects and often label them (once), but they rarely rehearse. By contrast, children begin to spontaneously rehearse around age 7 to 8 (Morey, Mareva, Lelonkiewicz, & Chevalier, 2018). Older children also rehearse differently than younger children. If asked to recall a list of words presented one at a time, 5- to 8-year-olds usually rehearse each word in just that way—one at a time. By contrast, 12-year-olds are more likely use cumulative rehearsal, which means they rehearse word clusters, repeating each successive item over and over again after each new item is added. As a result, they remember more items than children who rehearse just one item at a time (Morey et al., 2018). Younger children can be trained to use cumulative rehearsal, and when they do, their performance is improved (Cox, Owen, Lewis, & Henderson, 1989), although they usually don’t attain the high performance attained by older children. Why don’t young children rehearse more efficiently? Possibly because their attempts to execute more complex strategies (like chunking) require so much of their limited working-memory capacity that they are unable to retrieve enough information to form useful chunks. A study by Peter Ornstein and his associates (Ornstein, Medlin, Stone, & Naus, 1985) supports this interpretation. Ornstein and his colleagues tried to teach 7-yearolds to use the “clustering/chunking” rehearsal strategy and found that the children did so only if earlier items on the list remained visible. So when these younger children were able to form item clusters without having to expend mental effort retrieving the items, they could execute the complex clustering strategy. By contrast, 12-year-olds relied on the clustering strategy regardless of whether earlier items were visually displayed. Apparently, this efficient rehearsal technique has become so automatized for most 12-year-olds that they implement it almost effortlessly, thus leaving themselves ample space in working memory for retrieving items to rehearse.

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272 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Organization

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Although rehearsal can be a very effective strategy, in one sense it is a rather unimaginative memory device. If a rehearser merely repeats the names of items to be remembered, he or she may fail to notice certain meaningful relations among the stimuli that would make them easier to recall. Consider the following example: List 1: boat, match, hammer, coat, grass, nose, pencil, dog, cup, flower List 2: bed, knife, dream, boat, drowsy, truck, fork, tired, spoon, car Few naturalistic experiences may contribute more to the development of effective memory skills than playing strategic games with a more competent opponent.

semantic organization strategy for remembering that involves grouping or classifying stimuli into meaningful (or manageable) clusters that are easier to retain.

Although these 10-item lists should be equally difficult to recall if we simply rehearse them, the second list is actually much easier for many people. The reason is that its items can be grouped into three semantically distinct categories (eating utensils, bedtime, and vehicles) that can serve as cues for storage and retrieval. Until about age 9 to 10, children are not any better at recalling items that can be semantically organized versus those that are difficult to categorize, such as List 1 (Hasselhorn, 1992). This finding suggests that young children make few attempts to organize information for later recall. Interestingly, the lack of semantic clustering protects children from falsely recognizing words that fit the category but were not actually presented (Brainerd & Reyna, 2011). Without looking back at List 2, identify the words that were in the list: bed, sock, drowsy, sleep, fork, truck, tired. If you incorrectly thought that “sleep” was in the list, you would be consistent with up to 90 percent of adults. Overall, 11-year-olds falsely recognize the critical lure (“sleep”) 43 percent of the time, while 7-year-olds only make that mistake about 30 percent of the time (Brainerd & Reyna, 2011)! A likely explanation is that younger children do not extract the meaning between words—the gist—and so a related but nonpresented word is not likely to be falsely recognized as it has no relation to the other words in the list.

Elaboration elaboration strategy for remembering that involves adding something to (or creating meaningful links between) the bits of information we are trying to retain.

Another effective strategy for improving recall is to add to, or elaborate on, the information that we hope to remember (Schneider & Pressley, 1997). Elaboration is particularly useful whenever our task is to associate two or more stimuli, such as a foreign word and its English equivalent. For example, one way to remember the Spanish word for duck, pato (pronounced “pot-o”), is to elaborate on the word pato by creating an image of a pot that is in some way linked to a duck (see Figure 9.5 for an example). However, elaboration is a “latecomer to the memorizer’s bag of tricks” that is rarely used effectively before adolescence (Schneider & Pressley, 1997). Why? Possibly because adolescents simply have a larger knowledge base than younger children do and are better able to imagine how any two (or more) stimuli might be linked (Bjorklund, 1987). Can the elaboration strategy be taught to children? First, it is important to note that evidence of semantic memory, has been observed even among infants. In Mandler and NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 273

Figure 9.5 An example of an elaborative image that we might create to associate pato (pronounced “pot-o”), the Spanish word for “duck,” with its English translation.

McDonough’s (1996) study, infants watched a toy dog “have a drink.” When presented with two objects, one an animal and the other not, infants aged 14 months generalize the drinking behaviour to other animals and not to vehicles, for example. Infants younger than 14 months did not display such behaviour. This suggests that semantic strategies can be taught—even to very young children. For example, Bauer and colleagues (2015) attempted to increase semantic elaboration of stories by 4- and 6-year-olds. Children listened to two factual statements about dolphins. Children were later tested to see if they remembered the facts and, importantly, whether they could answer questions based on integrating the two facts. Examples are presented in Table 9.1. Just before children were asked the “integration question,” the experimenter provided a hint such as “Think about the stories we read . . .” The hints improved the 4- and 6-year-olds’ accuracy by 30 to 40 percent, compared to a control group not given the hints! (Bauer, Varga, King, Nolen, & White, 2015). Earlier we learned that processing of material is improved when the material is in a domain that is familiar. Wood, Willoughby, and their colleagues (Wood, Pressley, & Winne, 1990; Willoughby, Wood, & Khan, 1994) have demonstrated the potency of an elaboration strategy called elaborative interrogation for helping child and adult learners to use their prior knowledge to learn factual material. Elaborative interrogation involves asking learners to answer the question “Why would that fact be true?” when they encounter factual material for which they have some level of familiarity. By answering the question, the learner creates an association between the novel fact and existing knowledge, and this association facilitates retrieval of the information.

Production and Utilization Deficiencies Developmentalists once believed that preschool children were astrategic; that is, they did not use any strategies when approaching most problems. Later research seriously questioned this assumption. Consider that even 18- to 36-month-olds rely on simple strategies to locate hidden objects in hide-and-seek games. If instructed to remember where a stuffed animal has been hidden so that they can later wake it up from its nap, these young children strategically remind themselves where the toy is by repeatedly looking at or pointing to its hiding place (DeLoache, 1986). Similarly, although 5- to 7-year-olds may not rehearse when tested for spatial location, they do gaze longer at the locations, suggesting that they were goal-directed and planful in their behaviour (Morey et al., 2018). Clearly, children can be strategic in their thinking and problem solving, although the strategies they devise for themselves tend to be simple and to increase in efficiency with age. TAbLE 9.1

Stem Facts and Integration Facts Used in Experiments 1 and 2

In a study by Bauer and colleagues (2015), 4- to 6-year-old children heard Facts 1 and 2. Memory for the facts was tested. In addition, integration of the two facts was higher when children were given a cue to think about the two facts before being tested.

Stem Facts Fact 1 Dolphins communicate by clicking and squeaking. A baby kangaroo is called a joey. The largest volcano is in Hawaii.

Fact 2 Dolphins live in groups called pods. Blue Flyer is a type of kangaroo. Mauna Loa is the world’s largest volcano.

Integration Facts Pods communicate by clicking and squeaking. A baby Blue Flyer is called a joey. Mauna Loa is located in Hawaii.

Target is indicated in italics. Source: From Semantic elaboration through integration: Hints both facilitate and inform the process, Bauer, Patricia J.; Varga, Nicole L.; King, Jessica E.; Nolen, Ayla M.; White, Elizabeth A. Journal of Cognition and Development Vol. 16, Iss. 2, (Mar 2015): 351–369. Reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis Ltd, http://www.tandfonline.com. NEL

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274 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

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Do younger children lack the cognitive capacity to execute and benefit from the more effective strategies on which older children rely? One way to find out is to try to teach them these new strategies and see if their cognitive performances improve. Dozens of training studies of this kind have been conducted, and their findings are reasonably consistent: children who do not use a strategy on their own can be trained to do so and often benefit from its use (Bjorklund & Douglas, 1997; Harnishfeger & Bjorklund, 1990; Wood, Miller, Symons, Cannough, & Yedlicka, 1993). So rather than being astrategic or lacking cognitive capacity, younger children often display production deficiencies; they merely fail to produce effective strategies. As we saw in the study by Bauer and colleagues (2015), children may not spontaneously link facts semantically but will when given specific instructions to do so, and, as a result, their memory performance typically improves. Nevertheless, acquiring a new and more sophisticated strategy does not always lead to dramatic improvements in task Young children devise simple strategies for dealing with the problems they face. performance or problem solving. Instead, children who spontaneously generate and use such strategies often display what production deficiency Patricia Miller (2000) calls a utilization deficiency; they do not benefit as much from failure to spontaneously generate and strategy use as equally strategic older children do, and they may often revert to using use known strategies that could a less effective strategy or none at all. Utilization deficiencies are commonly found as improve learning and memory. children acquire new memory strategies (Coyle & Bjorklund, 1996). Even when chilutilization deficiency dren are trained to use a new strategy at school or in the laboratory, they often display failure to benefit from effective utilization deficiencies by failing to benefit immediately from its use (Bjorklund, Miller, strategies that one has spontaneously Coyle, & Slawinski, 1997). produced; thought to occur in the Consider a specific example of children who were successfully trained to use a early phases of strategy acquisition when executing the strategy requires strategy but showed little or no subsequent benefit from it (Bjorklund, Schneider, Cassel, much mental effort. & Ashley, 1994). In this study, Grade 4 children were given sets of categorically related words (for instance, different examples of fruits and mammals) and later asked to recall them. They were then trained to sort the words by category (an organization strategy) and recall them by category. After training, they were given a new list of words to remember to see if they would generalize the strategy they had learned. Children showed improvements in recall, sorting, and clustering after training and maintained their high levels of strategy use (sorting and clustering) when tested a week later. Despite using the strategy, they were no more accurate when recalling the new word lists, reflecting a utilization deficiency. Why do children display utilization deficiencies if the new and more sophisticated strategies that they are acquiring are generally better ways to approach the problems they face? Information-processing theorists suggest two major reasons. The most likely reason is that executing a novel strategy may require so much mental effort that children have few cognitive resources left to gather and store information relevant to the problems they face (Bjorklund et al., 1997; Miller & Seier, 1994). Maintaining items in working memory, for example, can take considerable cognitive effort. Children are most likely to show a utilization deficiency when they first learn a strategy because they have lower memory capacity (Clerc et al., 2014). Once the strategy becomes automatized, more cognitive resources are freed up to complete the other memory tasks (such as recalling words). A second reason for utilization deficiencies is that younger children may know less about how to monitor their cognitive activities and may not even be aware that they are failing to benefit from using a new strategy. However, this poor metacognition may actually be beneficial if it prompts children to practise the effortful new strategy until it can be executed much more quickly and becomes a truly effective aid to problem solving (Bjorklund et al., 1997). Clearly, the fact that children display both production deficiencies and utilization deficiencies implies that the growth of strategic thinking is a slow and uneven process. NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 275

In fact, Robert Siegler’s studies of children’s problem-solving strategies show just how uneven the process can be (see below).

Multiple Strategy and Variable Strategy Use Children’s strategies do not develop in a stagelike fashion, with earlier strategies being replaced by more complicated and effective strategies. Rather, children of all ages have a variety of strategies available to them and select among those strategies when trying to solve a problem. Effective problem-solving requires that a suitable strategy is used effectively. If a chosen strategy is not working or if the task demands change, it makes sense to move to a different, more efficient strategy. Successfully shifting strategies is partly facilitated by the development of executive processes. Thus, children could be less effective problem-solvers because of production and utilization deficiencies but also what Clerc transfer utilization deficiency and Miller (2014) call a transfer utilization deficiency. They suggest that it is the very when the mental effort needed to act of transferring a strategy to be used with a new, but similar, task that depletes chilexecute a strategy leaves no dren’s resources. Indeed, children often stick to a strategy in studies when switching to remaining cognitive resources to a new strategy would be much more beneficial. This perseverance is illustrated with a transfer the strategy to a new task. study requiring shifting to a new strategy. In the Dimensional Change Card Sort task (Zelazo, 2006), children are given cards that vary in two or more dimensions (e.g., shape and colour) as illustrated in Figure 9.6. Children are asked to sort the cards according to one dimension (colour) and, five to six trials later, by another (shape). While 5-year-olds are able to switch strategies and sort as directed, 3-year-olds tend to stick with the same first strategy. In other words, even when asked to sort by shape (of which they are quite capable), adaptive strategy choice model they perseverate in their use of colour sorting. Flexibly switching strategies requires Siegler’s model to describe how several executive function processes including inhibiting responses or use of a strategies change over time; the view strategy that has been habitually used, monitoring one’s success (metacognition), that multiple strategies exist within a and monitoring and updating information in working memory. How do children child’s cognitive repertoire at any one eventually manage to effectively use strategies? Siegler provides one explanation that time, with these strategies competing with one another for use. we will now turn to. Siegler and his colleagues (1996a, 1996b, 1996c; Crowley, Shrager, & Siegler, 1997) Pre-switch (shape) Post-switch (colour) have formulated an adaptive strategy choice model to describe children’s mul“Let’s play the shape game. “Now we’re going to play a new game. In the shape game, all the We’re not going to play the shape tiple strategy use and how strategies change Experimenter rabbits go here and all the game anymore. We’re going to play over time. Basically, Siegler believes that instructions boats go there. Here is a the colour game. In the colour game, all rabbit. Can you put it where the red ones go here, and all the blue children’s multiple strategies compete with it goes?” ones go there. Here is a red one. Can one another for use on problems for which you put it where it goes?” they are relevant. With age, experience, and improved information-processing abilities, Target cards more sophisticated strategies are apt to “win out” over simpler strategies, but for new problems or problems with which chilTest cards dren are less familiar, the older fallback strategies often come up as the winners. So from Siegler’s perspective, strategy developFigure 9.6 The Dimensional Change Card Sort task (based on Zelazo, 2006). ment is not a simple matter of abandoning Children are given cards to sort (rabbits and boats, in both red and blue) and asked to older, less sophisticated strategies for newer, sort by shape (pre-switch). Children are then asked to sort by colour (post-switch). more powerful ones. Rather, multiple stratTypically, it is only by 5 years old that children manage to successfully abandon the egies reside side by side in a child’s mind, first strategy and switch to using the new strategy. and old strategies never die; they simply lie Source: Republished with permission of John Wiley and Sons, based on Zelazo, P.D., Helwig, in wait for a chance to be used when a C.C., & Lau, A. (1996). Intention, act, and outcome in behavioral prediction and moral newer, more preferred strategy doesn’t judgment. Child Development, 67, 2478–92; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. quite fit or fails to produce the correct NEL

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276 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development THE DEVELOPMENT OF MEMORY STRATEGIES Heavy use

Strategy 3

Strategy 4

Strategy 1

Strategy 2

Little use

Younger children

Age

Older Children

Figure 9.7 Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model of development. Change in strategy use is seen as a series of overlapping waves, with different strategies being used more frequently at different ages. Source: Siegler, R.S. (1996c). Emerging minds: The process of change in children’s thinking. New York: Oxford University Press.

implicit cognition thought that occurs without awareness that one is thinking. explicit cognition thinking and thought processes of which we are consciously aware.

metacognition knowledge about cognition and about the regulation of cognitive activities.

answer. So Siegler does not see strategies developing in a steplike fashion, but rather as a series of overlapping waves, as illustrated in Figure 9.7. As the work of Siegler and others makes clear, the issue facing cognitive developmentalists today is not whether young children can be strategic—they are from an early age. Rather, developmentalists must now determine what combinations of strategies children employ within different cognitive domains. They must explain why the simpler strategies that younger children prefer gradually give way to the more sophisticated and effective strategies used by older children, adolescents, and adults, and how variations in strategy use might be related to cognitive performance and development (Coyle, 2001).

The Development of Metacognition and Executive Control Processes

Good strategy users know when, how, and why strategies should be used as well as knowledge about what you do and do not know and what you could do to help you to remember (Pressley, 2011). What do children know about thinking? Consider the following. Fouryear-old Joshua had pushed his father’s patience too far. “Joshua,” said his father, “I want you to go over to that corner and just think about all this for a while.” Instead of following his father’s orders, Joshua stood where he was, not defiantly, but with a confused look and quivering lips, as if he were trying to say something but was afraid to. “What’s the matter now?” his father asked, his irritation still showing. “But, Daddy,” Joshua said, “I don’t know how to think.” Obviously, 4-year-old Joshua knew how to think. He just did not know that he knew how to think. You don’t necessarily have to know what you are doing to do a good job of it, at least when it comes to thinking. Much of our day-to-day cognition is implicit, or unconscious. For example, very few of us can consciously enumerate all the linguistic rules that underlie our first language despite the fact that we are all highly proficient speakers of our mother tongue. Much of the richness of both children’s and adults’ cognition, however, comes from the type of thought that is conscious, or explicit. Aspects of explicit cognition become especially important when we consider executive functions. To a large extent, to regulate our thinking, it helps to understand what thinking is. It seems obvious that Joshua lacked knowledge about what it means to think, and we should not be surprised if his cognition was limited by his lack of understanding. Preschool children often confuse various forms of thinking. For example, they seem not to be aware of the differences between remembering, knowing, and guessing ( Johnson & Wellman, 1980; Schwanenflugel, Henderson, & Fabricius, 1998). Young children also think they have greater control of their thoughts than they really do. Will a child who hears a strange noise automatically wonder what the noise is, even if he or she doesn’t want to? Is it possible to go for three days without thinking about anything? Young adolescents (age 13 years and over) understand that the mind “has a mind of its own” better than younger children do. That is, teens understand that the mind will sometimes think about things even if the person has no interest in thinking about them (the source of an unexpected noise, for example), and that one cannot avoid thinking for an extended period of time (Flavell & Green, 1999). Knowledge about the mind is referred to as metacognition (Flavell, 1979). Researchers have shown that children’s awareness of their own thoughts develops during early childhood (Flavell, Green, Flavell, & Lin, 1999). NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 277

Sally

Anne This is Sally’s basket.

This is Anne’s box. Sally puts her red ball... into her basket.

Sally goes out of the room and leaves Anne alone.

Around ages 5 to 7 years, children are able to predict what other people will think. Consider the mistaken-location task, which is shown in Figure 9.8. In the vignette, person A moves an object while person B is absent. Where do you think Person B will look for the object when she returns? If you thought that she would return to the initial location, you would be correct. Person B does not have access to the information about where the object actually is. Do children give the same answer? They do not until they are about 4 years old or older! In fact, before understanding how other minds’ work, young children think that whatever they know is accessible to everyone! Interestingly, it is only when children understand how other minds work that they are able to successfully deceive people (Ding, Wellman, Wang, Genyue, & Lee, 2015).

Anne takes the ball out of the basket... and puts it in the box.

Knowledge and Reasoning

Contrary to popular opinion, children do not simply absorb all information around them. In fact, children are both astute and selective about information they attend she wants to to and acquire. Children learn from direct experience as When Sally comes back... play with the well as indirectly using inference, assumptions, and past ball. events, as well as considering the source of information (parent, book, etc.). Thus, knowledge decisions can get quite complex—some prowess can be taught but it is Where will Sally look for her ball? generally established that at least part of our biases in Figure 9.8 The mistaken-location task (Wimmer & Perner, 1983). knowledge acquisition are innate or at least passed Children younger than 4 to 5 years incorrectly claim that Sally that will down through generations. In preschool years, children look for her ball in the actual location (Ann’s box), while older children gain knowledge and understanding of how minds work. understand that Sally has a false or mistaken belief that her ball is where This knowledge allows children to realize that all knowlshe left it (her basket). edge comes from particular sources. To know what Source: Reprinted with permission of Elsevier Science and Technology Journals, colour an object is, for example, can only be known if from Wimmer, H. and Perner, J. “Beliefs about Beliefs: Representation and you see the object. Looking at the object gives no inforConstraining Function of Wrong Beliefs in Young Children’s Understanding of Deception.” Cognition. 1983. Jan; 13(1):103–28; permission conveyed through mation about the weight of the object—you would Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. need to pick it up to feel how heavy it is. This is known as the experience-knowing connection (Robinson, Haigh, & Pendle, 2008). Even children as young and 3 and 4 years old can make decisions about who they should trust. The “informant-credibility” paradigm has been used extensively to study children’s preferences for knowledge acquisition. To provide an example, 3- and 4-yearolds watched two adult speakers label simple objects. One speaker was always correct; the other, incorrect. The children were then asked to label an object and virtually all of the children went with what the previously accurate speaker said (Pasquini, Corriveau, Koenig, & Harris, 2007). The informant-credibility paradigm has been helpful in explaining children’s understanding in diverse areas such as category formation, naïve physics, and rule-based approaches to cognitive development. Box 9.1 features the research program of Ori Friedman, who has incorporated some of these concepts to understand children’s conceptions and behaviour involving ownership. Researchers have shown that children’s awareness of thoughts and the distinction between consciousness and unconsciousness develop gradually during childhood (Flavell, Green & Flavell, 2000). For example, 5- and 8-year-old children and adults NEL

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278 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

9.1

THE INSIDE TRACK

Ori Friedman

Ori Friedman Dr Ori Friedman is a Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Waterloo. Dr Friedman is interested in how children reason about various aspects of their daily lives. He has conducted multiple studies on how children reason about pretense, fantasy, and mental states. In the current section, his work on children’s reasoning about ownership is featured.

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A unique aspect of Ori Friedman’ s research is that it goes beyond observation about what children do with their knowledge. Specifically, Ori Friedman has tapped into the great value in listening to children’s own reasons and explanations to discover their causal knowledge. Indeed, through Ori Friedman’s research, it is now clear that even very young children can use inferences in their decisions based on relevant information they retrieve from their memories. In recent years, Friedman has focused on children’s explanations of ownership. This topic is important for daily life because it can reduce conflict (e.g., if a child thinks a toy belongs to him simply because he is playing with it), and also guide future decision making. In one study (Nancekivell & Friedman, 2014), 3- and 4-year-olds were shown three pictures of a character and an

object (rock, picture in a frame, hat, respectively). Children were either told that the character owned the objects or liked the objects. Children were then given “why” questions—for example, “Why does she own the rock/ picture/hat?” Take a moment to consider what your own answers would be. The researchers were interested in qualitative differences between explanations for the “why-own?” and “why-like?” trials. Regarding ownership trials, the 4-year-olds (but not the 3-year-olds) inferred past history (e.g., “he was playing with it”) or acquisition of the object (e.g., “he bought it”). In contrast, for the liking trials, the 4-year-olds’ explanations largely involved the characteristics of the object (e.g., “it was red”; “it is fun”). The 3-year-olds showed few differences in the qualitative characteristics of their explanations. Friedman’s studies give insight into children’s cognitive processes, specifically causal reasoning. By the age of 4, children already understand that past events are causally relevant for ownership but not for liking and that, in contrast, characteristics of the objects are more relevant for judgments of liking. The children were given minimal information to base a judgment on, just a picture of a character and an object. The 4-year-olds, however, could infer prior history, thus showing that they could mentally go backward in time.

were asked to “think of nothing” for about half a minute. Most adults and 8-year-olds said that, try as they might, thinking of nothing was impossible. By contrast, most 5-year-olds claimed that they could keep all thoughts from their minds and were unaware of the stream of consciousness that seemingly runs through every waking person’s mind (Flavell et al., 2000). This and other research indicates that children have a lot to learn about thinking. Knowledge about memory is a subset of metacognition and is known as metamemory (meta means “about”). As this aspect of metacognition refers to a knowledge base, it has been more precisely named as declarative metamemory (Roebers, 2017). How do we know when and how to use executive control processes? How do we decide whether to attend to or reduce (inhibit) our focus on information? A significant factor is our own understanding of what a “thinking brain” is. But what does an understanding of minds have to Metamemory improves dramatically in middle childhood. This child is now aware that writing do with models of memory? down a phone number is an effective strategy for ensuring that information is retained. NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 279

Understanding other people’s minds allows children to selectively report what they retrieve from their memories. You would discuss how a fetus develops differently to a child, for example, than you would to a biology professor. Even in the midst of retrieving information, we are “operating” on it, in this case, by considering the knowledge of the minds of our audience. Knowledge of one’s own thinking and memory processes, termed as procedural metamemory, is important for many aspects of higher-order thinking and problem solving. Although we do perform some complicated cognitive tasks unconsciously (or implicitly), many learning and memory tasks are best accomplished when we are consciously aware of the mental processes (procedures) involved. Insight into one’s own mental processes enables children to identify the demands of the task at hand and choose appropriate control processes and strategies to carry out that specific task. The benefits of metacognition for several cognitive challenges will become clear later in this chapter. Next, we will see how children learn to focus their attention and develop the skills to inhibit information (e.g., when distracted).

Retention and the Development of Attention Clearly, a person must first detect and attend to information before it can be encoded, retained, or used to solve problems. Although even young infants attend to a variety of sensory inputs, their attention is often “captured” by objects and events. A 1-month-old baby does not choose to attend to a face; instead, faces attract his attention. Similarly, preschoolers who seem totally immersed in one activity can quickly lose interest and just as quickly get caught up in another activity. But as children grow older, they become better able to sustain their attention and be more selective in what they attend to, and they know more about attention.

Changes in Attention Span attention span capacity for sustaining attention to a particular stimulus or activity.

reticular formation area of the brain that activates the organism and is thought to be important in regulating attention.

Visit a nursery school and you will see that teachers are likely to switch classroom activities every 15 to 20 minutes. Why? Because young children have a very short attention span; they rarely concentrate on any single activity for very long. Even when doing things they like, such as playing with toys or watching TV, 2- and 3-year-olds often look away, move about, and direct their attention elsewhere, spending far less time on the activity at hand than older children do (Ridderinkhoff & van der Molen, 1995; Ruff & Capozzoli, 2003; Ruff, Capozzolli, & Weisberg, 1998). Part of younger children’s problem in trying to “concentrate” is that their attention is easily captured by distractions and they are often unable to inhibit the intrusion of task-irrelevant thoughts (Dempster, 1993). The capacity for sustained attention gradually improves throughout childhood and early adolescence, and these improvements may be due, in part, to maturational changes in the central nervous system. For example, the reticular formation, an area of the brain responsible for regulating attention, is not fully myelinated until puberty. Perhaps this neurological development helps to explain why adolescents and young adults are suddenly able to spend hours on end cramming for upcoming exams or typing furiously to make morning deadlines on term papers. There are other behavioural reasons for increases in the quality and length of attention. Kimberly Schonert-Reichl advises educators on how to incorporate mindfulness (paying attention to the present moment nonjudgmentally) into school curricula. Box 9.2 highlights the research showing that practising mindfulness can produce socio-emotional benefits and also improve cognitive skills, such as attention. Another reason that attention capabilities increase with age is that older children use more effective strategies to regulate their attention, as we will now see.

NEL

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280 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

9.2

THE INSIDE TRACK

Kimberly Schonert-Reichl is a Professor in the Faculty of Education at the University of British Columbia. She heads up the Social and Emotional Learning lab. She is interested in all aspects of children’s well-being and co-edited the 2016 book Handbook of Mindfulness in Education with Robert Roeser. The book has been described as “a landmark development . . . a major step forward” (K. Weare).

“Mindfulness” is a very popular topic and can be loosely defined as paying attention to the present moment with an accepting and nonjudgmental attitude. Some people can achieve this state using mindfulness-related techniques such as meditation and systematic body relaxation. Studies on the effects of mindfulness with adults have found tangible benefits on their stress, anxiety, depression, blood pressure, and many other things. In the past decade, however, mindfulness has made its way into elementary schools with programs for both children and teachers. Mindfulness programs, such as the MindUP curriculum, are now frequently seen in schools. It is currently acknowledged that children’s social and emotional well-being is a critical component for academic success. Recent innovations in developmental neuroscience show clear evidence of the role of executive functions and self-regulation in improvements in children’s resilience and success (Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger, 2011). Thus, Schonert-Reichl and her colleagues assessed children’s mindful awareness and executive functions.

How effective are mindfulness programs for school children? Evidence in the field is quite mixed partly because of different methods, differing populations both clinical and not, and the lack of appropriate control groups. In contrast, Schonert-Reichl and colleagues (2015) conducted a randomized control trial with 9- to 11-yearold mainstream school children. Half of the children were randomly assigned to a social-emotional learning program with mindfulness training, while the remaining children participated in just the regular social-emotional learning program. Schonert-Reichl found remarkable results. Compared to the control group, children in the mindfulness condition responded faster to tests of selective attention and inhibition but with no loss in accuracy. The “mindful” children also scored higher than the controls in perspective-taking, emotional control, and mindfulness. Math scores also increased more for children in the mindful group compared to the controls. Therefore, the addition of mindfulness to a standard school social-emotional program led to greater selfregulation (cognitively, socially, and emotionally), an enhanced perception of well-being and self-concept, and academic gains. The results of this large study highlight the benefits mindfulness can have on attentional and inhibitory mechanisms. Importantly, the results also show that attention mechanisms are influenced by social stimuli in addition to the cognitive stimuli reviewed in this chapter. Finally, Schonert-Reichl’s work illustrates the interesting connections between cognitive development and social-emotional learning.

From Schonert-Reichl et al. (2015).

Used with permission of Kimberly Schonert-Reichl

Kimberly Schonert-Reichl

Development of Planful Attentional Strategies With age, children become increasingly planful and systematic in their gathering of information. In a series of classic studies (Vurpillot, 1968; Vurpillot & Ball, 1979), 4- to 10-year-olds were asked to search pictures of two houses and to judge whether the contents of the windows of the houses were identical or different. As shown in Figure 9.9, 4- and 5-year-olds were not very planful; they searched only a few windows and often reached the wrong conclusion. By contrast, children older than 6½ were highly systematic. Their planned searches involved checking each window in one house with the corresponding window in the other house, pair by pair, until they arrived at a judgment (which was likely to be correct). Older children are also more likely than younger children to formulate a systematic plan for searching the environment for a lost toy, often limiting their search to areas between where the toy was last seen and where they discovered it missing rather than wandering the yard aimlessly looking for it (Wellman, 1985). So the planful gathering of information that helps children solve problems develops gradually over the course of childhood. NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 281

5-year-old: “The same”

8-year-old: “Not the same”

Figure 9.9 Are the houses in each pair exactly the same or different? Preschool children often guess incorrectly because they do not systematically compare all the pairs of windows as school-aged children do. Source: Based on “The Development of Scanning Strategies and Their Relation to Visual Differentiation,” by E. Vurpillot, 1968, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 6, pp. 632–50.

Selective Attention: Ignoring Information That Is Clearly Irrelevant

tmcphotos/Shutterstock

selective attention capacity to focus on task-relevant aspects of experience while ignoring irrelevant or distracting information.

Would young children perform as well as older children if they were told in advance which information is most relevant to the tasks they face and did not have to be so planful? Probably not, because younger children demonstrate little ability to display selective attention—to concentrate only on task-relevant stimuli and not be distracted by other “noise” in the environment. For example, 7-, 10-, and 13-year-olds were asked to remember the locations of a number of animals, each of which was hidden behind a different cloth flap. When each flap was lifted to reveal an animal, the children could also see a household object positioned either above or below the animal. Here, then, is a learning task that requires the child to attend selectively to certain information (the animals) while ignoring other potentially distracting input (the household objects). When the children were tested to see whether they had learned where each animal was located, as expected, older children remembered more than the younger children. What about memory for the incidental (irrelevant) information? Did children recall which household object had been paired with each animal? The researchers found exactly the opposite pattern on this incidental-learning test: 13-year-olds recalled less about the household objects than either 7- or 10-year-olds. In fact, both of the younger groups recalled as much about the irrelevant objects as about the locations of the animals (Miller & Weiss, 1981). Taken together, these findings indicate that older children are much better than younger ones at concentrating on relevant information and filtering out extraneous input that may interfere with task performance.

Cognitive Inhibition: Dismissing Irrelevant Information Although the ability to concentrate improves dramatically during middle childhood, elementary school students are not always successful at overcoming distractions.

Researchers have proposed that age changes in children’s abilities to inhibit preferred or wellestablished responses may play an important role in cognitive development (Diamond & Taylor, 1996; Harnishfeger, 1995). Where traditional information-processing theories have emphasized the activation of operations and knowledge, these alternative accounts propose that inhibiting an operation or preventing some piece of knowledge from getting into consciousness may be equally important for cognitive development (see also Dempster, 1993).

NEL

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282 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development inhibition the ability to prevent ourselves from executing some cognitive or behavioural response.

Deficits in inhibition are thought to influence cognition both in infancy and childhood. Recall from Chapter 8 that infants solving Piaget’s A-not-B problems often reach for a hidden object at location A, even after seeing it hidden at location B. They cannot inhibit their tendency to search where they had previously found the object (at point A) despite seemingly “knowing” better. Age-related changes in inhibitory processes have also been noted for cognitive challenges that older children face. For example, children’s ability to selectively forget unimportant information is affected by their ability to keep the to-be-forgotten information out of mind. Older elementary school children are better able to execute these inhibitory processes than are younger children (Lehman, McKinley-Pace, Wilson, Savsky, & Woodson, 1997; Pope & Kipp, 1998). In general, young children have a difficult time executing anything other than their preferred or predominant response. Children’s ability to regulate their conduct (which involves inhibiting unacceptable responses, as well as performing more desirable acts) also improves with age ( Jones, Rothbart, & Posner, 2003; Kochanska, Murray, Jacques, Koenig, & Vandegeest, 1996; Luria, 1961). What factors contribute to the development of inhibitory control? Neurological maturation seems to contribute. In Chapter 8, we learned that infants’ ability to inhibit inappropriate responses in A-not-B search problems is related to maturation of the frontal lobes of the cerebral cortex. So if told to tap a pencil one more time (or one less time) than an experimenter does, young children have trouble inhibiting their preferred tendency to imitate perfectly the number of taps the experimenter displays (Diamond & Taylor, 1996). Cognitive control processes (like inhibition, attention, strategy choice) improve dramatically through middle childhood, adolescence, and into one’s mid-20s. Structural changes in the brain over this time reflect the increasing complexity of tasks performed. Specifically, children and adolescents differ in the areas of the brain that are recruited for everyday cognitive processes. Older children activate frontoparietal regions in simple working memory tasks, but not in more complex tasks requiring the coordination of multiple cognitive processes. Adolescents consistently engage these cortical regions, which are then spatially refined during adolescence by the pruning of synapses (to improve efficiency) and increased creation of synapses in cortical regions (required for complex cognition; Tau & Peterson, 2010).

Meta-attention: What Do Children Know about Attention? Do young children know more about attentional processes than their behaviour might indicate? Indeed they do. Even though 4-year-olds generally cannot overcome distractions when performing selective-attention tasks, they are apparently aware that distractions can be a problem, because they realize that two stories will be harder to understand if the storytellers speak simultaneously rather than taking turns (Pillow, 1988). Miller and Weiss (1982) asked 5-, 7-, and 9-year-olds to answer a series of questions about factors known to affect performance on an incidental-learning task (i.e., a task like the “animals and objects” test described earlier). Although knowledge about attentional processes generally increased with age, even the 5-year-olds realized that they should at least look first at task-relevant stimuli and then label these objects as an aid to remembering them. The 7- and 9-year-olds further understood that to do well on these problems, they must attend selectively to task-relevant stimuli and ignore irrelevant information. But before thinking that young preschoolers know nothing about attention, consider the findings of Michael Tomasello and Katharina Haberl (2003). Twelve- and 18-month-old infants interacted with an adult who expressed great interest in one of three toys (a novel toy, one she hadn’t seen previously), saying, for example, “Wow! Cool.” The adult then asked the children, “Can you give it to me?” Infants at both ages were able to comply, indicating that they realized that looking at an object—that is, NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 283

TAbLE 9.2

Four Major Contributors to the Development of Learning and Memory

Contributor

Developmental Trends

1.

Working-memory capacity

Older children have greater information-processing capacity than younger children do, particularly in the sense that they process information faster (and more efficiently), leaving more of their limited working-memory space for storage and other cognitive processes.

2.

Memory strategies

Older children use more effective memory strategies for encoding, storing, and retrieving information.

3.

Metamemory

Older children know more about memory processes, and their greater metamemory allows them to select the most appropriate strategies for the task at hand and to carefully monitor their progress.

4.

Knowledge base

Older children know more in general, and their greater knowledge base improves their ability to learn and remember.

attending to it—and getting excited about it indicated a preference for that object. This knowledge of attention (in this case, attention in other people) may not be on a par with understanding that a person is likely thinking about something she is looking at, but it does reveal that the roots of understanding attention are found in infancy. A summary of the development of the main contributors to learning and memory is given in Table 9.2.

Alternative Models of Memory: Fuzzy Traces and Scripts Once children have attended to information of some kind, they must find a way to retain it if they are to learn from their experiences or use it to solve a problem. Thus, the development of memory involves the processes by which we store and retrieve information. Alternative perspectives to traditional information-processing models have been proposed that help explain age differences in children’s thinking. In this section we review two popular frameworks: first, fuzzy-trace theory, and then schema theories. Most traditional accounts of human information processing assume that we solve problems by encoding discrete pieces of information and then reasoning about those items. To solve the problem “How much is 27 1 46?” one must encode both numbers verbatim—adding 20-something with 40-something will not lead you to the correct answer in this instance. Not all of our thinking requires such precision, however. If a friend asks your advice on a particular psychology course, for example, it is more helpful to provide your friend with a general, overall description of what the course was like, rather than the exact verbatim details of each and every lecture.

Fuzzy-Trace Theory fuzzy-trace theory theory proposed by Brainerd and Reyna that postulates that people encode experiences on a continuum from literal, verbatim traces to fuzzy, gist-like traces. gist fuzzy representation of information that preserves the central content but few precise details.

According to fuzzy-trace theory (Brainerd & Reyna, 2015), information is encoded in both a verbatim and a gist form. When remembering a movie, we may encode the names of the main characters (verbatim) but also that they lived in the wilderness (gist). Whether we retrieve verbatim traces or the gist of information is dependent on what the task demands. If you were asked “what colour was the car?” you would need to retrieve the exact verbatim detail (“red”). If you were asked “what shape was the car?” you would retrieve a more general gist trace (“like a small truck”) (see another example in Figure 9.10). Over time, the verbatim and gist traces decay and the connection between them becomes looser, or what Brainerd and colleagues refer to as disintegration. At this point, the once tightly connected verbatim details now exist as “fuzzy traces.”

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© Cengage

284 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Figure 9.10 A gist-like representation, or fuzzy trace, preserves the central content of a scene or an event without all the precise details. This boy may remember that he saw a dog chasing a cat without recalling the colour of the animals or the fact that the cat wore a red collar.

Although people generally find it easier and thus prefer to reason using fuzzy traces rather than verbatim representations of information, this varies with age. Before age 6 or 7, children seem to be biased toward encoding and remembering verbatim traces of the information they encounter, whereas older children, like adults, are more inclined to encode and remember fuzzy, gist-like traces. Recall the list-learning exercise from earlier—most adults misremember the word “sleep” after exposure to a list of words that are semantically similar to sleep (dream, bed, etc.). Yet 6- and 7-year-olds do not succumb to these errors—for them, remembering the word “bed” is no different from remembering “truck” if presented in the same list (Brainerd & Reyna, 2011). As models of memory and cognition like fuzzy-trace theory posit that two traces (verbatim, gist) are encoded in parallel, models like these are known as dual-process theories. Fuzzy-trace theory has been useful for describing developmental changes in the ways that children encode information and use it to solve problems. Relying on gist information is easier than trying to retrieve verbatim details and is just as effective (or more so) for solving a large number of problems that children face. Some tasks, such as mental arithmetic, do however require verbatim representations. Next, we consider schema theory, another popular framework.

Schemas

script general representation of the typical sequencing of events (i.e., what occurs and when) in some familiar context.

Schema theories are similar to fuzzy-trace theory in that one can retrieve both the gist and exact details. A key difference, however, is that schemas result from repeated exposure to information. This exposure results in organized gist-like mental representations. For example, a child may have a schema for police officers that could include (a) the appearance of a police officer, such as wearing a uniform, handcuffs, gun, and communication device, (b) the actions of a police officer, including visiting schools, catching criminals, driving a police car, as well as (c) other specific or general information the child has acquired. Having a schema allows the child to draw upon all of this information rather than having to recall each encounter they might have had or seen regarding a police officer. When the schema refers to an event, it is known as a script. A restaurant script, for example, would contain the general procedure of going to a restaurant in the exact sequence that it usually occurs—you first wait to be seated, order drinks, read the menu, order food, eat, and pay. Recalling the script of an event, however, does not provide you with the answer to the question “What did you order at Marlo’s?” According to script theory, the generic script has placeholders or “slots” for the exact details that may vary NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 285

every time (similar to verbatim information in fuzzy-trace theory). When recalling a specific time at the restaurant, we retrieve the details from that one time and fill in the slots in the script. Why do we need these general, nonspecific cognitive structures? Wouldn’t it be more helpful to retrieve the exact details of an event? It turns out that we do not need to remember an infinite number of details. In fact, much of our thinking about everyday issues may actually be hindered by trying to rely on verbatim information. A general cognitive structure such as a script provides a way to easily remember the important parts of an event—the things that happen routinely—without needing to store all of the

CONCEPT CHECK

9.2

Understanding Developmental Differences in Information Processing

Check your understanding of developmental differences in information processing by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

_____ 1. Miller and her colleagues have suggested a transitional period of strategy development during which children use a strategy although it does not facilitate their task performance. What is the term for this phenomenon? a. mediation deficiency b. utilization deficiency c. production deficiency d. limited capacity _____ 2. Fuzzy-trace theory makes specific predictions about how gist processing and verbatim processing change with age. What does the theory predict? a. Young children do not extract gist traces but process only verbatim traces. Older children and adults extract both types of traces. b. Young children do not extract verbatim traces but process only gist traces. Older children and adults extract both types of traces. c. Compared to older children, young children prefer to operate on the verbatim end of the trace continuum; older children and adults prefer to operate on the gist end of the trace continuum. d. Compared to older children, young children prefer to operate on the gist end of the trace continuum; older children and adults prefer to operate on the verbatim end of the trace continuum. _____ 3. Brett played a dice game with his mother. Sometimes he counted all the dots on each die to compute his move; sometimes he just looked at the two dice and “knew” how many spaces he could move; and sometimes he said the number of one die (6) and counted up the number on the second die (7, 8, 9) to compute his move. Brett’s strategic behaviour best reflects which of the following theories? a. Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model b. Brainerd and Reyna’s fuzzy-trace theory

c. Miller’s utilization deficiency theory d. Flavell’s metacognition theory _____ 4. What is a script? a. a journal of the activities that happened in a day b. a schematic diagram of routine events c. a schema representation of routine actions so that memories are not overloaded with details d. memory of all the details that differ from the last time you experienced a repeated event Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions.

a. memory span b. implicit cognition c. explicit cognition d. span of apprehension e. fuzzy-trace theory f. utilization deficiency 5. A general measure of the amount of information that can be held in the short-term store. 6. A fuzzy representation of information that preserves the central content but few precise details. 7. Thinking and thought processes of which we are consciously aware. 8. A failure to spontaneously generate and use known strategies that could improve learning and memory. 9. The number of items that people can keep in mind at any one time, or the amount of information that people can attend to at a single time without operating mentally to store this information. 10. Thought that occurs without awareness that we are thinking. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

11. Discuss the development of strategies. What factors affect the likelihood that children of different ages will use strategies and that they will be effective?

NEL

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286 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

myriad details that can be different each time. Thus, a major reason that young children may think more slowly and less efficiently than older children is that they often get bogged down with processing unnecessary verbatim detail that consumes much of their limited cognitive resources and interferes with effective problem solving. In one study (Fivush & Hamond, 1990), 2½-year-olds were questioned about such recent “noteworthy” events as a trip to the beach, a camping trip, or a ride on an airplane. Rather than recalling the novel aspects of these special events, children were more likely to focus on what adults would consider routine information. So when describing a camping trip, one child first recalled sleeping outside, which is unusual, but then mostly remembered very mundane activities: interviewer: You slept outside in a tent? Wow, that sounds like a lot of fun. child: And then we waked up and eat dinner. First we eat dinner, then go to bed, and then wake up and eat breakfast. interviewer: What else did you do when you went camping? What did you do when you got up, after breakfast? child: Umm, in the night, and went to sleep. (Fivush & Hamond, 1990, p. 231)

It may seem strange that a young child would talk about such routine events as waking up, eating, and going to bed when so many new and exciting things must have happened on a camping trip. But the younger the child, the more he or she may need to embed novel events into familiar routines. According to Fivush and Hamond, everything is new to 2-year-olds, who are most concerned with making some sense of the events they experience. Although very young children can extract a script from their experiences, it takes more experiences before these young children form a script compared to older children. According to the schema-confirmation-deployment model (Farrar & Goodman, 1992), older children can form a script in as little as three experiences (schema confirmation), after which their memories and new experiences are organized into a stable script. Younger children treat each single experience as being unique, and thus it takes longer for them to extract a script and then use it to predict the future (deployment). As children grow older, they eventually remember more specific and atypical information over extended periods, especially if the event sequence they experienced is highly unusual and particularly noteworthy.

The Development of Event Memory event memory long-term memory for events. autobiographical memory memory for important experiences or events that have happened to the individual.

Event memory refers to stored memories of such events as what you ate for breakfast this morning, the opening number at the concert you attended last year, or the joy your mother displayed when your baby brother was born. Memory for events, including autobiographical memories of events that happened to you, is what most people think of as “natural” memory, and it rarely requires use of any strategies. We will examine the growth of event memory and look at recent research examining children’s memory for events when serving as eyewitnesses. In contrast, When most people think about memory, they think about remembering episodes, or events, particularly those that happen to them. Event memory in general, as well as our memory for particularly important personal experiences, or autobiographical memory, are almost always expressed through language. As we shall see, event and autobiographical memories are closely tied to language skills and to our ability to represent our experiences in storylike narratives (Nelson, 1996).

Origins of Event Memory Many researchers propose that deferred imitation, or remembering after a significant delay, represents the first evidence of event memory, albeit in a nonverbal form. If infants and toddlers can recall events that happened months ago, why do we display NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 287 infantile amnesia lack of memory for the early years of one’s life.

9.3

infantile amnesia—an inability to remember much that happened to us during the first few years? Though the answers remain elusive, some speculations about this fascinating memory lapse are presented in Box 9.3.

APPLYING RESEARCH TO YOUR LIFE

What Happened to Our Early Childhood Memories? David and Barbara Bjorklund recount the following story:

Though infants are quite capable of remembering, many adults recall almost nothing that happened to them before the age of 3, or, if they do have memories, many turn out to be fiction—a phenomenon labelled infantile amnesia (Usher & Neisser, 1993; see Figure 9.11). Where do these “fictitious” memories come from? The most prudent explanation is related to family interactions. Salient events from when there were very young children in a family are often discussed. Memorabilia such as photos and videos might also be available. According to source-monitoring theory, memories of actual events tend to source monitoring be more vivid and determining whether the source of detailed than memories one’s memories was internal (experienced) or external (photographs). of imagined events; and so the more events are rehearsed (verbally or mentally), the more detailed our memories get, and the more likely we are to judge this event as having occurred (Johnson, Hashtroudi, & Lindsay, 1993). Essentially, the sources of information have been confused: details from external sources like family conversations and photos are thought to be from internal sources, such as one’s own experiences. Infants do not use language and adults do, so it is possible that early memories are stored in some nonverbal code that we cannot retrieve once we become language users (Sheingold & Tenney, 1982). Even slightly older children, who can talk, may not represent their experiences in the same way as older children and adults. It is not until 2 to 3 years of age that most children easily encode and remember their experiences in terms of narratives—stories about their lives (Peterson, 1999, 2002)—usually with much help from adults. It is only after being guided by adults that children learn to code memories and realize that language can be used to share memories with others (Fivush & Nelson, 2004; Nelson, 1996).

1.0

Birth Hospital

0.9

Death 0.8

Move

0.7

0.6 Recall score

We received a letter from a woman . . . who was worried because her 10-year-old son could remember very little from his preschool days. She said that she and her husband had always tried to be good parents but thought that her son’s inability to remember things from early childhood was an indication that either they hadn’t done a very good job after all, or they had done a truly terrible job and her son was repressing this painful period of his life. We assured her that her son’s inability to remember events much before his fourth birthday is quite normal, and is certainly not an indication that those events were unimportant. (1992, p. 206)

0.5 0.4

0.3 0.2 0.1 0.0

1

2

3

4

5

Age at the time of the experience

Figure 9.11 College students’ recall of early life events increases as a function of their age at the time of the event. Source: From “Childhood Amnesia and the Beginnings of Memory of Four Life Events,” by J.A. Usher & U. Neisser, 1993, Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 122, pp. 155–65. Copyright © 1993 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

Another interesting possibility to explain limited early memories is that what is lacking in infancy is not cognitive or language ability but a sense of self around which personal experiences can be organized (Howe & Courage, 1997). Once an infant gains a firm sense of self (to be discussed in Chapter 13) at about 18 to 24 months of age, events may become more memorable when encoded as “things that happened to me.” Interestingly, research implies that both the development of a sense of self and adult assistance in constructing personal narratives help young preschool children to remember past events that happened to them (Harley & Reese, 1999). So our lack of both linguistic proficiency and a concept of “selfhood” for the first 18 to 24 months help explain why our early life experiences remain a blank for most of us.

NEL

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288 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

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The Social Construction of Autobiographical Memories In the previous chapter, we saw how Vygotsky considered all knowledge to be socially constructed through interactions between children and adults, and Rogoff proposed models of guided or collaborative learning. According to Vygotsky, adults model and scaffold tasks so that children would learn how to complete the tasks independently. Verbal discussions can be especially informative with respect to children’s memory development (Fivush et al., 2006). Mothers, in particular, have been identified as providing a By encouraging children to reconstruct past events in which they have participated, parents narrative structure that results in improvefoster the development of autobiographical memory. ments in children’s autobiographical memories. In Larkina and Bauer’s (2010) study, mothers with a “high-elaborative” conversational style asked more “wh-” questions (“Where did we go this morning?” “What did we see?” “Who went with us?” and “What else did we see?”), made more associations between the event being discussed and other experiences, responded to children’s comments, and positively evaluated children’s contributions to the conversation. The mother—child dyads were followed over time and the children, compared to children of “low-elaborative” mothers, grew to provide more detailed and coherent narratives of their past experience. Consider the following example conversation: mother: Allison, what did we see at the zoo? allison: Elephunts. mother: That’s right! We saw elephants. And what else? allison: (shrugs) mother: Panda bear? Did we see a panda bear? allison: (smiles and nods) mother: Can you say “panda bear?” allison: Panda bear. mother: Good! Elephants and panda bears. What else? allison: Elephunts. mother: That’s right, elephants. And also a gorilla. allison: Go-rilla!

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

To what extent do you think each of the following experiences might prompt or inhibit the development of autobiographical memory, and why: (1) watching children’s shows such as Sesame Street, (2) watching YouTube music videos, (3) participating in “show and tell” in nursery school?

Over the preschool years, autobiographical memory appears and blossoms as children, guided by their parents, learn to construct increasingly detailed personal narratives in which they place their experiences in the larger context of their own lives.

Culture and Memory Development Cultures clearly differ in the extent to which they support and encourage particular memory strategies (Kurtz, 1990; Mistry, 1997). Rehearsal, organization, and elaboration, for example, are especially helpful to children from Western industrialized societies, whose school activities involve a great deal of rote memorization and list learning. Yet these same strategies may not be so useful to unschooled children from nonindustrialized societies, whose most important memory tasks might involve recalling the location of objects (water, game animals) in a natural setting or remembering instructions passed along in the context of proverbs or stories (Kearins, 1981). NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 289

Parental reminiscing style reflects cultural variations in the perceived importance of knowledge and skills. Indeed, Asian caregivers focus more on promoting social hierarchy and collective goals, and less on encouraging self-expressions and individuality in parent‒ child conversations compared to their Western counterparts (e.g., Mullen & Yi, 1995). Peterson and colleagues (2009) found that Chinese children across different age groups (8, 11, and 14 years old) spontaneously reported more social-focused (e.g., family outings) as opposed to self-focused (e.g., solitary play) memories than Canadians did. Qi and Roberts (in press) found that 7- to 10-year-old Chinese children selectively attuned to and accurately encoded more social-focused details than did their Canadian counterparts after reading a story that contained equal amounts of individual- and group-based details. These findings concur with Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory: cognitive development always occurs within a particular cultural context, which not only defines the kinds of problems that children must solve, but also dictates the strategies (or tools of intellectual adaptation) that enable them to master these challenges.

Summing Up How might we briefly summarize the ground we have covered? One way is to review Table 9.2, which describes four general conclusions about the development of strategic memory that have each gained widespread support.

CONCEPT CHECK

9.3

Understanding Memory Development

Check your understanding of memory development by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

_____ 1. Research on event memory has identified parents as a contributor to children’s memory development. Which of the following is NOT one of the ways parents contribute to their children’s developing ability to recall events? a. Parents teach their children specific memory strategies, such as organization and rehearsal. b. Parents ask many questions, directing their children to form narratives. c. Parents show children the directions conversations should go and how to construct narratives. d. Parents provide cues to help their children remember. _____ 2. What is the term for recalling items from the same category together in a free-recall task? a. rehearsal b. elaboration c. clustering (organization) d. selective combination _____ 3. Monica was telling her friend that she can remember nothing before the age of 4. What does Monica’s inability to recall events from early in her life reflect? a. script-based narratives b. infantile amnesia

c. poor metamemory d. inefficient mnemonics Matching: Match the following concepts with their

definitions.

a. autobiographical memory b. metamemory c. organization d. infantile amnesia e. memory strategies 4. A strategy for remembering that involves grouping or classifying stimuli into meaningful (or manageable) clusters that are easier to retain. 5. Effortful techniques used to improve memory, including rehearsal, organization, and elaboration. 6. Memory for important experiences or events that have happened to us. 7. An individual’s knowledge about memory and memory processes. 8. The term describing how adults recall almost nothing that happened to them before the age of 3. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

9. Discuss the development of memory in infancy. What are the ways in which memory can be tested in preverbal infants? How long do those memories last?

NEL

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290 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Let’s also note that these four aspects of development interact with one another rather than evolving independently. For example, automatization of certain information processes may leave the child with enough working-memory space to use effective memory strategies that were just too mentally demanding earlier in childhood (Case, 1985; Kee, 1994; Miller, Woody-Ramsey, & Aloise, 1991). Or a child’s expanding knowledge base may permit faster information processing and suggest ways that information can be categorized and elaborated (Bjorklund, 2000). So there is no one “best” explanation for the growth of memory skills. All the developments we have discussed contribute in important ways to the dramatic improvements that occur in children’s strategic memory.

Children as Eyewitnesses Issues of interest both to psychologists and those in the legal profession regarding children as eyewitnesses include the following: ■■

■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

retrieval actions and strategies aimed at getting information out of the longterm store. free recall recollection that is not prompted by specific cues or prompts. cued recall recollection that is prompted by a cue associated with the setting in which the recalled event originally occurred.

How much do children of different ages remember of events they experienced or witnessed? How accurate are their memories? How susceptible are children to suggestion? For how long can children remember events? What is the best way to interview children?

Eyewitness memory is really not different from event memory except that some misdeed or traumatic experience is usually embedded in the witnessed event. Sexually abusive events are more personal and significant to child victims than other types of event memory that we have discussed. Of course, ethically, it is not possible to simulate these events and question children so researchers develop events that serve as “analogues” and then probe children’s memory. Classic studies on children’s eyewitness memory (Ceci & Bruck, 1995; Goodman & Reed, 1986) found that there is a developmental increase in the amount of information recalled (which fits with the development reviewed earlier in this chapter). Perhaps, surprisingly, there are few developmental differences in the accuracy of information provided when children are asked to freely recall information (e.g., “What happened?” “Tell me what else happened,” “Tell me more”). Note that free recall prompts allow child witnesses to report information of their choosing, and for this reason are considered to be open-ended prompts. When one 5-year-old boy who had spent the afternoon with his grandparents seeing his first play, Little Shop of Horrors, was asked by his mother, “Well, how was your afternoon?” the child replied, “Okay.” The mother persisted with a second general prompt: “Well, did you have a good time?” The child said, “Yeah.” However, when cued by his grandmother to “Tell about Audrey II, the plant,” he provided extensive details, telling how the plant ate some of the main characters, talked, and sang, and how it took three people underneath the plant to make it move. The child had a wealth of information, but it could be retrieved only when specific cues were provided. Free recall accounts can often be incomplete, however, regardless of the age of the witness. Thus, the question to be asked is not “Can children remember events?” but rather “How can we maximize the amount of information that children report in response to free recall questions?” Given the development in attention discussed earlier, one memory-based technique, cued-recall, helps to narrow down children’s focus. Cued-recall questions are openended in format but probe more specific issues (e.g., “Tell me about the first time”). The question provides some direction to children by providing the cue (“the first time”) to help them better access their memories. The effectiveness of cued-recall questions in increasing the amount of information recalled has been demonstrated in forensic interviews of children who have alleged abuse (e.g., Lamb, Orbach, Hershkowitz, Esplin, & Horowitz, 2007), and in analogue studies demonstrating that the accuracy rate is maintained (Danby, Sharman, Brubacher, Powell, & Roberts, 2017). NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 291

How Suggestible Are Child Witnesses?

suggestibility the likelihood that false information that is suggested is incorporated into one’s memory.

In 1992 in a town called Martinsville in Saskatchewan, three people who ran a babysitting business were charged with serious offences involving the sexual abuse of children. Over 100 charges were laid based on the testimony of children, which included serious allegations of satanic abuse and an axe inserted into a child’s anus. A police officer was also charged. Fifteen years later, all of the adults involved received compensation from the government as part of an apology for wrongful charges. What went wrong? It turns out that the Martinsville “nightmare” wasn’t a unique case, as similar cases happened around the world. In some cases, people were imprisoned and later acquitted. Given the dependence of prosecution on children’s testimony, researchers analyzed the interview techniques used and began to systematically determine what happens when children are asked certain types of questions. It soon became clear that the children were subjected to suggestive and leading interviews, and when the children testified they recalled the suggested events as those that actually happened. At the time of the Martensville incident, police investigators were not trained in how to interview children, and there were very few guidelines available to draw upon. Research has shown that people of all ages report more inaccurate information if asked leading questions that suggest inaccurate facts or events (e.g., “When did he touch your penis?”). Preschoolers and kindergartners, in particular, seem most suggestible. In one study known as the “mousetrap study,” researchers asked 3- to 6-year-olds if they could ever remember having experienced such events as catching a finger in a mousetrap. Their parents verified that this never happened. Initially, most children denied that this had happened. After 10 weekly interviews about the mousetrap “event,” however, more than 50 percent of the younger preschool children and about 40 percent of the 5- and 6-year-olds said that these events had happened to them and often provided vivid accounts of their experiences! Furthermore, many children continued to believe that these events actually happened even after being told by the interviewers and their parents that the events were just made up and had never taken place. Don’t misunderstand—false memories of this kind can be induced in people of all ages (Gudjonsson, Vagni, Maiorano, & Pajardi, 2016; Otgaar, Howe, Brackman, & van Helvoort, 2017). However, recent research suggests that children who have experienced repeated events are less likely to make errors than children who have experienced only one event and are less suggestible. One concern is that they experience challenges in separating the unique features of one event from another (Roberts & Powell, 2007). Plausibility is an important factor here because children and adults are more likely to accept false suggestions if the suggestions fit what they do remember. Convincing a child that she played with yellow and blue blocks when she only ever plays with red blocks would be more difficult than the same scenario with children who use all colours of blocks. In one study, about 30 percent of 5- to 7-year-old children “remembered” being lost in a mall (which they had not been), whereas only 1 of 19 children (about 5 percent) “remembered” being given an enema (Pezdek & Hodge, 1999). Although most of these children knew what an enema was, the event was implausible. Given the invasive nature of an enema, if the enema episode had happened, they certainly would have remembered. Suggestibility is also increased when there is not a clear memory of what happened. For example, a child who played with horse figurines would be able to resist the suggestion that she played with cows if she clearly remembers playing with horses. There is what would be called, according to fuzzy-trace theory, a verbatim mismatch between the original and suggested information (Brainerd & Reyna, 2015). If the child only remembers playing with animals (a gist trace), then it would be relatively easier to implant a false memory of playing with another plausible animal. In sum, it is possible to convince young children to confirm an interviewer’s allegations by incorporating the false details into already existing event memory. Why are younger children so suggestible? Such social factors as a young child’s desire to please adults or to comply with their requests almost certainly contribute to their heightened

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suggestibility. So, too, does a young child’s preference for encoding and reporting exact details (which they are more prone to forgetting) rather than gist information, which is easier to remember over the long run. So when an interviewer suggests a fact that they haven’t encoded or can’t recall (e.g., “What did the man say?” when the man did not say anything), younger children would be less likely than older children and adults to deny the false details.

Implications for Legal Testimony Although children aged 5 or under are rarely asked to testify in court, 6- to 10-year-olds are often called as witnesses. What steps might legal practitioners take to help ensure that testimony provided by child witnesses is accurate and not tainted by false memories? An important step to lessen the likelihood of suggestibility might be to place sensible limitations on the ways children are interviewed (Brubacher, Powell, & Roberts, 2014). This can be accomplished by asking questions in nonleading ways (“What hockey team was that?” vs. “It was the Reds, wasn’t it?”), by using children’s responses as cues (“earlier you mentioned you were in the pool; tell me more about what happened when you were in the pool”), and by cautioning children that it is better to say, “I don’t remember,” or admit to not knowing an answer than it is to guess or go along with what an interviewer is implying (Poole, 2016). Abuse cases can present a particular problem, as some children develop scripts after experiencing multiple episodes of abuse. As noted earlier in our discussion of schema theories, scripts allow these children to remember the general details of these repeated events quite well. In the legal system, however, children are required to recall a specific instance of a repeated event. This is especially challenging because the child is being asked to recall specific details of one event from other similar events. While children with repeated experiences remember the details of their experiences, they may have difficulty tagging the details to the correct situation (Brubacher, Glisic, Roberts, & Powell, 2011). For example, children may claim that a detail that was in the third occurrence took place in the fourth. However, children who experience repeated events tend to be less suggestible when questioned about details that were identical in each event (Drohan-Jennings, Roberts, & Powell, 2010). Together, this research highlights the importance of having highly trained interviewers when working with young children in eyewitness situations.

The Development of Analogical Reasoning reasoning a particular type of problem solving that involves making inferences.

analogical reasoning reasoning that involves using something you already know to help reason about something not known yet.

Reasoning is a special type of problem solving, one that usually requires that you make an inference. That is, to reason, you must go beyond the information given. It is not enough just to figure out the rules associated with some game. In reasoning, you must take the evidence presented and arrive at a new conclusion based on that evidence. The result is often new knowledge (DeLoache, Miller, & Peirroutsakos, 1998). Perhaps the type of reasoning that people are most familiar with is analogical reasoning. Analogical reasoning involves using something you already know to help you understand something you don’t know yet. Classical analogical reasoning problems are stated “A is to B as C is to _____.” For example, “dog is to puppy as cat is to __.” Hopefully, your answer is “kitten.” By knowing the relation between the first two elements in the problem (a puppy is a baby dog), one can use that knowledge to complete the analogy for the new item (a kitten is a baby cat). Analogies are thus based on similarity relations. You must understand the similarity between dogs and cats and puppies and kittens if you are to solve the analogy. Can young children reason by analogy? If so, can they use these skills to infer rules that they can use to solve novel problems? Analogical reasoning is often assessed on intelligence tests, and gifted children show a sizable advantage over their normal peers in reasoning by analogy (Muir-Broaddus, 1995). This suggests to some researchers that NEL

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Figure 9.12 This 19-month-old child has committed scale error by attempting to sit on a miniature chair from his dollhouse. relational similarity the relation between two analogues (e.g., a parent feeding a child is relationally similar to an adult bird feeding its chicks).

analogical reasoning is a complex skill that is not well developed before adolescence (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). Others, however, have proposed that analogical thinking serves as the basis for many other reasoning and problem-solving skills and might be present at birth (Goswami, 2003)! Children first rely on object similarity in analogue reasoning situations. This is shown very clearly in research on scale errors—when children try to interact with replicas as if they were full size (DeLoache, Uttal, & Rosengren, 2004). As can be seen in Figure 9.12, a toddler will try to sit on a miniature chair from a dollhouse as if it were a full-size chair! It is as if the mere object similarity between the real chair and a replica leads toddlers to a mismatch between perception and action. Scale errors peak at around 20 to 24 months of age. Children only gradually develop understanding of the more important relational similarity (Yuan, Uttal, & Gentner, 2017) and this shift happens on a very similar developmental trajectory as executive function skills. Children’s understanding of relational similarity is usually tested using “scene analogy” tasks. In a recent study, children completed the scene analogy task (Richland et al., 2006). Pairs of pictures representing analogous events are shown and the task is to find the objects that correspond (i.e., the relational match). For example, an experimenter places a sticker on a boy in Picture 1 who is being fed by an adult. The child is then asked to place a sticker on the same pattern in Picture 2 where an adult bird is in a nest with its chicks. Where would you place the sticker in Picture 2? What part of Picture 1 is the same as (5 analogous to) the scene in Picture 2? Children aged 7 to 11 years were over 90 percent accurate in placing the sticker on one of the chicks in the nest corresponding to the child in Picture 1 being fed by a parent/adult. While 5- to 6-year-olds were also quite accurate (82 percent), they failed to find the relational match more frequently when a distractor was included (e.g., a boy standing to the side), while the older children were not distracted and maintained their accuracy. The 5- to 6-year-olds made featural errors by matching the object/person in each picture regardless of the relations depicted in the pictures (Simms, Frausel, & Richland, 2018). The Simms et al. (2018) study shows us that young children are capable of analogical reasoning in picture tasks, but their reasoning is fragile and easily distracted. It seems, then, that executive function processes are important for analogical reasoning. Young children were unable to reliably inhibit their attention to the distracter in the scene analogy tasks. Stable analogical reasoning is seen when children are proficient enough to focus on only the relevant information and mentally manipulate the relations between them. It is not surprising then that working memory, inhibitory control, and cognitive flexibility predict analogical reasoning capacity (Simms et al., 2018). In the following sections, we will see the roles that knowledge and metacognition play in the development of analogical reasoning. One factor that affects whether children will use relational similarity to solve an analogical-reasoning problem is their knowledge, or familiarity, with the underlying relations used to make the analogy. Remember, the function of analogical reasoning is to use something you know to help you understand something you don’t know. From this perspective, analogical reasoning can make sense only if a child is familiar with the base relation. You might get a better understanding of the human nervous system, for example, if you see it as analogous to electrical circuits. But if you know nothing about electrical circuits, it won’t help you understand the nervous system at all, no matter how well developed your analogical reasoning abilities are. In cases when successful problem solving is not seen until late childhood or adolescence, the problems often involve objects or concepts with which children are unfamiliar. Perhaps more than any other factor, knowledge about the objects and relations among objects in analogical-reasoning problems is critical in determining whether a child will solve or fail to solve a problem. Other factors also contribute to a child’s success on analogical-reasoning problems, including memory for the premises and metacognitive knowledge (DeLoache et al., 1998; Goswami, 2003).

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294 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

As we saw from Chi’s (1978) child chess experts study, familiar material can also free up working memory resources (because it is less effortful to maintain familiar than unfamiliar items in memory).

The Development of Number and Arithmetic Skills Another kind of reasoning that is heavily emphasized and almost essential to children growing up in today’s information-age societies is quantitative, or arithmetic, reasoning. When are human beings first capable of processing quantitative information? Remarkable as it may seem, this may be an innate ability (Geary, 1995, 2004). Newborns can easily discriminate visual displays containing different numbers of objects (Coubart, Izard, Spelke, Marie, & Streri, 2014) and, by age 5 months, can learn that a particular numerical cue (e.g., two objects rather than one or three) presented to their left means that an interesting stimulus will soon appear to their right (Canfield & Smith, 1996). Before 12 months, they show understanding of rudimentary addition and subtraction (McCrink & Wynn, 2004; Wynn, 1992). By age 16 to 18 months, toddlers have even acquired a rudimentary sense of ordinal relationships, recognizing, for example, that three objects are more than two (Strauss & Curtis, 1981). These early understandings, coupled with the acquisition and use of such quantitative labels as big, lots, small, and little, reveal that toddlers are quite well prepared for such feats as learning to count and to think about quantities.

Counting and Arithmetic Strategies

cardinality principle specifying that the last number in a counting sequence specifies the number of items in a set.

Counting normally begins shortly after children begin to talk. However, early counting strategies are very imprecise, often consisting of no more than uttering a few number words (e.g., “one, three, four, six”) while pointing to objects that a companion has counted (Fuson, 1988). Children learn how to rote count by 2 years old (Ginsburg, 1989; Wynn, 1990). Shortly after rote counting, they understand that number words represent a specific quantity. Specifically, by 2½ years old, they learn that “one” refers to one and only one item (Wynn, 1990, 1992). The understanding of the numerical concept of “two” and “three” is acquired by 3 to 3½ years old and 3½ to 4 years old, respectively (Wynn, 1990, 1992). By age 3 to 4, most children can count “accurately,” establishing a one-to-one correspondence between number words and the items they represent (Gallistel & Gelman, 1992). By age 4, most children are able to count up to 10 (Le Corre & Carey, 2007; Miller et al., 1995). And by age 4½ to 5, most children have acquired the principle of cardinality—the knowledge that the last word in a counting sequence (e.g., “one, two, three, four, five”) represents the number of items in a set (Bermejo, 1996). The age of acquiring the principle of cardinality predicts the readiness for mathematical learning, especially in understanding concepts such as magnitude comparison and arithmetic (Geary, vanMarle, Chu, Rouder, Hoard, & Nugent, 2018). These developments in counting are especially important because they pave the way for the emergence of simple arithmetic strategies. Children’s earliest arithmetic strategies are based on counting, at first out loud, and often using props such as fingers (Bisanz, Sherman, & Rasmussen, 2005). The sum strategy is perhaps the simplest method of adding numbers. Given the problem “What is 2 1 3?” the child begins by counting out the first number (“1, 2”) and then counts out the second, starting from the cardinal value of the first (“. . . 3, 4, 5”). Although this sum strategy is quite accurate, it takes a considerable amount of time to execute and is not very effective for problems where larger numbers (e.g., 22 1 8) are involved. More sophisticated addition strategies take shortcuts in counting. For example, a 6-year-old using the min strategy performs the minimum number of counts. Asked for the sum of 8 1 3, this child would start with the cardinal value of the larger number and count up from there (e.g., “8 . . . 9, 10, 11”). Although preschoolers may use rules other NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 295

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than the sum and min strategies to add (and subtract) numbers, their approaches almost always involve counting out by ones the concrete objects to be added or subtracted (Carpenter & Moser, 1982).

Development of Mental Arithmetic At some point during the early school years, children’s solutions to simple arithmetic problems become more covert. They no longer rely on counting objects on their fingers because they can perform arithmetic operations in their heads. The earliest mental arithmetic strategies may still be such counting strategies as covert sum or min solutions. However, the many experiences they have in adding and subtracting numbers, coupled with knowledge about number systems that is often taught at school, soon permit elementary school children to employ other, more efficient arithmetic strategies. For example, knowledge of the base-10 number system underlies decomposition strategies, in which children transform an original problem into two simpler problems. Given 13 1 3 5 ?, for example, a child might think, “13 is 10 1 3, 3 1 3 5 6, 10 1 6 5 16, so the answer is 16.” Initially, use of a decomposition strategy may be slower than use of a min strategy, particularly for simple problems where not many “counts” are involved. But as children become practised at decomposing numbers into base-10 components, they solve problems faster by decomposition, particularly if they are working with larger numbers (e.g., 26 1 17) for which counting strategies Counting on their fingers is an early strategy that are laborious (Geary, Hoard, Byrd-Craven, & DeSoto, 2004; Siegler, 1996a, children use to solve arithmetic problems, one that 1996b, 1996c). Finally, children come to solve many simple arithmetic probis used less frequently as they develop more lems by fact retrieval—they simply know the correct answer (i.e., 8 1 6 5 14) mathematical knowledge. and retrieve it from long-term memory. The arithmetic strategies children use increase in sophistication with age, but they do not follow a stagelike pattern. As we discussed earlier in this chapter when introducing Robert Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model (1996a, 1996b), children have multiple strategies available to them that compete with one another for use. Thus, although preschool children rarely use fact retrieval, they do so occasionally, particularly for simple problems such as those involving doubles, such as 2 1 2 5 ? (Bjorklund & Rosenblum, 2001). Likewise, older children and adults typically use more sophisticated strategies such as fact retrieval to solve most problems but will fall back to use counting strategies such as min on occasion (Bisanz & LeFevre, 1990; Imbo & Vandierendonck, 2008; Siegler, 2003). Many researchers suggest that informationprocessing demands (including working memory) and poorer conceptual understanding explain preschoolers’ poor arithmetic performance and help to account for some developmental increases in performance (Bisanz & LeFevre, 1992; Geary et al., 2004; Imbo & Vandierendonck, 2008; LeFevre, Sadesky, & Bisanz, 1996; Mabbott & Bisanz, 2003). For more details on this intriguing argument, see Box 9.4. Cultural Influences on Mathematics Performance One of the major claims that Vygotsky made in his sociocultural theory was that cognitive development always occurs in a cultural context that influences the way a person thinks and solves problems. Can this important principle possibly hold for a rule-bound domain such as arithmetic? Let’s see if it does. Arithmetic Competencies of Unschooled Children Although children in most cultures learn to count and acquire some very simple arithmetic strategies during the preschool years, the computational procedures on which higher mathematics are based are typically taught at school. Does this imply that children who receive minimal or no schooling are hopelessly incompetent in math? NEL

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9.4

THE INSIDE TRACK

Jeff Bisanz

Jeff Bisanz Jeff Bisanz is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Alberta. He was the director of the Community–University Partnership for the Study of Children, Youth, and Families at the University of Alberta. He is well known for his research in cognitive development, including problem solving, reasoning, and memory in math and science. His current research involves the study of mathematical cognition.

As noted in this chapter, a common finding in the study of early arithmetic skills is that children get better as they get older. What accounts for this developmental increase in arithmetic performance? In the text, we have reviewed the acquisition and use of arithmetic strategies, which explains, in part, why older children outperform their younger peers. Jeff Bisanz and his colleagues (Bisanz & LeFevre, 1990; Klein & Bisanz, 2000) have explored the extent to which informationprocessing demands—specifically, demands on working memory—combined with some conceptual shortcomings may influence young children’s mathematical thinking. In one study, 48 4-year-olds were presented with nonsymbolic twoand three-term arithmetic problems (such as 4 1 1 5 ? and 3 1 2 2 2 5 ?) presented with blocks. When children represent objects in working memory, it is assumed that they

represent each object as a discrete unit. When a set of four objects is presented, for example, the child represents each object internally and the representational set size is four. The researchers found a strong relationship between children’s ability to answer simple, two-term problems and the representational set size required to solve these problems. This finding suggests that as working-memory demands increase, performance decreases. For three-term problems, earlier research suggests that children may not use conceptual shortcuts to help them solve problems (e.g., using inversion, which in the example above would mean recognizing that adding and subtracting the 2 would cancel each other out, and hence solving the problem would require no computation). However, recent research suggests that even among Grade 1 students and 4-year-old preschoolers, there is evidence for the spontaneous use of inversion (Klein & Bisanz, 2000; Rasmussen, Ho, & Bisanz, 2003), and children with greater visual–spatial working memory appear to be more likely to use inversion. Even 3-year-olds appear to be sensitive to the special structure of inversion problems (Sherman & Bisanz, 2007). In a recent study, children in Grades 2 to 4 with greater ability to sustain attention and process multiple sources of information simultaneously were more likely to use inversion (Watchorn, Bisanz, Fast, LeFevre, Skwarchuk, & Chant-Smith, 2014). Clearly, information-processing and conceptual skills are important factors in understanding the early development of mathematical cognition.

One might answer yes if math competencies are assessed by the paper-and-pencil tests so often used to assess arithmetic and other quantitative skills in Western societies. However, these tests often badly underestimate the skills that unschooled children display. Carraher and associates (Carraher, Carraher, & Schliemann, 1985), for example, examined the mathematical competencies of unschooled 9- and 15-year-old street vendors in Brazil. They found that problems embedded in real-life contexts (e.g., “If a large coconut costs 76 cruzeiros, and a small one costs 50, how much do the two cost together?”) were solved correctly 98 percent of the time. By contrast, the same problems presented in a standard, out-of-context way (“How much is 76 1 50?”) were answered correctly only 37 percent of the time. Street vendors can quickly and accurately add and subtract currency values in their heads, just as they must when conducting street transactions, where mistakes can have economic consequences. By contrast, the same numerical problems presented in out-of-context paper-and-pencil format have little practical application, and unschooled participants are apparently less motivated to expend the effort necessary to solve them. Other unschooled participants, such as bricklayers and lottery bookies, also developed flexible arithmetic competencies that they used with great skill in their own work (Schliemann, 1992).

Cultural Variations in Arithmetic among Schooled Children Much has been written, both in the popular and the scholarly presses, about the fact that East Asian youngsters from China, Taiwan, and Japan typically outperform North American children in certain academic subjects, most notably mathematics ( Jerrim, 2015). Specifically, American children performed much worse than age-mates from the three Asian cultures, NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 297

Although unschooled street vendors may often fail at paper-and-pencil math problems, they display sophisticated arithmetic skills by quickly and accurately making change during sales transactions.

as early as age 5 (Aunio, Aubrey, Godfrey, Pan, & Lin, 2008; Huntsinger, Jose, Liaw, & Ching, 1997), and this cultural difference in math performance becomes more apparent with age (Baker, 1992; Stevenson, Chen, & Lee, 1993; Stevenson & Lee, 1990). In attempting to explain these findings, researchers quickly ruled out the possibility that East Asian students are inherently smarter than Americans, because Grade 1 students in all three cultures do equally well on standardized intelligence tests (Stevenson et al., 1985). Yet East Asian Grade 1 students already rely on a more sophisticated mix of basic arithmetic strategies than American Grade 1 students do, including the relatively sophisticated (for Grade 1 children) decomposition and fact-retrieval strategies (Geary, Fan, & Bow-Thomas, 1992). Interestingly, the math strategy advantage that East Asian children display is already apparent during the preschool period (Geary, Bow-Thomas, Fan, & Siegler, 1993; Siegler & Mu, 2008). Some might ask “Why?” Chinese preschoolers, including those who lived in the United States, received more parental coaching in counting and arithmetic at home compared to their American Caucasian peers (Huntsinger, Jose, Liaw, & Ching, 1997; Pan, Gauvain, Liu, & Cheng, 2006; Yang & Cobb, 1995). A critic might ask, “So what?” We are talking here about the most basic of arithmetic strategies that children clearly master by the end of elementary school. Yet Geary and his colleagues (Geary & Burlingham-Dubre, 1989; Geary & Widaman, 1992) have shown that the sophistication of early arithmetic strategies and speed of fact retrieval predict later performance in more complex forms of mathematics. So, if early mastery of basic skills promotes more complex mathematical competencies, it may not be surprising that East Asian students display a consistent mathematical advantage over their North American peers at all levels of schooling. Now the obvious question becomes “Why do young East Asians have so many advantages in acquiring basic mathematical skills?” Let’s briefly consider some linguistic and instructional supports for acquiring mathematical concepts that are available to East Asian children but not to their North American counterparts. Linguistic Supports. Basic differences in how the Chinese (and Japanese and Korean) and English languages represent numbers seem to contribute to some of the early differences in arithmetic proficiency. The number words in Chinese for 11, 12, and 13 are translated as “ten-one,” “ten-two,” and “ten-three,” which helps children learn to count NEL

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298 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

sooner than North American children, who must use the more idiosyncratic number words of eleven, twelve, and thirteen (Miller, Smith, Zhu, & Zhang, 1995). The Chinese number-naming system also helps children understand that the 1 in 13 has a place value of 10 rather than 1. By contrast, English words for two-digit numbers in the teens are irregular and do not convey the idea of tens and ones. In one study, Korean Grade 2 and 3 children had an excellent understanding of the meaning of digits in multidigit numbers, knowing that the 1 in 186 stands for “hundreds” and the eight stands for “eight tens.” Consequently, they performed very well on three-digit addition and subtraction problems (“What is 142 1 318?”) even though they had not yet received any formal instruction on adding or subtracting numbers this large (Fuson & Kwon, 1992). Other research has suggested that language may also play a role in understanding more complicated arithmetic, specifically fractions. Irene Miura and her colleagues (Miura, Okamoto, Vlahovic-Štetic, Kim, & Han, 1999) studied 6- and 7-year-old Croatian, Korean, and American children’s understanding of fractions and reported significantly greater understanding among the East Asian children than among the Western children. The researchers then looked at the way fractions are expressed in the Korean versus the English and Croatian languages. In Western languages, the fraction 1/3 is expressed as “one-third.” In Korean, one-third is spoken as sam bun ui il, which is literally translated as “of three parts one.” Miura and her colleagues argue that the intuitively clear way fractions are expressed in Korean helps children better understand the concept of the whole divided into parts and is primarily responsible for the early superiority of Korean children’s understanding of fractions. The finding that children’s early abilities in arithmetic differ as a function of their culture’s language is consistent with Vygotsky’s ideas about the importance of a culture’s tools of intellectual adaptation for influencing thought. Cultures affect thinking not only in obvious ways, such as the provision of formal versus informal education, but also in less obvious ways, such as how the language describes and organizes important concepts.

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Instructional Supports. Several East Asian instructional practices support the rapid learning of math facts and computational procedures involved in multidigit addition and subtraction. East Asian students practise computational procedures more than North American students do (Stevenson et al., 1990b), and practice of this sort fosters the retrieval of math facts from memory (Geary et al., 1992). And the type of instruction provided seems to matter. For example, East Asian teachers instructing students how to carry a sum from one column of a multidigit number to the next higher column will say to “bring up” the sum instead of “carrying” it. The term “bring up” (rather than “carry”) may help children learning multidigit addition to remember that each digit to the left in a multidigit number is a base-10 increment of the cardinal value of that digit (i.e., the 5 in 350 represents 50 rather than 5 and the 3 represents 300). Furthermore, Asian math texts help children avoid confusing place values by having different colour codes for the “hundreds,” “tens,” and “ones” column of multidigit numbers (Fuson, 1992). How much do these linguistic and instructional supports contribute to the superior math performance of East Asian students? They almost certainly matter, but are hardly the sole contributors. Consider that East Asian students have always had these linguistic advantages over their North American counterparts, yet North American children who received their elementary school education during the 1930s were quicker to acquire basic mathematical competencies than today’s American students are, showing a profiLinguistic supports, instructional supports, and a lot of practice help to ciency for mathematics that rivals today’s East Asian explain the high proficiency that East Asian students display in mathematics. students (Geary, Salthouse, Chen, & Fan, 1996). NEL

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 299

CONCEPT CHECK

9.4

Understanding Children’s Arithmetic Development

Check your understanding of the development of children’s arithmetic abilities by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

_____ 1. At what age do children first understand the concept of cardinality? a. 5 to 6 years of age b. 4½ to 5 years of age c. 2 to 3 years of age d. 10 to 12 years of age _____ 2. The research of Bisanz and colleagues supports which of the following as the most important factor in the development of mathematical competence? a. attention span b. linguistic proficiency

c. knowledge base d. working memory Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following questions.

3. Discuss the type of information-processing problems experienced by children with math disabilities. 4. Cross-cultural differences have been observed in children’s mathematical abilities. Discuss differences both between children in schooled and nonschooled societies, and between children in different schooled societies. How might the language that children speak influence their mathematical performance?

So differences in mathematical competencies between East Asian and North American students seem to be a relatively recent phenomenon that undoubtedly reflects broader cultural differences in educational philosophies and supports for education, as well as the differences in linguistic and instructional supports for mathematics learning that we have discussed here. Indeed, we will see just how true this speculation is in Chapter 17, where we will examine the many roles that schooling plays in the social, emotional, and intellectual lives of developing children and adolescents.

Evaluating the Information-Processing Perspective Today, the information-processing perspective has become the dominant approach to the study of children’s intellectual development, and justifiably so. Simply stated, informationprocessing researchers have provided a reasonably detailed description of how such cognitive processes as attention, memory, and metacognition—processes that Piaget did not emphasize—change with age and influence children’s thinking. Furthermore, the detailed examination of certain domain-specific academic skills that information-processing theorists have undertaken has led to important instructional changes that enhance scholastic performances. Despite these obvious strengths, the information-processing approach has several drawbacks that render it woefully incomplete as an explanation of cognitive development. Some of the stronger challenges have come from the field of cognitive neuroscience, which is concerned with identifying evolutionary and neurological contributors to cognition and intellectual growth. Research on the neural correlates of inhibition that we reviewed in the section titled “Cognitive Inhibition: Dismissing Irrelevant Information” on page 281 is one small step in this direction. Other researchers are looking seriously at the relations between brain and cognitive development in infancy and childhood and developing new theories that integrate these different levels of organization. Still other critics point out that information-processing theorists have paid little attention to important social and cultural influences on cognition that Vygotsky and others (e.g., Rogoff, 1998) have emphasized. And those who favour the elegant coherence of Piaget’s stage model question what they see as the “fragmented” approach of information-processing theorists, who focus on specific cognitive processes and view development as the gradual acquisition of skills in many different domains. These critics contend that information-processing researchers have succeeded in breaking cognition into pieces but haven’t been able to put it back together into a broad, comprehensive theory of NEL

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300 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

intellectual development. Although this criticism has some merit, information-processing theorists would reply by noting that it was the many, many problems with Piaget’s broadbrush account of cognitive development that helped to stimulate their work in the first place. Even some of the central assumptions on which information-processing theory rests have been assailed in some quarters. For example, the classic assumption that all cognitive activities take place in a single, limited-capacity working-memory store has now been challenged. Earlier we discussed another alternative to traditional information-processing models, fuzzy-trace theory, which claims that we process information at more than one level rather than merely making verbatim mental copies of what we experience (Brainerd & Reyna, 2015). In sum, the information-processing approach is itself a developing theory that has greatly advanced our understanding of children’s intellectual growth while experiencing some very real “growing pains” of its own. We like to think of this model as a necessary complement to rather than a replacement for Piaget’s earlier framework. And our guess is that this new look at cognitive development will continue to evolve, aided by advances in cognitive neuroscience and other complementary perspectives, eventually filling in many of the gaps that remain in its own framework and that of Piaget, and thereby contributing to a comprehensive theory of intellectual growth that retains the best features of several approaches. For further thoughts regarding applying some of what we have learned about attention and memory to educational contexts, see Box 9.5. In the next section, we will examine how the initial computer technology analogy that spurred information-processing approaches has been adapted to help explain cognitive functioning. 9.5

APPLYING RESEARCH TO YOUR LIFE

Some Educational Implications of Research on Attention and Memory Information-processing theorists see children as active and curious explorers who learn best by constructing knowledge from experiences that are just beyond current levels of understanding. Their guidelines for effective instruction would suggest that teachers and parents should take an active, directive role. The following five implications for instruction flow directly from the research we have reviewed on the development of attention, strategic memory, and problem solving: 1. Reduce short-term memory demands to a bare minimum. Problems that require young children to encode more than three or four bits of information are likely to overload their short-term storage capacity and prevent them from thinking logically about this input. If a problem involves several steps, students might be encouraged to break it down into parts (or subroutines) and perhaps to record the solutions to these parts in their notes in order to reduce the demands. Once children grasp a concept and their information processing becomes more “automatized,” they will be able to succeed at more complex versions of these same problems. 2. Encourage children to have fun using their memories. Strategic games such as 20 Questions or Concentration are not only enjoyable to children but also help them to appreciate the advantages of being able to retain information and retrieve it for a meaningful purpose. 3. Provide opportunities to learn effective memory strategies. For example, group materials into distinct categories

as you talk about them or give children easily categorizable sets of items to sort and classify. Question-andanswer games of the form “Tell me why leopards, lions, and house cats are alike” or “How do dragonflies and hummingbirds differ from helicopters and jets?” are challenging to young children and make them aware of conceptual similarities and differences on which organizational strategies depend. 4. Provide opportunities for analogical reasoning. Creative use of analogical puzzles and games encourages children to use what they know to reason and master novel challenges (Goswami, 1995). Inducing children to think about concrete models that they can see or easily imagine (e.g., the arc of a spark across a spark plug) should help those who are practised at reasoning by analogy to grasp more abstract or less tangible phenomena. 5. Teach children strategies to help them to learn and then provide them with opportunities to use them. It is important that children understand why these strategies will help them to achieve their objectives and when it is appropriate to use them. You can also model your metacognitive knowledge about strategy use (“I’ll have to read this page more than once to understand it”), or ask questions that remind children of strategies already taught (“Why is it important to summarize what you’ve read?” “Why do you need to double-check your answer?”).

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 301

Connectionist Approaches to Cognitive Development1 connectionism field of cognitive science that seeks to understand mental processes as resulting from assemblies (or groups) of real or artificial neurons.

The introduction of computers not only yielded the information-processing approach but also led to another theoretical approach called connectionism. Connectionism attempts to parallel the neural activity that occurs in the brain. Computers are used to construct artificial neural networks, and simulations are conducted using these networks to see if the network can generate the expected cognitive outcome. This differs from the information-processing model, which uses the computer as a metaphor for understanding how information is handled and makes an important distinction between cognitive hardware (the brain) and software (the mind). Connectionists argue that this metaphor does not capture how the human brain is constructed or how the human brain learns. Humans, after all, are physiologically very different from computers. Instead of being split into different components (like a CPU, RAM, and hard drive), the human brain is a single processing unit that accomplishes all of our mental tasks. Realizing this, researchers in the 1980s began taking a different view of cognition to more closely parallel how the brain actually computes information. Connectionists believe that cognitive processes are the product of many simple processing units that are massively interconnected. The processing units are roughly similar to brain neurons, and the connections among them are similar to brain synapses. When they work together, the processing units and connections form a network. The network becomes more complex as children develop.

The Origins of Connectionism Modern connectionism emerged in the 1980s with the advent of fast computers capable of modelling cognitive tasks within large artificial neural networks. One of the best known of the new approaches is called parallel distributed processing, or PDP (McClelland & Rumelhart, 1986). The word parallel in PDP assumes that many things are being processed at the same time. This is similar to the brain, which comprises millions of simple neurons that are working simultaneously. The term distributed refers to the fact that information is being encoded across the neurons in the brain instead of using discrete elements (like the files and folders on a computer).

How Are Networks Created? Similar to the human brain, the networks that are created to perform each task involve varying numbers of processing units (neurons) and varying strength of the connections among the processing units. The number of processing units depends on the type of cognitive task that is being performed—some tasks require more units than others. Stronger connections are present when processing units work closely together, and weaker connections represent processing units that are more peripheral to the task at hand. Networks are derived from theories about how cognitive tasks are conducted. Based on the expectations set out by the theory, connectionists can specify the number of processing units and the relative strengths of the connections. A computer simulation is run, and the researcher looks at the output that is generated. The network can be modified and refined, if necessary, by changing the number of processing units or the strength of the connections. Simulations that generate the anticipated output, or “cognitive performance,” can be used to explain how human processing occurs. Connectionism is more than simulation, however. An advantage of connectionist approaches

1 Dr. Marc Joanisse at the University of Western Ontario provided substantial guidance and written support in the construction of this section.

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to development is that networks can “learn” as they become more experienced. Thus, connectionist networks become more complex paralleling the increase in children’s brains size, complexity, and efficiency.

How Connectionist Networks Work To understand how networks work, let’s look at a simulation designed to explain how people learn to read words aloud (Seidenberg & McClelland, 1989). To simulate this task, the network was given the written form of a word, such as the word gave, as an input, and it had to learn to produce the sound of the word (its phonological form) as the output. As you may already know, this task is not as easy as it seems, since English spelling is inconsistent. For example, regular English words have a predictable relationship between the sound of the word (phonology) and the spelling (e.g., gave, mint, plain), while irregular words do not have such a predictable match (have, pint, plaid). Nevertheless, the network learned to read all types of English words by encoding spelling-to-sound regularities—and exceptional cases—within its connections. Earlier models of reading had suggested that reading required two separate pathways: one for reading regular words and one for reading irregular words (Coltheart, 1978). The simulation suggested that only one pathway was required.

Connectionism and Development One reason connectionist networks are appealing to developmental psychologists is that they challenge our usual assumptions about the types of information that a child is using to acquire a cognitive ability. As you have seen throughout this book, children do not always learn in a linear fashion. A famous case of this in language learning is how Englishspeaking children acquire past tense verbs. Most English past tense verbs are created by adding the -ed sound (known as the past tense morpheme) to a verb (bake → baked, step → stepped, grate → grated).2 However, there are a number of exceptions to this rule—for example, take → took, sleep → slept, go → went, and ring → rang. Child language researchers have observed that children appear to pass through three distinct stages as they acquire irregular past tenses (Marcus et al., 1992). Early on, children use several irregular past tenses correctly. For example, they correctly use words such as went and took. Later, they begin to overuse the -ed past tense rule and apply it in all cases, even for irregular verbs that they may have used correctly before (e.g., goed and taked). At the third stage of acquisition, the correct past tense for irregular verbs reappears and children continue to use the correct past tense for regular verbs. When a connectionist model generated a similar pattern of learning, the researchers were able to offer a novel explanation for the appearance, disappearance, and then reappearance of the correct use of the past tense for irregular verbs (Rumelhart & McClelland, 1986). They suggested that, like children, the network first attempted to memorize each past tense form, but because the network had a limited capacity, it eventually needed to learn a rule to derive past tenses. As a result, it began overgeneralizing the -ed form to irregular past tenses. Eventually, the network learned when to suppress this rule and generated correct performance for both regular and irregular verbs. One of the most useful connectionist techniques is called cascade correlation. This technique allows networks to grow as they learn by adding new units as needed, a process that corresponds roughly to the formation of new neurons and new synapses in the brain. Such networks were trained on Piaget’s conservation-of-number problems and were able to simulate many of the psychological phenomena found with children (Shultz, 2 If you listen carefully, you’ll notice that there are three past tense endings in English—the t, d, and ed sounds. Each is used in a specific context based on the last sound at the end of the present tense verb. Because the alternatives are determined systematically, linguists usually treat this as a single grammatical rule that is realized in three slightly different ways.

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 303

1998, 2006). For example, there were the typical sudden jumps in performance as conservation was acquired. Piaget designed his conservation problems so that how things look conflict with reasoning about how they must be. Similar to children, networks started out by focusing on how the rows of items looked, in terms of their length and density, and ended by focusing on the nature of the transformation that was applied to one of the rows. Tom Shultz (2013) also has generated other simulations to determine how children navigate problems such as Piaget’s balance scale problem, false-belief understanding, and acquisition of distance, time, and velocity concepts. Connectionist models offer great insights into the underpinnings of cognitive development and have both challenged and supported interpretations offered through other cognitive theories (see Thomas & Karmiloff-Smith, 2002). However, the models have also come under criticism. Connectionist models might simulate behaviour of children but the simulation may use different assumptions or reasons from children. For example, infants might discriminate between two objects whose features differ, but the network may use features different from those used by infants. When using computational modelling approaches, it is important for researchers to choose models and factors wisely, to be cognizant of the importance of different factors, and to consider whether theories and knowledge of a phenomenon are adequate enough to construct a useful model (Yermolayeva & Rakison, 2014). Nevertheless, connectionist approaches have afforded researchers new and useful methods to test the influence of different factors on a given development, and compare different theories to each other.

Applying Developmental Themes to Information-Processing Perspectives Let’s turn now to a brief consideration of how information-processing and connectionist perspectives relate to our four themes: the active child, nature and nurture interactions, quantitative and qualitative developmental changes, and the holistic nature of development. The concept of an active child is not as obvious in an information-processing perspective as it was in Piaget’s theory. Information-processing researchers often focus on system limitations that restrict how much information a child will encode, store, or retrieve. Children seem to play little active role in the capacity of their short-term store or the rate at which they process information. On the other hand, information-processing theorists have also focused on children’s use of strategies—deliberately implemented, conscious, and goal-directed cognitive operations used to improve task performance. How children learn to exert intentional control over their own learning and thinking is a central issue in cognitive development, and information-processing research on strategies and metacognition clearly reflects children as active participants in their own learning, not the passive recipients of information that travels through their information-processing systems. Thus, we can see the information-processing perspective as embracing an active-child model after all. Our second theme concerns the interaction of nature and nurture in development. To what extent is children’s cognition the result of biological processes that mature relatively independently of specific experience or, conversely, the product of input from the outside world? It may seem, for example, that talking about the hardware and software of information-processing systems implies a good deal of biological determinism; here is the system the child is born with, and characteristics of this system will expand with age (short-term memory will increase, processing speed will be faster). From this view, experience plays only a minor role. (We know, of course, that even advocates of this viewpoint would believe that experience is necessary for the inherited system to develop properly.) But this interpretation of the development of information-processing systems is incomplete. Information-processing theorists and connectionists also emphasize that experience plays a critical role in thinking and cognitive development. For example, many researchers have stressed the role of a knowledge base as a principal cause of cognitive development. The more children know about any topic, the faster they can process that information, the more they can retain, and the more easily they can learn new NEL

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304 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

information related to that topic. In sum, information-processing researchers may not make the nature/nurture relationships explicit in much of their writing, but they are modern theorists and recognize, at least implicitly, the complex relationship between nature and nurture that affects children’s thinking across development. We commented in the previous chapter that Piaget was the classic stage theorist, postulating qualitative changes in children’s thinking over time. Information-processing and connectionist theorists generally take the opposite position: most aspects of cognitive development vary quantitatively and continuously over time. Specifically, for information-processing theorists, with increasing age, children process information faster, they hold more items in their short-term stores, and they possess more knowledge about the things they think about. These are all things that vary quantitatively. According to information-processing perspectives, any abrupt changes in how children think are caused by underlying quantitative and continuously changing operations, such as working memory or speed of processing. This doesn’t mean that there is no room for a few qualitatively based changes in cognition that can be explained in information-processing terms, but these are few in number. We expect that most researchers who would describe themselves as proponents of the information-processing perspective believe that the most important changes in children’s thinking are quantitative, not qualitative, in nature. Finally, what do information-processing theorists have to say about the holistic nature of development? As with Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories, information-processing theorists believe that the operations they are studying are used by children not only in researchers’ laboratories but also in the real world. Children with limited memory spans cannot be expected to keep track of complicated story plots involving many different characters, to remember the long list of chores their parents dictate to them, or to memorize the Canadian prime ministers. In fact, information-processing approaches probably have more to say about reasons why children succeed and fail in school (and ways to remediate poor academic performance) than any other perspective. And informationprocessing perspectives are not limited to cognition in the classroom, but also apply to social relations. Although the strategies children use to solve arithmetic problems are likely very different in nature from those they use to make friends, social behaviour and its development can also be viewed through the lens of information-processing theories (Dodge, 1980), as we will discover in detail in Chapters 13 and 15.

SUMMARY Information Flow and the Multistore Model Information-processing theorists use the analogy of the mind as a computer with information flowing through a limited-capacity system composed of mental “hardware” and “software.” ■■ The multistore model depicts the human informationprocessing system as consisting of a sensory register, or store, to detect, or “log in,” input: a short-term store (STS), where information is stored temporarily until we can operate on it; and a “permanent,” or long-term store (LTS).

Developmental Differences in “Hardware”: Information-Processing Capacity ■■ Age differences in information-processing hardware have been examined by assessing the memory span and span of apprehension to evaluate the capacity of the STS. Although substantial age differences in the STS have been found, many developmental differences in memory can be attributed to increases in a knowledge base and how quickly children can process information (working memory capacity).

Cognitive Processes and the Multistore Model ■■ The active processes engaged in by which we plan, monitor, and control all phases of information processing are part of executive function. ■■ Executive function is important for regulating attention, exercising inhibitory control to allow children to ignore unnecessary information that does not require attention, and using strategies flexibly through set-shifting

Developmental Differences in “Software”: Strategies ■■ Research on developmental changes in informationprocessing software has shown children’s use of strategies— goal-directed operations used to aid task performance. ■■ The effective use of memory strategies, or mnemonics, increases with age. Frequently used memory strategies include rehearsal, semantic organization, and elaboration,

■■

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Chapter 9 | Cognitive Development: Information-Processing Perspectives and Connectionism 305

Frequent findings include production deficiencies, in which children fail to produce a strategy spontaneously but can do so when instructed, and utilization deficiencies, in which children experience little or no benefit when they use a new strategy. ■■ Effective strategy choice is influenced by how much cognitive resources are needed and children’s metacognition about their own strategy use. ■■ Children of all ages have been found to use multiple and variable strategies in solving problems, a phenomenon that is explained by Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model. ■■

The Development of Metacognition and Executive Control Processes ■■ Children’s understanding of what it means to think increases over the preschool and early school years as does their knowledge about their thinking (metacognition) and memory (metamemory). ■■ Few or no developmental differences are observed for implicit cognition (cognition that is performed without conscious awareness), in contrast to explicit cognition (cognition with awareness). Retention and the Development of Attention With age, the attention spans of children increase dramatically, owing in part to increasing myelinization of the central nervous system. ■■ Attention also becomes more planful and more selective with age as children steadily improve in their ability to seek and concentrate on task-relevant stimuli and to avoid being distracted by other “noise” in the environment. ■■

Alternative Models of Memory: Fuzzy Traces and Scripts ■■ Recent alternatives to the multistore model of information processing include fuzzy-trace theory, which claims that we process information at both a gist and a verbatim level. ■■ Schema theories emphasize how memories of events are manipulated and a script of routine actions is extracted with slot fillers for details from a specific event. The Development of Event Memory Personal, social, and cultural circumstances influence how memories are organized. ■■ Children from cultures where autonomy is the goal of development tend to recall events from their own perspective, and retrieve information related to their personal goals. In more collectivist cultures, children encode, retain, and retrieve more social aspects of events. ■■

Autobiographical memory improves dramatically during the preschool years. Parents play an important role in the growth of autobiographical memories by discussing past events, providing clues about what information is important to remember, and helping children to recall their experiences in rich personal narratives. ■■

Children as Eyewitnesses One aspect of autobiographical memory that has received much attention is age differences in eyewitness memory and suggestibility. As in general event memory, the accuracy of children’s eyewitness memory increases with age. Young children are generally more susceptible to suggestion than older children and are more likely to form false memories after repeated suggestions. Steps to increase the accuracy of children’s eyewitness testimony in legal proceedings focus on maximizing the completeness and accuracy of children’s narratives by probing with open-ended questions tied to cues provided by children. ■■

The Development of Analogical Reasoning Reasoning is a special type of problem solving that requires making an inference. Analogical reasoning involves applying what you know about one set of elements to infer relations about different elements. ■■ Using knowledge of relational similarity improves along with improvements in executive control processes such as working memory, inhibition, and cognitive flexibility. ■■

The Development of Number and Arithmetic Skills ■■ Even infants are capable of processing and using quantitative information, and toddlers have already acquired a rudimentary understanding of ordinal relationships. ■■ Counting begins once children begin to talk, and preschoolers gradually construct such basic mathematical understandings as the principle of cardinality. Early arithmetic strategies usually involve counting out loud, but eventually children perform simple arithmetic operations in their heads, using increasingly sophisticated arithmetic strategies. ■■ Children of any age actually use a variety of strategies to solve math problems, as described by Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model. ■■ There are sizable cultural variations in mathematics performance and the use of arithmetic strategies. Unschooled children develop arithmetic strategies that they apply quite skillfully to the practical problems they encounter. Among those who are taught arithmetic strategies at school, East Asian children consistently outperform their North American age-mates, owing in part to the structure of their languages and to instructional practices that help them retrieve math

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306 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

facts and acquire computational skills and other mathematical knowledge.

Evaluating the Information-Processing Perspective ■■ Despite its many strengths, the information-processing perspective has been criticized for largely ignoring neurological, evolutionary, and sociocultural influences on cognitive growth; for failing to provide a broad, integrative theory of children’s intelligence; and for underestimating the richness and diversity of human cognitive activities.

Connectionist Approaches to Cognitive Development ■■ Connectionism involves using computational modelling to simulate how the brain processes and learns information or concepts. The models contain networks comprising processing units and connections where the processing units are roughly similar to neurons and the connections are similar to synapses. ■■ Simulations have provided an alternative means of understanding and explaining how cognitive development occurs. It is necessary to be methodical and thorough when making choices about factors and rules in neural network models.

KEY TERMS multistore model, 265

domain specificity, 269

implicit cognition, 276

infantile amnesia, 287

sensory store (or sensory register), 265

strategic memory, 270

explicit cognition, 276

source monitoring, 287

mnemonics (memory strategies), 270

metacognition, 276

retrieval, 290

attention span, 279

free recall, 290

strategies, 270

long-term store (LTS), 266

reticular formation, 279

cued recall, 290

rehearsal, 271

executive function, 266

selective attention, 281

suggestibility, 291

semantic organization, 272

attention, 266

inhibition, 282

reasoning, 292

elaboration, 272

inhibitory control, 266

fuzzy-trace theory, 283

production deficiency, 274

analogical reasoning, 292

set-shifting, 266

gist, 283

utilization deficiency, 274

script, 284

relational similarity, 293

frontal lobe, 267

transfer utilization deficiency, 275

event memory, 286

cardinality, 294

memory span, 267

adaptive strategy choice model, 275

autobiographical memory, 286

connectionism, 301

short-term store (STS) or working memory, 266

span of apprehension, 268

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 9.1

8. f. utilization deficiency

1. b. short-term store (STS)

9. d. span of apprehension

2. e. multistore model

10. b. implicit cognition

3. a. sensory register 4. d. long-term store (LTS) 5. c. executive function

Concept Check 9.2

Concept Check 9.3 1. a. Parents teach their children specific memory strategies, such as organization and rehearsal. 2. c. clustering (organization)

1. b. utilization deficiency

3. b. infantile amnesia

2. d. Compared to older children, young children prefer to operate on the gist end of the trace continuum; older children and adults prefer to operate on the verbatim end of the trace continuum.

4. d. organization

3. a. Siegler’s adaptive strategy choice model 4. c. a schema representation of routine actions so that memories are not overloaded with details

5. e. memory strategies 6. a. autobiographical memory 7. b. metamemory 8. d. infantile amnesia

5. a. memory span

Concept Check 9.4

6. e. fuzzy-trace theory

1. b. 4½ to 5 years of age

7. c. explicit cognition

2. d. working memory

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Photodisc

10

Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

Lucien Aigner/Three Lions/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

B

Albert Einstein

Ethan Hill/Getty Images

efore he was old enough to go to school, Albert Einstein was fascinated by the way the earth’s magnetic fields influenced a compass. At a young age, he also would play Mozart duets with his mother. By age 12, he was solving geometric and algebraic proofs. Einstein’s IQ score has been estimated at 160, on a scale on which 100 is average, 140 is gifted, and only 0.01 percent of the population score above 160 (Cox, 1926). The extraordinary musical talents of Leslie Lemke have been featured on a variety of television shows and in live performances throughout the United States, and farther afield in countries such as Norway and Japan. Leslie can play a musical piece of any length after hearing it once. He does not read music and has never had a formal music lesson. He is blind and has cerebral palsy. He has a verbal IQ of 58 and did not learn to talk until he was an adult. His performance/nonverbal IQ is not testable because these subtests involve visual processing. Now in his 60s, Leslie Lemke continues to play for himself, his family, and for large audiences. As these examples indicate, the range of human cognitive potential is immense. So far, our explorations of cognitive development have focused mainly on what human minds have in common. Piaget, after all, was interested in identifying universal stages in the way thinking is organized or structured. Similarly, information-processing theorists have been primarily concerned with understanding the basic cognitive processes on which all people rely to learn, remember, and solve problems. In this chapter, we continue our exploration of how the human mind changes over the course of childhood, but with a greater emphasis on individual differences in cognitive performance. We will begin by introducing yet another perspective on intellectual development, the psychometric approach, which has led to the creation and widespread use of intelligence tests. Unlike the Piagetian and information-processing approaches, which focus on cognitive processes, psychometricians are more product-oriented. They seek to determine how many and what kinds of questions children can answer correctly at different ages and whether or not this index of intellectual performance can predict such developmental outcomes as scholastic achievement, occupational attainments, and even health and life satisfaction.

Leslie Lemke

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There may be some surprises ahead as we consider what a person’s score on an intelligence test implies about his or her ability to learn, to perform in academic settings, or to succeed at a job. Perhaps the biggest surprise for many people is learning that intelligence test scores, which can change dramatically over the course of one’s life, are assessments of intellectual performance rather than innate potential or intellectual capacity. True, heredity does affect intellectual performance, but so do a variety of environmental factors that we will examine, including one’s cultural and socioeconomic background, home environment, schooling, and social and emotional factors. We will then evaluate the merits of preschool educational programs such as Project Head Start, which was designed to promote the scholastic performance of children who are at risk or who perform poorly on intelligence tests. We will conclude by exploring the growth of highly valued creative talents that are not adequately represented on our current intelligence tests.

What Is Intelligence?

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

Before reading further, list five attributes that you think characterize people you would consider “highly intelligent” and say why these attributes define intelligence for you. As you read the section titled “What Is Intelligence?” think about whose views of intelligence are most compatible with your own.

If you were to ask five people to summarize in a single sentence what intelligence means to them, and then to list attributes that characterize highly intelligent people, you would probably find some similarities in their answers. Chances are their summary sentences will state that intelligence is how “smart” someone is compared to other people, or perhaps that it represents one’s capacity for learning or problem solving. However, you would probably also find that your five interviewees will show some meaningful differences in the attributes they view as characterizing highly intelligent individuals. Simply stated, intelligence does not mean the same thing to all people (Neisser et al., 1996). And so it goes with behavioural scientists. Although few topics have generated as much research as intelligence and intelligence testing, there is no clear consensus about what intelligence is (e.g., Legg & Hutter, 2007). Clearest agreement comes in “one-sentence” characterizations. Piaget (1970), for example, defined intelligence as “adaptive thinking or action.” In one survey, 24 experts provided somewhat different one-sentence definitions of what intelligence meant to them, but virtually all these definitions centred in some way on the ability to think abstractly or to solve problems effectively (Sternberg, 1997). So why is there still no singular definition of intelligence? Simply because different theorists have very different ideas about which (and how many) attributes are core aspects of this construct they call intelligence. Let’s now consider some of the more influential viewpoints on the nature of intelligence, beginning with the psychometric perspective.

Psychometric Views of Intelligence psychometric approach a theoretical perspective that portrays intelligence as a trait (or set of traits) on which individuals differ; psychometric theorists are responsible for the development of standardized intelligence tests.

The research tradition that spawned the development of standardized intelligence tests is the psychometric approach (Thorndike, 1997). According to psychometric theorists, intelligence is an intellectual trait or a set of traits that differ among people and so characterize some people to a greater extent than others. The theorists’ goals, then, are to identify precisely what those traits might be and to measure them so that intellectual differences among individuals could be described. But from the start, psychometricians could not agree on the structure of intelligence. Was it a single ability that influenced how people performed on all cognitive tests? Or, alternatively, was intelligence best described as many distinct abilities?

Alfred Binet’s Singular Component Approach Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon produced the forerunner of our modern intelligence tests. In 1904, Binet and Simon were commissioned by the French government to construct a test that would identify “dull” children who might profit from remedial NEL

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

Alfred Binet (1857–1911), the father of intelligence testing.

mental age (MA) a measure of intellectual development that reflects the level of age-graded problems a child is able to solve.

factor analysis a statistical procedure for identifying clusters of tests or test items (called factors) that are highly correlated with one another and unrelated to other test items.

g general mental factor associated with Spearman’s concept that an individual’s ability to understand relations is a general mental ability. s Spearman’s term for mental abilities that are specific to particular tests.

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instruction (Boake, 2002; White, 2000). They devised a large battery of tasks measuring skills presumed to be necessary for classroom learning: attention, perception, memory, numerical reasoning, verbal comprehension, and so on. Items that successfully discriminated normal children from those described by teachers as “dull” or “slow” were kept in the final test. In 1908, the Binet-Simon test was revised and all test items were age-graded (Boake, 2002; White, 2000). For example, problems that were passed by most 6-year-olds but few 5-year-olds were assumed to reflect the mental performance of a typical 6-year-old. This age-grading of test items for ages 3 to 13 allowed a more precise assessment of a child’s level of intellectual functioning. A child who passed all items at the 5-year-old level but none at the 6-year-old level was said to have a mental age (MA) of 5 years. A child who passed all items at the 10-year-old level and half of those at the 11-year-old level would have an MA of 10½ years. Thus, Binet and Simon had created a test that enabled them to identify slow learners and to estimate all children’s levels of intellectual development. This information was particularly useful for school administrators, who began to use children’s mental ages as a guideline for planning curricula for both normally developing students and students with intellectual disabilities (Boake, 2002; White, 2000).

Factor Analysis and the Multicomponent View of Intelligence Other psychometric theorists were quick to challenge the notion that a single score, such as mental age, adequately represented human intellectual performance. Their point was that intelligence tests require people to perform a variety of tasks, such as defining words or concepts, extracting meaning from written passages, answering general information questions, reproducing geometric designs with blocks, and solving arithmetic puzzles (see Figure 10.1 for some sample items). Couldn’t these different subtests be measuring a number of distinct mental abilities rather than a single, overarching ability? One way of determining whether intelligence is a single attribute or many different attributes is to ask participants to perform a large number of mental tasks and then analyze their performances using a statistical procedure called factor analysis. This technique identifies clusters of tasks, or test items, called factors that are highly correlated with one another and unrelated to other items on the test. Each factor (if more than one is found) presumably represents a distinct mental ability. Suppose, for example, we found that people performed very similarly on four items that require verbal skills and on three items that require mathematical skills, but that their verbal skill score was not correlated with their score on the math items. Under these circumstances, we might conclude that verbal and mathematical ability are distinct intellectual factors. But if subjects’ verbal and math scores were highly correlated with each other and with scores for all other kinds of mental problems on the test, we might conclude that intelligence is a singular attribute rather than a number of separate mental abilities. Early Multicomponent Theories of Intelligence Charles Spearman (1927) was among the first to use factor analysis to try to determine whether intelligence was one or many abilities (Bower, 2003). He found that a child’s scores across a variety of cognitive tests were moderately correlated and thus inferred that there must be a general mental factor, which he called g, that affects one’s performance on most cognitive tasks (Bower, 2000). However, he also noticed that intellectual performance was often inconsistent. A student who excelled at most tasks, for example, might perform poorly on a particular test, such as verbal analogies or musical aptitude. So Spearman proposed that intellectual performance has two aspects: g, or general ability, and s, or special abilities, each of which is measured by a particular test (Hefford & Keef, 2004).

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310 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development Item Type

Typical Verbal Items

Vocabulary

What does “airplane” mean?

Verbal analogies

An centimetre is short; a kilometre is ____.

Verbal reasoning

What is wrong with this story? “One day we saw several icebergs that had been entirely melted by the warmth of the Gulf Stream.”

General information

How many centimetres make a metre? In what month of the year does New Year’s Day fall?

Number series

Which number comes next in the series 5 7 6 9 8 ___ ?

Arithmetic reasoning If I buy 10 cents’ worth of candy and give the clerk 25 cents, I would get _____ back in change. Typical nonverbal/performance items Picture oddities

Which picture does not belong with the others?

Puzzle completions

Put these pieces together so that they make a bicycle.

Picture series

Arrange these pictures in the right order so that they make sense.

Figure 10.1 Items similar but not identical to those appearing on intelligence tests for children.

primary mental abilities seven mental abilities, identified by factor analysis, that Thurstone believed to represent the structure of intelligence.

Louis Thurstone (1938) also took the factor analysis approach to mental ability. When he factor-analyzed 50 mental tests administered to Grade 8 students and college students, Thurstone found seven factors that he called primary mental abilities: spatial ability, perceptual speed (quick processing of visual information), numerical reasoning, verbal meaning (defining words), word fluency (speed of recognizing words), memory, and inductive reasoning (forming a rule that describes a set of observations). He then concluded that these seven distinct mental abilities really make up Spearman’s idea of g.

Later Multicomponent Theories of Intelligence Spearman’s and Thurstone’s early work suggested that there must be a relatively small number of basic mental abilities that make up what we call “intelligence.” J.P. Guilford (1967, 1988) disagreed, proposing instead that there may be as many as 180 basic mental abilities. He arrived at this figure by first classifying cognitive tasks into three major dimensions: (1) content (what must the person think about), (2) operations (what kind of NEL

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thinking is the person asked to perform), and (3) products (what kind of answer is required). Guilford then argued that there are five kinds of intellectual contents, six kinds of mental operations, and six kinds of intellectual products (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2001). Thus, his structure-of-intellect model allows for as many as 180 primary mental abilities, based on all the possible combinations of the various intellectual contents, operations, and products (i.e., 5 3 6 3 6 5 180). For example, the test of “social intelligence” illustrated in Figure 10.2 measures the mental ability that requires the test taker to act on a behavioural content (the figure’s facial expression) using a particular operation, cognition, to produce a particular product, the probable implication of that expression. However, the scores on Guilford’s 1. I’m glad you’re feeling a little better. 2. You make the funniest faces! “independent” intellectual factors are correlated and are not nearly as inde3. Didn’t I tell you she’d say “No”? pendent as assumed (Brody, 1992; Romney & Pyryt, 1999). Nevertheless, the Figure 10.2 An item from one of Guilford’s search for additional factors related to intelligence led to further ideas to tests of social intelligence. The task is to read the capture intelligence. characters’ expressions and decide what the Finally, Raymond Cattell and John Horn (Cattell, 1963; Horn & Noll, person marked by the arrow is most probably 1997) have influenced current thinking about intelligence by proposing that saying to the other person. You may want to try Spearman’s g and Thurstone’s primary mental abilities can be reduced to this yourself (the correct answer appears below). two major dimensions of intellect: fluid intelligence and crystallized intelliSource: Republished with permission of McGraw-Hill gence. Fluid intelligence refers to a person’s ability to solve novel and Education, from The Nature of Human Intelligence, by J.P. abstract problems of the sort that are not taught and are relatively free of Guilford, 1967. Copyright © 1967; permission conveyed cultural influences ( Jay, 2005; Gray, Chabris, & Braver, 2003). Examples of through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. the kinds of problems that tap fluid intelligence are the verbal analogies and number series tests from Figure 10.1, as well as tests of ability to recognize structure-of-intellect model relationships among otherwise meaningless geometric figures (see Figure 10.7 on page Guilford’s factor analytic model of 333 for an example). By contrast, crystallized intelligence is the ability to solve problems intelligence, which proposes that there are 180 distinct mental abilities. that depend on knowledge acquired as a result of schooling and other life experiences ( Jay, 2005). Tests of general information (“At what temperature does water boil?”), word comprehension (“What is the meaning of duplicate?”), and numerical abilities are all fluid intelligence measures of crystallized intelligence. the ability to perceive relationships and solve relational problems of the type that are not taught and are relatively free of cultural influences.

crystallized intelligence the ability to understand relations or solve problems that depend on knowledge acquired from schooling and other cultural influences. hierarchical model of intelligence model of the structure of intelligence in which a broad, general ability factor is at the top of the hierarchy, with a number of specialized ability factors nested underneath. three-stratum theory of intelligence Carroll’s hierarchical model of intelligence with g at the top of the hierarchy, eight broad abilities at the second level, or stratum, and narrower domains of each secondstratum ability at the third stratum.

A More Recent Hierarchical Model. So what have we learned from factor analytic studies of intelligence? Perhaps that Spearman, Thurstone, Cattell, and Horn were all partially correct. Indeed, many psychometricians today favour hierarchical models of intelligence models in which intelligence is viewed as consisting of (1) a general ability factor at the top of the hierarchy, which influences one’s performance on many cognitive tests, and (2) a number of specialized ability factors (something similar to Thurstone’s primary mental abilities) that influence how well one performs in particular intellectual domains (e.g., on tests of numerical reasoning or tests of spatial skills). The most elaborate of these hierarchical models, based on analyses of hundreds of studies of mental abilities conducted over 50 years, is John Carroll’s three-stratum theory of intelligence (Esters & Ittenbach, 1999). As shown in Figure 10.3, Carroll (1993) represents intelligence as a pyramid, with g at the top and eight broad intellectual abilities at the second level. This model implies that each of us may have particular intellectual strengths or weaknesses depending on the patterns of “second-stratum” intellectual abilities we display. It also explains how a person of below-average general ability (g) might actually excel in a narrow third-stratum domain (e.g., musical discrimination in the case of Leslie Lemke in our chapter opener) if he displays an unusually high second-stratum ability (general memory) that fosters good performance in that domain ( Johnson & Bouchard, 2005). Hierarchical models depict intelligence as both an overarching general mental ability and a number of more specific abilities with each pertaining to a particular intellectual domain. Are we now closer to a consensus on the definition of intelligence? Unfortunately, no, because a growing number of researchers believe that no psychometric theory of Answer to Figure 10.2: Statement 3

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312 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development Firststratum ability

General intellect, g

Secondstratum abilities

Fluid intelligence

Crystallized intelligence

General memory and learning

Visual perception

Auditory perception

Retrieval ability

Cognitive speed

Processing speed

Thirdstratum abilities

Quantitative reasoning, analogical

Language comprehension, vocabulary

Memory span, associative memory

Visual discrimination, spatial discrimination

Phonemic discrimination, musical discrimination

Creativity, naming facility

Perceptual speed, rate of test taking

Reaction time, speed of decision making

Figure 10.3 John Carroll’s three-stratum hierarchical model of intelligence. Second-stratum abilities are arranged from left to right in terms of their decreasing correlation with g. So fluid intelligence and the reasoning it supports (e.g., quantitative reasoning) are more closely associated with general mental ability g than are auditory perception, cognitive speed, and the third-stratum skills that these abilities support. Source: From Human Cognitive Abilities: A Survey of Factor-Analytic Studies, by J.B. Carroll, 1993. Copyright 1993 by Cambridge University Press.

intelligence fully captures what it means to be intelligent (Gottfredson & Saklofske, 2009; Neisser et al., 1996). Let’s now examine two alternative viewpoints that should help us to appreciate some of the limitations of today’s intelligence tests.

The Modern Information-Processing Viewpoint

triarchic theory a recent information-processing theory of intelligence that emphasizes three aspects of intelligent behaviour not normally tapped by IQ tests: the context of the action; the person’s experience with the task (or situation); and the informationprocessing strategies the person applies to the task (or situation).

One recurring criticism of psychometric models of intelligence is that they are very narrow, focusing primarily on intellectual content, or what the child knows, rather than on the processes by which this knowledge is acquired, retained, and used to solve problems. Furthermore, traditional intelligence tests do not measure other attributes that people commonly think of as indications of intelligence, such as common sense, social and interpersonal skills, and the talents that underlie creative accomplishments in music, drama, and athletics (Gardner, 1983). Robert Sternberg (1985, 1991) proposed a triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasizes three aspects or components of intelligent behaviour: context, experience, and information-processing skills—see Figure 10.4 (Sternberg, 2003; Tigner & Tigner, 2000). As we will see in reviewing this model, Sternberg’s view of intelligence is much, much broader than that of psychometric theorists (Bower, 2000).

The Contextual Component First, Sternberg argues that what qualifies as “intelligent” behaviour will depend in large part on the context in which it is displayed. Intelligent people are those who can successfully adapt to their environment or can shape that environment to suit them better Information-processing (or componential) component Knowledge Strategies Metacognition

Experiential component Response to novelty Automatization

Intelligence

Contextual component Adapting to situations Selecting compatible environments Shaping environments

Figure 10.4 Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence. NEL

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(similar to Piaget, 1970, in Chapter 8). These people display practical intelligence, or “street smarts.” Psychologists, Sternberg believes, must begin to understand intelligence as adaptive real-world behaviour, not as behaviour in taking tests (Sternberg, 1997, 2003, 2018). From a contextual perspective, what is meant by intelligent behaviour may vary from one culture or subculture to another, from one historical time to another, and from one period of the life span to another. Sternberg describes an occasion when he attended a conference in South America and showed up on time at 8 a.m., only to find that he and four other North Americans were the only ones there. In North American society, it is considered “smart” to be punctual for important engagements. However, strict punctuality is not so adaptive in Latin cultures, where people are more relaxed (by Canadian standards, at least) about being on time.

© Cameramann/IMAGE WORKS

cultural bias the situation that arises when one cultural or subcultural group is more familiar with test items than another group and therefore has an unfair advantage.

The Experiential Component According to Sternberg, a person’s experience with a task helps to determine whether that person’s performance qualifies as intelligent behaviour. He believes that relatively novel tasks require active and conscious information processing and are the best measures of a person’s reasoning abilities, as long as these tasks are not so foreign that the person is unable to apply what he may know (e.g., if geometry problems were presented to 5-year-olds). So responses to novel challenges are an indication of the person’s ability to generate good ideas or fresh insights (Sternberg, 2003). In daily life, however, people also perform more or less intelligently on familiar tasks (such as balancing a bank account, learning to operate a new electronic device, or quickly extracting the most important information from media). This second kind of experiential intelligence reflects automatization, or increasing efficiency of information processing with practice. According to Sternberg, it is a sign of intelligence when we develop automatized routines, or “programs of the mind,” for performing everyday tasks accurately and efficiently so that we don’t have to waste much time thinking about how to accomplish them. The experiential component of Sternberg’s theory has a most important implication for intelligence testers: to test intelligence fairly, it is crucial to know how familiar specific test items are to examinees. For example, if the items on an intelligence test are generally familiar to members of one cultural group but novel to members of another (for instance, questions about restaurants or banks, which one cultural group may have experience with, whereas the second group may not), the second group will perform much worse than the first, thereby reflecting a cultural bias in the testing procedure. A valid comparison of the intellectual performances of people from diverse cultural backgrounds requires the test items to be equally familiar (or unfamiliar) to all test takers.

The sophisticated ability that this child displays is considered intelligent in his culture but is not measured by traditional IQ tests.

The Componential (or InformationProcessing) Component Sternberg’s major criticism of psychometric theorists is that they estimate a test taker’s intelligence from the quality (or correctness) of her answers while completely ignoring how she produces intelligent responses. Sternberg is an information-processing theorist who believes that we must focus on the componential aspects of intelligent behaviour—that is, the cognitive processes by which we size up the requirements of problems, formulate strategies to solve them, and then monitor our cognitive activities until

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314 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

we have accomplished our goals. Along with other information-processing theorists, he argues that some people process information faster and more efficiently than others and that our cognitive tests could be improved considerably by measuring these differences and treating them as important aspects of intelligence (Burns & Nettelbeck, 2003; Sternberg, 2003; Schubert, Hagemann, & Frischkorn, 2017; Tigner & Tigner, 2000). In sum, Sternberg’s triarchic theory provides us with a very rich view of the nature of intelligence. It suggests that if you want to know how intelligent John, Juan, and Jie are, you had better consider (1) the context in which they are performing (i.e., the culture and historical period in which they live, and their ages), (2) their experience with the tasks and whether their behaviour qualifies as responses to novelty or automatized processes, and (3) the information-processing skills that reflect how each person is approaching these tasks. Unfortunately, the most widely used intelligence tests are not based on such a broad and sophisticated view of intellectual processes. The PASS theory of intelligence draws upon information processing and also neuropsychology (Das, Naglieri, & Kirby, 1994; Das & Abbott, 1995). The name PASS reflects the cognitive functions that underlie intelligence: ■■ ■■ ■■ ■■

planning, attention-arousal, simultaneous processing, and successive processing.

In addition, drawing on neuropsychology, this theory incorporates observations that the brain appears to function in a modularized way; that is, although parts of the brain interact and are interdependent, they also function separately. This aspect of the theory allows for modularity and independence in some cognitive functions, unlike theories that assume a common factor such as g as the underpinning for intelligence. Also, this theory was developed to address practical problems such as understanding the nature of individual differences, conceptualizing assessments, and informing remediation (Das, Naglieri, & Kirby, 1994; Das & Abbott, 1995).

Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences theory of multiple intelligences Gardner’s theory that humans display as many as nine distinct kinds of intelligence, several of which are not measured by IQ tests.

Howard Gardner (1983, 1999) is another theorist who criticizes the psychometricians for trying to describe a person’s intelligence with a single score. In his book Frames of Mind, Gardner (1983) outlines his theory of multiple intelligences, proposing that humans display at least seven distinctive kinds of intelligence (Hefford & Keef, 2004). Since that time, Gardner added two additional kinds of intelligence to the list (see Table 10.1). Gardner (1999) does not claim that these nine abilities represent the universe of intelligences, but he makes the case that each ability is distinct and that individuals can show relative strengths and weaknesses across intelligences. As support for these ideas, Gardner points out that injury to a particular area of the brain usually influences only one ability (linguistic or spatial, for example), leaving others unaffected. As further evidence of the independence of these abilities, Gardner notes that some individuals are truly exceptional in one ability but poor in others. This is dramatically clear in cases of the savant syndrome—in people with intellectual disabilities who also have an extraordinary talent. Leslie Lemke, referred to at the beginning of this chapter, is one such individual. And despite poor performance on intelligence tests, other individuals with intellectual disabilities who display savant skills can draw so well that they gain admittance to competitive art schools or can calculate almost instantaneously what day of the week January 16, 1909, was (O’Connor & Hermelin, 1991). Finally, Gardner notes that different intelligences develop at different times. Many of the great composers and athletes, for example, began to display their immense talents in childhood (e.g., Mozart and Gretzky), whereas logical-mathematical intelligence often shows up much later in life. NEL

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

TABLE 10.1

Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

Type of Intelligence

Intellectual Processes

315

School-related intelligences Linguistic

Sensitivity to the meaning and sounds of words, to the structure of language, and to the many ways language can be used.

Spatial

Ability to perceive visual–spatial relationships accurately, to transform these perceptions, and to recreate aspects of visual experience in the absence of the pertinent stimuli.

Logical-mathematical

Ability to operate on and to perceive relationships in abstract symbol systems and to think logically and systematically in evaluating one’s ideas.

Arts-related intelligences Musical

Sensitivity to pitch, melody; ability to combine tones and musical phrases into larger rhythms; understanding of the emotional aspects of music.

Body-kinesthetic

Ability to use the body skillfully to express oneself or achieve goals; ability to handle objects skillfully.

Personal intelligences Interpersonal

Ability to detect and respond appropriately to the mood, temperaments, motives, and intentions of others.

Intrapersonal

Sensitivity to one’s own inner states; recognition of personal strengths and weaknesses and ability to use information about the self to behave adaptively.

Naturalist

Sensitivity to the factors influencing and influenced by organisms (fauna and flora) in the natural environment.

Existential

Sensitivity to issues related to the meaning of life, death, and other aspects of the human condition.

Source: Adapted from “Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligence,” by Howard Gardner, Perseus Books Group, 1983; and Branton Shearer, “Multiple Intelligences Theory after 20 Years,” Teachers College Record, 106, 2–16, 2004.

Gardner’s ideas have had an impact, particularly on investigators who study the development of creativity and special talents—a topic we will explore later in this chapter. Nevertheless, critics have argued that even though such talents as musical or athletic prowess are important human characteristics, they are not the same kind of mentalistic activities as those most people view as the core of intelligence (Bjorklund, 2000; Shearer, 2004). And although children gifted in the visual arts or athletics are often notably better in these areas than in Gardner’s other intelligences (see Winner, 2000), current intelligence tests do tap Gardner’s logical, spatial, and mathematical intelligences, which are moderately correlated rather than highly distinct ( Jensen, 1998). Perhaps it is too early, then, to totally reject the concept of g, or general mental ability. Yet Gardner is almost certainly correct in arguing that we do not capture the diversity of human experience by trying to characterize “intelligence” with a single test score. Perry Klein (2003) at Western University in London, Ontario, has been a critic of Gardner’s multiple intelligences, suggesting that although individuals with learning disabilities show patterns of strengths and weaknesses, these patterns do not match perfectly with a specific intelligence. Additionally, many activities associated with a given multiple intelligence are, in fact, likely associated with more than one intelligence (e.g., dance is associated with musical intelligence and body-kinesthetic intelligence). Finally, Klein (2003) argues that the instructional implications that are suggested by Gardner (1999) do not require multiple intelligence theory.

How Is Intelligence Measured? When psychometricians began to construct intelligence tests more than 100 years ago, their concern was not with defining the nature of intelligence but with the more practical goals of determining which schoolchildren were likely to be slow learners. Recall that Binet and Simon produced a test that accomplished this goal and characterized each child’s intellectual development with a single score, or mental age. Among the more popular of our contemporary intelligence tests for children is a direct descendant of Binet and Simon’s early test. NEL

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316 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale modern descendant of the first successful intelligence test; measures general intelligence and four factors: verbal reasoning, quantitative reasoning, spatial reasoning, and short-term memory. intelligence quotient (IQ) a numerical measure of a person’s performance on an intelligence test relative to the performance of other examinees.

test norms standards of normal performance on psychometric instruments that are based on the average scores and the range of scores obtained by a large, representative sample of test takers. deviation IQ score an intelligence test score that reflects how well or poorly a person performs compared with others of the same age.

The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale In 1916, Lewis Terman of Stanford University translated and published a revised version of the Binet scale for use with American children. This test came to be known as the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale (Boake, 2002; White 2000). Like Binet’s scale, the original version of the Stanford-Binet consisted of age-graded tasks designed to measure the average intellectual performance of children aged 3 through 13. Terman first gave his test to a sample of about 1000 middle-class American schoolchildren to establish performance norms against which an individual child could be compared. But unlike Binet, who classified children according to mental age, Terman used a ratio measure of intelligence, developed by Stern (1912), that came to be known as an intelligence quotient, or IQ (Boake, 2002). The child’s IQ, which was said to be a measure of his brightness or rate of intellectual development, was calculated by dividing his mental age by his chronological age and then multiplying by 100: IQ 5 MA/CA 3 100 Notice that an IQ of 100 indicates average intelligence; it means that a child’s mental age is exactly equal to her chronological age. An IQ greater than 100 indicates that the child’s performance is comparable to that of people older than she is, whereas an IQ less than 100 means that her intellectual performance matches that of children somewhat younger than herself. A revised version of the Stanford-Binet is still in use (Thorndike, Hagen, & Sattler, 1986). Its test norms are now based on representative samples of people (6-year-olds through adults) from many social class and ethnic backgrounds. The revised test continues to measure abilities thought to be important to academic success; namely, verbal reasoning, quantitative reasoning, visual–spatial reasoning, and short-term memory. However, the concept of mental age is no longer used to calculate IQ on the StanfordBinet or any other modern intelligence test. Instead, individuals receive deviation IQ scores that reflect how well or poorly they do compared with others of the same age. An IQ of 100 is still average, and the higher (or lower) the IQ score an individual attains, the better (or worse) her performance is, compared with age-mates.

The Wechsler Scales

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Fifth Edition (WISC-V) widely used individual intelligence test that includes a measure of general intelligence and both verbal and performance intelligence.

David Wechsler constructed two intelligence tests for children, both of which are widely used. The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence were originally published in 1949 and 1967, respectively. The most recent versions are the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Fifth Edition (WISC-V) (Wechsler, 2014), which is appropriate for children aged 6 years to 16 years 11 months, and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence— Fourth Edition (WPPSI-IV) (Wechsler, 2012), which is designed for children between ages 2 years 6 months and 7 years 7 months (Baron, 2005; Lichtenberger, 2005). One reason Wechsler constructed his own intelligence tests is because he believed that earlier versions of the Stanford-Binet were overloaded with items that require verbal skills (Boake, 2002). Specifically, he felt that this heavy bias toward verbal intelligence discriminated against children for whom English is a second language, or children who have certain language learning disabilities—for example, those who have reading difficulties or who are hard of hearing. In the most recent version of the WISC, the WISC-V, Wechsler’s scales contain some items that require verbal skills and other items that are nonverbal—or “performance” subtests. Test takers receive a full-scale IQ score, as well as four composite index scores that include verbal comprehension, perceptual reasoning, working memory, and processing speed (Wechsler, 2014). The Wechsler scales are popular because the tests allow children from all backgrounds to display their intellectual strengths and are sensitive to inconsistencies in mental skills that may be early signs of neurological problems or learning disorders. One large-scale norming study of intelligence in children (ages 6 to 16 years) explored NEL

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the robustness of the well-known Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Third Edition (WISC-III) across 14 countries (Georgas, Weiss, van de Vijver, & Saklofske, 2003). While the test needed to be both adapted (i.e., test items were modified, added, or deleted) and translated where English was not the primary language, there was strong support for the factor structure across different countries. In other words, the test appeared to be measuring the same cognitive factors (such as verbal comprehension and perceptual reasoning) in all of the countries included. Interestingly, differences between countries pointed to the major impact of education and economic factors on performance on intelligence tests rather than reflecting cultural and ethnic factors. Saklofske and colleagues (Schoenberg, Lange, Saklofske, Suarez, & Brickell, 2008; Weiss, Saklofske, Holdnack, & Prifitera, 2016) also developed methods for estimating normative WISC-IV full-scale intelligence applicable specifically for Canadian children (see Box 10.1), which are based on both demographic and combined estimation procedures (Schoenberg, Lange, & Saklofske, 2007; Weiss, Saklofske, Holdnack, & Prifitera, 2016). As well, tables for identifying cognitive strengths and weaknesses include the effects of sex and education (Longman, Saklofske, & Fung, 2007). Recently, Saklofske has begun to explore factors related to resiliency such as emotional intelligence (see Box 10.2 for more details about the work of this Canadian researcher).

10.1 CULTURAL INFLUENCES

Making American Tests Valid in Canada Although the United States is Canada’s next-door neighbour, the two countries and the two cultures differ in a number of ways. As a result, many researchers have called for “Canadianized” tests and “Canadianized” norms to reflect our cultural differences (Saklofske, 2003). Let’s consider, for example, two broad areas where cultural differences arise. First, there are simple but noticeable differences between our two countries that reflect our social, educational, life, and, to some extent, socioeconomic experiences. To address these differences, specific items on tests can be altered if they do not apply. For example, American children have a script for activities associated with celebrating the 4th of July, while Canadian children do not. Canadian norms are devised by testing large numbers of Canadian individuals. Norms are based on representative samples of Canadians so that other Canadians taking the tests can be compared against this norm. Canadian researchers have conducted many studies to assess the validity of original and adapted tests. These psychometric comparisons (statistical comparisons) can be used to see whether a test is equally appropriate for different cultural groups, whether the test has to be altered or adapted, or whether some components of the test are appropriate while others need to be interpreted more cautiously. For the most part, the Wechsler tests are appropriate IQ tests for Canadian populations (Hildebrand & Saklofske, 1996; Roid & Worrall, 1997; Watkins, Dombrowski, & Canivez, 2017). However, some research indicates differences between American and Canadian children on some subtests of the WPPSI test, yet other research indicates greater reliability and validity for the Canadian version of the WISC at

the general factor level than the subtest level. The researchers concluded that these tests should be interpreted more cautiously for Canadian populations (French, French, & Rutherford, 1999; Watkins, Dombrowski, & Canivez, 2017). The second major cultural difference between Canadians and Americans involves language. Canada has two official languages, a number of Indigenous languages, and many other languages consistent with our multicultural diversity. Tests devised in the United States are prepared in English and Spanish. A partial solution to this problem has been to translate tests like the WISC into French and to test them among French-speaking populations. The indications are that the translated versions are reliable and valid (Facon & FaconBollengier, 1999; Gregoire, Penhouet, & Boy, 1996). However, this still does not solve the problem for the many other linguistic and cultural groups in Canada. When testing people who belong to other language groups, there must be sensitivity in interpreting outcomes, especially if an individual is tested in his or her second language (Gottfredson & Saklofske, 2010). Researchers have compared the performance of children within cultural and language groups to determine at-risk children. For example, Canadian First Nations children in Grades 3 and 4 were tested on measures of cognitive processing, reading, and reading-related skills (e.g., phonological processing). Children with reading difficulties were defined in comparison to the sample, not the norming group. In this group of children, successive/sequential processing were the cognitive skills that were related to reading skills (Janzen, Saklofske, & Das, 2013).

NEL

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318 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

10.2 THE INSIDE TRACK

Donald H. Saklofske Used with permission of Donald H. Saklofske

Donald H. Saklofske, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Western University in London, Ontario. He is an elected fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association, the Association for Psychological Science, and the Society for Personality and Social Psychology. His research and professional interests include the study of individual differences with an emphasis on personality and intelligence including psychological assessment, emotional intelligence, resiliency, and psychological health.

Dr. Don Saklofske and his colleagues have initiated research projects in Canada and other countries to examine cross-cultural similarities and differences in intelligence and personality. He is currently interested in additional factors that contribute to the development of resiliency (Prince-Embury, Saklofske, & Nordstokke, 2017) and emotional intelligence

(Keefer, Parker, & Saklofske, 2018a). The move to studying emotional intelligence results from an interest in examining individual differences that are not covered by existing measures of intelligence and personality. Additionally, Saklofske believes that emotional intelligence could be linked to a range of theoretically and practically important outcomes. For example, emotional intelligence plays a role in adaptation to stress and positive health indicators (Austin, Saklofske, & Egan, 2005; Keefer, Parker, & Saklofske, 2018b; Di Fabio & Saklofske, 2018). Emotional intelligence influences the relationship between personality and academic success (Parker, Saklofske, Keefer, 2017; Saklofske, Austin, Mastoras, Beaton, & Osborne, 2012). Saklofske and colleagues have also examined the factor structure of tests used to assess emotional intelligence (e.g., Saklofske, Austin, & Minski, 2003), as well as how these tests can be adapted and improved to yield more effective measures of emotional intelligence (e.g., Austin, Saklofske, Huang, & McKenney, 2004).

Distribution of IQ Scores

Number of cases

normal distribution a symmetrical, bell-shaped curve that describes the variability of certain characteristics within a population; most people fall at or near the average score, with relatively few at the extremes of the distribution.

If a girl or boy scores 130 on the Stanford-Binet or the WISC, we know that her or his IQ is above average. But how bright is she? To find out, we would have to know something about the way IQs are distributed in the population at large. One interesting feature of all modern IQ tests is that people’s scores are normally distributed around an IQ of 100 (see Figure 10.5). This patterning of scores is hardly an accident. By definition, the average score made by examinees from each age group is set

Standard deviations

2.14%

0.13% 4

2.14%

0.13%

13.59% 34.13% 34.13% 13.59% 3

2

1

Mean Test Score

1

2

3

Wechsler IQs (SD 15)

55

70

85

100

115

130

145

Stanford-Binet IQs (SD 16)

52

68

84

100

116

132

148

4

Figure 10.5 The approximate distribution of IQ scores people achieve on contemporary intelligence tests. These tests are constructed so that the average score made by examinees in each age group is equivalent to an IQ of 100. Note that more than two-thirds of all examinees score within 15 points of this average (i.e., IQs of 85–115) and that 95 percent of the population scores within 30 of the average (IQs of 70–130). Source: From BJORKLUND. Children’s Thinking, 4E. © 2005 Wadsworth, a part of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission. www.cengage.com/permissions NEL

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at 100, and this is the most common score that people obtain (Neisser et al., 1996). Note that approximately half the population scores below 100 and half scores above. Moreover, roughly equal numbers of examinees obtain IQs of 85 and 115 (15 points from the average) or 70 and 130 (30 points from average). For example, an IQ of 130 equals or exceeds the IQs of 97 percent of the population; it is a very high IQ indeed. Similarly, fewer than 3 percent of all test takers obtain IQs below 70, a cutoff that is commonly used today to define intellectual disability.

Group Tests of Mental Performance Because the Stanford-Binet and the Wechsler scales must be administered individually by a professionally trained examiner and can take more than an hour to assess each person’s IQ, psychometricians soon saw the need for more cost-effective, paper-and-pencil measures that could be group-administered to quickly assess the intellectual performance of large numbers of people, including students in a city’s public schools. Indeed, you have almost certainly taken a group test of scholastic aptitude at some point in your life. Among the more widely used of these tests are the Canadian Cognitive Abilities Test, the Canadian Achievement Test–4, and the Lorge-Thorndike Test, which are designed for elementary and high school students. These instruments are sometimes called “achievement” tests because they call for specific information that the examinee has learned at school (i.e., crystallized intelligence) and are designed to predict future academic achievement.

Newer Approaches to Intelligence Testing Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC) individual intelligence test for children; grounded heavily in information-processing theory.

dynamic assessment an approach to assessing intelligence that evaluates how well individuals learn new material when an examiner provides them with competent instruction.

Although traditional IQ tests are still frequently used, new tests are constantly being developed. For example, the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC) is a test based on modern information-processing theory (Lichtenberger, 2005). The test is nonverbal in content, primarily measuring what Cattell and Horn call fluid intelligence (Kaufman & Kaufman, 1983). Other investigators, disenchanted with the ways in which intelligence has been defined and measured, have developed entirely new approaches to intellectual assessment. One approach, which is linked to Vygotsky’s concept of the zone of proximal development (see Chapter 8), is called dynamic assessment. This method of assessment attempts to evaluate how well children actually learn new material when an examiner provides them with competent instruction and/or scaffolding (Campione, Brown, Ferrara, & Bryant, 1984; Haywood, 2001; Lidz, 1997; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2002). Reuven Feuerstein and his colleagues (Feuerstein, Feuerstein, & Gross, 1997), for example, have argued that, even though intelligence is often defined as a potential to learn from experience, IQ tests typically assess what has already been learned, not what can be learned (Bower, 2003; White, 2000). Thus, the traditional psychometric approach may be biased against children from culturally diverse or economically disadvantaged backgrounds, who lack opportunities to learn what the tests measure (White, 2000). Feuerstein’s Learning Potential Assessment Device asks children to learn new things with the guidance of an adult who provides increasingly helpful hints. This test interprets intelligence as the ability to learn quickly with minimal guidance. In sum, modern perspectives on intelligence are now beginning to be reflected in the content of intelligence tests and the diversity of tests used to assess intelligence.

Assessing Infant Intelligence None of the standard intelligence tests can be used with children much younger than 2½ because the test items require verbal skills and attention spans, which infants do not have. However, attempts have been made to measure infant “intelligence” by assessing the rate NEL

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320 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

TABLE 10.2

Description of Subscales of the Bayley Scales of Infant Development

Bayley Scales of Infant Development Subscale

Description

Mental

Assesses the child’s current level of cognitive, language, and personal/social development and includes items that measure memory, problem solving, early number concepts, generalization, classification, vocalizations, language, and social skills.

Motor

Measures the child’s level of gross and fine motor development via items associated with crawling, sitting, standing, walking, etc., for gross motor movement and items related to the use of writing, grasping, and imitation of hand movements for fine motor movement.

Behaviour rating

This scale is completed by the examiner regarding the child’s behaviours during the test administration and assesses the child’s attention/arousal (for children under 6 months of age), orientation/engagement toward the tasks and the examiner, emotional regulation, and quality of motor movement.

Source: Adapted from “The Stability of Mental Test Performance Between Two and Eighteen Years,” by M.P. Honzik, J.W. Macfarlane, & L. Allen, 1948, Journal of Experimental Education, 17, 309–324.

developmental quotient (DQ) a numerical measure of an infant’s performance on a developmental schedule, relative to the performance of other infants of the same age.

at which babies achieve important developmental milestones. Perhaps the best known and most widely used of the infant tests is the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (Bayley, 1969, 1993, 2005). This instrument, designed for infants aged 2 to 30 months, has three parts: (1) the motor scale, which assesses such motor capabilities as grasping a cube, throwing a ball, or drinking from a cup; (2) the mental scale, which includes adaptive behaviours such as categorizing objects, searching for a hidden toy, and following directions; and (3) the Infant Behavior Record, a rating of the child’s behaviour on dimensions such as goal directedness, fearfulness, and social responsivity (see Table 10.2). On the basis of the first two scores, the infant is given a DQ, or developmental quotient, rather than an IQ. The DQ summarizes how well or poorly the infant performs in comparison to a large group of infants of the same age (Lichtenberger, 2005).

Do DQs Predict Later IQs? Infant scales are very useful for charting babies’ developmental progress and for diagnosing neurological disorders and other signs of intellectual disability, even when these conditions are fairly mild and difficult to detect in a standard neurological exam (Columbo, 1993; Honzik, 1983). However, these tests generally fail to predict a child’s later IQ or scholastic achievements (Honzik, 1983; Rose, Feldman, Wallace, & McCarton, 1989). In fact, a DQ measured early in infancy may not even predict the child’s DQ later in infancy. Why do infant tests do such a poor job of predicting children’s later IQs? Perhaps the main reason is that infant tests and IQ tests tap very different kinds of abilities. Infant scales are designed to measure sensory, motor, language, and social skills, whereas standardized IQ tests such as the WISC and the Stanford-Binet emphasize more abstract abilities such as verbal reasoning, concept formation, and problem solving. So to expect an infant test to predict the later results of an IQ test is like expecting a measuring tape to tell us how much someone weighs. There may be some correspondence between the two measures (a measuring tape indicates height, which is correlated with weight; DQ indicates developmental progress, which is related to IQ), but the relationship is not very great. Evidence for Continuity in Intellectual Performance Is it foolish, then, to think that we might ever accurately forecast a child’s later IQ from his or her behaviour during infancy? Maybe not. Information-processing theorists have discovered that certain measures of infant attention and memory are much better at predicting IQ during the preschool and elementary school years than are the Bayley scales or other measures of infant development. Three attributes appear especially promising: how quickly infants look when presented with a visual target (visual reaction time), the rate at which they habituate to repetitive stimuli, and the extent to which they prefer NEL

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novel stimuli to familiar ones (preference for novelty). Measures of these information-processing skills obtained during the first 4 to 8 months of life have an average correlation of 0.45 with IQ in childhood, with visual reaction time corresponding more closely to later measures of performance IQ and the other measures predicting better for verbal IQ (Dougherty & Haith, 1997; McCall & Carriger, 1993). So there is some continuity between infant intelligence and childhood intelligence after all. Perhaps we can now characterize the “smart” infant as one who prefers and seeks out novel experiences and who soaks up new information quickly—in short, a speedy and efficient information processor (Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2001).

Stability of IQ in Childhood It was once assumed that a person’s IQ reflected his or her genetically determined intellectual capacity and would remain quite stable over time. In other words, a child with an IQ of 120 at age 5 was expected to obtain a similar IQ at age 10, 15, or 20. How much support is there for this idea? As we have seen, infant DQs do not predict later IQ test scores very well at all. But starting at about age 4, there is a meaningful relationship between early and later IQs (Sameroff, Seifer, Baldwin, & Baldwin, 1993), and the relationship grows even stronger during middle childhood. Table 10.3 summarizes the results of a longitudinal study of more than 250 children conducted at the University of California (Honzik et al., 1948). In examining these data, we see that the shorter the interval between two testings, the higher the correlations between children’s IQ scores. But even after a number of years have passed, IQ seems to be a reasonably stable attribute. After all, the scores that children obtain at age 6 are still clearly related to those they obtain at age 10. There is something that these correlations are not telling us, however. Each of them is based on a large group of children, and they do not necessarily mean that the IQs of individual children remain stable over time. Robert McCall and his associates (McCall, Applebaum, & Hogarty, 1973) looked at the IQ scores of 140 children who had taken intelligence tests at regular intervals between ages 2½ and 17. Their findings were remarkable: more than half of these individuals displayed large fluctuations in IQ over time, and the average range of variation in the IQ scores of the test takers whose scores fluctuated was more than 20 points (see also Gottfried, Gottfreid, Bathurst, & Guerin, 1994). So it seems that IQ is more stable for some children than for others. Clearly, these findings challenge the notion that IQ is a reflection of an individual’s absolute potential for learning or intellectual capacity; if it were, the intellectual profiles of virtually all children would be highly stable, showing only minor variations due to errors of measurement (Simpson et al., 2002). What, then, does an IQ represent, if not intellectual competence or ability? Today, many experts believe that an IQ score is merely an estimate of a person’s intellectual performance at one particular point in time—an estimate that may or may not be a good indication of the person’s intellectual capacity. TABLE 10.3 Age of Child

Correlation of IQs Measured during the Preschool Years and Middle Childhood, with IQs Measured at Age 10 IQ at Age 10

4

0.66

6

0.76

8

0.88

10

—

12

0.87

Source: Adapted from Honzik, M.P., Macfarlane, J.W., & Allen, L. (1948). The stability of mental test performance between two and eighteen years. Journal of Experimental Education, 17, 309–24. NEL

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322 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Interestingly, children whose IQs change the most usually do not fluctuate randomly; their scores tend to either increase or decrease over time. Who are the gainers and who are the losers? Gainers typically come from homes in which parents are interested in their intellectual accomplishments, urge them to achieve, and are neither too strict nor too lax in their child-rearing practices (Honzik et al., 1948; McCall et al., 1973). On the other hand, meaningful declines in IQ often occur among children who live in poverty, especially when that poverty is prolonged rather than temporary (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Otto Klineberg (1963) proposed a cumulative-deficit hypothesis to explain this: presumably, impoverished environments dampen intellectual growth and these inhibiting effects accumulate over time. Consequently, the longer children remain in a barren intellectual environment, the worse they perform on IQ tests. The very important role that the socioeconomic environment can have across areas of development including subsequent school success is captured by Hertzman and Boyce (2010), who note that “Day-to-day child rearing in environments characterized by impoverImpoverished environments dampen intellectual growth, leading to a ished parent-child interactions, for example, may be progressive decline in children’s IQ scores. implicated in the cognitive and neurobiological deficits now being identified in children from disadvantaged families” (p. 331). These factors involve cumulative exposure to negative but not traumatic events cumulative-deficit hypothesis or factors. The effects can be diffuse, influencing multiple areas of the child’s life, the notion that impoverished environments inhibit intellectual can be amplified over time and can be unpredictable, based on the specific child growth and that these inhibiting and the child’s specific experiences. Therefore, the immediate social context can effects accumulate over time. have significant and long-term effects (referred to as social causation) on children’s intelligence.

What Do Intelligence Tests Predict?

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

The correlation between IQ scores and future university grades is approximately 10.50, which means that these tests account for about 25 percent of the variability in students’ gradepoint averages (i.e., variance accounted for 5 r2, or 0.50 3 0.50 5 0.25). Does this imply to you that admissions offices may be putting too much emphasis on standardized test scores? Why or why not?

We have seen that IQ tests measure intellectual performance rather than capacity and that a person’s IQ may vary considerably over time. Given these qualifications, it seems reasonable to ask whether IQ scores can tell anything very meaningful about the people who are tested. For example, does IQ predict future academic accomplishments? Is it in any way related to a person’s health, occupational status, or general life satisfaction? Let’s first consider the relationship between IQ and academic achievement.

IQ as a Predictor of Scholastic Achievement Because the original purpose of IQ testing was to estimate how well children would perform at school, it should come as no surprise that modern intelligence tests do predict academic achievement quite well (Duckworth, Quinn, & Tsukayama, 2012). The average correlation between children’s IQ scores and their current and future grades at school is about 0.50 to 0.66 (Duckworth & Seligman, 2006; Neisser et al., 1996). Children with high IQs not only tend to do better in school but also stay there longer; that is, they are less likely to drop out of high school and more likely than other high school graduates to attempt and complete university (Brody, 1997). NEL

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Some have argued that IQ tests predict scholastic performance because both measures depend on the abstract reasoning abilities that make up Spearman’s g, or general mental ability ( Jensen, 1998). However, critics of this viewpoint argue that both IQ tests and measures of scholastic achievement reflect knowledge and reasoning skills that are culturally valued (White, 2000). One line of evidence consistent with this viewpoint is that schooling, which largely reflects cultural values, actually improves IQ test performance (Ceci & Williams, 1997). How? Schooling is instrumental in transmitting factual knowledge pertinent to test questions, promoting memory strategies and categorization skills that are measured on IQ tests, and encouraging attitudes and behaviours (such as trying hard and working under pressure) that foster successful test-taking skills (Ceci, 1991; Huttenlocher, Levine, & Vevea, 1998). Viewed from this perspective, then, IQ tests could almost be considered tests of academic achievement (White, 2000). Finally, let’s keep in mind that the moderate correlations between IQ and scholastic performance are based on group trends and that the IQ score of any individual student may not accurately reflect his or her current or future academic accomplishments (Ackerman & Beier, 2012). Clearly, academic performance also depends very heavily on such factors as a student’s work habits, interests, and motivation to succeed (Lee, Lee, & Bong, 2014; Neisser et al., 1996). So even though IQ (and aptitude) tests predict academic achievement better than any other type of test, judgments about a student’s prospects for future success should never be based on a test score alone. Indeed, studies have consistently shown that the best single predictor of a student’s future grades is not an IQ or aptitude score but, rather, the grades the student has previously earned (Minton & Schneider, 1980).

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IQ as a Predictor of Health, Adjustment, and Life Satisfaction Are bright people any healthier, happier, or better adjusted than those of average or below-average intelligence? Let’s see what researchers have learned by considering the life outcomes of people at opposite ends of the IQ continuum: the intellectually gifted and those with intellectual disabilities. In 1922, Lewis Terman began a most interesting longitudinal study of more than 1500 Californian schoolchildren who had IQs of 140 or higher. The purpose of the project was to collect as much information as possible about the abilities and personal characteristics of these gifted children and to follow up on them every few years for the rest of their lives to see what they were accomplishing. It soon became clear that these children were exceptional in many respects other than intelligence. For example, they had learned to walk and talk much sooner than most toddlers, and their general health, as determined from physicians’ reports, was much better than average. The gifted children were rated by teachers as better adjusted emotionally and more morally mature than their less intelligent peers. And although they were no more popular, on average, than their classmates, the gifted children were quicker to take charge and assume positions of leadership. Taken together, these findings demolish the stereotype of child prodigies as frail, sickly youngsters who are socially inadequate and emotionally immature. Yet it is inappropriate to conclude that intellectually gifted children are immune to adjustSome gifted children as young as 11 or 12 thrive as college students, ment problems. particularly if they have the support and encouragement of their parents. NEL

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324 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

intellectual disability significant sub-average intellectual functioning associated with impairments in adaptive behaviour in everyday life.

What becomes of gifted children as adults? Most of Terman’s gifted sample remained remarkable in many respects. Fewer than 5 percent were rated as seriously maladjusted, and the incidence of problems such as ill health, alcoholism, and delinquent behaviour was only a fraction of that normally observed in the general population (Terman, 1954), although they were no less likely to divorce (Holahan & Sears, 1995). The occupational attainments of the gifted men were impressive. By middle age, 88 percent were working in professional or semiprofessional jobs. As a group, they had taken out more than 200 patents and written some 2000 scientific reports, 100 books, 375 plays or short stories, and more than 300 essays, sketches, magazine articles, and critiques. Due to the influence of gender-role expectations during the period covered by Terman’s study, most of the gifted women sacrificed career aspirations to raise families (Schuster, 1990; Tomlinson-Keasey & Little, 1990). However, research that examined later cohorts of gifted women showed these women pursued careers more vigorously and seemed to have a greater sense of well-being than did the gifted women in Terman’s study (Schuster, 1990; Subotnik, Karp, & Morgan, 1989). In short, most of Terman’s participants were well-adjusted people living happy, healthy, and highly productive lives. Nevertheless, approximately 15 percent of the sample were not particularly happy or successful as middle-aged adults (Shurkin, 1992; Terman, 1954). In their analysis of factors that predicted the paths these adults’ lives took over a 40-year period, Carolyn Tomlinson-Keasey and Todd Little (1990) found that the most well-adjusted and successful participants had highly educated parents who offered them lots of love and intellectual stimulation; the least successful of the group were likely to have experienced disruption of family ties due to their parents’ divorce and less social support and encouragement (see also Friedman et al., 1995). So a high IQ, by itself, does not guarantee health, happiness, or success. Even among a select sample of children with superior IQs, the quality of the home environment contributes substantially to future outcomes and accomplishments. What about the other end of the IQ continuum? Do individuals with intellectual disabilities have much hope of succeeding in life or achieving happiness? Although our stereotypes about intellectual disability might persuade us to say no, research suggests a very different conclusion. Recent Statistics Canada data (2012) show the prevalence of intellectual disabilities in the population was estimated at 6 cases per 1000. According to other estimates, about 0.87 to 3.6 percent of school-age children are classified as having an intellectual disability (Boat & Wu, 2015; Bradley, Thompson, & Bryson, 2002). As described in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), Intellectual disability (intellectual development disorder) is a disorder with onset during the developmental period that includes both intellectual and adaptive functioning deficits in conceptual, social, and practical domains. The following three criteria must be met: A. Deficits in intellectual functions such as reasoning, problem-solving, planning, abstract thinking, judgement, academic learning, and learning from experience, confirmed by both clinical and individualized, standardized intelligence testing. B. Deficits in adaptive functioning that result in failure to meet developmental socio-cultural standards for personal independence and social responsibility. Without ongoing support, the adaptive deficits limit functioning in one or more activities of daily life, such as communication, social participant, and independent living, across multiple environments, such as home, school, work, and community. C. Onset of intellectual and adaptive deficits during the developmental period.* (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders [DSM-5], p. 33, American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013). *

Reprinted with permission from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (Copyright © 2013). American Psychiatric Association. All Rights Reserved. NEL

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Individuals with intellectual disabilities differ greatly in their levels of severity, which is defined on the basis of the person’s adaptive functioning (mild, moderate, severe, and profound). Individuals with moderate to profound intellectual disability are often affected by organic factors—deficits caused by such identifiable causes as Down syndrome, diseases, or injuries. These individuals may require basic care throughout life, as found in sheltered living arrangements. Mild intellectual disabilities are more common and are associated with cultural–familial environments—deficits reflecting a combination of lower

CONCEPT CHECK

10.1

Understanding Theories of Intelligence and Intelligence Testing

Check your understanding of different perspectives on the meaning of intelligence, different approaches to intelligence testing, and what intelligence tests predict by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Matching: Match the following descriptions of theories of intelligence to the correct name for the theory below.

a. the triarchic theory b. the psychometric approach c. the theory of multiple intelligences 1. The theoretical perspective that portrays intelligence as a trait (or set of traits) on which individuals differ. 2. Gardner’s theory that humans display as many as nine distinct kinds of intelligence. 3. Sternberg’s theory that intelligence should be considered contextually, experientially, and in terms of information-processing components. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

4. How is the currently used deviation IQ determined? a. by comparing the child’s mental age to chronological age, IQ 5 MA/CA 3 100 b. by comparing the child’s performance to other children of his or her own age c. by comparing how much the child’s performance deviates from adult performance d. by subtracting missed items from 100 and dividing by the child’s chronological age 5. Joanna has been labelled as having a mild intellectual disability with an IQ of 65 and has experienced cultural–familial environments that negatively impact IQ. What can we most likely assume about Joanna? a. She has deficits caused by Down syndrome, disease, or injury. b. She will require basic institutional care throughout her life. c. She has deficits reflecting a combination of low genetic potential and an unstimulating rearing environment. d. She cannot attend to her basic self-care and social skills.

6. What type of predictors have infant development scales such as the Bayley Scales of Infant Development been found to be? a. poor predictors of later IQ, probably because IQ performance is such an unstable attribute b. good predictors of later IQ, probably because IQ is such a stable attribute c. good predictors of later IQ, probably because intelligence is so highly canalized d. poor predictors of later IQ, probably because infant tests and later IQ tests tap different abilities 7. Dr. Smahtee is a clinical psychologist who administers intelligence tests to children as one aspect of his professional work. His view of intelligence is consistent with the psychometric perspective of Cattell and Horn. On one test, he asks children to name as many of the provincial capitals as they can remember. With this test, which of the children’s intelligences does Dr. Smahtee assume he is testing? a. g, or general b. fluid c. crystallized d. motor Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

8. Wechsler developed his own intelligence tests because he was dissatisfied with the Stanford-Binet. What did he feel was the major problem with the Stanford-Binet? What is one advantage to having separate verbal and performance scales? 9. Assume that Desean, Jesse, and Chris have completed a standardized IQ test. Desean’s IQ score is 135, Jesse’s IQ score is 100, and Chris’s IQ score is 80. Explain the meaning of each of their scores Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following

question.

10. List the nine kinds of intelligence Gardner proposed in his theory of multiple intelligences, and identify the strengths associated with each type of intelligence.

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326 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

genetic potential and an unstimulating rearing environment (Simonoff, Bolton, & Rutter, 1996). Individuals with mild intellectual disability can learn both academic and practical skills at school, and they can often work and live independently or with occasional help as adults. Many individuals identified with a mild intellectual disability in school, and who do indeed have some difficulty mastering academic lessons, often “vanish” into the adult population after they leave school ( Joshi, Bouck, & Maeda, 2012). Apparently, they adapt to the demands of adult life, displaying a fair amount of the practical intelligence, or “street smarts,” that Sternberg (1997) talks about and that is not measured by standardized IQ tests. According to Ross and colleagues (1985, p. 149), “It does not take as many IQ points as most people believe to be productive . . . and self-fulfilled.”

Factors That Influence IQ Scores Why do people differ so dramatically in their IQ scores? In addressing this issue, we will briefly review the evidence for hereditary and environmental influences and then take a closer look at several important social and cultural correlates of intellectual performance.

The Evidence for Heredity In Chapter 3, we reviewed two major lines of evidence indicating that heredity affects intellectual performance and that about half the variation in IQ scores within a particular population of test takers is due to genetic differences among these individuals.

Twin Studies The intellectual resemblance between pairs of individuals living in the same home increases as a function of their kinship (i.e., genetic similarity). For example, the IQ correlation for identical twins, who inherit identical genes, is substantially higher than the IQ correlations for fraternal twins and nontwin siblings, who have only half their genes in common (Bower, 2003). However, in the case of identical and fraternal twins raised together, the influence of the home environment is relatively constant (Turkheimer, D’Onofrio, Maes, & Eaves, 2005). Adoption Studies Adopted children’s IQs are more highly correlated with the IQs of their biological parents than with those of their adoptive parents. This finding can be interpreted as evidence for a genetic influence on IQ, as adoptees share genes with their biological parents but not with their adoptive caregivers. We also learned in Chapter 3 that a person’s genotype may influence the type of environment that he or she is likely to experience. Indeed, Scarr and McCartney (1983) have proposed that people seek out environments that are compatible with their genetic predispositions, so that identical twins (who share identical genes) select and experience more similar environments than fraternal twins or nontwin siblings do. This is a major reason that identical twins resemble each other intellectually throughout life, whereas the intellectual resemblances between fraternal twins or nontwin siblings become progressively smaller over time (McCartney, Harris, & Bernieri, 1990). Do these observations imply that a person’s genotype determines his environment and exerts the primary influence on his intellectual development? No, they do not! A child who has a genetic predisposition to seek out intellectual challenges could hardly be expected to develop a high IQ if she is raised in a barren environment that offers few such challenges for her to meet. Alternatively, a child who does not gravitate toward intellectual activities might nevertheless obtain an average or above-average IQ if raised in a NEL

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

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stimulating environment that continually provides her with cognitive challenges that she must master. Let’s now take a closer look at how environment might influence intellectual performance.

The Evidence for Environment The evidence for environmental effects on intelligence comes from a variety of sources. For example, we learned in Chapter 3 that there is a small to moderate intellectual resemblance between pairs of genetically unrelated children who live in the same household—a resemblance that can be attributable only to their common rearing environment because they share no genes. Earlier in this chapter, we noted that children who remain in impoverished rearing environments show a progressive decline (or cumulative deficit) in IQ as they grow older, thus implying that economic disadvantage inhibits intellectual growth. Might we then promote intellectual development and improve children’s IQs by enriching the environments in which they live? Indeed we can, and at least two lines of evidence tell us so.

Flynn effect systematic increase in IQ scores observed over the 20th century.

A Secular Trend: The Flynn Effect On average, IQs in all countries studied increased about 3 points per decade since 1940, a phenomenon called the Flynn effect after its discoverer, James Flynn (1987, 1996; Howard, 2005; Teasdale & Owen, 2005). An increase this large that occurs this quickly cannot be due to evolution and must therefore have environmental causes. So what might be responsible for improving IQ scores? Worldwide improvements in education could increase IQs in three ways: helping people to become more testwise, more knowledgeable in general, and more likely to rely on sophisticated problem-solving strategies (Flieller, 1999; Flynn, 1996). Yet improved education is probably not the sole contributor, because the Flynn effect is much clearer on measures of fluid intelligence, even though one might expect crystallized intelligence to benefit most from educational enrichment. Improvements in nutrition and health care are two other potent environmental factors that many believe to have contributed to improved intellectual performance by helping to optimize the development of growing brains and nervous systems (Flynn, 1996; Flieller, 1999). Despite a series of research studies showing historical increases in IQ, recent studies have shown secular IQ losses. These studies suggest that changes in IQ are a result of complex factors and simply viewing changes in diet, education, and other single factors may not be enough to fully explain patterns of change in IQ (Teasdale & Owen, 2008; Woodley, Peñaherrera-Aguirre, Fernandes, & Figueredo, 2017). Adoption Studies Some investigators have charted the intellectual growth of adopted children who left disadvantaged family backgrounds and were placed with highly educated adoptive parents (Scarr & Weinberg, 1983; Skodak & Skeels, 1949). By the time these adoptees were 4 to 7 years old, they were scoring well above average on standardized IQ tests (about 110 in Scarr and Weinberg’s study and 112 in Skodak and Skeels’s). Interestingly, the IQ scores of these adoptees were still correlated with the IQs of their biological mothers, thus reflecting the influence of heredity on intellectual performance. Yet the actual IQs these adoptees attained were considerably higher (by 10 to 20 points) than one would expect on the basis of the IQ and educational levels of their biological parents (Turkheimer, Haley, Waldron, D’Onofrio, & Gottesman, 2003). Furthermore, the adoptees’ levels of academic achievement remained slightly above the national norm well into adolescence (Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992; Waldman, Weinberg, & Scarr, 1994). So the phenotype that one displays on a genetically influenced attribute like intelligence is clearly influenced by one’s environment. Because the adopting

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328 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

parents in these studies were themselves highly educated and above average in intelligence, it seems reasonable to assume that they were providing enriched, intellectually stimulating home environments that fostered the cognitive development of their adopted children.

Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance Environment is truly a powerful force that can promote or inhibit intellectual growth. Yet our use of the term environment here is very global, and the evidence that we have reviewed does not really tell us which of the many life experiences that children have are most likely to affect their intellectual development. In the next section, we will look more closely at environmental influences and see that a child’s performance on IQ tests depends to some extent on parental attitudes and child-rearing practices, the structure and socioeconomic status of the family, and even the sociocultural group to which the family belongs.

Home Environment and IQ Earlier, we implied that the quality or characteristics of the home environment may play an important role in determining children’s intellectual performance and eventual life outcomes. Over 25 years ago, Arnold Sameroff and his colleagues (Sameroff et al., 1993) listed 10 environmental factors that place children at risk of displaying low IQ scores, nine of which were characteristics of children’s homes and families (or family members). These researchers measured each of the IQ risk factors shown in Table 10.4 at age 4 and again when the children in their sample were 13 years old. Each of these “risk factors” was related to IQ at age 4, and most of them also predicted IQ at age 13. In addition, the greater the number of these risk factors affecting a child, the lower his or her IQ; which particular risk factors a child experienced were less important than how many he or she experienced. Also, many of the factors listed likely interact, resulting in complex effects. It is clearly not conducive to intellectual development to grow up in an economically disadvantaged home with highly stressed or poorly educated parents who provide low levels of intellectual stimulation.

TABLE 10.4

Ten Environmental Risk Factors Associated with Low IQ and Mean IQs at Age 4 of Children Who Did or Did Not Experience Each Risk Factor Mean IQ at Age 4 Child Experienced Risk Factor

Child Did Not Experience Risk Factor

Child is member of minority group

Risk Factor

90

110

Head of household is unemployed or low-skilled worker

90

108

Mother did not complete high school

92

109

Family has four or more children

94

105

Father is absent from family

95

106

Family experienced many stressful life events

97

105

Parents have rigid child-rearing values

92

107

Mother is highly anxious or distressed

97

107

Mother has poor mental health or diagnosed disorder

99

107

Mother shows little positive affect toward child

88

107

Source: Data and descriptions compiled from “Stability of Intelligence from Preschool to Adolescence: The Influence of Social and Family Risk Factors,” by A.J. Sameroff, R. Seifer, A. Bladwin, and C. Baldwin, 1993, Child Development, 64, pp. 80–97. NEL

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

HOME inventory a measure of the amount and type of intellectual stimulation provided by a child’s home environment.

329

Assessing the Character of the Home Environment Exactly how do parents influence a child’s intellectual development? In an attempt to find out, Bettye Caldwell and Robert Bradley (1984) developed a widely used instrument, called the HOME inventory (Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment), that allows an interviewer/observer to visit an infant, preschooler, or school-age child at home and determine how intellectually stimulating (or impoverished) that home environment is. The infant version of the HOME inventory, for example, consists of 45 statements, each of which is scored yes (the statement is true of this family) or no (the statement is not true of this family). To gather the information necessary to complete the inventory, the researcher (1) asks the child’s parent (usually the mother) to describe her daily routine and childrearing practices, (2) carefully observes the parent as she interacts with her child, and (3) notes the kinds of play materials that the parent makes available to the child. The 45 bits of information collected are then grouped into the six subscales in Table 10.5. The home then receives a score on each subscale. The higher the scores across all six subscales, the more intellectually stimulating the home environment. An intervention program for low-socioeconomic-status parents of 1- to 2-year-old children was related to long-term improvements on the HOME scores (Hutchings, Griffith, Bywater, & Williams, 2016).

TABLE 10.5

Subscales and Sample Items for the HOME Inventory (Infant Version)

Subscale 1: Emotional and verbal responsivity of parent (11 items) Sample items: ●

Parent responds verbally to child’s vocalizations or verbalizations

●

Parent’s speech is distinct, clear, and audible

●

Parent caresses or kisses child at least once

Subscale 2: Avoidance of restriction and punishment (8 items) Sample items: ●

Parent neither slaps nor spanks child during visit

●

Parent does not scold or criticize child during visit

●

Parent does not interfere with or restrict child more than three times during visit

Subscale 3: Organization of physical and temporal environment (6 items) Sample items: ●

Child gets out of house at least four times a week

●

Child’s play environment is safe

Subscale 4: Provision of appropriate play materials (9 items) Sample items: ●

Child has a push or pull toy

●

Parent provides learning facilitators appropriate to age: mobile, table and chairs, highchair, playpen, and so on

●

Parent provides toys for child to play with during visit

Subscale 5: Parental involvement with child (6 items) Sample items: ●

Parent talks to child while doing household work

●

Parent structures child’s play periods

Subscale 6: Opportunities for variety in daily stimulation (5 items) Sample items: ●

Father provides some care daily

●

Child has three or more books of his or her own

Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science and Technology Journals, adapted from the Manual for the HOME Observation for Measurement of the Environment, by B. M. Caldwell & R. H. Bradley, 1984, University of Arkansas. Copyright © 1984; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. NEL

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330 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Does the HOME Inventory Predict IQ? Research conducted in the United States consistently indicates that the scores that families obtain on the HOME inventory do predict the intellectual performances of toddlers, preschoolers, and elementary-school-aged children, regardless of their social class or ethnic backgrounds (Gottfried, Fleming, & Gottfried, 1998; Jackson, Brooks-Gunn, Hwang, & Glassman, 2000; Luster & Dubow, 1992; Espy, Molfese, & DiLalla, 2001). Similar results have been obtained in Canada (Pougnet, Serbin, Stack, & Schwartzman, 2011) and other cultures. For example, when the HOME inventory was used to assess infants and their families in Costa Rica, the measure provided modest predictive power for the infants’ IQ (measured by the WPPSI) when they were 5 years old (Lozoff et al., 1995). However, the HOME inventory did not predict performance on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development. Furthermore, among American samples, gains in IQ from age 1 to age 3 are likely to occur among children from stimulating homes. On the other hand, children from families with low HOME scores often experience 10- to 20-point declines in IQ over the same period—much as the cumulative-deficit hypothesis would predict (Bradley et al., 1989). Which Aspects of the Home Environment Matter Most? Although all of the HOME subscales are moderately correlated with children’s IQ scores, some are better predictors of intellectual performance than others. During infancy, HOME subscales measuring parental involvement with the child, provision of age-appropriate play materials, and opportunities for variety in daily stimulation are the best predictors of children’s later IQs and scholastic achievement (Bradley, Caldwell, & Rock, 1988; Gottfried et al., 1994). And preschool measures of parental warmth and stimulation of language and academic behaviours are also closely associated with children’s future intellectual performances (Bradley & Caldwell, 1982; Bradley et al., 1988). What these findings imply, then, is that an intellectually stimulating home is one in which parents are warm, verbally engaging, and eager to be involved with their child (Fagot & Gauvain, 1997; Hart & Risley, 1995; Hutchings et al., 2016; MacPhee, Ramey, & Yeates, 1984). These parents describe new objects, concepts, and experiences clearly and accurately, and they provide the child with a variety of challenges that are appropriate for her age or developmental level. They encourage the child to ask questions, solve problems, and think about what she is learning. As the child matures and enters school, they stress the importance of academic achievement and expect her to get good grades (Luster & Dubow, 1992). When you stop and think about it, it is not at all surprising that children from these “enriched” home settings often have higher IQs; after all, their parents are obviously concerned about their cognitive development and have spent several years encouraging them to acquire new information and to practise many of the cognitive skills that are measured on intelligence tests. A Hidden Genetic Effect? It turns out that brighter parents are likely to provide more intellectually stimulating home environments (Coon, Fulker, DeFries, & Plomin, 1990). Could the correlation between the quality of the home environment and children’s IQ scores simply reflect the fact that bright parents transmit genes for high intelligence to their children? There is some support for this idea in that correlations between HOME scores and IQ scores are higher for biological children, who share genes with their parents, than for adopted children, who are genetically unrelated to other members of their family (Braungart et al., 1992). So does the quality of the home environment have any effect on children’s intellectual development that does not reflect the influence of genes? The answer is yes, and two lines of evidence tell us so. First, adopted children’s IQ scores rise considerably when they are moved from less stimulating to more stimulating homes (Turkheimer, 1991). Clearly, this change in IQ has to be an environmental NEL

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effect because adoptees share no genes with their adoptive parents. Equally revealing are the results of a longitudinal study of 112 mothers and their 2- to 4-year-old children conducted by Keith Yeates and his associates (Yeates, MacPhee, Campbell, & Ramey, 1983). These investigators measured the mothers’ IQs, the IQ of each child at age 2, 3, and 4, and the quality of the families’ home environments (as assessed by the HOME inventory). The best predictor of a child’s IQ at age 2 was the mother’s IQ, just as a genetic hypothesis would suggest. But the picture had changed by the time children Orderly home environments in which family members are warm, responsive, and eager to be involved were 4; now the quality of the with one another are precisely the kind of setting that promotes children’s intellectual development. home environment was a strong predictor of children’s IQs, even after the influence of mothers’ IQs was taken into account. So it appears that the quality of the home environment is truly an important contributor to a child’s intellectual development that becomes more apparent later in the preschool period, when IQ becomes a more stable attribute (Sameroff et al., 1993; Yeates et al., 1983). However, let’s also note that the relationship between HOME scores and children’s IQs does decline somewhat during the elementary school years (Luster & Dubow, 1992), probably because older children are away from home more often and are exposed (or expose themselves) to other people, such as coaches, teachers, and peers, and experiences outside the family, such as school and extracurricular activities, that also influence their intellectual development (Bjorklund, 2000; Morrison & Connor, 2002).

Social Class, Culture, Race, and Ethnic Differences in IQ One of the most reliable findings in the intelligence literature is a social class effect: socioeconomic status influences brain development, which in turn is related to cognitive development and to scores on standardized IQ tests (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Hackman & Farah, 2009). Infants are apparently the only exception to this rule, as there are no reliable social class differences on infant information-processing measures of habituation and preference for novelty that predict later IQ scores (McCall & Carriger, 1993) or in the developmental quotients (DQs) that infants obtain on infant “intelligence” tests (Golden, Birns, Bridger, & Moss, 1971). Traditionally, variations have also been found when comparisons are made on the basis of culture and ethnicity. Before we try to interpret social class, cultural, and ethnic variations, an important truth is worth stating here—one that is often overlooked when people discover that Asian children typically outperform their black or white classmates, or that white children outperform their black classmates on IQ tests. The fact is that we cannot predict anything about the IQ or the future accomplishments of an individual on the basis of his or her culture, ethnicity, or skin colour. As we see in Figure 10.6, the IQ distributions for samples of African Americans and white Americans overlap NEL

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332 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Whites scoring below the African American IQ mean African Americans scoring above the white IQ mean

Mean African American IQ = 93

Mean white IQ = 105

Figure 10.6 Approximate distributions of IQ scores for African American and white children reared by their biological parents. Source: Based on Intelligence, 2nd ed., by N. Brody, 1990. San Diego: Academic Press; and “Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns,” by U. Neisser, et al., 1996, American Psychologist, 51, pp. 77–101.

considerably. So, even though the average IQ scores of African Americans are typically somewhat lower than those of white Americans, the overlapping distributions mean that many African American children obtain higher IQ scores than many white children. In fact, approximately 15 to 25 percent of the African American population score higher—in many cases, substantially higher—than most of the white population. The impact of socioeconomic status on differences in intelligence test performance was examined for children representing the three major ethnic groups in the United States (Weiss, Saklofske, Prifitera, & Holdnack, 2006). This research supported the view that intelligence is somewhat malleable and can be significantly impacted by environmental opportunities. Specifically, at first glance, there appeared to be fairly large differences in measured intelligence between the three ethnic groups in the study. However, parents’ education and income, which are often used as indicators of socioeconomic status, accounted for much of the variation in the children’s intelligence test scores. Also, parents’ expectations for their children’s education were a significant factor in explaining the variability in intelligence test scores across ethnic groups. The researchers concluded that “while low-SES [socioeconomic status] environments place children at risk for cognitive delay and many other health factors, the negative cognitive effects of low SES can be mitigated by the expectations that parents have for their children’s success, how they interact with their children in the home with regard to providing language and cognitive stimulation, reading to children, monitoring schoolwork and learning, and more” (Weiss et al., 2006; see also Gottfredson & Saklofske, 2010).

Why Do Groups Differ in Intellectual Performance? Over the years, developmentalists have proposed three general hypotheses to account for racial, ethnic, and social class differences in IQ: (1) a cultural/test bias hypothesis that standardized IQ tests and the ways they are administered are geared toward white, middle-class cultural experiences and seriously underestimate the intellectual capabilities of economically disadvantaged children, especially those from minority subcultures; (2) a genetic hypothesis that group differences in IQ are hereditary; and (3) an environmental hypothesis that the groups scoring lower in IQ come from intellectually impoverished backgrounds—that is, neighbourhoods and home environments that are not very conducive to intellectual growth. NEL

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

cultural/test bias hypothesis the notion that IQ tests and testing procedures have a built-in middleclass bias that explains the substandard performance of children from lower-class and minority subcultures.

culture-fair tests intelligence tests constructed to minimize any irrelevant cultural biases in test content that could influence test performance.

A5

1

2

3

4

5

6

Figure 10.7 An item similar to those that appear in the Raven Progressive Matrices Test.

333

The Cultural/Test Bias Hypothesis Those who favour the cultural/test bias hypothesis believe that group differences in IQ are an artifact of our tests and testing procedures (Helms, 1992; Helms-Lorenz, Van de Vijver, & Poortinga, 2003; Resing, 2001; White, 2000). To illustrate, they point out that IQ tests currently in use were designed to measure cognitive skills (e.g., assembling puzzles) and general information (e.g., “What is a 747?”) that white, middle-class children are more likely to have acquired. They note that subtests measuring vocabulary and word usage may be harder for immigrant children and other cultural and minority groups, who often do not speak English at home or who speak a different English dialect from that of the white middle class. Also, as we discussed earlier, language is an important cultural obstacle that must be taken into account when interpreting the validity of IQ tests. Even the way language is used varies across ethnic groups. For example, white parents ask a lot of “knowledge-training” questions (“What does a doggie say?” “Where do the Inuit live?”) that require brief answers and are similar to the kinds of questions asked on IQ tests. By contrast, African American parents are more inclined to ask real questions (e.g., “Why didn’t you come right home after school?”) that the parents may not know the answer to—questions that often require elaborate, story-type responses that are quite unlike those called for at school or when taking an IQ test (Heath, 1989). So if IQ tests assess proficiency in the white culture, as many critics contend, minority children are bound to appear deficient (Fagan, 2000; Helms, 1992; Van de Vijver & Tanzer, 2004). Does Test Bias Explain Group Differences in IQ. Several attempts have been made to construct culture-fair tests of IQ that do not require verbal responses and are designed to avoid disadvantage for poor people or those from minority subcultures (Fagan, 2000). For example, the Raven Progressive Matrices Test requires the examinee to scan a series of abstract designs, each of which has a missing section. The examinee’s task is to complete each design by selecting the appropriate section from a number of alternatives (see Figure 10.7). These problems are assumed to be equally familiar (or unfamiliar) to people from all ethnic groups and social classes, there is no time limit on the test, and the instructions are very simple. Nevertheless, some of these nonverbal tasks benefit from exposure to visual puzzles, which might be influenced by group membership. Therefore, middle-class white children continue to outperform their lower-income and/ or ethnically or culturally diverse age-mates on these “culture-fair” measures of intelligence ( Jensen, 1980). Taken together, these findings imply that group differences in IQ scores are not solely attributable to biases in the content of our tests or the dialect in which they are administered, but another possibility remains.

Motivational Factors Critics have argued that many minority children are not inclined to do their best in formal testing situations (Dweck, 2002; Moore, 1986; Ogbu, 1994; Steele, 1997). They may be wary of unfamiliar examiners (most of whom are white) or strange testing procedures, and they may see little point in trying to do well and often appear more interested in answering quickly (rather than correctly) to get the unpleasant testing experience over with (Boykin, 1994; Moore, 1986). Changes in testing procedures to make minority examinees more comfortable and less threatened can make a big difference. When minority children are allowed to warm up to a “friendly” examiner who is patient and supportive, they score several points higher on IQ tests than they normally would when tested in the traditional way by a strange examiner (Kaufman, Kamphaus, & Kaufman, 1985; Zigler, Abelson, Trickett, & Seitz, 1982). Even some minority youngsters from middle-class homes may benefit from these procedural changes because they are often much less comfortable in testing situations than middle-class whites are (Moore, 1986). Additionally, profiles of relative strengths or weaknesses in verbal and nonverbal reasoning vary across and within groups (Lohman, 2005).

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334 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

stereotype threat when people’s behaviour is influenced by a desire to contradict the stereotypes they believe may be applied to them.

genetic hypothesis the notion that group differences in IQ are hereditary. Level I abilities Jensen’s term for lower-level intellectual abilities (such as attention and short-term memory) that are important for simple association learning. Level II abilities Jensen’s term for higher-level cognitive skills that are involved in abstract reasoning and problem solving.

Impacts of Negative Stereotypes. John Ogbu (1994) believes that negative stereotypes about their intellectual abilities may cause some minority youngsters to feel that their life outcomes will be restricted by prejudice and discrimination. Consequently, they may come to reject certain behaviours sanctioned by the majority culture, such as excelling in school or on tests, as less relevant to them or as “acting white.” Steele and Aronson (1995) proposed that people’s behaviour is often influenced by a desire to contradict the stereotypes they believe may be applied to them. This phenomenon is called stereotype threat. In a series of research studies, Steele and his associates (Aronson et al., 1999; Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999; Steele & Aronson, 1995, 2004) demonstrated that people do worry about negative stereotypes and that this negatively impacts their performance on tests. This kind of worry and poorer performance as a result may be another source of bias in IQ testing.

The Genetic Hypothesis Controversy surrounding the causes of racial and ethnic differences in IQ scores was fuelled by the publication of Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s book The Bell Curve in 1994. These authors argued that ethnic differences in average IQ scores were largely the result of genetic differences between the ethnicities (Rowe & Rodgers, 2005). Many Canadian researchers disagreed with the work of Herrnstein and Murray. In fact, a special issue of one Canadian journal was devoted to examining the flaws in the work on philosophical (Barrow, 1995), statistical (Krishnan, 1995), educational (Kirby, 1995), and logical grounds (Bateson, 1995; Siegel, 1995). Some of these arguments are outlined below. Historical work by Arthur Jensen (1985, 1998) agrees with the genetic hypothesis. He claims that there are two broad classes of intellectual abilities that are equally heritable among different racial and ethnic groups. Level I abilities include attentional processes, short-term memory, and associative skills—abilities that are important for simple kinds of rote learning. Level II abilities allow us to reason abstractly and to manipulate words and symbols to form concepts and solve problems. According to Jensen, Level II abilities are highly correlated with school achievement whereas Level I abilities are not. Of course, it is predominantly Level II abilities that are measured on IQ tests.

Poor soil Seed

Between-group differences (cause: the soils in which the plants were grown) Fertile soil

Within-group differences (cause: genetic variation in the seeds)

Figure 10.8 Within-group differences do not necessarily imply anything about between-group differences. Here we see that the difference in the heights of the plants within each field reflect the genetic variation in the seeds that were planted there, whereas the difference in the average heights of the plants across the fields is attributable to an environmental factor: the soils in which they were grown. Source: Adapted from Psychology, Third Edition by Henry Gleitman. Copyright © 1991, 1986, 1981 by W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. Used by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.

Criticisms of the Genetic Hypothesis. Although Jensen’s arguments may sound convincing, the evidence that heredity contributes to within-group differences in intelligence says nothing at all about between-group differences in intelligence. Richard Lewontin (1976) makes this point quite clearly with an analogy. Suppose that corn seeds with different genetic makeups are randomly drawn from a bag and planted in two fields—one that is barren and one that has fertile soil. Because all plants within each field were grown in the same soil, their differences in height would have to be due to differences in genetic makeup. But if the plants grown in the fertile soil are taller, on average, than those grown in the barren soil (see Figure 10.8), this between-field difference is almost certainly due to environment— the quality of soil in which the plants grew. Similarly, even though genes partially explain individual differences in IQ within ethnic groups, the average difference in IQ between two ethnicities may represent nothing more than differences in the environments they typically experience (Brooks-Gunn, Klebanov, Smith, Duncan, & Kyungee, 2003; Rowe & Rodgers, 2005). Data available on mixed-race children also fail to support the genetic hypothesis. Eyferth (as cited in Loehlin, Lindzey, & Spuhler, 1975) obtained the IQ scores of German children fathered by African American soldiers and compared these mixed-race children NEL

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to a group of German children fathered by white American soldiers. Clearly, the mixedrace group should have scored lower than their white age-mates if their African American fathers had had fewer IQ-enhancing genes to pass along to them. However, Eyferth found that these two groups of children did not differ in IQ. Similarly, extremely bright African American children have no higher percentage of white ancestors than is typical of the African American population as a whole (Scarr, Pakstis, Katz, & Barker, 1977). Current examinations of the role of genetics in intelligence are based on evidence from studies mapping the human genome. Research has shown that childhood intelligence is heritable (40–50 percent) but that this heritability is related to multiple genes across the genome (Benyamin et al., 2014; Davies, 2011). These new findings suggest complex relationships between genetics and intelligence. Additionally, recent research using DNA to examine the racial makeup of a large sample of people determined that self-classification and visible differences did not fully capture the racial genetic makeup of the sample, with many people who visibly appear to belong to one group or another actually being multiracial (Bryc, Durand, Macpherson, & Reich, 2015). So even though IQ is a genetically influenced attribute within all ethnic groups, conclusions drawn in The Bell Curve are badly overstated. Simply stated, there is no evidence to conclusively demonstrate that group differences in IQ are genetically determined (Neisser et al., 1996).

environmental hypothesis the notion that groups differ in IQ because the environments in which they are raised are not equally conducive to intellectual growth.

The Environmental Hypothesis A third explanation for group differences in IQ is the environmental hypothesis—that poor people and members of various minority groups tend to grow up in environments that are much less conducive to intellectual development than those experienced by members of the middle class regardless of ethnicity. Developmentalists have carefully considered how a low-income or poverty-stricken lifestyle is likely to influence a family’s children, and several of these findings bear directly on the issue of children’s intellectual development (Bradley, Burchinal, & Casey, 2001; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Espy et al., 2001; Garrett, Ng’andu, & Ferron, 1994; Hertzman & Boyce, 2010; McLoyd, 1998). Consider, for example, that a family’s poverty status and lack of adequate income may mean that many children from low-income families are undernourished, which may inhibit brain growth and make them listless and inattentive (Pollitt, 1994). Furthermore, economic hardship creates psychological distress—a strong dissatisfaction with life’s conditions that makes lower-income adults edgy and irritable or depressed, which reduces their capacity to be sensitive, supportive, and highly involved in their children’s learning activities (Cycyk, Bitetti, & Hammer, 2015; McLoyd, 1990, 1998). Finally, low-income parents are often poorly educated themselves and may have neither the knowledge nor the money to provide their children with ageappropriate books, toys, or other experiences that contribute to an intellectually stimulating home environment (Klebanov, Brooks-Gunn, McCarton, & McCormick, 1998; Sellers, Burns, & Guyrke, 2002). Scores on the HOME inventory are consistently lower in low-income than in middle-class homes (Bradley et al., 1989; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000), and children who have always lived in poverty and whose parents have the fewest financial resources are the ones who experience the least stimulating home environments (Garrett et al., 1994). Yet when low-socioeconomic-status parents do provide more stimulating home environments—that is, strong encouragement for learning and many challenges to master—their children perform much better on IQ tests and later show as much intrinsic interest in scholastic achievement as do middle-class children (Bradley et al., 2001; DeGarmo, Forgatch, & Martinez, 1999; Espy et al., 2001; Gottfried et al., 1998; Klebanov et al., 1998). So there are ample reasons for suspecting that social class differences in intellectual performance are largely environmental in origin. Carefully conducted transracial adoption studies lead to a similar conclusion. Sandra Scarr and Richard Weinberg (1983; Waldman et al., 1994; Weinberg et al., 1992) have studied more than 100 African American (or mixed-ethnicity) children who were adopted

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336 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

by white, middle-class families. The adoptive parents were well above average in IQ and highly educated, and many had biological children of their own. Although Scarr and Weinberg found that the childhood IQs of the adoptees were about 6 points lower than the IQs of the white offspring of these same families, this small racial difference seems rather insignificant when we look at the absolute performance of the transracial adoptees. As a group, the African American adoptees obtained an average IQ of 106—6 points above the average for the population as a whole and 15 to 20 points above comparable children who were raised in low-income communities. Ten years later, the average IQs of the transracial adoptees had declined somewhat (average 5 97), although direct comparisons may be misleading because the IQ test used in the follow-up was different from the one administered in childhood. Scarr and Weinberg (1983) concluded that the high IQ scores for the black and interracial [adoptees] . . . mean that (a) genetic differences do not account for a major portion of the IQ performance difference between racial groups, and (b) African American and interracial children reared in the [middle-class] culture of the tests and the schools perform as well as other . . . children in similar families (p. 261, italics added)

CONCEPT CHECK

10.2

Understanding Factors That Influence IQ Scores

Check your understanding of factors that influence IQ scores and the social and cultural correlates of intellectual performance by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. The higher correlation of IQ for identical than for fraternal twins is typically interpreted as evidence for the influence of which of the following? a. heredity in intellectual performance b. environment in intellectual performance c. general sibling relationships in intellectual performance d. special bonding between identical twins in intellectual performance 2. Evidence of genetic factors related to intelligence show a. one gene that matches with “g.” b. a gene for each of the multiple intelligences. c. that intelligence is heritable and related to multiple genes. d. that intelligence is not heritable. 3. The Flynn effect refers to which of the following long-term trends? a. Later generations have become less religious. b. Hereditary influences have become stronger. c. IQs rose in the entire population. d. Evolution has expanded the brain’s performance. 4. Professor Ollin is trying to design a test free of cultural bias. She should a. use only items from the dominant/official language of the country. b. use only nonverbal puzzle tasks.

c. use tests that challenge stereotypes. d. be aware of all the different factors that can result in cultural and ethnic biases. 5. Intellectually stimulating parents are unlikely to do which of the following when interacting with their children? a. emphasize the importance of academic achievement b. describe what is happening near or around the child c. encourage rote memorization d. encourage the child to ask questions True or False: Identify whether the following statements are

true or false.

6. (T) (F) One of the three major hypotheses that has been offered to explain ethnic/social class differences in IQ is the disease/general health hypothesis. 7. (T) (F) The motivational factor in IQ testing refers to how hard a child works to excel during the test. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

8. Explain what is meant by the Flynn effect and discuss some potential reasons for this effect. 9. List three general hypotheses that have been proposed to account for group differences in intellectual performance, and briefly describe the basic premise of each of these hypotheses. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following

question.

10. Identify the six subscales of the HOME inventory and provide an illustrative example of items from each subscale.

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It is important to note that Scarr and her associates are not suggesting that white parents are better parents or that disadvantaged children would be better off if they were routinely placed in middle-class homes. In fact, they caution that debates about who might make better parents only distract us from the more important message of the transracial adoption study—namely, that much of the intellectual and academic discrepancies that have been attributed to race or ethnicity may largely reflect ethnic differences in socioeconomic status. What’s more, Charlotte Patterson and her associates (Patterson, Kupersmidt, & Vaden, 1990) found that variation in socioeconomic status is a better predictor of the academic competencies of black and white schoolchildren than ethnicity is (see also Greenberg et al., 1999). Finally, research suggests that almost all of the differences in IQ test performance between black and white preschool children reflect differences in the social and economic environments in which these children are raised.

Improving Cognitive Performance through Compensatory Education compensatory interventions special educational programs designed to further the cognitive growth and scholastic achievements of disadvantaged children.

Head Start a large-scale preschool educational program designed to provide children from low-income families with a variety of social and intellectual experiences that might better prepare them for school.

A variety of preschool education programs have been created to enrich the learning experiences of economically disadvantaged children. Project Head Start is perhaps the best known of these compensatory interventions. This program originated in the United States, but there are several Canadian applications. For example, in 1995, the federal government provided funding for two Indigenous early education initiatives: a fouryear pilot project called Aboriginal Head Start and the First Nations/Inuit Child Care Initiative (Friendly, Beach, & Turiano, 2002). Both projects supported many of the same objectives defined by the original Head Start program (Health Canada, Childhood and Youth Division, 2001) and extended this mandate to encourage “positive Aboriginal selfidentity” and participation of parents and the community in children’s development (Holland Stairs & Bernhard, 2002, p. 310). The Aboriginal Head Start program provides “culturally appropriate and holistic early childhood education programming for Indigenous children” (Office of Audit and Evaluation, Health Canada and Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017, p. 47; also see Nguyen, 2011). The success of these programs is evidenced in ongoing funding and expansion. For example, since its initiation, 134 Aboriginal Head Start programs have been established, reaching 4600 to 4800 children annually (Government of Canada, 2017). The original goal of Head Start and similar programs was to provide disadvantaged children with the kinds of educational experiences that their middle-class peers were presumably getting in their homes and nursery school classrooms. It was hoped that these early interventions would compensate for the disadvantages that these children might have already experienced and place them on a roughly equal footing with their middle-class peers by the time they entered Grade 1. The earliest reports suggested that Head Start and comparable programs were a smashing success. Program participants were posting an average gain of about 10 points on IQ tests, whereas the IQs of nonparticipants from similar social backgrounds remained unchanged. However, this initial optimism soon began to wane. When program participants were reexamined after completing a year or two of elementary school, the gains they had made on IQ tests had largely disappeared (Gray & Klaus, 1970). In other words, few if any lasting intellectual benefits seemed to be associated with these interventions, thus prompting Arthur Jensen to conclude that “compensatory education has been tried and it apparently has failed” (1969, p. 2). However, many developmentalists were reluctant to accept this conclusion. They felt that it was shortsighted to put so much emphasis on IQ scores as an index of program effectiveness. After all, the ultimate goal of compensatory education is not so much to boost IQ as to improve children’s academic performance. Others have argued that the impact of these early interventions might be cumulative, so it may be several years before the full benefits of compensatory education are apparent.

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Long-Term Follow-Ups As it turns out, Jensen’s critics may have been right on both counts. In 1982, Irving Lazar and Richard Darlington reported on the long-term effects of 11 high-quality, universitybased early intervention programs initiated during the 1960s. The program participants were disadvantaged preschool children. At regular intervals throughout the elementary school years, the investigators examined the participants’ scholastic records and administered IQ and achievement tests. The participants and their mothers were also interviewed to determine the children’s feelings of self-worth, attitudes about school and scholastic achievement, and vocational aspirations, as well as mothers’ aspirations for their children and their feelings about their children’s progress at school. Other longitudinal follow-ups of these or similar high-quality interventions have been conducted since 1982 (Barnett, 1995; Berrueta-Clement, Schweinhart, Barnett, Epstein, & Weikart, 1984; Darlington, 1991). Together, these longitudinal studies suggest that program participants score higher in IQ than nonparticipants for two to three years after the interventions are over but that their IQ scores eventually decline. Did the program fail, then? No indeed! Children who participated in the interventions were much more likely to meet their school’s basic requirements than nonparticipants were. They were less likely to be assigned to special education classes or to be retained in a grade, and they were more likely than nonparticipants to complete high school. Program participants had more positive attitudes about school and (later) about job-related successes than nonparticipants did, and their mothers were more satisfied with their academic performances and held higher occupational aspirations for them as well. There was even some evidence that teenagers who had participated in these high-quality interventions earlier in life were less likely to become pregnant or to be involved in delinquent activities and were more likely to be employed than were nonparticipants (Bainbridge, Meyers, Tanaka, & Waldfogel, 2005; Barnett & Hudstedt, 2005; Gormley, 2005). Can we expect to do better than this in the future? Many believe that we can if compensatory education begins earlier in life and lasts longer, and ways are found to help parents become more involved in their children’s learning activities (Anderson, 2005; Anthony et al., 2005; Foster, Lambert, Abbott-Shim, McCarty, & Franze, 2005; Ou, 2005; Ramey & Ramey, 1998; Shears & Robinson, 2005). The Aboriginal Head Start program, for example, is explicit in its inclusion of parents, extended family and the community in providing education for children, as well as advocates for programs that are culturally sensitive and appropriate (Holland Stairs & Bernhard, 2002; Nguyen, 2011).

The Importance of Parental Involvement

two-generation interventions interventions that aim both to stimulate children’s intellectual development through preschool daycare and school and to assist parents to move out of poverty.

Comparisons of the impact of early intervention programs suggest that the most effective ones almost always involve parents in one way or another (Downer & Mendez, 2005; Love et al., 2005; Ou, 2005; Raikes, Summers, & Roggman, 2005). For example, Joan Sprigle and Lyn Schaefer (1985) evaluated the long-term benefits of two preschool interventions, Head Start and Learning to Learn (LTL), a program that educated parents about its goals, provided them with informational updates about their children’s progress, and repeatedly emphasized that a partnership between home and school was necessary to ensure the program’s success. When the disadvantaged students who participated in these interventions were later observed in Grades 4, 5, and 6, the outcomes consistently favoured the LTL program, in which parents had been heavily involved. Although LTL students did not necessarily outperform those from Head Start on IQ tests, they were making better grades in basic academic subjects (such as reading) and were less likely to have failed a grade or to have been placed in costly special education classes for children with learning disabilities. Other investigators favour two-generation interventions that not only provide children with high-quality preschool education, but also provide disadvantaged parents with social support and the educational and vocational training they need to lift themselves NEL

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out of poverty (Benzies et al, 2013; Duch, 2005; Ramey & Ramey, 1998). The research described in Box 10.3 suggests that this kind of family intervention is likely to improve parents’ psychological well-being, which may translate into more effective patterns of parenting and, ultimately, into long-term gains in children’s intellectual performances.

The Importance of Intervening Early Critics of Head Start have argued that it begins too late (often after age 3) and is simply too brief to have any lasting impact. Might interventions that begin in infancy and last for several years produce more enduring gains in the IQs and academic performances of disadvantaged children? The Carolina Abecedarian Project (Campbell & Ramey, 1994, 1995; Campbell, Pungello, Burchinal, Kainz, Barbarin, Wasik, Barbarin, Sparling, & Ramey, 2012) is a particularly ambitious early intervention that was designed to answer these questions. Program participants were selected from families with children at risk for mild intellectual disability. These families were all on welfare, and most were headed by a single parent (the mother) who had scored well below average on a standardized IQ test, obtaining an IQ of 70 to 85. The project began when the participating children were only 10.3 APPLYING DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH

An Effective Compensatory Intervention for Families But there was more—what might be called a diffusion effect. Specifically, the younger siblings of the “intervention” and “control” participants displayed precisely the same differences in scholastic outcomes that the older children did, even though these younger brothers and sisters of children who participated in the intervention had not been born until the intervention was over (Seitz & Apfel, 1994b). Apparently, this family intervention had made disadvantaged mothers who participated more involved in their children’s lives and more confident and effective in their parenting—a change that not only benefited their firstborn child, who received stimulating daycare, but all of their subsequent children as well. It was an effective intervention indeed!

© Tony Freeman/PhotoEdit

Children of disadvantaged teenage mothers are another group of children who are at risk of displaying poor cognitive development and of becoming academic underachievers throughout childhood. Victoria Seitz and Nancy Apfel (1994b; Seitz, Rosenbaum, & Apfel, 1985; Zigler, Pfannenstiel, & Seitz, 2008) have described a two-generation family intervention that may be a means of preventing these negative outcomes. Seitz and Apfel’s family intervention was a 30-month program targeting poverty-stricken mothers who had recently delivered healthy firstborn children. It provided pediatric care, developmental evaluations, and monthly home visits by a psychologist, nurse, or social worker who gave mothers social support, information about child rearing and other family matters, and assistance in obtaining education or vocational training needed to get a job (or a better-paying job). The children received stimulating, high-quality daycare from a provider who met frequently with mothers to discuss their children’s developmental progress and to help them deal constructively with any child-rearing problems they encountered. Other mothers and their firstborns from the same socioeconomic backgrounds received no intervention and served as a control group. Ten years later, Seitz and her associates (Seitz et al., 1985) followed up on the firstborn children of these families to assess their academic progress. They found that children who had received the intervention were doing well. They were much more likely than control children to be attending school regularly and making normal progress, and were much less likely to have been retained in a grade or have required costly remedial services such as special education. Clearly, this intervention appeared to benefit the children who had participated.

Figure 10.9 Two-generation family interventions that target disadvantaged children and their parents lead to changes in parenting that benefit all the children in the family.

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WHAT DO YOU THINK?

?

How do you feel about providing two-generation interventions on a large scale to economically disadvantaged populations? Do the demonstrated benefits justify the expenditures, which may be high? Why or why not?

6 to 12 weeks old, and it continued for the next five years. Half of the high-risk children took part in a special daycare program designed to promote their intellectual development. The program was truly a full-time endeavour, running from 7:15 a.m. to 5:15 p.m., 5 days a week for 50 weeks each year, until the child entered school. The remaining “control” children received exactly the same dietary supplements, social services, and pediatric care given to their age-mates in the experimental group, but they did not attend daycare. At regular intervals over the next 15 years, the progress of these two groups of “high-risk” children was assessed by administering IQ tests, and periodic tests of academic achievement were also given at school. The results were striking. Abecedarian program participants began to outperform their counterparts in the control group on IQ tests, starting at 18 months of age and maintaining this IQ advantage through age 15. Here, then, is evidence that high-quality preschool interventions that begin very early can have lasting intellectual benefits (Campbell et al., 2012). They can have lasting educational benefits too, for program participants outperformed the control group in all areas of academic achievement from the third year of school onward (Campbell et al., 2001). Programs such as the family intervention described in Box 10.3 and the Abecedarian Project are expensive to administer, and there are critics who claim that they would not be worth the high cost of providing them to all disadvantaged families. However, such an attitude may be “penny wise and pound foolish,” as Victoria Seitz and her associates (Seitz et al., 1985) found that extensive two-generation interventions emphasizing quality daycare often pay for themselves by (1) allowing more parents freedom from full-time child care to work, thereby reducing their need for public assistance, and (2) providing the foundation for cognitive growth that enables most disadvantaged children to avoid special education in school—a savings that, by itself, would justify the expense of extensive compensatory interventions (Bainbridge, 2005; Gormley, 2005; Karoly et al., 1998). And when we consider the long-term economic benefits that could accrue later in life when gainfully employed adult graduates of highly successful interventions pay more taxes than disadvantaged nonparticipants, need less welfare, and are less often maintained at public expense in penal institutions, the net return on each dollar invested in compensatory education could be impressive indeed. As a result, many countries, including Canada, have invested significant funds aimed at prevention and early intervention to provide stimulating and enriching environments early in life. For example, intervention programs such as Best Start (Ontario), StrongStart BC, and Early ON (formerly Ontario Early Years) allow parents and their young children to access information and resources and receive instruction and guidance about healthy living and child development.

Creativity and Special Talents giftedness the possession of unusually high intellectual potential or other special talents.

What do we mean when we say that a child is “gifted”? This term was once limited to people, such as those in Terman’s longitudinal study, with IQs of 140 or higher. Yet despite their lofty IQs and generally favourable life outcomes, not one of Terman’s gifted children ever became truly eminent. More recent definitions of giftedness have been broadened to include not only a high IQ but also singular talents in particular areas such as music, art, literature, or science (Winner, 2000). Over the years, we have learned that certain abilities not measured by traditional IQ tests help some people to become technical experts in their chosen fields. And at least a few of these experts become truly innovative creators.

What Is Creativity? Eminent people are not simply experts; they are innovators who are generally described as creative. In fact, creativity may be more important than a high IQ in permitting a Mozart, an Einstein, or a Piaget to break new ground. NEL

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creativity the ability to generate novel ideas or works that are useful and valued by others.

convergent thinking thinking that requires an individual to come up with a single correct answer to a problem; what IQ tests measure. divergent thinking thinking that requires a variety of ideas or solutions to a problem when there is no one correct answer.

1.

2.

3.

1. Unique: “Two haystacks on a flying carpet” Common: “Two igloos” 2. Unique: “Lollipop bursting into pieces” Common: “Flower” 3. Unique: “Foot and toes” Common: “Table with things on top” Figure 10.9 Are you creative? Indicate what you see in each of the three drawings. Below each drawing you will find examples of unique and common responses, drawn from a study of creativity in children. Source: Adapted from Wallach/ Kogan. Modes of Thinking In Young Children of the Creativity-Intelligence Distinction, 1E. © 1965 Wadsworth, a part of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission. www .cengage.com/permissions

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What is creativity? Debates about this term have provoked nearly as much controversy as those about the meaning of intelligence (Mumford & Gustafson, 1988). Yet almost everyone agrees that creativity represents an ability to generate novel ideas and innovative solutions—products that are not merely new and unusual but are also appropriate in context and valued by others (Simonton, 2000; Sternberg & Lubart, 1996). Creativity is important to individuals, who must solve challenging problems on the job and in daily life, as well as to society when it underlies new inventions, new scientific discoveries, and innovations in social programs or the humanities that enrich our lives. Although long considered a valued attribute, creativity received little attention from the scientific community until the 1960s and 1970s, when psychometricians began to construct tests to try to measure it.

The Psychometric Perspective In his structure-of-intellect model, J.P. Guilford (1967, 1988) proposed that creativity represents divergent rather than convergent thinking. Convergent thinking requires individuals to generate the one best answer to a problem and is precisely what IQ tests measure. By contrast, divergent thinking requires a person to generate a variety of solutions to problems for which there is no one right answer (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2002). Divergent thinking can be measured figuratively, as in Figure 10.9, or verbally, as in questions that ask respondents to list all the words that can be made from the letters in BASEBALL, or a “real-world problem” measure that might ask them to list as many practical uses as possible for common objects such as a clothespin or cork (Runco, 1992; Torrance, 1988). Interestingly, divergent thinking is only modestly correlated with IQ (Sternberg & Lubart, 1996; Vincent, Decker, & Mumford, 2002; Wallach, 1985) and seems to be more heavily influenced by children’s home environments than by their genes (Plomin, 1990). Specifically, children who score high in divergent thinking have parents who encourage their intellectual curiosity and grant them a great deal of freedom to select their own interests and explore them in depth (Getzels & Jackson, 1962; Harrington, Block, & Block, 1987; Runco, 1992). So divergent thinking is a cognitive skill that is distinct from general intelligence and can be nurtured. However, many researchers became disenchanted with the psychometric approach to creativity once it became rather obvious that the scores people make on tests of divergent thinking during childhood and adolescence are, at best, only modestly related to their creative accomplishments later in life (Feldhusen & Goh, 1995; Runco, 1992). Clearly, divergent thinking may help to foster creative solutions, but, by itself, it is a woefully incomplete account of what it means to be creative (Amabile, 1983; Simonton, 2000).

The Multicomponent (or Confluence) Perspective Think for a moment about the characteristics of people you consider creative. Chances are you view them as reasonably intelligent, but it is also likely that they display such characteristics as being highly inquisitive and flexible individuals who love their work, make connections between ideas that others don’t, and may be a bit unorthodox and nonconforming or even rebellious. This “creativity syndrome” may be no accident, as researchers today generally believe that creativity results from a convergence of many personal and situational factors (Gardner, 1999; Simonton, 2000; Sternberg & Lubart, 1996). If creativity truly reflects all of the attributes above, then it is perhaps understandable why many people with high IQs or who are otherwise gifted are not particularly creative or why so few are truly eminent (Winner, 2000). Yet Robert Sternberg and Todd Lubart (1996) have argued that most people have the potential to be creative, and will be, at least

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investment theory of creativity theory specifying that the ability to invest in innovative projects and to generate creative solutions depends on a convergence of creative resources; namely, background knowledge, intellectual abilities, personality characteristics, motivation, and environmental support and encouragement.

to some degree, if they can marshal the resources that foster creativity and can invest themselves in the right kinds of goals. Let’s briefly consider the investment theory of creativity and its implications for promoting the creative potential of children.

Sternberg and Lubart’s Investment Theory According to Sternberg and Lubart (1996), creative people are willing to “buy low and sell high” in the realm of ideas. “Buying low” means that they invest themselves in ideas or projects that are novel or out of favour and may initially encounter resistance. But by persisting in the face of such skepticism, a creative individual generates a product that is highly valued, and can now “sell high” and move on to the next novel or unpopular idea that has growth potential. What factors determine whether an individual will invest in an original project and bring it to a creative end? Sternberg and Lubart believe that creativity depends on a convergence, or confluence, of six distinct but interrelated sets of resources. Let’s briefly consider these components of creativity and how we might seek to promote them.

Intellectual Resources Sternberg and Lubart believe that three intellectual abilities are particularly important to creativity. One is the ability to find new problems to solve or to see old problems in new ways. Another is the ability to evaluate your ideas to determine which are worth pursuing and which are not. Finally, you must be able to sell others on the value of new ideas in order to gain the support that may be necessary to fully develop them. All three abilities are important. If one cannot evaluate new ideas she has generated or sell others on their value, they are unlikely to ever blossom into creative accomplishments. Knowledge. A person must be familiar with the current state of the art in her chosen area if she is ever to advance or transform it as the ground-breaking artist, musician, or science fair winner does (Feldhusen, 2002). As Howard Gruber puts it, “Insight comes to the prepared mind” (1982, p. 22).

Guerilla/Alamy Stock Photo

Cognitive Style. A legislative cognitive style—that is, a preference for thinking in novel and divergent ways of one’s own choosing—is important to creativity. It also helps to think in broad, global terms—to be able to distinguish the forest from the trees—which will help in deciding which of your ideas are truly novel and worth pursuing.

Parents of creative children encourage their intellectual curiosity and allow them to explore their interests in depth.

Personality. Previous research indicates that the personality variables most closely associated with high creativity are a willingness to take sensible risks, to persevere in the face of uncertainty or ambiguity, and to have the self-confidence to defy the crowd and pursue ideas that will eventually win recognition. NEL

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Motivation. People rarely do creative work in an area unless they have a passion for what they are trying to accomplish and focus on the work itself rather than its potential rewards (Amabile, 1983). Groundbreaking Olympic gymnast Olga Korbut put it well: “If gymnastics did not exist, I would have invented it” (Feldman, 1982, p. 35). This does not mean that the prospect of winning Olympic medals had nothing to do with Ms. Korbut’s success, for prizes and other incentives indicate what goals are socially valued and encourage people to work on innovative projects. But creativity can truly suffer if children are pushed too hard or focus too heavily on the rewards and lose their intrinsic interest in the work they are pursuing (Simonton, 2000; Winner, 2000). A Supportive Environment. Several studies of children with special talents in such domains as chess, music, or mathematics reveal that these child “prodigies” are blessed with an environment that nurtured their talents and motivations and rewarded their accomplishments (Feldman & Goldsmith, 1991; Hennessey & Amabile, 1988; Monass & Engelhard, 1990). Parents of creative youngsters generally encourage intellectual activities and accept their children’s idiosyncrasies (Albert, 1994; Runco, 1992). They are also quick to recognize unusual talents and often help to foster their growth by soliciting the assistance of expert coaches or tutors. Furthermore, some societies value creativity more than others do and devote many financial and human resources to nurturing creative potential (Simonton, 1994, 2000). Indeed, Olga Korbut’s brilliant talent might not have bloomed had gymnastics not been so highly valued in Russian society when she was growing up.

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A Test of Investment Theory If investment theory is sound, then people who have more creative resources at their disposal should generate more creative solutions to problems. Lubart and Sternberg (1995) tested this hypothesis in a study of adolescents and adults. A battery of questionnaires, cognitive tests, and personality measures was administered to measure five of the six sets of creative resources (environment was not assessed). Participants then worked at innovative problems in writing (e.g., create a story about “The Octopus’s Sneakers”), art (draw a picture to illustrate hope), advertising (create an ad for Brussels sprouts), and science (How might we detect extraterrestrials among us?). Their solutions were then rated for creativity by a panel of judges, who showed high levels of agreement in their ratings. The results supported investment theory in that all five sets of creativity resources were moderately to highly correlated with the creativity ratings participants received, and participants whose solutions were rated most creative were those who had higher scores across all five kinds of creative resources. Apparently, creativity does reflect the convergence of many factors, rather than the possession of a dominant cognitive attribute such as divergent thinking.

Programs to encourage the development of “intelligences” not usually stressed at school often identify hidden talents and may foster creativity.

Promoting Creativity in the Classroom How might educators foster creativity in the classroom? Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences has been used as a framework for promoting the growth of intelligences that are not heavily stressed in school. These programs enrich the experiences of all pupils to foster abilities in the arts such as spatial intelligence (through sculpting or painting), kinesthetic-body intelligence (through dance or athletics), and musical intelligence (in school music classes). Whether these efforts truly foster creativity is not yet clear, although they have been successful at identifying special talents of children who are not at all exceptional in traditional academic subjects (Ramos-Ford & Gardner, 1997).

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344 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

The investment theory of creativity suggests several possible means of fostering creative potential. When teachers to allow students more freedom to design their own art projects or science experiments and to explore any unusual interests in depth, they would more closely approximate the kind of home environment that nurtures curiosity, risktaking, perseverance, intrinsic interest, and a concern with task performance (rather than with such performance outcomes as earning a passing grade). Less emphasis on memorizing facts and obtaining correct answers (convergent thinking) and more emphasis on discussing complex problems that have many possible answers may also help students to develop divergent thinking skills, tolerance for ambiguity, and a global analytic style that fosters creative solutions. Unfortunately, attempts to further the creative potential of children are in their infancy, and it is not yet clear which procedures work best. However, the research implies that parents and educators might try to be a bit more enthusiastic when youngsters display an unusual passion for an offbeat or otherwise nontraditional interest. By providing such support (and exposure to experts, if any are available), we may be helping to nurture the creative potential of our future innovators.

CONCEPT CHECK

10.3

Understanding Compensatory Education, Creativity, and Special Talents

Check your understanding of improving cognitive performance through compensatory education, creativity, and special talents, by answering the following questions. Answers appear at the end of the chapter. Multiple Choice: Select the best answer for each question.

1. What has been the overriding goal of Head Start compensatory preschools? a. to provide employment to teachers b. to prepare low-income children for elementary school c. to ensure adequate nutrition for low-income children d. to boost visible-minority children’s IQ scores with effective teaching 2. Who were the participants in the Carolina Abecedarian Project, a longitudinal intervention program? a. orphans who suffered neglect in large institutions b. low-income infants at risk for intellectual disability c. teenagers who had trouble with criminal activity d. white children of middle-class families 3. Learning to Learn differs from other preschool interventions because of its special emphasis on which of the following? a. character training, emphasizing personal responsibility b. parental involvement in the program c. extra support for reading, writing, and math skills d. well-balanced nutrition, especially at breakfast

4. Bonzo purchases junk at flea markets and imaginatively refurnishes it into entirely different products, which resell at high prices. How would the Sternberg-Lubart investment theory classify Bonzo’s behaviour? a. creative b. financially thrifty c. convergent thinking d. concern about his own developmental quotient True or False: Identify whether the following statements are

true or false.

5. (T) (F) Creativity may be fostered in schools by encouraging exploration and self-paced learning. 6. (T) (F) The best predictor of academic competency and IQ test performance is family income. 7. (T) (F) The “diffusion effect” reported by Seitz’s twogeneration family intervention meant that the gains happened regardless of the program’s content. Short Answer: Briefly answer the following questions.

8. Describe six key components of creativity. 9. Explain what creativity is, and contrast divergent and convergent thinking. Essay: Provide a more detailed answer to the following question.

10. Discuss the research evidence that relates to the long-term impact of early compensatory intervention programs.

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Applying Developmental Themes to Intelligence and Creativity Our developmental themes are especially relevant to the issues of intelligence and creativity. Developmental psychologists are interested in how the active child influences her or his own intelligence, the effects of nature and nurture on intelligence, the qualitative and quantitative changes in intelligence across development, and how intelligence relates holistically to the rest of development. Turning first to the active child, we saw that the child’s phenotype drives his or her activities later in childhood and that these experiences affect the intellectual and creative achievements he or she attains. Remember that active-child effects are not necessarily conscious choices, but also reflect how the child influences his or her development in any way. Consider, then, the results of the compensatory education opportunities we discussed. In a way, those opportunities change the child and result in attitudes and behaviours that change the child’s learning outcomes and educational aspirations. This, too, can be considered an active-child effect. Perhaps the most prominent theme in the study of intelligence is the interaction of nature and nurture in influencing the child’s intelligence and cognitive achievements. In this chapter, we reviewed evidence that genetics and nature effects clearly influence the child’s IQ and intelligence and that the child’s environment has a large impact on later intellectual achievements. Some evidence for nature concerned the genetic effects on IQ scores and the relationships between a child’s intelligence and that of her or his biological relatives. The evidence for the influence of the environment concerned the characteristics of the home environment early in life, as well as social and cultural effects on IQ. Clearly, both nature and nurture are strong forces directing intellectual attainments. In contrast, there was little mention of qualitative and quantitative changes in intelligence in this chapter. We did review evidence suggesting that IQ scores change (a great deal for an individual child) across development and that infant “IQ” is not highly related to childhood IQ. But whether those changes are qualitative or quantitative is not an issue to which developmental psychologists have given much attention. Finally, we saw much evidence of the holistic nature of intelligence in child development. For example, intelligence influences a child’s academic future, leadership skills, popularity, emotional development, and general life satisfaction. Clearly, intelligence has a holistic influence on child development.

SUMMARY What Is Intelligence? ■■ The psychometric (or testing) approach defines intelligence as a trait or set of traits that allows some people to think and to solve problems more effectively than others. ■■ Alfred Binet ●■ developed the first successful intelligence test ●■ conceived of intelligence as a general mental ability ■■ Researchers relying on factor analysis argue that intelligence is not a singular trait. ■■ Spearman viewed intelligence as a general mental ability (or g) and special abilities (or s), each of which was specific to a particular test. ■■ Thurstone claimed that intelligence consists of seven primary mental abilities.

Cattel and Horn make a distinction between fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence. ■■ Hierarchical models, such as Carroll’s three-stratum theory of intelligence, are the most elaborate psychometric classifications of mental abilities to date. ■■ Robert Sternberg’s triarchic theory criticizes psychometric theories of intelligence for their failure to consider ●■ the contexts in which intelligent acts are displayed ●■ the test taker’s experience with test items ●■ the information-processing strategies for thinking or solving problems ■■ Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences contends that human beings display as many as nine distinctive kinds of intelligence, several of which are not assessed by traditional intelligence tests. ■■

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346 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

How Is Intelligence Measured? ■■ Today, there are literally hundreds of intelligence tests. ■■ The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-V) are widely used. ■■ Both scales compare children’s performance against test norms for age-mates. ■■ Both scales assign children intelligence quotients (IQs), which are normally distributed around the average score of 100. ■■ Many of these tests have been given to Canadian participants in order to generate Canadian norms. In addition, some have been translated into French to permit better access among francophones. ■■ New approaches to intelligence testing include the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC), which is grounded in information-processing theory and uses dynamic assessment, which is compatible with Vygotsky’s theory and Sternberg’s triarchic theory. ■■ Infant intelligence tests ●■ tap perceptual and motor skills ●■ assign developmental quotient (DQ) scores ●■ are poor predictors of childhood IQs ■■ Newer measures of infant information-processing capabilities are much better predictors of later intellectual performance. ■■ IQ is a relatively stable attribute across life for some people; however, many others will show wide variations in their IQ scores over the course of childhood. ■■ The fact that IQ scores can wander upward or downward over time suggests that IQ tests measure intellectual performance rather than an inborn capacity. ■■ Children whose home environments are stable and stimulating often display IQ stability or increases over time. ■■ Children from impoverished backgrounds often display a cumulative deficit in IQ. What Do Intelligence Tests Predict? ■■ When we consider trends for the population as a whole, IQ scores predict ●■ future academic accomplishments ●■ health and happiness ■■ But at the individual level, an IQ score is not always a reliable indicator of one’s future health, happiness, or success. ■■ Besides IQ, one’s family background, work habits, education, and motivation to succeed are important contributors to the successes he or she attains. Factors That Influence IQ Scores Both heredity and environment contribute heavily to intellectual performance. ■■ Evidence from twin studies and studies of adopted children indicates that about half the variation in IQ among individuals is attributable to hereditary factors. ■■

Regardless of genetic predispositions, barren intellectual environments clearly inhibit cognitive growth. ■■ Environmental enrichments can clearly promote cognitive growth, as shown by the Flynn effect. ■■

Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance ■■ Research with the HOME inventory reveals that children who score relatively high in academic achievement and IQ have parents who ●■ create a stimulating home environment ●■ become involved in their children’s learning activities ●■ explain new concepts ●■ provide age-appropriate challenges and consistent encouragement ■■ A common finding cited in both Canadian and American studies is that children from middle-class backgrounds tend to outperform those from lower-income backgrounds on IQ tests. Research on minority groups provides inconclusive links to IQ when socioeconomic status is controlled. ■■ Among American populations, these differences are still apparent on culture-fair IQ tests, and although some minority students may be less motivated in testing situations, cultural/test bias does not explain all the group differences in IQ. ■■ There is no conclusive evidence for the genetic hypothesis (or the Level I–Level II distinction), which posits that group differences in IQ are hereditary. ■■ The best explanation for group differences in IQ is the environmental hypothesis: impoverished environments are much less conducive to intellectual development than richer, more stimulating ones. Improving Cognitive Performance through Compensatory Education ■■ Head Start and other compensatory interventions for disadvantaged preschoolers ●■ rarely produce lasting gains in IQ ●■ improve children’s chances of succeeding in the classroom ●■ help to prevent the progressive decline in intellectual performance and academic achievement so often observed among students from disadvantaged backgrounds ■■ Compensatory education is most effective when it ●■ starts early ●■ lasts longer ●■ involves children’s parents ■■ The recent two-generation interventions and those beginning early in infancy and continuing as children make the transition to school look especially promising.

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Chapter 10 | Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance

Creativity and Special Talents ■■ Definitions of giftedness include ●■ a high IQ ●■ special talents, including creativity ■■ Psychometricians distinguish IQ (which rests on convergent thinking) from creativity, which often depends on divergent thinking.

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Although divergent thinking is only modestly correlated with IQ, it also fails to predict future creativity very well. ■■ Recent multicomponent (or confluence) perspectives, such as the investment theory of creativity, specify that a variety of cognitive, personal, motivational, and environmental resources combine to foster creative problem solving. This theory looks very promising, both in terms of its existing empirical support and its suggestions for fostering creativity. ■■

KEY TERMS psychometric approach, 308

triarchic theory, 312

mental age (MA), 309

cultural bias, 313

factor analysis, 309

theory of multiple intelligences, 314

g, 309 s, 309 primary mental abilities, 310 structure-of-intellect model, 311 fluid intelligence, 311 crystallized intelligence, 311 hierarchical model of intelligence, 311 three-stratum theory of intelligence, 311

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, 316 intelligence quotient (IQ), 316

Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC), 319

genetic hypothesis, 334

dynamic assessment, 319

Level II abilities, 334

developmental quotient (DQ), 320

environmental hypothesis, 335

cumulative-deficit hypothesis, 322

Head Start, 337

intellectual disability, 324

test norms, 316

Flynn effect, 327

deviation IQ score, 316

HOME inventory, 329

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-V (WISC-V), 316

cultural/test bias hypothesis, 333

normal distribution, 318

stereotype threat, 334

culture-fair tests, 333

Level I abilities, 334

compensatory interventions, 337 two-generation interventions, 338 giftedness, 340 creativity, 341 convergent thinking, 341 divergent thinking, 341 investment theory of creativity, 342

ANSWERS TO CONCEPT CHECK Concept Check 10.1

3. c. IQs rose in the entire population

1. b. the psychometric approach 2. c. the theory of multiple intelligences

4. d. be aware of all the different factors that can result in cultural and ethnic biases.

3. a. the triarchic theory

5. c. encourage rote memorization

4. b. by comparing the child’s performance to other children of his or her own age

6. F 7. T

5. c. She has deficits reflecting a combination of low genetic potential and an unstimulating rearing environment.

Concept Check 10.3

6. d. poor predictors of later IQ, probably because infant tests and later IQ tests tap different abilities

2. b. low-income infants at risk for intellectual disability

7. c. crystallized

Concept Check 10.2 1. a. heredity in intellectual performance 2. c. that intelligence is heritable and related to multiple genes.

1. b. to prepare low-income children for elementary school 3. b. parental involvement in the program 4. a. creative 5. T 6. T 7. F

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11

Development of Language and Communication Skills “Rrrrrruh! Rrrrrruh!” exclaims 11-month-old Kyle as he sits in his exerciser looking out the window. “What are you saying, little man?” asks his aunt Emma. “He’s saying daddy’s car is in the driveway; he’s home from work!” Kyle’s mother replies. “Oops! It broked. Fix it, daggy.” (18-month-old Ani responding to the arm that has come loose from her doll) “I can see clearly now . . . I see all icicles in my way.” (2½-year-old Todd singing his rendition of a popular song; the correct lyric is “obstacles”)

language a small number of individually meaningless symbols (sounds, letters, gestures) that can be combined according to agreed-on rules to produce an infinite number of messages. communication the process by which one organism transmits information to and influences another. vocables unique patterns of sound that a prelinguistic infant uses to represent objects, actions, or events.

348

O

ne truly astounding achievement that sets humans apart from the rest of the animal kingdom is our creation and use of language. Although animals can communicate with one another, their limited number of calls and gestures are merely isolated signals that convey very specific messages (e.g., a greeting, a threat, a summons to congregate) in much the same way that single words or stereotyped phrases—whose meanings are limited to one referent and are context bound—do in a human language (Tomasello & Camaioni, 1997). By contrast, human languages are amazingly flexible and productive. From a small number of individually meaningless sounds, children come to generate thousands of meaningful auditory patterns (syllables, words, and even idiosyncratic vocables such as Kyle’s “Rrrrrruh!”) that are eventually combined according to a set of grammatical rules (with a few missteps, such as Ani’s use of the word broked) to produce an infinite number of messages. Language is also an inventive tool with which we express our thoughts and interpretations (or, in Todd’s case, misinterpretations) of what we have seen, heard, or otherwise experienced. However, most of what children say in any given situation is not merely a repetition of what they have said or heard before; speakers create many novel utterances on the spot, and the topics they talk about may have nothing to do with their current state or the stream of ongoing events. Yet creative as they may be in generating new messages, even 3- and 4-year-olds are generally able to converse quite well with each other as long as their statements adhere to the rules and social conventions of the language they are speaking.

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Chapter 11 | Development of Language and Communication Skills 349

Although language is one of the most abstract bodies of knowledge we ever acquire, children in all cultures come to understand and use this intricate form of communication very early in life. In fact, some infants talk before they can walk. How is this possible? Are infants biologically programmed to acquire language? What kinds of linguistic input must they receive to become language users? Is there any relation between a child’s cooing, gesturing, or babbling and the later production of meaningful words? How do infants and toddlers come to attach meaning to words? Do all children pass through the same steps or stages as they acquire their native language? And what practical lessons must children learn to become truly effective communicators? These are only a few of the issues we will consider as we trace the development of children’s linguistic skills and try to determine how youngsters become so proficient in using language at such an early age.

The Five Components of Language psycholinguists those who study the structure and development of children’s language. phonology the sound system of a language and the rules for combining these sounds to produce meaningful units of speech. phonemes the basic units of sound that are used in a spoken language. morphology the rules governing the formation of meaningful words from sounds. semantics the expressed meaning of words and sentences. morphemes smallest meaningful language units.

Perhaps the most basic question that psycholinguists have tried to answer is the “what” question, What must children learn to master the intricacies of their native tongue? After many years and literally thousands of studies, researchers have concluded that five kinds of knowledge underlie the growth of linguistic proficiency: phonology, morphology, semantics, syntax, and pragmatics.

Phonology Phonology refers to the basic units of sound, or phonemes, that are used in a language and the rules for combining these sounds (e.g., in English, learning to discriminate the sounds /b/ and /p/ and learning to combine /t/ and /h/). There are 600 consonants and 200 vowels available in the languages of the world (Ladefoged, 2004). Each language uses only a subset of the sounds that humans are capable of generating. For example, there are about 45 phonemes used in English compared to 25 phonemes in Japanese. Hence, no two languages have precisely the same phonologies, which explains why foreign languages may sound strange to us. Clearly, children must learn how to discriminate, produce, and combine the speechlike sounds of their native tongue in order to make sense of the speech they hear and to be understood when they try to speak (Hoff, 2014).

Morphology Rules of morphology specify how words are formed from sounds (Hoff, 2014). In English, these rules include the rule for forming past tenses of verbs by adding -ed, the rule for forming plurals by adding -s, rules for using other prefixes and suffixes, and rules that specify proper combinations of sounds to form meaningful words. We learn, for example, that flow (not vlow) is how to describe what the river is doing.

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Semantics Animals communicate through a series of calls and gestures that convey a limited number of very specific messages.

Semantics refers to the meanings expressed in words and sentences (Hoff, 2014). The smallest meaningful units of language are called morphemes, and there are two types.

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350 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development free morphemes morphemes that can stand alone as a word (e.g., cat, go, yellow). bound morphemes morphemes that cannot stand alone but that modify the meaning of free morphemes (e.g., the -ed attached to English verbs to indicate past tense).

Free morphemes can stand alone as words (e.g., dog) whereas bound morphemes cannot stand alone but change meaning when attached to a free morpheme (e.g., adding the bound morpheme -s to the word dog means that the speaker is talking about more than one animal). Clearly, children must recognize that words and bound grammatical morphemes convey meaning—that they symbolize particular objects, actions, and relations and can be combined to form larger and more complex meanings (sentences)—before they can comprehend the speech of others or be understood when they speak.

Syntax syntax the structure of a language; the rules specifying how words and grammatical markers are to be combined to produce meaningful sentences.

Language also involves syntax, or the rules that specify how words are to be combined to form meaningful phrases and sentences (Hoff, 2014). Consider these three sentences about characters in the movie Frozen: 1. 2. 3.

Marshmallow the Duke of Weselton bit. Marshmallow bit the Duke of Weselton. The Duke of Weselton bit Marshmallow.

Even very young speakers of English recognize that the first sentence violates the rules of English sentence structure, although this word order would be perfectly acceptable in languages with a different syntax, such as French. The second and third sentences are grammatical English sentences that contain the same words but convey very different meanings. They also illustrate how word meanings (semantics) interact with sentence structure (word order) to give the entire sentence a meaning. Clearly, children must acquire a basic understanding of the syntactical features of their native tongue before they can become proficient at speaking or understanding that language.

Pragmatics pragmatics principles that underlie the effective and appropriate use of language in social contexts.

sociolinguistic knowledge culturally specific rules specifying how language should be structured and used in particular social contexts.

Language learners must also master the pragmatics of language—knowledge of how language might be used to communicate effectively (Hoff, 2014). Imagine a 6-year-old who is trying to explain a new game to her 2-year-old brother. Clearly, she cannot speak to the toddler as if he were an adult or age-mate; she has to adjust her speech to his linguistic capabilities if she hopes to be understood. Pragmatics also involves sociolinguistic knowledge—culturally specified rules that dictate how language should be used in particular social contexts, also called registers. A 3-year-old may not yet realize that the best way of getting a cookie from grandma is to say, “Grandma, may I please have a cookie?” rather than demanding, “Gimme a cookie, Grandma!” To communicate most effectively, children must become “social editors” and take into account where they are, with whom they are speaking, and what the listener already knows, needs, and wants to hear. Finally, the task of becoming an effective communicator requires not only a knowledge of these five aspects of language but also an ability to properly interpret and use nonverbal signals (facial expressions, gestures, and so on) that often help to clarify the meaning of verbal messages and are important means of communicating in their own right. This brings us to a second basic question, How do young, cognitively immature toddlers and preschool children acquire all this knowledge so quickly?

Theories of Language Development As psycholinguists began to chart the course of language development, they were amazed that children could learn such a complex symbol system at such a breathtaking pace. After all, many infants are using arbitrary and abstract signifiers (words) to refer to objects NEL

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Chapter 11 | Development of Language and Communication Skills 351

linguistic universal an aspect of language development that all children share.

and activities before they can walk. And by age 5, children already seem to know and use most of the syntactical structures of their native tongue, even though they have yet to receive their first formal lesson in grammar. How do they do it? In addressing the “how” question, we will once again encounter a nativist/empiricist (nature/nurture) controversy. Learning theorists represent the empiricist point of view. From their perspective, language is obviously learned: after all, Japanese children acquire Japanese, French children acquire French, and profoundly deaf children, with parents who use sign language, acquire sign language. However, other theorists point out that children the world over seem to display similar linguistic achievements at about the same age: they all babble by 6 to 9 months of age (Oller, 1986, 2000), utter their first meaningful word between age 10 and 15 months (Fenson et al., 1994; Huttenlocher & Smiley, 1987), begin to combine words by the end of the second year (Bates, Dale, & Tahl, 1995), and know the meanings of many thousands of words and are constructing a staggering array of grammatical sentences by the tender age of 4 or 5 (Bowerman, 1979; Clark, 1993; Limber, 1973; Tamis-Lemonda, Bornstein, Kahana-Kalman, Baumwell, & Cyphers, 1998). These linguistic universals suggested to nativists that language acquisition is a biologically programmed activity that may even involve highly specialized linguistic processing capabilities that operate most efficiently early in childhood (Lidz, Gleitman, & Gleitman 2003; Palmer, 2000; Pinker, 1994). Of course, there is an intermediate point of view favoured by an increasing number of interactionists, who believe that language acquisition reflects a complex interplay among a child’s biological predispositions, her cognitive development, and the characteristics of her unique linguistic environment. Let’s take a closer look at these three different perspectives on language acquisition.

The Learning (or Empiricist) Perspective Ask most adults how children learn language and they are likely to say that children imitate what they hear, are reinforced when they use proper grammar, and are corrected when they say things wrong. Learning theorists have emphasized these same processes— imitation and reinforcement—in their theories of language learning (Palmer, 2000; Yang, 2004). In 1957, B.F. Skinner published a book titled Verbal Behavior in which he argued that children learn to speak appropriately because they are reinforced for grammatical speech. He believed that adults begin to shape a child’s speech by selectively reinforcing those aspects of babbling that most resemble words, thereby increasing the probability that these sounds will be repeated. Indeed, infants produce more babbling of phonemes in their native language when their mothers provide immediate positive responses compared to infants of mothers who do not (Goldstein & Schwade, 2008). Once they have “shaped” sounds into words, adults then withhold further reinforcement (attention or approval) until the child begins combining words, first into primitive sentences and then into longer grammatical utterances using word chains or sequences—with the first word and its context serving as the stimulus for the second word and so forth (Mowrer, 1960). Other social-learning theorists (e.g., Bandura, 1971; Whitehurst & Vasta, 1975) add that children acquire much of their linguistic knowledge by carefully listening to and imitating the language of older companions. According to the learning perspective, caregivers “teach” language by modelling and reinforcing grammatical speech (Nowak, Komarova, & Niyogi, 2002).

Evaluation of the Learning Perspective Imitation and reinforcement clearly play some part in early language development. Certainly, it is no accident that children end up speaking the same language their parents speak, down to the regional accent. In addition, young children are quicker to acquire and use the proper names for novel toys when reinforced for doing so by receiving the NEL

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352 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Noam Chomsky’s nativist theory dominated thinking about language development in the 1960s and 1970s.

toys with which they want to play (Whitehurst & Valdez-Menchaca, 1988). Finally, parents who frequently encourage conversations and who produce many novel and sophisticated words (such as vehicle rather than car) in the context of play, storybook reading, and other supportive interventions have children who are more advanced in their language development than age-mates whose parents converse less often or use a less diverse vocabulary (Hart & Risley, 2003; Weisleder & Fernald, 2013; Weizman & Snow, 2001). Despite these observations, emerging findings have cast doubt on caregivers shaping child’s language learning. Instead of unidirectional imitation, bidirectional imitation of mothers and their infants’ vocalizations has been observed (Pelaez, Virues-Ortega, & Gewirtz, 2011). Another aspect that learning theorists have had little success accounting for is the development of syntax. If parents really “shaped” grammar (i.e., morphology and syntax), as Skinner claimed, then they ought to reliably praise or otherwise reinforce the child’s grammatical utterances. Yet careful analyses of conversations between mothers and young children reveal that a mother’s approval or disapproval depends far more on the truth value (semantics) of what a child says than on the statement’s grammatical correctness (Brown & Hanlon, 1970; Hirsh-Pasek, Treiman, & Schneiderman, 1984; Penner, 1987). So if a child gazing at a cow says, “Him cow” (truth-based but grammatically incorrect), his mother is likely to approve (“That’s right!”), yet if the child says, “There’s a dog!” (grammatically correct but untruthful), his mother would probably correct him (“No, that’s a cow!”). Clearly, these findings cast doubt on the notion that parents shape syntax by directly reinforcing grammatical speech. Nor is there much evidence that children acquire grammatical rules by imitating adult speech. Many of a child’s earliest sentences are highly creative statements such as “Allgone cookie” or “It broked” that do not appear in adult speech (Bloom, 1973) and could not have been learned by imitation. And when young children do try to imitate an adult utterance such as “Look, the kitty is climbing the tree,” they condense it to conform to their existing level of grammatical competence, saying something like “Kitty climb tree” (Baron, 1992; Bloom, Hood, & Lightbown, 1974). How, then, might young children acquire grammatical knowledge if they do not directly imitate adult grammar and are not consistently reinforced for speaking grammatically? A number of psychologists have proposed a biological theory of language development—nativism—in an attempt to answer this question.

The Nativist Perspective language acquisition device (LAD) Chomsky’s term for the innate knowledge of grammar that humans were said to possess, which might enable young children to infer the rules governing others’ speech and to use these rules to produce language. universal grammar in nativist theories of language acquisition, the basic rules of grammar that characterize all language. language-making capacity (LMC) hypothesized set of specialized linguistic processing skills that enable children to analyze speech and to detect phonological, semantic, and syntactical relationships.

According to the nativists, human beings are biologically programmed to acquire language. Linguist Noam Chomsky (1959, 1968) has argued that the structure of even the simplest of languages is incredibly elaborate—far too complex, he believed, to be either taught by parents, as Skinner proposed, or discovered via simple trial-and-error processes by cognitively immature toddlers and preschool children. Instead, Chomsky proposed that humans (and only humans) come equipped with a language acquisition device (LAD)—an inborn linguistic processor that is activated by verbal input. According to Chomsky, the LAD contains a universal grammar, or knowledge of universal rules common to all languages. So regardless of the language (or languages) a child has been listening to, the LAD should permit any child who has acquired a sufficient vocabulary to combine words into novel, rule-bound utterances and to understand much of what he hears. Other nativists make similar claims. Dan Slobin (1985), for example, does not assume that children have any innate knowledge of language (as Chomsky did), but he thinks that they have an inborn language-making capacity (LMC)—a set of cognitive and perceptual abilities that are highly specialized for language learning. Presumably, these innate mechanisms (a LAD or LMC) enable young children to process linguistic input and to infer the phonological regularities, semantic relations, and rules of syntax that characterize whatever language they are listening to (Ding, Melloni, Zhang, Tian, & Poeppel, 2016; Lust, Foley, & Dye, 2009). These inferences about the meaning NEL

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Chapter 11 | Development of Language and Communication Skills 353

and structure of linguistic information represent a “theory” of language that children construct for themselves and use to guide their own attempts to communicate (see Figure 11.1). Of course, young children are likely to make some erroneous inferences because their linguistic database is very limited, but as they continue to process more and more input, their underlying theories of language become increasingly elaborate until they eventually approximate those used by adults. For the nativists, then, language acquisition is quite natural and almost automatic, as long as children have linguistic input to process.

Support for the Nativist Perspective Are children biologically programmed to acquire language? Several observations seem to suggest that they are. For example, we’ve noted that children the world over reach certain linguistic milestones at about the same age, despite cultural differences in the structure of their languages (Levitt & Uttman, 1992; Slobin, 1986). Nativists interpret these linguistic universals as clear evidence that language must be guided by some species-specific biological blueprint. Even some children with intellectual disabilities who perform very poorly on a broad range of cognitive tasks nevertheless acquire a near-normal knowledge of syntax and become adequate conversationalists (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 1993; Pinker, 1991). Also consistent with the nativist viewpoint is the observation that language is species-specific. Although animals can communicate with each other, no species has ever devised anything in the wild that closely resembles an abstract, rule-bound linguistic system. After years of training, apes can learn simple sign languages and other symbolic codes that enable the best of them to communicate with humans at a level comparable to that of a 2- to 2½-year-old child (Savage-Rumbaugh et al., 1993). Only humans spontaneously use language.

Broca’s area structure located in the frontal lobe of the left hemisphere of the cerebral cortex that controls language production. Wernicke’s area structure located in the temporal lobe of the left hemisphere of the cerebral cortex that is responsible for interpreting speech.

Brain Specialization and Language. As we learned in Chapter 6, the brain is a lateralized organ with major language centres in the left cerebral hemisphere. Damage to one of these language areas typically results in aphasia—a loss of one or more language functions. The symptoms an aphasic displays depend on the site and the extent of the injury. Injuries to Broca’s area, near the frontal lobe of the left hemisphere, typically affect speech production rather than comprehension (Martin, 2003; Slobin, 1979). By contrast, patients who suffer an injury to Wernicke’s area, on the temporal lobe of the left hemisphere, have difficulty understanding speech but may speak fluently albeit nonsensically (Martin, 2003). Apparently, the left hemisphere is sensitive to some aspects of language from birth. In the first day of life, speech sounds already elicit more electrical activity from the left side of an infant’s brain, while music and other nonspeech sounds produce greater activity from the right cerebral hemisphere (Molfese, 1977; Peña et al., 2003). Furthermore, infants are quite capable of discriminating important phonetic contrasts in the first few days and weeks of life (Miller & Eimas, 1996). These findings seem to imply that the neonate is “prewired” for speech perception and is prepared to analyze speechlike sounds.

Linguistic feeds into input

which LAD (brain module) generates Linguistic processing skills Existing knowledge

A theory of language which determines Phonology

Child’s grammatical competence

Morphology

Comprehension of others’ speech

Semantics Syntax

Speech production

Figure 11.1 A model of language acquisition proposed by nativists. NEL

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354 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

sensitive-period hypothesis (of language acquisition) the notion that human beings are most proficient at language learning before they reach puberty.

260 250 240 230 220

17–39

8–10

11–16

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210

Native

Mean grammar score in adulthood

270

Age of arrival in United States (years)

Figure 11.2 As shown here, there is a clear relationship between the age at which immigrants arrived in the United States and their eventual adult performance in English grammar. Those who arrived early in childhood end up performing like native speakers of English, whereas those who arrived as teenagers or adults perform much more poorly. Source: Adapted from “Critical Period Effects in Second Language Learning: The Influence of Maturational State on the Acquisition of English as a Second Language,” by J.S. Johnson & E.L. Newport, 1989, Cognitive Psychology, 21, pp. 60–99. Copyright © 1989 by Academic Press, Inc. Adapted by permission.

The Sensitive-Period Hypothesis. Nativist Erik Lenneberg (1967) proposed that languages should be most easily acquired between birth and puberty, the period when the lateralized human brain is becoming increasingly specialized for linguistic functions. This sensitive-period hypothesis for language development was prompted by observations that child aphasics often recover their lost language functions without special therapy, whereas adult aphasics usually require extensive therapeutic interventions to recover even part of their lost language skills (Loonen & van Dongen, 1990). Lenneberg’s explanation for this intriguing age difference was straightforward. Presumably, the right hemisphere of a child’s relatively unspecialized brain can assume any linguistic functions lost when the left hemisphere is damaged. By contrast, the brain of a person who is past puberty is already fully specialized for language and other neurological duties. So aphasia may persist in adolescents and adults because the right hemisphere is no longer available to assume linguistic skills lost from a traumatic injury to the left side of the brain. If language really is most easily acquired before puberty, then children who were largely deprived of a normal linguistic environment should find it difficult to acquire language later in life. Two excellent case studies reflect nicely on this idea. One is the case of Genie, a child who was locked away as an infant and was not discovered by the authorities until she was nearly 14 years old. While confined, Genie heard very little language; no one was permitted to talk to her, and she was beaten by an abusive father if she made any noise (Curtiss, 1977). Then there is Chelsea, a deaf woman who—because of her deafness and her family’s isolation—was 32 years old before she was ever exposed to a formal language system. Extensive efforts were undertaken to teach these women language, and each made remarkable progress, learning the meaning of many words and even producing lengthy sentences that were rich in semantic content. Yet neither woman mastered the rules of syntax that virtually all children acquire without formal instruction (Curtiss, 1977, 1988), thus suggesting that learning a first language is easier early in life. Indeed, studies with deaf infants requiring cochlear implants show that the earlier they receive the implant, the faster their speech perception and production abilities approach those of hearing infants (e.g., Schauwers, Gillis, Daemers, De Beukelaer, & Govaerts, 2004). What about learning a second language? Is acquiring a foreign language a tougher task for a post-pubertal adolescent whose sensitive period for language learning is over? Research by Jacqueline Johnson and Elissa Newport suggests that this may be the case. In one of their studies (1989), native speakers of Korean or Chinese who had emigrated to the United States at different ages were tested as adults for mastery of English grammar. As we see in Figure 11.2, immigrants who began to learn English between 3 and 7 years of age were as proficient in English as native speakers are. By contrast, immigrants who arrived after puberty (particularly after age 15) performed rather poorly. Similarly, deaf adults show much better mastery of sign language if they were exposed to it as young children than if their training began later in life (DeKeyser & Larson-Hall, 2005; Mayberry, 1993; Newport, 1991). Recent research on internationally adopted young children, conducted by Canadian researcher Fred Genesee and his associates, suggests that the optimal age of linguistic exposure to attain native proficiency may be earlier than 3 years of age (Delcenserie, Genesee, & Gauthier, 2013; Gauthier & Genesee, 2011). In their studies, Chinese children were adopted by French-speaking Canadians when they were between 7 and 24 months and had been learning French as their first language for over 4 years. Their language comprehension and production abilities still lagged behind their native French-speaking peers matched for child gender and family’s socioeconomic status at 4 and 7 years old. Finally, there are differences between early and late second-language learners in the organization of the brain. Specifically, speaking either of their two languages activates the same area of the brain in bilinguals who acquired their second language in early childhood, whereas speaking two languages activates different areas of the brain in bilinguals who acquired their second language after puberty (Kim, Relkin, Lee, & Hirsch, 1997). Furthermore, an increase in the density of grey matter in the left parietal area of the brain can be seen in early bilinguals who acquired their second language before 5 years old when compared to late bilinguals who acquired their second language between 10 and 15 years old. The left parietal area is activated when we perform tasks that require verbal fluency (Mechelli et al., 2004). NEL

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Chapter 11 | Development of Language and Communication Skills 355

Taken together, these findings imply that language learning is easier (and may even occur differently) early in life, almost as if the cognitive system of the young child is especially well suited for this task (Francis, 2005; Stewart, 2004). What’s more, nativists interpret the research presented in Box 11.1 as a rather dramatic illustration that language acquisition is a fundamental human characteristic—even if children must “invent” the language they acquire.

Problems with the Nativist Approach Though almost everyone today agrees that language learning is influenced by biological factors, many developmentalists have serious reservations about the nativist approach (Goldberg, 2004; Tomasello, 2003). Some have challenged the findings that nativists cite 11.1 FOCUS ON RESEARCH

On the “Invention” of Language by Children Suppose that 10 children were raised in isolation by an adult caregiver who attended to their basic needs but never talked or even gestured to them in any way. Would these youngsters devise some method of communicating among themselves? No one can say for sure, because children such as these have never been studied. However, the results of two programs of research suggest that these hypothetical children not only would learn to communicate but might even invent their own language.

Transforming Pidgins to True Languages

When adults from different cultures migrate to the same area, they often begin to communicate in pidgin—a hybrid of their various languages that enables them to convey basic meanings and thus understand pidgins each other. In the 1870s, structurally simple communication systems that arise when people who for example, large numbers of immigrants from share no common language come China, Korea, Japan, the into constant contact. Philippines, Portugal, and creoles Puerto Rico migrated to languages that develop when pidgins Hawaii to work in the are transformed into grammatically sugar fields. What complex “true” languages. evolved from this influx was Hawaiian Pidgin English, a communication system with a small vocabulary and a few basic rules for combining words that enabled residents from different linguistic communities to communicate well enough to get by. Yet over the course of generations, this pidgin was transformed into a creole—that is, a true language that evolves from a pidgin. Indeed, Hawaiian Creole English was a rich language with a vocabulary that sprang from the pidgin and its foreign language predecessors and had formal syntactical rules. How did this transformation from marginal pidgin to true language occur so rapidly? Linguist Derek Bickerton (1983, 1984) claims that children of pidgin-speaking parents do not continue to speak pidgin. Instead, they spontaneously invent syntactical rules that creolize the pidgin to make it a true language that future generations may use. How did he decide that children were responsible? One clue was that whenever pidgins arise, they are quickly transformed into creoles, usually within a single generation. But the more important clue was that creole

syntax closely resembles the (often grammatically inappropriate) sentences that young children construct when acquiring virtually any language. For example, questions of the form “Where he is going?” and double negatives such as “I haven’t got none” are perfectly acceptable in creole languages. Finally, the structure of different creoles is similar the world over—so similar that it cannot be attributed to chance. Bickerton (1984) believes that only a nativist model can account for these observations. Unfortunately, no one has yet carefully observed the language development of children whose parents speak pidgins; thus, it is not completely clear that children transform pidgins to creoles by themselves (as Bickerton claims) without adult assistance (Bohannon, MacWhinney, & Snow, 1990; Tomasello, 1995). So let’s consider a second set of observations.

Creating a Sign Language

Deaf children often develop sets of gestures that symbolize objects and actions that allow them to communicate with their hearing parents (Goldin-Meadow & Mylander, 1984). Might deaf youngsters raised together create their own sign language? Some observations suggest that indeed they may. When the Sandinistas assumed power in Nicaragua in 1979, they established schools for deaf children, many of whom had never met another deaf person and who had relied on idiosyncratic gestures to communicate with hearing members of their families. Soon these pupils began to pool their individual gestures into a system, similar to a spoken pidgin, that allowed them to communicate. Yet, the more remarkable observation is that the second generation of deaf pupils transformed this “pidgin sign” into a full-blown language, Nicaraguan Sign Language, complete with grammatical signs and rules that enable its users to express the same range of ideas and messages that are possible in spoken languages (Brownlee, 1998; Senghas & Coppola, 2001). So it seems that children who lack a formal linguistics model will create language-like codes to communicate effectively with their companions. Apparently, they have some linguistic predispositions that serve them well.

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356 Part Three | Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

as support for their theory. For example, the fact that human infants can make important phonemic distinctions in the first days and weeks of life no longer seems to be such compelling support for the existence of a uniquely human LAD. Why? Because the young of other species (e.g., rhesus monkeys and chinchillas) show similar powers of auditory discrimination (Passingham, 1982). Others have argued that nativists don’t really explain language development by attributing it to a built-in language acquisition device. An explanation would require knowing how such an inborn processor sifts through linguistic input and infers the rules of language, yet nativists are not at all clear about how a LAD (or LMC) might operate (MacWhinney, 2010; Waterfall, Sandbank, Onnis, & Edelman, 2010).1 In some ways, attributing language development to the mysterious workings of a LAD or LMC is like saying that physical growth is biologically programmed—and then stopping there, failing to identify the underlying variables (nutrition, hormones, etc.) that explain why growth follows the course that it takes. Clearly, the nativist approach is incomplete; it is really more a description than a true explanation of language learning. Finally, there are those who claim that nativists, who focus almost exclusively on biological mechanisms and on the deficiencies of learning theories, have simply overlooked the many ways in which a child’s language environment promotes linguistic competencies. Let’s now turn to a third theoretical viewpoint that claims that language development reflects an interaction of nature and nurture.

The Interactionist Perspective interactionist theory the notion that biological factors and environmental influences interact to determine the course of language development.

Proponents of the interactionist theory believe that both learning theorists and nativists are partially correct: language development results from a complex interplay among biological maturation, cognitive development, and an ever-changing linguistic environment that is heavily influenced by the child’s desire to communicate (Bohannon & Bonvillian, 1997; Hollich et al., 2000; Rowe, 2012; Tomasello, 1995, 2003).

Biological and Cognitive Contributors Clearly, the remarkable similarities that young children display when learning very different languages imply that biology contributes to language acquisition. But must we attribute language development to the mysterious workings of a LAD or LMC to explain these linguistic universals? Apparently not. According to the interactionist viewpoint, young children the world over talk alike and display other linguistic universals because they are all members of the same species who share many common experiences. What is inborn is not any specialized linguistic knowledge or processing skills but rather a sophisticated brain that matures very slowly and predisposes children to develop similar ideas at about the same age— ideas that they are then motivated to express in their own speech (Bates, 1993; Tomasello, 1995). Indeed, there is ample support for links between general cognitive development and language development. For example, words are symbols, and infants speak their first meaningful words at about 12 months of age, shortly after they first display some capacity for symbolism in their deferred imitation of adult models (Meltzoff, 1988c). Furthermore, we will see that infants’ first words centre heavily on objects they have manipulated or on actions they have performed—in short, on aspects of experience they can understand through their sensorimotor schemes (Caselli et al., 1995; Pan & Gleason, 1997). Finally, words like gone and uh oh emerge during the second year, about the same 1 Connectionists have created computer models that process linguistic input (Elman et al., 1996). These computer models do not assume that humans possess an inborn grammar module (or LAD), as nativists do, and they have achieved some success at estimating how young children might infer the meanings of individual words and some rules of syntax from regularities in the speech they hear. However, none of these artificial neural networks have come close to the linguistic computational powers of a typical 2½- to 3-yearold (Brownlee, 2001).

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Chapter 11 | Development of Language and Communication Skills 357

32 28 24 20 16 12 8

>600

501–600

401–500

301–400

201–300

101–200

0

50–100

4 B and B > C, then A > C). (p. 243) triarchic theory: a recent informationprocessing theory of intelligence that emphasizes three aspects of intelligent behaviour not normally tapped by IQ tests: the context of the action; the person’s experience with the task (or situation); and the information-processing strategies the person applies to the task (or situation). (p. 312) twin design (or twin study): study in which sets of twins that differ in zygosity (kinship) are compared to determine the heritability of an attribute. (p. 86) two-generation interventions: interventions that aim both to stimulate children’s intellectual development through preschool daycare and school and to assist parents to move out of poverty. (p. 338) ulnar grasp: an early manipulatory skill in which an infant grasps objects by pressing the fingers against the palm. (p. 161) ultrasound: method of detecting gross physical abnormalities by scanning the womb with sound waves, thereby producing a visual outline of the fetus. (p. 83) umbilical cord: a soft tube containing blood vessels that connects the embryo to the placenta. (p. 100) unconditioned response (UCR): unlearned response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus. (p. 204) unconditioned stimulus (UCS): stimulus that elicits a particular response without any prior learning. (p. 204) unconscious motives: Freud’s term for feelings, experiences, and conflicts that influence a person’s thinking and behaviour but lie outside the person’s awareness. (p. 38) underextension: the young child’s tendency to use general words to refer to a smaller set of objects, actions, or events than adults do (e.g., using candy to refer only to mints). (p. 368) uninvolved parenting: a pattern of parenting that is both aloof (or even hostile) and overpermissive, almost as if parents cared about neither their children nor what they might become. (p. 546) universal grammar: in nativist theories of language acquisition, the basic rules of grammar that characterize all language. (p. 352) utilization deficiency: failure to benefit from effective strategies that one has spontaneously produced; thought to occur in the early phases of strategy acquisition when executing the strategy requires much mental effort. (p. 274) NEL

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Glossary validity: the extent to which a measuring instrument accurately reflects what the researchers intended to measure. (p. 9) vernix: white, cheesy substance that covers the fetus to protect the skin from chapping. (p. 103) visual acuity: person’s ability to see small objects and fine detail. (p. 188) visual cliff: elevated platform that creates an illusion of depth; used to test the depth perception of infants. (p. 194) visual contrast: amount of light/dark transition in a visual stimulus. (p. 188) visual looming: expansion of the image of an object to take up the entire visual field as it draws very close to the face. (p. 193)

visual/spatial abilities: abilities to mentally manipulate or otherwise draw inferences about pictorial information. (p. 467) vitamin/mineral deficiency: a form of malnutrition in which the diet provides sufficient protein and calories but is lacking in one or more substances that promote normal growth. (p. 171) vocables: unique patterns of sound that a prelinguistic infant uses to represent objects, actions, or events. (p. 348) Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children— Fifth Edition (WISC-V): widely used individual intelligence test that includes a measure of general intelligence and both verbal and performance intelligence. (p. 316) Wernicke’s area: structure located in the temporal lobe of the left hemisphere of the

G-15

cerebral cortex that is responsible for interpreting speech. (p. 353) X chromosome: the longer of the two sex chromosomes; most females have two X chromosomes, whereas most males have but one. (p. 72) Y chromosome: the shorter of the two sex chromosomes; most males have one Y chromosome, whereas most females have none. (p. 72) zone of proximal development: Vygotsky’s term for the range of tasks that are too complex to be mastered alone but can be accomplished with guidance and encouragement from a more skillful partner. (pp. 50, 252) zygote: a single cell formed at conception from the union of a sperm and an ovum. (p. 69)

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Name Index A Abbott, J., 314 Abbott-Shim, M., 338 Abdul-Rahman, O., 110 Abel, E.L., 109 Abelson, W.D., 333 Ablard, K.E., 554 Abma, J.C., 119 Aboud, F., 453, 458, 587 Abrami, P.C., 57, 253, 608 Abramovitch, R., 552 Abravanel, E., 212 Ackerman, B.P., 380 Ackermann-Liebrich, U., 127 Acredolo, L.P., 364, 374 Adachi, P., 605 Adamo, K., 164 Adams, J.L., 361 Adams, P.W., 501 Adams, R., 188 Adamson, L.B., 357, 402 Adamson, T.M., 140 Addison, T.L., 142, 397 Adler, A., 41 Adler, T.F., 471 Adolph, K.E., 158, 159, 160, 163, 195, 196, 197 Adubato, S.A., 203 Adzick, N.S., 84 Agnoli, S., 401 Aguiar, A., 227 Agyei, S.B., 163 Ahadi, S.A., 403 Ahmed, A.H., 413 Ahonen, A., 182 Ainsworth, M., 12, 141, 162, 410, 413, 414, 415, 419, 420 Akhtar, N., 369 Aksan, N., 506 Aksu-Koç, A.A., 372 Al Awad, A.M., 541 Alansky, J.A., 420 Alatupa, S., 408 Albert, R.S., 343 Albin, M., 133, 397 Albow, J.C., 437 Al-Dahhan, J., 148 Alessandri, S.M., 396, 397, 443 Alexander, G.M., 476 Alexander, J.L., 11

Alibali, M.W., 50 Alink, L.R.A., 525 Allen, J., 250 Allen, J.P., 422 Allen, J.W., 250 Allen, K.R., 539 Allen, M.C., 103 Allen, M.L., 230 Allen, S.E.M., 379 Allgood-Merten, B., 491–492 Allin, M., 132 Almeida, D.M., 547 Aloise, P.A., 290 Alpern, L., 422 Alsaker, F., 583 Altermatt, E.R., 440, 449 Altmaier, E., 126 Altshuler, L.L., 128 Alvarez, J.M., 454 Alzate, G., 13 Amabile, T.M., 341, 343 Amato, P.R., 558, 559, 560, 561 Ambert, A., 539 Ames, Elinor W., 181 Amiel-Tison, C., 132 Amlie, C., 557 Ammerman, R.T., 566 Amso, D., 186 Anastasi, A., 68, 90 Anderson, A.K., 500 Anderson, C.A., 43, 604, 605, 606 Anderson, C.R., 605 Anderson, D.R., 172, 487, 603, 607, 608 Anderson, J.B., 338 Anderson, K.J., 484 Anderson, S., 606 Anderson, V., 114 Anderssen, N., 557 Andrews, D.W., 588, 589 Andrews, K., 146 Andrews, N.C.Z., 492 Angelopoulos, M., 368 Anglin, J.M., 365, 381 Angulo-Barroso, R.M., 158, 208 Angulo-Kinzler, R.M., 157 Anim-Somuah, M., 126 Anisfield, M., 212 Annis, R.C., 434 Anthony, J.L., 382 Anthony, L.G., 338

Anthonysamy, A., 11 Anzures, G., 193 Apfel, N., 120, 339 Apgar, V., 101, 109, 114, 115, 125 Appelbaum, M.I., 162, 321 Appugliese, D.P., 546 Aquan-Assee, J., 553, 587 Aquino, K., 523 Archer, J., 465, 468 Archer, K., 607 Arcus, D., 406 Ardila-Ray, A., 475, 516 Arechiga, M., 128 Aristotle, 109, 246 Arjimand, O., 471, 472 Armistead, L., 549, 596 Armstrong, L.M., 398 Arnett, J.J., 549 Arnold, D.H., 597 Arnold, E.H., 597 Arnold, G., 510 Arnold, R., 571 Aro, H., 168 Aronson, E., 198 Aronson, J., 334 Arsenio, W.F., 401, 529 Arslan, M.T., 111 Arteberry, M.E., 180, 188, 189, 190, 194, 200 Arvanitis, A., 499 Asbjørnsen, A., 184 Asendorpf, J.B., 433, 579 Ash, T., 399 Asher, S., 583, 584, 586, 588, 589, 600 Ashley, E., 274 Ashley, P.K., 510 Ashmead, D.H., 161 Aslankoç, R., 99 Aslin, R.N., 181, 183, 191, 194, 358, 362 Astington, J., 241, 255 Astor, R.A., 526, 528 Atance, C.M., 239 Ateah, C., 548 Atkinson, L., 79, 416, 422 Atkinson, R., 265 Atterbury, J.L., 103, 139 Aubrey, C., 297 Aubry, S., 372 Auer, P., 386

Auerbach, J., 212 Augath, M., 182 Aunio, P., 297 Aunola, K., 408, 448 Austin, E.J., 318 Autti-Rämö, I., 110 Au-Yeung, K., 389 Aviezer, D., 423 Axia, G., 186, 373 Ayers-Lopez, S., 556 Azmitia, M., 554 Aznar, A., 469 Azuma, H., 417 B Backschneider, A.G., 237 Bacon, M.K., 465 Baddeley, A., 266 Badger, S., 557 Badzinski, D.M., 401 Baete, A., 110 Bagley, C., 568, 569, 571 Bagot, R.C., 94 Bagwell, C.L., 587, 588 Bahnsen, A., 357 Bahrick, L.E., 199, 200, 366 Bai, D., 196 Bailey, D.B., 53, 600 Bailey, J.M., 557 Baillargeon, R., 225, 226, 227, 228, 467, 505, 525 Bainbridge, J., 338, 340 Baird, Y., 82 Bakeman, R., 357 Bakeman, R., 402 Baker, B.L., 398 Baker, C.I., 192 Baker, D.P., 297, 469, 470 Baker, L.A., 481 Baker, R.L., 120, 134 Baker, S.A., 374 Baker, S.R., 405 Baker, S.W., 481 Bakermans-Kranenburg, M.J., 77, 170, 405, 416 Baldaro, B., 401 Baldwin, A., 321 Baldwin, C., 321 Baldwin, D.A., 368, 400 Baldwin, D.V., 559

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I-1

I-2

Name Index

Ball, C., 500 Ball, J., 435 Ball, S., 607 Ball, W.A., 280 Ballif, B., 397 Baltes, P.B., 3, 40 Bandura, A., 43–45, 55, 63, 210, 213, 351, 476, 484, 505, 523 Bank, L., 549 Banks, J.A., 599 Banks, M. S., 163, 187, 189, 190 Barbarin, O.A., 339, 340 Barbatsis, G., 609 Barber, B.K., 531, 547 Bardin, C., 133 Barenboim, C., 454, 455 Barglow, P., 118 Barker, E.T., 547 Barker, W., 335 Barlett, C.P., 605 Barna, J., 238–239 Barnard, K.E., 133 Barnes, G.M., 547 Barnett, D., 419 Barnett, S.W., 338 Barnett, W.S., 338 Baron, A.S., 485 Baron, I.S., 316 Baron, N.S., 371 Baron, R.A., 19–21 Baron-Cohen, S., 241 Baroni, M.R., 373 Barr, H.M., 109, 110 Barr, R., 213, 607, 609 Barrett, C., 14 Barrett, D.E., 170, 171 Barrett, L., 149 Barros, F., 170 Barrow, R., 334 Barry III, H., 465 Bartholomew, K., 423 Bartholomew, M., 166 Barton, M.E., 383 Bartsch, K., 452 Basinger, J.C., 499 Bass, E., 585 Bastra, L., 111, 112 Bates, E., 351, 356, 357, 359, 364 Bates, J.E., 211, 402, 403, 408, 422, 546 Bateson, D., 334 Bathurst, K., 321 Batool, R., 117 Batson, C.D., 89, 502 Battams, N., 539, 540 Batten, M., 417 Baudonniere, P., 433 Bauer, P.J., 224, 273, 274 Baumeister, A.A., 141 Baumgardner, J., 605 Baumrind, D., 209, 211, 445, 544–545, 546, 548, 583 Baumwell, L., 351 Baur, L.A., 172 Bavelier, D., 374

Baxter, A., 400 Bayley, N., 157, 320 Beach, J., 337 Beal, C.R., 380, 381, 484 Beaman, J., 561 Bean, D., 523 Bear, G.G., 513 Beard, R., 127 Beardsall, L., 400 Bearer, E., 59 Bearman, S.K., 168 Beaton, L., 318 Bechtoldt Baldacci, H., 605 Beck, J., 101, 109, 114, 115 Beck, J.E., 402 Becker, D., 164 Bee, H.L., 133 Beelmann, A., 453 Begab, M.J., 326 Begley, S., 84, 85 Behnke, M., 113 Behrend, D.A., 237 Behrendt, B., 473 Behrens, K.Y., 417, 423 Beier, M.E., 323 Beilin, H., 48, 246 Beilock, S.L., 449, 467 Beiser, M., 599 Belanger, A., 542 Bélanger, M., 416 Belgrad, S.L., 380 Bell, A.C., 172 Bell, M.A., 228, 405 Bellieni, C., 119 Bellis, M.A., 5, 610 Bellugi, U., 374, 378 Belsky, J., 55, 57, 404, 410, 417, 418, 419, 420, 423, 444, 539, 540, 543, 551, 566, 568, 570 Bem, D.J., 404 Bem, S., 39, 487–488, 489–490, 491, 492 Benasich, A.A., 134, 204 Benbow, C.P., 467, 471, 472 Bendersky, M., 135 Benedict, H., 365 Benini, F., 186 Bennett, C., 476 Bennett, K.E., 184 Bennett, M., 453 Bennett, P., 368 Benoit, D., 415, 416, 423 Bento, S., 423 Bentz, L.S., 103, 139 Benveniste, H., 113 Benyamin, B., 335 Benzies, K., 339 Berenbaum, S.A., 467, 476, 481, 488 Berg, C.A., 469 Berg, K.M., 138, 139 Berg, W.K., 138, 139 Bergelson, E., 364 Bergen, D.J., 465 Bergen, D.L., 105

Bergman, A., 430 Berk, L.E., 257 Berkey, C.S., 149 Berko, J., 377 Berkowitz, L., 20, 21 Berkowitz, M.W., 521 Berlin, M., 133 Bermann, E., 539 Bernard, J., 337, 338 Bernard, R.M., 608 Berndt, T.J., 457, 458, 552, 585, 586, 588, 591 Berne, S.A., 137 Bernhard, H., 515 Bernhardt, E., 493 Bernier, A., 416, 422, 424 Bernieri, F., 93, 326 Bernstein, D.M., 240 Berrueta-Clement, J.R., 338 Berry, J.W., 201 Bersoff, D.M., 505 Bertenthal, B., 14, 163, 191, 192, 195, 196 Berthier, N., 161 Bertoncini, J., 185, 209, 361 Bertrand, J., 370 Besevegis, E., 405 Besser, A., 129 Best, C.T., 365 Best, D.L., 164, 465 Best, K.M., 544 Bever, T.G., 379 Bewley, S., 126 Bhat, A., 158 Bhavnagri, N.P., 13 Bialystok, E., 151, 381, 387, 388 Bianchi, S.M., 559 Biblarz, T., 557 Bickerton, D., 355 Bidell, T., 247, 253 Bierman, K.L., 5, 589 Biernat, M., 474 Bigbee, M.A., 494, 529 Bigelow, A., 130, 409 Bigler, R.S., 453, 494 Bigner, J.J., 558 Billings, R.L., 116 Billman, J., 504 Binek, V., 117 Binet, A., 47, 308–309 Bingham, K., 531 Biocca, F.A., 609 Birch, E.E., 193, 194 Birch, H.G, 406 Birch, L.L., 171, 172, 504 Birch, S.H., 584 Biringen, Z., 162, 506 Birkett, N., 120 Birns, B., 331 Bisanz, J., 294, 295, 296, 591 Bish, A., 556 Bitetti, D., 335 Bitz, B., 516 Bivens, J.A., 257

Bjork, E.L., 368 Bjorklund, B., 287 Bjorklund, D., 27, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 212, 218, 225, 230, 232, 237, 247, 250, 264, 269, 270, 272, 274, 287, 290, 295, 315, 331, 358 Black, J.E., 73 Black, M.M., 418 Black, S.H, 78 Black-Gutman, D., 453 Blackley, P., 358 Blackwell, C.K., 608 Blackwell, L.S., 449 Blaga, O.M., 204 Blake, J., 362 Blake, K.V., 111 Blakemore, J.E.O., 475, 476, 479, 485 Blanc, M., 389 Blankenship, J., 110 Blankson, A.N., 607 Blass, E.M., 185, 186 Blehar, M., 413 Bleses, D., 365 Block, J., 341, 560 Block, J.H., 341, 468, 560 Block, K., 485 Blom, E., 387 Bloom, L., 352, 359, 365, 373, 378 Bloom, P., 9, 503, 578, 603 Blue, J., 566 Blyth, D.A., 167 Boak, R., 172 Boake, C., 309, 316 Boat, T., 324 Bobe, L., 154 Bobrow, D., 557 Bochner, S., 371, 372 Bodrova, E., 255 Bogatz, G.A., 607 Bogin, B., 147 Bohannon III, J.N., 355, 356, 357, 358, 359 Boismier, J.D., 140 Boivin, M., 467, 529 Bokhorst, C.L., 421 Bolan, P., 82 Boldizar, J.P., 491, 492 Bolger, K.E., 568, 569, 570 Bolger, N., 454 Boloh, Y., 381 Bolton, P., 326 Bong, M., 323 Bonichini, S., 186 Bonner, R., 608 Bonvillian, J.D., 356, 357, 358, 359, 374 Booij, L., 25 Bookstein, F.L., 110 Boone, R.T., 401 Booth, A., 168, 559, 560 Bor, W., 532 Borasio, F., 432 Bordeleau, S., 416 Borke, J., 433 Borkowski, J.G., 271

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Name Index I-3 Bornstein, M.H., 14, 59, 63, 180, 181, 188, 190, 200, 201, 203, 204, 254, 255, 351, 364, 366, 405, 483, 548 Borokhovski, E., 608 Boseovski, J.J., 454 Bosseler, A., 182 Botein, S., 419 Botero, H., 142 Botkin, J.R., 72, 83, 84 Bottino, P.J., 76, 81 Bouchard, T.J., 311, 481 Bouchard, T.J., Jr., 87, 93 Bouck, E.C., 326 Bountrogianni, M., 253 Bourgeois, A.C., 108 Bouvier, R., 102 Bouvrette, A., 438 Bowen, J., 133 Bowen-Woodward, K., 562 Bower, B., 309, 312, 319, 326 Bower, T.G.R., 160, 183, 198 Bowerman, M., 351 Bowes, J., 550 Bowker, A., 438 Bowlby, J., 12, 53, 138, 409, 412, 413, 421, 422, 424, 436, 460 Bow-Thomas, C.C., 297 Boy, T., 317 Boyce, T., 322, 335 Boyle, M.H., 553 Bozzo, P., 113 Brackbill, Y., 127 Brackett, M.A., 402 Brackmann, N., 291 Bradbard, M.R., 488 Bradley, C.F., 118, 119 Bradley, E.A., 324 Bradley, R.H., 134, 329, 330, 331, 335, 418, 546 Bradshaw, A.J., 571 Bradshaw, D., 395, 396 Braine, M.D.S., 379, 381 Brainerd, C.J., 246, 272, 283, 284, 291, 299 Brame, B., 526 Brand, E., 562 Brannon, E.M., 190 Branstetter, W.H, 586 Branum-Martin, L., 389 Brassard, M.R., 572 Braun, N., 565 Braungart, J.M., 330, 403 Braungart-Rieker, J.M., 418 Braunwald, K., 419 Braver, S.L., 561 Braver, T.S., 311 Brazelton, T.B., 125 Breinlinger, K., 227 Bremnar, J.G., 180, 228, 229 Brendgen, M., 539, 587 Brennan, P.A., 532 Bretherton, I., 422 Brickell, T.A., 317 Bridger, W., 331

Bridges, L.J., 398 Bridges, M., 558 Brisson, J., 242 Broberg, A., 211 Brock, J.W., 84 Brocki, K.C., 401 Brockington, I., 72, 113, 118, 119, 120, 127, 140, 173 Broderick, C.J., 438 Brody, G.H., 383, 504, 508, 509, 532, 549, 553, 554, 596, 597 Brody, L.R., 468 Brody, N., 311, 322, 332 Brodzinsky, A.B., 556 Brodzinsky, D.M., 128, 409, 556 Bromley, D.B., 434, 452 Bronfenbrenner, U., 20, 55–59, 63, 94, 420, 539, 541 Bronstein, P., 445 Brookes, H., 198 Brooks, M., 110 Brooks, P.J., 379 Brooks R., 365 Brooks-Gunn, J., 168, 322, 330, 334, 335, 431, 450, 549 Brophy, J.E., 598 Brophy-Herb, H.E., 400 Brosseau-Lapré, F., 374 Broughton, J.M., 198 Broverman, D.M., 465 Broverman, I.K., 465 Brown, A.C., 532, 554 Brown, A.L., 255, 319, 593 Brown, A.S., 107 Brown, B.B., 57, 68, 69, 188, 591 Brown, E., 194 Brown, J., 111, 400, 401 Brown, J.D., 429, 436 Brown, J.L., 139 Brown, J.R., 398, 401 Brown, K.P., 589 Brown, M.M., 231 Brown, N.B., 371 Brown, P., 533 Brown, R., 352, 372, 376, 377 Brown, T.E., 266 Brownell, C., 232, 433, 504, 577, 579, 587 Brownlee, S., 355, 356, 362 Brubacher, S.P., 290, 292 Bruck, M., 290 Brucken, L., 473 Bruer, J.T., 53 Brugger, A., 224 Brumitt, G.A., 116 Brummelman, E., 440 Bruner, J.S., 253, 357, 363 Brunschot, M.V., 586 Bryan, C.J., 510 Bryant, D.M., 541 Bryant, G., 14 Bryant, N.R., 319 Bryc, K., 335 Bryden, M.P., 467 Bryson, S.E., 324

Buchanan, C.M., 561 Buchanan, N.R., 578 Buchmann, M., 530 Buckley, D., 110 Buckley, K., 605, 606 Buckley, S.J., 124 Budacki, J., 608 Budday, S., 149, 150, 151 Buehler, C., 540 Bugental, D.B., 566 Buhrmester, D., 458, 553, 554, 587 Buhs, E.S., 583, 584 Bukowski, W., 57, 553, 602, 608, 610 Bukowski, W.M., 402, 476, 578, 583, 585, 587, 588 Bulleit, T.N., 552 Bullock, M., 242 Bulmer, M., 130, 409 Burchinal, M., 113, 339, 592 Burchinal, M.R., 541 Bureau, J., 416, 424 Burgess, K.B., 406, 526, 584 Burgo, G., 608 Burhans, K.K., 445 Burkett, S., 83 Burlingham-Dubre, M., 297 Burman, B., 558 Burn, S., 476 Burnett, C., 608 Burnette, E., 453, 599 Burnham, D.K., 470 Burns, G.W., 76, 81 Burns, L.H., 556 Burns, M., 515 Burns, N.R., 314 Burns, W.J., 335 Burns, Y., 133 Burrows, P.K., 84 Burton, L.M., 541 Burton, L.T., 184 Burton, R., 510 Busch-Rossnagel, N.A., 442 Bush, T.J., 108 Bushman, B., 18 Bushnell, I.W.R., 188, 198 Buss, A.H., 403 Buss, A.T., 159, 160 Buss, D.M., 478, 479, 482 Buss, K.A., 398, 403, 406 Bussey, K., 476, 484, 510, 514 Buswell, B.N., 469 Butcher, C., 364 Butenandt, O., 173 Butler, D.W., 241 Butler, L., 230 Butler, R., 440, 449, 452 Butler, S., 469 Butt, M.S., 117 Butterfield, E.C., 361 Butterfield, P., 400 Butterworth, G., 209 Button, B., 83 Buyck, P., 437 Buysse, V., 600

Byers, R.H., 108 Byers, T., 171 Byrnes, J.P., 467 Byun, J., 608 Bywater, T., 329 C Cabral, H., 111 Cabrera, N.J., 418 Cahalan, C., 467 Cahan, S., 591 Cairney, J., 438, 553 Cairns, B.D., 586 Caldera, Y.M., 475 Caldwell, B., 329, 444 Caldwell, M.S., 583 Caldwell, P.H.Y., 610 Calkins, S.D., 402, 406, 607 Callanan, M.A., 241, 357, 368, 369, 383, 469 Caltran, G., 429 Calvert, S.L., 607 Camaioni, L., 348 Camara, K., 558 Cameron, C.A., 382, 514–515 Cameron, I., 114 Cameron, N., 147, 148 Cameron-Faulkner, T., 358 Camino, L., 20, 21 Campbell, B., 168 Campbell, F.A., 339, 340, 592 Campbell, S.B., 128, 129, 409 Campione, J.C., 255, 319 Campos, J., 14, 162, 163, 190, 191, 195, 196, 395, 396, 398, 400, 403, 404 Campos, R.G., 142, 397 Camras, L., 398 Camras, L.A., 395, 396 Candir, Ö., 99 Canfield, R.L., 294 Canivez, G., 317 Cannough, T., 274 Cao-Lei, L., 77 Caouette, J., 389 Capaldi, D.M., 562 Caplan, M., 525, 527 Capozzoli, M., 279 Cappadocia, M.C., 439 Cappenberg, M., 410 Capute, A.J., 103 Caputo, D.V., 134 Carbonell, O.A., 13 Cardy, A., 111 Carey, S., 192, 228, 230, 294, 367 Carlo, G., 523 Carlsmith, J.M., 167 Carlson, E.S., 105 Carlson, S.M., 237, 241, 419, 422 Carlson, V., 419 Carneiro, C., 540 Carobbi, S., 116 Carpendale, J.I.M., 458, 504, 513 Carpenter, L., 172 Carpenter, M., 209, 239, 369

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I-4

Name Index

Carpenter, T.P., 295 Carper, R., 151 Carr, J., 79 Carr, M., 271 Carraher, D., 296 Carraher, T.N., 296 Carranza, E., 465 Carrick, N., 398 Carrico, R., 161 Carrier, J., 416 Carriger, M.S., 204, 232, 321, 331, 433, 579 Carrington, D., 107, 108 Carroll, J., 311, 312 Carson, J.L., 581 Carson, V., 164, 606 Carter, E.A., 183 Carter, R., 168 Caruso, D., 402 Caruso, M., 468 Carver, L.J., 14, 400 Casas, J.F., 468 Casasola, M., 204, 366, 367 Case, R., 60, 218, 245, 247, 248–249, 270, 290 Caselli, M.C., 356 Casey, M.B., 467 Casey, V., 524 Casey, W., 510 Caspi, A., 25, 168, 398, 402, 404, 405, 526, 532 Cassel, W.S., 274 Cassia, V.M., 187 Cassidy, J., 583, 584 Cassidy, R., 431 Casteel, M.A., 381 Castle, J., 527 Catalano, P., 171 Cates, W., Jr., 107, 109 Cattell, R., 311, 319 Cattin, J-P, 458 Cauce, A.M., 550 Caughy, M.O., 134 Caviness, V.S, 153 Ceci, S.J., 94, 290, 323, 591 Cefalo, R.C., 80, 83, 117 Cen, G., 404, 585 Centers, R.E., 485 Cernoch, J.M., 186 Cervantes, C.A., 469 Chabot, M., 567 Chabris, C.F., 311 Chadwick, B.A., 541 Chaiyasit, W., 404 Chall, J.S., 201 Chambers, B., 608 Champaud, C., 381 Chan, K., 548 Chan, R.W., 557 Chan, S.M., 550 Chandler, M.J., 118, 237, 514, 534, 589 Chandler, S., 129 Chang, B., 454 Chang, L., 421, 595

Chang, S., 117 Chang, S.M., 117 Chang, T.S., 108 Chant-Smith, B., 296 Chao, R., 550 Chao, W., 561 Chapieski, M.L., 211 Chapman, H.A., 500 Chapman, M., 503 Chapple, J., 127 Charlesworth, W.R., 7 Chase-Lansdale, P.L., 560 Chasiotis, A., 410 Chasnoff, I.J., 140 Chavkin, W., 113, 115 Cheadle, J.E., 558 Cheal, J.L., 401 Chee-Ruiter, C., 183 Chen, C., 297, 471, 546, 584, 593, 596 Chen, F., 433 Chen, H., 547 Chen, P., 298, 593 Chen, Q., 593 Chen, S.J., 116 Chen, X., 389, 404, 445, 505, 550, 582, 583, 585, 595 Chen, Y., 607 Chen, Z., 388 Cheng, L., 297 Cheng, S-T., 441 Chentsova-Dutton, Y., 609 Cheour, M., 182 Cherlin, A.J., 560, 562 Cherng, R., 607 Chescheir, N.C., 80, 83 Chess, S., 406, 407, 408, 420 Cheung, A., 608 Chi, M.T.H., 268–269, 294 Chiappe, P., 389 Chieh, K.M., 514–515 Child, I.L., 465 Ching, W-D., 297 Chiu, Y.-W., 119 Choi, S., 367 Chomiak, T., 204 Chomitz, V.R., 109, 111, 116, 117, 131, 132 Chomsky, N., 352 Choudhury, N., 204 Chouinard, M.M., 358 Chow, J., 566 Chow, K.L., 151 Choy, G., 397 Christensen, K.M., 186 Christophe, A., 209 Christopher, F.S., 506 Christopherson, E.R., 468 Chronis-Tuscano, A., 582 Chu, F.W., 294 Chua, A., 550 Chuah, Y.M.L., 269 Chung, L.W.Y., 109, 131 Chung, T., 552 Chung-Lee, L., 129

Ciaramitaro, V., 185 Cibelli, C.D., 422 Cicchetti, D., 398, 402, 419, 569 Cicciarelli, A.W., 373 Cillessen, A.H.N., 526, 528, 529, 582, 584, 585 Cimpian, A., 471 Clahsen, H., 377 Clairman, H., 111, 112 Clark, E.V., 351, 358, 368, 376, 381 Clark, H.H., 376, 381 Clark, K.E., 56, 581 Clark, L.V., 456 Clark, M.C., 504 Clark, M.S., 585 Clark, R., 485 Clark, S., 416 Clarke-Stewart, K.A., 560 Clarkson, F.E., 465 Clarkson, M.G., 161 Clasen, D.R., 591 Clatfelter, D., 581 Clausen, J.A., 168 Claxton, L.J., 240 Clayton, J.D., 58, 541 Clearfield, M.W., 163 Cleary, R., 396 Clément, M., 548 Clements, W.A., 242 Clerc, J., 274, 275 Clifford, S., 403 Clifton, R.K., 161 Clingempeel, W.G., 57, 546, 559, 562 Clyman, R.B., 506 Cnattingius, S., 111, 112, 119 Coates, B., 23–24, 213 Cobb, P., 297 Cobo-Lewis, A.B., 387 Cockburn, J., 126 Coddington, J.A., 413 Cohen, D., 188, 212, 469, 534 Cohen, K.M., 159 Cohen, L., 505 Cohen, L.B., 366, 367 Cohen, N., 591 Cohen, S., 119 Cohn, J.F., 128, 129, 361, 395, 397, 409 Coie, J.D., 524, 526, 527, 528, 582, 583, 584, 587, 589 Colapinto, J., 482 Colasante, T., 530 Colby, A., 516, 519, 520 Cole, A., 588 Cole, D.A., 471 Cole, P.M., 399, 526 Cole, S., 173 Coleman, C.C., 587, 588 Coleman, J., 166 Coleman, L., 166 Coleman, M., 562 Coley, R.L., 418, 561 Colley, A., 485 Collie, R., 224 Collier, K.M., 605, 606

Collimore, L.M., 194 Collins, P.A., 487 Collins, W.A., 548, 606 Collin-Vezina, D., 567 Colombo, J., 181, 203, 204 Colpin, H., 440 Coltheart, M., 302 Columbo, J., 139, 320 Comeau, L., 373 Conaway, M., 131 Condron, D.J., 554 Condry, J., 470 Condry, S., 470 Confer, J.C., 479 Conger, R.D., 75, 531, 541, 544, 549, 561, 565 Conger, R.V., 405 Connell, D.B., 419 Connell, J.P, 398 Connolly, D.A., 240, 241 Connolly, K.J., 533 Connor, C.M., 331 Connor, J.M., 82 Conti-Ramsden, G., 383 Coohey, C., 565 Cook, J.L., 110 Cook, R., 556 Cook, R.E., 492 Cook, S., 171 Cook, W.L., 548 Cooley, C., 437 Coon, H., 330 Coon, J.A., 239 Coontz, S., 539 Cooper, D.H., 382 Cooper, G., 589 Cooper, M.L., 438 Cooper, R.P., 358, 361 Cooperman, S., 529 Coopersmith, S., 440 Coplan, R.J., 582 Coppola, M., 355 Coppotelli, H., 582 Corbin, C., 163 Corby, B.C., 474 Corcoran, K.M., 366 Cordes, S., 190 Coren, S., 155 Corenblum, B., 434 Corina, D., 374 Corley, R., 406, 522 Cornelius, M.D., 110 Cornell, D.P., 491 Corns, K.M., 423, 551 Corriveau, K.H., 277 Corsini, R.J., 99 Corteen, R.S., 604 Corter, C., 552 Corwyn, R.F., 331 Cossette, L., 410 Costin, S.E., 586 Cote, S., 467 Cottingham, E.M., 241 Coubart, A., 294

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Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Name Index I-5 Couchoud, E.A., 582 Coulson, S., 373 Coulton, C.J., 566 Courage, Mary, 28, 188, 287 Courage, M.L., 28, 209, 607 Cowan, C.P., 437, 546 Cowan, N., 268 Cowan, P., 437 Cowan, P.A., 209, 546, 548 Cowen, E.L., 561 Cowley, G., 171, 172, 606 Cox, A., 382 Cox, C.M., 307 Cox, M., 559, 560 Cox, M.J., 271, 418, 420, 539 Cox, R., 559, 560, 606 Cox, S.J., 491 Coy, K.C., 420, 506, 507 Coyle, A., 557 Coyle, T.R., 27, 250, 270, 276 Coyne, S.M., 604, 605 Craik, F., 151 Cranage, S.M., 140 Crassini, B., 183 Craton, L.G., 191, 382 Craven, R., 437 Craven, R.G., 437 Crego, M.B., 379 Crellin, M., 172 Cremo, E., 29 Crenshaw, T.M., 589 Cressman, A.M., 113 Crews, F., 39 Crick, N.R., 468, 494, 528–530, 533, 534, 583 Criss, M.M., 546, 547 Crnic, K., 55, 423 Crockenberg, S., 509, 540, 548 Crockenberg, S.C., 397 Crocker, J., 436, 438 Croft, A., 485 Croft, C.M., 421 Croft, K., 237 Cromer, C.C., 578 Cronbach, L.J., 598 Crook, C.K., 185 Crooks, C.V., 568 Crosby, L., 588, 589 Cross, D., 238, 240 Crouter, A., 168 Crouter, A.C., 472, 474, 484, 492, 553, 554 Crowell, J.A., 163 Crowley, C.G., 533 Crowley, K., 275 Cruzcosa, M., 566 Cui, M., 531 Culver, C., 133, 397 Cummings, E.M., 417, 423, 526, 531, 532, 548, 549, 552, 558, 559 Cummins, R., 389 Cunningham, J.G., 401 Curtin, S., 366 Curtis, L.E., 294

Curtiss, S., 354 Cuthbert A., 126 Cutler, A., 362, 366 Cutting, J. E., 191, 192 Cvencek, D., 438 Cycyk, L.M., 335 Cyna, A.M., 126 Cynic, K., 404 Cyphers, L., 351, 473 Cyr, C., 416, 422, 424 D da Silva, O.P., 117 Daemers, K., 354 Daglish, L., 475 Daher, M., 185 Dahl, A., 196 Dale, P.S., 351, 365, 381 Dale, R., 431 Daltabuit, M., 142 Damast, A.M., 255 Damian, M.F., 368 Damian, R.I., 594 Damon, W., 434, 457, 474 Danaei, G., 146, 170 Danby, M.C., 290 D’Andrade, R., 445 D’Angelo, N., 389 Daniel, E., 577 Daniels, D., 592 Daniels, T., 584 Danielson, K., 187 Danling, P., 381 Dannemiller, J.L., 194 D’Apolito, K., 113 Dapretto, M., 368 Darby, B.L., 109 Darling, N., 546, 547 Darling-Churchill, K.E., 402 Darlington, R., 338 Daro, D., 572 Darwin, C., 7, 52 Das, J.P., 314, 317 Das, N., 314 Das Eiden, R., 423, 551 Dasen, P.R., 201 Davidov, M., 504 Davidson, J., 482 Davidson, R.J., 406 Davies, C., 608 Davies, L., 527 Davies, M., 589 Davies, P.G., 471 Davies, P.L., 150 Davies, P.T., 531, 532, 549, 552, 558 Davis, B., 88, 129 Davis, B.L., 357, 362 Davis, G.A., 597 Davis, L.B., 186 Davis, M., 395 Davis, T.L., 399 Davis Eyler, F., 113 Davison, K.K., 171 Dawson, G., 192, 241

Day, N.L., 110, 114 Day, R.H., 192, 194 De Beukelaer, C., 354 de Boysson-Bardies, B., 357, 362, 365 De Bruïne, F.T., 132 de Chantal, P.L., 242 de Groot, F., 172 de Jong, E., 606 De Lacey, P., 577 de Mendonça, J.S., 410 De Pisapia, N., 141 De Schonen, S., 193, 434 de Silva-Sanigorski, A., 172 De Villiers, J., 369, 372, 376, 377, 378, 379, 381 De Villiers, P., 369, 372, 376, 377, 378, 379, 381 de Waal, F., 502 De Wert, G., 557 De Wolff, M.S., 418, 419 De Zeeuw, P., 113 de Zegher, F., 134 Deacon, S.H., 389 Deal, J., 405 Dean, M.L., 489 DeAngelis, T., 610 Dearing, R., 396 Deater-Deckard, K., 92, 211, 509, 527, 556 Deaux, K., 464 Deaver, C.M., 43 DeBerry, K.M., 556 DeBoer, M., 131 Debus, R., 437 DeCasper, A., 182, 183–184, 185, 361 Deci, E.L., 597 Decker, B.P., 341 Deckner, D.F., 357 Decourcey, W., 597 Dedrick, C.F., 133 Deering, L., 471 DeFries, J.C., 68, 91, 330 DeGarmo, D.S., 335, 561 Degnan, K.A., 402, 405 Deguchi, T., 361 Dehaene, S., 251 DeJesus, J.M., 172 DeJong, G.F., 225, 227, 228 DeKeyser, R., 354 Dekker, G.A., 118, 119 Del Giudice, M., 463 Delcenserie, A., 354 Deleveaux, G., 608 DeLoache, J., 230, 231, 233–234, 235, 273, 292, 293 DeLuccie, M.F., 418 DelVecchio, W.F., 402, 405 Demarest, J., 485 Demers, L., 166 Demetriou, A., 248 Demo, D.H., 539 Demonner, S.M., 119 Dempster, F.N., 268, 279, 281 DeMulder, E.K., 422

Demuth, K., 379 Denardin, D., 29 Denham, S., 422, 469 Denham, S.A., 582, 583 Dennis, C.L., 129 Dennis, T.A., 398 Dennis, W., 158 DePaolis, R.A., 365 Deppe, M., 154 Derbyshire, A., 472, 473 Derevensky, J., 383 Derksen, D.G., 240, 241 DeRosier, M.E., 582 Desai, K.A., 442 Desai, M., 102 Descartes, R., 179 deSchonen, S., 431 Desjardins, R.N., 202, 361, 368 Devine, K.A., 587 Devolder, P., 608 DeVries, R., 234 Dews, S., 381 Dewsbury, D.A., 52 Di Fabio, A., 318 DiAdamo, C, 238–239 Diamond, A., 186, 227–228, 281, 282, 598, 602 Diamond, M., 482 Diamond, R., 192 Diaz, J., 113 Diaz, R.M., 257, 386 Dichtellmiller, M., 133 Dick, D.M., 168 Dick-Read, G., 126 Dicks, J., 388 Dickson, K.L., 412 Didow, S.M., 579 Diekman, A.B., 465, 479 Diener, E., 469 Diergarten, A., 603, 604 Diessner, R., 521 DiLalla, L.F., 330, 335, 406 Dilks, D.D., 192 Dill, K.E., 468, 605 Dillon, P.A., 561 Ding, N., 352 Ding, X.P., 240, 277 Dintcheff, B.A., 547 Dion, J., 567 Diop, Y, 359 DiPietro, J., 103, 104, 118, 119, 468 Dishion, T.J., 88, 532, 588, 589 Dissanayake, C., 579 Dixon, R.A., 59, 63 Dockery, D.W., 149 Dodge, K.A., 51, 211, 304, 408, 421, 509, 524, 526, 527, 528–530, 531, 532, 533, 534, 546, 547, 550, 582, 583, 584, 586, 587, 589 Doherty, W.J., 560 Dolgin, K.G., 237 Dollberg, S., 120, 133 Dombrowski, S., 317 Dominey, P.F., 371

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Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-6

Name Index

Domitrovich, C.E., 439 Domjan, M., 203 Donahue, E.M., 405 Donahue, K.L., 403 Dondi, M., 429 Dondis, E.H., 326 Dong, Q., 546, 555 Donnellan, M.B., 405, 531, 541, 549 Donnelly, K., 491 D’Onofrio, B., 211, 327 D’Onofrio, B.M., 326, 403, 407 Donovan, W.L., 540 Doris, J., 546 Dornbusch, S.M., 57, 167, 440, 546 Dorsy, D., 549, 596, 597 Dougherty, T.M., 321 Douglas, R.N., 270, 274 Doumen, S., 440 Dove, G.O., 182 Dow-Edwards, D., 114 Dow-Ehrensberger, M., 591 Dowler, J.K., 116 Downer, J.T., 338 Downey, D.B., 554 Downing, J., 5 Doyle, A.B., 408, 418, 453, 539, 588 Drabman, R.S., 605 Dräger, B., 154 Drillien, C.M., 134 Droege, K., 586 Droege, K.L., 449, 454 Drohan-Jennings, D.M., 292 Dropik, P.L., 224 Dubas, J.S., 480, 481 Dubois, D.L., 539 DuBois, J., 153 Dubois-Comtois, K., 422, 424 Dubow, E., 330, 331 Dubowitz, H., 418 Duch, H., 339 Duckworth, A.L., 322 Duffy, J., 467 Duggan, C., 173 Duke, P.M., 167 Duku, E., 553 Dumas, C., 243 Duncan, G., 334 Duncan, G.J., 322, 335, 472, 549 Duncan, K., 159 Duncan, L., 126 Duncan, P., 155 Duncan, R.M., 257, 258 Dunfield, K., 504 Dunham, P., 129 Dunn, J., 184, 241, 254, 357, 398, 400, 401, 531, 551, 552 Dunn, K., 84, 180 Duquette, M., 117 Durand, E.Y., 335 Durgunoglu, A., 389 Durkin, K., 373 Durlak, J.A., 280, 439, 610 Durrant, J., 211 Durrant, J.E., 211

Durston, S., 113 Duyck, P., 608 Duyck, W., 608 Dweck, C., 333, 445, 449–452, 453 Dwyer, K.M., 406, 526 Dwyer, T., 140 Dy, J., 126 Dye, C.D., 352 Dymnicki, A.B., 280, 439, 610 Dziurawiec, S., 187, 188 E Eagly, A.E., 464 Eagly, A.H., 465, 469, 479 East, P.L., 554 Eastenson, A., 587 Easterbrooks, M.A., 422, 432 Eastman, K.L., 404 Easton, J.A., 479 Eaton, W.O., 468 Eaves, L.J, 326 Ebbinghaus, H., 6 Ebeling, K.S., 379 Ebstein, R.B., 77 Eccles, J., 448 Eccles, J.S., 437, 440, 448, 449, 467, 470, 471, 472, 596, 597 Echols, C.H., 365 Eckenrode, J., 546, 568, 569 Eckerman, C.O., 133, 579 Eckley, L., 567, 610 Ecklund-Flores, L., 183 Edelman, S., 356, 358 Eder, R.A., 434, 454 Edison, S.C., 28 Edman, M., 183 Edstrom, L.V., 438 Edwards, A., 502 Edwards, C.P., 475, 482, 504, 521, 522, 577 Edwards, L., 520, 522 Edwards, S., 608 Egan, L.C., 9 Egan, S.K., 492 Egan, V., 318 Egeland, B., 564, 570 Eggum, N.D., 502 Egloff, B., 577 Ehrhardt, A., 479, 480, 481, 482 Eicher, S., 591 Eidelman, A., 133, 212 Eidelman, A.I., 540 Eilers, R.E., 202, 362, 387 Eimas, P., 202, 353 Einstein, Albert, 307 Eisele, J., 381 Eisen, M., 434 Eisenberg, N., 398, 399, 402, 406, 468, 476, 502, 504, 506, 546, 596, 598 Elam, M., 113 Elder, D., 139 Elder, G.H., 549 Elder, G.H., Jr., 404 Eley, T.C., 527

Elgbeili, G., 77 El-Haddad, M., 102 Elicker, J., 382 Elkind, D., 151, 246, 592 Ellerbeck, K., 468 Elliot, R., 533 Elliott, A.J., 110 Elliott, E.M., 268 Elliott, S., 589 Ellis, B.J., 225, 250 Ellis, H., 187, 188 Ellis, L.A., 437 Ellis, S., 578 Ellsworth, C.P., 410 Elmen, J.D., 445 Else-Quest, N.M., 405 El-Sheikh, M., 558 Emde, R.N., 89, 162, 395, 400, 403, 506 Emerson, P., 410, 411, 413 Emery, R., 211, 559, 561, 565, 570, 572 Emmen, H.H., 116 Endsley, R.C., 488 Engberg, G., 187 Engel, C., 515 Engelhard, J.A., Jr., 343 Engels, R., 422 English, D., 510 Englund, M., 476 Englund, M.M., 579 Enns, L.R., 468 Ensom, R., 211 Entwisle, D.R., 470 Eppler, M.A., 163 Epstein, A.S., 338 Epstein, L.H., 172 Erel, O., 552, 558 Erickson, M.F., 564 Erickson, S., 605, 606 Erikson, E., 38, 40–41, 421, 422, 436, 543 Eron, L.D., 18, 526, 527, 605 Ertel, M., 413 Espelage, D., 438 Esplin, P.W., 290 Espy, K.A., 330, 335 Esser, G., 408 Esters, I.G., 311 Etaugh, C., 493 Evans, A.E., 514 Evans, D.W., 79 Evans, E.M., 424 Evans, G.W., 15 Evans, M., 608 Everett, B.H., 237 Ewert, B., 383 Ewert, K., 382 Eyer, D.E, 128 Ezzati, M., 146, 170 F Fabes, R.A., 398, 399, 468, 475, 476, 484, 504, 506, 578 Fabricius, W.V., 276

Facon, B., 317 Facon-Bollengier, T., 317 Faden, R.R., 107 Fagan, J.F., 204, 333 Fagan, M.K., 364 Fagard, J., 198 Fagot, B.I., 330, 422, 472, 473, 475, 484, 485, 527, 543 Fairchild, E., 485 Falbo, T., 551, 554 Fallon, B., 211, 567 Fan, L., 297, 298, 593 Fantie, B., 150, 155 Fantz, R., 180, 189–190 Farabura, A.D., 82 Farah, M.J., 331 Farmer, D.L., 84 Farmer, T.W., 529, 585 Farnia, F., 387, 389 Farrant, K., 432 Farrar, M.J., 286 Farrell, M.P., 547 Farver, J.M., 586 Fast, L., 296 Fauber, R., 559 Faust, M.S., 168 Favez, N., 540 Fawzi, W., 146, 170 Fearon, I., 142 Fearon, R.M., 540 Fehr, E., 515 Feiler, R., 592 Fein, G., 232 Fein, G.G., 116 Feingold, A., 468, 469 Feinman, S., 400 Feiring, C., 424 Feldhusen, J.F., 341, 342 Feldman, D.H., 343 Feldman, J.F., 132, 134, 204, 320, 321 Feldman, R., 15, 129, 133, 507, 540 Feldman, R.S., 569 Fellegi, I.P., 542 Fenelon, A., 119 Fennell, C.T., 366 Fennema, E., 467 Fenson, L., 351, 356, 364, 365 Fentress, J.C., 138 Ferber, S.G., 133 Ferguson, C., 362, 363 Ferguson, J., 134 Ferguson, M., 113 Fergusson, D., 120 Fernald, A., 352, 357, 358, 359, 361, 367, 400 Fernandes, H.B.F., 327 Ferrara, R.A., 319 Ferreira, F., 381 Ferrer, A., 134 Ferris, B.G., 149 Feshbach, S., 527 Feuerstein, R., 319 Fey, M.E., 358 Field, D., 238

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Name Index I-7 Field, J., 183 Field, P.A., 129 Field, T., 128, 133 Field, T.M., 129, 133, 186, 188, 212, 586 Fielding-Barnsley, R., 382 Fielding-Wells, J., 448 Fier, J., 471 Fifer, W.P., 104, 182, 183, 185, 361 Figueredo, A.J., 327, 565, 569 Fincham, F.D., 450, 558–559, 561 Fine, M.A., 539, 562 Finegan, J.A.K., 82 Fingerman, K.L., 539 Finitzo, T., 184 Fink, G., 146, 170 Finkelhor, D., 566, 570, 571, 610 Finlay, B.L, 151 Finnegan, R.A., 56 Finn-Stevenson, M., 570, 593 Fiori-Cowley, A., 129, 419 Fisch, R.O., 187 Fischer, A.H., 469 Fischer, K.W., 153, 246, 247, 253 Fischer, R., 499 Fisher, C., 362, 370 Fisher, D., 158 Fisher, D.M., 159 Fisher, E.P., 232 Fisher, P., 403 Fitzgerald, C., 357 Fitzgerald, H.E., 10, 81, 609 Fitzpatrick, M.J., 485 Fitzsimmons, C.M, 367 Fivaz-Depeursinge, E., 540 Fivush, R., 51, 286, 287, 288, 469 Flaks, D.K., 557, 558 Flanagan, C., 128, 558 Flannigan, K., 110 Flavell, E.R., 235, 237, 276, 277, 278 Flavell, J.H., 235, 237, 239, 246, 276, 277, 278, 353, 373, 380, 452 Fleischman, D.S., 479 Fleming, J.S., 56, 330, 335, 444 Fletcher, P., 117, 367 Flieller, A., 327 Floccia, C., 185, 209 Flöel, A., 154 Flom, R., 200 Flynn, E., 240 Flynn, J.R., 327 Fogel, A., 396, 409, 412 Foley, C., 352 Foley, H.J., 188 Follmer, A., 541 Folven, R.J., 374 Fonagy, P., 421, 423 Fonaryova Key, A.P., 182 Fonzi, A., 587 Forbes, L.M., 424 Ford, D.Y., 445 Ford, L.H., Jr., 434 Forehand, R., 549, 559, 596, 597 Forgatch, M.S., 335, 561 Forman, D.R., 544

Forman, E.M., 558 Forslund, T., 401 Foster, M.A., 338 Fowler, J.S., 113 Fowles, E.R., 132 Fox, N.A., 154, 228, 405, 406, 418 Fox, S.E., 188, 192 Fraley, R.C., 403, 416, 421 Francis, D.J., 382, 389 Francis, K.J., 569 Francis, N., 355 Franco, P., 140 Frank, D., 111, 116 Frank, D.A., 170, 171 Frankel, C.B., 398 Frankel, K.A., 422 Frankenberg, W.K., 444 Franklin, A., 188 Franze, S., 338 Frascarolo, F., 540 Fredricks, J.A., 471 Fredriks, A.M., 166 Freedman, D.G., 142 Freedman, J., 358 Freeland, E., 471 Freeman, D., 523 Freeman, D.N., 188 Freeman, M., 150, 389 Freeman, N.K, 463 Freeman-Doan, C., 470 Freiberg, K., 183 French, C., 317 French, F., 317 Frenkel, O.J, 421 Freud, S., 38–42 Freund, L., 255 Frey, J., 589 Frey, K.S., 438, 477, 487 Frick, J.E, 140 Frick, P.J., 528, 532 Fried, P.A., 114 Friedlmeier, W., 399 Friedman, Brett, 17–18 Friedman, H.S., 324 Friedman, J.M., 105, 109, 110, 115, 117, 118 Friedman, N.P., 17–18 Friedman, O., 278 Friedman, R.J., 526 Friedrick, M., 556 Friel-Patti, S., 184 Friend, K.B., 140 Friendly, M., 337 Friman, M., 581 Frischkorn, G.T., 314 Fritz, J., 541, 550 Fromberger, P., 571 Frontera, M., 166 Frost, J., 381 Frueh, T., 486 Fry, C.L., 29 Frye, D., 240 Fu, G., 240, 277, 514–515 Fuhrmann, G., 173

Fujita, N., 359 Fukui, I., 357 Fuligni, A.J., 590, 594 Fulker, D., 527 Fulker, D.W., 330, 403 Fultz, J., 506 Fung, H.H.-T., 255 Fung, T., 317 Funk, J., 605 Furman, W., 553, 554, 587, 589 Furstenberg, F.F., 562 Fuson, K.C., 294, 298 Fyans, L.J., 442 G Gabriel, S.E., 83 Gabrielson, M., 132 Gage, F.H., 150 Galambos, N.L., 547 Gale, C.R., 152 Gallagher, A., 467 Gallahue, D.L., 163 Galland, B., 139 Gallant, N., 119 Gallaway, C., 358 Galler, J.R., 117 Gallimore, R., 553 Gallistel, C.R., 294 Galloway, J., 158 Galloway, J.C., 157–158 Galperin, C., 255, 483 Galuska, D.A., 171 Ganchrow, J.R., 185 Gandelman, R., 481 Ganea, P.A., 230 Ganley, C.M., 467 Ganong, L.H., 562 Garbarino, J., 566, 570 Garber, J., 399, 528 Garber, S.R., 373 Garcia, E.E., 389 Garcia, M.M., 532, 552 Garcia, R., 188 Garcia Coll, C., 59 Gardner, H., 312, 314–315, 341, 343 Garduque, L., 417, 419, 444 Garlick, P.J., 148 Garlinghouse, M.A., 43 Garner, P.W., 399, 554 Garrett, P., 335 Garton, A.F., 373 Garver, K.E., 269 Garvey, C., 379 Gates, S., 127 Gauasti, M., 378 Gaulin, S.J.C., 52 Gaultney, J.F., 270 Gautam, P., 110, 111 Gauthier, K., 354, 386 Gauthier, R., 475 Gautier, T., 482 Gauvain, M., 50, 250, 254, 297, 330 Gauze, C., 583, 587, 588 Gavin, W.J., 150

Gayer, T., 592 Gayle, D., 102 Gazelle, H., 583, 584, 596 Ge, L., 434 Ge, X., 75, 168, 544, 549 Ge L., 434 Geary, D.C., 5, 52, 54, 294, 295, 297, 298, 467, 478, 593 Gee, C.L., 449 Geldart, S., 192, 193 Gelfand, D.M., 419 Gelles, R.J., 565, 572 Gelman, R., 225, 238, 294, 357, 380, 382 Gelman, S., 237, 367, 370, 371, 379, 452, 454, 473, 474, 475, 498 Genesee, F., 354, 364, 373, 386, 388 Gentile, D., 605, 606 Gentner, D., 293 Georgas, J., 317 George, C., 569 Georgieff, M.K., 105, 110 Gerard, J.M., 540 Gerig, G., 113 Gerken, L., 361, 372 Germeijs, V., 440 Gernsbacher, M.A., 5, 467 Gerrior, K., 130, 409 Gershkoff-Stowe, L., 27 Gershoff, E., 209, 211, 507 Gervai, J., 476, 485, 492 Gesell, A., 52, 64, 158 Getchell, N., 159 Getzels, J.W., 341 Geva, E., 387, 389 Gewirtz, J.L., 43, 45, 352, 412 Gezer, M.U., 388, 389 Ghim, H., 191 Ghossainy, M., 240 Giampiccolo, J.S., Jr., 326 Gibb, R., 152, 155 Gibbons, L.E., 140 Gibbs, J., 509, 520, 521 Gibson, A., 434 Gibson, D., 79, 368 Gibson, E., 163, 179, 180, 194–195, 198, 200–201 Gibson, F., 133 Gibson, J.J., 200, 201 Gifford, R., 608 Gifford-Smith, M., 587 Gilbert, N., 568 Gilbert, N.L., 140 Gilchrist, L., 550 Giles, J.W., 449 Giles-Sims, J., 211 Gill, R., 439, 610 Gilligan, C., 522 Gilliom, M., 402, 526 Gillis, S., 354 Gilmore, J.H., 113 Gilmore, R., 162 Gilmore, R.O., 162, 163 Gilmour, M., 111

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I-8

Name Index

Gilpin, A.T., 231, 232 Ginsburg, A.P., 189 Ginsburg, G.S., 445 Ginsburg, H.P., 294 Ginsburg, K.R., 232 Giovanelli, G., 361 Girling, A., 126 Giroux, M.E., 240, 241 Gjerde, P.F., 560 Glaser, D., 149 Glasgow, K.L., 445, 546 Glassman, M., 330 Gleason, J.K., 356, 368 Gleason, K., 423 Gleitman, H., 334, 351 Gleitman, L., 351, 370 Glisic, U., 292 Glorieux, F.H., 102 Glover, V., 119 Glucksberg, S., 382, 383 Gnepp, J., 401, 459 Go, H., 610 Godfrey, K.M., 152 Godfrey, R., 297 Goeke-Morey, M.C., 548, 558, 559 Goetz, C.D., 479 Goetz, L., 600 Gogate, L.J., 366 Goh, B.E., 341 Golbus, M.S., 83 Gold, A., 269 Goldberg, A.E., 355 Goldberg, P., 470 Goldberg, S., 79, 128, 421 Golden, M., 331 Golden, O., 568, 571, 572 Goldenberg, R.L., 117 Goldfield, B.A., 365 Goldfield, E., 159–160 Golding, J., 485 Goldin-Meadow, S., 355, 364, 373, 445, 451 Goldscheider, F., 493 Goldschmidt, I., 128, 556 Goldschmidt, L., 110, 113, 114 Goldsmith, H.H., 398, 403, 404, 405, 406, 420 Goldsmith, L.T., 343 Goldstein, H., 148 Goldstein, M.H., 351 Goldstein, P.J., 188 Goldstein, R.F., 133 Goldstein, T., 603 Goldwyn, R., 423 Golinkoff, R., 371 Golinkoff, R.M., 358, 359, 369, 370, 374 Göllner, R., 594 Golombok, S., 409, 481, 485, 556, 557–558 Golter, B.S., 581 Golubnitschaja, O., 130 Gonzales, N., 550 Gonzalez, F.F., 130

Gonzalez, Z., 550 Good, C., 334, 471 Good, T.L., 598 Goodenough, F., 525 Goodman, E., 556, 557 Goodman, G.S., 286, 290 Goodman, J.C., 371 Goodnight, J.A., 403 Goodnow, J.J., 505, 509, 511 Goodwin, G.P., 498 Goodwin, M.S., 140 Goodwyn, S.W., 364, 374 Goodz, E., 383 Goossens, F.A., 420 Gootman, J.A., 597 Gopnik, A., 228, 229–230, 239, 246, 357, 367, 454 Gordeeva, T., 469, 471 Gordon, P., 359 Gorer, G., 530 Gorman-Smith, D., 531 Gormley, W., 592 Gormley, W.T., Jr., 338, 340 Gortmaker, S., 172 Gosden, C., 105, 108, 109, 120 Gosling, S.D., 469 Goswami, U., 293, 300 Got, T., 594, 595 Gotlib, I.H., 129 Gotowiec, A., 599 Gottardo, A., 389, 608 Gottesman, I., 91, 327, 481 Gottfredson, L., 312, 317, 332 Gottfried, A.E., 56, 321, 330, 335, 444 Gottfried, A.W., 56, 321, 444 Gottfried, G., 237 Gottlieb, G., 54–55, 59, 73, 90, 94 Goubet, N., 161 Gouttard, S., 113 Govaerts, P.J., 354 Govrin, N., 475 Graber, M., 227 Grady, J.S., 407 Graesser, A.C., 499 Graham, J., 499, 500 Gralinski, H., 433 Grandin, T., 241 Grandjean, P., 116 Granger, D., 168 Granqvist, P., 401 Granrud, C.E., 193, 194 Grant, A., 608 Grantham-McGregor, S., 117, 135, 171 Grasshof, M., 469, 471 Grauerholz, L., 485 Gravel, F., 410 Gray, F.L, 79 Gray, J.R., 311 Gray, L., 186 Gray, S.W., 337 Gredebäck, G., 401 Green, C., 184 Green, D., 253 Green, F.L., 235, 276, 277, 278

Greenberg, M., 129 Greenberg, M.T., 337 Greenberg, R., 188, 212 Greenberger, E., 57, 546, 549 Greenfield, P.M., 371 Greenough, W., 151 Greenough, W.T., 73, 151–152 Greenwald, A.G., 438 Gregg, M., 106 Gregoire, J., 317 Grenlich, F., 440, 449 Gresham, F., 589 Grewen, K., 113, 114 Griffin, S., 249 Griffith, N., 329, 330 Griffiths, D., 485 Grigorenko, E., 311, 319, 341 Grigoryev, P., 133, 397 Gripshover, S.J., 445, 451 Groark, C.J., 4 Grogan-Kaylor, A., 209, 211 Grolnick, W.S., 398, 445, 597 Gronn, D., 608 Groom, J.M., 600 Groome, L.J., 103, 139 Gross, A.L., 397 Gross, J., 213 Gross, R.T., 167 Gross, S., 319 Grossman, J.B., 539 Grossmann, K.E., 417 Grotpeter, J.K., 468, 494, 529 Gruber, H., 269, 342 Gruber, R., 475 Grunebaum, H., 419 Grusec, J.E., 45, 504, 505, 506, 509, 510, 511 Grych, J.H., 558–559, 561 Gu, Y., 389 Gude, N.M., 100 Gudjonsson, G., 291 Guerin, D.W., 321, 330 Guerra, N.G., 529, 534 Guihou, A., 199 Guilford, J.P., 310–311, 341 Gullotta, T.P., 439 Gummerum, M., 515 Gunderson, E.A., 445, 449, 451, 467 Gunderson, V., 116 Gunn, J.K.L., 114 Gunnar, M.R., 173, 187, 400 Gunther, G., 467 Guo, M., 546 Guo, Y.L., 116 Gur, R.C., 5, 467 Guralnick, M.J., 600 Gurland, S.T., 597 Gurucharri, C., 118, 456 Gustafson, G.E., 141 Gustafson, S.B, 341 Gutiérrez, K.D., 248 Gutman, L.M., 440 Guyrke, J., 335 Gzesh, S.M., 237

H Ha, T., 422 Haan, N., 521 Haberl, K., 282 Hack, M., 131, 134 Hackman, D.A., 331 Hadders-Algra, M., 111, 112 Hadler, M., 377 Hadley, P.A., 357 Hagan, R.I., 475, 484 Hagemann, D., 314 Hagen, E.P., 316 Haggard, M.P., 184 Hahn, C.-S., 405 Haidt, J., 499, 500, 502 Haigh, S.N., 277 Haight, W.L., 255 Haimovitz, K., 449 Haine, R.R., 51 Hains, S., 142, 238 Hains, S.M.J., 184, 410 Hains, Sylvia, 183, 238 Haith, M.M., 151, 190, 191, 321 Hajdu, K., 83 Hakuta, K., 386, 389 Hala, S., 237 Haley, A., 327 Halfon, N., 550 Halgunseth, L.C., 550 Halim, M.L., 474 Hall, D.G., 369, 371 Hall, J., 532 Hall, J.A., 527 Hall, R.J., 469 Hall, S.K., 492 Hallinan, E.V., 224 Halpern, C.T., 168 Halpern, D.F., 5, 467, 468, 469, 483, 484 Halpern, L.F., 141 Halpin, C.F., 183 Halter, R., 184 Halverson, C.F., 405, 487–488 Halverson, C.F., Jr., 470, 487–488 Halverson, H.M., 161 Hamalainen, M.S., 182 Hamers, J., 389 Hamilton, C.E., 581 Hamlin, J.K., 224, 503, 578 Hammer, C.S., 335 Hammer, M., 569 Hammond, S.I., 504 Hamond, N.R., 286 Han, J.H., 298 Hand, L.L., 230, 231 Hane, A.A., 405 Hanish, L.D., 475, 578 Hanlon, C., 352 Hannon, E.E., 202 Hanoch, Y., 515 Hans, S., 113 Hans, S.L., 531, 548 Hansen, D.J., 397, 569 Hansen, M.B., 367 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Name Index I-9 Hanson, K.G., 603, 607 Harding, K., 110 Harding, R., 140 Hardy, S., 499, 523 Hardy, S.B., 417 Har-Even, D., 128, 556 Harger, J., 558 Hari, R., 182 Harkness, S., 521, 522 Harley, K., 287 Harlow, H., 411 Harmon, E., 547 Harmon, R.J., 422, 432 Harnishfeger, K.K., 270, 274, 281 Harold, G.T., 558, 559 Harold, R.D., 437, 470, 471, 472 Harper, L.V., 579 Harrington, D.M., 341 Harris, A., 79 Harris, J.R., 171, 576 Harris, J., 590 Harris, K.L., 141 Harris, M., 381 Harris, M.B., 470 Harris, M.J., 93, 326 Harris, N.B., 358, 527 Harris, P.L., 213, 232, 239, 277, 397, 399 Harris III, J.J., 445 Harrison, L.F., 604 Harrist, A.W., 584 Hart, B., 330, 352 Hart, C., 606 Hart, C.H., 526, 581, 583, 584, 592 Hart, D., 388, 434 Hart, S.N., 572 Harter, S., 430, 437–438, 440, 491 Hartmann, P., 473 Hartup, W.W., 23–24, 213, 457, 526, 533, 579, 580, 584, 586, 587 Harvey, O.J., 580 Harwood, R.L., 550 Hasan, N.T, 469 Haselager, G.J.T., 584, 586 Hashtroudi, S., 287 Hasken, J., 110 Haskett, M., 11 Hasselhorn, M., 269, 272 Hastings, P.D., 406, 504, 526 Hatch, T., 242, 370 Hatry, A., 193 Haug, K., 111 Hauser-Cram, P., 79 Haviland, J.M., 396, 397 Havill, V.L., 405 Hawkins, J.A., 586 Hay, D.F., 525, 527 Hayashi, A., 361 Haycock, G.B., 148 Hayden, C.A., 51 Hayden, E.J., 406 Hayford, S., 475 Hayne, H., 208, 209, 213 Hayne, R., 224

Haynes, O.M., 254, 255, 396, 483 Hayward, C., 168, 560 Haywood, H.C., 319 He, Y., 404, 585, 595 Healy, M., 148 Heath, S.B., 333 Heaton, T.B., 541 Hedegaard, M., 126 Hedges, L.V., 467 Heering, D.A., 193 Hefford, N.A., 309, 314 Heimann, M., 212 Heine, S.J., 441 Heinonen, K., 409 Heinonen, O., 105–106, 109 Heiphetz, L., 498 Heitzeg, M.M., 81 Helgeson, V.S., 468, 470, 479 Helmreich, R.L., 491 Helms, J.E., 333 Helms-Erikson, H., 474 Helms-Lorenz, M., 333 Helwig, C.C., 275, 514 Hemphill, S.A., 408 Hencke, R.W., 246 Henderson, H.A., 405, 406 Henderson, M., 132, 608 Henderson, R.L., 276 Henderson, S.H., 542, 562, 563 Henderson, V.K., 271, 418, 539 Hendler, M., 238 Hendrick, V., 128 Hendricks, C., 364 Henker, B., 468 Henneberg, S., 187 Hennessey, B.A., 343 Henning, K.H., 513, 521 Henningsen, H., 154 Henriksen, T.B., 112 Henry, B., 405, 526 Henry, D.B., 531 Hensch, T.K., 109 Hepworth, J.T., 113 Herba, C., 153 Herbert, J., 213 Herbert, M.R., 153 Herbert J., 213 Herbison, P., 139 Herdt, G.H., 482 Herman-Giddens, M.E., 149, 165 Hermelin, B., 314 Hermine, H., 326 Hernandez, D.C., 418 Hernández, M.M., 596, 598 Hernández Blasi, C., 230 Hernandez-Reif, M., 186, 199 Herrera, C., 400, 539 Herrnstein, R., 334 Herschkowitz, N., 153 Hershey, K.L., 403 Hershkowitz, I., 290 Hertz, S.G., 523 Hertzberger, S.D., 527 Hertzman, C., 322, 335

Herzburg, D., 436 Hesse, E., 417, 423 Hesser, J., 554 Hetherington, E.M., 57, 542, 546, 548, 558, 559, 560, 561, 562, 563 Hetherington, M., 463, 558 Hewlett, B.S., 397 Heyes, C., 212 Heyman, G.D., 51, 449, 452, 454, 455 Heymans, M.W., 606 Hickey, C., 467 Hickson, F., 453 Hierro, F.R., 134 Higgins, C.I., 163, 196 Higgins, E.T., 396, 459 Hildebrand, D., 317 Hildyard, K., 569 Hill, A.E., 186, 187 Hill, A.L., 402 Hill, E.A., 357 Hill, J.L., 134 Hill, M., 148 Hill Goldsmith, H., 403, 405, 413 Hilton, S.C., 103, 104, 468 Himes, J.H., 117 Himura, N., 526 Hinde, R.A., 52 Hines, M., 476, 481, 485 Hipfner-Boucher, K., 389 Hiraga, Y., 550 Hirai, T., 193, 194 Hiraki, K., 432 HiraSing, R.A., 606 Hirsch, J., 354 Hirschstein, M.K., 438 Hirsh-Pasek, K., 352, 356, 358, 359, 362, 369, 371 Hite, T., 476 Hix, H.R., 237 Ho, A., 608 Ho, E., 294, 296 Hoard, M.K., 294, 295 Hobbes, T., 6, 8, 498 Hocking, M.C., 587 Hodge, D., 291 Hodges, E.V.E., 56, 474, 584, 586 Hodgson, D.M., 103, 104, 468 Hodnett, E.D., 127 Hoeffner, J., 372 Hoek, D., 368 Hoff, E., 349, 350, 357, 383, 387, 389 Hofferth, S., 418 Hoff-Ginsberg, E., 370 Hoffman, L.W., 88, 476 Hoffman, M.L., 209, 210, 396, 502, 508, 509 Hoffner, C., 401 Hofmann, V., 444 Hofmeyr, G.J., 127 Hogan, M.J., 114 Hogarty, P.S., 321, 322 Hokoda, A., 450

Holahan, C.K., 324 Holden, C., 468 Holdnack, J.A., 317, 332 Holland, S.B., 103, 139 Holland Stairs, A., 337, 338 Hollich, G., 356 Hollich, G.J., 371 Holmes, C.A., 196 Holmes, C.J., 153 Holochwost, S., 609 Holodynski, M., 399 Holowka, S., 362, 374 Holt, R., 582, 583 Holth, M., 163 Holz, N.E., 113 Homburg, R., 100 Hompes, P.G.A., 100 Honzik, M.P., 320, 321, 322 Hood, L., 352 Hood, W.R., 580 Hooper, R., 129, 419 Hoozemans, D.A., 100 Hopkins, B., 159 Hopkins, M., 373 Hops, H., 88 Horn, J., 89, 311, 319 Horne, R.S.C., 140 Horney, K., 41 Hornik, R., 400 Horowitz, D., 290 Horowitz, F.D., 42, 45, 139 Horowitz, L.M., 423 Horta, B., 170 Horton, R.W., 605 Hou, C., 162 Hou, W., 113 Hou, Y., 289 Hoult, L.A., 134, 135 Houston, D.M., 358 Houston-Price, C., 180, 181 Houts, A.C., 499 Howard, M., 128, 129 Howard, R.W., 327 Howe, C., 458 Howe, M., 287 Howe, M.L., 28, 209, 291 Howe, N., 551, 552, 553, 554 Howes, C., 25, 33, 232, 579, 580, 581, 586 Howes, P., 420 Howley, M., 458 Hoyle, S.G., 458, 586 Hoza, B., 583 Hrncir, E., 444 Hsu, C., 594 Hsu, C.C., 116 Hsu, H., 407 Hsu, H.C., 133 Hu, B., 204 Huang, H.K., 149 Huang, L., 120 Huang, S.H., 318 Hubbard, J.A., 528 Hudziak, J.J., 408

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-10

Name Index

Huesmann, L.R., 18, 526, 527, 604, 605, 606 Huffman, L., 556 Hugh, M., 485 Hughes, C., 241 Hughes, K., 567, 610 Huie, K.S., 579 Huitt, W., 436 Hume, D., 498 Hunsberger, B., 521 Hunsche, M.C., 240, 241 Hunt, P., 600 Hunter, M.A., 181 Hunter, S.K., 83 Huntsinger, C.S., 297 Huotilainen, M., 103, 104 Hura, S.L., 365 Hurd, Y., 114 Hurley, J.C., 475 Hurley, M.M., 184 Hussam, A., 126 Hussong, A.M., 10 Hustedt, J.T., 338 Huston, A.C., 172, 468, 475, 476, 541, 549, 604, 607, 608 Hutchings, J., 329, 330 Hutt, C., 480 Huttenlocher, J., 228, 237, 323, 351, 378, 481 Huttenlocher, P.R., 151 Hutter, M., 308 Hutton, E., 127 Hwang, C., 330 Hwang, C.P., 418 Hyde, J.S., 5, 467, 469, 491, 522 Hymel, S., 438, 439, 582, 584, 589, 610 Hynie, M., 549 Hyson, D.M., 579 I Iannotti, R.J., 526 Ibáñez, L., 134 Idsardi, W.J., 374 Ilmoniemi, R., 182 Imada, T., 182 Imbo, I., 295 Imperato-McGinley, J., 482 Ingersoll, E.W., 208 Ingoldsby, E.M., 526 Ingram, D., 364, 365, 368, 371 Inhelder, B., 201, 220, 232, 234, 244, 293 Inkelas, M., 550 Insabella, G.M., 558, 559, 560, 561 Intons-Peterson, M.J., 463 Irigoyen, M., 602, 608 Isaac, R., 572 Isabella, R.A., 410, 419 Isaksen, G., 416 Ishak, S., 196 Isley, S.L., 581 Ismail, M.A., 108 Ispa, J.M., 550 Ittel, A., 168

Ittenbach, R.F., 311 Iverson, J.M., 364 Iverson, P., 361 Izard, C., 395, 396 Izard, V., 294 J Jacklin, C.N., 466, 469–470, 476, 481, 527 Jackson, A.P., 330 Jackson, A.W., 597 Jackson, E.W., 404 Jackson, L.A., 609 Jackson, P.W., 341 Jacob, K.F., 597 Jacobs, J.E., 449, 470, 471, 472 Jacobs, K., 561 Jacobsen, R.B., 558 Jacobsen, T., 444 Jacobson, J., 110, 111, 116, 422 Jacobson, K., 227 Jacques, T.Y., 282, 509 Jacquet, R.C., 369 Jadva, V., 409 Jæger, M.M., 541 Jaffari-Bimmel, N., 405, 408, 409, 422 Jaffe, P.G., 568 Jaffee, S., 522 Jaffee, S.R., 423 Jagers, R.J., 531 Jaggli, N., 485 Jahromi, L.B., 397 Jain, D., 418 Jambon, M., 500, 577 James, S.J., 117 James, W., 179 Jamison, T., 562 Jamison, W., 481 Jankowski, J.J., 132, 321 Jannoun, L., 148 Janowsky, J., 151 Jansson, L.M., 111 Janzen, T.M., 317 Jarrold, C., 241 Järvenpää, A., 409 Jarvis, B., 583 Jaswal, V.K., 368 Javier, C., 389 Jay, J., 311 Jelalian, E., 606 Jenkins, E., 27 Jenkins, J.M., 241, 242, 255, 400, 531, 553, 577 Jennen-Steinmetz, C., 113, 134, 408 Jennings, D., 167 Jenny, C., 572 Jensen, A., 315, 323, 333, 334, 337 Jensen, H., 432, 433 Jeremy, R., 113 Jerger, S., 368 Jernigan, T.L., 153 Jerrim, J., 296 Jezzard, P., 374

Ji, G., 555 Jia, F., 499 Jiang, X.L., 582 Jiao, S., 555 Jimenez, F., 241 Jin, S., 129 Jing, Q., 555 Jipson, J., 368 Joffe, L.S., 118, 119 Johansen, C., 126 John, O.P., 405 John, R.S., 552 Johns, J., 113 Johns, S.K., 596, 598 Johnson, C.J., 373 Johnson, C.N., 276 Johnson, D., 168, 256 Johnson, D.E., 173 Johnson, D.J, 445 Johnson, D.W., 258 Johnson, H., 381 Johnson, J., 246, 249, 354 Johnson, K., 128 Johnson, K.E, 377 Johnson, M.H., 73, 150, 151, 187, 188, 483 Johnson, M.K., 287 Johnson, M.L., 146 Johnson, M.P., 84 Johnson, N., 29 Johnson, R.T., 256, 258 Johnson, S., 111, 116 Johnson, S.P., 188, 190, 191 Johnson, T.R.B., 103, 104, 468 Johnson, V.C., 406 Johnson, W., 311, 395 Johnston, K., 485 Jones, D.C., 399, 554, 586 Jones, D.P., 469 Jones, D.S., 108 Jones, J., 371, 372 Jones, L., 567, 610 Jones, L.B., 282 Jones, M.C., 205 Jones, N.A., 405 Jones, S., 89 Jordan, K., 571 Jordan, P.L., 406 Jorge, A., 169 Jose, P.E., 297 Joseph, R.M., 192, 513 Joshi, G.S., 326 Joshi, P., 418 Jouriles, E.N., 540, 558–559 Joy, M.E., 506 Judge, P., 183 Judy, B., 522 Juffer, F., 170, 405, 407, 556 Jung, P.C., 358 Jung, T.T.K., 184 Juonala, M., 172 Jusczyk, P.W., 182, 183, 185, 361, 362, 366 Jussim, L., 472

K Kabali, H., 602, 608 Kaciroti, N., 158, 367, 546 Kaczala, C.M., 448, 471 Kaefer, T., 596, 597 Kafai, Y.B., 608 Kagan, J., 25, 405, 406, 413, 414, 420 Kahana, E., 522 Kahana-Kalman, R., 399 Kahlenberg, S., 485 Kahn, J., 559 Kahnana-Kalman, R., 351 Kail, R.V., 51, 270 Kainz, K., 339, 340 Kaitz, M., 212 Kakinuma, M., 417 Kalberg, W.O., 110 Kaler, S.R, 134 Kalionis, B., 100 Kalish, M., 163 Kalmijn, M., 559 Kamins, M., 451 Kaminski, M., 109 Kamphaus, R.W., 333 Kan, E.C., 110, 111 Kanfer, F.H., 586 Kant, I., 179, 499 Kanwisher, N., 192 Kao, K., 172 Kaplan, P.S., 358 Kaprio, J., 168, 169 Karabenick, J.D., 380 Karahuta, E.L., 504 Karasik, L.B., 196 Karmiloff-Smith, A., 228, 230, 303 Karoly, L.A., 340 Karp, D.E., 324 Karpov, Y.V., 255 Karraker, K., 407 Kartner, J., 432, 433, 578 Kasprian, G., 154 Kass, N.E, 107 Kassies, S., 608 Kastelic, D., 491 Katz, D.B., 179 Katz, G.S., 361 Katz, L.F., 396, 531, 540 Katz, P.A., 493 Katz, S.H., 335 Katz, V.L., 110 Kaufman, A.S., 319, 333 Kaufman, F.R., 481 Kaufman, N.L., 319, 333 Kauh, T.J., 539 Kavanagh, K., 543 Kavanaugh, R.D., 232 Kavsek, M.J., 191, 194 Kaye, H., 206 Kaye, K., 224 Kazdin, A.E., 589 Keane, S., 402 Keane, S.P., 584, 589 Kearins, J.M., 288 Kearsley, R.B., 413 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Name Index Keasey, C.B., 513, 521 Keating, D., 456 Kee, D.W., 270, 290 Keef, S.P., 309, 314 Keefe, K., 588 Keefer, K.V., 318 Keenan, K., 407, 467, 525 Keenan, T., 399 Keith, B., 560 Keljo, K., 521 Kellam, S.G., 581 Keller, A., 434 Keller, H., 410, 412, 432, 433 Keller, M., 515 Keller, T.E., 539, 550 Kelley, E., 504 Kelley, M.L., 548, 550 Kelley, S.A., 445 Kelley-Buchanan, C., 107, 108, 109, 115 Kellman, P.J., 188, 189, 190, 191, 200 Kelly, D.J., 434 Kelly, J., 559 Kelly, J.B., 560 Kelly, S., 373 Kemperman, G., 150 Kendrick, Carol, 551 Kennedy, D.N., 153 Kennell, J., 128 Kenney, E., 172 Kenney-Benson, G.A., 445 Kenny, D., 133 Kenny, M.C., 436 Kenrick, D.T., 158, 478 Kentle, R.L., 405 Kenward, B., 401 Keren-Portnoy, T., 365 Kermoian, R., 14, 162, 163, 195, 196 Kerns, K.A., 467, 588 Kerr, M., 404, 406 Keskivaara, P., 409 Kessel, B., 128 Kessen, W., 188, 246 Key, A.P., 113 Khan, M., 273 Kiel, E.J., 398, 406 Kiernan, K.E., 560 Kiess, W., 173 Kilgore, K., 531, 546 Killen, M., 475, 516 Kim, C.C., 298 Kim, D., 583 Kim, D.A., 500 Kim, E., 113 Kim, J.M., 516 Kim, K.H.S., 354 Kim, P., 15 Kim, S., 129, 532, 554 Kim, S.Y., 550 Kimmerly, N.L., 418 Kimura, D., 481 Kindermann, T.A., 445 King, J.E., 273, 274 King, R., 100 King, R.A., 503, 504

King, V., 562 Kinsbourne, M., 154 Kinzler, K.D., 172 Kipp, K.K., 282 Kirby, J.R., 334 Kirchner, J., 556 Kiritani, S., 361 Kirkham, N.Z., 190 Kirkorian, H.L., 603, 607 Kirsh, S.J., 605 Kirsten, B., 473 Kisilevsky, B., 142, 184, 186 Kistner, J., 11, 450, 569, 589 Kitamura, S., 435, 441, 594 Kittredge, A.K., 225 Kitzmann, K.M., 540 Klackbengerg-Larsson, I., 406 Klahr, D., 50, 264 Klaus, M., 128 Klaus, R.A., 337 Klausli, J.F., 539 Klayman, J., 401 Klebanov, P.K., 134, 334, 335 Klein, D.M., 57, 540 Klein, J., 296 Klein, L., 141 Klein, N., 131, 134 Klein, P.D., 315 Klein, P.S., 507 Klein, R.E., 411 Klepec, L., 588 Klima, E.S., 378 Klimes-Dougan, B., 569 Klineberg, O., 322 Kling, K.C., 469 Klinnert, M.D., 400, 405 Knecht, S., 154 Knobe, J., 498 Knuutila, J., 182 Kobayashi, L., 127 Koch, E.G., 183 Kochanska, G., 129, 282, 398, 420, 421, 422, 468, 506, 507, 509, 522, 544, 546, 548 Kochenderfer, B.J., 587, 588 Kodituwakku, P.W., 110 Koenig, A.L., 282, 509 Koenig, M., 277 Koeske, R., 172 Kogushi, Y., 242, 400 Kohen, D.E., 549 Kohlberg, L., 48, 486–487, 516–524 Kohler, L., 148, 149 Kohn, M.L., 549 Koinis, D., 235 Kokko, K., 526 Kolak, A., 184 Kolb, B., 150, 152, 155 Kolb, S, 159 Koldyn, K., 192 Koller, S., 398, 402 Komarova, N.L., 351 Komsi, N., 409 Kondo-Ikemura, K., 414, 416, 417

Koniak-Griffin, D., 119 Konijn, E.A., 605 Kopecky, M., 173 Koplas, A.L., 587 Kopp, C., 433 Kopp, C.B., 134, 397 Korbin, J.E., 566 Korbut, O., 343 Koren, G., 112, 113 Korn, S., 407 Korner, A., 142 Kortenhaus, C.M., 485 Koss, M.P., 565, 569 Kostelny, K., 566 Kotelchuck, M., 411 Kotelnikova, Y., 406 Kotovsky, L., 227 Kovacs, D.M., 476 Kowal, A., 553 Kowaleski-Jones, L., 472 Kowalski, H.S., 577 Kowalski, K., 453 Kramer, L., 552, 553 Kramer, M.S., 132 Kramer, R., 401 Krans, E.E., 113 Kratochwill, T.R., 4 Krauss, R.M., 382, 383 Kravitz, C., 373 Krawinkel, M., 171 Krebs, D.L., 522 Krehbiel, G., 589 Kremer, P., 172 Kretch, K.S., 195, 196 Krettenauer, T., 63, 499, 513, 521, 523, 524, 530 Krevans, J., 509 Krishnamoorthy, J., 606 Krishnan, P., 334 Kroonenberg, P.M., 421 Krowitz, A., 195 Krupa, M.H., 481 Kruttschnitt, C., 531 Ku, Y.-M., 388, 389 Kucera, E., 551 Kuczynski, L., 12, 213, 506, 509, 510, 548 Kuebli, J., 469 Kuhl, E., 149, 150, 151 Kuhl, P., 363 Kuhl, P.K., 182, 357, 361, 366 Kuhlmeier, V.A., 504 Kuhn, D., 473, 521 Kuhn, M.H., 434 Kujala, T., 104 Kuklinski, M.R., 599 Kulin, H., 166 Kuller, J.A., 79, 80, 83 Kuo, L-J., 388, 389 Kuo, P.X., 129, 551 Kupersmidt, J., 51 Kupersmidt, J.B., 337, 583, 584, 587 Kurdek, L.A., 562 Kurtz, B.E., 271, 288

I-11

Kusel, S.J., 528 Kuspert, P., 382 Kwan, K.W.K., 441 Kwon, Y., 298 Kyunghee, L., 334 L Lackner, C., 150 Ladd, G.W., 5, 56, 581, 583, 584, 587, 588, 589 Ladefoged, P., 349 LaFleur, R., 365 LaFontana, K.M., 529, 585 LaFreniere, P., 475 Lagattuta, K.H., 401 Lagerspitz, K., 605 Lahey, B.B., 403, 407 Lai, T.J., 116 Laible, D., 407, 416 Laible, D.J., 506, 507, 509 Lain, S., 169 Laird, M., 546, 568, 569 Laird, R.D., 546, 547 Lalonde, Christopher, 250 Lam, M., 590 Lamaze, F., 126 Lamb, C., 133, 397 Lamb, M.E., 59, 63, 290, 397, 418, 569 Lamb, T., 157 Lambalk, C.B., 100 Lambert, R., 338 Lambert, W.W., 404, 406 Lamborn, S.D., 440, 445, 546, 547 Lamon, S.J., 467 Lampl, M., 146 Landau, B., 372 Landau, K.R., 431, 432 Landers, K., 485 Lange, R.T., 317 Lange, S., 111, 112 Langer, A., 195 Langer, J., 521 Langrock, A., 481 Lanham, J., 173 Lansford, J.E., 211, 550 Lanza, S., 449, 471 Laosa, L., 548, 550 Lapkin, S., 388 Lappegård, T., 493 Lapsley, D.K., 513, 514 Larivèe, S., 247 Larkby, C., 110, 113 Laroche, K.J., 548 Larose, S., 422, 423 Larroque, B., 109 Larsen, K.E., 109 Larsen, R.J., 469 Larson, N.C., 550 Larson-Hall, J., 354 LaRue, A.A., 475, 476 Larzelere, R.E., 209, 548 Lau, A., 275, 514 Lau, Y.L., 514–515 Laucht, M., 113, 134, 408

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I-12

Name Index

Laukkanen, J., 408 Laumann-Billings, L., 565, 570, 572 Lauricella, A., 607, 608 Laurin, K., 416 Laursen, B., 587 Laursen, M., 126 Lavelli, M., 396, 409, 412 Lavigne, H.J., 603, 607 Law, C.M., 152 Lazar, I., 338 Lazar, N.A., 269 Lazaridis, M., 432 Lazaruk, W., 388 Le Corre, M., 294 Le Grand, R., 192, 193 Leadbeater, B., 439 Leaper, C., 469, 475, 484, 485 Lears, M., 486 Leary, A., 540 Leavitt, L.A., 540 Leckowicz, D.J., 199 Lederberg, A.R., 374 Lee, B., 567 Lee, C.M., 548 Lee, D.N., 193 Lee, H.M., 158 Lee, J., 365, 370, 371, 608 Lee, K., 277, 354, 382, 434, 454, 514–515 Lee, K.-H., 505 Lee, L., 126 Lee, M.J., 323 Lee, P., 610 Lee, S., 297, 471, 593, 594, 595, 596 Lee, S.Y., 252, 297, 298, 593, 594 Lee, V., 568 Lee, V.E., 596, 597 Lee, W., 323 Leech, S.L., 110 Leekam, S.R., 238 Lee-Kim, J., 475 Leerkes, E.M., 397, 607 Leese, H.J., 99 Leevers H.J., 204 LeFevre, J., 295, 296, 382 Lefkowitz, M.M., 526, 527 Leflot, G., 440 Legare, C.H., 455 Legerstee, M., 238–239, 409, 431 Legg, S., 308 Leggett, E.L., 449 Lehman, C., 113 Lehman, D.R., 441 Lehman, E.B., 282 Leinbach, M.D., 472, 473, 475, 484, 485, 527 Leister, K., 602, 608 Lelijveld, N., 171 Lelong, N., 108, 109 LeMare, L.J., 459 Lemery, K.S., 403, 404, 405 Lemery-Chalfant, K., 403, 406, 413 Lemke, L., 307, 311, 315 Lemonick, M.D., 72

Lempers, J.D., 373 Lengua, L.J., 337, 408 Lenhart, L., 589 Lenneberg, E., 154, 354–355 Lennon, E.M., 199, 472 Lentz, C., 531, 546 Leo, I., 187, 199 Leppanen, J.M., 14 Leppanen, P.H.T., 204 Lerner, R.M., 4, 29, 37, 54, 59, 60, 63, 64 Lesaux, N., 387 Lesaux, N.K, 252 Leseman, P.P.M., 162 Leslie, S.-J., 471 Lester, B.M., 12, 133, 142, 411 Lester, J., 546 Leung, E.H.L., 133 Leung, L., 610 Levant, R.S., 469 Leve, L.D., 484 Levin, J., 467 Levine, A., 15 Levine, D., 493 LeVine, R.A., 13, 397 LeVine, S., 13, 323, 397 Levine, S.C., 228, 445, 449, 451, 467, 481 Levinson, D., 57 Leviton, A., 109 Levitt, A., 353 Levitt, M.J., 504 Levitt, P., 113, 188, 192 Levy, A.K., 579 Levy, G.D., 474, 475 Levy, Y., 373 Levy-Shiff, R., 128, 556 Lewin, K., 36, 65 Lewin, L.M., 88 Lewis, C., 458 Lewis, D.M.G., 479 Lewis, J.M., 271, 418, 420, 539 Lewis, M., 135, 396, 397, 399, 413, 424, 430, 431, 443, 525, 577 Lewis, S.M., 550 Lewkowicz, D.J., 183, 198, 199 Lewontin, R., 334 Leyendecker, B., 397 Leyens, J.P., 20, 21 Li, B., 584 Li, D., 404, 445, 583, 584, 585 Li, J., 435, 446 Li, N.S., 194 Li, Y., 406, 583, 584 Li, Z., 404, 584 Liaw, F., 134 Liaw, F.-R., 297 Liben, L.S., 453, 476, 479, 488, 494 Liberman, A.M., 202, 382 Liberman, I.Y., 382 Liccione, D., 432 Lichtenberger, E.O., 316, 319, 320 Lichtenstein, P., 527 Lickliter, R., 199, 200, 411 Lidz, C.S., 319

Lidz, J., 351, 358 Lieberman, E., 109, 131 Lieberman, M., 418, 520, 539, 588 Liebert, R.M., 18, 19–21, 485, 604, 606, 607 Liederman, P.H., 13, 129, 397 Lieven, E.V.M., 358, 359 Lightbown, P., 352 Liitola, A., 104 Lillard, A.S., 232, 400 Limber, J., 351 Lin, J-F.L., 182 Lin, L., 555, 607 Lin, N.T., 276 Lin, W., 113, 182 Lin, Y., 297 Lindberg, S.M., 467 Lindenberger, U., 40 Lindsay, D.S., 287 Lindzey, G., 334 Linebarger, D.L., 172, 608 Linn, M.C., 467 Lippincott, E.C., 605 Lippman, L., 402 Lips, H.M., 467, 469, 471 Lipshultz, S.E., 108 Lipsitt, L.P., 3, 140, 206 Lis, E., 57, 602, 608, 610 Liszkowski, U., 239 Litman, C., 509, 540, 548 Lits, B., 119 Little, A.H., 206 Little, J., 111 Little, T.D., 324, 469, 471 Little Albert, 42, 205 Littschwager, J.C., 369 Liu, B.J., 149 Liu, D., 240, 454 Liu, M., 584 Liu, S., 140, 434 Liu, Y., 192 Liu, Z., 297 Livesley, W.J., 434, 452 Livingstone, S., 608, 610 Livner, M.R., 549 Lloyd, T., 166 Lloyd, V.L., 366 Lobel, M., 118 Lobel, T., 475, 476, 492 Lobo, S.A., 196 LoBue, V., 195 Lochman, J.E., 589 Locke, J.L., 358 Locke, J., 6, 8, 42 Lockhart, K.L., 454 Loeb, S., 596 Loeber, R., 526, 531 Loehlin, J.C., 91, 334, 481 Logel, C., 471 Logothetis, N.K., 182 Loh, C.S., 608 Lohaus, A., 410 Lohmann, H., 154 Lollis, S., 242, 400

Lollis, S.P., 363 London, K., 452 Longman, S., 317 Lonigan, C.J., 381, 382 Lonnborg, B., 605 Loomis, L.S., 559 Loonen, M.C.B., 354 Lopez, B., 238 Lopez, E.I., 596 Lorenz, F.O., 549 Loukas, A., 596 Lounasmaa, O., 182 Lourenço, O., 49 Love, J.M., 338 Lover, A., 529 Low, A., 439, 610 Lowenthal, B., 564, 568, 571 Lozoff, B., 135, 158, 330 Lubart, T., 341–342, 343–344 Lubeck, S., 596 Lubman, D., 114 Lucas, T., 451, 579 Luce, C.I., 478 Luck, S.J., 268 Lucker, G.W., 297, 593, 594 Luecke-Aleksa, D., 487 Luhtanen, R.K., 438 Lukon, J.L., 402 Lumeng, J.C., 546 Lummis, M., 471 Luna, B., 269 Lung, C.T., 572 Luo, Z.-C., 132 Luria, A.R., 282 Lust, B., 352, 381 Luster, T., 56, 330, 331 Lustig, J.L., 561 Lutkenhaus, P., 443 Lycett, E., 409 Lykken, D.T., 93 Lynam, D., 168, 524, 526, 532 Lynch, M.P., 202, 362 Lynch, S., 211 Lynn, R., 467 Lyons-Ruth, K., 419, 422 Lysenko, L.V., 57, 608 Lytton, H., 548 M Ma, W., 358 Mabbott, D., 295 MacCallum, F., 409, 556, 557 Maccoby, E., 463, 466, 469–470, 474, 475, 476, 493, 527, 543, 545, 546, 548, 549, 561 Macfarlane, A., 124, 463 Macfarlane, J.W., 186, 320, 321, 322 MacGregor, S.N., 140 Machado, A, 49 Machado, A., 8 Machnes, Z., 77 MacIver, D., 448, 449, 452, 470 MacKenzie, E.P., 438 Mackinnon, C., 594, 595

NEL

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Name Index MacKinnon-Lewis, C., 584 Mackrell, S.V.M., 406 MacLaurin, B., 211 MacLean, W.E., Jr., 141 MacMillan, J., 538 Macmillan, R., 531 MacNeilage, P.F., 357 MacNeill, L.A., 228 Macomber, J., 227 MacPhee, D., 330, 331, 541, 550 Macpherson, J.M., 335 MacVicar, J., 253 MacWhinney, B., 264, 355, 356 Madden, N.A., 608 Madden, T., 590 Madigan, S., 416, 577 Madison, J.K., 203 Madison, L.S., 203 Maeda, Y., 326 Maehr, M.L., 442 Maes, H.H., 326 Magnusson, D., 168 Maguire, M., 398 Maguire, M.J., 182 Mahapatra, M., 501, 502 Mahler, M.S., 430 Mahoney, A., 540 Maikranz, J.M., 204 Main, M., 415, 417, 418, 419, 423, 569 Maiorano, T., 291 Majumder, S., 387 Mak, L., 389 Makar, K., 448 Makin, J.W., 186 Makris, N., 153, 248 Malaia, E., 374 Malas, M.A., 99 Malatesta, C.Z., 133, 396, 397 Maliken, A.C., 396 Malinosky-Rummell, R., 397, 569 Malone, S., 187 Malti, T., 530 Mancini, G., 401 Mandel, D.R., 185 Mandell, D.J., 241 Mandell, W., 134 Mandleco, B.L., 526, 581 Mangels, J., 228, 272–273, 368, 471 Mangelsdorf, S.C., 133, 397, 398 Manset, G., 600 Manstead, A.S.R., 469 Marcoen, A., 418, 437 Marcon, R.A., 118, 592 Marcos, M.V., 134 Marcovitch, S., 225, 607 Marcus, D.E., 487 Marcus, G.F., 302, 377 Marcus, H.R., 435 Marcus, J., 224 Marean, G.C., 361 Marentette, P.F, 362 Mares, M., 607, 608 Marg, E., 188 Margand, N.A., 418, 539

Margolin, G., 552 Margulis, C., 359 Marie, J., 294 Marini, Z., 245, 249 Mark, M., 358 Markiewicz, D., 418, 539, 588 Markman, E.M., 367, 368, 369, 373 Markman, H.J., 420 Markovits, H., 242, 243 Markow, D.B., 370 Markowitz, R., 173 Markstrom-Adams, C., 434 Markus, H.R., 441 Marlier, L., 186 Marlin, D.W., 172 Marsh, H.W., 437 Marshall, C., 601 Marshall, J., 416 Marshall, R.E., 187 Marshall, T.R., 141, 154 Martin, C., 464, 470, 474, 475, 476, 477, 484, 485, 487–488, 492, 578 Martin, J.A., 167, 543, 545, 546 Martin, J.M., 471 Martin, M., 387 Martin, R.C., 353 Martin, S.E., 398 Martin-Chang, S., 552, 554 Martinez, C.R., Jr., 335 Martinez-Cantu, V., 593 Martinez-Gonzalez, D., 139 Martin-Rhee, M., 388 Martorell, R., 170 Martyn, C.N., 152 Marvin, R.S., 554 Masataka, N., 361, 363, 374 Mash, C., 180, 190, 200, 201 Mashraki-Pedhatzur, S., 475 Mason, C.A., 509, 550 Mason, M.G., 521 Mason, U., 190 Massart, R., 77 Masselos, G., 577 Mastoras, S.M., 318 Matern, E., 117 Matheson, C.C., 25, 232, 579, 580, 586 Matias, R., 395 Matlin, M.W., 188 Maton, K.I., 541 Matsumoto, D., 399 Matthews, K.A., 89 Mattock, A., 191, 194 Mattock, K, 362 Mattos, P., 29 Matyear, C.L., 357, 362 Maughan, A., 398, 402 Maurer, D., 192, 193, 198–199 May, D., 463 May, P.A., 110 Mayberry, R.I., 354, 364, 373, 374 Maybery, M.T, 269 Maye, J., 361 Mayer, J.D., 402 Mayes, L., 113

Mayeux, L., 526 Maynard, A.E., 554 May-Plumlee, T., 506 McAdoo, H., 56 McBride, M., 581 McBride-Chang, C., 421, 568 McBurney, D.H., 52 McCabe, J., 485 McCabe, M., 440 McCall, R.B., 4, 20, 204, 321, 322, 331 McCartney, K., 91, 92, 93, 95, 326 McCarton, C., 320, 335 McCarton, C.M., 134 McCarty, F., 338 McCarty, M.E., 161 McClearn, G.E., 68, 171 McClelland, D., 443, 444 McClelland, J.L., 301, 302 McClintic, S., 396, 442 McCloskey, L.A., 565, 569 McClure, E., 609 McCoy, D., 146, 170 McCoy, E., 567, 610 McCrink, K., 180, 294 McCubbin, J.A., 119 McCurley, J., 172 McDonald, P., 542 McDonald, R., 558–559 McDonnell, P., 504 McDonough, L., 272–273, 368, 371 McEachern, A., 436 McElwain, N.L., 552 McGhee, P.E., 445, 486 McGinley, M., 504 McGrath, E.P., 445 McGraw, M.B, 158 McGue, M., 87, 93 McGuffin, P., 68 McGuire, S.A., 553 McHale, J.L., 133 McHale, J.P., 540 McHale, S., 168 McHale, S.M., 472, 474, 484, 492, 553, 554 McIntosh, B.J., 372 McIntyre-Smith, A., 568 McKee, L., 408 McKenna, M.A.J., 83, 84 McKenney, D., 318 McKenzie, B.E., 192, 194 McKeough, A., 249 McKinley, M., 582, 583 McKinley-Pace, M.J., 282 McKusick, V.A., 75 McLeod, P.J., 138, 358 McLoyd, V.C., 335, 453, 541, 549, 550 McMahon, M.J., 110 McMaken, J., 539 McMorris, B.J., 531 McNalley, S., 504 McNeill, D., 376 McPake, J., 602 McPartland, T.S., 434

I-13

McPherson, B.J., 485 McRoberts, G.W., 365 McRoy, R.G., 556 McWilliams, L., 597 Meachum, J.A., 434 Mead, M., 482–483 Meadows, K., 586 Meaney, M.J., 94 Measelle, J.R., 437 Mechelli, A., 354 Medeiros, B.L., 418 Medlin, R.G., 271 Mednick, B.R., 120, 134 Mehl, L.E., 129 Mehl-Madrona, L.E., 132 Mehlman, M.J., 72, 83, 84 Meier, R.P., 374 Meisels, S.J., 133 Mekos, D., 562, 563 Melloni, L., 352 Meltzoff, A., 212, 213, 224, 226, 228, 229–230, 240, 356, 357, 365, 400, 429, 430, 438, 454 Menashri, J., 476 Mendel, G., 73–74 Mendelson, M., 373 Mendez, J.L., 338 Mendle, J., 5, 167, 168, 211 Menna, R., 410 Mennella, A., 493 Meredith, M.C., 232 Merewood, A., 116 Mergendoller, J.R., 598 Merkler, K., 556 Mervis, C.B., 357, 370, 377 Meschulach-Sarfaty, O., 212 Messinger, D.S., 12, 412, 419 Messinger, L., 560 Metzger, A., 407 Meyer, B.A., 231, 232 Meyer, E.J., 253 Meyer, M., 471 Meyer, S., 504 Meyer, U., 106 Meyers, C.E., 326 Meyers, M., 338, 340 Meyers, T., 128 Meyre, D., 438 Mezulis, A.H., 491 Micalizzi, L., 403 Michaelieu, Q., 468 Midgley, C., 448, 449, 470, 597 Midlarsky, E., 522 Mikach, S., 557 Milbern, S, 592 Miles, C.J., 559 Millar, W.S., 126 Miller, A.L., 552 Miller, A.T., 449 Miller, B.C., 556 Miller, G., 274 Miller, J.G., 501, 502, 505 Miller, J.L., 102, 353 Miller, K., 252

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I-14

Name Index

Miller, K.F., 292, 293, 294, 298 Miller, N.B., 546 Miller, P., 274, 281, 282 Miller, P.H., 49, 274, 275, 290, 353, 452 Miller, S.A., 9, 353, 373, 380 Miller, S.P., 130 Miller, T.E., 171 Miller-Heyl, J., 541, 550 Miller-Johnson, S., 340, 592 Mills, J.L., 117 Mills, R., 527 Miltenberger, R.G., 43 Minich, N.M., 131, 134 Minkoff, H., 114 Minski, P.S., 318 Minton, H.L., 323 Mintz, J., 255 Mistry, J., 288 Mistry, R.S., 541, 549 Mitchell, J.E., 481 Mitchell, K., 610 Mitchell, P., 241 Mitchell, P.J., 542 Miura, I.T., 298 Mix, K.S., 228 Miyake, K., 395, 396, 417 Miyawaki, K., 202 Miyazaki, M., 432 Mize, J., 5, 581, 589 Mizuta, I., 526 Moas, O.L., 405 Möckel, T., 603, 604 Moely, B.E., 271 Moffitt, T.E., 25, 405, 526 Mohanty, S., 602, 608 Moise-Titus, J., 18, 604, 605, 606 Mokler, D.J., 117 Molfese, D.L., 113, 154, 182, 353 Molfese, F.J., 182 Molfese, V.J., 113, 330, 335 Molitor, A., 133 Moller, L.C., 476 Mollnow, E., 115 Monass, J.A., 343 Mondloch, C.J., 192, 193, 199 Money, J., 479, 480, 481, 482 Mongeau, C., 416 Montangero, J., 458 Montemayor, R., 434 Montessori, M., 601 Mooijaart, A., 405 Moon, C., 361 Moore, B., 504 Moore, C., 209, 238, 241, 368, 368, 422 Moore, E.G.J., 333 Moore, G.A., 409 Moore, K.L., 100, 102, 103, 104, 106 Moore, L.P., 510 Moore, M.K., 198, 212 Moran, G., 416, 423, 424 Morey, C.C., 271, 273 Morgan, E.R., 324 Morgan, J.L., 362 Morgane, P.J., 117

Morikawa, H., 358, 367 Morris, J.T., 486 Morris, M., 132 Morris, M.W., 163 Morris, N., 129 Morris, P., 55, 58, 420, 539, 541 Morris, S.J., 586 Morrison, F.J., 331, 381, 591 Morrison, V., 191 Morton, J., 187, 188 Moser, J.M., 295 Moses, L.J., 237, 239, 240, 400 Mosher, M., 468 Mosier, C.E., 363 Mosleh, M., 524 Moss, A., 331 Moss, E., 416, 422, 423, 424 Moss, H.A., 25 Mossey, P.A., 111 Mott, F.L., 119 Moulson, M.C., 14 Mount, J., 129 Mountain, J.L., 335 Mounts, N.S., 440, 445, 546, 547 Mowrer, O.H, 351 Mrazek, D.A, 405 Mu, Y., 297 Mueller, E., 451, 578, 579 Mueller, J., 389, 608 Muhammad, A., 152 Muir, D., 142, 181, 183, 186, 238, 240, 410 Muir-Broaddus, J.E., 292 Mulder, P.G.H., 116 Mullen, M.K., 289 Müller, J.L., 571 Müller, O., 171 Mullin, J.T., 188 Mumford, M.D., 341 Mumme, D.L., 224, 400 Munakata, Y., 51 Mundy, P., 241 Munroe, R.H., 487 Munroe, R.L., 487 Münte, T.F., 377 Murphy, K., 588 Murphy, S.M., 514 Murray, C., 409, 556, 557–558 Murray, Charles, 334 Murray, E., 476 Murray, I., 127 Murray, J.P., 605 Murray, K., 282, 509 Murray, K.T., 506, 507, 509, 522 Murray, L., 129, 419 Murray, M., 438 Murry, V.M., 532, 554 Murua, L.A., 499 Mustanski, B.S., 165, 166 Mychasiuk, R., 152, 339 Myers, M.M., 104 Myers, T., 129 Mylander, C., 355 Myrskylä, M., 119

N Näätänen, R., 103, 104 Nagaoka, R., 417 Nagel, S.K., 57, 549 Nagell, K., 209 Nagengast, B., 594 Nagin, D.S., 526, 527 Naigles, L., 357, 370, 371 Naito, M., 242 Najaman, J.M., 532 Nakagawa, K., 445 Nakai, S., 180, 181 Nancekivell, S.E., 278 Nandakumer, R, 369 Nanez, J., 193 Narr, K.L., 110, 111, 112 Nash, S.C., 473 Nash K., 112 Natekar, A., 113 Nathans, L., 593 Natsuaki, M.N., 168 Naus, M.J., 271 Naz, R., 117 Nazzi, T., 185 Nederend, S., 476 Needham, A., 227 Needle, R.H., 560 Needleman, R., 211 Neeleman, J., 111, 112 Negriff, S., 168 Neil, P.A., 183 Neimark, J., 93 Neisser, U., 287, 308, 312, 319, 322, 323, 335 Nelemans, S.A., 440 Nelson, C., 135, 151 Nelson, C.A, 14, 124, 130, 188, 192, 399 Nelson, E.S., 522 Nelson, J., 458, 587 Nelson, Katherine, 367 Nelson, K., 286, 287, 366, 367 Nelson, K.E., 358 Nelson, S., 514 Nemeroff, R., 522 Neppl, T.K., 405, 541, 549 Nesmith, J., 83, 84 Nettelbeck,T., 314 Netto, D., 199 Neuman, S.B., 596, 597 Neumann, D., 602 Neumann, M., 602 Neville, H.J., 374 Newcomb, A.F., 476, 583, 584, 585, 587, 588 Newcombe, N., 237, 480, 481 Newcombe, N.S., 196 Newell, A., 264 Newland, R., 230, 231 Newman, A., 374 Newman, D.L., 25, 526 Newman, G., 498 Newman, N.M., 140 Newman, R., 185

Newport, E.L., 225, 354, 362, 374 Ng, F.F., 445 Nguyen, M., 337, 338 Nguyen, S.P., 473 Nicholls, J.G., 449 Nichols, M., 172 Nichols, M.R., 417 Nichols, S., 498 Nichols, S.R., 504, 577 Nichols-Whitehead, P., 253 Nickerson, Bertie, 538 Nickerson, Bill, 538 Nicoladis, E., 364, 373, 386 Nicolaides, K., 105, 108, 109, 120 Nieding, G., 603, 604 Nielsen, L., 560 Nielsen, M., 579 Nielson, C.T., 166 Nielson, M., 432 Nievar, A., 593 Nije Bijvank, M., 605 Nijland, M.J.M., 102 Nilsson, A., 187 Ninio, A., 380 Nishida, T.K., 400 Nissen, H.W, 151 Nittrouer, S., 184 Nix, R.L., 532 Niyogi, P., 351 Nolan, A., 438 Nolan, J., 581 Nolen, A.M., 273, 274 Noll, J., 311 Noll, R.B., 587 Norcia, A., 162 Norcia, A.M., 188 Nordstokke, D.W., 318 Norman, M., 119 Normandeau, S., 247 Norman-Jackson, J., 554 Norona, A.N., 398 Norwood, S.J., 438 Novack, L., 374 Nowak, M.A., 351 Nowell, A., 467 Nucci, L., 501 Nugent, J.K., 142 Nugent, L., 294 Nugent, L.D., 268 Nuñez, S.C., 110, 111 Nunez-Davis, R., 602, 608 Nunner-Winkler, G., 516 Nyman, M., 468 O Oakes, L., 364 Oakes, L.M., 268 Oakley, A, 464 Obel, C., 112 Oberlander, T.F., 109 O’Boyle, C., 473, 484, 527 O’Brien, K.A., 582 O’Brien, M., 448, 475, 607 O’Callaghan, F.J., 152

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Name Index O'Callaghan, M.B., 133 Ochs, E., 359 O’Connell, L., 504 O’Connor, M.J., 84, 111 O’Connor, N., 314 O’Connor, T.G., 92, 421, 527, 531 Odem, R.R., 116 Oden, S., 589 O’Doherty, K., 230, 231 Oei, T.P.S., 492 Oeltermann, A., 182 Oettingen, G., 469, 471 Officer, A., 567, 610 Ogawa, S., 182 Ogbu, J., 333, 334, 550 O’Hara, M.W., 129 O’Heron, C.A., 492 Ohler, P., 603, 604 Ojansuu, U., 408 Okamoto, Y., 247, 249, 298 O’Leary, J., 514–515 Olejnik, A.B., 475, 476 Ollendick, T.H., 555 Oller, D.K., 202, 351, 362, 387 Olsen, J., 523 Olsen, J.A., 499, 547 Olsen, J.E., 531 Olsen, S.F., 526, 581 Olsho, L.W., 183 Olson, D.R., 399 Olson, K.L., 397 Olson, K.R., 515 Olsson, L.E., 581 Olweus, D., 528 O’Mahoney, J.F., 456 O’Malley, 240 O’Neil, A.K., 476 O’Neil, R., 57, 549 O’Neil, R.O., 581 O’Neill, D.K., 239, 373 Ong, A., 590 Onghena, P., 440 Onnis, L., 356, 358 Ontai, L.L., 405 Oppenheim, D., 506 Opwis, K., 269 Orbach, Y., 290 O’Reilly, A.W., 254 Orlansky, M., 374 Orlofsky, J.L., 492 Ornstein, P., 271 Orobio de Castrim, B., 440 Ortmann, M.R., 506 Osborne, S.E., 318 Osgood, D.W., 449, 471 Oshimo-Takane, Y., 383 Osser, H.A., 200, 201 Oster, H., 185, 395, 396 Ostry, D., 362 Otgaar, H., 291 Ou, S.-R., 338 Oudgenoeg-Paz, O., 162 Oumar, F., 419 Overbeek, G., 422

Overton, W.F., 63, 487 Oviatt, S., 364 Owen, D.R., 327 Owen, M.T., 271, 418, 420, 539 Oxtoby, M.J., 108 Ozawa, Y., 140 Ozcaliskan, S., 364 P Paarlberg, K.M., 118, 119 Pace, C.S., 409 Padgett, R., 116 Padgett, R.J., 358 Pahlke, E., 475 Painter, K.M., 254, 255, 483 Pajardi, D., 291 Pakstis, A.J., 335 Palinscar, A.S., 255 Palkovitz, R., 129, 418 Palmer, C.F., 161 Palmer, D.C., 351 Palmer, D.J., 554 Pamuck, E., 171 Pan, B.A., 356, 363, 368 Pan, Y., 297, 339, 340 Pan, Z., 607, 608 Panak, W.F., 528 Pancer, S.M., 521, 571 Pandy, M., 166 Panigrahy, A., 140 Pannabecker, B., 395 Papageorgiou, A., 133 Papaligoura, Z., 432, 433 Papiernik, E., 132 Papousek, H., 208 Papousek, M., 357 Papp, L.M., 548, 559 Paquette, G., 567 Paradis, J., 386, 387 Parent, S., 247 Park, D., 449 Park, S., 404 Park, S.-Y., 366 Parke, R. D., 20, 21, 209, 210, 463, 505, 507, 509, 527, 533, 539, 549, 581 Parker, J.D., 318 Parker, J.G., 402, 476, 578, 579, 583, 584, 586, 588 Parker, K.C.H., 423 Parkhurst, J.T., 584 Parkin, L., 242 Parrott, W.G., 609 Parsons, J.E., 459, 471 Parsons, T., 464 Partanen, E., 104 Parten, M., 580 Pascalis, O., 152, 434 Pascual, L., 255, 366, 483 Pascual-Leone, J., 246, 248, 249 Pasold, T., 605 Pasquarella, A., 389 Pasquini, E.S., 277 Passchier, J., 118, 119 Passingham, R.E., 356

Pataki, S.P., 585 Patel, N., 13 Patrick, S.W., 113 Pattee, L., 584 Patterson, C., 557 Patterson, Charlotte, 337 Patterson, C.J., 337, 557 Patterson, G.R., 75, 509, 505, 531, 532, 549, 562 Patz, R.J., 566 Pauker, S., 242 Paulhus, D., 554 Pauls, J., 182 Pavlopoulos, V., 405 Pavlov, I., 204–205 Payne, T.W., 467 Peach, K., 113 Pearl, R., 529, 585 Pearlstein, T., 128, 129 Pearson, A., 454 Pearson, B.Z., 387 Pearson, R., 405 Pearson, R.M., 129 Pedersen, J., 525, 527 Pedersen, N., 171 Pederson, D.R., 416, 423, 424 Pedro-Carroll, J.L., 561 Peeke, L.A., 471 Pegalis, L.J., 491 Pegg, J.E., 358 Pelaez, M., 352 Pelaez-Nogueras, M., 43, 45 Pellegrini, A.D., 11, 52, 53, 54, 164, 230, 232, 468 Pellegrini, D.S, 458 Pelphrey, K.A., 268 Peltzman, P., 188 Pempek, T.A., 603, 607 Peña, M., 353 Peñaherrera-Aguirre, M., 327 Pendle, J.E.C., 277 Peng, Y., 527, 533 Penhouet, C., 317 Penner, S.G., 352, 358 Pennington, B.F., 73 Pepler, D.J., 552 Pepper, S., 586 Pérez-Edgar, K., 228 Perez-Granados, D.R., 383 Perilloux, C., 479 Perilloux, H.K., 431, 432 Perlman, M., 242, 526 Perner, J., 239, 242, 277 Perone, S., 159, 160 Perozynski, L.A., 552 Perron, J.L., 548 Perry, D.G., 56, 474, 492, 510, 527, 528 Perry, L.C., 510, 527, 528 Perry, T.B., 457, 458 Persaud, T.V.N., 100, 102, 103, 104, 106 Persoage, K.A., 371 Persram, R.J., 552, 554

I-15

Perusse, D., 467, 525 Pescosolido, B.A., 485 Pesiak, C., 410 Peskin, J., 399 Pesonen, A., 409 Pesu, L., 448 Peters, A.M., 372 Peters, R.D., 571 Petersen, A.C., 467 Peterson, B.S., 270, 275, 282 Peterson, C., 287, 289 Peterson, C.C., 514 Peterson, G.H., 129 Peterson, J.L., 467 Peterson, R.E., 482 Petitto, L.A., 362, 374 Petretic, P.A., 372 Petrig, B., 193, 194 Petrovich, S.B, 412 Pettet, M., 162 Pettit, G.S., 211, 408, 531, 532, 546, 547, 581, 583, 584, 586, 589 Pettygrove, D.M., 504 Pexman, P., 381 Pezdek, K., 291 Pfannenstiel, J.C., 339 Pfeifer, M., 406 Philipsen, L.C., 581 Phillips, A.T., 239 Phillips, D., 450 Phillips, L., 608 Phillips, M., 153, 597 Phinney, J.S., 590 Phipps, M.G., 119 Piaget, Jacqueline, 224, 225 Piaget, Jean, 7, 10, 47–49, 50, 51, 54, 63, 157, 186, 201, 212, 213, 215, 218, 219–249, 220, 232, 244, 256, 257, 258, 260–261, 282, 293, 299, 302–303, 304, 307, 308, 411, 458, 511–513, 516, 580 Piaget, L., 223 Piazza, J., 498 Piccinini, C.A., 126 Pick, A.D., 200, 201, 400 Pick, H.L., 4, 373, 382 Pickens, J., 199 Pickles, R.J., 83 Pierluigi, M., 116 Pierroutsakos, S.L., 292, 293 Piers, E., 436 Pike, R., 437 Pillow, B.H., 282 Pina, A.A., 596, 598 Pine, F., 430 Pine, J.M., 357 Pinheiro, M.A., 29 Pinker, S., 302, 351, 353, 377 Pinkham, A.M., 596, 597 Pinyerd, B., 165, 166 Pipp, S., 422, 432 Piquette, N., 608 Pisacane, K., 475 Pisani, L., 419

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I-16

Name Index

Pisoni, D.B., 183, 185 Pitts, R.C., 499 Pitzer, M., 408 Plamondon, A., 242, 577 Planalp, E.M., 418 Plant, E.A., 469 Plata, S.J., 13 Pleck J., 129 Plewis, I., 139, 141 Plomin, R., 68, 72, 76, 78, 79, 81, 88, 89, 90, 91, 184, 330, 341, 403, 527, 556 Plowman, L., 602 Plumert, J.M., 4, 253, 382 Plummert, K, 367 Plunkett, J.W., 133 Podolski, C.-L., 18, 604, 605, 606 Poeppel, D., 352 Polak, A., 399 Polakoski, K.L., 116 Polanin, J., 438 Polifka, J.E., 105, 109, 110, 115, 117, 118 Polit, D.F., 554 Polka, L., 184, 362 Pollitt, E., 171, 335 Pomerantz, E.M., 440, 445, 449, 450, 465, 547 Ponomarev, I., 268 Pons, F., 458 Ponsonby, A.L.B., 140 Pont, S., 171 Poole, D.A., 292 Poortinga, Y.H., 201, 333 Pope, S., 282 Popova, S., 111, 112 Popper, S., 128 Porac, C., 155 Porges, S.W., 154, 186, 187 Porter, C.L., 407, 468 Porter, F.L., 187 Porter, R.H., 186 Posada, G., 13, 414, 416, 417 Posner, M.I., 282 Potter, J., 469 Potts, R., 510, 604 Pougnet, E., 330 Poulin, F., 529, 589 Poulin-Dubois, D., 472, 473, 474 Povinelli, D.J., 431, 432 Powell, C., 117, 135 Powell, J.K., 362 Powell, M.B., 290, 291, 292 Power, M., 130, 409 Power, T.G., 13, 211, 399, 548, 550 Pradhan, A., 166 Pratt, C., 373 Pratt, K.C., 186, 187 Pratt, M.W., 253, 257, 521 Prensky, M., 608 Prentice, D.A., 465 Presnell, K., 168 Pressley, M., 270, 272, 273 Previc, F.H., 154

Prezbindowski, A.K., 374 Price, J.M., 583, 584, 587 Priel, B., 129, 431 Prifitera, A., 317, 332 Prime, H., 242 Prince-Embury, S., 318 Proctor-Williams, K., 358 Proffitt, D. R., 191, 192 Prot, S., 604, 605 Puhl, R., 171 Pulkkinen, L., 165, 166, 526 Pungello, E.P., 339, 340, 592 Purdie, N., 382 Putnam, F.W., 566 Putnam, S., 404 Putnam, S.P., 397 Putnick, D.L., 405 Puttler, L.I., 10, 81 Pynoo, B., 608 Pyryt, M.C., 311 Q Qi, H., 289, 568 Quantz, D.H., 371 Quas, J.A., 398 Querido, J.G., 363 Quiggle, N.L., 528 Quine, W.V.O, 368 Quinn, D.M., 334, 471 Quinn, P.C., 198, 434 Quinn, P.D., 322 Quinn, R.A., 499 Qumaaluk, Q., 389 R Raabe, T., 453 Rabiner, D.L., 584, 589 Raboy, B., 557 Racine, Y., 553 Radford, A., 377 Radice, C., 556 Radke-Yarrow, M., 89, 213, 503, 504 Raikes, H.H., 338 Räikkönen, K., 409 Rakic, P., 150, 155 Rakoczy, H., 235 Ram, A., 552 Ram, N., 228 Ramani, G.B., 433, 579 Ramey, C.T., 338, 339, 592 Ramey, S.L., 338, 339 Ramirez, G., 467 Ramírez, R.R., 182 Ramos-Ford, V., 343 Ramsay, D., 128, 396, 409, 443 Ramsey, P.G., 141, 475 Rapoport, J.L., 151, 152, 153 Rasbash, J., 531 Rasmussen, C., 294, 296 Rathouz, P.J., 403, 407 Rattenborg, N., 139 Rauch, F., 102 Raynes-Goldie, K., 581 Raynor, R., 42, 205

Raz, S., 468 Read, A.P., 75, 80, 81, 84, 85 Read, L.E., 270 Recchia, S., 396, 442 Redanz, N.J., 362, 366 Reddel, M., 463 Reddon, H., 438 Reeb-Sutherland, B.C., 405 Reed, A., 523 Reed, R.S., 290 Reeder, K., 379 Reese, E., 287, 288, 382, 432 Reese, H.W., 3, 179 Regalado, M., 550 Rehm, J., 111, 112 Reich, D., 335 Reichman, N.E., 134 Reifman, A.S., 547 Reiser, M., 399, 504, 546 Reisman, G.I., 421 Reiss, D., 542, 562, 563 Relkin, N.R., 354 Remez, R.E., 372 Renders, C.M., 606 Renshaw, P.D., 589 Repacholi, B.M., 239, 400, 422, 454 Repetti, R.L., 445 Resing, W.C.M., 333 Resnick, S., 420 Resnick, S.M., 481 Rest, J.R., 520, 521, 522 Rettew, D.C., 408 Rettke, H.R., 162, 163 Revelle, G.L., 380 Reyna, V., 272, 283, 284, 291, 299 Reynolds, A.J., 592 Reynolds, D., 596, 597 Reynolds, E.H., 117 Reynolds, F., 126 Reznick, J.S., 365, 406 Rhee, K.E., 546 Rheingold, H.L., 361 Rholes, W.S., 453 Ricci Bitti, P.E., 401 Rice, C., 235 Rice, M.L., 607 Richard, N., 191 Richards, D., 610 Richards, J.E., 204 Richards, M.H., 168 Richardson, D.C., 190 Richardson, G.A., 110, 113, 114 Richardson, J., 476 Richey, C.A., 568 Richman, W.A., 204 Rickman, M., 406 Riddle, K., 279, 605 Rideout, V., 602 Ridge, B., 408 Ridley-Johnson, R., 158 Riesen, A., 151, 174 Rieser, J., 185 Rigby, M., 148, 149 Rigon, F., 166

Riksen-Walraven, J., 416, 584, 586 Riksen-Walraven, M., 423 Rinaldi, C., 553, 554 Ringelstein, E.B., 154 Riordan, K., 420 Riordan, L., 405 Risley, T.R., 330, 352 Rispoli, M., 357 Ritter, P.L., 445 Rivolta, D., 432 Robb, M., 608 Robbins, M., 383 Robbins, R.A., 193 Roben, C.K.P., 398 Roberts, B.W., 402, 405, 594 Roberts, C.T., 100 Roberts, D., 541 Roberts, K., 290, 291 Roberts, K.P., 289, 291, 292, 568 Roberts, W., 192, 469 Robertson, D.L., 592 Robertson, N., 172 Robin, D.J., 161 Robins, R.W., 469 Robinson, B.F., 357 Robinson, C.C., 486, 526, 581 Robinson, E.J., 277 Robinson, J., 338, 403, 504 Robinson, J.L., 79, 89, 406 Robinson, S., 596 Robinson, S.R., 197 Robles, N., 110 Rochat, P., 161, 363, 431 Roche, A.F., 171 Rock, A.M.L., 142, 397 Rockenbach, B., 515 Rodgers, C.S., 485 Rodgers, J., 334 Rodgers, J.L., 407 Rodkin, P.C., 529, 585 Rodriguez, V.J., 108 Rodriguez Mosquera, P.M., 469 Rodriguez-Fornells, A., 377 Rodriquez, T., 239 Roe, V.A., 108 Roebers, C.M., 264, 278 Roeser, R.W., 596, 597 Rogers, M.F, 108 Rogers, Y., 133 Roggman, L.A, 338 Rogoff, B., 50, 248, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 299, 363, 578 Rogow, F., 603 Rohde, L.A., 29 Rohrer, J.M., 577 Roid, G., 317 Roisman, G.I., 403 Roithmaier, A., 173 Romeo, R.H., 359 Romero, C., 445, 451 Romney, D.M., 311 Rook, K.S., 554 Roopnarine, J.L., 418 Rosario, M., 569

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Name Index Rose, A.J., 588 Rose, C., 438 Rose, N., 594 Rose, R.J., 165, 166, 168, 169 Rose, S.A., 132, 134, 192, 198, 204, 320, 321 Rose, S.P., 153 Roseberry, S., 358, 359 Rose-Krasnor, L., 211 Rosen, B.C., 445 Rosen, K.S., 418 Rosen, L., 602, 606 Rosen, W.D., 402 Rosenbaum, P.L., 134, 135 Rosenberg, F., 438 Rosenberg, M., 438 Rosenberger, K., 55 Rosenbloom, S., 198 Rosenblum, K.E., 295 Rosenblum, M.A., 577 Rosenfeld, R.M., 184 Rosengren, K., 159, 293 Rosenholtz, S.J., 448, 449 Rosenkrantz, P.S., 465 Rosenman, R.H., 89 Rosenthal, M.K., 361, 363 Rosenthal, S., 424 Rosenzweig, M.R., 152 Rositano, L., 432 Ross, G, 253 Ross, H.S., 242, 363, 400, 526, 551, 552, 554 Ross, J., 431 Ross, M.G., 102 Ross, R.T., 326 Ross-Sheehy, S., 268 Rotenberg, N., 540 Roth, E., 382 Roth, F.P., 382 Rothbart, M.K., 282, 402, 403 Rothbaum, F., 417, 418, 539 Rothberg, A.D., 119 Rotter, D., 587 Rotter, J., 172 Rouder, J., 294 Rousseau, J.J., 6, 8, 498 Rovee-Collier, C., 204, 206, 208–209, 430 Rovet, J., 111, 112 Rowe, D.C., 88, 89, 334 Rowe, M., 356, 359, 364 Rowley, S.J., 58, 541 Royden, C.S., 163 Rozin, P., 498 Rubenstein, T.S., 586 Rubin, K.H., 154, 232, 402, 404, 406, 407, 408, 445, 459, 526, 527, 532, 550, 578, 579, 582, 583, 584 Ruble, D.N., 440, 449, 450, 452, 453, 454, 464, 465, 473, 474, 476, 477, 485, 487, 488 Rudolph, K.D., 583 Rudy, D., 550

Rueter, M.A., 549 Ruff, C., 148 Ruff, H.A., 279 Ruffman, T., 242, 399, 400 Ruggieri, S., 583 Rumelhart, D., 301, 302 Runco, M.A., 341, 343 Rushton, J.P., 510 Russell, J.A., 168, 401, 455 Russell, S.T., 557 Russo, J., 110 Rust, J., 481, 485 Rutherford, M.D., 192, 401 Rutherford, P., 317 Rutter, D.R., 373 Rutter, M., 90, 326, 527, 557, 596, 597 Ruzany, N., 440 Rvachew, S., 184, 362 Ryan, R.M., 445, 548, 569, 597 Rys, G.S., 513 Ryther, J.S., 358 S Saarni, C., 399 Sabbagh, M.A., 240, 241, 357, 369 Sabin, M.A., 172 Sackett, G.P., 116 Sacks, C.H., 598 Sacks, O., 241 Sadesky, G., 295 Sadler, T.W, 100 Saeed, F., 117 Saenger, P., 166 Saffran, J.R., 357, 361, 362 Sahni, R., 104 Sai, F.Z., 185, 188, 198, 199 Saigal, S., 134, 135 Sakala, C., 127 Sakin, J.W., 551 Saklofske, D.H., 312, 317, 318, 332 Salapatek, P., 187, 189, 190 Salem, D.A., 541 Salem, P., 561 Salili, F., 442 Salisbury, A., 128, 129 Salle, B.L., 102 Sallout, B., 134 Salovey, P., 402 Salthouse, T.A., 270, 298, 593 Salzinger, S., 569 Sambeth, A., 104 Samek, D.R., 556 Sameroff, A.J., 118, 321, 328–329, 331, 420 Sampson, P.D., 109, 110 Samuels, C., 430 Samuelson, L.K., 368 Sandbank, B., 356 Sanders, C., 142 Sanders, P., 484 Sanders, R., Jr., 450 Sandler, I., 561 Sandvik, E., 469 Sangher-Sidhu, S., 608

Sangrioli, S., 434 Sanone, R., 116 Sansavini, A., 361 Sanson, A., 408 Santesso, D.L., 150 Santo, J., 585 Santos, C., 475 Santos, L.R., 9 Santrock, J.W., 562 Sapp, F., 240 Sareen, H., 550 Sato, M., 193, 194 Satterwhite, R.C., 164 Sattler, J.M., 316 Saudino, K.J., 403 Saults, J.S., 268 Sauve, R., 120, 140 Savage, R., 608 Savage-Rumbaugh, E.S., 353 Savelsbergh, G., 159 Savin-Williams, R.C., 167 Savoy, K., 521 Savsky, M.D., 282 Saxton, M., 358 Sayre, J.W., 149 Scafidi, F.A., 133 Scaramella, L.V., 405, 544, 548 Scarr, S., 91, 92, 93, 95, 326, 327, 335–336, 556 Scavone, J., 540 Schaefer, G., 367 Schaefer, L., 338 Schafer, W.D., 418 Schaffer, H.R., 411, 413 Schaffer, R., 410 Schaie, K.W., 24 Schall, B., 186 Scharf, R., 131 Scharrer, E.L., 485 Schats, R., 100 Schauwers, K., 354 Scheier, C., 183 Scheithauer, H., 583 Schellenberg, E.G., 203 Schellinger, K.B., 280, 439, 610 Schenker, S., 113 Schick, B., 374 Schiefele, U., 597 Schieffelin, B.B., 359 Schiff-Myers, N., 359 Schiller, M., 420 Schlagman, N., 501 Schliemann, A.D., 296 Schmader, T., 485 Schmechel, T.T.N, 194 Schmid, R.F., 608 Schmidt, C.R., 474, 488 Schmidt, L.A., 406 Schmidt, M.F.H., 515 Schmidt, M.H., 134, 408 Schmitt, D.P., 479 Schmitt, K.L., 172, 487, 608 Schmuckler, M.A., 194, 196 Schmukle, S.C, 577

I-17

Schneider, B., 588 Schneider, B.A., 183 Schneider, B.H., 422, 587, 589 Schneider, F.W., 323 Schneider, W., 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 382 Schneiderman, M., 352 Schockner, A.E., 475 Schoefs, V., 437 Schoelmerich, A., 414, 417, 550 Schoenbach, C., 438 Schoenberg, M.R., 317 Schoenwald, S., 4 Scholmerich, A, 397, 412 Scholz, J., 158 Schomburg, R., 608 Schonbar, R.A., 522 Schonberg, M.A., 402 Schonert-Reichl, K.A., 279–280, 439, 598, 610 Schooler, C., 438 Schopenhauer, A., 498 Schrama, R., 113 Schreiber, J.C., 234 Schroer, J., 105 Schubert, A.-L., 314 Schuetze, P., 112 Schuhmacher, N., 578 Schulman, J.D., 78 Schulze, K.F., 104 Schulze, P.A., 550 Schuster, B, 387 Schuster, D.T., 324 Schwade, J.A., 351 Schwanenflugel, P.J., 276 Schwartz, D., 421, 528, 586 Schwartz, P.M., 116 Schwartz, R., 358 Schwartzman, A.E., 330 Schwebel, D.C., 4 Schweinhart, L.J., 338 Scott, A., 608 Scott, J.P., 530 Scott, R., 440 Scott, W.A., 440 Scotti, I., 432 Sears, R.R., 324, 411 Segal, A., 552, 554, 562 Segal, N.L., 86, 93 Segal, U.A., 13 Segall, M., 201 Segalowitz, S.J., 149, 150 Seger, J., 604 Seidell, J.C., 606 Seidenberg, M.S., 302 Seier, W.L., 274 Seifer, R., 118, 321, 420, 421 Seitz, V., 120, 333, 339, 340 Seligman, M.E.P., 322 Sellers, A., 321, 335 Sellers, M.J., 411 Selman, R.L., 118, 455, 456, 457 Semmel, M.I., 600 Semmes, J., 151

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I-18

Name Index

Senechal, M., 382 Senehi, N., 400 Senghas, A., 355, 369 Sengsavang, S., 524 Senia, J.M., 541, 549 Senman, L., 388 Senna, I., 161 Serbin, L., 330, 472, 473–476, 485 Serdula, M., 171 Sergio, L.E., 362 Seroczynski, A.D., 471 Servin, A., 481 Setliff, A.E., 607 Shaddy, D.J., 204 Shafer, H.H., 79 Shaffer, D.R., 491, 499, 504, 508, 509, 522, 554 Shaffer, T.G, 469 Shagle, S.C., 531 Shakespeare, W., 246 Shankar, K., 171 Shankweiler, D., 382 Shannon, D., 397 Shannon, D.C., 405 Shantz, C.U., 458 Shaoying, G., 381 Shapero, D., 388 Shapiro, C., 585 Sharma, A.R., 556 Sharman, S.J., 290 Sharp, S., 172 Shatz, M., 237, 357, 358, 373, 380, 382 Shaw, A., 515 Shaw, D.S., 402, 526, 532, 552, 558, 560 Shea, C., 504 Shearer, B., 315 Shears, J., 338 Sheeber, L.B., 129 Sheingold, K., 287 Shell, R., 504 Shen, D., 182 Sherif, C.W., 580 Sherif, M., 580 Sherman, J., 294, 296 Shibley Hyde, J., 405 Shields, A., 569 Shiffrin, R., 265 Shimmin, H.S., 487 Shimojo, S., 183 Shiner, R.L., 402, 405 Shipley, T.F., 196 Shipman, K., 399 Shirley, M.M., 158 Short, K.R., 190 Showers, C.J., 469 Shrout, P.E., 158 Shulman, S., 476 Shultz, S., 185, 361 Shultz, T., 50, 302, 303 Shure, M.B., 5 Shurkin, J.N., 324, 589 Shutts, K., 172 Shwe, H.I., 373

Shweder, R.A., 500, 501, 502 Sia, L., 240 Sibiude, J., 108 Siddiqui, A., 552 Siegal, M., 514 Siegel, G.M., 373 Siegel, L., 330, 335, 387, 389 Siegel, L.S., 334 Siegel, P.Z., 171 Siegel-Gorelick, B., 167 Siegler, R., 27, 50, 51, 246, 247, 250, 275–276, 295, 297 Sigafoos, A.D., 212 Sigelman, C.K., 171 Sigmundson, K., 482 Signorella, M.L., 481, 488 Signorielli, N., 485, 486 Sillars, A., 561 Silva, F.J., 8 Silva, P.A., 25, 168, 184, 405, 423, 526 Silver, D., 380 Silver- Isenstadt, J., 365 Silverberg, S.B., 591 Simard, V., 416 Simion, F., 187, 199, 429 Simkin, P., 126, 127 Simmons, R.G., 167 Simms, N.K., 293 Simon, B.B., 432 Simon, H.A., 264 Simon, T., 308–309, 357 Simonoff, E., 326 Simons, R.L., 541, 544, 548, 549, 561, 565 Simonton, D.K., 341, 343 Simpkins, S.D., 467 Simpson, A., 531 Simpson, C., 448, 449, 476 Simpson, J.L., 100 Simpson, M., 321 Simutis, Z., 510 Sinclair, R.J., 562 Singer, D.G., 608 Singer, J.L, 608 Singer, L.M., 128, 409 Siperstein, G.N., 361 Sippola, L.K., 476, 585, 587, 588 Sitarenios, G., 82, 402 Sitterle, K.A., 562 Skalski, J.E., 499 Skeels, H.M., 327 Skiadopoulos, M.H., 83 Skinner, B.F., 42–43, 55, 63, 206, 207, 351 Skinner, M.L., 559 Skodak, M., 327 Skouteris, H., 192, 606 Skwarchuk, S.-L., 296 Slaby, R.G., 527, 529, 533, 534, 606 Slater, A., 191, 194, 198, 423 Slater, A.M., 228, 229, 434 Slaughter, V., 432 Slaughter-Defoe, D.T., 445 Slavin, R.E., 600, 608

Slawinski, E., 184 Slemmer, J.A., 190 Sligo, J., 423 Slinning, K., 114 Slobin, D., 352, 353, 372 Slone, M., 492 Slusser, W, 171 Small, S.A., 167 Smart, D., 408 Smetana, J.G., 500, 501, 516 Smiley, P.A, 351 Smith, A., 498 Smith, A.M., 114 Smith, B.A., 185 Smith, C.M., 294, 298 Smith, D., 470 Smith, D.W., 556 Smith, E.G., 294 Smith, F.T, 172 Smith, H.J., 406 Smith, J., 334, 550, 597 Smith, J.H., 371 Smith, L., 369, 370, 591 Smith, L.B., 27, 179, 368, 381 Smith, M., 172, 434 Smith, P.K., 164, 232, 468, 475, 533, 608, 610 Smith, R., 134–135 Smith, T.W, 554 Smyth, R.M.D., 126 Snarey, J.R., 520, 521 Snell, J.L., 438 Snidman, N., 405, 406 Snow, C., 352, 355, 358, 363, 380 Snow, M.E., 476 Snow, R.E., 598 Snyder, E., 481 Snyder, J., 531, 546 Sobol, B.L., 606 Sodian, B., 239 Soeters, K.E., 609 Soken, N.H., 400 Sokol, B.W., 514 Sokolov, J.L., 358, 359 Soley, G., 202 Solomon, J., 415, 419 Somers, M., 191 Sommerville, J.A., 515 Sondergaard, C., 112 Sonnenschein, S., 383 Sonuga-Barke, E.J., 541 Soussignan, R., 186 Southworth, J., 596, 598 Souza, I., 29 Sowell, E.R., 110, 111, 153 Sowers, M., 119 Spangler, S., 417 Spanoudis, G., 248 Sparling, J.J., 339, 340 Spear, S.J., 382 Spearman, C., 309, 323 Specht, J., 608 Speece, D.L., 382 Speicher, B., 521

Spelke, E., 190, 191, 198, 225, 227, 228, 294, 411, 515 Spence, J.T., 491, 492 Spence, M.J., 183, 184 Spencer, J.P., 159, 160 Spencer, M.B., 434 Spencer, P.E., 374 Spencer, S.J., 334, 471 Spengler, M., 594 Spetner, N.B., 183 Spieker, S.J., 416, 550 Spiker, D., 134 Spilman, S.K., 405 Spinrad, T.L., 398, 406, 504, 596, 598 Spivack, G., 589 Split, J.L., 440 Spong, C.Y., 84 Spoth, R., 544, 548 Sprafkin, J., 18, 485, 604, 606, 607 Sprigle, J., 338 Spritz, B., 423 Spuhl, S.T., 257 Spuhler, J.N., 334 Srivastave, P., 418 Sroufe, A., 476 Sroufe, L.A., 413, 420, 422, 476, 570, 579 St. James-Roberts, I., 139, 141 St. Laurent, D., 424 Staats, A., 205 Stacey, J., 557 Stack, D.M., 186, 330 Stager, C., 366 Stager, C.L., 199 Stams, G.J.M., 407, 409, 556 Stanger, C., 396, 399, 408 Stanhope, L., 552 Stanley, J.C., 467 Stanowicz, L., 358 Stanwood, G.D., 113 Stapleton, J.L., 587 Starosta, L., 439, 610 Starr, R.H., Jr., 418 Starte, D., 133 Stattin, H., 168, 406, 422 Staudinger, U.M., 40 Steele, C.M., 333, 334, 471, 599 Steele, H., 423 Steele, M., 423 Steeves, V., 610 Stefanski, M., 104 Stein, M.R., 579 Stein, Z., 117 Steinberg, L., 57, 440, 445, 546, 547, 548, 591 Steiner, J.E., 185 Steinman, P., 149, 150, 151 Steir, M., 128, 409 Stella-Lopez, L., 585 Stenberg, C., 395 Stephen, C., 602 Stern, D., 409, 410 Stern, D.N., 430 Stern, E., 250

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Name Index Stern, H.H., 388 Stern, W., 7, 316 Sternberg, J., 311, 319, 341 Sternberg, K.J., 569 Sternberg, R., 308, 312–314, 326, 341–344 Stetsenko, A., 469, 471 Stettler, N.M., 396 Stevens, C.P, 130 Stevens, E., 361 Stevens, R.J., 600 Stevens, S., 111, 112 Stevenson, H.W., 252, 297, 298, 471, 593, 594, 595, 596 Stevenson, J., 211, 527 Stevenson, O., 602 Stewart, I.A., 184 Stewart, J., 548 Stewart, J.M., 355 Stewart, M.I., 587 Stewart, R., 553, 554 Stice, E., 168 Stifter, C.A., 397 Stifter, E., 586 Stigler, J.W., 252 Stiles, J., 151 Stipek, Deborah, 433, 442, 448, 449, 452, 592 Stipek, D.J., 396, 442, 449, 454, 592 St-Laurent, D., 416, 422 Stockard, J., 491–492 Stockman, A.F., 126 Stohr, O., 93 Stone, B.P., 271 St-Onge, C.M., 242 Stoolmiller, M., 509, 540, 548 Stormshak, E.A., 554 Story, T., 454 Stoskopf, F.L., 134, 135 Stouthamer-Loeber, M., 526, 531 Strachan, T., 75, 80, 81, 84, 85 Strandberg, T.E., 409 Strassberg, Z., 211, 532 Straus, M., 548 Strauss, M.A., 211 Strauss, M.S., 294 Strayer, F.F., 410, 475 Strayer, J., 469, 534 Streiner, D.L., 134, 135 Streissguth, A.P., 109, 110 Streri, A., 198, 294 Strian, T., 199 Striano, T., 363, 431 Stricker, J.M., 43 Strigini, P., 116 Strohminger, N., 498 Strohschein, L., 558, 559 Strough, J., 469 Stroustrup, A., 131 Strunk, K.K., 448 Stulp, G., 149 Stumpf, H., 467 Stunkard, A.J., 171 Sturge-Apple, M.L., 531, 532

Sturla, E., 482 Su, C., 549 Su, M., 566 Suarez, M., 317 Subaiya, L., 559 Subotnik, R.F., 324 Suchindran, C., 168 Suddendorf, T., 432, 579 Suderman, M.J., 77 Sudfeld, C.R., 146, 170 Sudhalter, V., 379, 381 Suess, G., 417 Sugarman, D.B., 211 Sukhawathanakul, P., 439 Sulak, O., 99 Sullivan, H.S., 41 Sullivan, K., 235 Sullivan, M.W., 396, 399, 430, 443, 525 Sultan, M.T., 117 Summers, J.A., 338 Sun, X., 553 Sun, Y., 404, 541 Super, C.M., 521, 522 Surber, C.F., 237 Surcinelli, P., 401 Susman, E.J., 168, 566 Susser, M., 117 Susskind, J.M., 500 Svetina, M., 27 Svetlova, M., 504, 577 Swain, M., 388 Swarr, A.E., 168 Swearer, S.M., 438 Sweeney, J.A., 269 Sweet, D.G., 132 Swiber, M.J., 103, 139 Swinburn, B., 172 Swingley, D., 364, 366 Symons, D., 416 Symons, F.J., 53 Symons, S., 274 Szymanski, J., 380 T Tachmatzidis, D., 248 Tada, H., 140 Taeschner, T., 357 Tager-Flusberg, H., 235 Taipale, V., 168 Takahashi, T., 153 Takahira, S., 467 Takai, Y., 193, 194 Takanishi, R., 445 Takashima, S., 140 Talukder, E., 418 Talwar, V., 514 Tamang, B.L., 399 Tamim, R.M., 608 Tamis-LeMonda, C.S., 159, 160, 196, 204, 255, 351, 418, 474 Tan, R., 193, 194 Tanaka, J., 192, 513 Tanaka, S., 338, 340

Tanenbaum, H.R., 469 Tangney, J.P., 396 Tani, F., 587 Tanner, J.M., 17, 148, 150, 153, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172 Tanzer, N.K., 333 Tarabulsy, G.M., 422, 423, 424 Tardif, T., 367 Tardiff, C, 422 Tate, C.C., 489 Tatsuo, K.R., 539 Tau, G.Z., 270, 282 Taulu, S., 182 Taumoepeau, M., 400 Taylor, A., 398, 481, 532 Taylor, A.R., 600 Taylor, B., 139 Taylor, C., 239, 281, 282 Taylor, D., 191, 389 Taylor, D.M., 389 Taylor, H.G., 131, 134 Taylor, L.C., 58, 541 Taylor, M., 241, 370 Taylor, M.G., 473, 474, 475 Taylor, R.D., 280, 439, 541, 596, 610 Taylor, R.L., 541 Teachman, J., 562 Teasdale, T.W., 327 Teele, D.W., 184 Tees, R., 361 Teeven, R.C., 445 Teichman, Y., 453 Tellegen, A., 93 Temple, J.A., 592 Templeton, J., 597 Tenenbaum, H.R., 463, 469, 470, 471, 492, 493 Tenney, Y.J., 287 Terisse, B., 119 Terman, L., 316, 323–324 Tessier, R., 133, 423 Teti, D.M., 419, 423, 551, 554 Thal, D., 351, 364 Thames, A.D., 108 Tharp, R.G, 445, 598 Thau, S., 523 Thelen, E., 138, 157–158, 159, 160, 365 Thibodeau, R.B., 231, 232 Thiessen, E.D., 361, 362 Thiessen, E.D., 357, 361, 362 Thill, K.P., 468 Thom, E.A., 84 Thoma, S.J., 520, 521, 522 Thomaes, S., 440 Thoman, E.B., 138, 139, 208 Thomas, A., 406, 407, 420 Thomas, A.M., 559 Thomas, J.A., 448 Thomas, J.M., 582 Thomas, M.H., 605 Thomas, M.S.C., 303 Thomas, R., 407, 408 Thomas, R.B., 142 Thomas, S.R., 582

I-19

Thompson, A., 324 Thompson, H., 158 Thompson, P.M., 153 Thompson, R., 32, 151 Thompson, R.A., 31, 244, 398, 504, 506, 507, 509, 558 Thompson, R.F, 152 Thompson, S.K., 473 Thompson, T., 468 Thordardottir, E., 389 Thorndike, R.L., 316 Thorndike, R.M., 308 Thornton, R., 378 Thorpe, L.A., 183 Thurber, C.A., 413 Thurstone, L., 310 Tian, X., 352 Tiernan, C.W., 208 Tigner, R.B., 312, 314 Tigner, S.S, 312, 314 Tinbergen, N., 52 Tinker, E., 359 Titze, K., 135 Tobia, V., 583 Toga, A.W., 153 Tokura, H., 362 Tolan, P.H., 531 Tolvanen, A., 408 Tomada, G., 587 Tomasello, M., 209, 235, 239, 282, 348, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 369, 379, 383, 433, 500, 503–504 Tomlinson-Keasey, C., 324, 521 Tondeur, J., 608 Toner, I.J., 510 Tope, D., 485 Torrance, E.P., 341 Touchie, C., 184 Trabasso, T., 243 Tracey, J.L., 469 Trachtenberg, S., 529 Trainor, L.J., 142, 397 Tran, P.V., 105, 110 Tranmer, J., 142 Trautner, H.M., 473 Trautwein, U., 594 Travers, R., 102 Trehub, S.E., 183, 203 Treiman, R., 352 Tremblay, K.-N., 567 Tremblay, M., 164, 172, 606 Tremblay, R.E., 25, 505, 525, 526, 527 Triandis, H.C., 435, 505 Trickett, P.K., 168, 333, 566, 568 Trinath, T., 182 Trocmé, N., 211, 567 Tronick, E.A., 397 Tronick, E.Z., 12, 142, 402, 409 Troop-Gordon, W., 583 Troseth, G.L., 603 Troyer, L., 445, 546 True, M.M., 419 Truglio, R., 607 Trzesniewski, K.H., 449, 469

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Name Index

Tsang-Tong, H.Y, 196 Tsaousis, I., 438 Tseng, V., 590 Tsukayama, E., 322, 449 Tually, K., 183 Tucker, B.J., 608 Tucker, C.J., 484, 492 Tuladhar, R., 140 Tulviste, P., 50, 218, 250, 258 Turati, C., 161, 187 Turiano, M., 337 Turiel, E., 500–501, 521, 522 Turkewitz, G., 183 Turkheimer, E., 211, 326, 327, 330 Turnbull, M., 388 Turner, A.J., 557 Turner, L.A., 271 Turner, P.J., 476, 485, 492 Turner-Bowker, D.M., 485 Turner-Pluta, C., 119 Turrell, S.L., 242, 400 Tweney, R.D., 372 Twenge, J., 491 Twenge, J.M., 436, 465 Tyler, C.W., 188 Tyson, P., 41 Tyson, R.L., 41 U Uchida, U.N., 539 Udry, J.R., 168 Uller, C., 228 Ullstadius, E., 212 Ulrich, B., 157 Umbel, V.C., 387 Underwood, B., 504 Underwood, M.K., 475 Üngör, B., 99 Unsworth, K., 110 Unzner, L., 417 Updegraff, K.A., 472, 474, 553 Updegraff, K.M., 553 Urban, J., 476 Urban, T.A., 269 Urbano, R.C., 202 Usborne, E., 389 Usher, J.A., 287 Usher, J., 287 Uttal, D., 234, 293 Uttal, D.H., 230, 231 Uttman, J., 353 V Vaccaro, B.G., 14, 400 Vachet, C., 113 Vachon, L., 149 Vaden, N.A., 337 Vagni, M., 291 Vaillancourt, R., 468 Vaish, A., 199 Valdez-Menchaca, M.C., 352 Valeski, T.N., 592 Valian, V., 372 Valiente, C., 398, 596, 598

Valkenburg, P.M., 609 Vallotton, C.D., 400 Valoski, A., 172 Valverde, M., 435 Van Aker, R., 529, 585 van Bakel, H.J.A., 423 van Braak, J., 608 Van De Vijver, F., 317, 333 van den Boom, D.C., 408, 421 van den Broek, P., 381, 603 Van der Bergh, B.R.H., 118 van der Kamp, J., 159 van der Meer, A.L., 163 van der Weel, F., 163 van Dongen, H.R., 354 van Doorninck, W.J., 444 Van Engeland, H., 113 van Geign, H.P., 118, 119 van Helvoort, D.H.J., 291 Van Hulle, C.A., 403, 405, 407, 413 van IJzendoorn, M.H., 76, 77, 170, 405, 407, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 423, 556, 565 van Lier, P.A.C., 440 van Lieshout, C.F.M., 584, 586 van Vianen, A.E.M., 469 Vance, G., 187 Vandegeest, K.A., 282, 509 Vandell, D.L., 554, 578 Vandenberg, B., 232 Vandierendonck, A., 295 Vandwater, E.A., 541, 549 vanMarle, K., 294 Varga, Nicole L., 273, 274 Vargas-Trujillo, E., 522 Varghese, J., 409 Varnhagen, C.K., 591 Vasilyeva, M., 467 Vasilyeva, M., 378 Vasta, R., 351 Vauclair, C.-M., 499 Vauclair, J., 199 Vaughan, J., 413 Vaughn, B.E., 118, 119, 416 Veddovi, M., 133 Veldhuis, J.D., 146 Venkatesh, V., 253 Vento, M., 132 Ventura-Cook, E., 550 Vereijken, B., 158 Vereijken, C.M.J.L., 416 Vergison, A., 184 Vermulst, A., 422 Vermunt, J.K., 505 Vernon-Feagans, L., 184 Verp, M.S., 116, 120 Verschueren, K., 418, 437, 440 Vespo, J., 525, 527 Vetere, A., 540 Vevea, J., 323 Vibeke, M., 114 Victor, J.B., 405 Victor, R., 524 Victora, C., 170

Vihman, M.M., 365 Viken, R., 165, 166, 168, 169, 529 Viljaranta, J., 448 Villegas de Posada, C., 522 Vincent, A.S., 341 Vingerhoets, A.J.J.M., 118, 119 Vinter, A., 212 Virami, Vanya, 3 Virues-Ortega, J., 352 Visé, M., 382 Visscher, T.L.S., 606 Vixner, L., 119 Vlahovic-Štetic, V., 298 Vogel, S.R., 465 Vogel-Farley, V.K., 14 Volker, S., 410 Volling, B.L., 129, 551, 552 Volman, M.C., 162 von Eye, A., 54, 609 von Hofsten, C., 160, 198 Von Korff, L.V., 556 Vondra, J., 570 Vorhees, C.V., 115 Voss, K., 539 Vouloumanos, A., 185, 361 Voyer, D., 467 Voyer, S., 467 Vreugenhil, H.J.I., 116 Vu, J., 594, 595 Vuchinich, S., 549, 562 Vukovic, R.K., 252 Vurpillot, E., 280, 281 Vygotsky, L., 49–50, 218, 248, 249, 250–260, 271, 288, 289, 299, 304, 359 W Waddington, C., 90 Wade, C.A., 253 Wade-Woolley, L., 389 Wagner, E., 503 Wagner, R.K., 382 Wainright, J.L., 557 Wainryb, C., 514 Wake, M., 172 Wakschlag, L.S., 548 Walden, T.A., 400 Waldenström, U., 119 Walder, L.O., 526, 527 Waldfogel, J., 134, 338, 340 Waldman, I.D., 327, 335, 403, 407 Waldron, M., 327 Walk, R., 194–195 Walker, A., 198 Walker, L.J., 499, 513, 521, 522 Walker, M., 134 Walker, S., 117, 135 Walker-Andrews, A.S., 199, 399, 472 Walker-Barnes, C.J., 509 Wall, S., 413, 415, 420 Wallace, C.S., 73, 151 Wallace, I.F., 134, 320 Wallace, P.M., 129 Wallach, M.A., 341

Wallerstein, J.S., 560 Walraven, C., 120 Walsh, J.A., 192 Walsh, M., 467 Walsh, P.V., 493 Walsh, R.O., 540 Walters, L., 467 Walton, G.M., 471, 510 Wamboldt, P.M., 184 Wang, D., 555 Wang, M., 389 Wang, Q., 289, 435, 547 Wang, S.H., 227 Wang, X., 114, 149 Wang, X.-L., 255 Wang, Y., 240, 277, 546, 550 Want, S.C., 213 Ward, L., 552 Warin, J., 487 Wark, G.R., 522 Warkentin, V., 433 Warneken, F., 433, 503–504 Warren, D., 5 Warren, M.P., 168 Warren, W.H., 163 Wartella, E., 608 Wasik, B.H., 339, 340 Wasow, J.L., 367 Watchorn, R.P.D., 296 Waterfall, H.R., 356, 358, 378 Waters, E., 128, 409, 413, 415, 416, 417, 420, 422, 423 Waters, P.L., 491 Watkins, J.B., 173 Watkins, M., 317 Watkinson, B., 114 Watson, J., 238, 240 Watson, J.D., 366 Watson, J.B., 42, 52, 55, 59, 63, 64, 205, 548 Watson, M.W., 527, 533 Watt, L., 186 Waugh, W.E., 504 Waxman, S., 358 Waxman, S.R., 242, 369, 370 Weber, A., 359 Weber, R.A., 504 Wechsler, D., 316–317 Weerth, C., 118 Weigelt, S., 192 Weikart, D.P., 338 Weikum, W.M., 109 Weinberg, M.K., 12, 397 Weinberg, R., 556 Weinberg, R.A., 84, 92, 327, 335–336 Weindrich, D., 134 Weiner, B., 447 Weinraub, M., 413, 475 Weinstein, R.S., 599 Weisberg, P., 238 Weisberg, R., 279 Weisglas-Kuperus, N., 116 Weiskopf, S., 188 Weisleder, A., 352, 357

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Name Index Weisner, T.S., 477, 492, 553 Weiss, B., 211, 404, 532 Weiss, L.G., 317, 332 Weiss, M., 281, 282 Weiss, R.J., 527 Weissberg, R.P., 280, 439, 610 Weisz, J.R., 404 Weizman, Z.O., 352 Welch-Ross, M.K., 474, 488 Weller, A., 15, 133 Wellman, H.M., 238, 239, 240, 276, 277, 280, 373, 380, 401, 454 Wen, L., 405 Wendland-Carro, J., 126 Weng, Y.-H., 119 Wenner, J.A., 224 Wentzel, K.R., 583, 584, 597 Werker, J.F., 109, 185, 202, 358, 361, 362, 365–366 Werner, E., 134–135 Werner, L.A., 361 Wertsch, J.V., 50, 218, 250, 258 Westby, S., 606 Westman, J., 581 Weston, D.R, 418 Wewerka, S.S., 224 Wexler, K., 378 Weyerts, H., 377 Whalen, C.K, 468 Whaley, K.L., 586 Whiffen, V.E., 129 Whipple, E.E., 568 Whitall, J., 159 Whitbeck, L.B., 549, 565 White, B.J., 580 White, E.A., 273, 274 White, J.M., 57, 540 White, K.J., 589 White, R.W., 442 White, S.H., 309, 316, 319, 323, 333 Whitehurst, G.J., 351, 352, 381, 382 Whiteman, S.D., 554 Whiten, A., 579 Whitesell, N.R., 491 Whiting, B.B., 475, 482, 504, 505, 577 Whiting, J.W.M., 505 Whitley, B.E., Jr., 492 Whitney, M.P., 139 Whitsell, K., 364 Whittaker, S., 606 Whitting, V., 105, 108, 109, 120 Whittle, M.J., 82 Whitworth, L.A., 171 Widaman, K.F., 297, 405, 549 Widen, S.C., 168, 401, 455 Wiehe, V.R., 564, 565, 566, 571 Wierson, M., 559 Wiesner, M., 168 Wigfield, A., 448, 449, 470, 471, 597 Wiggam, A.E., 59 Wilbur, R.B., 374

Wilcock, A., 127 Wilcox, A.J., 110 Wile, J., 128 Wilkins, R., 132 Wilkner, K., 185 Willard, V.W., 587 Wille, D., 133 Wille, D.E, 422 Willems, E.P., 11 Willemsen, K., 524 Willford, J.A., 110 Williams, C., 469 Williams, E.M., 225 Williams, G., 532 Williams, G.A., 600 Williams, J.E., 164, 465 Williams, K., 255 Williams, K.D., 583 Williams, L., 241 Williams, M., 184 Williams, M.E., 329, 330 Williams, S., 168 Williams, T., 604 Williams, W.W., 323 Williamson, G.M., 119 Willms, D., 172 Willoughby, T., 273, 605, 608 Wilson, J.A., 282 Wilson, K.S., 578 Wilson, M., 499 Wilson, S.P., 550 Wilson Garvan, C., 113 Wilson-Mitchell, J.E., 477, 492 Wimbush, D.D., 548, 550 Wimmer, H., 277 Winch, G., 492 Wing, R.R., 172 Winick, M., 117 Winne, P., 273 Winner, E., 235, 315, 340, 343, 381 Winslow, E.B., 532, 552 Winslow, E.E., 558, 560 Winterbottom, M., 445 Wisborg, K., 112 Wissow, L.S., 550 Witelson, S.F, 154 Wobie, K., 113 Wolak, J., 610 Wolchik, S.A., 561 Wolfe, C.T., 438 Wolfe, D., 568, 569 Wolfe, M., 557 Wölfer, R., 583 Wolfner, G.D., 565 Wong, M.M., 10 Woo, M., 492 Wood, D., 240, 253 Wood, E., 273, 274, 608 Wood, M., 57, 602, 608, 610 Wood, S., 567, 610 Wood, W., 465, 479

Woodin, E.M., 531 Woodin, M., 105 Woodley of Menie, M.A., 327 Woods, B., 192 Woodson, M.E, 282 Woodson, R., 212 Woodward, A.L., 224, 367 Woodward, L., 127, 423 Woody-Ramsey, J., 290 Woolley, J., 239, 240 Worrall, W., 317 Worton, S.K., 571 Wouters, S., 440 Wright, C., 444 Wright, J.C., 172, 604, 607, 608 Wright, S., 389 Wrobel, G.M., 556 Wu, C., 565 Wu, H.X., 467, 505 Wu, J., 324 Wu, Y., 373 Wusinich, N., 239 Wyman, E., 235 Wyman, P.A., 135 Wynn, K., 180, 226–227, 228, 294, 503, 578 Wyver, S., 550 Wyver, S.R., 577 X Xia, Y., 555 Xie, D., 474 Xu, F., 228, 240, 302, 367, 377 Y Yaggi, K.E., 532, 552 Yaghoub-Zadeh, Z., 387 Yan, B., 389 Yan, Y., 83 Yang, B., 555 Yang, C.D., 351 Yang, C.-Y., 119 Yang, H., 607 Yang, J.F., 157 Yang, M.T., 297 Yang, Z., 182 Yankowitz, J., 83 Yau, J., 501, 516 Yazigi, R.A., 116 Yeates, K., 330, 331, 456 Yedlicka, J., 274 Yeung, H.H., 202, 362, 365–366 Yeung, M., 594, 595 Yi, S., 289 Yildrim, I., 431 Yilmaz, M., 431 Yonas, A., 185, 193, 194 Yont, K.M., 184 Yoon, K.S., 470 Yoshida, K., 202, 362, 365–366 Young, L.L., 498

Young, S.K., 502 Youngblade, L.M., 254 Younger, Alastair, 584 Yovsi, R., 432, 433 Ytteroy, E.A., 557 Yu, A.P., 468 Yu, C., 369, 370 Yu, L., 474 Yu, M., 5 Yuan, F., 240 Yuan, L., 293 Yuan, S., 370 Yufe, J., 93 Yuill, N., 454 Yun, J.E., 515 Z Zack, E., 607 Zagoory-Sharon, O., 15, 129 Zahn-Waxler, C., 89, 213, 502, 504, 526 Zakriski, A.L., 584 Zarbatany, L., 586 Zarlengo-Strouse, P., 358 Zavattini, G.C., 409 Zeedyk, M.S., 431 Zeisel, S.A., 184 Zelazo, N.A., 159 Zelazo, P.D., 159, 225, 240, 266, 275, 514 Zelazo, P.R., 159, 413 Zelkowitz, P., 133 Zeman, J., 399 Zern, D.S., 465 Zerwas, S., 433, 579 Zeskind, P.S., 112, 141 Zhang, A., 149 Zhang, H., 182, 294, 298, 352 Zhang, H.H., 568 Zhang, L., 83, 130 Zhang, Q., 555 Zhang, Y., 129, 227 Zhao, Y., 609 Zhou, Q., 398, 504, 546 Zhu, J., 294, 298 Ziegert, D.I., 450 Zigler, E., 339 Zigler, E.F., 333, 570, 592, 593 Zimmer-Gembeck, M., 11 Zimmerman, F.J., 607 Zimmerman, M.A., 541 Zimmerman, R., 411 Zipf, W.B., 165, 166 Zlotnick, C., 128, 129 Zocchi, S., 432 Zoccolillo, M., 467, 525 Zosuls, K., 474, 475 Zucker, R.A., 10, 81 Zuckerman, B., 211 Zuffianò, A., 530 Zwaigenbaum, L., 192 Zwart, F., 113

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I-21

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index Note: Page numbers followed by f refer to figures, and page numbers followed by t refer to tables. A Abecedarian Project, 339–340 ability entity view of ability, 449 incremental view of ability, 448 mathematical, 467 verbal, 466–467 visual/spatial, 467, 467f Aboriginal Head Start, 337 absolute stability, 61 abuse. See child abuse academic self-concept, 442–452 academic skills training, 589 academics cultural influence, 446–447 peer group influence on, 445–446 acceptance/responsiveness, 544 accommodation, 48, 188, 220–221, 221t achievement attributions, 447–448 age differences in, 448–449 attribution theory (Weiner’s), 447–448, 448f learned-helplessness theory (Dweck’s), 449–452 mastery orientation and, 449–450 types of, 447–448, 447t achievement expectancies, 447 achievement motivation, 442–452, 443f approval-seeking phase, 442–443 attachment, quality of, 444 child rearing and, 444–445 cultural influences, 446–447 defined, 442 home environment, 444, 444t home influences, 443–445 joy in mastery phase, 442 in middle childhood and adolescence, 443–447 origins of, 442–443 peer group influences, 445–446 use of standards phase, 443 The Achievement Motive (McClelland), 444 achievement tests, 319 achievement training, 445 achievement-related attributes, age differences in, 448–449 acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), 107t, 108, 109 active child, 260, 303 active construction, 379 active gene influences, 93 active genotype/environment correlations, 92, 92f active-child effect, 120, 135 active/passive issue, 60 activity level, 403

adaptation (intellectual process), 220 adaptive behaviours, 320 adaptive mutations, 81 adaptive strategy choice model, 275, 276f ADHD. See attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) adolescence. See also puberty achievement motivation, 443–447 body image and, 167–168 formal operational thinking and, 244–246 gender differences, 148 intellectual disability statistics, 324 muscular development, 148 adoption design, 86 adoption studies, 326–328 transracial, 335–336 adoptive families, 556 adult authority, 516 affective explanations, 504 African Americans, child rearing and, 550 afterbirth, in childbirth, 124 age of mother, and prenatal development, 119–120 age of viability, 103 age-appropriate play materials, 330 aggression, 524–534 as behavioural problem, 528–530 coercive home environment, 531–532 cultural influences, 530–534 defined, 524 development of, 524–525 developmental themes applied to, 535 developmental trends in, 535 gender and, 527 in infancy and childhood, 525–526, 525f media violence and, 604–605 methods of controlling, 532–534 in middle childhood, 525–526 parental conflict, 531–532 peer rejection and, 585 physical, 505, 526, 530 as predictor of criminal behaviour, 527f retaliatory, 526 sex differences, 527 social and cultural influences, 530–534 social information-processing theory, 528–530, 529f television and, 20–21, 21f in toddlerhood, 524–525 as a trait, 526–527, 527f AIDS. See acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS)

alcohol, 110–111, 112, 115t alcoholism, 89 Alfred Binet laboratories, 47 allantois, 100 alleles, 73, 74 allophones, 385 alternative birth centres, 127 amae, 417 ambiguous harmdoing, 529 American Academy of Pediatrics, 609 American Psychological Association, 32 American Samoa, 359 American Sign Language (ASL), 374 amino acids, 72 amnesia, 287 amniocentesis, 82, 83 amnion, 100, 100f amniotic fluid, 100, 103, 186 anal stage, 39t analogical reasoning, 292–294, 293f androgenized females, 481 androgynous people advantages of, 491–492 applications of, 492–493 existence of, 490–491 androgyny, 489–493 anemia, 74–75, 171 anencephaly, 117 animal behaviour, prenatal experiences, 55 animism, 234, 234f, 243t A-not-B error, 225, 227–228, 282 anoxia, 130–131, 134 antidepressants, 109 Apgar test, 125, 125t aphasia, 353, 354 appearance of baby, 124–125 appearance/reality distinction, study of, 234–235, 235f apprenticeship, 253–254 approval-seeking phase, 442–443 aptitude–treatment interaction (ATI), 598 Arapesh (New Guinea), 530 arcuate nucleus, 140 arithmetic reasoning, 467 cultural influences on, 295 instructional supports, 298–299 linguistic supports, 297–298 arithmetic skills, 294–299. See also counting and arithmetic Asian cultures, 296–299, 550, 567–568. See also cross-cultural comparison of schools asocial phase, 410 aspirin, 109

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I-24

Subject Index

assimilation, process of, 48, 220–221, 221t, 249 associative play, 580 astrocytes, 149 attachment, 409–424 cultural variations, 417 daycare, 424 developmental themes applied to, 425–426 ecological considerations, 420 factors that influence, 418–421 history, 424 in infants. See infant attachment later development and, 421–424 outcomes attachment quality used to forecast, 422–423 parents’ working models and, 423–424 quality, individual differences in, 414–418 quality of, 444 as reciprocal relationship, 409–410 secure and insecure, long-term correlates of, 422 security. See attachment security synchronized routines, 409–410 as working models of self and others, 422–423 Attachment Q-set (AQS), 416 attachment security assessing, 414–416 avoidant attachment, 415 caregiving and temperament, combined influences of, 421 classifications, cultural variations in, 417 disorganized/disoriented attachment, 415–416 fathers as caregivers, 417–418 infant characteristics, 420–421 influences on, 417–418 quality of caregiving, 419, 419t resistant attachment, 415 secure attachment, 415 separation anxiety, 413–414 stranger anxiety, 413–414, 417 temperament used to explain, 420–421 attachment theories, 411–413 attachment in humans, 412–413 cognitive-development theory, 411–412 ethological theory, 412–414 learning theory, 411 attachment theory, 53 attention, 266 attentional strategies, 280, 281f cognitive inhibition, 281–282 education and, 300 meta-attention, 282–283 planful attentional strategies, 280, 281f retention and development of, 279–283 selective, 281 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 29, 112, 113, 118–119 attention span, 279, 403 attribution retraining, 451–452 attribution theory (Weiner’s), 447–448, 447t, 448f attributional bias, hostile, 531, 589 auditory cortex, 154f auditory perception, 202, 311 auditory–visual incongruities, 198 authoritarian parenting, 545, 545f, 546t, 548 authoritative parenting, 445, 545, 545f, 546–547, 546t, 566 authority, 500

autism spectrum disorder (ASD), 192, 241 autobiographical memory, 288–289 automatization, 249, 290, 313 autonomous morality, 512–513, 515 autonomy, 540 autosome, 72, 78–79 autostimulation theory, 140 average-status children, 582 avoidant attachment, 415, 419 B babbles, 362, 374, 390 babbling, 90 babies. See infants Babinski reflex, 137t, 138, 153 baby biographies, 7–8 baby blues, 128–129 backward digit span, 268 base pairs, 69 baseline, 14 basic emotions, 396 basic gender identity, 486, 487 bath time (fussing/crying), 118 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 320, 320t, 330 behaviour “biologically programmed,” 52 controlling, 209–210 desirable, 11 fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), 111 genetic vs. environmental contributions, 86–89 hereditary and, 86–90 hereditary influences on behavioural genetics, 86–90 heredity and environment interaction theories, 90–94 operant conditioning, 208–210 undersirable, 11 behaviour disorders, 89–90 behavioural comparisons phase, 454, 455f behavioural consistencies, 454 behavioural control, 547 behavioural genetics, 86–90 behaviour disorders and mental illness, 89–90 contributions and criticisms of, 94 intellectual performance, 91 personality, 89 studying hereditary influences, 86 behavioural inhibition, 405–406 behavioural modification techniques, 45 behavioural resemblance, 93 behaviourism (Watson’s), 42 belief–desire reasoning, 238, 239–240 belief–desire theory, 239–240, 241 The Bell Curve (Hernstein and Murray), 334, 335 Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), 490 benefits-to-risks ratio, 32 Bertenthal’s research, 191–192, 191f Better Beginnings, Better Futures (BBBF), 571 bilingual, 385–389 bilingualism, 385–389 advantages of, 386, 387–388 cognitive development and, 387 Indigenous Canadian children, impact on, 385, 389 Binet-Simon test, 309 binocular vision, 194 biological inheritance, 2

biological mechanisms in physical development genotypes, effects of individual, 168–169 hormonal influences, 169, 170f biological systems, 64f “biologically programmed” behaviours, 52 biosocial theories, 479–484, 480f bipolar disorder, 89 birth. See childbirth birth defects, 109 birth order, 577 birthing centres, 127 birthing environments, 127 birthing partner, 126 black lies, 514–515 “blank slate,” 6, 42, 179. See also tabula rasa blastocyst, 99, 100 blended families, 542–543, 560–563 blinking response, 194 blood disorders, sickle-cell anemia, 74–75, 75f blood pressure, 15 blue lies, 515 Bobo experiment, 44–45 body image, 438 adolescence and, 167–168 and depression, 167–168 body mass index (BMI), 164 body proportion, changes in, 147–148, 147f bonding, emotional, 128, 129 bone marrow transplants, 83 bound morphemes, 350 boys aggression, 467–468, 527 body image and, 167 instrumental role, 465 maternal prenatal drug abuse and, 113–114 mathematical abilities, 467 sexual maturity and, 166, 167f visual/spatial abilities, 467 brain brain growth spurts, 149, 150 cephalocaudal development, 147 cerebral lateralization, 153–155 development of, 149–155 brain differentiation and growth, 153–155 neural development and plasticity, 149–152 error-related negativity (ERN), 150 executive function, 267 fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), 110–111 glia, 149 guiding cells and, 149 language development and, 354, 356, 362 left hemisphere, 353, 354, 374 myelinization, 150, 153, 270, 279 neurons, 149–152 prenatal mariuana use and, 114 right hemisphere, 353, 354, 374 scalp EEG, 150 self-regulation skills and, 150 synapses, 149 undernutrition and, 170 “use it or lose it” principle, 151 brain development, 132 brain growth spurts, 149, 150 brain imaging techniques, 182, 182f brain injuries, 151, 155 brain waves, 15, 182 NEL

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Subject Index breastfeeding, 111 breathing reflex, 137t breech birth, 130 Broca’s area, 154f, 353 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, 55–59, 56f, 63 bullying, 438–439, 610 C caffeine, 109 Canadian Achievement Test-4, 319 Canadian Cognitive Abilities Test, 319 Canadian Criminal Code, 211 Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect 2008, 564 Canadian Paediatric Society, 187 Canadian Psychological Association, 32 Canadian tests and norms, 316 canalization, 90–91 canonical babbling, 362 cardinality, 294 care, 500 care, quality of, 173 caregivers alternative, 576 fathers as, 417–418 insensitive, 421 and temperament, combined influences of, 421 caregiving, quality of, 419 caregiving hypothesis, 419, 419t Carolina Abecedarian Project, 339–340 carrier, 74 cascade correlation, 302 case study, 12–13, 16t cataracts, 193 catch-up growth, 170 categorical self, 433 causal reasoning, 278 causality, 243t cause-and-effect relationship, 18, 237 cell differentiation, 70, 72, 99, 150–151 cell nucleus, 69 cell-free DNA (cfDNA), 82 central processing structures, 249 centration (centred thinking), 235 centred, 235 cephalocaudal development, 147, 148, 157 cerebellum, 154f cerebral cortex, 153, 154f cerebral lateralization, 153–155, 154f cerebrum, 153 cervical cancer, 110 cesarean section, 108, 126 CFTR gene, 83 chemicals and pollutants, 115–116 chickenpox, 107t child abuse, 564–572 abusers, characteristics of, 565–566 consequences of, 568–570 contributing factors to, 568t cultural influences, 567–568 high-risk neighbourhoods for, 566–567 immigrant families, 567–568 intellectual disabilities, children with, 567 investigation outcomes, 565, 565t, 567 prevalence of, 564–565

prevention of, 570–572 rehabilitation of abusers, 571–572 at risk children for, 566–568 types of, 564t Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), 112 child development brain activities in, 150 cultural influences on, 13–14 Darwin’s study on, 7 developmental themes and, 610–612 child rearing and achievement, 444–445 economic condition on, 548–549 ethnic variations, 549–550 impact of aggression, 531–532 social class differences in, 548–549 child witnesses, 291–292 childbearing, decreased, 541–542 childbirth breech, 130 complications of, 130–135 anoxia, 130–131 low birth weight, 131–134 oxygen deprivation, 130–131 preterm infants, 132–133 small-for-date babies, 131 labour and delivery medication, 126–127 natural and prepared, 126–127 newborn reflexes, 137–138 practices, Canadian, 126 practices, home births, 127 premature, 103–104 process, 123–124 developmental themes and, 135 father’s experience, 129 sensitive periods after, 128 social environment and, 128–129 emotional bonding, 128 new mother and, 128–129 stages, 123–124 child-directed speech, 357–358, 359, 362, 390 child-effects model, 547–548 childhood aggressive behaviours, 525–526 conception of self, 434–436 differentiation theory, 200–201 exercise, 164 historical perspectives on, 6 memories, early, 287 middle childhood, language and, 380–384 motor development in, 163–164 perceptual learning, 200–201 philosophical perspectives on, 6 sibling relationships during, 551–553 values, 499 childhood sexual abuse. See sexual abuse children abused, 11–12 attention, development of, 279 baby biographies, 7 bilingualism and, 385 body proportion, changes in, 147–148 communication skills, referential, 382–384 emotions, understanding, 401–402 entity view of ability, 449 height gains in, 146–147

I-25

innate purity of, 6 intellectual development of, 10 invention of language and, 355 media violence and, 16–18, 18f, 19–21, 21f metamemory of, 278–279 popularity of, factors affecting, 582–585 proximodistal development, 148 racism in, 453 self-esteem and, 438 sentence structure and, 372t skeletal development, 148 as subjects of study, 7–8 China, one-child policy, 554–555 Chinese number words, 251–252, 251t, 297–298 cholera, 107t chorion, 100, 100f chorionic villus sampling (CVS), 82, 83 chromosomal abnormalities, 78–79, 79t chromosomes, 69, 69f autosomes, 72 in cell division, 70 duplication of, 70 parental, 70, 71 sex, 72 chronosystem, 57 cigarette smoking, 111–113 circumcision, 186–187, 482 ciritical lure, 272 classical conditioning, 204–206 of emotions, 205 of newborns, 205–206 classical ethology, 52 classification training, 494 classroom instruction, 594 classroom management, 597 cleft lip, 111 cleft palate, 111 clinical method, 10, 16t, 219 close relationships positive reinforcement, 506–510 rule internalization in, 505–511 “clustering” rehearsal strategy, 271 coaching, 588, 589 cocaine, 113 coccyx, 101 code-switching, 386 codominance, 74–75 coercive home environment, 531–532 cognition, 218–219 cognitive competencies, 252–255 context-independent learning, 254 guided participation, 253–254, 255 zone of proximal development, 252–253, 254–255 cognitive complexity, 580 cognitive component of moral development Kohlberg’s theory, 516–519 Piaget’s theory, 511–513 cognitive development, 5, 46, 47–49, 218–261 cognitive-developmental theory (Piaget’s), 47–49, 49t, 219–249 computer technologies and, 608–610 connectionist approaches to, 301–303 defined, 218 information-processing, 264–304 neo-Piagetian theory (Case’s), 248–249

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-26

Subject Index

cognitive development (continued) sociocultural theory (Vygotsky’s), 50, 250–260 stages of, 48 television and, 607–608 cognitive development theory (Kohlberg), 486–487 cognitive developmental theory (Piaget’s), 47–49, 49t, 219–249 attachment, 411–412 challenges to Piaget, 247–248 cognitive schemes a processes, 220–221, 221t contributions, Piaget’s, 246 contributions and criticisms of, 48–49 developmental themes applied to, 260–261 evaluation of, 246–248 of gender typing, 486–487 intelligence, defined, 219–220 intelligence and intellectual growth, 47–48 language and thought, 256, 257 stages of. See stages of cognitive development (Piaget’s) vs. Vygotsky’s theory, 258t cognitive disequilibria, 219, 519 cognitive domains, 276 cognitive equilibrium, 219, 248 cognitive inhibition, 281–282 cognitive interventions for gender stereotypes, 494 cognitive maturation, 513 cognitive processes, 220–221, 266–267 cognitive schemes, 47, 48, 179, 220–221, 232, 470 cognitive self-guidance system, 257 cognitive skills, and peer acceptance, 583 cognitive social learning theory (Bandura’s), 43–45 cognitive structures, 220–221, 247 cognitive style, 342 cognitive theories of social cognition, 455–459 cognitive-developmental theory (Piaget’s), 455–456 role-taking theory (Selman’s), 456–458, 457t cognitive-developmental viewpoint, 414 cogntive rationales, 507–509 cohort, 23 cohort effects, 24, 27f cohorts, 324 collaborative (or guided) learning, 252 collective monologues, 256, 522 collectivist (or communal) society, 435, 440–441, 549–550, 568 colour blindness, 75–76, 80 colour vision, 188 committed compliance, 506 communication, 348 communication skills, 348–390 development of, 379–380 further development of, 382–384, 383t preschool period, 379–380 referential, 380 sibling’s role in, 383–384 sociolinguistic understanding and, 382–383 Community Action Program for Children (CPAC), 570–571 community services, 566 compassion, 502–503 compensatory interventions, 337–340 early, 339–340 for families, effective, 339 follow-ups, long-term, 338

Head Start, 337 parental involvement, 338–339 competencies, 247 complementary role-taking, 579 complex emotions, 396 complex sentences, 378 complex stepparent homes, 563 componential component of intelligence, 313–314 computer technology, and cognitive devlopment, 608–610 computer-assisted instruction (CAI), 608 computer-mediated social support network, 129 conception, 68, 99, 116 concordance rates, 86–87 concrete-operational period, 48, 49t, 221, 242–244 conversation, 243–244 vs. preoperational period, 243f, 243t conditional sentences, 381 conditioned response (CR), 205, 205f conditioned stimulus (CS), 205, 205f conditioning viewpoing, 209 conduct disorder, 112, 404, 556, 558 confidentiality, 32 configural processing, 192 conflict resolution, 526, 552 confluence perspective, 341–342 confounding variable, 19 congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), 481 congenital defect, 78f defined, 78 inherited. See hereditary disorders congenital hypothyroidism, 117 connectionism, 301–303 development and, 302–303 networks in, 301–302 origins of, 301 conservation, 235–236, 236f, 242, 455 problems, 238 relational logic, 243, 243f sequencing of concrete operations, 244 conservation-of-number problems, 302 consolidation, 249 constructivism, 229 constructivist, 219–220 contact comfort, 411 context-independent learning, 254 contextual component of intelligence, 312–313 contextual model, 63 continuity, 2 continuity/discontinuity issue, 60–61, 61f contours, 192 controversial children, 582 conventional morality, 518, 518t conventional reasoning, 520 convergent thinking, 341 conversation, importance of, 358–359 cooperative learning, 256, 600 cooperative play, 580 coordinated interactions, 579 coordination of secondary circular reactions, 222t, 223 coos, 362 coparenting, 539–540, 561, 563 core language, 388 coronary artery disease, 134 corporal punishment, 209–210, 211 corpus callosum, 110, 153

correlation coefficients, 17, 87, 87t correlational design, 16–18, 18f, 22t cortisol, 15, 118 counterconditioning, 205, 206 counting and arithmetic, 294–299 competencies of unschooled children, 295–296 cultural influences, 295 cultural variations among schooled children, 296–299 mental arithmetic, development of, 295 creativity defined, 340–341 developmental themes applied to, 345 investment theory (Sternberg and Lubart’s), 342–344 multicomponent perspective, 341–342 psychometric perspective, 341 creativity syndrome, 341 creole languages, 355 crib death. See sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) crisis period, 559 critical period, 53, 106f, 107 critical phase of pregnancy. See sensitive periods cross-cultural comparison, 29–30 cross-cultural comparison of schools, 591–596 classroom instruction, 594 effort and, 595–596 intergenerational support, 594–595 parental involvement, 594 science scores, 593t student involvement, 595 cross-cultural research, 158–159 cross-cultural studies, 29–30, 30t cross-generational problem, 26 crossing-over, 70, 71f cross-sectional design, 23–25, 24f, 30t cohort effects, 24 data on individual development, 24–25 crying, 141, 142 crystallized intelligence, 311, 319, 327 cued recall, 290 cultural bias, 313 cultural influences on achievement motivation, 446–447 on child rearing, 549–550 in cognitive developmental theory, 248 on corporal punishment, 211 on intellectual development, 250–252 on mathematics performance, 295 on memory development, 288–289 on perception, 201–203 on physical development, 149 on self-esteem, 440–441 social-experience hypothesis, 521–522 on sympathy and prosocial behaviour, 504–505, 505t cultural learning, 203 cultural variations in arithmetic among schooled children, 296–299 instructional supports, 298–299 linguistic supports, 297–298 cultural-familial environments, 325–326 cultural/test bias hypothesis, 332–333 group differences in IQ explained by, 332–337 motivational factors, 333–334 negative stereotypes, 334 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index culture and memory strategies, 288–289 culture-fair tests, 333 cumulative rehearsal, 271 “cumulative-deficit” hypothesis, 322 curricula, 596, 597 CVS. See chorionic villus sampling (CVS) Cyberball paradigm, 583, 583f cyberbullying, 609, 610 cystic fibrosis (CF), 80t, 82, 83 cytomegalovirus, 107t D data collection methods, 8–15, 16t case study, 12–13, 16t ethnography, 13–14, 16t observational methodologies, 10–12, 16t psychophysiological methods, 14–15, 16t self-report methodologies, 9–10, 16t daycare, 164, 424 deaf children babbling and, 374 fast-mapping process and, 374 gestural language, 374 language development and, 390 vocalizations, prelinguistic and, 362 deafness, 76 decentration, 236, 238, 243, 455 declarative gestures, 364 declarative metamemory, 278 deductive reasoning, 244, 247 deferred imitation, 213, 224, 226, 286–287, 356 delivery, in childbirth, 123 demandingness/control, 544 dendrites, 151f, 152 deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), 69, 69f, 76 dependent variable, 19 deployment, 286 depression, 89 adolescents and, 167–168 postpartum, 128–129 depressive and anxiety disorders, in children, 29 deprivation, emotional, 173 deprivation dwarfism, 173 depth perception, 194–197, 196f motor development and, 195–197 description, goal of, 3 desensitization hypothesis, 605 development, 2–6 chronological overview of, 4t continual and lifelong process of, 4–5 defined, 2 developmental change, processes of, 2–3 goals of developmentalists, 3–4 historical/cultural context of, 5–6 holistic process of, 5 ideographic, 3 learning and, 2–3 maturation, 2–3 media technologies, effects of, 602–608 nature of, 4–6 normative, 3 plasticity of, 5 science of, origin of, 8 scientific study of, 6–8 development in historical perspective, 6–8 developmental continuities, 2

developmental milestones, 79, 320 developmental outcomes, 606–608 developmental psychology chronology of human development, 4t defined, 2 introduction to, 1–6 learning, 2–3 research methods, 8–22 research strategies, 23–30 science, origin of, 8 developmental quotient (DQ), 320, 331 developmental research designs. See research designs developmental sciences, 2 developmental stages, 40, 61 developmental systems view, 63–65, 64f developmental themes active/passive issue, 60 aggression, 535 attachment, 425–426 birth complications, 135 cognitive developmental theory, 260–261 continuity/discontinuity issue, 60–61, 61f creativity, 345 emotional development, 425–426 extrafamilial influences, 610–612 family, 572–573 gender-role standards, 495 hereditary influences, 95 holistic nature of development theme, 61 infant development, 214–215 information-processing, 303–304 intelligence, 345 language, 390 learning, 214–215 moral development, 535 nature/nurture issue, 59 perception, 214–215 physical development, 173–175 prenatal development, 120–121 to self, 459–460 sex differences, 495 social cognition, 459–460 sociocultural perspective, 260–261 in study of human development, 59–61 temperament, 425–426 developmentalists, 2, 3–4 deviation IQ scores, 316 diabetes, 80t, 81, 82, 107t, 134, 171 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), 324 dictator game, 515 diet of mother, and prenatal development, 116–118 diethylstilbestrol (DES), 110 differential reinforcement, 484 differential treatment of siblings, 553 differentiation, cell, 70, 72, 99, 150–151 differentiation theory (Gibson’s), 179, 200–201, 201f difficult temperament, 407 diffusion effect, 339 digit span, 268, 268f Dimensional Change Card Sort task, 275, 275f direct tuition, 484 disciplinary strategies, child’s view of, 508–509, 508t

I-27

discipline, 509, 597 discontinuity/continuity issue, 60–61 discordant, 90 discovery learning, 49, 592 discrete emotions, sequencing, 395–397 discriminatory learning, 53 diseases, sex-linked (genetic inheritance), 76 disequilibriums, 48 dishabituation, 181, 204, 227 disintegration, 283 disorganized/disoriented attachment, 415–416, 419 displacements, invisible, 225 distinctive (or invariant) features, 200 distinctive features, 179 distress, self-oriented, 502 distributional frequencies, 362 distributive justice, 515–516 divergent thinking, 341, 344 Divorce Act, 542 divorce mediation, 561 divorces, 542, 558–560 impact on families, 559–560 increase in, 542 recovering from, 561 dizygotic (or fraternal twins), 72, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 169 DNA screening, 85 Dodge’s social information processing model, 528–530, 529f domain specificity, 269 domain-specific skills, 241 dominant allele, 74, 80 dominant traits, 74, 75 donor insemination, 556–557 double helix, 69, 69f doula, 127 Down syndrome, 79, 80, 82, 83, 325 drives, 38 drugs, 109–114, 115t alcohol, 110–111 antidepressants containing lithium, 109 aspirin, 109 caffeine, 109 cigarette smoking, 111–113 common drugs, 109–110 containing sex hormones, 109 ibuprofen, 109 illicit drugs, 113–114 prenatal development and, 115t thalidomide, 109 use of in childbirth, 126 dual encoding, 231, 233, 235 dual representation, 231, 233, 234, 235 dual-process theories, 284 Duchenne muscular dystrophy, 82 Duchenne-type muscular dystrophy, 80t Dweck’s learned-helplessness theory, 451–452 dynamic assessment, 319 dynamic systems view, 64 dynamical systems theory, 159–160, 174, 175 E ear infections, 184 early childhood education, 164 early sequential bilinguals, 386 ease of item identification, 269

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-28

Subject Index

easy temperament, 407 eating habits, 171–172 ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner’s), 46, 55–59, 56f, 63 chronosystem, 57 contexts for development, 55–57 contributions and criticisms of, 58–59 exosystem, 57 family social system, 57–58 macrosystem, 57 mesosystem, 56–57 microsystem, 55–56 ecological validity, 20 “economic-distress” hypothesis, 549 ectoderm, 101 ectopic pregnancy, 111–112 education, Vygotsky’s implications for, 255–256 educational television, 608 Educational Testing Service, 607 EEG. See electroencephalogram (EEG) effective schooling, determinants of, 596–598 ego, 38, 39 egocentric speech, 256 egocentrism, 234, 234f, 235, 237, 243t elaboration, 272–273, 273f, 288, 381 elaborative interrogation, 273 electroencephalogram (EEG), 14, 150, 182f elementary mental functions, 250–251 embryo, 99, 100f, 101, 101f, 104t, 107t embryonic disk, 99 emotional abuse, 564t emotional attachment, 409–424 Attachment Q-set (AQS), 416 attachment security, influences on, 418–421 avoidant, 415 caregiving, quality of, 419 classification of, 417 cognitive development and, 414 cultural influences on, 417 daycare and, 424 developmental themes and, 425–426 disorganized, 415–416 disoriented attachment, 415–416 father’s role, 417–418 fears of separation anxiety, 413 stranger anxiety, 413 impact on psychological development, 422–424 individual differences in, 414–418 infants and, 410–414, 420–421 model of self, 422–423 motivation, achievement and, 444 parent-infant attachments, 409–410 parents’ working model and, 423–424 reciprocal relationships, 409–410 resistant, 415 synchronized routines and, 409 theories of cognitive-developmental theory, 411–412 ethological theory, 412 learning theory, 411 working mother and, 424 emotional attachment, primary, phases of, 410–411 emotional behaviour, 114 emotional bonding, 128, 129 emotional competence, 402

emotional development, 394–402 conversations about, 400–401 developmental themes applied to, 425–426 discrete emotions, sequencing, 395–397 displaying emotions, 395–399 emotional display rules, 397, 399 emotional self-regulation, 397–399 expressions, emotional, 395–399 infants, basic emotions of, 396 infants, complex emotions, 396 intant facial expressions, 395f milestones in, 401 play and, 232 recognizing and interpreting, 399–401 social development and, 401–402 social referencing, 400 socialization of emotions, 397 toddlers and, 400 understanding emotions, 401 emotional display rules, 397, 399 emotional intelligence, 318 emotional intelligence (EQ), 402 emotional mirroring, 130 emotional responsiveness, 53 emotional security, loss of, 549 emotional self-regulation, 397–399 emotional support, and siblings, 553–554 emotional well-being, during pregnancy, 118–119 emotionally unavailable parents, 532 emotions adaptive regulation of, 398 brain development and, 153 classical conditioning of, counter conditioning, 205 conversations about, 400–401 recognizing, 399–401 social development and, 401–402 understanding, 401 empathic concern, 89 empathy, 89, 401 aggression and, 498, 502–503 gender differences in, 469 sympathetic empathic arousal, 504 empirical confirmations, 227 empiricists, 179, 193 encoding, 212 endocrinology, 169 endoderm, 101 English and English number words, 251t engrossment, 129 enrichment theory, 179 enrichment/differentiation controversy, 179–180 entity view of ability, 449 environmental hazards, 81, 106, 114–116 environmental hypothesis, IQ and, 335–337 environmental influences on hereditary transmission, 73 on intelligence, 327–328 on obesity, 171–172 on physical development, 169–173 on prenatal development, 105–121 environmental niches, 92, 93–94 epidurals, 126 epigenetics, 68, 76–77, 94 epistemology, 47, 219 equal-status contacts, 577

equilibration, 219, 229 equilibrium, 48, 221t errorless retrievals, 231f error-related negativity (ERN), 150 estrogen, 169, 170f, 479 ethical principles, 519 ethics in research, 30–32 in treating hereditary disorders, 84–85 ethnic minorities, 599 ethnicity, self-esteem and, 440–441 ethnography, 13–14, 16t ethological theory, 52–55 ethological theory of attachment, 412–414 ethologists, 63, 422 ethology, 52–55 assumptions of, 52 contributions and criticisms of, 54–55 defined, 52 human development, 52–53 ethology, classical, 52 event memory, 286–290 autobiographical memories, 288–289 children as eyewitnesses, 290–292 origins of, 286–287 event-related potentials (ERPs), 14 evocative genotype/environmental correlations, 92, 92f evoked potential, 182 evoked potentials method, 182, 183 evolution, theory of, 7 evolutionary processes, 53 evolutionary theory, 52–55 evolutionary theory of gender typing, 478–479 biological influences on, 480–484 biosocial overview of, 479–484 criticisms of, 479 cultural influences, 482–483 executive control processes, 265f, 276–279 executive function, 240–241, 266, 266f, 280 exercise, 164 exosystem, 56f, 57 expansions (correction of grammar), 358 expectancyvalue theory (EVT), 448 expectations, 179f experience-dependent interactions, 73 experience-expectant interactions, 73 experience-knowing connection, 277 experiential (or practice) hypothesis, 158–159 experiential component of intelligence, 313 experimental control, 19 experimental design, 18–21, 22t field experiment, 20–21 natural (or quasi-) experiment, 21 expiatory punishment, 512 explanation construction/generalization, 227 explanation-based learning (EBL), 227 explanations, affective, 504 explicit cognition, 276 expressive role, 464 expressive style, 367 extended family, 540–541 extended self, 432 extended-contact group, 128 external attributions, 507 extinction, 205, 211 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index extrafamilial influences, 576–611 computer technologies, 608–610 developmental themes applied to, 610–612 media technologies, 602–608 parents and peers, 590–591 peers, 576–588 school, 591–601 extroversion. See introversion/extroversion eye colours, determination of, 76 eye-blink reflex, 137, 137t eye–hand coordination, 164 eyesight, 74 eye-tracking, 15 eyewitness memory, 290–292 F facial recognition, 187–188, 189, 192 factor analysis, 309, 310f failure to thrive, 173 fairness, 500 fallopian tube, 68, 70, 112 false memories, 291, 292 false-belief tasks, 15, 237, 239, 240, 241 falsifiability, 37 familiarization-novelty procedure, 181, 181f family, 538–573 child abuse and, 564–572 composition and age, 563 as developing systems, 540–543 developmental themes applied to, 572–573 diversity in family life, 555–563 gay and lesbian families, 557f new baby, arrival of, 551 parental socialization during childhood and adolescence, 543–550 siblings and sibling relationships, 551–555 as social system, 57–58, 532, 539–540, 540f understanding, 538–543 family conflict and divorce, 558–560 easing adjustment process, 561 post-divorce period, 559–560 pre-divorce period, 558–559 family distress model, Conger’s, 549 family diversity, 555–563 adoptive families, 556 conflict and divorce, 558–560 donor insemination (DI) families, 556–557 gay and lesbian families, 557–558 remarriage and blended families, 560–563 family social system, 57–58, 539–540 family studies, 86, 87t fast-mapping, 367–368 father–infant interactions, 129 fathers, birth experience, 129 fathers as caregivers, 417–418 attachment, 417–418 emotional security and social competencies, 418 father–stepmother families, 562 fearful distress, 402 fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), 110–111, 112, 134 fetal growth, 109, 111, 112, 119 fetal learning, 185 fetal medicine, 83 fetal position, 104 fetal surgery, 84, 84f

fetus common diseases, 107t period of, 99, 101–104, 101f, 102f, 103f, 104t field experiment, 20–21, 22t fine motor development, 160–161 First Nations cross-cultural studies, 29–30 intelligence tests, 317 First Nations/Inuit Child Care Initiative, 337 first stage of labour, 123, 124f first trimester, 104t, 107, 117 fixation, 39 fixed mindset of ability, 449 fluid intelligence, 311, 312f, 319, 327 Flynn effect, 327 fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging), 15 folate, 117 folic acid, 117–118 fontanelles, 148 forbidden toy paradigm, 507 Forest People of Central Africa, 530 form perception, 190–192, 190f, 191f later, 190–192, 190f, 191f summary, 197t formal operations, 221, 244–246 hypothetico-deductive reasoning, 244 inductive reasoning, 245–246 transition from concrete-operations, 245–246 formal-operational period, 48, 49t formal-operational thinking, 246 forward digit span, 268, 268f fragile-X syndrome, 81, 480 free morphemes, 350 free recall, 290 friendship, 585–588 advantages of, 586–588 and future relationships, 587 quality of, 588 social interactions, 585–586 frontal cortex, 153 frontal lobe, 154f, 267 full-scale IQ, 316 functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), 182 functional play, 232 fuzzy-trace theory, 283–284, 284f, 291, 300 G g (general abilities), 309, 312f, 315, 323 gametes, 70, 71 gametes produced through meiosis, 70–71, 70f Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, 343 gay and lesbian families, 557–558, 557f Gebusi of New Guinea, 530 gender, defined, 464 gender concept, development of, 474 gender consistency, 486 gender constancy/consistency, 486 “gender curriculum,” 484 gender identity, 472–473 gender labelling, 463 gender roles biological influences on, 480–484 cultural influences, 482–483 cultural myths and, 469–470 direct tuition and, 484

I-29

genetic influences, 480–481 hormonal influences, 481 integrative theory of, 488–489 media influences, 485–486 psychobiosocial viewpoint of, 483–484 standards of, 464–466, 465t stereotyping, as self-fulfilling prophecy, 470–471 gender schemas, 487–488 gender segregation, 475–476 gender stability, 486 gender stereotypes, 494 gender typing, 464 developmental trends in, 472–478 evolutionary theory of, 478–479 gender identity, 472–473 gender schema theory of, 487–488 gender-role stereotypes, 473–475 integrative theory of, 488–489, 489t Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental theory, 486–487 social-learning theory of, 484–486 theories of, 478–489 gender-role development biological influences on, 480–484 biosocial overview of, 479–484 cultural influences, 482–483 theories of, 478–489 gender-role inventory, 491t gender-role socialization, 482 gender-role standard, 464–466 gender-role stereotypes, 472, 473–475 gender-typed behaviour, 472, 475–477 gender segregation, 475–476 overview of, 478t sex differences in, 476–477 gene replacement therapy, 83, 84 gene–environment interactions, 73 general mental ability, 309, 311, 312, 315, 323 general mental factor (g), 309, 312f generalizability, 13 genes, 69 codominance, 74–75 dominant and recessive, 74, 75 role of, 72–73 genetic abnormalities, 80–81 genetic counselling, 81–82 genetic epistemology, 219 genetic expression, 73–76 polygenic inheritance, 76 single-gene inheritance patterns, 73–74 genetic hypothesis, 334–335, 334f genetic mapping, 83 genetic material, 69 genetic predispositions, 92 genetics, behavioural, 481 genital herpes, 107t, 108, 109 genital stage, 39t genome, 73 genotype, 68 genotype/environment correlations, 91–92, 95 active, 92 development influenced by, 92–94 evocative, 92 passive, 91–92 separated identical twins, 93–94

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-30

Subject Index

genotypes, effects of individual, 168–169 germ (or sex) cells, 70–71 gametes produced through meiosis, 70–71, 70f hereditary uniqueness, 71 germ cells, 70, 84–85 German measles. See rubella (German measles) germinal period/period of the zygote, 99 germline gene therapy, 84–85 germlines, 70–71 gestural language, 374 gestures, declarative, 364 gestures, imperative, 364 GH. See growth hormone (GH) gifted, 600 giftedness, 340 girls aggressive behaviours, 527 expressive role, 464 verbal ability, 466–467 gist, 283, 284f, 291 glia, 149, 150 goal-directed behaviour, 223, 224 gonads, 70 good boy/good girl orientation, 518 “goodness-of-fit” model, 407, 421, 598 grammar, transformational, 377–378 grammatical awareness, 381 grammatical complexity, 357f grammatical development, preschool period, 376–378 asking questions, 377–378 complex sentences, producing, 378 grammatical morphemes, 376–377, 376t negative sentences, producing, 378 overregulation, 377 transformational rules, mastering, 377–378 grammatical morphemes, 376–377, 376t grammatical speech, reinforcing, 351, 352 grasping reflex, 138, 138f gross-motor development, 64 growth. See maturation and growth growth, catch-up, 133 growth hormone (GH), 169, 170f, 173 guided participation, 253–254, 255 Gusii and Aka babies, 397 H habits, 42 habituation, 180–181, 183, 203, 227 developmental trends, 204 individual differences, 204 in learning, 203–204 habituation method, 188 habituation/dishabituation paradigm, 227 Hamilton Intergenerational Music Program (HIMP), 594–595 hand skills, 160 Hawaiian Creole English, 355 Hawaiian Pidgin English, 355 head circumference, 152 Head Start, 337–340 health, and screen media, 606 Health Canada, 111 hearing, 183, 188t loss, 184 reactions to speech, 185 reactions to voices, 183–185

heart rate, 14 heavy metals, 116 height changes, 146–147, 171f Heinz dilemma, 516–517, 518t helpfulness, 503 hemispheres, of the brain, 153–154 hemophilia, 76, 80t, 82, 480 hereditary contributions to behaviour disorders and mental illness, 89–90 to personality, 89 hereditary disorders, 77–85 chromosomal abnormalities, 78–79 congenital defects, 77–78, 78f detecting, 82–83 Down syndrome, 79, 80 ethical issues in treating, 84–85 genetic abnormalities, 80–81, 80t Huntington’s disease, 78, 80 prenatal detection, 81–82 recessive, 80t sex chromosomes, abnormalities of, 78 treating, 83 types of, 80t hereditary effects on intelligence, 326–327 adoption studies, 326–327 twin studies, 326 hereditary influences on development, 68–95 behaviour, 86–90 developmental themes applied to, 95 hereditary disorders, 77–85 hereditary transmission, 68–77 intellectual performance, 91 study methods, 86 hereditary material, 69 hereditary transmission, 68–77 body cell production, 70 environmental influences, 73 epigenetics, 76–77 genes, role of, 72–73 genetic expression, 73–76 genetic material, 69 germ (or sex) cells, 70–71 germlines, 70–71 multiple births, 71–72 sex differences, 72 zygote growth, 70 hereditary uniqueness, 71 heredity and environment interaction theories canalization principle, 90–91 genotype/environment correlations, 91–92 range-of-reaction principle, 91 heritability, 86–90 heritability coefficient, 87, 403 heritability estimates, 86–89 gene influences, 87 myth about, 88–89 nonshared environmental influences, 88 shared environmental influences, 88 heritage language program, 389 heroin, 113 herpes simplex, 107t, 108, 109 heteronomous children, 516 heteronomous morality, 512–513 heterozygous, 74, 75 heuristic value, 37 hierarchical model of intelligence, 311–312, 312f

high-amplitude sucking method, 181–182, 182f, 185 higher mental functions, 250–251 high-risk neighbourhood, 566–567 Hindu customs, 501–502, 502f hippocampus, 150 Hitler Youth Movement, 93 holistic nature of development theme, 61, 95, 175 holistic perspective, 5 holistic structures, 247 holophrases, 365, 371 holophrastic period, 365–371 early semantics, 365–367, 367t holophrases, 365, 371 word meanings, 367–371 home births, 127 home environment, 91–92 achievement motivation, 443–445, 444t aggression and, 531–532 HOME inventory, 328–331, 335 achievement motivation, 444 hidden genetic effect, 330–331 home environment and, 329, 330 IQ predicted by, 330 subscales and sample items for, 329t home-visitor programs, 570 homologue, 70 homozygous, 74 horizontal décalage, 244 hormonal influences on physical development, 169, 170f Hospital for Sick Children, 111, 112 hostile aggression, 526, 528 hostile attributional bias, 529 Human Genome Project (HGP), 73 human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), 108 Human Resources Development Canada, 26 human-participant review committees, 32 Huntington’s disease, 78, 80, 81 The Hurried Child (Elkind), 592 hyaline membrane disease, 132 hyperactivity, 89 hypermedia environments, 603–604 hyperplasia, congenital adrenal (CAH), 481 hypertension, 134 hypotheses, 8 hypothetico-deductive reasoning, 244 I ibuprofen, 109 id, 38, 39 identical twins, separated, 93–94 identity, defined, 436 identity formation, 436 identity training, 238 ideographic development, 3 illicit drugs, 113–114, 140 illnesses, nutrition and, 172 illocutionary intent, 379 imitation, 222 deferred, 213, 224, 226, 286, 356 newborn, 210, 212, 212f sensorimotor period, 223–224 immanent justice, 512 immersion, 388–389 immigrant families, 567–568, 599 immune system, 106, 108, 119, 149 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index imperative gestures, 364 implantation, 99f, 100, 101 implicit cognition, 276 impossible outcome, 227–228, 229f imprinting, 52, 412 in vitro fertilization, 85 inborn or instinctual responses, 54 incidental-learning task, 282 inclubators, heated, 133 inclusion, 600 incompatible-response technique, 533 incremental view of ability, 448–449 independence training, 444 independent assortment, 71 independent assortment, principle of, 71 independent variable, 19 indifferent gonad, 101 Indigenous Canadian children, 389 self-concept, 435 individual development, 24–25 individual principles of conscience, 519 individual variations in physical development, 148–149 individualistic society, 435, 440–441 induced-verbalization condition, 23–24, 24f induction, 508, 508t, 509 inductive discipline, 509 inductive reasoning, 245–246, 310 inequity aversion, 515–516 infancy aggressive behaviours, 525–526 peer sociability in, 578–579 self-differentiation in, 430 self-recognition in, 430–432 infant attachment, 410–414 phases, 410–411 separation anxiety, 413–414 stranger anxiety, 413–414 theories of attachment, 411–413 infant development developmental themes applied to, 214–215 learning, 203–213 sensory and perceptual, 179–203 infant intelligence, assessing, 319–322 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 320, 320t continuity in intellectual performance, 320–321 DQs predicting later IQs, 320 stability of IQ in childhood and adolescence, 321–322, 321t infant memory, 208–209, 208f infant mortality, 117f, 119 infant sensory capabilities, 183–188, 188t infant sleep, 139–140, 139t infant states, 138–141 of arousal, 139t crying, 141 developmental changes in, 139–141 sleep, 139–140, 139t infantile amnesia, 287, 287f infants appearance of, 124–125 common diseases, 107t condition of, 125–126, 125t growth of, 146 infant-sensitive maternal care, 13–14 infectious diseases, 107 influence agents, parents and peers as, 590–591

influenza, 107t informal curriculum, 596 informal support systems, 566 informant-credibility paradigm, 277 information-processing, 219, 264–304 analogical reasoning, 292–294 attention, 279–283 capacity, 249, 267–270 counting and arithmetic strategies, 294–299 deficiencies, 273–275 demands, 296 developmental themes to, 303–304 event memory, 286–290 fuzzy-trace theory, 283–284, 284f implicit cognition, 276 inhibition, 281–282 meta-attention, 282–283 model of punishment, 210, 210f models, age differences in, 267–268 multistore model, 265–266, 265f perspective, evaluating, 299–300 short-term store, 265, 267–269, 268f speed, 269 strategies, 270–276 theorists, 50, 51 viewpoint of intelligence, 312–314 information-processing perspective, 264 information-processing skills, 314 information-processing system, 265f information-processing theory, 50–51 informed consent, 32 in-group/out-group schema, 487–488 Inhelder’s three-mountain task, 234f, 237 inhibition, 281–282 inhibitory control, 266, 388, 510 innate purity, of children, 6 inner experimentation, 223, 231 insecure attachment, 432, 444 instinct, 39 instructional supports, 298–299 instrumental conditioning. See operant conditioning instrumental role, 465, 485 integration facts, 273t integrative theory of gender typing, 188–189, 489t intellect, dimensions of, 311 intellectual adaptation, tools of, 250–252, 298 intellectual contents, 311 intellectual development culture, role of, 250–252 interrelated levels in interaction, 250 Piaget’s view of, 47–48 tools of intellectual adaptation, 250–252, 251t intellectual disability, 79, 324–326, 567 intellectual growth, Piaget’s view of, 47–48 intellectual growth, stages of, 221 intellectual performance, 91, 91f group differences in IQ explained by, 332–337 home environment, 328–331 social and cultural correlates, 328–337 social class, culture, race, and ethnic differences, 331–332 intellectual stimulation, 324, 328 intelligence, 219–220, 307–345. See also intelligence quotient (IQ) compensatory interventions, 337–340 defined, 308

I-31

developmental themes applied to, 345 environmental effects on, 327–328 factor analysis, 309, 310f hereditary effects on, 326–327 heritability of, 87, 87t information-processing viewpoint, 312–314 measurement of, 315–322 measuring. See intelligence tests multicomponent theories of, 309–312 Piaget’s view of, 47–48 psychometric approach, 308–312 theory of multiple intelligences (Gardner’s), 314–315, 315t triarchic theory of, 312, 312f intelligence, environmental influences on, 327–328 adoption studies, 327–328 Flynn effect, 327 home environment. See HOME inventory intelligence quotient (IQ). See also intelligence adjustment predicted by, 323–326 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 320, 320t continuity in intellectual performance, 320–321 cultural/test bias hypothesis, 333 defined, 316 DQs predicting later IQs, 320 environmental hypothesis, 335–337 environmental risk factors, 328t ethnic differences in, 331–332 genetic hypothesis, 334–335, 334f health predicted by, 323–326 HOME inventory, 328–331 life satisfaction predicted by, 323–326 racial differences in, 331–332, 332f scholastic achievement predicted by, 322–323 scores. See intelligence quotient (IQ) scores social class differences in, 331–332 stability of IQ in middle childhood and adolescence, 321–322, 321t intelligence quotient (IQ) scores distribution of, 318–319, 318f factors that influence, 326–328 intelligence tests, 219, 315–322 American tests for Canada, 316, 317 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 320, 320t Binet-Simon test, 309 cultural/test bias hypothesis, 332–333 dynamic assessment, 319 factor analysis and, 309 Gardner’s multiple intelligences, 314–315, 315t group tests, 319 Canadian Cognitive Abilities Test, the Canadian Achievement Test, 319 Lorge-Thorndike Test, 319 group-administered, 319 infant assessment. See infant intelligence, assessing Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, 319 newer tests, 319 origins of, 308–309 as predictor of scholastic aptitude, 322–323 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, 316 tests norms, 316 theories of, multicomponent early, 309–310 later, 310–312 Wechsler scales, 316–317

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-32

Subject Index

intelligent behaviour, 313–314 intentions, 513–514, 514f interactionist perspective, 390 interactionist theory, 219, 351, 356–360 biological and cognitive contributors, 356–357, 357f environmental supports for language development, 357–360 overview of, 359–360, 359f interactive model, 197 intermodal perception, 197–200, 212 development of, 198–199, 199f explaining, 199–200 integration of senses at birth, 197–198 internal attribution, 507 internal working models, 422–423, 423f internalization, 506 internalization, moral, 509 Internet, 608–610 Internet addiction, 610 interposition, 193 interrater reliability, 9 intersensory redundancy hypothesis, 199–200 interviews, 9–10, 16t intrinsic achievement orientation, 444 intrinsic orientation to achievement, 444 introversion/extroversion, 89 intuitive reasoning, children’s, 235 invariant developmental sequence, 48, 221 invariant features, 179 Inventory of Children’s Individual Differences (ICID), 405 investment theory of creativity (Sternberg and Lubart’s), 342–344 creativity promoted in classroom, 343–344 intellectual resources, 342–343 test of, 343 invisible displacements, 225 IQ tests, 87 iron-deficiency anemia, 171 irreversibility/reversibility, 243t irritable distress, 402 isolettes, heated, 133 item identification, 269 J Jamaican parenting styles, in motor development, 159 Japan, atomic explosion in, 115 Javanese music, 202–203 joint physical custody, 561 joy of mastery, 442 justice, immanent, 512 K “kangaroo” carrying, 142 kangaroo mother care approach, 133–134 karyotype, 69f Katuli of New Guinea, 359 Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC), 319 Kids Help Phone, 571 Die Kindersprache [Children’s talk] (Stern and Stern), 7 kinesthetic-body intelligence, 343 kinetic cues, 194

kinship, 86 Kipsigis of Kenya, motor development, promoting early skills in, 158–159 Klinefelter syndrome, 79t, 83 knowledge, 342 reasoning and, 277–279 knowledge base, 269–270, 269f, 283t, 290 Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental theory, 486–487 Kohlberg’s theory of moral development, 516–522, 518t criticisms of, 522–524 moral stages, 520f support for, 519–522 Kraus and Glucksberg communication game, 383t kwashiorkor, 170, 171 L labour. See also childbirth Canadian guidelines, 126 first stage of, 123, 124f medication for, 126–127 second stage of, 123, 124f third stage of, 124, 124f labour and delivery medication, 126–127 alternative birth centres, 127 birthing environments, 127 ceasrean, 126 drugs, amount and kinds of, 126 home births, 127 natural and prepared childbirth, 126–127 labour/birth/recovery (LBR) rooms, 127 language in America vs. Canada, 317 bilingualism, 385–389 brain specialization and, 353 in cognitive development, 256–257 components of, 349–350 defined, 348 developmental themes applied to, 390 holophrastic period, 365–371 Indigenous peoples and, 385, 389, 359 morphemes, 349 morphology, 349 number naming, 251–252, 251t, 297–298 phonemes, 349 phonemic discriminations, 202 phonology, 349 pragmatics, 350 prelinguistic period, 361–364 semantics, 349–350 as symbolism, 231 telegraphic period, 371–375 language acquisition device (LAD), 352, 356, 357 language development, 3 age influences on, 354, 354f babbling, 362 bilingualism, 385 biological maturation and, 356, 390 as a biologically programmed activity, 352 birth order, influence of, 367 child-directed speech, 357–358, 390 communication skills, 379–380, 382–384 complex sentences, 378 conversation, importance of, 358–359 core language, 388

creole languages, 355 cultural influences on, 367 environmental influences on, 390 expressive style of, 367 fast-mapping process, 367–368 gestures, 364, 374 grammar, transformational, 377–378 grammatical awareness and, 381 grammatical morphemes, 376–377, 376t Hawaiian Creole English, 355 Hawaiian Pidgin English, 355 heritage languages and, 385, 388, 389 holistic process of, 390 holophrases and, 371 holophrastic period, 365–371 illocutionary intent and, 379 imitation and reinforcement, 351 immersion programs, 388–389 individual differences on, 367 infants’ speech perception and production, 363f interactionist theory (model of ), 359f intonation and, 361–362 language acquisition device (LAD), 352 language-making capacity (LMC), 352 learning a second language, 354 learning perspective, evaluation of, 351–352 lexical contrast constraint, 369, 369t linguistic universals, 353 metalingustic awareness, 381–382 milestones in, 384t morphemes, grammatical, 376–377 morphological awareness and, 381 morphological knowledge, 381 motherese, 357–358 mutual exclusivity constraint, 369–370, 369t naming explosion, process of, 365 nativist perspective and, 352–356 criticism of, 355–356 language acquisition device (LAD), 352 language-making capacity (LMC), 352 support of, 353–355 negative evidence (correction of grammar), 358 negative sentences, 378 Nicaraguan Sign Language, 355 nonverbal signals used in, 364 object scope constraint of, 369, 369t overextension/underextension, 368 overregularization, 377 parental influences, 351–352, 374 phonological awareness and, 381 phonological development and, 365 pragmatics, 363 prelinguistic phase, 361–364 preschoolers and, 378–379 preverbal infants and, 364 processing constraints, 369 productive language and, 364 receptive language and, 364 referential style of, 367 semantic development, 378–379 sensitive periods, 390 sentence structure, 371 sign language, development of, 355 social interaction and, 357 social-learning theorists and, 351 sociolinguistic understanding and, 382–383 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index speech, early, pragmatics of, 373–375 speech patterns (sample of ), 376t syntactic development of, 381 syntactical bootstrapping, 370–371, 370f taxonomic constraint, 369t telegraphic period, 371–375 telegraphic speech, semantic analysis of, 372–373 theories of, 350–360 theory of abstract signifiers (words), 350–351 as a biologically programmed activity, 351 linguistic universals, 351 transformational grammar, 377–378 turn-taking and, 363, 373 universal grammar, 352 vocabulary building and, 365–367 vocalizations, pelinguistic and, 362 word use, errors in, 368 language development, environmental supports for, 357–360 child-directed speech, 357–358 conversation, importance of, 358–359 joint activities, 357 negative evidence, 358 language development theories, 350–360 interactionist perspective, 356–360 learning (or empiricist) perspective, 351–352 nativist perspective, 352–356, 353f language learning, middle childhood and adolescence, 380–384 communication skills, further development of, 382–384, 384t later syntactic development, 381 semantics and metalinguistic awareness, 381–382 language learning, preschool period, 375–380 grammatical development, 376–378 pragmatics and communication skills, development of, 379–380 sample speech, 376t semantic development, 378–379 language-making capacity (LMC), 352, 356, 357 lanugo, 103 late sequential bilinguals, 386 latency stage, 39t LBR rooms, 127 learned-helplessness orientation, 449–452 attribution retraining, 451 characteristics of, 450f development of, 450–451 process-oriented praise vs. person-oriented praise, 451 learned-helplessness theory, 449–452 learning, 203–213 classical conditioning, 204–206 defined, 2–3 developmental themes applied to, 214–215 habituation, 203–204 observational, 210–213 operant conditioning, 206–207, 207f requirements of, 203 learning (or empiricist) perspective, 351–352 learning goals, 451 Learning Potential Assessment Device, 319 learning theory, 42–46 attachment, 411

behaviourism (Watson’s), 42 cognitive social learning theory (Bandura’s), 43–45 contributions and criticisms of, 45–46 operant learning theory (Skinner’s), 42–43 Learning to Learn (LTL), 338 legislative cognitive style, 342 Lepchas of Sikkim, 530 letterlike forms, 200–201, 201f Level I abilities, 334 Level II abilities, 334 lexical contrast constraint, 369, 369t life crises, 40 linear perspective, 193 linguistic puzzle, 377f linguistic supports, 297–298 linguistic universals, 351, 353, 356, 390 literacy, development of, 607, 607f locomotor development, 157–160 dynamical systems theory, 159–160 maturational viewpoint, 158 longitudinal design, 25–26, 30t long-term store (LTS), 265, 265f, 266 looking chamber, 180, 180f looking-glass self, 437 Lorge-Thorndike Test, 319 love relationships, friendship as preparation for, 587 love withdrawal, 508, 508t, 509, 545 low birth weight, 131–134 gestational age at birth for singletons, twins, and triplets, 131f interventions for preterm infants, 133–134 long-term consequences of, 134 rates for small-for-gestational-age infants, 131f short-term consequences of, 132–133 loyalty, 500 lying, 10, 514–515 lymph tissues, 149 M macrosystem, 56f, 57 magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), 110 magnetoencephalography (MEG), 103, 182 mainstreaming, 600 malaria, 81, 107t mallard ducklings, 54–55 malnutrition, 117, 117f, 131–132, 170, 171f manipulatory (or hand) skills, 160, 161 marasmus, 170, 171 marijuana, 113, 114 marital conflict, 531, 540, 549, 552, 558–559 marriage, postponement of, 541 mastery motivation, 442, 443–445 mastery motive, 442 mastery orientation, 449–450, 450f maternal age, 119–120, 120f maternal caregiving, domains of, 13–14 maternal characteristics, 116–120 age, 119–120 diet, 116–118, 117f emotional well-being, 118–119 maternal cortisol levels, 118 maternal diseases, 106–109, 107t AIDS, 107t, 108, 109 genital herpes, 107t, 108, 109

I-33

other infectious diseases, 107 rubella (German measles), 106–107 sexually transmitted diseases/infections (STDs/ STIs), 108–109 STDs/STIs, 108–109 syphilis, 108, 109 toxoplasmosis, 107 maternal hardship, and epigenetics, 77 maternal stress, 118–119 maternity blues, 128–129 mathematics. See counting and arithmetic maturation, 2–3 maturation and growth, 146–149 body proportion changes, 147–148, 147f height and weight changes, 146–147 muscular development, 148 physical development, variations in, 148–149 skeletal development, 148 maturational viewpoint, 158 maturity, early, 166 maturity, sexual, 165. See also sexual maturity mean-world belief, 605 measles, German. See rubella (German measles) mechanisms of moral disengagement, 523 mechanistic model, 63 media influences, 485–486 media literacy, 603–604 media technologies, 602–608 desirable developmental outcomes, 606–608 media literacy, 603–604 undesirable effects of, 604–606 media violence, 604–606 meiosis, 70, 70f, 95 memory alternative models of, 283–286 autobiographical memory, 288–289 education and, 300 event memory, 286–290 eyewitness memory, 290–292 fuzzy-trace theory, 283–284 infant, 208–209, 208f major contributors to, 283t research on, 303 shared remembering, 254f memory development cultural influences, 288–289 knowledge base and, 269–270 memory performance, 268–269, 270, 274 memory span, 267, 268f memory strategies, 270–276, 283t contributors to, 283t culture and, 288–289 elaboration, 272–273, 273f, 288 metamemory, 278–279 multiple and variable use of, 275–276 organization, 272, 274, 288 rehearsal, 271, 288 retrieval, 290 switching, 275, 275f memory tests, 268, 273t, 277, 277b menarche, 166 menstruation, 166 mental age (MA), 309, 315 mental arithmetic, development of, 295 mental functions, elementary and higher, 250–251 mental illness, 89–90

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-34

Subject Index

mental maps, 603–604 mental representations, 222t, 223 mental retardation. See intellectual disability mental seriation, 243, 243f mental states, 238–239 mesoderm, 101 mesosystem, 56–57, 56f meta-attention, 282–283 metacognition, 265, 276–279, 293, 303 metacognitive knowledge, 293, 300, 600 metalinguistic awareness, 381–382 metamemory, 278–279, 283t methadone, 113 methylation, 76–77, 95 microgenetic design, 30t microgenetic development, 250 microgenetic studies, 27–29, 30t microsystem, 55–56, 56f middle childhood and adolescence. See also adolescence achievement motivation, 443–447 achievement motivation in, 443–447 language learning, 380–384 motor development in, 163f parental socialization during, 543–550 peer sociability, 580 self-concept, 434–436 stability of IQ in, 321–322, 321t midwife-assisted births, 127 min strategy, 294 mindblindness, 241 mindfulness, 280 MindUP curriculum, 280 mineral deficiencies, 171 minimal risk, 32 mirroring, 130 miscarriage, 82, 107, 109, 111, 117, 120 mistaken-location task, 277, 277b mitosis, 70–71, 70f, 95 mnemonics, 270 modelling therapies, 589 models adaptive strategy choice, 275 child-effects, 547–548 contextual, 63 goodness-of-fit, 407 hierarchical model of intelligence, 311–312, 312f of language acquisition, 353f mechanistic, 63 multistore, 265–266, 265f observational learning, 43–45 organismic, 63 parent-effects, 547–548 parents’ working models, 423–424 structure-of-intellect, 311, 311f transactional, 548 working, of self and others, 422–423 modern evolutionary theory, 53–54 Money and Ehrhardts biosocial theory, 479–484, 480f monocular depth cues, 193, 194 monozygotic (or identical) twins, 71, 76, 86, 87, 88, 89–90, 93, 158, 168–169 Montessori method, 601, 602t Montreal Diet Dispensary Program, 117 moral absolutes, 512 moral affects, 509

moral behaviour, 506, 522, 523 moral conduct, reinforcement as determinant of, 506 moral development, 511–524 developmental themes applied to, 535 disciplinary strategies and, 508–509, 508t Kohlberg’s theory of, 516–519, 516–524, 518t Piaget’s theory of, 511–513 updates to Piaget’s theory, 513–516 moral dilemmas, 516–517, 521, 522 moral domain, defining, 499–502 moral emotions, 530 moral foundations, 500 moral foundations theory, 499–500 moral growth, cognitive prerequisites for, 520–521 moral identity, 522–524 moral maturity discipline and, 508–509 raisers of children with, 508 moral reasoning, development of, 511–524 moral rules, 501 moral self-concept training, 510 moral-decision stories, 513 morality, 498–535 anthropologist’s view, 501–502 defined, 499 evolutionary roots of in young children, 502–505 moral domain, 499–502 moral foundations theory, 499–500 moral reasoning development, 511–524 rule internalization in close relationships, 505–511 social domain theory, 500–501 morality of care, 522 morality of justice, 522 morning sickness, 109 moro reflex, 137t morphemes, 349 morphological knowledge, 381 morphology, 349, 390 mother-child play patterns, 254–255 motherese, 357–358, 359, 361, 374 mother-infant interactions, 12, 13–14, 411, 419t, 424 mother’s voice, 183–185 mother-stepfather families, 562 motivation, 343 motor cortex, 154f motor development, 156–164, 163f age norms for, 156t–157t in childhood, 163–164 depth perception, 195–197, 196f dynamical systems theory, 159–160 experiential (or practice) hypothesis, 158–159 fine motor development, 160–161 locomotor development, 157–160 manipulatory (or hand) skills, 160, 161 in middle childhood and adolescence, 163f physically active play, 164 promoting early skills, 158–159 psychological implications of, 162–163 throwing maturity levels and, 163f mousetrap study, 291 movement cues, 194 MRI (magnetic resonance imaging), 15, 132

Müllerian inhibiting substance (MIS), 479 multicomponent (or confluence) perspective, 341–342 multicomponent theories of intelligence, 309–312 early, 309–310 hierarchical models, 311–312, 312f later, 310–312 multimodal motherese, 366 multiple births, 71–72, 132 multiple intelligences, theory of, 314–315 multistore model, 265–267, 265f mumps, 107t Mundugumor tribe, 483 muscular development, 148 muscular dystrophy, 76, 81, 480 music, 202–203 musical intelligence, 343 mutation, 81 mutual exclusivity constraint, 369–370, 369t mutually responsive relationship, 506, 509 myelin, 150, 153 myelinization, 153, 249, 270, 279 myelomeningocele, 84 N naive hedonism, 518 naming explosion, 365 National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY), 26, 111 nativist perspective, 352–356, 353f brain specialization and language, 353 model of language acquisition, 353f problems with, 355–356 sensitive-period hypothesis, 354–355 support for, 353–355 nativist philosophers, 179 nativists, 179 natural (or quasi-) experiment, 21, 22t natural and prepared childbirth, 126–127 natural selection, 52 naturalistic observation, 11 nature and nurture interactions, 120, 135, 174, 215, 260, 303–304, 425–426, 495 nature/nurture issue, 59, 90, 179 nearsightedness, 74 negative correlation, 18f negative eugenics, 85 negative punishment, 207, 208t negative reinforcement, 206, 208t, 532 negative reinforcer, 206 negative sentences, producing, 378 neglected children, 564t, 582–583, 584–585. See also child abuse Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS), 125–126, 142 neonatal imitation, 212, 226 neonates, 119 neo-nativism, 225–226, 228 neo-Piagetian theory (Case’s), 248–249 neural development, 113 neural development and plasticity, 149–152 cell differentiation and synaptogenesis, 150–151 neural plasticity (role of experience), 151–152 neural pattern formation, 132 neural tube, 101 neurons, 149–152, 178 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index neurotic disorders, 89 newborns. See also neonates autostimulation theory, 140 classical conditioning and, 204–206 crying, functions of, 139t, 141 fontanelles of, 148 hearing, 188t hearing loss, causes, 184 imitation of actions, 212, 212f nature versus nurture debate, 179 operant conditions, principles of, 207f pain, sensitivity to, 186–187 primitive reflexes, 138 reaction to speech, 361–362 readiness for life, 136–142 reflexes of, 137–138, 137t REM sleep, 139–140 sensations and, 178 senses, integration of, 198–199 sensory capabilities of, 183–188 sensory experiences, infants, 188t sleep patterns, in infants, 139–140 soothing techniques, 138, 142 states of, 138–141 sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), 140 survival reflexes, 137 taste and smell, 185–186, 188t temperature, sensitivity to, 186–187 touch, sensitivity to, 186–187, 188t vision, 187–188, 187f, 188t visual perception and, 189–197, 197t newborn’s readiness for life, 136–142 infant states, 138–141 newborn reflexes, 137–138, 137t Nicaraguan Sign Language, 355 niche-building correlations, 92 nicotine, 112 night blindness, 76 nonaggressive environments, creating, 533 noncoercive families, 532 non-invasive prenatal testing (NIPT), 82–83 nonorganic failure to thrive, 173 nonrepresentative sample, 25 nonshared environmental influence (NSE), 88 nonsocial activity, 580 nonsymbolic sensorimotor child, 224 nonverbal signals, 350 normal distribution, 318 normal-vision/nearsightedness trait, 74 normative development, 3 norms, 316, 591 novelty, preference for, 321 nucleus, cell, 69 number naming, 251–252, 251t, 297–298 number skills, 294–299 numeracy, 180, 181f, 607, 607f numerical reasoning, 310 nutrition illnesses, 172 overnutrition, 171–172, 172f quality of care, 173 undernutrition, 170–171, 171f nutritional diseases kwashiorkor, 170–171 marasmus, 170–171 protein calorie deficiencies, 171

O obese, 171–172, 172f obesity, 164, 606 object concept, 222 object permanence, 224–225, 227, 357 object scope constraint, 369, 369t object similarity, 293 objectivity, 8 observational learning, 43–45, 210–213, 484–486 observational methodologies, 10–12, 16t observer influence, 11 obstetrical forceps, 126 occipital cortex, 154f occipital lobe, 182 offender management, 570 Official Languages Act, 385 oligodendrocytes, 150 one-child policy (China), 554–555 onlooker play, 580 “only” children, characteristics of, 554–555 Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), 249 ontogenetic development, 250 operant, 43 operant conditioning, 206–207, 207f consequences of, 206–207, 208t corporal punishment, 209–210 in infancy, 208–210 memory, 208–209, 208f principles of, 207f social significance of, 209 operant learning theory (Skinner’s), 42–43 opiods, 113 oppositional defiant disorder, 29 optical flow, 162–163, 196 optimization goals, 3–4 oral contraceptives, 109 oral stage, 39t oral-to-visual perception, 198 organic factors, 325 organismic model, 63 organization in cognitive developmental theory, 220, 221t as memory strategy, 272, 274, 288 original sin, 6 otitis media, 184 overextension, 368 overnutrition, 171–172, 172f overregularization, 377 overweight, 164 ovulation, 100, 165 ovum, 69 ownness effect, 563 own-sex schema, 488 oxygen deprivation, 130–131 oxytocin, 15 P pain, 186–187 palmar grasp, 137t, 153, 160 parallel distributed processing (PDP), 301 parallel play, 580 parental conflict, 531–532 parental influences, 521 parental involvement, 330, 338–339, 594 parental meta-emotion philosophy (PMEP), 396

I-35

parental reminiscing style, 289 parental socialization during middle childhood and adolescence, 543–550 dimensions of parenting, 544 patterns of parenting, 544–548 parental warmth, 330 parent-effects model, 547–548 parenting. See also child rearing authoritarian, 545, 545f, 546t, 548, 566 authoritative, 545, 545f, 546–547, 546t, 566 behavioural vs. psychological control, 547 child-effects models, 547–548 dimensions of, 544 parent-effects model, 547–548 patterns of, 544–548, 545f permissive, 545–546, 545f, 546t research on, 544–545 styles of, 544–548, 545f transactional model, 548 uninvolved, 545f, 546 parenting styles, 440, 445, 509, 583 parents, as influence agents, 590–591 parents’ working models and attachment, 423–424 parietal cortex, 154f parsimony, 37 PASS theory of intelligence, 314 passive construction, 379, 381 passive genotype/environment correlations, 91–92, 92f passive-observation condition, 23–24, 24f pattern perception, 189–190, 189f, 190f, 197t PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls), 116 pedigree, 81 peer acceptance, 582–585, 588 peer conformity, 590–591 peer groups, 580 peer influences, 440, 445–446, 521 peer interactions, 580–581, 581f, 590 “peer participation” hypothesis, 513 peer sociability contextual effects, 581–582, 581f development of, 578–582 in infancy and toddlerhood, 578–579 in middle childhood and adolescence, 580 preschool period, 579–580 peers acceptance and popularity, 582–585 age and gender, 578, 578f as agents of socialization, 576–588 conformity to, 590–591 defined, 577 early understanding of, 578 friendship, 585–588 functions of, 577–578 individual differences, 582 as influence agents, 590–591 perception controversies about, 179–180 cultural influences on, 201–203 defined, 178 developmental themes applied to, 214–215 expectations and, 179f intermodal, 197–200 research methods used to study, 180–182 of three-dimensional space, 193–197 visual, 189–197

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-36

Subject Index

perception-bound thought, 243t perceptual learning, 179, 200–201, 201f perceptual reasoning, 316 perceptual speed, 310 performance goals, 451 performance IQ, 321 perinatal environment, 123–129 appearance of baby, 124–125 birth process, 123–124, 124f condition of baby, 125–126, 125t defined, 123 labour and delivery medication, 126–127 social environment surrounding birth, 128–129 period of the embryo, 99, 101, 106f period of the fetus, 99, 101–104, 102f, 103f, 106f second trimester, 102–103 third month, 102 third trimester, 103–104 period of the zygote, 99–100, 99f, 106f permissive parenting, 545–546, 545f, 546t perseverance, 275 person perception, 452–459 age trends in, 452–455, 455f racial categorization and racism in young children, 453 social experience as contributor to, 459–460 person praise, 451 personal agency, 430 Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ), 490–491 personality, 342 components of, 38–39 environmental influences on, 88 hereditary contributions to, 89 phallic stage, 39t phase of indiscriminate attachments, 410 phase of multiple attachments, 411 phase of specific attachment, 410 phenotype, 68, 72, 73, 327, 345 phenotype plasticity, 94 phenylketonuria (PKU), 80t, 83 pheo, 91 phobia, treatment of, 205 phocomelia, 109 phonemes, 184, 203, 349, 361, 362, 374 phonemic discriminations, 202 phonological awareness and reading, 381 phonology, 302, 349, 390 phylogenetic development, 250 physical abuse, 564t physical activity, 171–172 physical aggression, 505, 526, 530. See also aggression physical development, 5, 145–175 brain, 149–155 causes and correlates of, 168–173 developmental themes applied to, 173–175 environmental influences on, 173 hormonal influences, 169, 170f maturation and growth, 146–149 motor development, 156–164, 156t–157t, 163f puberty, 165–168 skeletal development, 148f variations in, 148–149 physical punishment. See corporal punishment physical reasoning system, 227 physically active play, 164

Piagetian problems, 49 Piaget’s infancy theory, criticism of, 225–230 Piaget’s theory of moral development, 511–513 pictorial (or perspective) cues, 193, 194, 194f, 195f pidgin, 355 pincer grasp, 161 pituitary, 169, 170f placenta, 100, 100f planful attentional strategies, 280, 281f planning, in play, 232 plasma cortisol, 187 plasticity, 5, 149–152 plausibility, 291 play, 231, 231f, 232, 241–242 pleasurable stimuli, 205 plurals, 377f pollutants, 115–116 polygenic inheritance, 76 polygenic trait, 76 Poly-X, 79t popular children, 582, 583–584 popularity, 459, 582–585 pornography as Internet exposure concern, 609–610 Pôrto Alegre (Brazil), 29 positional stability, 61 positive affect, 403 positive correlation, 18f positive eugenics, 85 positive punishment, 207, 208t positive reinforcement, 208t, 506–510 positive reinforcer, 206 possible outcome, 227–228, 229f postconventional morality, 518t, 519 postpartum depression, 128–129 poverty, 542, 549 power assertion, 508, 508t, 545 practice effects, 25 pragmatics, 363 defined, 350 of early speech, 373–375 preschool period of language learning, 379–380 referential communication, 380 preadapted characteristic, 412 preconceptual reasoning, 234–236, 234f, 236f preconventional morality, 517–518, 518t predispositions, 90 preference method, 180 pregnancy biological support system, 100 cocaine, 113 effect of illicit drugs during, 113–114 effect of polluted food, 115–116 impact of stress on, 118–119 marijuana use during, 114 polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), 116 teenage, risks of, 119–120 prelinguistic phase, 361–364 early reactions to speech, 361–362 first vocal milestones, 362 gestures and nonverbal responses, 364 infant’s knowledge about language and communication, 363–364 word comprehension, 364 premoral period, 512 prenatal development, 98–121 birth defects, prevention of, 120

chemicals and pollutants, 115–116 conception to birth, 99–104 defined, 98 developmental themes applied to, 120–121 diseases and, 107t effect of alcohol on, 110–111 effect of cigarette smoking on, 111–113 effect of illicit drugs, 113–114, 115t embryo, period of, 101 environmental hazards, 114–116 environmental influences, 105–121 fetus, period of, 101–104 maternal characteristics, 116–120 mother’s emotional well-being and, 118–119 overview of, 104t placenta, purpose of, 100, 100f radiation, 115 sensitive period, 105, 106f teratogens, 105–114, 106f zygote, period of, 99–100 prenatal environment, 100f prenatal experiences, 55, 90 prenatal learning, 185 prenatal nutrition, 116–118 preoperational period, 48, 49t, 221, 230–242 vs. concrete-operational period, 243f, 243t conservation problems, 238 egocentrism, 237 reasoning, 234–236, 234f, 236f symbolism, 230–234 theory of mind, 238–242 underestimating preoperational child, 237–238 prepared childbirth, 126–127 prereaches, 160 preschool period communication skills, 379–380 grammatical development, 376–378 language learning, 375–380 peer sociability, 579–580 school and, 592–593, 592f prescription drugs, 109, 113 present self, 432 pretend play, 231, 232, 241–242, 255, 579, 580, 585 preterm infants, 102, 103, 131, 131f, 132–134, 186 pride, 443 primary circular reactions, 222, 222t, 223 primary mental abilities, 310 primary motor areas, 153 primary sensory areas, 153 primitive reflexes, 137t, 138 principled morality, 518t, 519 prior knowledge, 268 privacy, Internet and, 609–610 private speech, 257 proactive aggression, 524 proactive aggressors, 528, 529–530 problem-solving skills, 222–223 procedural metamemory, 279 processing constraints, 369 processing speed, 269, 316 process-oriented praise, 451 production deficiencies, 273–275 productive language, 364 Project Head Start, 308, 337–340 Promoting Relationships and Eliminating Violence (PREVNet), 439 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index proprioceptive feedback, 429–430 proprioceptive information, 161, 431, 432 prosocial behaviour, 503, 504–505, 505t, 506 prosocial concern, 551 prosocial helping, 503–504 prospective study, 587, 588 protected from harm, 32 proximodistal development, 148, 157 psychoanalytic theorists, 41–42 psychoanalytic theory, 38–42 other theorists, 41–42 psychosexual theory (Freud’s), 38–39, 39t, 41t psychosocial theory (Erikson’s), 40, 41t psycholinguists, 349, 350, 357, 371 psychological androgyny, 489–493 psychological comparisons phase, 455 psychological constructs phase, 454 psychological control, 547 psychological systems, 64f psychology of women, 41 psychometric approach, 219, 308–312, 341 singular component approach (Binet’s), 308–309 psychophysiological methods, 14–15, 16t psychosexual development, stages of, 39t psychosexual theory (Freud’s), 38–39, 39t, 41t components of personality, 38–39 contributions and criticisms of, 39–40 vs. psychosocial theory (Erikson’s), 40 stages of psychological development, 39 stages of psychosexual development, 39, 39t, 41t psychosocial dwarfism/deprivation, 173 psychosocial theory (Erikson’s), 40, 41t contributions and criticisms of, 40 vs. psychosexual theory (Freud’s), 40 stages of development, 40, 41t pubertal tempo, 167 puberty, 165–168 adolescent body image and unhealthy weight control strategies, 167–168 defined, 165 individual differences in, 166 reactions to, 167–168 secular trends, 166 sexual maturation in boys, 166 sexual maturation in girls, 165–166 timing of, 167–168 pulmonary alveoli, 104 pulmonary hypertension in newborns, 109 punisher, 43, 206 punishment, 507, 508t Canadian statistics, 211 conditioning viewpoint and, 209 corporal, 209–210, 211 expiatory, 512 information-processing model, 210, 210f negative, 207, 208t positive, 207, 208t reciprocal, 512 suppressive effects of, 210f punishment-and-obedience orientation, 517 pupillary reflex, 137t, 187 Q qualitative change, 61 quality of caregiving, 173 quantitative change, 61

quasi experiment, 21, 22t questionnaires, 9–10, 16t R race, self-recognition, 434 racial categorization and racism in young children, 453 racial differences in IQ, 331–332, 332f radiation, 115 random assignment, 20 range-of-reaction principle, 91, 91f rapid eye movement (REM), 139 Raven Progressive Matrices Test, 333, 333f reactive aggression, 524, 528–529, 529f rearing environments, 42, 93–94, 134–135, 174, 327 reasoning analogical, 292–294 animism, 234 defined, 292 knowledge and, 277–279 preconceptual, 234–236, 234f, 236f scientific, 245–246 recasts, 358 receptive language, 364, 381, 387 recessive allele, 74 recessive traits, 74, 75 reciprocal influence, 539 reciprocal punishments, 512 reciprocal relationships, 409–410, 457, 539 reconstituted families, 542. See also blended families referential communication skills, 380 referential style, 367 reflex activity, 222, 222t reflexes, newborn, 137–138, 137t reflexive responses, 212 regulatory genes, 72, 95 rehabilitation of child abusers, 571–572 rehearsal, 271, 288 reinforcement, 589 reinforcement as determinant of moral conduct, 506 reinforcers, 43, 206–207 rejected children, 582–583, 584–585 rejected-aggressive children, 584 rejected-withdrawn children, 584 relational aggression, 524 relational logic, 242, 243, 243f relational similarity, 293 relationship, mutually responsive, 509 releasing mechanism hypothesis, 212 reliability, 9 REM sleep, 139–140 remarriage and blended families, 560–563 family composition and age, 563 father-stepmother families, 562 mother-stepfather families, 562 representational insight, 230, 231 representational set size, 296 repression, 38 reproductive risk and capacity for recovery, 134–135 research designs, 16–21, 22t correlational, 18f cross-cultural studies, 29–30, 30t cross-sectional design, 23–25 longitudinal design, 25–26, 30t

I-37

microgenetic studies, 27–29, 30t sequential design, 26–27, 30t research ethics, 30–32 research methods, 8–22 case studies, 12–13 correlational design, 16–18, 22t data collection methods, 8–15, 16t ethical issues, 30–32 ethnography, 13–14 evaluation of, 32–33 experimental design, 18–21, 22t fact gathering, 8–15 field experiment, 20–21, 22t natural (or quasi-) experiment, 21, 22t naturalistic observation, 11 psychophysiological methods, 14–15 strengths and limitations of, 16t systematic observation, 12 time-sampling procedure, 11 research methods in sensory and perceptual development, 180–182 brain imaging techniques, 182, 182f evoked potentials method, 182 habituation method, 180–181 high-amplitude sucking method, 181–182, 182f preference method, 180, 181f resemblance, behavioural, 93 resiliency, 318 resistant attachment, 415, 419 respiratory distress syndrome (RDS), 132–133 retaliatory aggression, 526 reticular formation, 153, 279 retrieval, 290 reversibility, 236, 238, 243, 243t RH factor, 130–131 rhythmicity, 403 Richland, L.E., 293 Rio de Janeiro, 29 role taking, 456–458, 457t social experience as contributor to, 458 and thinking about relationships, 456–458 role-taking theory (Selman’s), 456–458, 457t Romeo and Juliet, 241 rooting reflex, 137, 137t rubella (German measles), 106–107, 107t rule internalization in close relationships, 505–511 rule training, 494 rules, respect for, 516 S s (special abilities), 309 Sambia (New Guinea), 482 same-age contacts, 577 same-sex modelling, 485 sanctity/purity, 500 savant syndrome, 315 scaffolding, 253, 445 scale errors, 293 scalp EEG, 150 schema confirmation, 286 schema-confirmation-deployment model, 286 schemas, 284–286 scheme, 47, 220 Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), 467 scholastic atmosphere, 596–597

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

I-38

Subject Index

school as socialization agent, 591–601 alternative educational approaches, 600–601 cross-cultural comparison, 591–596 effective schooling, determinants of, 596–598 immigration and ethnic minorities, 599 during preschool period, 592–593 preschoolers, 592–593, 592f special needs students, 599–600 teacher expectancies, 599 school climate, 596 school-based educational programs, and child abuse, 570, 571 scientific investigation, role of theory in, 37f scientific method, 8 scientific theories, 37 scripts, 284–285 second stage of labour, 123, 124f second trimester, 102–103, 104t secondary circular reactions, 222–223, 222t secondary reinforcer, 411 secular trend, 166 secure attachment, 415, 432, 444 secure base, 410 security, friendship and, 586–587 selective attention, 281 selective attrition, 25 selective breeding, 86 self achievement motivation, 442–452 defined, 429, 430 developmental themes applied to, 459–460 self-concept, 429–436 self-esteem, 436–441 self-concept, 429–436 adolescents, 436 Asian cultures, 435 cultural influences on, 435–436 Indigenous children, 435 middle childhood, 434–435 preschool children, 434 self-differentiation in infancy, 430 self-recognition in infancy, 430–432 toddlers, 433–434 self-conscious emotions, 396, 433 self-esteem, 429, 436–441 components of, 437–439, 437f defined, 436 origins and development of, 436–439 social contributors to, 440–441 self-evaluative emotions, 396–397 self-fulfilling prophecy, 471 self-image, 431 self-oriented distress, 502 self-recognition, 430–432 contributors to, 432–433, 432f, 433t defined, 431 social and emotional consequences of, 433–434 self-regulation skills, 150, 280 self-report methodologies, 9–10, 16t clinical method, 10, 16t interviews and questionnaires, 9–10, 16t self-socializers, 489 Selman’s egocentric (level 0) stage, 456 semantic integrations, 381 semantic organization, 272 semantics

analysis of telegraphic speech, 372–373 defined, 349–350 early, 365–367, 367t middle childhood and adolescence language learning, 381–382 preschool period of language learning, 378–379 sensation, 142, 178, 203 sensitive periods, 53, 105, 106f, 482 sensitive-period hypothesis (of language acquisition), 354–355 sensorimotor period, 48, 49t, 221–230, 411 imitation, 223–224 neo-nativism, 225–226, 228 object permanence, 224–225 problem-solving skills, 222–223 summary of, 222t theory theories, 228–230 sensorimotor play, 232 sensory cortex, 154f sensory development, 179–203 controversies about, 179–180 hearing, 183 infant sensory capabilities, 183–188, 188t integration of senses at birth, 197–198 intermodal perception, 197–200 research methods used to study, 180–182 taste and smell, 185–186 touch, temperature, and pain, 186–187, 188t vision, 187–188, 187f sensory modality, 197 sensory register, 265 sensory stimulation, 179, 198, 200 sensory store, 265 separated identical twins, 93–94 separation anxiety, 413, 414 sequential design, 26–27, 27f, 30t Sesame Street, 201, 607, 607f, 608 set-shifting, 266 sex aggression and, 467–468 defined, 464 verbal abilities and, 466–467 visual/spatial abilities and, 467, 467f sex chromosomes, abnormalities of, 78, 79t sex differences, 72, 466–472 activity level, 468 aggression, 467–468, 527 blended families, 562 compliance, 469 cultural myths, 469–472 developmental themes applied to, 495 developmental vulnerability, 468 displays of emotion, 468–469 divorce, impact of, 560, 562f fear and risk-taking, 468 in gender-typed behaviour, 476–477 home influences, 471–472 mathematical abilities, 467 psychological differences, 466–469 scholastic influences, 472 self-esteem, 469 sex hormones, drugs containing, 109 sex typing, 480f sex-linked characteristic, 75–76 sex-role orientation, 490f sexual abuse, 291, 292, 564, 564t, 566, 568, 571

sexual differentiation, 102 sexual maturation, 165–168 of boys, 166, 167, 167f earlier onset of, 166 of girls, 165–166, 167f, 168 individual differences in, 166, 167f milestones in, 167f secular trends, 166 sexual orientations, 87, 557f. See also gay and lesbian families sexually transmitted diseases/infections (STDs/ STIs), 107t, 108–109 shading, 193 shared environmental influence (SE), 88 shared remembering, 254f shared-attention mechanism (SAM), 241 Sherlock Holmes, 244 short-term store (STS), 265, 265f, 266, 267–269, 268f Shuar people, 14 shyness, 404, 582 sibling order effects, 577 sibling relationships, 551–553, 554 sibling rivalries, 41, 551, 553 siblings and sibling relationships hereditary uniqueness, 71 influences of, 551–555 vs. “only” children, 554–555 over course of childhood, 551–553 positive contributions of, 553–554 sickle cell anemia, 74–75, 80, 80t, 81, 82 sickle cell gene, 81 sign language, 351, 353, 354, 355, 362, 374 sign-phonetic units, 374 Simon task, 388 simple dominant-recessive inheritance, 73–74 simple stepparent homes, 563 simultaneous bilinguals, 386 single adults, 541 single-gene inheritance patterns, 73–76 codominance, 74–75 sex-linked characteristics, 75–76 simple dominant-recessive inheritance, 73–74 single-parent family, 541–542 singular component approach (Binet’s), 308–309 situational compliance, 506 size constancy, 193–194 sizing cues, 193 skeletal age, 148 skeletal development, 148, 148f sleep, infant, 139–140, 139t slow-to-warm-up temperament, 407 small-for-date (or small-for-gestational-age) babies, 131–132, 131f smell, 185–186, 188t sociability, 578–582 social behaviours, and peer acceptance, 583–585 social class differences in IQ, 331–332 social cognition, 48, 452–459 cognitive theories of, 455–459 defined, 429 developmental themes applied to, 459–460 person perception, 452–455 social influences on, 458–459 social collaboration, 253 social comparison, 440, 449 social competence, 402 NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Subject Index social complexity, 580 social deprivation, 21 social development emotions and, 401–402 play and, 232 social domain theory, 500–501 social environment, birth and, 128–129 social experience, 513 social influences, in cognitive developmental theory, 248 social information-processing theory, 528–530, 529f social interactions, 585–586 social learning theory, 45, 63, 210, 478 social modelling, 510–511 social models, 213 social problem-solving skills, 587 social problem-solving training, 588, 589 social referencing, 400 social responsiveness, 53 social reticence, 582 social roles hypothesis, 479 social skills, improving, 589 social skills training, 589 social speech, 257, 258, 579 social support, 129, 586–587 social systems, 64f, 540f social-cognitive development, 476 social-cognitive interventions, 533–534 social-contract orientation, 519 social-conventional rules, 501 social-emotional information, processing, 569 social-emotional learning (SEL), 439 social-experience hypothesis, 521–522 socialization, 538, 539–540 peers as agents of, 576–588 school as agent of, 591–601 social-learning theory of gender typing, 484–486 direct tuition of gender roles, 484 observational learning, 484–486 socially mediated activity, 50 social-order-maintaining morality, 518 sociocultural perspective (Vygotsky’s), 218, 249 cognitive competencies, 252–255 culture, role of in intellectual development, 250–252 culture in intellectual development, 250–252 developmental themes applied to, 260–261 education, 255–256 language in cognitive development, 256–257 memory development, 289 vs. Piaget’s theory, 258t summary and evaluation of, 257–260 sociocultural theory, 49–50, 250–260 socioeconomic status (SES), 152 sociohistorical development, 250 sociolinguistic knowledge, 350 sociometric techniques, 582 somatic gene therapies, 84 soon-to-beaccepted children, 584 source-monitorying theory, 287 span of apprehension, 268 spatial ability, 310 spatial intelligence, 343 spatial perception in infancy, 197t special needs students, 599–600 special talents, 340–344

specific attachment phase, 410 speech, infant reactions to, 185 speech-gesture system, 364 sperm cells, 102 spermarche, 166 spermatozoa, production of, 166 spina bifida, 84, 84f, 117 spinal cord, 154f stability, 25 stages of cognitive development (Piaget’s), 221–246 concrete-operational stage, 242–244 formal-operational stage, 244–246 preoperational stage, 230–242 sensorimotor stage, 221–230, 222t standards, use of, 443 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, 316 Statistics Canada, 26 STDs/STIs. See sexually transmitted diseases/ infections (STDs/STIs) stem facts, 273t stepfathers, 562 stepmothers, 562 stepparent homes, 562–563 stepping reflex, 137t, 138 stereopsis, 193, 194 stereotype threat, 334, 471 stereotypes, 543, 599 “still face” paradigm, 130 stillbirth, 120 stimulation of language and academic behaviours, 330 strange situation, 414, 415t, 416, 417, 420, 421, 553 stranger anxiety, 413–414, 417 strategic memory, 270, 289, 290, 300 strategies, 270. See also memory strategies age differences in, 271 arithmetic, 294–299 strategies for information processing, 270–276 stress, 118–119 stress, parenting, 129 structured interview or structured questionnaire, 9 structured observations, 12 structure-of-intellect model, 311, 311f student body, composition of, 596 study methods of hereditary influences, 86 estimating contribution of genes and environment, 86–89 subjective contour, 191, 191f subjectivity, 10 success-only therapy, 451 sucking reflex, 137, 137t, 138f sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), 140 suggestibility, 291–292 sum strategy, 294 superego, 38, 39 superfemale syndrome, 79t supermale syndrome, 79t support systems, development of, 100 supportive environment, 343 surfactin, 132 survival reflexes, 137, 137t, 138 sutures, 148 swaddling, 142 swallowing reflex, 137t swimming reflex, 137t, 138 switch design, 366

I-39

symbolic (or pretend) play, 231, 231f, 232, 241–242, 255 symbolic function, 230 symbolic problem solving, 223 symbolic representations, 210–211 symbolism, 230–234 symbols, in media, 603 sympathetic distress, 502 sympathetic empathic arousal, 504 sympathy, 502, 504–505 synapses, 149, 151f, 152 synaptic pruning, 151 synaptic reinforcement, 188 synaptogenesis, 150–151 synchronized routines, 409–410 syntactical bootstrapping, 370–371, 370f syntax, 350, 352, 381 syphilis, 107t, 108, 109 T tabula rasa, 6, 42, 54, 179 talking therapies, 129 taste, 185–186, 188t taxonomic constraint, 369t Tay-Sachs disease, 80t, 82 Tchambuli people, 483 teacher expectancies, 599 teachers, physically active play and, 164 teamwork, 597 teenage pregnancy and childbearing, 119–120 telegraphic speech, 371–375 pragmatics of early speech, 373–375 semantic analysis of, 372–373 similarities across languages, 372–373, 372t universality of, 372 television. See also media technologies cognitive development and, 607–608 obesity and, 172 temperament, 402–409 average correlations, 403f child rearing and, 407–409 cultural influences, 404–405 developmental themes applied to, 425–426 environmental influences, 403–404 hereditary influences, 403 peer acceptance and, 583 profiles, 406–409 of school children, 598 stability of, 405–406 temperament hypothesis, 421 temperature, 186–187 temporal lobe, 154f, 182 temporal movement sequencing, 190 temptation, resisting, 506 teratogenic effects, 116 teratogens, 105–114, 106f drugs, 109–114, 115t maternal diseases, 106–109, 107t tertiary circular reactions, 222t, 223 test norms, 316 testes, 102 testicular feminization syndrome (TFS), 479, 482 testosterone, 102, 169, 170f, 479, 481, 527, 535 test-retest reliability, 9 tests, Canadian, 316 texture gradients, 193

NEL

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I-40

Subject Index

thalidomide, 109 theory, 8, 36–65 cognitive-development, 47–49 cognitive-developmental, 47–49 defined, 36 ecological systems, 55–59, 56f ethological, 52–55 evolutionary, 52–55 of herediary and environmental interactions, 90–94 information-processing, 50–51 learning, 42–46 nature of, 36–38 psychoanalytic, 38–42 role of, in scientific investigation, 37, 37f sociocultural, 49–50 themes in, 59–61 world views and, 62–65 theory of mind, 237, 238–242, 255 belief–desire reasoning, 238, 239–240 biologically programmed, 241 mental states, understanding, 238–239 origin of, 240–242 theory of mind module (TOMM), 241 theory of multiple intelligences, Gardner’s, 343 theory theories, 228–230 thinking, convergent, 341 thinking, divergent, 341, 344 third stage of labour, 124f third trimester, 103–104, 104t, 117 Thorndike Test, 319 three point-light displays, 191f three-dimensional space, 193–197 depth perception, 194–197, 196f pictorial cues, 194, 194f, 195f size constancy, 193–194 three-mountain problem, 234f, 237 three-stratum theory of intelligence, 311, 312f thyroid gland, 169, 170f thyroxine, 169, 170f “tiger parenting,” 550 “time out,” 211 time-sampling, 11 timing-of-puberty effect, 480 toddlerhood, peer sociability in, 578–579 toddlers, 163 tools of intellectual adaptation, 250–252, 298 touch, 186–187, 188t touch-to-vision perception, 198 toxemia, 107t toxoplasmosis, 107, 107t Trackton people of the Piedmont Carolinas, 359 traditional nuclear families, 539 transactional model, 548 transactive interactions, 521 transfer utilization deficiency, 275 transformational grammar, 377–378 transitivity, 243 transracial adoption studies, 335–336 transracially adopted children, 556 traumatic brain injuries, 155 triarchic theory, 312, 312f

Tri-Council Statement: Ethical Conduct Involving Research with Humans, 32 triggering, 227 trisomy, 79 tuberculosis, 107t Turiel’s social domain theory, 500–501 Turner syndrome, 79t, 83 Twenty Statements Test, 434 twin design, 86 twins, 93–94, 168–169 dizygotic (or fraternal twins), 72 heritability and, 86–90 monozygotic (or identical), 71 motor development, 158 separated identical, 93–94 twin study, 86 two-generation interventions, 338–339 Type 1 diabetes, 80t, 83

visual orientation, 160 visual perception in infancy, 188t, 189–197 forms, 190–192, 190f, 191f milestones, 197t patterns, 189–190, 189f, 190f spatial, 197t visual reaction time, 320 visually directed reaching, 220 visual/spatial abilities, 467, 467f visual–spatial working memory, 296 vitamin and mineral deficiencies, 171 vocables, 348, 362 vocal turn-taking, 363, 373 voices, infant reactions to, 183–185 voluntary imitative responses, 212 voluntary intermodal matching, 212 voluntary reaching, 160–161

U

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Fifth Edition (WISC-V), 316 Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Third Edition (WISC-III), 316–317 Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence—Fourth Edition (WPPSI-IV), 316 weight changes, 146–147 Wernicke’s area, 154f, 353 wh- questions, 377 white lies, 514–515 word and meaning errors in word use, 368 holophrases, 365, 371 in holophrastic period, 367–371 lexical contrast constraint of, 369, 369t mutual exclusivity constraint of, 369 strategies for, 369–371, 369t syntactical bootstrapping, 370–371, 370f syntactical clues, 370–371 word fluency, 310 working memory, 265f, 266, 269, 271, 283t, 296, 316 working models theory, 423, 423f, 424, 436–437 working parents, models and attachment, 423–424 World Health Organization Child Growth Standards, 146 world views, 62–65 World War II, 93, 117f, 170 Wynn’s experiment, 226–227

ulnar grasp, 161 ultrasound, 83, 83f umbilical cord, 100, 130 unconditioned response (UCR), 205, 205f unconditioned stimulus (UCS), 205 unconscious motives, 38, 40 underextension, 368 undernutrition, 170–171, 171f uninvolved parenting, 545f, 546 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 211 universal grammar, 352 universalist moral thinking, 501–502, 502f unschooled children, arithmetic competencies, 295–296 urinary tract infection, 107t utilization deficiency, 273–275 V vacuum extractor, 126 validity, 9 vandalism, 60 variables, relationship between, 17 variety in daily stimulation, 330 verbal aggression, 525, 526 Verbal Behavior (Skinner), 351 verbal comprehension, 316 verbal intelligence, 316 verbal IQ, 321 verbal meaning, 310 verbatim traces, 283, 284 vernix, 103, 125 very-low-birth-weight infants, 132 video deficit, 603 violence, media. See media violence virtual object, 198 virtual reality (VR), 571 vision, 74, 187–188, 187f, 188t visual acuity, 187f, 188, 193 visual cliff, 194–195, 195f, 199, 199f visual contrast, 188 visual looming, 193–194

W

X X chromosome, 72 Y Y chromosome, 72 yes/no questions, 377 young offenders, Belgian, 20–21 Z zone of proximal development, 50, 252–253, 254–255, 319 zygote, 69, 70, 71, 104t period of, 99–100, 99f, 106f

NEL

Copyright 2020 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.