Development of Higher Education in Africa : Prospects and Challenges 9781781906996, 9781781906989

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION AND SOCIETY Series Editor: Alexander W. Wiseman Recent Volumes: Series Editor from Volume 5: David P. Baker Volume 5:

New Paradigms and Recurring Paradoxes in Education for Citizenship: An International Comparison

Volume 6:

Global Trends in Educational Policy

Volume 7:

The Impact of Comparative Education Research on Institutional Theory

Volume 8:

Education For All: Global Promises, National Challenges

Volume 9:

The Worldwide Transformation of Higher Education

Volume 10:

Gender, Equality and Education from International and Comparative Perspectives

Series Editor from Volume 11: Alexander W. Wiseman Volume 11:

Educational Leadership: Global Contexts and International Comparisons

Volume 12:

International Educational Governance

Volume 13:

The Impact of International Achievement Studies on National Education Policymaking

Volume 14:

Post-Socialism Is Not Dead: (Re)Reading The Global in Comparative Education

Volume 15:

The Impact and Transformation of Education Policy in China

Volume 16:

Education Strategy in the Developing World: Revising the World Bank’s Education Policy

Volume 17:

Community Colleges Worldwide: Investigating the Global Phenomenon

Volume 18:

The Impact of HIV/AIDS on Education Worldwide

Volume 19:

Teacher Reforms around the World: Implementations and Outcomes

Volume 20:

Annual Review of Comparative and International Education 2013

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION AND SOCIETY VOLUME 21

THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES EDITED BY

ALEXANDER W. WISEMAN Lehigh University, USA

CHARL C. WOLHUTER North-West University, South Africa

United Kingdom – North America – Japan India – Malaysia – China

Emerald Group Publishing Limited Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK First edition 2013 Copyright r 2013 Emerald Group Publishing Limited Reprints and permission service Contact: [email protected] No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. Any opinions expressed in the chapters are those of the authors. Whilst Emerald makes every effort to ensure the quality and accuracy of its content, Emerald makes no representation implied or otherwise, as to the chapters’ suitability and application and disclaims any warranties, express or implied, to their use. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-78190-698-9 ISSN: 1479-3679 (Series)

ISOQAR certified Management System, awarded to Emerald for adherence to Environmental standard ISO 14001:2004. Certificate Number 1985 ISO 14001

It is a real pleasure to endorse a new book on higher education in Africa entitled The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges edited by Alexander W. Wiseman and Charl C. Wolhuter. There is ongoing debate on the current status and future prospects of higher education in Africa, and this book makes a valuable contribution to that debate. As economic growth takes off in Africa, it is important to analyze the role that higher education has to play in the future of the continent. This book, with a wide range of international scholars contributing, not only raises important current issues and concerns, but also raises key prospects for a successful future of higher education in Africa. – Harold D. Herman, Ph.D. Founding President, Southern African Comparative and History of Education Society Former Vice President, World Council of Comparative Education Societies Emeritus Professor, Comparative, International and Development Education University of the Western Cape, South Africa

Too often comparative and international scholarship is limited to studies completed by local scholars, or constructed from the analyses of ‘‘outsiders’’ – most frequently critiqued by scholars from the North regarding education in the South. Moving beyond this conundrum, Wiseman and Wolhuter have edited a cutting-edge text focusing on the development of higher education in Africa from a trans-national perspective. They have accomplished this by including the work of scholars from nations outside the African continent, including Canada, Greece, Norway, and the United States, as well critical analyses from scholars located in Ethiopia, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda. Building upon this rich diversity of authorship, the reader will be rewarded with cogent linkages of themes spanning development, internationalization, equity, convergence, and divergence of higher education on the African continent in a manner which provides both invaluable global perspectives and insights into the local milieu. Clearly, this text is an invaluable resource for scholars, practitioners, and policymakers working to identify ‘‘the way forward’’ with regard to the development of higher education in Africa. – Karen L. Biraimah, Ph.D. Past President, Comparative and International Education Society Professor and Director, International and Special Programs College of Education and Human Performance University of Central Florida, USA

In the competitive global economy and environment, nation-states have no choice but to adjust themselves in order to be more efficient, productive, and flexible. There is no exception for the countries within Africa. This volume describes, analyzes, and explains how the various social, cultural, economic, and political forces have shaped the development of higher education in Africa in this era of globalization. The globalizing practices in Anglo-Pacific and North American universities – which include a shift from elite to mass higher education, the privatization of higher education, the practice of corporate managerialism, and the spread of transnational education – are also evident in the higher education systems in Africa. Though

Africa is surprisingly underdeveloped, she is unfolding as a global economic player in the 21st century. This book will constitute part of the literature testifying to this change. This book is a must for most academics, researchers, policy makers, educators in higher education, and students of comparative education, education and development, educational policy studies, internationalization of education, and higher education. – Nicholas Sun-Keung Pang, Ph.D. Chairman and Professor, Department of Educational Administration and Policy The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T., Hong Kong SAR

Of all the books that I have read on higher education in Africa in recent years, none has really captured the challenges and future prospects of the continent more succinctly, lucidly, and beautifully than this book. Even though the selected case study countries are varied and diverse, the fundamental challenges facing the continent’s higher education institutions in aiding social and economic development are strikingly similar. Despite the challenges, however, good initiatives are emerging, such as the African Union’s promotion of quality assurance in higher education programs through harmonization as well as evidence of good practice reported by various contributors. For the future, I would like to see a follow up to this volume; perhaps a collection of papers that weave together the essence or importance of higher, adult and lifelong education in Africa. For now, this is one book that should serve as a catch-up reference not only for academics and teacher educators, but also decision and policy makers who are genuinely interested in how higher education can be a channel through which universities contribute to national and regional economic developments in Africa. – James Ogunleye, Ph.D., FRSA Middlesex University, UK Annual Conference Chair, Higher Education Theme Bulgarian Comparative Education Society

CONTENTS LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

xi

PREFACE

xiii

PART 1: INTRODUCTION TO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA THE INCALCULABLE PROMISE OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT: HIGHER EDUCATION RISING TO THE OCCASION? Charl C. Wolhuter and Alexander W. Wiseman

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AN OVERVIEW OF AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT Christopher S. Collins

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PART 2: INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA TRENDS IN INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND INNOVATION FOR DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Ibrahim Ogachi Oanda

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CROSS-BORDER HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA: COLLABORATION AND COMPETITION Jason E. Lane and Kevin Kinser

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‘‘STEERING RATHER THAN ROWING’’: INTERNATIONALISM, PRIVATIZATION, AND UNIVERSITY REFORM IN TANZANIA Ross J. Benbow

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POWER OF GLOBAL-LOCAL PARTNERSHIPS: AN ASSESSMENT OF GLOBAL, NATIONAL AND LOCAL STAKEHOLDERS OF RELIGIOUS, HIGHER EDUCATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Grace Karram

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PART 3: HIGHER EDUCATION ISSUES AND CONCERNS IN AFRICA IN SEARCH OF EQUITY AND ACCESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN NAMIBIA: CHALLENGES AND ACHIEVEMENTS Kenneth Kamwi Matengu, Gilbert Likando and Bennett Kangumu

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CHARTING HIGHER EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT IN GHANA: GROWTH, TRANSFORMATIONS, AND CHALLENGES Francis Atuahene

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LANGUAGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION TRANSFORMATION: CONTRASTS AND SIMILARITIES BETWEEN TWO AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Gregory H. Kamwendo

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KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION IN THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY: HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS AND THE APPLICATION OF INNOVATIONS IN ICT FOR CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Chijioke J. Evoh, Christopher Byalusago Mugimu and Hopestone K. Chavula

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CHALLENGES AND EXPERIENCES IN DOING UNIVERSITY COLLABORATION IN NORTH-SOUTH PROJECTS Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite

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PART 4: CROSS-NATIONAL CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE IN AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION TOWARDS AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION REGIONALIZATION AND HARMONIZATION: FUNCTIONAL, ORGANIZATIONAL AND POLITICAL APPROACHES Jane Knight

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EUROPEAN EDUCATION POLICIES AND THE UNIFORMIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN EUROPE: SOME ‘LESSONS’ FROM THE BOLOGNA PROCESS FOR EDUCATION AND TEACHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA Konstantinos G. Karras

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POLICY SPACES AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE ISLAMIC MAGHREB REGION: HIGHER EDUCATION IN TUNISIA Landis G. Fryer and Tavis D. Jules

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RETHINKING AGENCY IN UNIVERSITY DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Ane Turner Johnson

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PART 5: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES FOR HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA RETHINKING HIGHER EDUCATION CURRICULUM IN NIGERIA TO MEET GLOBAL CHALLENGES IN THE 21ST CENTURY Martha Nkechinyere Amadi and Perpetua Ememe

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CONTENTS

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

485

AUTHOR INDEX

493

SUBJECT INDEX

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Martha Nkechinyere Amadi

University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria

Francis Atuahene

West Chester University of Pennsylvania, West Chester, PA, USA

Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite

University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway

Ross J. Benbow

University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI, USA

Hopestone K. Chavula

United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Christopher S. Collins

Azusa Pacific University, Azusa, CA, USA

Perpetua Ememe

University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria

Chijioke J. Evoh

New York City Public Schools, New York, NY, USA

Landis G. Fryer

Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Ane Turner Johnson

Rowan University, Glassboro, NJ, USA

Tavis D. Jules

Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Gregory H. Kamwendo

University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa

Bennett Kangumu

University of Namibia, Katima Mulio, Namibia

Grace Karram

University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Konstantinos G. Karras

University of Crete, Crete, Greece xi

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Kevin Kinser

State University of New York-Albany, Albany, NY, USA

Jane Knight

University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Jason E. Lane

State University of New York-Albany, Albany, NY, USA

Gilbert Likando

University of Namibia, Windhoek, Namibia

Kenneth Kamwi Matengu

University of Namibia, Windhoek, Namibia

Christopher Byalusago Mugimu

Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda

Ibrahim Ogachi Oanda

Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya

Alexander W. Wiseman

Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA, USA

Charl C. Wolhuter

North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa

PREFACE The global education revolution has resulted in massive enrollment expansions in primary and secondary education worldwide, yet the higher education sector throughout Africa remains surprisingly underdeveloped. Although impressive expansion and reform of higher education have occurred in Africa since 1990, higher education across Africa still lags behind the rest of the world. Significant gaps persist in terms of access, enrolment, equality, pedagogy (especially the use of ICT), assessment, quality control, academic professionalization, university management, curricula, program development, government relations, industry linkages, and social relevance. In fact, as higher education has expanded worldwide, the level of inequality between higher education systems worldwide has increased as well with the higher education sector across Africa being particularly challenged to keep pace. This is reflected in comparatively limited research output by African university scholars and researchers and the limited representation of African universities on world institutional rankings. Given both the perceived and real gap in research productivity and scholarly reputation between African higher education and higher education systems in other parts of the world, the question persists whether or not the African higher education sector can produce ‘‘world-class’’ universities. Given the context and history of the higher education sector in Africa, this volume of the International Perspectives on Education and Society series investigates the challenges and prospects pertaining to higher education in Africa, especially issues of development, expansion, internationalization, equity, and divergence. The goal of this volume is to present information, case studies, and research about the development of higher education across Africa as a whole, but in specific regions, countries, or educational systems within Africa as well. Through an examination of the higher education sector’s development in Africa, this volume uniquely explores the continent-wide, region-specific, and country- or system-level contexts, policies, and conditions that drive both the creation and reform of public and private higher education. It also investigates the international, multilateral, and bilateral organizations that influence the development of higher education in and across Africa. xiii

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Chapters in this volume use case studies, regional survey data, and other evidence to analyze the complex combination of drivers and characteristics of as well as challenges and prospects for the higher education revolution in Africa. Broadly speaking, the chapters in this volume address the following: (a) historical overview of the association between international or global organizations and higher education development in Africa; (b) evaluation and analysis of specific changes in higher education in Africa due to specific regional, country, or system conditions; and (c) implications of the infrastructure, capacity, and sustainability of higher education institutions and development models in Africa. Overall, this volume’s chapters provide a combination of stakeholder reviews, theory-driven syntheses of current scholarship, reports of new empirical research, and critical discussions of major topics related to the development of higher education in Africa. Because the chapters in this volume address both theoretical and practical challenges to the development of higher education across Africa, they are arranged to provide a flow and cohesiveness to the volume. Specifically, the volume begins with two chapters that provide both an introduction and overview of higher education in Africa (Part 1), followed by chapters dealing with the internationalization of higher education in Africa (Part 2), specific higher education issues and concerns in Africa (Part 3), and cross-national convergence and divergence in African higher education (Part 4). Finally, this volume includes a concluding chapter that reviews the prospects and challenges for higher education in Africa (Part 5). The introductory chapter by the volume editors titled ‘‘The Incalculable Promise of the African Continent: Higher Education Rising to the Occasion?’’ highlights Africa’s unique social, political, and economic contexts and their transformative role in the development and expansion of higher education both across and within countries throughout the continent. As a geographic giant endowed with substantial natural resources and a growing population, Africa is a dynamic – albeit diverse – world player. Amidst the political pacification and democratization of the continent, Africa is also unfolding as a global economic player in the 21st century. Yet, despite rapid growth in recent years, the higher education sector across Africa is less developed than anywhere else in the world. Major challenges include expanding participation in higher education, poor infrastructure, isolation from society and communities, internationalization and regional cooperation, and aligning the world of education with the world of work. The chapters in this volume address these challenges and prospects and are included in this volume in order to contribute to the scholarly discourse guiding the development of higher education in and across Africa.

Preface

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In summary, the chapters in this volume tie together the themes of development, internationalization, equity, convergence, and divergence in higher education in Africa in a way that provides both a global perspective on African higher education as well as detailed analyses of specific phenomena related to higher education in countries and communities within Africa at large. These dual foci provide a framework for understanding the prospects and challenges of the development of higher education in Africa, and provide a theoretical and empirical structure that policymakers and comparative education researchers alike can use to chart a way forward for African higher education. We would like to especially thank several external reviewers who gave their time and expertise to make significant comments, suggestions for improvement, and recommendations regarding both content and contributions of the chapters published in this volume. These scholars and reviewers are: Philip Altbach (Boston College, USA) Magnus O. Bassey (City University of New York, USA) Karen Biraimah (University of Central Florida, USA) John K. Chang’ach (Moi University, Kenya) Nadine E. Dolby (Purdue University, USA) Gae¨le Goastellec (University of Lausanne, Switzerland) Ishmael I. Munene (Northern Arizona University, USA) Kofi Poku Quan-Baffour (University of South Africa, Republic of South Africa) Barbara Trudell (SIL Africa Area, Kenya) Again, we extend a sincere and heartfelt thank you to the many supporters who made this volume possible, and who contributed to enhancing the quality and rigor of each chapter. The development of higher education in Africa is not only important to those living and working in Africa, but also to the world. It serves as both an example and in some cases a model for how higher education development occurs in response to endogenous and exogenous influences. This volume provides a space to explore, discuss and learn from Africa’s higher education experience. Alexander W. Wiseman Series Editor and Volume Co-Editor Charl C. Wolhuter Volume Co-Editor

PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA

THE INCALCULABLE PROMISE OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT: HIGHER EDUCATION RISING TO THE OCCASION? Charl C. Wolhuter and Alexander W. Wiseman ABSTRACT Africa’s unique social contexts play a transformative role in the development of higher education throughout the continent. As a geographic giant endowed with substantial natural resources and a growing population, Africa is a dynamic – albeit diverse – world player, and amidst the political pacification and democratization of the continent, is also unfolding as an increasingly strong economic force in the world. These many factors contextualize the history and position of higher education in Africa as well. Despite rapid growth in recent years, higher education in Africa is less developed than anywhere else in the world. Major challenges include expanding participation in higher education, poor infrastructure, isolation from society and communities, internationalization and regional cooperation, and aligning the world of education with the world of work. The chapters in this volume are presented within this framework, with the intention that this volume will contribute to the scholarly discourse guiding the development of higher education in Africa.

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 3–19 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021004

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INTRODUCTION Geographically (space combined with natural resources) and demographically (substantial and growing demographic mass), Africa holds unique potential, which has increasingly been matched by political stabilization and economic growth. This growingly optimistic scene has been captured by economists, who paint a very rosy picture of the meteoric economic rise of Africa in the early 21st century (Mahajan, 2009). Others, like Dowden (2009), defend the thesis that the rise of a middle class and of mobile phones combine to catapult the continent into a position as a major player in the global economy. Other work by Mills and Herbst (2012) explain the political pacification of the continent and how that together with the booming private economic sector bodes well for a continent clearly on an upward trajectory. These positive interpretations of African social, political, and economic change are somewhat of a surprise to many Africanists, who until very recently, were more familiar with ‘‘Afro-pessimism’’ coming from both inside and outside of the continent. In fact some of the same scholars who more recently espoused Afro-optimism are some of the same authors who previous focused on poverty in Africa (Mills, 2010), documented bleak accounts of political events during the first 50 years of independence of Africa (Meredith, 2005), and openly turned to globalization as a new version of colonialization to ‘‘rescue’’ Africa (Guest, 2005). Higher education in Africa reflects these extreme contrasts between what exists and what is desirable as well. On the one hand, the era since the 1960s in Africa has been the scene of the biggest education expansion drive in human history (as measured by increases in enrollments relative to 50 years ago (cf. Wolhuter, 2013). On the other hand, in terms of higher education enrollment ratios, Africa lags behind the rest of the world, and over time, increasingly falls behind (cf. Meyer, 2012a, 2012b). But, as Africa is surging ahead economically and otherwise, on its way to its rightful place as a global player, it will need a substantial higher education sector to maintain this momentum. This assumes ever increasing importance with the advance of a knowledge society, that is, a society where the axial principle is the production of new knowledge (Pang, 2013, p. 19). It is against this background that this volume of studies on higher education in Africa is presented. This introductory chapter portrays the contextual background (geography, demography, and political and economic developments) and presents a brief outline of higher education in Africa, including its history, status, prospects, and challenges. It is within this framework that the individual chapters should be read.

The Incalculable Promise of the African Continent

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CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND Geography As the second biggest continent (after Asia), Africa covers a surface area of 36.2 million square kilometers. Africa is an exceedingly large tract of land – 8,000 kilometres (or 5,000 miles) from North to South and at its widest 7,400 kilometres (or 4,600 miles from East to West) – which means Africa occupies 6 percent of the global surface or 20.4 percent of the land surface on earth. The continent is blessed with an abundance of natural resources. These include fresh water, natural forests, mineral deposits, and – if the technology becomes available for this to be converted to useable energy (which is destined to happen according to well respected futurologies, for example, cf. Friedman, 2009, pp. 228–232) – sunshine. In fact, the name Africa comes from the Latin ‘‘Africa’’ which means ‘‘never cold.’’ The Congo River alone discharges 12 percent of all freshwater on earth (Nkrumah, 1963, p. 1). Africa’s share of the world’s total production of cobalt is 57%, of diamonds 53%, of manganese 39 percent, of phosphate 31 percent, of gold 21 percent, of oil 12 percent, and of bauxite 9 percent (Custers & Mattysen, 2009, pp. 20, 21).

Demography Africa’s population has just surpassed the 1 billion mark and now stands at 1.018 billion (World Bank, 2012). Its 2.2 percent annual population growth rate is the swiftest in the world (Steyn & Wolhuter, 2008, p. 13). In 1950, Africa’s population was half that of Europe, but by 1985 it had drawn level (about 480 million each) and by 2025 it is expected to be three times that of Europe (1.5 billion to 512 million) (Kennedy, 1993, p. 24). For the development of higher education, a very relevant aspect of this differential demographic dynamic of Africa relative to the rest of the world is the age pyramid: it is projected that by 2015 one quarter of the global population under 25 years old will be in Africa (Mills & Herbst, 2012).

Political Most African states gained independence in or around 1960. These new states were politically beset by a number of interrelated problems. First, the

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hasty retreat of colonial administrations left these states with civil services unable to perform the most basic of state functions, such as securing the safety of its citizens, or dealing with terrorism and drug trafficking. Many of these states were, for the first decades after independence, textbook examples of the failed, weak or even nonexistent states described by Fukuyama in his publication State Building (2004). Administrative incompetence was at the order of the day, especially in the first years and decades after the advent of independence. In the most recent Global Competitiveness Report of the World Economic Forum, for example, inefficient government bureaucracy is identified as the single most problematic factor in doing business in South Africa (World Economic Forum, 2012, p. 322). Second, corruption has taken on epidemic proportions in many of these states. For example. by the South African government’s own calculations, some R30 billion (or about US$4 billion are lost in South Africa each year due to corruption and maladministration (Du Plessis, 2012, p. ii) (for perspective, the total government budget of South Africa is R891 billion and the GDP is R2995 billion). Third, the African states were somewhat artificial entities, with borders drawn by 19th century European powers, to suit the interests of the colonial masters, rather than that of African communities and societies. The result was a plethora of civil wars in the newly independent African states, and between states following decolonization in the 20th century Colonial rule being the antithesis of democracy, the new states had no democratic tradition, neither of universal suffrage nor of any of the organs of civil society which usually functions as a buttress of democracy (e.g., free press, autonomous universities, independent judiciary, etc.). The result was that the first decades of independence were characterized by an absence of democracy, rule by dictators and by decree, an absence of the rule of law, and by one party states. The global wave of democratization which has been sweeping across the world since 1990, has swept into Africa too, and the political outlook has improved much as a result. For example, 40 of the 49 African states now regularly have multiparty elections, compared to only 3 in the 1970s (Mills & Herbst, 2012). While there still were 15 wars on the continent in the 1990s, it has now decreased to 5 (ibid.).

Economy The countries of Africa became independent in the 1960s with very underdeveloped economies and with rulers and governments inexperienced

The Incalculable Promise of the African Continent

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in managing modern economies. The first phase after independence was characterized by gross interference (by government) in the economies of the countries. In this way African states became overregulated societies, and this overregulation is at odds with the weak capacities which these states had in providing the basic functions associated with governments (as explained above). This statement regarding overregulation can be corroborated with statistics on the number of days it takes in various countries to register a new business: Democratic Republic of the Congo, 155; Angola, 124; Mozambique, 113; Botswana, 108; compared to the United States, 5; Canada, 3, and Australia, 2 (Nation Master, 2012). Public spending priorities of the new governments were also often very ill considered. For example, one year president Siaka Stevens spent two thirds of Sierra Leone’s national budget to host an Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit (Meredith, 2005, p. 172). African states became heavily dependent on aid from Western powers especially, to a smaller extent from the Eastern bloc powers of the latter Soviet era. Debt levels grew and reached alarming proportions. Africa’s total debt increased from US$14 billion in 1973 to US$125 in 1987 (Kennedy, 1993, p. 214). By the mid-1980s, payments on loans consumed about half of Africa’s export earnings. With the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the Cold War in 1990, African governments lost their trump card of playing off the Western and Eastern bloc powers for aid and loans. Being heavily indebted and being economically in an untenable and unsustainable position (considering levels of state spending and debt), the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank evolved into lenders of the last resort; arranging rescheduling of debts and making structural adjustment loans conditional upon the adoption of a standardized range of policies that encompassed the reduction of state expenditure, the privatization of state corporations, the liberalization of the economy, the control of the money supply to contain inflation, and currency devaluation (cf. Campbell & Stein, 1992, pp. 5–10; Europa Publishers, 1997, pp. 7–15). By 1988, over 28 African countries had embarked upon such structural adjustment programs (Campbell & Stein, 1992, p. 6). After 1990, the economies of Africa took a turn. While the real per capita gross domestic product of sub-Saharan Africa declined from 1981 to 1990 at an average rate of 1.5 percent per annum (Europa Publishers, 1997, p. 1), per capita gross domestic growth amounted to 3.7 percent in 2003, 4.6 percent in 2004, and 5.8 percent in 2005 (Cobbett, 2004, p. 19). The continent’s output grew by 5 percent in 2007 and by 7 percent in 2008, and even amidst the global recession of 2009 managed to grow by 2 percent during that year

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(Perry, 2010, p. 46). Between the years 2000 and 2010 6 of the 10 fastest growing economies in the world were in Africa: Angola, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Chad, and Rwanda (Mills & Herbst, 2012). Trade between China and Africa increased from US$ 55 billion in 2006 to US$ 90 billion in 2009 (Perry, 2010, p. 46). In 2006, for the first time, foreign direct investment into Africa was greater than aid: US$ 48 billion against US$ 40 billion (ibid.). An indication of the global economic stature of Africa that when taken as a continent, Africa has the tenth largest economy in the world, with an annual gross national income of US$ 978.3 billion — ahead of India’s (eleventh place) US$ 906.5 billion (Mahajan, 2009, p. 8). Two salient features of Africa’s economies are self-employment and the rise of the informal economic sector. Eight out of every ten Africans are selfemployed (Mills & Herbst, 2012), many of them in the informal economic sector. Yet for all this impressive growth, there is still a long road to be travelled. Infrastructure is poorly developed and poverty is rife. More than 50 percent of the population are living under the international poverty line (Mills & Herbst, 2012). As an example of infrastructure underdevelopment, sub-Saharan Africa’s electricity production is the equivalent of that of Spain, even though it has nearly twenty times as many people (ibid.). And, more than half of that is produced by just one country, South Africa (ibid.).

THE INTERNATIONAL HIGHER EDUCATION REVOLUTION While Africa has embarked on an impressive economic growth trajectory since 1990, a higher education revolution has been playing itself out globally (cf. Wolhuter, 2011), largely outside of Africa, in the wake of an emerging knowledge economy. In short, the international higher education revolution was precipitated by the rise and legitimization of the knowledge economy (i.e., where the production of new knowledge becomes the axial principle of economic organization and growth) and where national competition in a globalised world underscores the centrality of the higher education project in national and international affairs. Several interrelated social, economic, and political drivers of international development of higher education can be distinguished; namely demography, economic growth, economic transformation, globalization and the information and communications technology revolution, the neoliberal economic revolution, and democratization.

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International demographic trends include the population explosion (affecting higher education in the developing countries, in particular), the changing age profile and the increasing mobility of people (Wolhuter, 2011). In slightly less than two decades, from 1990 to 2008, the world was the scene of one of the most sustained and forceful economic growth phases in history. The developed economies of the world began undergoing a transformation as they entered a new stage of economic development, namely a knowledge society, superseding the previous phases, which were successively a hunter and gatherer economy, an agricultural economy, an industrial economy, and a service economy (Wolhuter, 2011). Since 1990 a neoliberal economic revolution has developed in Western countries, from which it has rapidly spread to the countries of the East and of the global South. The empowerment of the individual by the information, communications and transportation technology revolutions, the demise of the once omnipotent central nation-state, and the wave of economic liberalization worldwide have also resulted in a process of political democratization, starting in the West, and spreading around the world from there (Steyn & Wolhuter, 2008, pp. 2–34). The dimensions of the resulting higher education revolution have been massification (cf. Altbach et al., 2009) and democratization, competition, and differentiation, a shift in funding patterns and the rise of private and corporate universities, changing relations between university and state and between university and industry, rising managerialism at universities, the demand for relevance, a totally new professional working environment for academics, the restructuring of programs and curricula, a new research agenda, and renewal of teaching methods. These dimensions are each summarized below. The combined effect of the population explosion, economic growth, economic transformation, and democratization has been the transformation from elite to mass higher education, and besides the massification of higher education, also its democratization. In a time of globalization, a free market economy and a knowledge society, higher education is becoming increasingly competitive. Two opposite responses to these contextual imperatives can be seen. On the one hand there is a movement toward isomorphism as virtually all higher education institutions cherish the ideal to become worldclass universities/institutions (Wolhuter, 2012). On the other hand, there is a tendency for higher education institutions to differentiate and to focus on one particular niche (Wolhuter, 2011). Worldwide, the share of the state in funding higher education is being downscaled, and students and industry are required to shoulder an ever

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increasing part of higher education costs. Private higher education institutions and corporate universities are becoming more prominent. Although the state is cutting its financial support to universities, it remains the largest single source of universities’ income, and in return, in a time of neoliberal economics, is demanding accountability and a say in the running of universities. In this way the autonomy which universities have historically enjoyed (Wolhuter, Higgs, Higgs, & Ntshoe, 2010, p. 208), is becoming undermined. Under the influence of the neoliberal economic revolution and changing state-university relations, a culture of managerialism has taken root at universities. These same factors have also given rise to calls for relevance (Wolhuter, 2011). Massification, democratization, and managerialism have created a new professional working environment for academics. Globalization, the rise of English as the lingua franca of the international academic world, and the information, communications, and transportation technology revolution have accelerated the internationalization of higher education (Altbach et al., 2009). Under the influence of the contextual forces of a nascent knowledge society and the neoliberal economic revolution with its demand for relevance, the structure and content of programs offered by universities have changed to reflect the rise of so-called Mode 2 knowledge (Gibbons, 2003). The opportunities offered by the information and communication technology revolution have been utilized to improve methods of tuition, and to reach a larger student body.

THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA The contrasts between the international higher education revolution outlined above and the characteristics of higher education contextualized by African social, economic, and political factors are extremely visible. Despite the statement – widely published in history of education scholarly publications (e.g., cf. Boyd & King, 1975, pp. 137–145) and generally undisputed – that the three oldest universities in the world are the Universities of Paris (founded in 1080), the University of Bologna (founded in 1158) and the University of Salerno (1224); there is a claim (which could be substantiated verse and chapter) that the University of Karouine in Fez in Morocco (i.e., in Africa), which was founded in 859, is the oldest still functioning university in the world. These differences in opinion might be a

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matter of a dispute as to the definition of a university, or as has been commented (e.g., Burger, 2012), an indictment of how Western biased frameworks have biased what goes through as the existing corpus of established knowledge. Nonetheless, universities as a feature on the African (physical and intellectual) landscape is a very recent phenomenon, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. Even in parts of sub-Saharan Africa which had during the colonial era a substantial white population (i.e., people of European descent), universities date, at most from the late 19th century (e.g., South Africa) – in Rhodesia, Angola, and Mozambique (colonies with established communities of European descent) universities dated from respectively 1955, 1970, and 1970. Right into the second half of the 20th century the number of universities for black Africans in sub-Saharan Africa could be counted on the fingers of one hand: the University of Makerere, the University of Fort Hare, and the University of Cape Coast. In most African states the first university was established only around the time of independence. For example, the University of Zambia commenced in 1967 (Zambia became independent in 1964). In the 1990s, the typical situation in Africa was ‘‘one country, one university.’’ It was only with the liberalization of the economy and the downscaling of the state from the 1990s, that the number of universities mushroomed. A private university sector came into being, especially when religious organizations were allowed to supply higher education. In this volume, for example, the course of this process in Tanzania is described in the chapter written by Ross J. Benbow.

THE STATUS OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA Despite the increase in the number of universities in Africa since the 1990s, the continent remains seriously undersupplied in terms of higher education. As Table 1 demonstrates, not only are higher education enrollment levels in Africa lower than anywhere else in the world, they are increasingly falling behind over time. Besides low enrollment levels, higher education in Africa is beset by a number of other problems. Enrollment levels are not only low, but access to higher education is extremely unequal, along the dimensions of geography, ethnicity, race, gender, and socioeconomic descent. Universities are poorly connected with the international scholarly community (i.e., internationalization is low) and given the distances and lack of ICT infrastructure, links between African universities are rather weak. Universities are still based on the model of universities in the former colonial

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Table 1.

The Worldwide Growth in Higher Education Enrollment Levels (Enrollments per 100,000 Population).

Year Region Industrialized West Eastern Europe Central and South America Asia Middle East Sub-Saharan Africa

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

50 50 30 30 25 1

140 110 55 60 50 1

170 140 150 70 80 5

320 200 210 120 150 25

340 330 250 210 250 40

Source: Meyer (2012).

mother countries, and as such universities tend to be cut off from indigenous African society and communities. Infrastructure is poor, and even basic facilities (such as well stocked libraries) are often lacking. Study programs are quite traditional, dominated by lectures. In fact, there is a heavy reliance on lectures, which does not encourage independent and critical student thinking; ‘‘passive’’ class hours are the order of the day. An example of all these problems can be found in the case of the University of Swaziland, described in a World Bank (2010) study of education in Swaziland. Other problems related to higher education in Africa relate to the connections between higher education and labor market participation. The world of education and the world of work are not in tandem, and schooled unemployment is a growing problem. That the revolution of growing expectations come into play here can be seen in the case of the Saharan African countries, where the rate of unemployment among tertiary education graduates is twice as high as among the aggregate population (Moreno, 2012). Finally there is the problem of the brain drain, of the best graduates being lured away from Africa to the greener pastures in the North (cf. Gwaradzimba & Shumba, 2010). In the next chapter, ‘‘An Overview of African Higher Education and Development,’’ Christopher S. Collins gives a comprehensive overview of the higher education sector in Africa. The main phases in the historical evolution of higher education in Africa: colonial, independence, a stagnation phase in the hostile structural adjustment programs era of the 1980s and 1990s, and the resuscitation of the knowledge economy phase. The major institutional types are described, as well as the output of higher education. The author identifies the following as the major challenges and opportunities facing higher education in Africa: funding amidst widespread

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poverty, access and inequality, the relation between government and universities, governance of universities and the issue of autonomy, leadership, curriculum development, ICT infrastructure, faculty development, cross-border collaboration, and the role of the university in (national) development. After this introductory overview of African Higher Education the book is divided into four parts exploring different salient aspects of the higher education project in Africa. The first part deals with the forceful current international trend of the internationalization of universities. Four chapters constitute this part of the volume. In the first chapter, ‘‘Trends in Internationalization of Higher Education and Implications for Research and Innovation for Development in African Universities,’’ Ibrahim Ogachi Ogachi Oanda portrays the international context, describing the rationales and three models (Western European, North American, nascent model of the Emerging Countries) of internationalization of universities found globally. He then interrogates these trends and the value it holds for the development of Africa. His conclusion is that the issue is no longer if internationalization is good for African universities and the challenges of development, but what forms of internationalization best serve these purposes and how can they be harnessed. One feature on the international dimension of the African higher education landscape is cross-border higher education. That is the focus of the chapter ‘‘Cross-Border Higher Education in Africa: Collaboration and Competition’’ by Jason E. Lane and Kevin Kinser. This chapter portrays the world-wide rise in cross-border higher education, and then surveys the present forms of cross-border higher education which have appeared in Africa recently: international branch campuses, governmentcontracted campuses, joint-curricular campuses, subsidiary campuses, validation campuses, research sites, extension locations, and outreach locations. The role of governments is interrogated and the shift from a Western to a Southern orientation is described, leading to the conclusion that cross-border higher education will probably increase in the future, with less of a northern hemispheric hegemony and more, in a global–local (in this case continental) dialectic mode, with Africa assuming co-ownership of the process. It is not always remembered that internationalization also entails adoption (and adaptation of) international models in the institutional fabric of higher education. With a case study of Tanzania, Ross J. Benbow describes in his chapter ‘‘‘Steering Rather than Rowing’: Internationalism, Privatization, and University Reform in Tanzania’’ how the adoption of free market policies also led to permitting private universities in Tanzania since

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1995, breaking the pattern of the ‘‘one country one university’’ that Tanzania had, like many African countries, since independence. Benbow paints a rosy picture of the meteoric rise of the private university sector in Tanzania the past two decades. By far the biggest providers of private higher education in Africa is religious organizations and in the ensuing chapter ‘‘Power of Global-Local Partnerships: An Assessment of Global, National and Local Stakeholders of Religious Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa’’ Grace Karram presents a survey of religious post-secondary education in Africa. The kinds of religious organizations involved are outlined, as are relations between religious postsecondary educational institutions and government, and between religious postsecondary educational institutions and local communities. Furthermore faculty, students and size of operations are discussed. The two biggest challenges facing these institutions are identified as that of legitimization and equity. On the other hand these institutions have the opportunity of promoting social justice and of making higher education more accessible. In the third section the focus turns to challenges facing higher education in Africa. Namibia is an extreme example of a country where education has historically been unequally mediated, along the dimensions of ethnicity/ race, socio-economic descent, gender and geography. In the chapter ‘‘In Search of Equity and Access in Higher Education in Namibia: Challenges and Achievements,’’ Kenneth Kamwi Matengu, Gilbert Likando, and Bennett Kangumu offer Namibia as an object lesson of attempts made to redress these forms of inequality in access to higher education. A second case study, the chapter ‘‘Charting Higher Education Development in Ghana: Growth, Transformations, and Challenges,’’ by Francis Atuahene illustrates, with the case of Ghana, the whole gamut of challenges facing higher education in Africa. These are access, low participation and lack of equity, funding, recruitment and retaining top-notch academic faculty, poor infrastructure, developing research, quality, and relevance of academic programs to national development. One of the dilemmas of the African university is that it is situated between the two equally strong imperatives of Africanization/indigenization and internationalization. One aspect of this is the matter of language: using the ex-colonial languages (with their international stature) as languages of learning and teaching at universities, or developing the indigenous African languages as languages of learning and teaching. In his chapter, ‘‘Language in Higher Education Transformation: Contrasts and Similarities between Two African Universities,’’ Gregory H. Kamwendo compared and contrasts the paths pursued by two universities, the University of Botswana and the University of Kwa-Zulu-Natal

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(South Africa) in this regard, and show how these divergent paths have been shaped by the complex of contextual factors extant in each case. In order to accede to the plane of a 21st century knowledge economy, that is where the production of knowledge becomes the axial driving principle of the economy, universities in Africa will have to develop the human capacity required by such an economy. In their chapter, ‘‘Knowledge Production in the Knowledge Economy: Higher Education Institutions and the Application of Innovations in ICT for Capacity Development in Africa,’’ Chijioke J. Evoh, Christopher Byalusago Mugimu, and Hopestone K. Chavule, in the cases of Kenya and Uganda, assess the capability of institutions of higher learning in Africa to contribute to the transition to the knowledge economy through the use of ICTs, and highlights some of the key constraints and emerging challenges confronting these institutions in this regard. Africa is also in relationships of collaboration with other universities in the world. In her chapter, ‘‘Challenges and experiences in doing university collaboration in North-South projects,’’ Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite surveys the involvement of the University of Oslo with universities in Tanzania, particularly with regard to the development of education, the development and delivery of a Masters degree program and the development of higher education and research capacity, in relation to environmental issues and good governance. The era of globalization and of the information-communications and transport technology revolution also mean that the imperative and attendant opportunities and advantages of cross-national mutual influencing and impacting is present in Africa. In her chapter, ‘‘Towards African Higher Education Regionalization and Harmonization: Functional, Organizational and Political Approaches,’’ Jane Knight proposes a conceptual framework for analyzing the evolving phenomenon of the regionalization of higher education and to apply it to current developments in Africa. She distinguishes between the functional, the organizational and the political approaches and applies these to the dynamics of regionalization in African higher education. Of all parts of the world, regional harmonisation and cooperation in higher education is at the most advanced stage in Western Europe, and in his chapter, ‘‘European Education Policies and the Uniformization of Higher Education in Europe: Some ‘lessons’ from the Bologna Process for Education and Teacher Education in Africa,’’ Kostantinos G. Karras investigates the Bologna Process as an object lesson for Africa. In the second half of this part, the focus then turn to Africa. In their chapter, ‘‘Policy Spaces and Educational Development in the Maghreb Region: Higher Education in Tunisia,’’ Landis G. Fryer and Tavis D. Jules

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Table 2. The Current Position of Higher Education in Africa. Societal Trends

Effect on Higher Education

1. Geography 1.1 Large tract of land

A. Historical Evolution A1. Late development (1.1, 1.2, 4.1, 5.1) A2. Take-after independence (5.2)

1.2 Isolated, peripheral (to world spatial economy and power-geography) 1.3 Rich in resources

2. Demography 2.1 Swift growth recently, demographic mass of 1 billion 2.2 Young age profile 3. Social 3.1 Widespread poverty 4. Economy 4.1 Poor economic preformance 1960s, 1970s, 1980s (5.3) 4.2 Spectacular economic growth since 1990 4.3 Resources bode well for future development (1.3) 5. Politics 5.1 Colonial history 5.2 Independence euphoria 1960 5.3 Instability first decades after independence 5.4 Since 1990 pacification 5.5 Since 1990 liberal democratization 6. Globalization

A3. Stagnation in 1970s and 1980s (4.1, 5.3) A4. Explosive growth since 1990 (4.2, 5.4, 5.5) A5. Imperative for further expansion (2.1, 2.2, 4.2, 6)

B. Challenges B1. Poor infrastructure (4.1, A4) B2. B3. B4. B5.

Inequality (3.1, 4.1) Low participation (3.1, A1) Quality (1.2, 3.1, B1) Internationalization (6)

Numbers in brackets refer to causes as numbered in table.

portray the history of higher education policy in Tunisia, from an inwardorientation to embracing the global world. The Association of African Universities (AAU), incepted in 1967, is an organeffecting networking between universities and these bodies in the pursuit of improving teaching, research, and service. In her chapter, ‘‘Rethinking Agency in University Development: The case of the Association of African Universities,’’ Anne Turner Johnson surveys the AAU and its role in the higher education project in Africa. Nigeria is Africa’s most populous state. Its 160 million population (the growth rate now slowing after decades of swift growth) also means it is the seventh most populous nation in the world. it produces 3 percent of global

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oil, and with a bourgeoining economic growth rates and political stability finally seemed to be arriving with the new government of Goodluck Jonathan, the country seems set to jet into the status of an African world power soon. But a prerequisite for this to happen is a world class higher education system for the 62 percent of the population younger than 24 years. In the final chapter of this volume, ‘‘Rethinking Higher Education Curriculum in Nigeria to Meet Global Challenges in the 21st Century,’’ Martha Nkechinyere Amadi and Perpetua Emene report on a case study assessing curricula at universities in Nigeria for the exigencies of the 21st century. They come to a negative verdict, thus again undercoring the need for a volume such as this bringing together the collective experience of higher education in Africa, as a basis for reflection, with a final ameliorative objective. The current position of higher education could schematically be portrayed as in Table 2.

OUTLOOK To summarize, Africa is fast taking its global place, which its geography and demographic weight entitles it to do. Politically and economically Africa is already a giant. But, in order to fully realize its potential in Africa, higher education must fulfill its mission. In most of Africa, that means the current, commendable, and heartening expansion of higher education should be accelerated, and the problems in and challenges related to higher education be addressed. This places a substantial assignment to the scholarly field of higher education studies to guide this process, so that informed decisions can be made. This volume presents a selection of essays on higher education in Africa, focusing on all these challenges facing higher education in Africa; with the intention that it will contribute to the scholarly discourse on the development of higher education on the African continent.

REFERENCES Altbach, P. G., Reisberg, L., & Rumbley, L. E. (2009). Trends in global higher education: Tracking an academic revolution. Paris: UNESCO. Boyd, W., & King, E. J. (1975). The history of western education. London: Adam & Charles Black. Burger, I. (2012). Ek stem saam met Jansen oor instelling. Beeld, September 15, p. 12.

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Campbell, H., & Stein, H. (1992). The dynamics of liberalization in Tanzania. In H. Campbell & H. Stein (Eds.), Tanzania and the IMF: The dynamics of liberalization. London: Earthscan Publications. Cobbett, J. (2004). Africa expected to grow 4.6 percent this year. The Citizen, October 4, p. 19. Custers, R., & Mattysen, K. (2009). Africa’s natural resources in a global context. Antwerp: IPIS. http:www.ipisresearch.be/20090812.natural_resources.pdf. Accessed on September 10, 2012. Dowden, R. (2009). Africa-altered states, ordinary miracles. Edinburgh: Portbello. Du Plessis, T. (2012). Vir wie tik die tydbom in ’12? Rapport. Weekliks, September 9, p. ii. Europa Publishers. (1997). Africa South of the Sahara. London: Hutchinson. Friedman, T. L. (2009). Hot, flat and crowded: Why the world needs a green revolution – And how we can renew our global future. London: Penguin. Fukuyama, F. (2004). State building: Governance and the world order in the twenty-first century. London: Profile. Gibbons, M. (2003). Innovation and the developing system of knowledge production. http:eprost.sfu.ca/summer/papers/Michael.Gibbon.htm. Accessed on July 15, 2009. Guest, R. (2005). The shackled continent: Africa’s past, present and future. London: Pan Books. Gwaradzimba, E., & Shumba, A. (2010). The nature, extent and impact of the brain drain in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Acta Academic, 42(1), 209–241. Kennedy, P. (1993). Preparing for the twenty-first Century. London: Falmer Press. Mahajan, V. (2009). Africa Rising: How 900 million African consumers offer more than you can think. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Meredith, M. (2005). The State of Africa: A history of fifty years of independence. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. Meyer, J. W. (2012). Effects of the global expansion of education. Paper presented at the 2012 Annual Conference of CIES, Comparative and International Education Society, 22–26 April, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Meyer, J. W. (2012). The worldwide educational revolution. Paper presented at the 2012 Conference of CIES, Comparative and International Education Society, 22–26 April, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Mills, G. (2010). Why Africa is poor: And what Africa can do about it. Johannesburg: Penguin South Africa. Mills, G., & Herbst, J. (2012). Africa’s Third Liberation. Rosebank: Penguin. Moreno, J. M. (2012). Skills gap and meritocracy in the transition from education to work: The case of Middle East and North Africa. Paper presented at the 2012 Conference of CESE, Comparative Education Society in Europe, 18–21 June, Salamanca. Nation Master. (2012). Time required to start a new business. Retrieved from http://www. NationMaster.com/graph/gov_tim_req_to_sta_a_bus_day_time_required_stat_busin ess_days Accessed on June 29, 2012. Nkrumah, K. (1963). Africa must unite. New York, NY: New World Paperback. Pang, N. S. (2013). Globalization in one world: Impacts on education in different nations. In N. Popov, C. Wolhuter, P. A. Almeida, G. Hilton, J. Ogunleye & O. Chigisheva (Eds.), Education in one world: Perspectives from different nations (Vol. 11, pp. 17–27). Sofia: Bulgarian Comparative Education Society. Perry, A. (2010). China’s new contitnent. Time, July 5, pp. 45–48.

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Steyn, H. J., & Wolhuter, C. C. (2008). The education system and probable societal trends of the twenty-first century. In H. J. Steyn & C. C. Wolhuter (Eds.), Education systems: Challenges of the 21st century (pp. 1–34). Noordbrug: Keurkopie. Wolhuter, C. C. (2011). Die weˆreldrevolusie in die hoe¨r onderwys en die verrekening daarvan binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Litnet Akademies, 8(3), 95–121. Wolhuter, C. C. (2012). Weˆreldklasuniversiteit in Suid-Afrika: ideaal, wenslik, haalbaar, werklikheid, hersenskim? LitNet Akademies, 9(2), 284–308. Wolhuter, C. C. (2013). Education in Africa for the twenty-first century. Paper presented at the Regional Conference of SACHES, Southern African Comparative and History of Education Society, 11–13 July, University of Namibia, Rundu. Wolhuter, C. C., Higgs, P., Higgs, L. G., & Ntshoe, I. (2010). How affluent is the South African higher education sector and how strong is the academic profession in the changing international academic landscape? South African Journal of Higher Education, 24(1), 196–213. World Bank. (2010). The education system in Swaziland: Training and skills development for shared growth and competitiveness. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Bank. (2012). 2012 World Development Indicators. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Economic Forum. (2012). The global competitiveness report 2011–2012. Geneva: The World Economic Forum.

AN OVERVIEW OF AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT Christopher S. Collins ABSTRACT The African continent is filled with a textured history, vast resources, and immense opportunity. The landscape of higher education on such a diverse continent is extensive and complex. In this review of the landscape, four primary topics are evaluated. The historical context is the foundational heading, which briefly covers the evolution from colonization to independence and the knowledge economy. The second main heading builds upon the historical context to provide an overview of the numerous components of higher education, including language diversity, institutional type, and access to education. A third section outlines key challenges and opportunities including finance, governance, organizational effectiveness, and the academic core. Each of these challenges and opportunities is interconnected and moves from external influences (e.g., fiscal and political climate) to internal influences (e.g., administrative leadership and faculty roles). The last layer of the landscape focuses on leveraging higher education in Africa for social and economic progress and development. Shaping a higher education system around principles of

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 21–65 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021005

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the public good and generating social benefits is important for including postsecondary institutions in a development strategy.

The University must become a primary tool for Africa’s development in the new century. – Kofi Annan

INTRODUCTION Sub-Saharan Africa hosts about 740 million people, 200 public universities, over 100 private universities (the number is rapidly increasing), and the number of students enrolled in higher education as a portion of the available postsecondary population is the lowest in the world (about 5 percent) (Materu, 2007). Annually, global spending on higher education amounts to about US $300 billion, or 1 percent of total global economic output. In Africa, higher education spending typically amounts to US $4–5 billion a year, about .78 percent of its economic output (World Bank, 2010a). In comparison, the world’s wealthiest universities have endowments that are larger than the yearly spending on higher education across the entire continent of Africa. Furthermore, several wealthy universities spend more in one year than entire countries in Africa, where the bulk of funding for higher education is generated from state resources. In a review of funding in Africa over a 15-year period, the World Bank (2010a) reports that the number of higher education students increased by an average of 16 percent per year, climbing from 2.7 million in 1991 to 9.3 million in 2006. Despite the dramatic increase in students, public funding for higher education increased at 6 percent annually. Although enrollment growth in Sub-Saharan Africa has been dramatic, still only 5 percent of the relevant age group attends a college or university, much lower than the world average of 25 percent. The combination of growth in enrollment and stagnant funding levels is more acute in poorer countries in Africa, where during the same period of time the total number of students quadrupled but funding only increased by a mere 75 percent. By 2015, forecasts predict there will be between 18 and 20 million higher education students, requiring at least twice the number of educators (or twice the capacity) that were in the system in 2006. Economic, cultural, and political progress can be bolstered by a strong postsecondary sector, making academic institutions central to the future.

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By international standards, Africa is the least developed region of higher education, in terms of institutions and enrollments. However, due to its tremendous diversity, generalization across the continent is difficult. At present, about 1,200 languages are spoken in sub-Saharan Africa alone. Nigeria, the most populated country in Africa, reports to have a least 400 languages; Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Zambia have 120, 99, and 70 languages, respectively (Teferra, 2003a). More than half a dozen languages are currently in use in African higher education (AHE) institutions: Afrikaans, Arabic, English, French, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish. With the exception of Arabic, no native language is used as an instructional medium in African higher learning institutions. Furthermore, there are notable distinctions between the Francophone and Anglophone institutions. The following review covers key aspects of higher education in Africa; the historical context, components of AHE, challenges and opportunities, and the role of higher education in development. There is tension between the recognition that (a) higher education is valuable for development, (b) limited funding linked to limited understanding about the potential benefits for investing in higher education, and (c) limited additional revenue based on austere financial environments and no added tax base (this may be changing due to economic growth in some countries Africa). This review explores many questions and concerns as a broad background on the intersecting mosaic of diverse higher education systems with divisions along language lines, structure, variety of study programs, and qualifications. The diverse array of topics covered builds a background for understanding the past and potential future role of higher education as a development strategy. Research on the postsecondary educational environment often presents findings on a narrow or focused topic in order to provide some level of depth. The following depiction of the landscape of higher education in Africa is broad in order to view the many complex components in a limited space. The benefit of reviewing an immense landscape in breadth (as opposed to depth) is to see the various evolving components, their interlocking effects, and the cumulative impact on any single issue. For example, a focus on finance and access in AHE may need to be mediated through historical contexts, geographic boundaries, technological development, and organizational effectiveness. The utility of seeing a broad landscape is to consider many components and their compounding effects on a more in-depth analysis of a single issue. The landscape scaffolds through four main headings, which are supported by numerous subheadings. The historical context is the foundational heading, which briefly covers the evolution from colonization to independence and

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the knowledge economy. The second main heading builds upon the historical context to provide an overview of the numerous components of higher education. Several broad components covered in this section include language diversity, institutional type, and access to education. The final factor covered in this section is called ‘‘outputs’’ and focuses on graduates and knowledge production/research as two primary outputs. Building upon the historical context and several broad components is a subheading that outlines key challenges and opportunities including finance, governance, organizational effectiveness, and the academic core. Each of these challenges and opportunities is interconnected and moves from external influences (e.g., fiscal and political climate) to internal influences (e.g., administrative leadership and faculty roles). The progressive layering of each influence serves to show how dependent each component is on the larger landscape. For example, the challenges related to finance in an austere climate often require greater levels of productivity and trust from university actors like administrators and faculty. Conversely, increased productivity often requires an injection of resources (both human and financial). The last layer of the scaffold and fourth main heading culminates in presenting ideas in the literature about leveraging higher education in Africa for social and economic progress and development. Higher education is not a neutral or net positive investment for any individual or group of individuals (i.e., the public). However, if the systemic and institutional purpose and function is to create and disseminate knowledge in a way that benefits society and generates returns for the public good, then higher education becomes one of the best and most strategic investments for society. Shaping a higher education system around principles of the public good and generating social benefits is important for including postsecondary institutions in a development strategy. As a result, it is becoming increasingly necessary to distinguish between institutional mission and outcomes to know where and how to invest in higher education for the public good in Africa or any other continent in the world.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT Although the history of AHE mostly stems from colonization, it is important to note that the earliest forms of higher education on the continent were the School of Holy Scriptures in Ethiopia and Al-Azhar in Egypt (Teferra, 2008). It is well documented that many people traveled to these former centers of knowledge and scholarship from all over the world.

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Although Africa can claim these centers as representative of an ancient tradition for higher education, much of what existed disappeared with colonialism. This section provides a backdrop for the literature review and includes a brief synopsis of major historical developments across the continent by dominant themes, including: colonial developments, independence, human capital investment, development universities, divestment in higher education (in lieu of a focus on primary education), and the more recent focus on the knowledge economy. Colonial Developments The impact of global developments on higher education in Africa cannot be understood without first considering the historical context. Modern higher education in most of Africa came about with the establishment of branch universities in former British colonies, while others (Belgium, France, Spain, Portugal) did not do much in terms of higher education (Sehoole, 2008). The Asquith Commission, appointed by the British government in 1943, examined the status of higher education and recommended establishing universities based on the English model: fully residential, multi-faculty centers of research, self-governing, and whose students would meet the same requirements and standards as British universities. This particular recommendation was aligned with already established practice in many colonies. As a result, the first higher education institution in Nigeria (Yaba College) was established in 1934 by the British colonial authorities, and the first degree-granting institution, the University of Ibadan, was established in 1948 as a branch of the University College of London. However, colonial authorities feared widespread access to higher education. They were interested in training limited numbers of African nationals to assist in administering the colonies. Some colonial powers, notably the Belgians, even prohibited higher education in their colonies. Other barriers to expansion and access included the language of instruction being limited to the language of the colonizer, limits on academic freedom, and ethnocentric curriculum that mirrored that of the colonial administration. The legacy of colonialism remains as an essential factor in the state of AHE. Independence Although ties to former colonizers remain strong, independence has been the national reality for most of Africa for five decades. A World Bank (1991)

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study reports that at independence, less than one quarter of all professional civil service posts were held by Africans, trade and industry throughout the continent was primarily foreign-owned, and only 3 percent of high school age students received a secondary education. Following independence, ‘‘universities in Africa were expected to be key contributors to the human resource needs of the countries in which they were located’’ (Cloete, Bailey & Maassen 2011, p. 2). A focus on the development of human resources for the civil service and the public professions was designed to address shortages that were a result of the gross underdevelopment of universities under colonialism and the departure of colonial administrators and professionals following independence. Development Universities During the spread of independence, 1960 was considered to be a landmark year and the beginning of a development decade. In September 1962, UNESCO hosted a conference on the ‘‘Development of Higher Education in Africa.’’ A decade later, in July 1972, the Association of African Universities (AAU) held a workshop in Accra that focused on ‘‘the role of the university in development’’ (Yesufu, 1973). The importance of the university in newly independent African countries was underscored by the now-famous ‘‘Accra declaration’’ that required all universities to be ‘‘development universities’’ (Yesufu, 1973). Participants agreed that this was such an important task that it was also the responsibility of governments to steer universities in the development direction. However, without a strong and coherent model, little was done to promote the development role of universities. Higher education continued to become contested space where inadequate funding, political struggles, and lack of delivery emerged as major challenges. Divestment in Higher Education Unlike China and India where higher education was emphasized simultaneously with primary and secondary education, the earlier World Bank strategy in Africa began to decouple universities from development (Cloete et al., 2011; Collins, 2011). In the 1980s, there was an emphasis on Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), which used loan conditions to promote privatization and the reduction of public expenditures. SAP loans utilized stringent conditions to move developing economies in a desirable direction (i.e., reducing public expenditures like health and education). At the same time, a rate of return (ROR) analysis was employed to measure the impact of education. Psacharopoulos (1981, 1987, 1988), an economist for

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the World Bank, found that primary education had a better ROR for a developing government’s investment. As a result, primary education received the majority of funding and attention. On the other hand, higher education was characterized as a personal responsibility and considered only to be beneficial to the individual student, which substantiated a required reduction in state support. Neglect of higher education led to the disestablishment of research centers, medical schools, agricultural centers, technological development, business training centers, and even vocational schools. Although these types of knowledge centers have been central to the development of other countries, they were severely hampered in Africa until the late 1990s and into the 2000s when higher education began to emerge as a viable strategy once again. Since 2000, the higher education sector has received elevated attention and funding as a development strategy. The increased support for higher education has, in effect, served as a reversal of the previous position. Not only has funding increased, but consecutive documents highlighting the role and importance of higher education demonstrate an important shift in policy and practice (TFHES, 2000; World Bank, 2002).

Knowledge Economy Yusuf (2007) argues that ‘‘most of the technological advances that have economic consequences can be traced indirectly or directly to universities, either through the training provided, the knowledge spillovers, or the actual research conducted’’ (p. 9). Major segments of national economies have shifted from being industrial-based to knowledge-based, as driven by scientific and technological advances, and especially in wealthy countries such as Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States, among others. The industrial-based economy has not disappeared, but a new form of the global economy, which more often assumes a dominant position, has emerged. To a large extent, the knowledge-based economy reflects the growing power of computerized, network-based processes connected to the production and management of information and/or knowledge. An emerging group of descriptors have come to represent this worldwide transformation, including expressions such as ‘‘new economy,’’ ‘‘information age,’’ and ‘‘knowledge society’’ (Carnoy, Castells, Cohen, & Cardoso, 1993; Castells, 1994; Peters & Besley, 2006; World Bank, 2002). This global economic transformation is closely tied to changes in the university, whereby science and technology, along with research and development, assume central importance.

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COMPONENTS OF AHE Language Systems Francophone higher education developed quite differently from the Britishled universities. The French government, unlike the British, left an absence of higher education institutions in their colonies due to a poorly developed lower-level system. The French also held the belief that higher education was best provided by France for a few elite Africans who qualified (Ajayi, Goma, & Johnson, 1996). Even the African elites were concerned that local institutions would be inferior. As a result, only a handful of higher education institutions existed in French colonies prior to 1950. As the French became more aware of higher education responsibilities, institutions began to develop with assimilationist policies and little autonomy. Even after independence, universities in former French colonies continued to maintain strong administrative links with French universities (Ashby, 1966). Portugal’s colonial higher education policy mirrored that of the French, reserving higher education for the elite few to maintain authenticity (Kitchen, 1962). Although Portugal had been in Africa longer than other colonizers, their education record was abysmal. No form of higher education existed in Lusophone Africa until the early 1960s, leaving a negative impact on educational development. Today, the discrepancies in higher education between Anglophone and Francophone countries continue. Francophone countries have made higher education a lower budget priority. The spending as a percentage of GDP is significantly lower (2.7 percent, as compared to 4.5 percent), while the enrollment ratio is almost double in Anglophone countries (Broussard & Dakar, 2008). One other major difference is open access and generous subsidies (e.g., food, lodging scholarships).

Institutional Type In higher education, there is great variety in institutional type (e.g., universities, teaching-focused colleges, business schools, academies, and polytechnic colleges) and sectors (public, private–nonprofit, private–for profit, and mixed). Some non-public institutions are even identified as ‘‘governmental’’ and ‘‘semi-governmental.’’ Non-public institutions are owned by associations (religious and non-religious), partnership projects, economic bodies (central bank, chamber of commerce), or a diversity of groups. For-profit

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institutions are mainly established by the private sector, although some have been established by governments. In terms of identity, the majority are national institutions, while the others are either regional, foreign or a branch of foreign universities, or co-projects. Other variations have to do with academic requirements and the predominant higher education model in place in different institutions. There is no pan-African classification system, which makes summary statements about the nature and variety of the institutions difficult. This section includes a brief review of research, teaching, and polytechnic institutions as well as public, private, religious, and distance education. Research, Teaching, and Polytechnics Research institutions are primarily the flagship national institutions that were first established in African nations. Many universities have little to no mechanisms for setting research priorities, and researchers have been carrying out their research, whether individually or collectively, primarily to meet their own particular interests and secondarily to meet the requirements of external partners with their own respective research agendas (Camara & Toure, 2010). Although there are research centers and advanced research projects, these examples are isolated (many of the research challenges are covered later in this report). Even at institutions that identify with research, there are often large teaching responsibilities with little infrastructure to support the research function. As a result, the categorization of research and teaching-focused institutions is often blurred. However, four-year institutions clearly identify themselves as teaching institutions. Polytechnics are linked to technical and vocational education and training (TVET). These institutions are focused on integration into the labor market. In 1978, a consortium called Commonwealth Association of Polytechnics in Africa (CAPA) was developed to promote the blending of technology, education, and training in postsecondary polytechnics. The polytechnic institutions are part of the British tradition more than in other colonial systems. Public, Private, Religious, and Distance Education Following the establishment of national universities, the public sector has played a dominant role in Africa. For several decades, the role of public higher education was not seriously challenged outside of SAPs in the 1980s, which reduced almost all public sector services. These institutions are publicly funded, but many are collecting revenues through student tuition

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and other forms of cost-sharing. Revenue diversification has been one response to financial austerity and economic crises. Another national strategy to cope with difficult situations in higher education delivery is the promotion of private universities. Market-friendly reforms have been introduced to create a favorable environment for the private sector. Now, the private sector is the fastest growing segment in higher education in many African countries (Varghese, 2006). These institutions have been established by foundations, for-profit agencies, and religious organizations. Although this sector is rapidly growing, it enrolls a small share of students on the continent. Private institutions can be broadly categorized between the for-profit and non-profit institutions. In general, for-profit institutions charge high fees, offer market-oriented programs, and often collaborate with foreign universities. Most of the non-profit institutions have an affiliation to Christian or Islamic institutions. Distance education is also rapidly growing and is seen as a potential solution to some access issues for students from rural areas. However, Internet connectivity is one barrier to traditional conceptions of distance education.

Access to AHE Access and inequality remain important issues within sub-Saharan AHE. On the one hand, demand for skilled professionals is on the rise; on the other, there are high levels of unemployment among college graduates. The move to increase access to higher education has created concern about both quality and sustainability. At the same time that enrollment levels are increasing, inequality in terms of gender, ethnicity, and regional and social background remains problematic (Ashcroft & Rayner, 2011). Socioeconomic Status (SES), Ethnicity, and Geographic Families with low SES, ethnic minorities, and geographically isolated areas all face similar constraints related to access to higher education. There is little data about access, and the research that is available is limited to small case studies in various countries. SES and geographic isolation are found to prevent students from completing secondary and enrolling in postsecondary education. If students overcome these barriers, retention and graduation are also difficult. In a case study on Ghana and Tanzania, Morely (2010) found that students from low socioeconomic backgrounds were underrepresented in all disciplines. Furthermore, Morely (2010) demonstrated that schemes

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to assist young people from disadvantaged backgrounds to enter higher education are not working, and that this group must be targeted more effectively. Gender Gender imbalance is a common phenomenon in educational institutions in sub-Saharan Africa. Much progress has been achieved in terms of gender balance when it comes to overall enrollment. There are, however, several outstanding issues, including enrollment in science-oriented fields (engineering, technology, math), access to leadership positions, and the campus climate. For example, in Mauritius, even though overall enrollment shows a more or less even gender distribution (47 percent female), enrollments vary by gender across disciplines, with a predominance of male students (76 percent) in the faculty of engineering and a predominance of female students (68 percent) in the faculty of social studies and humanities (Teferra & Altbach, 2003). Despite the perceived gender distribution, the persistence and retention of females represents an ongoing challenge. Moving beyond enrollment ratios, the campus climate around gender roles and ethnicity is a concern for both students and faculty. Increasing the number of students in any demographic is not enough, as women students often have higher dropout rates than men. In sub-Saharan Africa, women students will have a different experience than men or women in developed countries (Gunawarden et al., 2004). For women, cultural ties to family obligations will inherently be in tension with the desire to pursue additional education (Rihani, 2006). In addition, there are ongoing concerns about harassment, security, academic preparation, and a lack of women faculty or staff to support women students. These issues are not limited to students, but also to women managers and academics as well as in the larger society. Specific initiatives can serve to mitigate a negative campus climate. For example, Makerere University in Uganda has a gender mainstreaming initiative, which stems from the university’s strategic plan. The initiative highlights the accomplishments of women and is working to create a network and infrastructure of support. Disability Similar to the other demographic areas related to access, little is known about the state of access for students with disabilities. Categorizing disability and evaluating access is extremely difficult outside of isolated case studies. Morely (2010) showed that in Ghana and Tanzania the facilities

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and programs designed for students with disabilities did little to support the persistence of the students.

AHE Outputs Graduates: Quantity, Quality, and Relevance Estimates show that throughout the globe, postsecondary enrollments are around 150.6 million, which is a 53 percent increase since 2000 (Altbach, Reisberg, & Rumbley, 2009). Africa has seen a particularly rapid expansion of higher education. Between 1985 and 2002, the number of students enrolled in higher education increased from 800,000 to about 3 million. In the same time period, higher education enrollment in various sub-Saharan African countries grew as follows (Materu, 2007): Rwanda – 55 percent Namibia – 46 percent Uganda – 37 percent Tanzania – 32 percent Kenya – 27 percent Chad – 27 percent Botswana – 22 percent Cameroon – 22 percent Although access has increased dramatically, enrollment rates are still considered low in most sub-Saharan countries. The average rate in 2006 was 5 percent, with South Africa among the highest at 15 percent. These rates compare poorly with the average rate for Latin America and Caribbean (31 percent), Central Asia (25 percent), and East Asia and the Pacific (25 percent). Furthermore, in 2006, the average participation rate for North America and Western Europe was 70 percent (Council on Higher Education, 2009). Very little is known about the employment rates or entrepreneurialism that emerges from college graduates. Research: Publications, Patents, and Income Generation The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Science Report (UNESCO, 2005) notes, ‘‘It is now customary to affirm that knowledge, education, science, technology and innovation have become the prime drivers of progress that is itself targeting that most cherished of goals, the knowledge society’’ (pp. 2–3). Although the world

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devoted 1.7 percent of the GDP to research and development (R&D), this global statistic conceals the vast discrepancy between developed and developing countries. The majority of the world lives in developing and less-developed countries (80.6 percent of the population), where only 22.2 percent of the gross expenditure on research and development (GERD) is spent, as noted in Table 1. The report reveals similar discrepancies in scientific publications, patents, and high-tech imports, including pharmaceuticals. As a result, the report calls for developing and developed countries alike to seek a clear vision for the improvement of the various components of a strong science and technology system, primarily through universities. African universities are important knowledge capital for their nations. They are the national scholarly production centers where highly trained and educated individuals engage in intellectual pursuit. However, according to Teferra (2003b), scientists in Africa and in other developing countries ‘‘have been involved in research that already had been addressed (or was being addressed), largely due to a lack of an adequate, reliable, and regular flow of knowledge and information to guide them to the frontiers of their specialties’’ (p. 131). Supplying scientists with up-to-date information and knowledge is expensive for institutions, but not doing so may be equally as costly. Although scientific knowledge and technology produced in developed countries is useful, developing nations require the sciences and technologies to understand, replicate, and organize knowledge and technology within their own sociocultural context. The expertise required for adoption and adaptation is also a challenge. Some challenges for scientific communication include the quality of scientific journals, acquisition of journals, lack of professional technical and peer support, access to reliable internet, and bias against African science (Teferra, 2003b). The percentage of the GDP devoted to research shows the research capacity of universities in Africa as one of the weakest in the world, as measured by the level of research development (Shabani, 2008). For example, South Africa and Egypt together account for half of Africa’s scientific publications; an additional 25 percent is generated collectively by Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, and Tanzania. Most of these publications focus on agriculture and medicine (Shabani, 2006). It is also estimated that South Africa accounts for nearly two-thirds of Africa’s R&D expenditure (Shabani, 2008). As other sectors have garnered more attention (e.g., health care, basic education, and infrastructure development), funding for research in subSaharan Africa has declined significantly in recent decades (World Bank, 2010a). Inadequacy of funding limits institutions’ ability to offer incentives

18606.5

Developing countries

1.5

39.1

59.4

100

%World GDPa

686.9

4294.2

1195.1

6176.2

Population (in Millions)

Source: UNESCO Science Report (2005). a GDP – Gross domestic product. b GERD – Gross expenditure on research and development.

736.4

28256.5

Developed countries

Less-developed countries

47599.4

World

GDPa (in Billions)

11.1

69.5

19.3

100

%World GERDb

0.5

183.6

645.8

829.9

Population (in Billions)

Table 1. GDP and GERD.

0.1

22.1

77.8

100

%World GERDb

0.1

1

2.3

1.7

%GERDb/ GDPa

0.7

42.8

540.4

134.4

GERDb Per Inhabitant

34 CHRISTOPHER S. COLLINS

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or to invest in infrastructure, research facilities, and equipment, that support and enhance research capacity. Advances in research, already expensive, are becoming more costly, raising the stakes even higher for low-income countries and regions that are challenged to catch up with developed countries’ investments. For example, in 2007, US companies alone were expected to spend about US $219 billion on R&D, a 3.4 percent increase from the US $212 billion spent in 2006 (Naik, 2007). China spent US $94 billion on R&D in 2004, placing it fourth behind the United States, the European Union, and Japan (Yee, 2007). Major challenges exist in the research capacity workforce.

CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES In 2005, 1.4 billion people lived below the World Bank’s poverty line of US $1.25 per day, and approximately 2.6 billion people lived on less than US $2 per day. Between the early 1980s and 2005, the poverty rate in East Asia fell from 80 percent to 20 percent, yet sub-Saharan Africa still hovers at 50 percent (Ravallion & Chen, 2009). Sub-Saharan Africa spends about 0.78 percent of its economic output on higher education, whereas Southeast Asia spends about 1.5 percent on higher education (UNDP, 2007). The combination of limited public revenues and unmet needs in basic education, public health, welfare, and public infrastructure provides a tenuous policy and financing environment for higher education. The following sections cover the challenges and opportunities embedded in the landscape of AHE, including a review of financing, governance, leadership, organizational effectiveness, the academic core, and public engagement.

Financing of AHE Challenges in sub-Saharan Africa are characterized by: extreme poverty, inequality, poor health and nutrition, poor schools, low educational attainment, limited fiscal resources, political instability, and corruption. Challenges to higher education, in turn, are characterized by limited capacity, financial constraints and inadequate budgets, and curricula that lacks relevancy. Many countries are caught in the trap of ‘‘diverging trajectories of surging higher educational costs and revenue needs and extremely limited available public revenues’’ (Johnstone & Marcucci, 2010a, p. 261). There is, however, a mounting shift in the higher educational cost burden from

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governments and taxpayers to parents and students, which ‘‘combines economic and financial realities with the realities of politics and competing ideologies’’ (Johnstone & Marcucci, 2010a, p. 27).

Public Funds The total public budget devoted to education in Sub-Saharan Africa is 17.4 percent (2.2 percent above the world average), and for many African countries the investment in higher education ranges from 15 to 25 percent as a portion of the overall education budget (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2009). Africa has maintained this public investment in higher education over the last 15 years, allocating approximately 0.78 percent of its GDP and on average 20 percent of its current public expenditures on education to the higher education sector. However, the total number of students pursuing higher education has tripled, ‘‘climbing from 2.7 million in 1991 to 9.3 million in 2006 (an average rate of 16 percent), while public resources allocated to current expenditure in that sector only doubled (an annual average rate of 6 percent)’’ (World Bank, 2010a, p. 1). Declines in public expenditure per student can have a negative impact on the quality of education programs. Africa is the ‘‘only region in the world that has experienced a decrease in the volume of current public expenditure per student (30 percent over the last 15 years)’’ (World Bank, 2010a, p. 2). The combination of high growth in demand, a weak economic base, declining public spending per student, a major focus on primary education, and the global financial crisis may undermine economic development in many countries, resulting in greater constraints to financing sectors like higher education. In 2010, Africa’s economic growth rate was about 6 percent, better than most regions (including the United States and European Union) and higher than the world average. This is, perhaps, an indication that economic growth may be able to contribute to additional public funding for education. According to Paulsen (2001), governments have three primary functions relative to economic activity: to ensure (1) the efficient allocation of resources in the provision of goods and services in the economy, (2) the equitable distribution of the costs and benefits of economic activity, and (3) the stabilization of production, employment, and prices in the economy. In order to maintain sufficient resource allocation to higher education, the marginal benefits and marginal costs must be aligned with additional expenditures on higher education (Bowen, 1980). Economists who study

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investment in higher education have developed a set of reasons for government involvement in the market of higher education, including: socially efficient allocation of resources to investment in higher education and the equitable distribution of access, benefits, and costs related to participation postsecondary education (Paulsen, 2001). As previously noted, higher education creates public benefits, where the individual investments create additional benefits that accrue to persons other than the investor (Bowen, 1977). However, society’s preferences for public or external benefits are not evident in the marketplace without government intervention (Paulsen, 2001). Because external benefits are spread across the general population, individuals do not consider them in making their investment decisions and, consequently, underestimate the returns of benefits and invest less than a socially optimum amount of higher education. This ‘‘underinvestment in higher education’’ calls for public policy in the form of subsidies to students for institutions (Paulsen, 2001, p. 100). The concepts of a ‘‘pact’’ with society and ‘‘coordination’’ with government are key to understanding funding sources and the future of higher education support. A ‘‘pact’’ is a long-term societal commitment to and from higher education and rooted in the value placed by public authorities, organized external groups, university employees, and students (Gornitzka, Maassen, Olsen, & Stensaker, 2007, p. 284). Typically, the stronger the pact (and the appropriateness of the content of the pact) between universities, university leadership, national authorities, and society at large, the better the universities will be able to make a contribution to development and maintain commitments from government funding. Increased recognition of the widespread benefits of higher education is a critical component to encourage government funding. Budget Process Participation Another aspect of the relationship between governments and higher education institutions is the structure of the budget (or resource allocation) process. The most common approach to operational budgeting is to use previous years as a baseline and make incremental changes based on general considerations like revenues and inflation. This approach was widespread in Africa during the 1990s and continues today in Ethiopia, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and many other countries (World Bank, 2010a). As Africa is the only region in the world that has experienced a decrease in current public expenditure per student, Mingat, Ledoux, and Rakotomalala (2009) suggest that countries with the lowest levels of spending per student probably provide inadequate funds to assure

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educational quality, but those with the highest levels may face challenges of inefficiency. A more infrequent method to budget calculation integrates output measures into the formula. Commonly used indicators include the number of graduates, minority women, or regionally disadvantaged students who are admitted, and research productivity. The indicators should be connected to both public policy objectives and institutional needs. This budgeting method can include incentives for institutional improvement, in lieu of reinforcing the traditional incremental approach to budget management (Salmi & Hauptman, 2006). According to a World Bank (2010a) publication, African governments should consider the following: adopting performance-based budget allocations in place of historically determined allocations, strategically managing increased enrollment growth, and incorporating cost-sharing into funding strategies. Student Financial Aid In the early decades of public higher education, student financial aid was not a consideration. Tuition and other expenses like housing, transportation, and food was covered through universal financial assistance. Although this is still true for Francophone countries, Anglophone countries are beginning to apply targeted assistance (World Bank, 2010a). Targeted assistance often accompanies student loan schemes (discussed in the following section) and must apply means testing, or the ability to measure the ability of a family to pay tuition fees. Because financial assistance, including loans, is so extremely limited in Africa, it is imperative that it be targeted upon those for whom the aid will make a difference in the ability to access the university. As African countries turn increasingly toward tuition fees, the effective targeting of financial assistance becomes all the more critical: [I]n many African countries incomes are not only low but are also frequently hidden or partly ‘‘in kind.’’ Assets – whether in the form of homes, farms, livestock, or small businesses – are often both minimal and extremely illiquid. These conditions limit the possible cash contributions toward the higher education and thus call for greater subsidies; but they also make it especially difficult to measure and to verify these entitlements. Therefore, many developing countries are complementing measures or estimates of income and assets with so-called categorical indicators of need, such as race/tribe/ethnicity, parents’ education, region of the country, type of employment, secondary school attendance, possession of an automobile or access to a car driver, and the like, all of which tend to be more readily observable and difficult to hide than conventional measures of incomes or assets. Such indictors can either help to confirm reports of income and/or assets – or signal underreporting of the same. (Tekleselassie & Johnstone, 2004, p. 135)

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Cost-Sharing In light of the increasing demand, cost, and importance of higher education, nongovernmental revenues (like tuition) are another important component for potential growth. According to Johnstone and Marcucci (2010a), ‘‘The most efficient and robust revenue stream – that is potentially sizable, continuous, and least likely to divert the faculty from their mission of instruction – comes from a parent and/or student, via tuition and other fees’’ (pp. 44–45). This perspective is referred to as cost sharing, where the cost of higher education can be shared, thereby reducing the burden on one party by shifting the burden to multiple parties. Different forms of cost sharing are being implemented in most African countries. As of 2009, at least 26 countries in Africa charge either tuition fees or other types of fees (e.g., examination fees, registration fees, identity card fees, library fees) that generate about 30 percent of higher education income (ranging from less than 5 percent in Madagascar and Zimbabwe to 56 percent in Uganda and 75 percent in Guinea-Bissau) (World Bank, 2010a). Sharing costs of higher education can be politically difficult in situations where students had previously been able to study for free (i.e., taxpayer supported) and consider the expectation of free tuition to be an entitlement. According to Johnstone and Marcucci (2010a), entitlements are indicative of an ideology that stems from the view that society is the major beneficiary of higher education and therefore ought to override the high private benefits gained by graduates and their families. Other opposition emerges from academic leaders who assert that higher education is better when isolated from commercialization and market forces. A dual fee track, as in Makerere University in Uganda, can serve as a substantial revenue source to supplement limited governmental funds. A dual track tuition fee policy may be the most technically and politically feasible method to implement tuition fees wherein students on one track pay fees and students on the other track are sponsored by the government. Family income, region, and course of study combine to form the basis for government funding. In terms of student loans, Kenya may have one of the most functional schemes in sub-Saharan Africa. As of 2009, the system appeared to enhance accessibility and contribute a real source of revenue to supplement governmental and parent family revenue. However, there are large numbers of individuals who cannot afford the fees and this dual track method can potentially create inequity if not applied appropriately. Finally, the rejection of cost sharing altogether in low-income countries such as Nigeria, where middle and upper class students can afford tuition fees, is considered a waste of potential revenue (Johnstone & Marcucci, 2010a).

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Johnstone and Marcucci (2010a, 2010b) cite three reasons for failure especially in African student loan schemes: (1) poor design due to incorporating a greatly subsidized interest rate resulting in large losses of money (i.e., the present discounted value of the repayments would fall far short of the amounts lent); (2) poor collections, attributable not just to the naturally high default rates of all student loans everywhere, but to the absence of sufficient electronic record keeping, the absence of a credit culture, the fact that so many African university graduates work out-of the country of their education and initial residence, a failure to work with the universities in preparing borrowers for their future obligations, and the tendency of African governments to fear student reaction against cost-sharing and therefore to hide the fact that repayment will be expected; and (3) failure to tap the private capital market meaning that all lending comes from the government’s annual operating budget and must therefore compete with every other claim on the budget (e.g., schools, universities, safety nets, debt service, public health), rather than being treated as assets with only the discounted present value of losses and subsidies having to be expensed. Perspectives and policies about cost sharing suggest a need for a governmentally sponsored student loan system. To supplement revenue from parents and taxpayers, borrowing should provide a substantial amount of money in support of higher education. Student loans are operating in at least 13 African countries, but in order for student loans to be effective and sustainable, cost recovery is a significant challenge in most countries (World Bank, 2010a). Student loans can, in theory, allow for increases in cost and subsequently lower governmental subsidization. This shift fits within the cost sharing perspective by allowing government funding to be redirected to targeted students and reducing higher education reliance on taxpayer support. However, means testing also presents difficulty in instituting and maintaining student loan programs. Another issue is developing the infrastructure to implement the loans and recover the costs. One of the ongoing challenges to cost-sharing is accessibility to higher education. If poor students cannot access higher education, development gains will be limited. Donor Aid The story of donor assistance to AHE is characterized by lack of coordination and resources and commitments that wax and wane. The fluctuation is typically determined by factors like development ideology, the perceived role of education, the geopolitical state in Africa, and overall aid budgets in richer countries. Aid for education increased following the

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human capital revolution and gained momentum through the 1970s. Although Africa has been and remains, by far, the poorest continent, it has struggled to claim a good share of development aid. The African continent received about 10 percent of total foreign aid to less developed countries in 1974, 16–20 percent in the 1980s, and about 30 percent in the 1990s (Ilon, 2003). Early funding came from USAID, the British InterUniversity Council for higher education overseas, France, the Soviet Union, and four major philanthropic organizations (Ford, Rockefeller, Kellogg, and Carnegie foundations). At present, the World Bank has emerged as the most important agency shaping the policies of higher education in Africa. The influence of the Bank emerges from large levels of funding, but also because of policies emerging from ROR studies. Leslie (1990) emphasized, ‘‘over the past 30 years, studies of rates of return (ROR) to higher education probably have impacted higher education financing policy more than any other information produced by researchers.’’ ROR studies showed that primary education had a higher individual ROR than higher education, resulting in widespread disinvestment in postsecondary budgets. This hard and fast rule of ROR has been retracted (Collins, 2011; World Bank, 2002), but the policies and attitudes of key aid/loan administrators that emerged from such studies still impact the viability and strength of institutions today. The greatest effort at showing the social rates of return and public benefits result from higher education is the work of McMahon (2009) in the United States and Bloom, Canning, and Chan (2006) whose study of Africa found that tertiary education’s effect on technological catch-up and increased economic productivity may, overtime, result in a boost to incomes of 12 percent for each one-year increase in tertiary education stock. These benefits can give countries the local knowledge resources and leadership skills needed to adopt and adapt new technologies; relevant design education systems; manage the spread of infectious disease; and find ways to ensure that global integration contributes to social goals such as poverty reduction. These benefits are discussed further in the section on the role of higher education in development. Development aid to higher education in Africa has increased since the year 2000. Despite the increase, there are widely different approaches to development aid with little shared understanding about the links between education and development. There is also a lack of clarity and congruence between donor interests and governmental priorities. However, the needs are immense, as noted by the World Bank (2010a) report. Between 2002 and 2006, external donors allocated an average of US $3.3 billion each year to higher education worldwide. Of this funding, 18 percent, or about

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US $600 million was allocated to sub-Saharan African countries (World Bank, 2010a, p. 95). This low share reflects the continued emphasis on the development of basic education and the achievement of Education for All (a program focused on comprehensive primary education. In addition to the small amounts, two main factors limit the impact of aid: (1) only 26 percent of aid to higher education goes directly to African universities and research centers (the remainder is provided through scholarships abroad), and (2) aid is highly fragmented, owing partly to the lack of donor coordination (Cloete et al., 2011; World Bank, 2010a). Although aid is important, the national treasury is the major source of funds for higher education in many African countries. With a few exceptions, foreign funding is a very small portion of total education spending. Teferra (2008) cautions against aid dependence which fosters the idea that improvement and change require external support, advice, and personnel.

Governance and Legal Frameworks Governance at the system level for higher education in Africa is an important focus because most students attend publicly funded institutions. Privately funded institutions, although serving a smaller population, are also affected by system governance. Highly centralized legal frameworks can make it difficult for educational institutions to be responsive to changes in the labor market and economic development. However, in systems with loose oversight, there is more room for low-quality education with minimal return to the investment of students and the public. Legal environments also vary widely in Africa. For example, Angola, South Africa, Guinea, and Liberia all provide legal autonomy in decision-making (Bloom et al., 2006). In addition, out of 49 sub-Saharan countries surveyed, half of these countries either had no legal framework for tertiary education at all or one that was at least two decades old (Saint, Lao, & Materu, 2009). Although these trends apply to many public institutions, private higher education struggles with a different set of legal challenges. Some regulatory barriers include: unclear national policies concerning the role of the private sector in the education system, complex registration processes, unclear and subjective criteria and standards to qualify for registration, outdated criteria for accreditation, and limits on the ability of private education institutions to set fees at market rates (Fielden & LaRocue, 2008). Unsuitable governance over the education system and outdated institutional management methods can prevent institutions from fulfilling

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their mission. In 2009, a Pan-African Institute of University Governance was launched. The institute’s purpose is to modernize governance in its university systems and institutions through establishment of expert assessments, training modules, seminars, workshops, and specific tools for management, analysis, and evaluation. This institute takes a multilevel approach to governance: Two approaches shall enable us to tackle the problems of higher education institutions’ governance in Africa. The first one is current. It consists of rationalizing, valorizing and modernizing both the university foundations and their various systems of functioning. It supposes to put on better the whole university structure: better management, transparency in the decision-making and the participation of all actors in the decisionmaking. The second approach of governance fundamentally questions the efficiency of the systems of functioning of universities, too much centered on the hierarchical authority of the State, and on that of the university and academic administration, whether it is to define the financing, programs, the qualifications and even the courses of training. The governance of higher education will succeed only if it allows creating a common space of meeting between the actors: political, socioeconomic, students, teaching and civil society. (Pan-African Institute of University Governance (PAIUG), 2009)

The following sections address key aspects of higher education governance, including autonomy and accountability (quality assurance (QA) and accreditation). Autonomy The combination of autonomy and accountability is a key principle in recent postsecondary education reforms (Fielden, 2008). International trends between university and governments include:       

withdrawal of the state from institutional control creation of system oversight for finances provisions for sector-wide services adoption of funding models to give institutions greater flexibility encouragement to develop new sources of income establishment of external agencies to monitor educational quality affirmation of governing boards as the institution’s highest decisionmaking body  gradual withdrawal of the state from direct decision-making  appointment of university governing board members and chief executives. In the midst of trends toward greater autonomy, there are several mechanisms for ensuring accountability, including: accreditation, strategic planning (with measurements of goals in the plan), stakeholder representation,

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auditing (both financial and quality), reporting, and performance-based funding (Saint et al., 2009). The history of AHE has been characterized by strong government controls. Newer legal frameworks for higher education in sub-Saharan Africa are beginning to reflect the international trends of autonomy and increased accountability. Whereas the head of state commonly served as the chancellor of each public university, this has become less and less common. The practice of direct appointment of the chancellor by the head of state or prime minister is also becoming less frequent. Increased institutional autonomy provides an increased ability to implement significant changes in resource mobilization, allocation, and utilization depends on the existence of favorable governance arrangements (World Bank, 2010a). Quality Assurance The term world-class university has become a popular catchphrase used to demonstrate an institution is in the global marketplace of higher education. This type of university is typically described as including: highly qualified faculty, excellence in research, quality teaching, high levels of government and nongovernment sources of funding, international and highly talented students, academic freedom, a well-defined autonomous governance structure, and well-equipped facilities for teaching, research, administration, and student life (Salmi, 2009). The concept of quality is hard to define, especially in higher education where there are a variety of institution types and missions. A statement about quality implies a measure against a common standard, and in higher education this standard does not exist. However, there is increasing interest in finding a standard for quality. For example, in 2006 alone, at least seven international conferences on QA and accreditation were organized to evaluate existing policies and practices and to develop plans for improving the overall quality of higher education (Shabani, 2008). Several factors pose great challenges to the quality of higher education in Africa, including: rapidly rising enrollments, insufficient numbers of qualified academic staff, brain drain, retirements, HIV/AIDS, lack of efficiency, and poor governance. According to Materu (2007), quality refers to an institution’s ability to fulfill its purpose and conform to generally accepted standards as defined by an institution, QA bodies, and/or appropriate academic and professional communities. In a study on QA in 52 countries of sub-Saharan Africa, Materu (2007) found that structured processes in higher education at the national level are a very recent phenomenon in most African countries. Currently, 16 countries have functioning national QA agencies

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whose purpose, historically, has been regulation of the sector rather than enhancing accountability and quality improvement. There are challenges to developing national QA agencies, the foremost being technical capacity (i.e., trained and credible staff at agencies and academic staff at higher education institutions who support internal quality systems). Program accreditation is also labor-intensive and costly. The estimated total annual cost for a national QA agency in five countries varies from US $200,000 in Cameroon to US $2.3 million in South Africa (Materu, 2007). Funding personnel for effective QA system at the institutional and national levels represents the majority of the cost. Finally, the effectiveness of QA processes depends on the ability to impose sanctions, as incentives for compliance have not garnered much change. Although little is known about the impact of QA on the actual quality of graduates, employer attitudes toward graduates, and research outputs of tertiary institutions, it is rapidly growing in Africa and around the globe. Individual countries have been developing national QA agencies over the last decade. For example, in 2009, the African Association of Universities launched the African Quality Assurance Network (AfriQAN) to provide assistance to institutions concerned with QA in higher education in Africa. A constitution was formulated and subsequently endorsed during the first AfriQAN Annual General Meeting held in Accra, Ghana in November 2009. In April 2010, AfriQAN was formally registered in Ghana as a legal entity, with the Secretariat being temporarily hosted at the AAU in Accra, Ghana. Knowledge sharing on QA experiences among African countries and other regions of the world may also be useful. The value of cross-border collaboration and QA is gaining recognition both globally and in Africa with many potential benefits including: mutual recognition of accredited status, recognition of degrees, mobility of students and faculty, cooperation for peer reviewers and external examiners, and regional accreditation (Materu, 2007). However, there is also some skepticism about utilizing processes that have been implemented around the globe. For example, there is resistance to European countries trying to extend the Bologna process to Africa; the promotion of the European system of higher education is seen as a subtle form of recolonization (Obasi & Olutayo, 2009). Given the strain from skilled workers immigrating to other countries, improving the quality of tertiary education through accreditation in Africa would likely enhance appeal that would increase the number of qualified students that study in their home country institutions. This would help increase the availability of highly skilled human capacity.

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Cross-Border Collaboration African scholars have noted feelings of academic isolation. To eliminate problems of isolation, dependable ICT access for the marginalized academic and research communities is essential. Unfortunately, providing such access presents large obstacles. Due to the lack of funding, equipment, and qualified academic staff and researchers, several African countries have difficulty affording academic and research programs. It is widely agreed that one strategy by which to approach this challenge is to ‘‘develop effective frameworks that will facilitate mutual recognition of degrees and therefore help to promote academic mobility’’ (Shabani, 2008, p. 483). Mutual recognition is an agreement between countries or institutions to allow credits and degrees to function with equal levels. Academic mobility is prominently featured in the ‘‘Action Plan of the Second Decade of Education for Africa.’’1 It is anticipated that academic mobility in Africa will be achieved through several major strategies, including the revision and implementation of the Arusha Convention2 on the recognition of qualifications and the African Union Higher Education Harmonization Strategy (African Union, 2006).

Leadership and Organizational Effectiveness Leadership and organizational effectiveness are two components that can contribute to the increased productivity, relevance, and quality of higher education. These components are important for every level of higher education, including departments, institutions, and country-level systems. As noted in the previous section, autonomy and accountability are important issues that also create dilemmas throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Authoritarian systems tend to reduce university staff productivity and decrease government officials’ confidence in institutional ability to exercise freedom responsibly. At the same time, there is often a realization on both sides that modern and effective higher education requires some accountability and autonomy. In order to create lasting, sustainable change, a coordinated effort needs to be developed. In the midst of the array of challenges mentioned in previous sections, higher education leadership at individual institutions rarely has the necessary authority to make difficult decisions or to develop strategy appropriate and viable for local circumstances (Reisberg, 2010). In many countries in Africa, governments limit the authority and discretion of institutional leadership. The result is serious constraints on institutional development and problem

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solving. National policies create these constraints and leaders have very few tools or options at their disposal. The African Development Institute of the African Development Bank (ADB) started an initiative committed to providing leadership training for these key actors in higher education, in hopes of equipping leaders and promoting further change in the political process. Administrative and Management Systems Efficient management, administrative, and operational systems are of vital importance to the productivity and effectiveness of academic institutions (and, arguably, any organization). However, African universities ‘‘suffer from poor, inefficient, and highly bureaucratic management systems y poorly trained and poorly qualified personnel; inefficient, ineffective, and out of date management and administrative infrastructures’’ (Teferra & Altbach, 2003, p. 7). At least two significant changes will continue to shape the nature of the overall landscape of leadership and effectiveness: the growth of private institutions and financial diversification through increased tuition fees and other nongovernmental funding (Woodhall, 2003). Changes in governance structures, new methods for problem solving, and new leadership also have the potential to initiate substantial change. The remainder of this section includes a discussion of faculty development and infrastructure support. Faculty Development and Management Research, publishing, service, and teaching, are essential components of colleges and universities. Higher education is vital in the production and consumption of knowledge and information. As a result, the life of the faculty member is a key aspect of the academic core. Major public institutions in many African countries have lost large numbers of faculty members to emerging private higher education institutions or commercially oriented institutions. In many countries, professors often hold more than one job outside the university to supplement their salary (Teferra & Altbach, 2003). Unfortunately, this multi-job reality often leads to a reduction in time spent on fulfilling the university responsibilities of teaching, research, and service. Academic freedom facilitates new ideas, research, and opinions, and it enables accepted views and the status quo to be both tested and challenged. Although this ideal faces challenges all over the academic world, there is little doubt that academic freedom is essential to develop a scholarly culture. Practically, academic freedom should ensure that professors are able to

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teach freely, undertake research of their interests, and communicate findings without any fear of discrimination or repercussion. In November of 1990, participants in a major conference (sponsored by the Council on the Development of Social Science Research in Africa – CODESRIA) on Academic Freedom adopted the Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility and recommended the creation of an organization to observe and uphold academic freedom in Africa. A small fund was established to assist scholars who were in distress, being threatened by authoritarian governments, or fleeing from the civil wars that have led to the disruption of academic life in a number of countries. There is also a program titled Scholars at Risk that is operated by the International Institute of Education which finds faculty who are being persecuted for their academic work and brings them out of a country and places them in various universities in the world for a more stable environment. The Kampala Declaration was adopted at a time when a wave of democratization was sweeping through Africa, albeit under conditions of economic hardship. Academic freedom, therefore, continued to be restricted both by authoritarian governments struggling to survive in the face of heightened struggles for democracy and human rights, and poor economic conditions. The structural problems are still in existence. According to CODESRIA, freedom of research is violated, or difficult to enjoy, even in countries where basic freedoms are enshrined in democratic constitutions. Academic freedom is promoted through sensitization activities and the organization of dialogues involving members of the academic community, university authorities, policy makers, governments, civil society organizations, funding agencies, and other actors. These activities are usually given good media coverage. Divisions of workload vary based on distinctions between higher education teaching institution and research universities. In many countries, polytechnic and specialist colleges have a purely teaching function that is often centered on workforce development. Many higher education institutions in sub-Saharan Africa struggle to find professors with appropriate credentials to teach or conduct quality research. For example, in Ethiopia, many professors hold only a bachelor’s degree (Tamene, 2010). Furthermore, when teaching loads are high, faculty are less able to engage in highquality research. Creating a diversified, balanced, and relevant curricula within each country and region will likely be useful for connecting higher education and development. Throughout the world, there is a hierarchy of esteem with research universities on the top, teaching centered colleges in

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the middle, and workforce development polytechnics on the lowest end. However, the additional funding that goes to research institutions often causes a ‘‘mission-drift’’ when colleges and polytechnics seeking prestige decrease or abandon their original mission for the prestige associated with research. System design and mission focus are critical elements to creating a balanced portfolio of higher education offerings.

Retention and Brain Drain Brain power is an increasingly important issue for countries due to increased mobility of professionals and skilled workers. There is increased cross-border movement among scholars, professors, and experts due to competiveness. Brain drain is a term used to describe the movement of high-level experts from developing countries to industrialized nations. A 1998 study demonstrated that around 7,000 Kenyans with tertiary level education had migrated to the United States; in the same year, nearly 120 doctors were estimated to have emigrated from Ghana. According to Sethi (2000) between 600 and 700 Ghanaian physicians were known to be practicing in the United States, a number equal to about 50 percent of the total population of doctors in the country. For example, Ethiopia faces a major crisis with its health services; up to 80 percent of its physicians leave the country annually. Currently, more Ethiopian doctors are working in the United States than in Ethiopia and one-third to a half of all graduating doctors in South Africa move to the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada at a huge annual cost to South Africa (International Development Research Center, 2008). The International Organization for Migration estimates that 100,000 emigrants leave sub-Saharan Africa each year, and that most are highly educated (around 75 percent attended a university). That is, roughly 10 percent of all university graduates leave. This represents an educational loss of roughly US $1 billion/year. If primary and secondary educational spending is included, the estimate rises to US $3.5 billion/year. This amount exceeds the total development assistance sent to Africa (IOM, 2010). In this respect, Africa is subsidizing the production of doctors, nurses, and professionals for the developed world. One of the tradeoffs of immigration of skilled professionals is remittances, which vary widely. However, remittances do not contribute directly to African universities or the public funding. Although there are potential methods for developing philanthropic donations, there are no organized efforts of this nature.

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Compensation Salaries for professors in Africa are often not enough to sustain a family in areas where universities are located. As a result, many professors rely on consultancies and other opportunities outside of university duties to supplement income. Low salaries are unable to sustain professors in some regions, which contributes to the migration of faculty. The opportunity to generate more income without holding multiple positions is an attractive proposition for faculty. Compensation is a key issue in faculty retention and support. Infrastructure Support The physical infrastructure for higher education in Africa is often described as ‘‘dilapidated,’’ as buildings at many institutions suffer from deferred maintenance. More substantive issues related to the physical plant revolve around the size and effectiveness of classroom space, access to computers, practical experience in laboratories, and student housing. Given rapid enrollment expansion, there are cases in which large lecture halls are not able to hold all the students enrolled in a classroom. Some students have reported learning by students passing messages to those standing in the hall or stand outside windows and try to hear what the professor says. Practical experience in laboratories is a major issue for the sciences. There is a strong need for equipment and laboratory space so that students can understand the concepts outside of theoretical, classroom-based learning. Applied sciences do not give students a strong skill set when there is limited equipment and facilities. Finally, student housing is also an issue that has grown with the enrollment expansion. Higher education institutions are often able to accommodate only a small percentage of the enrolled student body, leaving many students to find housing on their own and adding longer commutes to the classroom. Some universities, like Makerere in Uganda, have dedicated student housing for targeted populations. For example, an entire residence hall was dedicated to women studying in the hard sciences. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Infrastructure With the knowledge economy as an emergent element of global stratification, there are compelling reasons to find ways for developing countries to participate in the new economy. For example, Fofack (2008) described a ‘‘technology trap and poverty trap’’ as a culprit in the growing income gap between sub-Saharan Africa and the rest of the world. If the technology in sub-Saharan Africa was raised to a level on par with other developed

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countries, income levels would be significantly higher, even after controlling for factors of instability and volatility (Fofack, 2008). ICT impacts higher education in many ways, ranging from modes of educational delivery to administrative management of information. This information management includes e-mail, access to online research journals, data banks and academic writing globally, and managing records in accounting, personnel, and registration. In higher education, the trend is to move away from clerical staff to ICT-based support for professors and students in ways that improve teaching, learning, and research. In Africa, the numbers of administrative staff are considered disproportionately large. For example, 60 percent of the budget at University of Lesotho is allocated for nonacademic staff, and two-thirds of all employees at public universities in South Africa are nonacademic staff (Ashcroft & Rayner, 2011). Administratively, ICT can be used to collect data to help improve quality and to organize records about cost recovery and new revenue streams. However, if there is no vision for the business operations, it will be difficult for ICT to support the leadership role. ICT is one of many tools that can be useful for connecting higher education and development. A report called ‘‘The Africa Action Plan,’’3 focuses broadly on research development, higher education capacity, and ICT. Specifically, the plan points to the need for research centers and to make the best use of ICT to address education issues. Through the AAU, the Partnership for Higher Education in Africa (PHEA) established a consortium package to provide Internet access to many universities in Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. Numerous bilateral and multilateral funders and other major development partners also support ICT development and AHE. Several regional agencies have initiated programs to help higher education institutions meet challenges related to improving access to ICT facilities and open resources. These programs and resources include the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the ICT Broadband Infrastructure Network, the Bandwidth Consortium, the World Digital Library, and the African Virtual University (Teferra, 2008). In addition, as the major ‘‘sponsor’’ of higher education in developing countries, the World Bank has extended support in favor of distance and virtual education and ICT development. ICT is also considered an engine of internationalization and has opened up new borders in the mode of educational delivery. Distance, online, virtual, and other forms of education have emerged and expanded. The African Virtual University, a creation of the World Bank, focuses on the delivery of high-quality science and technology programs. Although

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Maasen and Cloete (2009) consider the virtual institution to be a notable failure, others regard its success as ‘‘yet to be determined’’ (Teferra, 2008, p. 67). ICT is of central importance within institutions in all disciplines and is clearly a major infrastructural component of any organization. ICT also holds potential for advancing learning and development, making it a key opportunity for partnerships in areas like educational delivery and information management and communication. Given the high enrollment pressures and lack of quality faculty, ICT-based courses in basic content areas can be used for campus-based students. This gives students a way to study at their own pace, delve into particular concepts they do not understand well, and still have access to a faculty member who supervises this course. This kind of use of ICT can help with the student faculty ratio problem.

Academic Core Higher education’s unique contribution to development occurs through knowledge exchange and creation as well as increased capacity building. Graduates can contribute to society in a variety of ways, including the production and dissemination of knowledge applied to the problems of society. The academic core is the foundation of the function of higher education including teaching, research, and service including public engagement. Curriculum There are some concerns with the legacy of colonialism in the curriculum in higher education institutions. Many African countries have borders that were established by the colonial authorities; despite arbitrary borders, the countries must operate within heterogeneous cultures and geography, incorporating huge diversity. These nuances should play a role in the curriculum design, in order to reflect the requirements of very different social needs in economic systems as well as the potential to promote national cooperation across diverse ethnic groups. Nkata (2005) advocates removing the colonial vestiges in the curriculum and moving to a focus on development, which ‘‘requires recognizing that traditional compartments and categories can no longer remain in isolation from each other and that we must work increasingly at the interface of disciplines in order to address the complex problems of today’s world’’ (p. 86). In previous partnerships

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between the United States and African institutions, curriculum has been one of the more difficult areas to impact change (Collins, 2011). Curricular concerns extend to the balance between local, national, and regional needs. More established universities might better serve national needs, while newer institutions or technical/vocational institutions may focus more on the local context. Curriculum development and implementation should involve various stakeholders, including: government, employers, students, and most crucially, academic staff. The mission of the institution should dictate the diversity of subjects taught as well as the need for increased knowledge and the skill demands of the workforce. In subSaharan Africa, institutions have embraced subjects that relate to their economies (e.g., agriculture, forestry, engineering), however, mode of instruction and content still tend to be traditional. Sustainable curriculum and mode of instruction are best geared to development needs when engaged in consultation with local and national stakeholders. The Commission for Africa (2005) emphasizes the importance of the expansion of small enterprises with emphasis on young adults and women as entrepreneurs. All levels of higher education have a role in supporting the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed for development. Some advocate that curricular changes need to happen more quickly in order to link higher education to the reality students will face after graduation. Given the variety in institution type and programs offered, it is difficult to make generalizations about the state of curriculum change on the continent. However, an increasing number of queries are being made related to assessment and QA. For example, the Sasakawa Africa Fund for Extension Education (SAFE) advocates that there is urgent need for universities and colleges of agriculture in Africa to review existing curricula, develop demand-driven programs, and acquire modern training materials to help them equip extension students and field staff with vital skills and knowledge to cope with current issues in agriculture. Higher education offerings should be responsive to emerging needs of African farmers along the whole agricultural value chain to ensure that coping with the realities faced by smallholder farmers remain at the center of rural development efforts. SAFE embraces the idea of educational programs being demand driven to reflect the current and emerging needs of farmers covering the entire agricultural value chain, and the extension agents who serve them. This organization promotes that decision-making about curricula should take place with broad stakeholders to ensure relevance over time. Although this is a single discipline example, the principles can easily be applied to multiple institutions and programs of study.

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Research Following independence for countries in Africa, national research councils were established as a method to address a number of important imbalances in research activities. Key regional agencies are employing programs aimed at strengthening research capacity and universities in Africa through a variety of strategies such as: centers of excellence, regional and international research centers, networks of scientific leaders, and journal distributions. Ultimately, some focused research should contribute to the development of local solutions for local problems. Additionally, research should propel an institution and a country to becoming a knowledge producer in addition to a knowledge consumer. However, higher education systems and specific institutions must design and incentivize research to meet these ends. For example, the University of Botswana demonstrates the commitment of the academic core in their research strategy (2008): The university has the largest concentration of research-qualified staff and research facilities in the country and has an obligation to develop the full potential of these resources. By doing so, it can play a central part in the multiple strategies for promoting research, development and innovation that are now on the national agenda.

Donors and development agencies increasingly emphasize ethical issues across sub-Saharan Africa as they seek to impart honesty and integrity into the work of staff and teaching ethics to students. Issues range from academic judgment, knowledge transfer, transparent procedures, and fair practices. There are certain ethical and practical problems that are highly relevant for the development context. For example, equality and HIV/AIDS issues can be integrated within educational, research, and general curriculum programs (Tamene, 2010). Corruption prevention in the handling and implementation of research and community service funds and activities is another ethical issue in sub-Saharan higher education systems. Reward systems can create misaligned incentives. Macleod (2010) highlights that in the South African system, academics can subsidize their personal income by publishing prolifically (as opposed to focusing on significance, depth, or relevance). Overall, such systems can encourage selfishness and selfaggrandizement, rather than keeping the best interest of the institution, community, and country as a whole. A set of related issues exist around the falsification of scientific and other data. Sharma (2010) advocates that international guidelines are needed because existing foundation guidelines do not address the emergent science frameworks in less developed countries. Although ethical issues typically focus on administrative and governmental units, according to Mwiria (2003), academics can be as corrupt, nepotistic,

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competitive, sexist, and authoritarian as those in governments or university administration. One issue in this regard is the use of professor’s time. Public Engagement and Outreach Higher education for development means adapting an education system to serve the needs of society, encouraging public development endeavors, and the promotion of a decent living of the population to promote high-level resource employment (Nkata, 2005). The concept of development is highly associated with the challenges of poverty. By defining higher education for development more broadly, the community of educators is widened to include teachers, lecturers, curriculum developers, administrators, support staff, industrial trainers, health and planning officers, NGOs, community educators, youth leaders, and other members of the community. The goals of education should include beyond technical and scientific skills: to make people wiser, more knowledgeable, better informed, ethical, responsible, critical and capable of continued learning. Were people to possess these abilities and qualities, the capacity to address development problems would be more available. According to Nkata (2005): A public that is well informed of the need for development will insist that public educational institutions include curricula y needed to enable people to participate effectively in the numerous activities directed towards achieving development. The students that emerge from such courses will, for their part, be alert to the need for public authorities to make adequate provisions for the protection of the environment and all development plans. Education is particularly important in developing a ‘‘taste for knowledge.’’ (p. 82)

The aim should be to make higher education more responsive to general problems affecting the social, economic, political, and moral status of the communities. Consequently, public engagement is a crucial component of the role of higher education in development. Another important contribution in public engagement is the provision of a safe space to discuss and argue about policy directions and needed reforms in a country. Universities have often been able to provide this kind of space and it is a valuable contribution these days where there are a number of sensitive issues that need to be discussed. One key example regarding public engagement is in the agriculture sector, an area that plays an important role in economic growth in Africa. Agriculture is the main source of income for about 2.5 billion people in the developing world (FAO, 2003) and in Africa in particular. The impact of the agricultural sector is wide-ranging and extends beyond economic growth, to include food security, poverty reduction, livelihoods, rural development,

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and environmental impact. Even though evidence demonstrates that investment in agriculture assists with poverty reduction (Fan & Rao, 2003), there has been a decline or stagnation in public expenditure on agriculture in most developing countries since 1980 (Akroyd & Smith, 2007). As it relates to higher education, agricultural extension services (in addition to teaching and research) play an important role in development and can contribute to improving the welfare of farmers and other people living in rural areas (Collins, 2012; Waddington, Snilstveit, White, & Anderson, 2010). Alston, Wyatt, Pardy, Marra, and Chan-Kang (2000) provide an extensive review of the economic returns to investment in agricultural research and development. The results of the analysis showed an average ROR of 47 percent for research and extension investments; extension-only investments had an average ROR of 80 percent. Public engagement in agricultural extension is an example of how higher education can play a role in many aspects of development. Higher education-based agricultural extension demonstrates how the traditional ‘‘basic needs’’ versus ‘‘higher education as an engine of development’’ can be overcome. The impact of public engagement and outreach is discussed further in the following section.

THE ROLE OF AHE IN DEVELOPMENT Sustainable growth in Africa is likely contingent on the capacity of states to diversify and grow their economies. Higher education can play a key role in educating citizens with the skills to implement new technologies that ‘‘can help to address the challenges arising from population growth, limited arable land, endemic diseases, urbanization, energy costs, and climate change’’ (World Bank, 2010a, p. 1). However, in order for sub-Saharan Africa to reap the benefits, higher education institutions must secure funding for quality training, research, and professional opportunities to their students. Additional funding from the government is difficult to obtain. The role of higher education in development in Africa remains contested, as well the degree to which higher education is seen as ‘‘necessary’’ and therefore a worthy investment for funding (Cloete et al., 2011). There is debate over what groups truly benefit. The value of higher education includes the benefits to society that extend far beyond the individual benefits to students who earn a degree. To understand the role of higher education in

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development, the social value is a key component. McMahon (2009) defined three types of benefits that can result from higher education: 1. Private Market Benefits – earned by an individual as income. 2. Private Non-Market Benefits – accrued by individual/family in the form of non-monetary, quality of life improvements. 3. Social Benefit Externalities – accrued to all of society. The total benefits from higher education are the composite of these three categories. The framework of understanding these benefits was developed primarily using data from developed countries. If the same methodological procedure was used in sub-Saharan Africa, the results may vary, but the conceptual framework remains a valuable contribution to understanding the role of higher education in any society. Omitting the non-market benefits has caused and causes more narrow estimates. The public has a poor understanding of the value of higher education’s social benefits, even though it is estimated that social returns constitute a majority of the return on the investment. McMahon estimates that social benefit externalities constitute about ‘‘52 percent of the total benefits of higher education’’ and further advocates that this be used as a guide for public investment (p. 255). Higher education is most often viewed as an investment for securing a higher paying job for personal economic benefit. This individualistic perspective weakens the case for public investment in higher education. Public subsidies of higher education are also weakened by the emergence of conservative ideology that emphasizes bureaucratic waste in government and hails private actions for private gain. Some economists contend, for example, that private incentives to attend college are sufficient to encourage enrollment rates that capture the majority of any public benefits the college might offer (Bloom, Hartley, & Rosovsky, 2007). However, if only private market benefits are considered, total returns are underestimated by 2.5 times. The multiple ways universities contribute to development has been documented by several studies. Direct contributions include patenting and licensing discoveries, adaptation to knowledge origination elsewhere, integrating previously separate areas of technology, and unlocking and redirecting knowledge already present but not in productive use (Pillay, 2010a). Bloom et al. (2006) produced evidence that demonstrate higher education in Africa can create greater tax revenue, increase savings and investment, and lead to a more entrepreneurial and civic society. Further, evidence demonstrates that higher education can improve a nation’s health, contribute to reduced population growth, improve technology, and

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strengthen governance (Bloom et al., 2006). Castells (1994) writes that higher education is an important form of human capital development, which should be regarded as the ‘‘engine of development in the new world economy’’ (p. 15). This has also been confirmed by World Bank sponsored publications over the last decade (TFHES, 2000; World Bank, 2002, 2010b). Kellogg and Hervy (2010) apply McMahon’s formula with other research to the African context and advocate that higher education is a productive investment, not only for those who have higher education degrees, but for all in society y . Higher education is, in addition, a ‘‘necessary and highly productive investment for better health outcomes, opening opportunities to disadvantaged groups, alleviating poverty, improving the environment, fostering good governance, lowering crime rates and improving educational attainment for all levels of the education system’’ (Kellogg & Hervy, 2010, p. 12). Outcomes like this can often be found in national development plans. According to McMahon (2009), the largest and most important social benefit of higher education emerges from the creation and dissemination of new knowledge. Often, research results and new knowledge cannot be absorbed, utilized, or implemented without specific and extensive training. Cloete et al. (2011) studied eight countries in Africa to investigate the complex relationships between higher education (specifically universities) and economic development. More specifically, the study focused on the internal structure and dynamics of the universities and the interaction between the national and institutional contexts. The findings from the study were used to argue that the unique characteristics of the universities and the conditions under which universities can contribute to economic development are influenced by three factors: 1. the nature of the pact between universities, political authorities, and society; 2. the strength, size, and continuity of the universities’ academic core; and 3. the level of coordination, implementation, and connectedness of universities in the larger policy context. (Cloete et al., 2011, p. xvi, emphasis added) Previous research on the relationship between higher education and economic development has been econometric in nature (Pillay, 2010a). This research includes studies that measure the correlation between higher education participation rates, economic growth, technological advances, as well as ROR studies. However, little work has been conducted on the relationship between higher education and development and the institutional factors that enable or constrain these relationships. In addition, there

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is little research within the African context that accounts for national and institutional factors. According to Pillay (2010a, 2010b), one condition for effective university contributions to development is the existence of a broad pact between government and higher education institutions. Other suggestions include strengthening the academic core and implementing policies to coordinate the diffusion of knowledge. Research has suggested a strong association between higher education participation and levels of development. While higher education enrollment rates in many high-income countries are well over 50 percent (up to 70 percent in Western Europe and North America), sub-Saharan Africa’s education rates are typically below 5 percent (Bloom et al., 2006; Council on Higher Education, 2009). Each country takes a unique approach to conceptualizing the role of higher education in development and can be organized in a typology of four approaches (Cloete et al., 2011): 1. The university is ancillary: There is little need for a strong scientific knowledge base for development strategies, and consequently the university has a weak role. 2. The university as self-governing: Knowledge produced at the university is considered important for national development, however, this can be produced in developed countries and consumed by developing countries to limit state funding. 3. The university as instrument of development agendas: Expertise and capacity building at the university are the most important contributions in development (as opposed to scientific knowledge). The university should be focused on reducing poverty and disease, improving agricultural production, and supporting small business development. 4. The university as engine of development: Knowledge is central in development, not only in healthcare and agriculture, but also in biotechnology and engineering. In this notion the university is seen as one of the core institutions in the national development model. Understanding a country’s approach to the role of higher education in development can play a key role in planning for the future. Each approach is an indication of the environment in which institutions operate. One important element missing from this typology (Cloete et al., 2011) is the role of teaching and learning. It should be noted that investing in higher education could be an important part of the strategy to improve other sectors and strengthen the associated outcomes. For example, higher education plays a key role in supporting other levels of education (Hanushek & Wossmann, 2007). In particular, higher

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education trains teachers for secondary schools and other tertiary education institutions, prepares managers for leadership roles, and hosts research aimed at improving the performance of the sector. Higher education should not be considered a competitor with other sectors of education, agriculture, environment, and government. Rather, higher education is a strategy that contributes to the goals of these sector development programs through human capital development. In sum, ‘‘higher education helps build the fundamental capacity to address national problems, drive economic development, reduce poverty and create social stability’’ (Kellogg & Hervy, 2010, p. 13). United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and now chancellor of the University of Ghana stated: The University must become a primary tool for Africa’s development in the new century. Universities can help develop African expertise; they can enhance the analysis of African problems; strengthen domestic institutions; serve as a model environment for the practice of good governance, conflict resolution and respect for human rights; and enable African academics to play an active part in the global community of scholars. (United Nations Information Service, 2000)

Similarly, a former vice chancellor in South Africa noted that higher education and poverty are linked because modern societies can attain or maintain wealth and standard of living if led by individuals with the ‘‘right mix of sophisticated technical and organizational expertise y readily acquired and transmitted through modern tertiary education institutions’’ (Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, 2003). Although the list of possible public benefits is very similar for developed and developing countries, sub-Saharan Africa is better suited to place more emphasis on the role of higher education and the possibilities of expanding democracy, and its role as a source of professionals, civil servants, and individuals. Anything under the rubric of ‘‘nation building’’ becomes relatively more important in the developing world (Bloom et al., 2007, p. 300).

NOTES 1. Launched by the African Union, this plan includes a specific focus on higher education including fundamental and development-oriented research, teaching and community outreach, enrichment services to the lower levels of education, an environment of academic freedom and institutional autonomy, within an overall framework of public accountability. 2. A Regional Convention on the recognition of studies, certificates, diplomas, degrees, and other academic qualifications in Higher Education in the African States.

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3. This plan provides a framework to support critical policy and public actions led by African countries to achieve well-defined goals, such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It also outlines 25 actions taken by the World Bank in the Africa region.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This chapter was developed with support from the Association for Public Land-Grant Universities (APLU) in a project to support higher education partnerships between U.S. and African universities directed by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Higher Education for Development (HED).

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PART 2 INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA

TRENDS IN INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND INNOVATION FOR DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Ibrahim Ogachi Oanda ABSTRACT What are the current trends that mark out the process of internationalization of higher education? In what directions do these trends influence the direction of research and development in African universities? Does internationalization of higher education have the potential to boost knowledge production relevant to Africa’s development needs or it will further hasten the marginalization of both African universities and African development agendas within the global network of scientific knowledge? Internationalization of education is not new. Historically,

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 69–97 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021006

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students have sought better higher education abroad influenced by the desire to benefit from better opportunities provided by universities in the developed countries. The current phase of higher education internationalization has however emerged more vigorously in the 21st century and is associated with the twin trends of globalization and liberalization. Proponents of globalization have argued that higher education is bound to be more strongly affected by worldwide economic developments. They also point out that higher education institutions in developing countries should embrace aspects of internationalization to boost their efforts to be ranked among the best league of universities globally. At the national level, internationalization of higher education is presented as a process that institutions in developing countries must embrace in order to address the persistent challenges of sustainable development. For universities in Africa, the literature argues that internationalization provides them with opportunities that cut across disciplines, institutions, knowledge-systems, and nation-state boundaries thereby exposing the institutions and academics to the world’s best scientific research and infrastructures. In summary, it is contended that internationalization is a strategy to realize success in human-capability and institutional-capacity development in the universities. This chapter revisits these assertions and their tenacity to developing a culture of research and innovation in African universities, and linking the universities to the continent’s development aspirations.

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND There is an emerging substantial literature and policy dialogue at a global level regarding trends and implications of internationalization of higher education. The literature promotes internationalization of higher education for Africa as a strategy that will help the revitalization of the continent’s universities and place them in good stead to contribute to the socioeconomic development of their societies. In a conference paper, ‘What will it take to make African higher education work for development?’, Blom (2012), a World Bank lead economist points out that among other considerations, embracing regional specialization and internationalization will enable higher education institutions utilize economies of scale, focusing on few specializations and invest in applied research within a regional network of institutions. In other words internationalization should be embraced both

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as a national and regional higher education strategy in Africa. This position is, however, often met with scepticism. According to Tilak (2011) internationalization of higher education generally entails trade in two forms; marked by two binaries. These are the cross-border mobility of students and cross-border mobility of institutions. In this binary, there is more mobility of students from developing to developed countries while institutional mobility and mobility of money tends to be the reverse. It is therefore, based on these observations, important to note that the most noticeable characteristic of internationalization involves movement of students, institutions and money. For African universities and countries, it is important to explore and question how they benefit from these mobility patterns. Tracing the trends and directions of mobility of these entities is important for understanding the contribution that internationalization is infusing into the development processes in Africa. It is also important in terms of interrogating what strategies African universities need to design to benefit from internationalization. Academics are kind of agreed that internationalization of higher education entails a process of incorporating an international or global perspective into the structures, purposes and curricular of higher education systems worldwide (see, e.g. Knight, 1997). The perspective of what constitutes global or international as regards the process of higher education internationalization, however, still remains controversial. Despite the controversies, internationalization of higher education has become one of the key forces shaping the nature and flow of knowledge, and the character of higher education institutions in the world today. As a political and economic process, globalization has increased the flow of people, culture, ideas, values, knowledge, technology, and economy across borders, to the extent that educational content and delivery have gained international dimensions (Zeleza, 2012). In practice however, and as Pietsch (2012) points out, internationalization practices range from charging foreign students fullcost fees to establishing overseas campuses and offering offshore degrees in a way that makes internationalization big business. These activities offer cash-strapped universities a way to increase their income while also advertising themselves as institutions that equip students to work in the global knowledge economy (Pietsch, 2012). The most and widely researched phenomenon with regard to internationalization of higher education has been that of student mobility. Studies critical of these mobility-related aspects have shown that despite the tone of internationalization implying a reciprocal process, the direction of student mobility has been largely from the developing to the developed countries.

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The trends above mirror past colonial relationship between colony and metropole, centre and periphery. Referring to the 19th and 20th century higher education internationalization during the pinnacle of British colonial rule, Pietsch (2012) frames four trends that marked internationalization and which are mirrored in the 21st century trends in terms of possibilities and pitfalls. These were the establishments by Britain of universities in the colonies along the lines of the University of London to promote Western learning; the creation of the University of London’s external examination systems, which currently operates as the University of London’s International programmes, and which system then, as now, made it possible for students from the colonies to obtain some of the degrees of the university by examinations conducted entirely in their own country. This trend is commonplace in the 21st century internationalization, with promotions in major African capitals for students to enrol and acquire degrees from universities in the United States, Britain, Australia and Malaysia while in their own countries. Also like in the 20th century when colleges proliferated in the colonies to prepare students for the University of London examinations, such preparatory colleges are increasingly being set up all over Africa. The third 19th and 20th century trend being replicated was the development of an overseas student market where students from the colonies travelled to Britain for higher education but paid tuition fees higher than what the students from Britain paid. Lastly, academic networks grew out of the first three trends. The networks then, as now, marginalized those who did not possess the social and cultural capital provided by such networks. Like in the 19th and 20th centuries, student mobility in the 21st century internationalization has been marked by movement of institutions and academic programmes. This is embodied in new foreign private universities, setting up of foreign branch campuses, double/joint degrees twinning and franchise programmes. These modes of internationalization have not been deeply documented, especially with regard to the flow and direction of the nature of knowledge and its relevance to local development needs. What has been documented is the cost-reduction in terms of the lower tuition fees and related charges that local students attending a franchise programme or a local branch campus of an overseas university pay. But there is no trade-off between tuition costs and relevance and quality of academic programmes, especially for Sub-Saharan African countries whose universities need investments in the areas of research and development (R&D), science and technology. An analysis of the mobility of educational programmes is therefore important in discerning the nature, direction and relevance of knowledge flows that have been occasioned by internationalization.

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The challenge to African universities in the age of internationalization is to explore how academic programmes packaged as ‘international’ can be aligned to support sustainable socio-economic development. Here the influence of internationalization trends on the nature of research and knowledge production becomes critical. If internationalization of higher education has to be a reciprocal process, it has to contribute to a situation where knowledge creation in the institutions is based on Africa’s research needs. Instead of transferring Western models of Research and Development to African universities, focus by African universities should be on forms of internationalization and knowledge mobility that embrace elements of locality. This chapter proceeds in three parts. The first part develops a conceptual/ analytical frame for discussing the processes of internationalization evident in African universities and research in the area of Science, Technology and Innovation (STI) (African Union Commission, AUC, 2005). The framework proceeds from Africa’s own, ‘Science, Technology and Innovation Plan’, as articulated by the African Union (AU), and how African universities are supposed to work to actualize the plan. It will be argued that the benefits of internationalization will depend on the extent the process enables the institution to fit into this continental plan in terms of science and technology. Based on this conceptual framework, the second part of the chapter provides an analysis of trends in internationalization, locating the nature and direction of mobility of students and institutions. The essence will be to make reflections on what is happening within African universities in terms of knowledge mobility and engagements in R&D; and how in practice trends in internationalization promote the role of the university in Africa in development. This will entail an analysis of the direction of this mobility of knowledge, the inequalities that accompany internationalization trends and the implications this has for African universities. Movement of knowledge and skills takes place in terms of the academic programmes students from different nationalities can access in the universities of the receiving countries, the types of academic programmes being offered through franchise arrangements, and even the size and quality of institutions being relocated to developing countries as branch campuses. The third and last part of the chapter will be devoted to exploring policies that can be designed within African higher education institutions so that internationalization can benefit the process of R&D in African universities and the process of knowledge production generally. Methodologically, this chapter draws from a critical desk review of documents. Secondary literature, including academic journals and university

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reports and websites, national and institutional policy papers and grey literature have been analysed to obtain information regarding trends in internationalization and implications for research and knowledge production for development in African universities.

CONCEPTUALIZATION: INTERNATIONALIZATION AND RESEARCH TRENDS IN AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Trends in higher education internationalization have been conceptualized variously: as a process driving the realization of knowledge societies; as a response to increased demand that cannot be satisfied by national level supply; as a process that leads to re-engineering the working of universities through the provision of a market-oriented curricular and the intensification of networks and, specifically for Africa, as the answer to brain drain and the deterioration of universities through the forging of partnerships (Knight, 2008). In Africa, the present phase of internationalization of higher education is presented as a good thing to embrace. But there is not much on the ground to show in what respects internationalization can engender socioeconomic development. More critically, studies need to show if the process of internationalization besides widening access, is bringing in much needed infrastructure for STI in African universities and research institutions. The conceptualization that underlies the discussions in this chapter draws from (UNESCO, 2003) ‘Science and Higher Education in the Process of Internationalization’. The analytical framework is a critical analysis of the assumptions of the modernity project which claimed that the transplanting of scientific and technological institutions as forces for modernization would in itself be sufficient to achieve social and economic progress at a global level. With regard to internationalization of higher education and socioeconomic development in Africa, these claims imply that internationalization of higher education offers African society and universities opportunities to participate and share in modern systems of knowledge production and consumption to their advantage. In other words, by embracing internationalization, in its various forms, universities in Africa are likely to share in the co-production of global scientific knowledge and socio-cultural systems in a manner that African society can then access and utilize that knowledge to address development challenges. In practice, however, what is happening in the name of internationalization are commercial transactions

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where universities in industrialized countries are selling virtual courses in packaged form and other educational products under intellectual property protection rules, with implications for higher education costs for universities in Africa (Gallagher & Garret, 2012; Hawawini, 2011; Lane & Kinser, 2011). Then there is increasing establishment of franchises or foreign branches as safety valves for the saturated academic market of the developed countries and as profitable business entities attracted to developing countries due to the absence of clear regulations on the subject (UNESCO, 2003, p. 9). Central to UNESCO’s analytical framework is the notion of ‘moral social obligations’ referring to the need to reduce poverty, to integrate socially marginalized groups and to generate employment (p. 10), implying that these are the targets which a process of internationalization focused on STI should help alleviate. Moral social obligations in this sense are not limited to specific societies but concern the entire world as a single global system. This then means that internationalization strategies, both at a global, national and institutional level and from the perspective of the functions of knowledge should be directed towards fulfilling these moral obligations by enabling different societies to build the capacity for mitigating the effects of underdevelopment through their higher education systems. This analytical frame is important to the discussion here in trying to understand the capacity of internationalization to lead to strong higher education systems that meet the moral social obligations of their societies through STI systems. Higher education systems that are focused to meet the standards of moral social obligations should increase research capacities while widening access to marginal social groups. Research investments by universities and other research institutions should, in this sense, be seen to be satisfying the aspirations of developing societies and building capacities for their transformation instead of creating a culture and appetite for the consumption of knowledge and skills developed elsewhere. It is critical to reflect for example, on how Africa’s own STI plan fits into the various models that internationalization of higher education promotes. It is also important to examine the extent that internationalization trends encourage African countries and societies to define their knowledge requirements and strategies for R&D. Lastly is the necessity, according to this framework, of analysing the nature of international division of intellectual labour promoted through these processes in terms of production of R&D knowledge and its consumption. Recent trends that have been associated with the process of globalization generally and internationalization in particular such as the

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increasing privatization of knowledge production away from public universities and research institutions to private entities, for example, bring into question how such knowledge can promote the achievement of social moral obligations (Marginson, 2012; Robertson, 2006, 2008). Is internationalization leading to a situation where intellectual labour is attracted away from the universities to private knowledge networks, thus eroding the capacity of universities to contribute to the achievement of moral social obligations? Internationalization can contribute to African universities and society only if its activities and trends are embedded in national science and innovation strategies so that the domestic science base is best placed to benefit from the intellectual and financial leverage of international partnerships (The Royal Society, 2011). The vision for S&T for Africa’s development and the place of higher education institutions in this process has been articulated in policy documents developed by continental and regional bodies. Foremost is the African Union’s Africa Science and Technology Consolidated Plan of Action (2005), and the subsequent ‘African Manifesto for Science, Technology and Innovation’ (African Technology Studies Policy Network, ATPS, 2010). Both these policy documents expound Africa’s common commitment to collective actions to develop and use science and technology for the socioeconomic transformation of the continent and integration into the global economy through targeted university level training in specific areas of R&D. The policies also emphasize on developing an African system of research and technological innovation by establishing networks of centres of excellence dedicated to specific R&D and capacity building programmes. It can then be argued that the AU’s vision of African development has to be achieved through harnessing science and technology, using knowledge that is locally generated and controlled, a task that has been given to African universities and other research centres (African Union Commission, 2011). In particular, the AU’s ‘High Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation’ established on 3 August 2012 recommended actions to support higher education and research, and to move the continent from resourcebased to knowledge-based economies, by boosting the role that African universities and research institutions play as engines of economic transformation (AUC, 2012). These continental visions of Africa’s development should then form the basis of assessing the implications of any research partnerships and other programmes accruing from the internationalization of higher education and what they mean to the strengthening of universities to achieve the visions. In the next section, a discussion of the key trends that mark the process of higher education internationalization and how

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the trends link with the vision of higher education as articulated in three policy documents developed in Africa is done.

INTERNATIONALIZATION AND THE ROLE OF AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES IN DEVELOPMENT An appropriate approach to discuss internationalization of higher education with respect to Africa is to analyse how trends in internationalization fit into Africa’s own policy discourses on higher education and development. In this regard, three policy documents developed from Africa are important starting points. The first of these policy documents is the ‘Harmonization of Higher Education Programmes in Africa: A Strategy for the African Union’ (AUC, 2007). The strategy aims to facilitate the comparability of qualifications awarded by higher education institutions across the continent, serve as a mechanism for quality assurance, allow for greater student and professional mobility within African countries, and contribute to fostering greater intra-regional mobility, thereby fostering increased sharing of information, intellectual resources and research, as well as a growing ability to rely on African expertise rather than skills from elsewhere in the world. In the final analysis, the ultimate focus of the strategy is to contribute to the realization and creation of a common African higher education and research area (Hoosen, Butcher, & Njenga, 2009). The second policy document is the ‘Strategy for Higher Education, Science and Technology’ (2008), developed by the African Bank Group. The objective of the strategy is to inform the bank’s support for transforming higher education systems in Africa. This objective is to be realized by providing Regional Member Countries (RMCs) with financial and logistical support in strengthening national and regional centres of excellence in selected priority areas, building and rehabilitating the existing science and technology infrastructure, including tertiary education institutions and linking higher education, science and technology (HEST) to the productive sectors. The overall aim of this strategy by the bank is to contribute to re-positioning higher education institutions and National and Regional centres of Excellence and reduce Africa’s dependence on expensive expatriates. The third policy document is the ‘African Manifesto for Science, Technology and Innovation’ (ATPS, 2010). The manifesto vouches for African sovereignty in science and technology through an African based and African led self-rule and democratic governance of STI in African development. This has to be achieved through

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the restoration of confidence in African STI and African experts by Africans; public and private investments in building sustainable STI infrastructures and adoption of proactive policies to fully embed African STI in African societies (ATPS, 2010). To realize these ambitions, the manifesto calls for transformational changes in how STI is socially defined and constructed, prioritized and funded, communicated, monitored and evaluated in Africa (ATPS, 2010). Taken together, the visions for higher education envisioned by the three documents is one where greater mobility of students and technical experts within Africa is realized, moves towards a harmonized higher education system, a greater investment in STI relevant to Africa and an emphasis in African-based approaches and innovations in domesticating S&T. How do trends in higher education internationalization as manifested and experienced in Africa fit into the visions spelt out in the above policies? There are three indicators that can be used to gauge the implications of higher education internationalization trends to Africa’s development, or to be exact to filling the gap in nurturing a culture of research and innovation in African universities relevant to the development needs of Africa. The first is to look at the global mobility of knowledge – the trends in the nature and type of transnational education offerings and branch campuses moving into Africa. If high intensive science and technology packages move to Africa, it will prove much cheaper and much relevant to the training of African scientists. The second indicator is the amount of funding or investments in deepening research and development in African universities accruing from the internationalization process. Time series data on proxy indicators, for example of knowledge published in Africa and on Africa can be useful here or the exact amount of dollars spent from donors and other international bodies to strengthen research in African universities. However available evidence shows there are more bilateral agreements associated with old patterns of research partnerships than the new internationalization strands. For example, an expanding European higher education area has fashioned research partnerships on old patterns of engagements by expanding the common area. The third indicator is the contribution of Africa to global science and innovation culture – are African universities counter-penetrating global knowledge networks and in the process benefiting African development agendas as a consequence of the effects of internationalization? Student mobility has thus far been the most discussed trend marking out the process of internationalization of education; with tools developed to measure the number and category of internationally mobile students and the direction of their mobility. This has been due to the perceived inadequacy of

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African countries to meet demand for an increasing number of the population seeking access to higher education. Internationalization, as student mobility or cross-border offerings is thus promoted as beneficial to Africa as it provides alternative access to higher education. The 2009 UNESCO World Conference on Higher Education, for example, underscored the need for providing special focus to promoting African higher education as an important tool for enhancing development in the continent (UNESCO, 2009). This was in recognition of the fact that, while the overall expansion of higher education witnessed in all parts of the world had been tremendous, much remained to be done in the developing world and particularly in Africa to promote higher education and reap its benefits. On the one hand, the expectations from higher education are wide-ranging, and on the other, the challenges are just as demanding. Internationalization of higher education is promoted as a strategy to address these challenges. Mobility of students entails both a transfer of monetary resources (in terms of tuition fees that students pay to receiving institutions), and a transfer of knowledge (how students use knowledge acquired prior to moving in the host institution or country and the nature of skills acquired at the host institution). Within the African context, two trends in the mobility of students have been documented. The first, and the most commonly used to measure the levels of internationalization of higher education is the mobility and dispersal of students to various parts of the world in search of higher education opportunities. Trends show that the direction of mobility has not changed, that is from South to North, but been intensified (UNESCO, 2009). Verbik and Lasanowski (2007) note that Western economies are increasingly seeking to both recruit international students and retain them after graduation due to a number of considerations. These include the need for universities in the West to diversify generated income through tuition fees paid by overseas students and the need for Western countries to address their long-term labour projections. There is no coherent policy either from African higher education institutions to confront internationalization (Oanda, 2009, 2010; Zeleza, 2008). The changes associated with the globalization processes have overtime led to the acceleration of the old trends including the increased mobility of students, professors and researchers and the internationalization of curricula. But not much intellectual connection has been made between the increased mobility of students from Africa to the West, and the promotion of higher education as an income sector in those countries. Data on student mobility from sub-Saharan Africa reveals contradictory trends. The region has the fastest growing number of higher education

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participation rates, and also the largest number of internationally mobile students compared to the size of its higher education system (UNESCO, 2010). Students from sub-Saharan Africa who migrate abroad in search for university education and skills average 5% annually, with 69% of such students opting to study in Europe or North America (UNESCO, 2012). The trend in international mobility of students from sub-Saharan Africa can be contrasted with annual net enrolments in tertiary education of just 6% (UNESCO, 2010), which lags behind the rest of the world. This means that the region continues to face challenges in the provision of tertiary education as a social moral obligation. The incapacity on the part of African countries to provide access to the increasing number of students seeking university places, that is projected to hit about 18.6 million enrolments by 2015 (World Bank, 2010), means that the rates of mobility will accelerate. Students from the South African Development Coordination (SADC) regional bloc however show a different kind of mobility as they tend to circulate within the region’s universities. This is influenced by the relatively developed higher education infrastructures in South Africa. In 2009, over 1.5 million SADC students were enrolled in higher education institutions, out of whom 89,000 studied abroad representing about 6% of tertiary enrolment, compared to 2% worldwide (Kotecha, 2012). Almost half of these (48%) went to South Africa, which is emerging as a regional hub for world-class study and research (Kotecha, 2012). This has helped to retain skilled graduates in the region. The trend in student mobility and circulation within the SADC region, with South Africa serving as a higher education hub lends credence to the AU’s harmonization strategy seeking to establish and strengthen such regional hubs throughout Africa. The experience from other regions of Africa is however different. Data for student mobility from the rest of Africa needs to be interpreted within a series of context factors to have a holistic feel of what this means for R&D. Most students are outbound, with little circulation within Africa. In sub-Saharan Africa, where educated professionals are desperately needed, underfunded national universities are faced with unprecedented demand from a growing population of secondary school graduates seeking higher education. An important consideration in tracking student mobility should be the nature of skills and knowledge sought from the receiving countries and its linkages to the development needs of developing countries. One could argue that internationalization of higher education in the form of student mobility should make it possible for students from African countries to access valuable skills in science and technology, which they can then transfer back home to address development challenges. Available information shows that

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internationally mobile students from Africa and even those within the SADC region increasingly pursue programmes in business administration (UNESCO, 2009). The other popular programmes in South Africa are social science and law (20%) and education (13%); and in the United Kingdom and the United States, health (16%) and social science and law (16%) (UNESCO, 2012). There is no indication if an increasing number of students are accessing programmes in pure sciences and technology that are critical to alleviating poverty. This means that African countries in need of skills in these areas will have again to rely on expatriates for some time. The few students who get a chance to access these programmes do not return, thus depriving the continent of the critical human resource capacity needed for its development. Estimates of brain drain and associated costs from SubSaharan Africa show that each year $4 billion is spent on salaries for approximately 100,000 Western expatriates who ‘help make up the loss of professionals in Sub-Saharan Africa’ (Teichler & Yag˘cı, 2009). It thus can be argued that while student mobility in the form of internationalization is enabling students from Africa to access higher education in some of the best universities, the nature of academic programmes on offer to these students and the low rates of return does not make internationalization an attractive option for African countries looking for skills in S&T to spur socioeconomic development. Internationalization trends in the mobility of knowledge related to R&D can be tracked in terms of programmes offered through the now popular ‘branch campus model’, cross-border academic programmes and other forms of franchise arrangements. Which types of branch campuses are being established in Africa or twinned with African universities comparative to trends in other regions? Three reasons have been cited in existing literature to justify the location of branch campuses (Lane & Kinser, 2011). First, importing nations see foreign education providers as a means for increasing access to high-quality educational experiences (though, sometimes the higher quality can be more perceived than real). Second, it is often assumed that, because of its existing infrastructure at home, the branch campus will more likely become a significant contributor to the local research and innovation infrastructure (and ultimately economic growth) than a similar investment in the local educational system. Third, the affiliation with a prestigious educational institution is a status symbol for the host country (Lane & Kinser, 2011). Many criticisms have been labelled against branch campuses as a strategy for internationalizing quality higher education. American universities dominate in using the branch campus model as an internationalization

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strategy, accounting for 48% of the 162 branch campuses established by 2009 (Observatory on Borderless Higher Education, OBHE, 2009). In terms of location and host countries, it could seem from available evidence that branch campuses and high quality academic programmes are attracted to economically strong developing countries that have the financial means to fund the location and operations of these campuses. For example, the number of countries hosting branch campuses rose from 36 in September 2006 to 51 in 2009 (OBHE, 2009). The United Arab Emirates (UAE) led, with 40 international branch campuses – 25% of all those worldwide (Morgan, 2011). The UAE has been able to attract more campuses than any other country, driven by its high student demand for tertiary education and a need to build a knowledge society and economy to reduce its dependence on the export of oil, and assisted by its wealth of oil income, which allows the country to set attractive funding and support ‘packages’ (such as tax-free trade zones) for foreign institutions that establish a campus there (Morgan, 2011). Following the UAE in the league table for host countries are China (15 campuses), Singapore (12) and Qatar (9) (Morgan, 2011). African countries are not clearly in contest here due to their weak economies. However, branch campuses tend to enrol students of lower quality compared to those enrolling in home institutions (Altbach, 2011). Conversely, students in target countries prefer to enrol in the parent university than in the branch campuses, and have difficulties attracting quality faculty from the home country or university (Altbach, 2011). In terms of cost, branch campuses are set up through funding and other incentives provided by the host countries. A recent example is the Carnegie Mellon Campus in Kigali Rwanda set up through the financial support of the Rwandan government and the African Development Bank (Lane & Kinser, 2011). One can argue that if the branch campus model as an internationalization strategy is about increasing access to institutions and global knowledge in science and technology, then sub-Saharan Africa could be attracting the highest number of such institutions given its huge unmet demand for higher education and its development challenges. This has not been the case so far. Unfortunately, branch campuses are meant to be more of a revenue generation strategy for the home campus than a building capacity strategy for African institutions and society. It is of interest to note that even in emerging economies like Singapore that host a dozen branch campuses, the Tisch Asia, a graduate film and creative arts school that is a branch of New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts, has announced it would close, possibly in 2014 due to lack of local funding to subsidize its operations (Sharma, 2012). In this respect, it is not foreseeable that African governments would provide money

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to subsidize branch campuses that will end up providing lowquality education in general academic disciplines less attuned to the challenges of African development when national universities lack resources for expansion. The other issues being overlooked are the failure to analyse the direction and mobility of knowledge, the inequalities that accompany this and the implications this has for African universities. Accompanying physical student mobility is the movement of knowledge with varied economic premiums. Movement of knowledge takes place in the type and level of knowledge that students from different nationalities can access in other countries, the types of academic programmes being offered through franchise arrangements and even the size and quality of institutions being relocated to developing countries. For example the global centres that have been opened by Columbia University in Beijing, China and Amman in Jordan present a markedly different form of internationalization where established higher education institutions in the West are investing in high level collaborative science and technology programmes. They are a departure from the standard branch campuses built by many universities around the world to promote exchanges and attract foreign students. However, in most of Sub-Saharan Africa, that arguably requires skills in science and technology, most of the programmes are in the area of business education, related vocational courses and languages for ‘soft power’ considerations (Ren, 2012). The trend towards setting language laboratories in African universities, especially by China and Japan has, for example, been on the increase, a situation that continues to give prominence and economic premium to foreign languages in African universities, while marginalizing the status of African languages. At least in every African university, a Confucius Institute is coming up, sometimes with some financial input from African institutions. A total of 25 Confucius Institutes were operational in 18 African countries by 2010 (Makoni, 2010). Kenya’s flagship universities – Nairobi and Kenyatta, which both host Confucius Institute branches – offer courses in Korean and Chinese respectively. There is a sense, therefore, in which internationalization of higher education continues to perpetuate past inequalities in terms of knowledge mobility and utility and create new horizons of exclusion in terms of access to certain academic programmes that have high economic premium in the era of the knowledge economy. Thirdly is the fact that internationalization tends to undermine national and regional networking in higher education, and particularly in the development of relevant quality assurance standards. Hence, in most of Africa, and given the above scenario, there is bound to be constant questioning of

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the potential of internationalization of higher education to be an altruistic process. There are even doubts if internationalization of higher education may not lead to forms of ‘higher education imperialism’ where weaker systems in developing countries give way to stronger ones from the industrialized countries, in terms of institutional set-ups and more importantly knowledge packages. It is more likely that developed and emerging economies, mostly in Asia, attract more branch campuses and more investments in science and technology compared to universities and countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In terms of origin and content of programmes, three trends through which internationalization is being promoted in African universities and society can be identified from the literature. These are: (a) The European Union Model which, through the expansion of the higher education area, has sought to transpose aspects of the Bologna process to Africa through the Tuning process. The Bologna process put in motion a series of reforms needed to make European Higher Education more compatible and comparable, more competitive and more attractive for Europeans and for students and scholars from other continents (European Higher Education Area, EHEA, 1999). The European Union led, Africa-EU African Higher Education Harmonization and Tuning Project (Tuning Africa), is kind of an extension of the Bologna process to Africa. Under Tuning, higher education institutions and curricular in Africa are ‘tuned’ to be compatible to ‘internationally’ comparable standards in degree comparability, graduate mobility and employability. (b) The United States and North American brand of internationalization which has continued to rely on traditional research partnerships to build capacity in R&D in African universities. (c) Internationalization among new emerging economies often acting as brokers but sometimes also promoting national interests. This strategy is being pursued by countries from East and South East Asia – Malaysia, Australia and Singapore to win a foothold in the African higher education market. India and South Africa to some extent also fall within this group. The key characteristic is that in this third category, the countries and institutions serve more or less as intermediaries for the first two. To interrogate the contribution that any of the three trends is making to the development of African society, one has to examine their contribution to building capacity in S&T in African universities, and any investments that is being made to R&D. One can also examine the contributions of these trends

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in influencing investments in STI as central to the way higher education is offered. The most noticeable contribution of the EU-led Tuning process is in the building of regional higher education specializations in Africa. The project is part of the effort to create attractive and globally competitive African higher education space, through enhanced intra-African collaboration. The Tuning approach allows universities to understand and fine-tune curricula and make them comparable on a transnational basis. Thus far, the project is at its formative stages of implementation. A total of 31 countries are participating, with 12 universities selected from each of the regions to develop and strengthen specialization in specific disciplines. Northern African universities will offer specializations in medicine, West Africa in agricultural engineering, East Africa in civil engineering, Central Africa in mechanical engineering and Southern Africa in teacher education. The Tuning project is modelled along the lines of Africa’s efforts at harmonizing higher education as articulated through the ‘Arusha Convention’ started in 1981 and now being reviewed. This involves the ‘Nyerere Mobility Scheme’ (an academic mobility programme funded by the European Union that will provide 250 scholarships for postgraduate students to study in another African country for five years from 2011). There is also the African Union’s African Higher Education Harmonization Strategy (2007) already discussed elsewhere here. The importance and relevance of the Tuning approach to the strengthening of higher education in Africa and the development of Africa is the high sense of ownership it gives to African institutions and the fact that it is supporting an idea already developed within Africa. The project is being implemented by the Association of African Universities (AAU) under the guidance of the African Union Commission (AUC). The intentions of the ‘African Tuning’ processes is laudable. But then the process does not cohere and support the ‘African Higher Education Harmonization Strategy’ as articulated by the AUC policy. The process may result to having some academic programmes offered in African universities more compatible with what is offered within the EHEA instead of promoting harmonization and mobility within Africa. Besides the Tuning programme, the European Union also offers the Erasmus Mundus programme which provides for joint masters and doctorates (including scholarships for students, doctoral candidates and academics) and partnerships (including scholarships for students, doctoral candidates and academics). So far, a total of 2,755 masters’ and doctoral students and 401 staff from African universities have benefited in the programme (EU, Education and Culture Director General, 2008). The

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programme has so far focused on three doctoral disciplines in Forestry, Agriculture and Economics (in Kenya, Morocco, Tunisia and Uganda). The United States and North American research partnerships have also been sustained, and have been critical in the areas of continental and regional research networking and creating the infrastructure needed for African universities to collaborate among themselves. The best examples here include the African Economics and Research Consortium, established in 1988 as a network of 27 universities and 15 national, economic policy research institutions. The consortium promotes collaborative research and graduate training in economics, to overcome the limited capacity in individual member universities. The other is the Consortium for Advanced Research Training in Africa, launched in 2010 with funding from the Carnegie Corporation. The consortium comprises nine universities and four research institutes in Africa and selected partners in the North. It promotes doctoral training, especially in areas related to health and development. It also focuses on strengthening the research infrastructure and capacity of the African institutions. The Regional Universities Forum for Capacity Building in Agriculture, created in 2004 and based in Uganda is yet another consortium of 29 universities in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa with the main objective of fostering research and innovation in African universities. There is also the Regional Initiative in Science and Education funded by the Carnegie Corporation which promotes capacity building in sub-Saharan African universities through sponsorship of masters’ degrees and PhD programmes for scientists and engineers through university-based research and training networks (Mohamedbhai, 2012). What implications then have these trends, both the greater participation of the European Union in African higher education and the continuing US and North American partnerships, had in positioning African universities as agents of socio-economic transformation and development? One could argue that if these forms of internationalization are critical to Africa’s development, this should be evident in the increased production of knowledge relevant to Africa, and the increased contribution of academics in African universities and research institutions to the shared global knowledge in R&D. However, looked at from global trends, the quality of knowledge produced in African universities is still low, and its contribution to the corpus of global knowledge in S&T still negligible. Data on research capacities show that while the total number of researchers has increased from 5.8 million worldwide in 2002 to 7.1 million in 2007, the share of subSaharan researchers (excluding South Africa) has remained at an insignificant 0.6% (Langthaler, 2009/2010).

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Based on the indicative evidence from the preceding paragraph, it would appear that trends in internationalization have not led to much change in terms of building local capacities for knowledge production for African development. However at the level of individual countries, and often spurred by research partnerships from the non-traditional partners such as India, Brazil and China, there is evidence of intensified knowledge production relevant to Africa’s development (Cabral & Shankland, 2013). In 2006, members of the AU endorsed a target for each nation to spend 1% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on R&D signalling recourse to Africabased funding as sources of funds for R&D. In 1996, for example, researchers from Sub-Saharan Africa produced roughly 0.8% of the total papers in the Scopus database. By 2009, that fraction had reached about 1% (Irikefe et al., 2011). Part of this trend can be explained by increasing collaborations among researchers in Africa and the developed world. For example, the Kenya Medical Research Institute, KEMRI, in Kenya, increased its research output by 45% in the last 5 years since 2008, with an increasing number of papers co-authored by researchers at institutions such as the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia (Irikefe et al., 2011). Other African institutes are experiencing growth in collaborations with countries such as China and Brazil, showing growing research partnerships and the growing ambitions of Africa’s own researchers. According to the African Innovation outlook (AUC/NEPAD, 2010), South Africa, Uganda and Malawi invested more than 1% of their GDP in science and technology in 2007, according to the first comprehensive survey of such spending in individual countries on the continent (AUC/NEPAD, 2010). This put them above the spending target that African governments set to meet by 2010, adopted by Heads of State at an AU summit in 2007. South Africa outdoes the rest in absolute terms – spending nearly 30 times more than Malawi and more than 8 times than Nigeria, the runner-up. For the rest of the countries surveyed, R&D intensity was between 0.20% and 0.48% of their GDP. Innovations at individual universities and research institutions are also making a difference in research output from Africa. Based on the foregoing, it is clear that examining trends in the process of internationalization and their implications to the questions of African’s development present a mixed picture. On the one hand, the most visible aspect of internationalization, student and institutional mobility, do not seem to offer much promise in promoting African development. Most African students are outbound and though the evidence is not conclusive,

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seem to concentrate in disciplines not critical to building capacity in ST&I. This is compounded by their low rates of return, thus representing a transfer of both financial resources in the form of tuition fees paid to overseas institutions and skills learned. Institutional mobility and knowledge content does not also seem to favour Africa as destination given the commercial orientation of this mode and the inability of most African countries to subsidize the operations of branch campuses. Student and institutional mobility as a mode of internationalization also tends to work within the framework of promoting higher education through ‘trade’ and not ‘aid’, a dynamic which works in the interests of the developed economies rather than low-income developing economies (Robertson, 2012). This will deepen the knowledge-gap, generate new intellectual dependencies and widen the asymmetries between the developed, transition and developing economies (Robertson & Verger, 2012). Consequently, locating high scientific and research schools and research networks elsewhere, the options that Africa is being offered are those that will tend to marginalize the production and consumption of relevant knowledge for Africa’s development and higher education institutions in Africa as net consumers of knowledge produced elsewhere. In the next section, a reflection is made on what the increased encouragement for African universities to develop internationalization means for their existence as agents of Africa’s development.

INTERNATIONALIZATION POLICIES IN AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES AND THE CHALLENGES OF AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT Is the present era of higher education internationalization free from the patronizing tendencies of the 1960s and 1970s? There seems to be continued thinking from developed countries and associated higher education institutions that universities in Africa do not synergize the social and economic development of their societies, and helping the institutions to develop internationalization strategies is one way of building these synergies. Two interventions in this regard are worthy examining here. The first are efforts led by the International Association of Universities (IAU) to have internationalization policies and strategies in-built into the overall strategic planning process or policy development of universities worldwide. These efforts are led by the Internationalization Strategies Advisory Services (ISAS), an outfit created by the IAU to offer advisory services to institutions,

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especially in Africa which need to develop internationalization strategies.1 The second intervention is the ‘African Universities International Dimension Strengthening’ (AUDIS) Project, led by a Consortium of European Universities within the Coimbra group of institutions (http://www. coimbra-group.eu/audis/). Like the IAU strategy, the AUDIS project also targets lack of the international dimension in African universities. The argument is that lack of policies and services within the institutions related to international relations is a critical factor constraining the African institutions’ performance in research and teaching and to their role as development actors. The AUDIS Project aims to create better regional conditions for effective networking and by building the capacity of African universities to develop and carry out internationalization policies, through for example, establishment and training on the management of International Relations Offices and administration of international academic programmes. The project also aims to enhance awareness and commitment of African higher education systems to networking and international education. In terms of logic and operations therefore, the AUDIS project is not different from the IAU intervention. The aim is to have African universities receptive to ‘international trends’ in higher education, either in the form of offering curricular defined international or facilitating mobility of students and staff; in the context of ‘trade not aid’ policy. One outcome of the efforts to ‘internationalize’ African universities has been the establishment and proliferation of new offices and directorates meant to support and enhance the supposed ‘international’ image. Offices for international linkages and programmes, intellectual property, industrial linkages, business incubation centres, university enhancement, and other such outfits dot the campuses of most African universities struggling to win international recognition and ranking. But then there aren’t many investments either from the institutions or from the international partners to boost the capacity of the institutions in science and technology. The commitments of what the process of internationalization can do to African universities has been accompanied by decreasing external support to developing Africa’s science and technology despite pledges, with most donors’ spending money on overseas students studying in their institutions (Commission for Africa Report, 2010). Besides, an intellectual property office will be needless for an institution which does not have the basic infrastructure or capacity for its academic members of staff to produce and patent innovations. The international linkages offices often do not attract a sizeable number of students from universities in developed countries whose tuition fees can form an important revenue source for Africa’s cash-strapped

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universities. On the contrary, most of the offices and directorates end up draining resources from the institutions which would have, in the first instance, been expended to build basic infrastructures for S&T. The long-term neglect of funding to African universities has also meant that few countries have substantial national research grants open to scientists. In the absence of such grants, the majority of African science faculty in the universities depend on international support from development agencies or international research funders. This dependence hamstrings African science, since these sources are neither dependable nor always tailored to suit local research priorities (Nordling, 2012). So far, there is no evidence that more resources are accruing to African universities or research centres as a consequence of internationalization. One could argue that efforts at internationalizing research and innovation in African universities should fit into the national and regional systems of innovation that are already underway and not the other way round. The problem with internationalization in Africa is when it is packaged as a ‘fait accompli’ or when what is offered is at variance with what Africa and African universities’ research needs are. For African to develop, or to catch up in the development race, Africa societies and universities need to draw upon their own resources, vast knowledge and much greater intellectual prowess than has been deployed before (Mkandawire, 2010). African universities must strengthen their capacity in STI in order to face the complex dynamics associated with development. This task has to be undertaken by African universities and research centres. Since the infrastructure for research in these institutions is low, any form of partnerships or internationalization efforts must be seen to support this objective. This implies that such partnerships have to support the strengthening of research in universities and research institutions (Urama, Swilling, & Acheampongd, n.d.). Three issues seem to confront African institutions with regard to internationalization and research partnerships and attempts to ground research and innovation within African contexts. The first is that such partnerships rarely encourage dialogue within and among African institutions. Universities in Africa are increasingly ranked based on the number of partnerships forged with universities in the North. Rarely is the relevance of such partnerships called to account. But, as has been argued in the previous section, there are partnerships between African universities and other institutions in the developing world that are rarely factored into the rankings. Yet, these make enormous contributions to strengthen research capacities in the institutions, based on research policies developed in Africa.

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The second issue is the increasing sense in which broad topics for research and how they have to be researched are identified and framed at the global level. Often researchers in African universities are always out to establish what is topical in research at the global level and how it is confronted, not what is fundamentally troubling at the local level (Mkandawire, 2010). What should be critical here is to explore ways in which relevance of research undertaken in African universities can be enhanced by the universities taking a lead in driving the partnerships, rather than embracing already prepared partnership models, which undermine the capacity and autonomy of African institutions. Fortunately, frameworks now exist that African university should base their internationalization policies and strategies. The first of these frameworks has already been mentioned; the AU’s Africa Science and Technology Plan of Action and the subsequent Africa Science Manifesto. Internationalization policies by the universities should be geared to linking the works of the universities to these local level initiatives. Rather than offer African students and universities programme in business administration and related disciplines, institutional level policies should seek to develop Africa’s STI education and training infrastructure, particularly in fields such as agriculture, engineering and other similar strategies that focus the attention of the institutions to R&D. This would also promote innovation and the consolidation of a systematic interface between research and public policy, on the one hand, and research and industry on the other. The vision of a developmental university for Africa has been expressed by Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa in the context of African universities domesticating S&T initiatives through the embracement of African Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) (Mbeki, 2006). This means that if internationalization of higher education has to be what it claims to be to African society and universities, it has to support R&D undertakings that embrace an indigenous African world-view and assist the universities root their respective nations’ educational paradigms in an indigenous socio-cultural and epistemological framework: a paradigm shift to S&T education that is based on the African condition, knowledge, experiences, values and world-view. The African Science and Technology Consolidated Plan of Action (AUC, 2005) is based on these commitments, to develop and use science and technology for the socio-economic transformation of the continent and its integration into the world economy. The AU has again expressed similar commitments in its second decade for education in Africa, where the establishment of a pan-African university has been conceptualized in terms of the deconstruction, reconstruction and regeneration of the African realties in higher education (AUC, 2008).

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The third issue in examining internationalization trends in Africa and how the process links universities’ R&D to wider development concerns emanates from the work of the Council for Higher Education and Training (CHET) in South Africa which has examined the contribution of universities to economic development (Cloete, Bailey, & Maassen, 2011). The authors agree that the university makes unique contributions to development through transmitting knowledge to individuals and producing and disseminating knowledge that can be applied to the problems of society and economy. However, they point out that realizing such a positive synergy is only possible if the universities focus on offering a strong ‘academic core’ programmes. The strength of academic core in institutions is indicated by high enrolments in science, engineering and technology (SET) disciplines; postgraduate enrolments; the academic staff-to-student ratio; proportion of academic staff with doctoral degrees; research funding per academic; graduation rates in SET fields; and knowledge production in the form of doctoral graduates and publications in recognized ISI journals (Cloete et al., 2011, pp. 23–35). But as has been argued elsewhere in this chapter, internationalization of higher education for Africa does not seem to encompass the equipping of local universities to provide these academic cores. The branch campuses and other franchise arrangements prevalent for Africa do not also seem to focus on providing academic programmes encompassing these academic cores. The branch campuses are also far too few and the focus seems to be offering undergraduate degrees in a limited range of nonscience areas. The partnerships between African institutions, both in the traditional developed countries of the West, the new emerging economies of the East and South–South collaborations, based on perspectives and R&D policies framed from Africa, however, seem to position African universities to better focus on their academic core. They offer a promising possibility in the development of an African-based R&D regime to address the challenges of development in the continent.

CONCLUSION The issue confronting African universities and policymakers is no longer whether internationalization is good for Africa and African universities, but what forms of internationalization can be harnessed to best serve African universities and society. In the realm of trade and commerce, developing

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countries are now negotiating as blocs. It is time higher education development and internationalization was also approached through continental and regional set-ups. These should include national higher education accreditation bodies and National Research Council’s such that any institutional policies for internationalization reflect continental, regional and national goals. African universities are once again emerging from a period of crisis. At national levels, the democratization and liberalization processes have created a vibrant environment for the expansion of the institutions. The institutions will remain competitive only to the extent that they critically embrace the knowledge economy and address the development challenges of the African society. Not everything packaged as internationalization certainly builds the capacity of the institutions to stand up to this challenge. In designing internationalization policies the institutions should contextualize their research and academic programmes within an African agenda. In this regard, there is need for on-going programmes and partnerships to rethink their approach and energize efforts such as those of the AU aimed at regeneration of truly African universities. The universities also need to be at the forefront in fostering strong regional/ African approaches towards higher education provision, and tie this process with on-going efforts at economic and political integration in Africa. Efforts should also be tailored towards domestication of research and innovation activities within African institutions. It is not enough to encourage universities in Africa to assimilate available knowledge and build comparative advantages through applied research. Institutions should be able to engage in culturally relevant basic research that addresses the development concerns of African communities. It is not important to invest in agricultural biotechnologies, if institutions cannot engage and design basic post-harvest technologies for African farmers, when in fact, part of the cause of hunger in Africa stem from post-harvest losses. Only then can knowledge production from African universities give an African meaning to the process of higher education internationalization.

NOTE 1. The IAU held a workshop for African universities on ‘Developing Institutional Strategies for Internationalization’ at Kenyatta University Kenya on the 16 November 2011. Part of the workshop was to share experiences on good practice in developing internationalization strategies, based on a review done by ISAS of the internationalization policies of Moi University, Kenya.

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and Culture (DAC), the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA) and Department of Science and Technology (DST), Council for the Development of Social Science Research In Africa (CODESRIA), Stellenbosch, South Africa, 27–28 November. Zeleza, P. T. (2012). Internationalization in higher education: Opportunities and challenges for the knowledge project in the Global South. Keynote address, vice-chancellors leadership dialogue, Internationalization in higher education: Opportunities and challenges for the knowledge project in the Global South, A SARUA Leadership dialogue on building the capacity of higher education to enhance regional development, Maputo, Mozambique, 21–22 March. Conference organized by the Southern African Regional Universities Association, the International Association of Universities, and Universidade Eduardo Mondlane.

CROSS-BORDER HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA: COLLABORATION AND COMPETITION Jason E. Lane and Kevin Kinser ABSTRACT The recent development of higher education in Africa has been spurred, in part, through a variety of cross-border higher education (CBHE) initiatives. However, this is not a new trend and this chapter traces the development of CBHE activities in Africa from the early 1900s through the current era. While the earliest forms of CBHE were largely fostered through Western nations providing advice and validation to institutions in Africa, the types of CBHE engagements are much more varied, including collaborations among African nations. The chapter also explores the push by some African nations to become educational hubs, the variability of CBHE policies across nations, and the shift of collaboration from the global north to south.

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 99–126 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021007

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In the 1960s and 1970s a significant and wide ranging conversation dominated the higher education landscape in Africa. It dealt specifically with the question of whether or not it was possible to develop an African university. This discussion occurred not because there were no universities on the continent. There were actually more than 50 universities in Africa by the early 1970s and many had been in existence for several decades (Ike, 1976). Rather, those universities that did exist were mostly created by or in the image of Western institutions. The dominance of such foreign institutions was so great that it led UNESCO (1962) to suggest in a report on the development of higher education in Africa that ‘‘yno single type of foreign university can, in itself, meet the aspirations of the African people for social and economic development. Each country has its own genius and its societal characteristics. Its institutions must bear the stamps of those special characteristics’’ (p. 2). That discussions were held about the differences between foreign-influenced and domestically created education is not remarkable. In fact, as the development of cross-border education accelerates, debates about such are occurring all over the world. What is remarkable is that these discussions were being held in the middle of the last century and they were being held in Africa. Higher education institutions have been crossing borders for decades. The fashion school Parsons in New York City first opened a campus in Paris in the 1920s. Johns Hopkins created a branch campus in Italy in the 1950s. Florida State University started offering courses in the Panama Canal Zone around the same time. In fact, over the past several decades, a wide variety of cross-border education engagements have populated every inhabitable continent, except Africa. At least, it is commonly believed that Africa has been the exception to this development. This book highlights the rapid transformation of higher education in Africa. This transformation, in part, is occurring due to the increasing number of students, faculty, programs, and institutions crossing borders. These movements have accelerated because government and institutional leaders now recognize that higher education has emerged as a major form of international trade and development and that universities in foreign countries can help achieve domestic goals (Lane & Kinser, 2011a; Lane & Owens, 2012; Wildavsky, 2010). This combination of factors has led to a complicated mix of foreign universities and partnerships influencing the development of higher education across Africa. And, unlike the earlier generation of cross-border higher education, which was mostly imposed from afar; the current generation of cross-border activities is increasingly being pursued by the governments and people of Africa. The last 20 years have seen a significant transformation and expansion of cross-border higher education; and as a result, the development of new

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forms of educational collaboration and competition. It is now not unusual for higher education institutions to cross borders to build their own campuses or help develop entirely new institutions (Lawton & Katsomitros, 2012). For example, when New York City, the home to several leading research universities, was recently looking to create a new science and engineering focused university within the city, it issued a call for proposals that attracted bids from around the world; finally settling on a partnership between Cornell University and a public university in Israel (i.e., The Technion – Israel Institute of Technology) (Staley & Goldman, 2011). Any discussion of the prospects and challenges in the development of the African higher education sector needs to include an examination of the cross-border educational partnerships and outposts. As we discuss in this chapter, Africa has witnessed a recent surge in crossborder higher education – ranging from the development of a Carnegie Mellon branch campus in Rwanda to the island nation of Mauritius wanting to become an educational hub. This chapter is an initial attempt to provide a survey of cross-border higher education activities in Africa and place them in context of global trends. We should note that our purpose here is not to assess the value of such endeavors; each situation will be different. Some will likely make significant contributions; others less so. However, it is a real phenomenon and one that is not yet well understood. In order for an assessment of the contributions of such endeavors to occur, it is necessary for us to understand what is happening. This chapter begins with an overview of cross-border higher education, its significance in the higher education marketplace, and its historic development in Africa. In this section, we identify three main eras of transition. Then using the Kinser–Lane (2012) typology of foreign education outposts, we examine and compare the various forms of provider-based cross-border higher education currently occurring across the continent. Attention is then shifted to discussing three major trends involving government policy and regulations. The chapter concludes with a discussion of major challenges for future development of cross-border higher education in African nations (Table 1).

CROSS-BORDER HIGHER EDUCATION AND ITS DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Evidence of colleges and universities crossing borders is not difficult to find, even in Africa, which is the last of the populated continents to broadly

a

Rwanda South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana, Ethiopiaa Botswana Ghana Cote D’Ivoire Ghana Democratic Republic of the Congo

Carnegie Mellon University

African Institute for Mathematical Sciences EDUCOR: Damelin College NIIT Centre Suisse de Recherches Scientifiques New York University Flemish Interuniversity Council – University Development Cooperation

Importing Country South Africa

Example

Types of Foreign Education Outposts in Africa.

Monash University

Other countries are in the planning stages.

Subsidiary campus Validation campus Research site Extension location Outreach location

International branch campus Government contract campus Joint curricular campus

Type

Table 1.

Canada, France, South Africa, United Kingdom South Africa India Switzerland United States Belgium

United States

Australia

Exporting Country

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embrace higher education. For centuries, students and faculty have moved among nations in search of learning opportunities. The premise of individuals moving across borders to obtain an education was predicated on the assumption that institutions and programs were largely anchored in place. Thus, for a student from Africa to receive an American education, for example, she or he would have to travel across the Atlantic and attend college overseas. The internet has begun to broaden access to knowledge, including making available distance learning opportunities from foreign institutions. However, with only an estimated 13.5% of the population on the continent having access to the internet at the end of 2011, and much of that access only being intermittent, distance education remains a problematic solution to access (Internet World Statistics, 2012). But, this chapter does not focus on the virtual world. Instead it explores how higher education institutions and programs are moving across geo-political boundaries to improve access and build capacity in African nations.1 Cross-border higher education, a subset of the internationalization of higher education, includes the movement of people, knowledge, programs, providers, and curriculum across geo-political borders (Knight, 2006a). Broad-based awareness of the phenomenon arose after the development of the General Agreement on Trade and Services, which included education as one of the service areas to be potentially regulated by the agreement (see, e.g., Knight, 2003, 2006b; Van der Wende, 2005). For the purposes of this chapter, we are looking primarily at activities where providers move across borders and establish a physical presence to provide some form of education, research, or service function(s) in the local environment. Such activity may include the movement of people, programs, knowledge, and curriculum, but they are not specifically the focus.2 Colleges and universities have long been exporting their services to foreign countries through the development of overseas campuses, programs, and capacity building projects. In some cases, such as the creation of the Johns Hopkins campus in Bologna in 1955, institutions attempted to replicate the offering of their programs in foreign lands (Lane, 2011). While U.S. institutions were exporting higher education through the development of international branch campuses during the middle of the last century, the United Kingdom took a different approach with what is now called the validation model. In 1858, the University of London developed a program through which it would validate the work of students at independent academic institutions outside of the United Kingdom, awarding those students that passed the requisite examinations a degree from the University of London.

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This program was used to validate degrees at institutions throughout the Commonwealth; the institutions were usually granted a royal charter and were referred to as the external colleges of the University of London. Thus, it was the colonial history of the continent that began its long engagement with cross border higher education. In Africa, some of the earliest higher education institutions developed as part of the University of London’s ‘‘scheme of special relation.’’ This scheme existed in the middle of the 20th century to help develop institutions in the Commonwealth territories. For example, in Nigeria, the oldest university is the University of Ibadan, which originated as an external college of the University of London called Yaba College (Nkulu, 2005). Makerere University in Uganda also operated for a period of time (1949–1963) as an external college of the University of London (Nkulu, 2005). The University of Zimbabwe, University of Khartoum (Sudan), and the University of Nairobi (Kenya) were also considered external colleges for a short time during this period. Having a ‘‘special relation’’ with the University of London meant that, in addition to their students being eligible to take exams for a University of London degree, the University of London had a role in defining admission standards, curriculum, and other academic matters. Not all institutions developed as external colleges or in direct relations with foreign institutions. In some cases, foreign institutions were solicited to provide advice in the development of these independent institutions. One of the earliest such examples was the development of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) in the late 1950s. The institution’s early development was guided by advice from the presidents of the Michigan State University (USA) and the University of Exeter (UK), both of whom responded to an invitation from the Eastern Nigeria Government. Eventually, Michigan State would send about 200 faculty members to assist with the creation of the new institution’s academic core (Ike, 1976; Michigan State University, 2012). Michigan State also created cross-border partnerships in the 1960s with Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia) and the University of Dakar (now, Universite Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar). Three major reform periods in African cross-border higher education have occurred since the middle of the 20th century. The first transpired in the years following independence in the 1960s and 1970s (Moja, 2004). Anglophone and Francophone countries took different approaches; but both pursued ways to develop independent African institutions, desiring to localize education and expand access to Africans. While the former colonies sought to separate from their colonizers, many of the newly emerged nations continued to cooperate with each other, including in the form of

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cross-border education. One of the more unique forms of cross-border education was the development of the University of East Africa, which was created in 1963 to serve students in what are now Kenya, Tanzania,3 and Uganda. The University of East Africa was created as an umbrella entity for the existing Makerere University in Uganda, the (at the time) recently created University of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) and the University of Nairobi (Kenya). At the time these three institutions were considered constituent colleges of the University of East Africa, similar to how many African universities were created and/or operated as external colleges of the University of London. The campus offered the courses and the University of East Africa gave the exams and awarded the degree. However, by 1970 the University of East Africa was dissolved and the constituent campuses became independent institutions within their respective countries. The second significant period of change came in the 1980s and 1990s when the World Bank’s policy platform led to de-prioritization of higher education by African countries (see, e.g., Samoff & Carrol, 2003). The argument was that while higher education was important, the nations’ limited resources should be applied toward primary and secondary schools in order to build access to high quality compulsory education. An alternative, therefore, was for nations to send their students abroad and develop linkages with foreign universities to try to provide educational opportunities to their citizens. This led to a crippling disinvestment in higher education in many African nations, but fostered a number of cross-border collaborations. During this time several foundations, most notably Ford, Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Mellon, collaborated with each other to support academic exchanges between African and U.S. institutions to encourage the movement of students and faculty (Veney, 2004). During the third period, which occurred in the late 1990s and 2000s, the economic contributions of higher education began to foster change on three fronts. First, some governments began to realize that their disinvestment in higher education came at a significant cost. Sending their brightest students abroad resulted in brain drain to other nations and the lack of high quality higher education opportunities hindered the development of their local workforce and the advancement of knowledge-based industries. Second, demand for higher education increased as the growing population of secondary school graduates realized that higher education was a way to improve their quality of life and economic standing. Third, and most relevant to cross-border higher education, Africa’s international prominence rose, with its recognition as a source of natural resources and as potential

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new markets for exports and for having a critical need to benefit from innovations elsewhere to improve the health and safety of Africans. The trends affected the development of cross-border higher education in many ways. First, the increasing demand for access to postsecondary education resulted in the development of new academic programs supported by foreign education providers. Some of these initiatives developed as a way to provide access to a type of higher education (e.g., American or British) that was not otherwise available; while others were merely responding to the demand that exceeds the availability within the domestic system. Second, some nations began to recruit higher education institutions from other nations to come and set up shop or to help build capacity within the domestic sector. Some nations, such as Uganda, have even included cross-border higher education as a strategy in their national economic development plans (Lane & Owens, 2012). Third, a handful of governments outside of Africa, recognizing the emerging strategic importance of Africa, have invested in exporting their higher education to Africa and sending their students and faculty to gain experience on the continent as a means for developing a relationship with African nations.

FORMS OF PROVIDER-BASED CROSS-BORDER HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA There is great diversity of cross-border higher education occurring in Africa; though no comprehensive database of such activity exists. In this section, we identify major forms of provider-based cross-border higher education in Africa, and discuss examples for each type. These activities were identified by examining various forms of grey literature, such as media reports, websites, and policy papers. For this overview, we focus on activities that fit our definition of foreign educational outposts (FEOs): physically located in a country other than where the parent or founding organization is located; they offer or facilitate educational or research programs linked academically or administratively to the parent; and the parent has an explicit investment in the FEO through financial ownership, shared branding, or common name. (Kinser & Lane, 2012b, p. 5)

Key to inclusion in our review is for the FEO to have a physical presence in Africa. We omit, then, strictly online or virtual delivery of programs, but allow for other forms of activity that facilitate education or

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research projects on the continent, whether or not a degree or credential is awarded on site. We also exclude the movement of individuals, such as faculty or students, when there is no physical institutional presence associated with their movement. Also, we adopt a liberal definition of higher education in this review as well. Specifying what counts as ‘‘higher’’ in the education systems of many countries is a notoriously difficult task, especially for the private sector (Kinser & Levy, 2006; Levy, 2007). We therefore include institutions and programs that may reflect a technical or vocational focus if not specifically designated as secondary education in the country of origin. We also do not include campuses that were inspired by foreign academic models; but were not founded by foreign universities, such as the American University in Cairo (which is not linked academically or administratively to American University in Washington, DC). Some institutions may have had extensive relationships with foreign universities at their founding that provided advice and academic support during the early years. For example, as discussed previously, Michigan State University and University of Exeter were deeply engaged in the founding of University of Nigeria at Nsukka from 1958 until a civil war in the late 1960s essentially ended all foreign involvement. For the most part, these examples are difficult to identify in retrospect. We are cognizant that this review is not comprehensive. Data on nonpublic higher education in Africa, in general, is difficult to access (Levy, 2007). Information is largely hidden in institutional reports and not always announced clearly in public statements or web sites. We think of this chapter as a heuristic device to encourage further investigation and specification of the diversity and distinctiveness of cross-border higher education in Africa. In an earlier publication, we created the Kinser–Lane typology of FEOs (Kinser & Lane, 2012a, 2012c), which we have used to identify at least 11 different types of outposts (Kinser & Lane, 2012b).4 The typology design includes three levels of engagement: campuses, locations, and sites. Campuses offer an entire course of study that leads to the award of an academic credential. Locations offer some portion of an academic program, but without awarding a credential. At sites, no academic program is offered; rather they provide some type of research or support services in the region where they are located. The Kinser–Lane typology is used as means for organizing our data and illustrating key differences in the varying types of provider-based cross-border higher education activities in Africa.

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International Branch Campuses International branch campuses represent the most widely reported FEO form, relying on full provision of an entire academic program in a foreign country, with the name of the branch identifying its affiliation with the main campus. Documentation of this type has been rather extensive, including our own work through C-BERT,5 as well as through a series of reports by the Observatory on Borderless Higher Education (Becker, 2009; Lawton & Katsomitros, 2012; Verbik & Merkley, 2006). Because of the availability of data, we have gathered more information about this form than any other; although it is by no means widespread on the African continent. At least two campuses were originally established over 40 years ago as branches; although they have since become independent entities. United States International University in Kenya was founded in 1969 as a branch of the California-based institution. Regulatory changes in Kenya and questions about the accreditation status of the home campus led the Kenyan campus in 2005 to formally separate from its U.S. parent and become a locally chartered, private university. INTEC (a distance learning college based in South Africa) was originally founded in 1972 as a branch of the International Correspondence Schools, located in Scranton, Pennsylvania. It separated from the home campus in 1988 after a change of ownership, eventually being purchased by the for-profit EDUCOR group of South Africa. For the most part, though, relatively few examples of international branch campuses existed in Africa until recently. As of 2012, there were over a dozen branch campuses operating in Africa, most of which were relatively new. The oldest we have identified is a campus of the French fashion school ESMOD, which was established in Tunisia in 1988 (Lawton & Katsomitros, 2012). Branches were established in South Africa by Monash University (Australia) and Stenden University of Applied Sciences (Netherlands) in the early 2000s. The Stenden branch began as the Educational Institute for Service Studies under the auspices of the Dutch institution, then adopted the name Stenden South Africa in 2008. Other branch campuses emerged in the mid- and late-2000s. A French connection emerges with Paris-Dauphine University joining ESMOD in French-speaking Tunisia and Euromed Management, also from France, opening a campus in the former French protectorate of Morocco. While Western nations have been the dominate exporter of branch campuses to Africa, this is not an exclusively Western endeavor. Malaysia’s

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Limkokwing University opened locations in Botswana and Lesotho; and, according to our data, is the only non-African institution with branch campuses in more than one country on the continent. Other examples include Business School Netherlands, which has a campus in Nigeria, the Ghana campuses of the China Europe International Business School and India’s Mahatma Gandhi University. In addition to those outposts from China, India, and Malaysia, non-Western branches also come from Iran’s Islamic Azad University (in Tanzania) and Afghanistan’s Aga Khan University in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda (Aga Khan University, n.d.; Lawton & Katsomitros, 2012). A few African universities have also established cross-border presences, most typically through distance education. One of the few physical crossborder engagements by an Africa-based institution is Kampala International University, a Uganda-based institution with branches in Tanzania and Kenya. Another is the Management College of Southern Africa (MANCOSA), which has established a regional presence in Botswana, Namibia, and Zambia. Some African universities express ambitions for regional expansion, such as the stated intent of the Zimbabwe-based Women’s University in Africa to eventually open branches in countries across the continent. These efforts remain largely in the planning stages.

Government Contract Campus Government contract campuses are similar to international branch campuses, but are fully or mostly funded by the host government and established by invitation in order to support education, research, and/or economic development goals of the host country. They are dependent on receiving operational subsidies from the government for their ongoing activities. The foreign institution agrees to establish a campus in the host country, often with specific conditions on programs to be offered and student enrollment requirements. Because many African countries are relatively poor and the options to charge tuition limited, foreign institutions may need government guarantees of revenue and support in order to financially justify setting up a campus. Governments seeking to jump start their development through education may see particular benefit in sponsoring one or more foreign campuses to meet immediate needs. Carnegie Mellon University’s campus in Rwanda is a specific example of this sort of arrangement between a host government and a foreign institution.6 In this case, support for the campus also draws on the resources

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of the African Development Bank to fund the construction of a new campus for the venture. The Rwandan government selected the U.S. university because its reputation and expertise in information and communications technology matched the emerging demands of the local economy. The initiative is described as a partnership between the Rwandan government and Carnegie Mellon, though only limited details on the funding commitments involved have been made public. The Rwandan government is paying half of the tuition and fees for all West African students that enroll in the Master of Science in Information Technology program, and any Rwandan student who agrees to work for the government for two years can also get a scholarship to attend (Jaschik, 2011). At the time of this writing, Botswana also has a policy environment that may encourage the development of such campuses and the government has been actively promoting initiatives designed to attract foreign campuses. For example, the government offers to sponsor most students at private tertiary institutions, including those at campuses established by foreign universities (Kewagamang, 2011). It is not clear, though, the extent to which the Malaysia-based Limkokwing campus is currently supported by Botswana government, especially given the overall decline in support for higher education in recent years (Weeks, 2012).

Joint Curricular Campus Joint curricular campuses are FEOs collectively operated by multiple foreign institutions, each offering a particular expertise that contributes to the award of a single credential. The credential may be awarded by one of the partners or by the FEO itself. Joint curricular campuses can involve partnering with existing institutions in the host country or involve the creation of a new entity to serve as the academic home for the initiative. A prominent example of this form is the Pan-African University,7 a graduate and research university sponsored by the African Union and the Association of African Universities. It consists of a network of academic specialization centers situated in five regions across the continent (Lom, 2011). Each center has a designated curricular and research focus led by a university in the region and supported by several other institutions from neighboring countries. For example, the center focusing on areas of science, technology, and innovation is located in East Africa and led by Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology. The West African center focuses on earth and life sciences and is hosted by University of

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Ibadan in Nigeria. The Southern African node on space sciences is hosted by University of Stellenbosch in South Africa. In Central Africa, the University of Yaounde in Cameroon leads a center specializing on social and human sciences and governance. Finally, in North Africa, a network of 11 universities will emphasize water and energy sciences, with a central location established in Algeria.8 Another example is the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences (AIMS).9 AIMS is a partnership project of three European and three African universities, and benefits from additional support provided by Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics in Canada. The focus of AIMS is on providing advanced study in science and mathematics, with the stated goal of building local capacity for education, research, and technology in Africa. Its flagship project is the AIMS Next Einstein Initiative, with centers in South Africa, Nigeria, Se´ne´gal, Ghana, and Ethiopia, and plans for a dozen more. A third model of the joint curricular campus is represented by the German University in Cairo. This is a private university in Egypt developed in partnership with the Universities of Ulm and Stuttgart, and sponsored by the German Academic Exchange Service. The curriculum is from the German universities and concludes with degrees recognized both by the Egyptian university as well as the German partners.10

Subsidiary Campus A subsidiary site is an autonomous local university owned by a foreign entity but is otherwise distinct with its own degree-granting authority. Usually these are private for-profit entities that are part of larger networks, such as Laureate International Universities which owns Universite´ Internationale de Casablanca (UIC) in Morocco. UIC is a private university established in 2010 with backing from U.S.-based Laureate and a joint Moroccan–Emirati venture capital firm. Additional examples include the subsidiary sites owned by the private education company EDUCOR, based in South Africa. EDUCOR owns eight different higher education institutions with locations in southern Africa. Mostly they are promoting distance education and have limited physical presences outside of South Africa, but Damelin Correspondence College has a registered learning site in Namibia, and there is a face-to-face campus of Damelin College in Botswana.

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Validation Campus This is an FEO where the curriculum is provided and taught by a foreign entity, but the credential is validated by a local university. Most foreign entities in Africa we have identified either have their own awarding authority for the programs they offer or do not award credentials at all. More common, of course, are the twinning and franchising programs offered primarily by UK and Australian universities. These award a foreign credential for courses taught by a local African institution. Since there is essentially no physical presence from the foreign university, however, we do not consider this to be an FEO. The validation campus, on the other hand, is an actual physical location, with the courses and curriculum determined by the sponsoring foreign entity. A university with sufficient quality and status in the host country, then, validates the curriculum or learning outcomes and awards the actual credential. This FEO form is represented by several locations of NIIT, an Indian institution that offers technical training and workforce development solutions but is not itself a degree-granting entity in India (NIIT, 2008). It has a presence in 11 African countries, and in some, a local university has stepped in to offer a recognized credential to students who have completed the NIIT course of study. For example, NIIT in Ghana offers a Bachelor of Science in Information Technology program where the degree is awarded by the Ghanaian University of Education.

Research Site The primary purpose of the research site is to develop international faculty collaborations and/or industry relevant research, and a credential may or may not be awarded by the home campus. In campuses where credentials are offered, the research site serves advanced students engaged in specialized research. In Africa, these sites often take advantage of the unique biodiversity in the region. For example, the German Primate Center is sponsored by the Leibniz Institute for Primate Research. This is a field station in Senegal where affiliated researchers study the baboons that live in the protected Niokolo-Koba National Park. Similarly, the Centre Suisse de Recherches Scientifiques in Cote D’Ivoire was founded in 1951 to serve as a focal point for Swiss and European researchers to conduct basic and applied research in the tropical environment of west Africa, with particular attention to the development needs of the region.

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Extension Location Extension locations are places where the home campus provides some instruction for part of a program that students complete elsewhere. It is not clear how widespread this type is because they are not easily distinguished from study abroad programs hosted by local African institutions. In our typology, extension locations are reserved for the exclusive use of the foreign institution and attendance at the site is controlled by the home campus. In some cases, only students already enrolled at the home campus may study at the extension location. In other instances students from other institutions can attend as well. Occasionally, local students make up a portion of the student body as well. This last case may no longer be sustainable, however, as our primary example of Suffolk University (USA) in Senegal closed its doors in 2011 after 12 years of operation. Suffolk had a location in Senegal that provided students with the first two years of an academic program. Upon finishing, students could transfer to the home campus in Boston. After a decade of operation, the expense of maintaining a physical presence in Africa saw diminishing returns as students increasingly would transfer to a different U.S. institution after completing two years in Suffolk’s Africa campus (Carmichael, 2011). An extension location form that is more common globally is reflected in The University of New England (USA) in Morocco. They are leasing land from a local school and building a new site for their students to experience downtown Tangier during semester- or year-long stays in the country (Russell, 2012). Other U.S. universities have similar programs, such as New York University’s Global Academic Center in Ghana and Duke University’s Organization for Tropical Studies study site in Kruger National Park in South Africa. An interesting case is the School for International Training (SIT), a college in Vermont, USA that specializes in global learning initiatives. It has study abroad sites in 16 countries throughout Africa.

Outreach Location Outreach locations represent FEOs that are purely administrative offices staffed by the home campus. These locations serve to facilitate partnerships, student recruitment, and other opportunities in the host country. Although no courses or academic programs are offered, we include these as crossborder initiatives because they demonstrate an extensive connection between

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the home campus and host country that is amplified by the establishment of a staffed facility. An example of this form is the Free University of Berlin’s Liaison Office in Cairo, one of seven such offices around the globe that were established to provide assistance to faculty and staff in their scholarly efforts around the world. The office in Cairo focuses not just on Egypt, but also broadly on cooperative arrangements across the Arabic-speaking world. It also supports faculty and student exchanges of scholars, doctoral student recruitment, and study abroad activities for the university. A similar example is the Flemish Interuniversity Council – University Development Cooperation (VLIR-UOS) partnership strategy offices in Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In this case, though, rather than single home campus sponsorship, the outreach location is staffed by a consortium of Belgian institutions with funding from Belgium’s Minister of Development Cooperation. The goal is not just to develop research and scholarly links in the region, but also to support Belgium’s foreign trade and public diplomacy abroad. Germany’s academic exchange service, DAAD, also operates an outreach location in Africa. While not an FEO in its own right, as DAAD is not a college or university, their site in Kenya facilitates academic exchange between African and German colleges and universities. It also helps support the learning of the German language and knowledge about the German culture and economy. A third version of this cross-border form are distance education support sites that exist to provide advising and academic services to students who are enrolled in distance programs delivered online or through other distance and correspondence formats. No instruction occurs but the sites may serve as testing centers or provide academic evaluation for students or potential applicants. A good example of this is represented by the authorized learning centers of Sikkim Manipal University (India). The institution operates a global network of centers, including in the African countries of Mauritius, Yemen, Uganda, Ethiopia, Ghana, Cote D’Ivoire, Nigeria, and Sudan.

GOVERNMENT INVOLVEMENT IN CROSS-BORDER HIGHER EDUCATION By definition, cross-border higher education involves at least two governments. Previous research suggests that the government of the receiving nation tends to be more engaged in such activities than the government of the sending nation (Lane & Kinser, 2008; Lane, Kinser, & Knox, 2012).

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This heightened engagement by the receiving nations is due to the fact that the activity takes place within its borders and it has an obligation to oversee the development of its education sector. However, the amount of engagement can vary from very passive, such as not outlawing the development of such activities, to developing regulatory and quality assurance bodies dedicated to overseeing cross-border higher education. Much like the variations in types of cross-border activity in Africa, no survey exists of the various policies and practices of government involvement, though such a study would be useful in the future. Here we suggest three trends in government engagement that have current or future implications for crossborder higher education, specifically in the African context.

The Rise of the Education Hubs There has been a significant expansion globally in the number of countries, particularly those with developing economies, that have stated the desire to become an education hub (Knight, 2011). Most education hub plans seek to import foreign education providers as a means to develop domestic educational capacity, improve local educational access, enhance research productivity, and attract more international students. Many such endeavors tend to be more rhetoric than reality (Knight, 2011, 2012). Governments with active hubs that have successfully recruited foreign providers are mostly in Asia and the Middle East; however, this strategy has recently begun to emerge in some African nations as well. Botswana, Libya, and Uganda have each declared the desire to be seen as an education hub, but with varying levels of success in attracting foreign education providers. In 2010, Libya declared the desire to build several educational hubs in connection with foreign universities and committed to a $150 billion development program to expand educational infrastructure and other institutions in order to strengthen the nation’s economy (Spencer, 2010; Wheeler, 2012). This plan was derailed in the wake of the Arab spring uprisings. Botswana has actually moved forward with its plans to develop a hub, though its success in attracting international institutions so far seems limited to Limkokwing University of Creative Technology from Malaysia and a couple of branches of South African colleges. Other institutions have reportedly expressed interest (Weeks, 2012), but we have seen no commitments from Western universities to date. Uganda, which does not appear to have any substantive foreign educational providers, has had a rapidly developing domestic educational infrastructure11 and is actively

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recruiting students from other African nations to study in Uganda (Bwambele, 2012). Two nations that have pursued becoming an educational hub with some level of success in attracting foreign educational providers are Mauritius and South Africa. The recent development of the Mauritius education hub has attracted several Indian universities to the island, as well as a campus of the UK’s Middlesex University and some South African institutions (Gouges, 2011).12 South Africa is most likely the first nation in the continent to utilize foreign education providers to help them become an educational hub. South Africa’s Department of Education estimates that there were at least 50 foreign education providers offering some form of education in South Africa in the late 1990s (Naidoo & Singh, 2007). However, this number dipped precipitously after new regulations required private higher education providers to register with the government (Bitzer, 2002; Marshall, 2002). Despite the drop in the number of foreign education providers, South Africa remains an active educational exporter via student mobility in Africa (Kwaramba, 2012).

Variability of National Regulatory Frameworks There exists no consistent framework across the continent for the regulation of cross-border higher education, leaving a wide range of regulatory environments that foreign providers might encounter.13 Moreover, the regulations can change quickly and, sometimes, without notice. Such variability should be concerning to those foreign education providers looking to enter the African market as changing regulations can quickly affect their ability to operate (McBurnie & Zyguris, 2007). The changing regulatory environment in South Africa illustrates the fluctuations that can occur and the consequent impact on cross-border education provision. After apartheid ended in 1994, many private educational institutions emerged in South Africa to take advantage of the large and largely untapped education market in the country (Levy, 2003). This expansion of private providers included foreign educational institutions, which became involved in South Africa through distance learning, branch campuses, and franchise and degree recognition agreements. As part of the government’s efforts to better regulate the private education sector, it passed laws requiring that all private higher education register with the Department of Education and that they meet the government approved quality assurance requirements. In 2000, when they were first required to

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register, 14 foreign providers applied for registration; only 4 were approved (Naidoo & Singh, 2007). Within four years of having to meet the new standards, Bond University and DeMontfront University both withdrew from the country. Monash University remained, but had to significantly readjust its revenue predictions and incurred unanticipated debt for several years (McBurnie & Zyguris, 2007). While South Africa continues to be an active exporter of education, the market for foreign education providers has not changed significantly for several years and there is little tolerance of private providers that do not register with the government. The regulatory environment in Kenya has been different, with no separate quality assurance or regulation process for foreign providers. Instead, branch campuses and other FEOs awarding a degree are required to abide by the regulations pertaining to all forms of private postsecondary education in Kenya (Kaberia, Mutinda, & Kobia, 2007).14 Thus, in order to operate in the country, degree-granting FEOs have to register with the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology and eventually achieve accreditation from the Kenyan Commission for Higher Education.15 In a case study of cross-border education in Kenya, Kaberia et al. (2007) did not provide an accounting of how many institutions were engaged in some form of cross-border education, which they defined to encompass distance education, partnerships, and branch campuses. They did note that only the United States International University, formerly a branch campus of an institution in California,16 was granted a charter by the government as it fulfilled the requirements to be licensed as a private education provider. Aga Khan University of Afghanistan has also been operating a branch in Kenya since 2002, but only under provisional approval from the government and not yet been granted a charter. Other institutions contacted by Kaberia et al. (2007) were not locally recognized, but relied on the accreditation from the sending nation as a means for evidencing quality. South Africa and Kenya have taken very different approaches to regulating cross-border higher education. Both examples illustrate the interest in the African market by foreign education providers. In both cases, the governments sought to regulate cross-border higher education as part of the private sector, not establishing separate quality assurance mechanisms such as has been done in Dubai and Hong Kong. In South Africa, there is a fairly strict adherence to the regulations, in that those not registered are forced to close. The changes instituted by South Africa, therefore, had a detrimental effect on the foreign education providers, causing most of them to leave the country. In Kenya, requirements exist, but foreign education providers are required to meet local registration and quality assurance

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measures required of all private providers, domestic and foreign. However, the South African case shows that these regulations can change quickly and foreign institutions may then only have the choice to comply or withdraw.

A Shift from a Western to Southern Orientation For much of its history the development of higher education in Africa has been led by Western governments and nongovernmental organizations. As noted in this chapter, much of this influence dates back to the era of colonization, when the Western powers saw as part of their obligations to the region to provide some limited forms of postsecondary education. Even after the era of independence took hold, many nations continued to turn toward the well-developed higher education systems in the West for guidance. And, after the World Bank urged governments not to invest in higher education, Western foundations supported the student and faculty exchange programs, and other forms of cross-border higher education, as a means for supporting the continent. However, by and large, the agenda for higher education was being largely driven by the West. This orientation has begun to shift in recent years, toward the South. Western institutions continue to hold a great deal of sway over many aspects of higher education in Africa, but nations such as China and India have been gaining influence. Developing nations like Brazil resemble the vision of many countries in Africa, as it has been investing some of its new revenues from its rapidly developing economy to expand its higher education system. This model is similar to what many nations want to pursue in their own right. So, rather than looking to the highly developed systems in places such as Europe and the United States, some African nations are beginning to look toward countries with similar colonial histories and economic and social institutions to emulate. The influence of China and India both come from those nations’ desire to strengthen their position within Africa, and they see higher education as a critical way for doing that. For them, Africa is a critical emerging market where they can obtain new resources and export their goods and services. India has been working to strengthen its role in Africa. It has committed to a $5 billion development package, including $700 million toward developing new institutions and training programs (Garg, 2011; Newsome, n.d.). Through such endeavors as the India-Africa Forum Summit that first occurred in 2008, India committed, among other things, to establish several vocational training institutes (India-Africa Forum Summit, 2012).

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For example, the India-Africa Institute for Education Planning and Administration will support capacity development in the African education sector. The India-Africa Institute of Foreign Trade in Uganda will offer fulltime and part-time MBA programs, and will be an extension of the Indian Institute of Foreign Trade (Garg, 2011; Singh, 2011). According to Gurjit Singh, joint secretary for eastern and southern Africa at the Ministry of External Affairs, the institutes would be established in cooperation with the African Union and India would help run the institutes for the first three to five years (Singh, 2011). India has also invested more money in scholarships for African students to attend college in India. China’s commitment to helping develop Africa’s higher education sector seems to have formally begun with the China-Africa Co-operation summit in Beijing in November 2006 (Observatory for Borderless Higher Education, 2006). At the meeting, a joint action plan was developed for China to increase the number of scholarships available for African students to study in China, increase support for student and staff exchanges between universities, and support development of collaborative degree programs. In July 2012 China announced the three-year ‘‘African Talents Plan,’’ committing to even more scholarships for African students, including providing vocational training for 30,000 students and 18,000 university scholarships (Li, 2012). China has also committed to sponsoring the development of more African-based Confucius Institutes. These institutes are outreach and educational offices located at local schools and universities and sponsored by the Chinese government and committed to spreading the Chinese language and Finculture. There were four institutes in Africa in 2006. By 2012, 16 institutes were spread across 11 African nations.17 There are multiple reasons for governments to be involved in these efforts. Importantly, however, as globalization has transformed economies and international relations, higher education has become recognized as a source of both economic competitiveness and soft power (Lane, 2012a, 2013). The Western powers have long recognized the advantages for investing the social institutions of developing nations; but the emerging economic powers are also becoming more involved, creating competition for influence and a battle that takes place in part in the education sector.

LOOKING FORWARD While many institutions around the world have entered into joint ventures and memorandums of understanding with African institutions, fewer have

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sought to develop and staff a physical location to deliver education or support student learning and faculty research.18 On the one hand, it is surprising that more institutions are not involved in Africa given its high demand for education and generally weak university infrastructure. If crossborder higher education is about providing needed educational services and programs to a local population, then it is hard to think of a region more in need of this than Africa. On the other hand, many of the cross-border initiatives seem as interested in revenue generation for the home campus as they are in building capacity for the host government. On this account, Africa is less desirable because there is less money available to support a break-even (let alone profitable) business model. Foreign institutions would likely need subsidies to be able to support the development of a foreign campus; but few African governments have chosen to invest resources in foreign education providers, and external funding from foundations and other sources rarely provided the needed resources (e.g., Lewis, Friedman, & Schoneboom, 2010). Governments tend to recruit foreign education providers for three primary reasons. First, importing nations see foreign education providers as a means for increasing access to high-quality educational experiences (though, sometimes the higher quality can be more perceived than real). Second, it is often assumed that, because of its existing infrastructure at home, the cross-border providers will more likely become a significant contributor to the local research and innovation infrastructure (and ultimately economic growth) than a similar investment in the local educational system. Third, the affiliation with a prestigious educational institution is a status symbol for the host country. Foreign providers draw attention to the host country and can directly or indirectly signal to the external world that it believes the nation to be of increasing global importance. However, the relationship between the branch campus and the importing country is two-sided. No matter how much a country wants to import a foreign campus, there has to be an institution willing to engage in the endeavor. And, an institution that wants to become more deeply engaged in Africa by staffing a new location there must find a country with relatively friendly policies toward foreign ownership of educational facilities. Just as important, though, is stability in the relationship between home campus and host country. As we have seen, the inability to adjust to changing local regulations in South Africa quickly eliminated a nascent foreign presence there. Despite what sometimes seems like a gold rush toward international partnerships, these cross-border initiatives remain fraught with problems. Local students do not always have the academic preparation, financing, or

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interest to attend. Governments and their interests change; and FEOs can rely on few legal protections when operating overseas. Some institutions have found it difficult to conduct teaching and business affairs in cultures vastly different from that of the home country (Lane, 2011). And, since few institutions are able or willing to devote home campus resources to fully subsidize extensive foreign engagements, autonomy may be sacrificed as the agendas of the host government and private-sector partners must be taken into account. Subsidies, however, are a topic deserving of their own investigation, beyond the scope of what can be covered here. Suffice to say for now that subsidies provide the time to develop high-quality, sustainable academic programs and to respond to local research agendas, rather than needing local student fees to immediately cover all expenses. Moreover, local government support helps the campuses navigate local regulations and provides legitimacy in the local market. Yet they also add stakeholders with differing or even contradictory goals, as well as combining different educational traditions on such matters as academic freedom, public service, and the university as a site for political and social critique. It is probably safe to assume that more African governments will seek out foreign providers to help develop their local educational capacity. New educational outposts will emerge from a broad range of countries, including more African initiated efforts. The diversity of forms is something to watch as countries and foreign providers engage in an ongoing dance to determine the educational future of continent. The recent history of cross-border higher education in Africa shows, though, that the opportunities that emerge will be locally constructed, yet dependent on partnerships. In these cases, borders matter, but so do the transnational relationships that are intrinsic to African educational development today.

NOTES 1. Distance education through written correspondence and other modalities, however, is in evidence throughout the continent. We mention examples where specific support to students or physical study sites are provided in other countries as examples of cross-border education. 2. While the focus of the chapter is not on student mobility, we note that an increasing number of African students are pursuing educational opportunities outside of their home country. Some of these students study elsewhere in Africa, but a majority pursue educational opportunities outside of the continent (Chien & Kot, 2012; UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2012).

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3. At its inception, the University of East Africa served the nations of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, which merged in 1964 as a new nation called the United Republic of Tanzania. 4. We do not list all 11 types in this article; only those that we have identified to exist in Africa at the time of our writing. 5. See a bibliography and list of publications at http://www.globalhighered.org. 6. More information can be found at http://www.cmu.edu/rwanda/. 7. This is a separate institution from the Pan-African University, a Catholic institution in Lagos guided by the Prelature of Opus Dei. 8. Additional information can be found on their website: http://j.pau-au.org/. 9. Additional information can be found on their website: http://www.aims.ac.za/. 10. Additional information can be found on their website: http://www.guc.edu.eg/. 11. Including Kampala International University which has branches in neighboring Tanzania and Kenya. 12. The official website for the Mauritius hub development is http://www.investmauritius.com/Knowledge1.aspx. 13. UNESCO/OECD developed guidelines for quality provision of cross-border higher education http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID=29228& URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html. However, there is no evidence that these guidelines have had substantive impact on any of the regulatory environments in Africa. 14. This is despite the fact that Kenya had the first national quality assurance agency in sub-Saharan Africa (in 1985), and the law authorizing its establishment specifically noted the recognition of foreign providers as one of its stipulated functions (Commission for Higher Education, 2012; Materu, 2007). 15. In their in- depth case study of cross-border education in Kenya, Kaberia et al. (2007) found that some cross-border education providers were registered by the country’s registrar of companies. 16. It became an independent institution in 2005 and is no longer affiliated with its former U.S. parent. 17. Botswana (University of Botswana); Benin (University of Abomey-Calavi); Cameroon (University of Yaounde II); Ethiopia (Addis Ababa Confucius Institute); Nigeria (Nnamdi Azikiwe University, University of Lagos); Kenya (Kenyatta University, University of Nairobi); Rwanda (Kigali Institute of Education); South Africa (Rhodes University, Stellenbosch University, Tshwane University of Technology, University of Cape Town); Sudan (University of Khartoum); Zimbabwe (University of Zimbabwe); Zambia (University of Zambia). 18. This section draws off of an essay previously published online with The Chronicle of Higher Education (Lane & Kinser, 2011b).

REFERENCES Aga Khan University. (n.d.). Campuses and teaching sites in East Africa. Retrieved from http://www.aku.edu/aboutaku/akuataglance/campusesandteachingsites/eastafrica/Pages/ home.aspx

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Becker, R. F. J. (2009). International branch campuses: Markets and strategies. London: Observatory on Borderless Higher Education. Bitzer, E. (2002). South African legislation on limiting private and foreign higher education: Protecting the public or ignoring globalisation? SAJHE/SATHO, 16(1), 22–28. Bwambele, T. (2012). Uganda woos Rwandan students. New Vision: Uganda’s Leading Daily, July 5. Retrieved from http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/632666-uganda-woos-rwandan-students.html Carmichael, M. (2011). Universities rethink global expansion. The Boston Globe, October 13. Retrieved from http://www.boston.com/news/education/higher/articles/2011/10/13/for_ some_schools_including_suffolk_university_in_boston_the_boom_in_global_branch_ campuses_goes_bust/ Chien, C. & Kot, F. C. (2012). New patterns in student mobility in the southern Africa development community. UNESCO Institute for Statistics Information Bulletin No. 7. Retrieved from http://www.uis.unesco.org/Education/Documents/ib7-student-mobilityafrica-2012-v4-en.pdf Commission on Higher Education. (2012). Accreditation status of universities in Kenya as of June 2012. Retrieved from http://www.che.or.ke/downloads.html Garg, S. (2011). India to establish foreign trade institute in Uganda. Business Standard, June 21. Retrieved from http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/india-to-establish-foreign-trade-institute-in-uganda/439903/ Gouges, G. (2011). Mauritius: Minster outlines plan for education hub. University World News, Issue No. 191, October 2. Retrieved from http://www.universityworldnews.com/ article.php?story=20111001152158418 Ike, V. C. (1976). University development in Africa – The Nigerian experience. Oxford: Oxford University Press. India-Africa Forum Summit. (2012). Plan of action of the framework for cooperation on the IndiaAfrica Forum Summit. Retrieved from http://www.indianembassy.gov.et/?q=node/62 Internet World Statistics. (2012). Internet usage statistics for Africa. Retrieved from http:// www.internetworldstats.com/stats1.htm Jaschik, S. (2011) Carnegie Mellon In Rwanda. Inside Higher Ed, September 19. Retrieved from http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2011/09/19/amid_protests_carnegie_mellon_moves_ to_open_branch_campus_in_rwanda Kaberia, F., Mutinda, J. M., & Kobia, M. (2007). Regulation and quality assurance mechanisms for transnational (commercial) providers of higher education in Kenya. In M. Martin (Ed.), Cross-border higher education: Regulation, quality assurance, and impact (Vol. II, pp. 123–214). Paris: International institute for educational planning. Kewagamang, M. M. (2011, July 13). Botswana presentation at the African education summit. Rabat Morocco. Retrieved from http://www.africanbrains.net/our-events/wp-content/ uploads/2011/07/BOTSWANA-PRESENTATION-MOROCCO.pdf Kinser, K., & Lane, J. E. (2012a). Foreign outposts of colleges and universities. International Higher Education, 66, 2–3. Kinser, K. & Lane, J. E. (2012b). Moving beyond the international branch campus: A typology of foreign educational outposts. Paper presented at the Association for the Study of Higher Education annual meeting, November 16, Las Vegas, NV. Kinser, K. & Lane, J. E. (2012c). Seeing the forest beyond the branch (campus). University World News, Issue No. 227, June 24. Retrieved from http://www.universityworldnews. com/article.php?story=20120622085255832&query=kevin+kinser

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‘‘STEERING RATHER THAN ROWING’’: INTERNATIONALISM, PRIVATIZATION, AND UNIVERSITY REFORM IN TANZANIA Ross J. Benbow ABSTRACT This chapter explores how neoliberal higher education reforms in the United Republic of Tanzania (URT) during the 1990s and 2000s were shaped by the history of governance, schooling, and foreign donor involvement in the country following its independence in 1961. Against this backdrop, I examine how concepts of private versus public leadership, individualism, competition, and education’s place in the overall development scheme shifted over time, and the influence these changing conceptualizations had on the role of universities in Tanzania by the end of the first decade of the 21st century. In an international environment in which powerful funding agencies see neoliberal higher education policies and ‘‘knowledge societies’’ as the key to increased national competitiveness and poverty eradication in sub-Saharan Africa, this chapter shows

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how changes embedded in recent market-centered university reforms – in which the state is said to ‘‘steer’’ rather than ‘‘row’’ – have influenced the quest for equitable development.

INTRODUCTION: ‘‘SOMETHING TO BEHOLD’’ On one particularly beautiful day in late April 2009, a high-ranking administrator at Tanzania’s Iringa University College-Tumaini – often referred to in town simply as ‘‘Tumaini,’’ a Kiswahili term meaning ‘‘we hope’’ – sat in his central office smiling. He talked of the feelings of opportunity and expectation that had attended the country’s privatization of the higher education sector and his own work in Iringa, a town of over 100,000 in the country’s south-central highlands. Along with a few others who were closely involved in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania’s (ELCT) Iringa Diocese, he had helped build Tumaini from the ground up in the early 1990s. Starting with an inaugural class of just 14 theological students, the college had grown to an institution of almost 3,000 (URT, 2009b). He spoke with a quiet pride as the conversation turned to the path Tumaini had taken in the last 16 years. He shook his head and smiled. ‘‘You know, we never had water, so some of these attendants here they were carrying water up from the bridge [three kilometers down the dirt road]. We were walking everywhere y we didn’t have a car!’’ He laughed deeply. ‘‘So we just came up to the nearest road, dropped there and walked. Made our own shortcuts.’’ Private universities, in his estimation, provided an unparalleled opportunity to Tanzania and to Tanzanians. His argument was familiar to anyone who had spent time with those who founded and now ran private institutions in the country, as well as government policymakers and foreign aid workers who had helped usher in university privatization. Where before only a few government-run universities offered spots for a small proportion of students, private institutions were now providing an ever-growing cadre of qualified secondary school leavers the chance to receive a university education. An increase in the number of students attending higher educational institutions would help provide the skilled manpower the country desperately needed in science and technology, business, finance, law, public policy, and, especially, in the education sector. The private universities that were sprouting up all over the country not only were able to help Tanzania meet its human resource needs, they argued, but also were small and adaptable enough to create programs

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and practical training opportunities as they were needed in Tanzania. In contrast to what they characterized as a bloated, overly centralized, and slow-moving University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), the country’s oldest and most reputable institution, the private universities supposedly embodied the market-oriented spirit of the times, both in their institutional adaptability and their educational emphasis on self-sufficiency. Founded in geographically ‘‘interior’’ towns like Iringa, Mwanza, Tanga, Mbeya, Dodoma, and Mtwara, private university leaders also claimed their institutions offered a counterweight to the traditional centralization of elite education and decision-making on the coast, in Dar es Salaam in particular, that had dominated Tanzanian economic and political life since colonial days. With universities came students and staff, and more people meant more business in the community. With students and staff, the argument went, came a more educated and intellectually favorable environment from which everyone in the area could benefit. Significantly, for Christian churches in Tanzania – which, through the Lutheran, Catholic, Anglican, Baptist, and Adventist denominations, operated almost all of the new universities – higher education institutions not only provided training to future pastors and congregational leaders but also offered new opportunities to extend church evangelism and political influence. There in the main office building of Tumaini, an institution that for many Tanzanians symbolized the new era of university privatization, the administrator thought back to the institution’s early days as the hall outside his office began to fill with the voices of students coming out of class. Many sat in the chairs outside his door, with others standing nearby, waiting respectfully, but with an endless stream of issues that needed his attention and council. He seemed reassured nonetheless. ‘‘I remember one of the other founders y telling me one day, ‘You just wait. The parking lot won’t be big enough.’ And it’s true. So, I mean, sometimes you look at it, especially when it’s time for lunch, and people are scattered all over.’’ He paused. ‘‘It is something to behold.’’

OBJECTIVES The changes, indeed, had been significant, in Iringa and across the country. The passage of the Education Act of 1995, which opened university provision in Tanzania to private organizations, put the country at the forefront both regionally and internationally in expanding privatized models of higher education. As an embodiment of both Tanzania’s historical emphasis on

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education planning and global trends favoring neoliberal education reform, the policy’s outcome had far-reaching implications which addressed not only the role of higher education in Tanzania, but also how people used higher education across sub-Saharan Africa – to create opportunities for themselves and their families, to advance the interests of their organizations, and to press multiple and sometimes diverging ideas about the efficacy of market-centered education reforms. This chapter explores how neoliberal higher education reforms of the 1990s and 2000s were shaped by the postindependence history of governance, schooling, and foreign donor involvement in Tanzania. Against this backdrop, this chapter examines how concepts of private versus public leadership, individualism, competition, and education’s place in the overall development scheme shifted over time in the country, and the influence these changing conceptualizations had on the place of universities in Tanzania by the end of the first decade of the 21st century. In an international environment in which powerful funding agencies see neoliberal higher education policies and ‘‘knowledge societies’’ as the key to increased national competitiveness and poverty eradication in sub-Saharan Africa, this chapter shows how changes embedded in recent market-centered university reforms – in which the state ‘‘steers’’ rather than ‘‘rows’’ – have influenced the quest for equitable development.

METHODOLOGY AND PERSPECTIVE This work is based on qualitative research conducted in Tanzania between July of 2007 and May of 2009. First, I collected data through face-to-face, semi-structured, recorded interviews with 58 respondents, including faculty, staff, students, ministry officials, researchers, and leaders in universities around Tanzania. Using snowball methods to diversify the sample from a number of primary contacts made in 2006 and 2007, I prioritized maximum variation in socioeconomic status, age, gender, and experiences among interviewees. Though the interviews were conducted primarily in English (the language of instruction in Tanzanian secondary and tertiary institutions), respondents and I often switched to Swahili to clarify key points or communicate language-specific ideas and terms. These interviews, transcriptions of which make up part of the data in the following pages, were conducted between September 2008 and April 2009. I also collected data through archival and document research of national education policy documents, statistics, personal and professional

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correspondence between university leaders and planners, speeches, government reports, Tanzanian university journals, brochures, and any other written material relevant to privatization, development, and higher education in Tanzania. Historical archives with related materials included the University of Dar es Salaam Library’s East Africana Collection with its subcollections of theses and manuscripts, law collection, United Nations documents, pamphlets and reprints, special reserve collection, and Nyerere collection, as well as the archives of materials housed at Tumaini’s library in Iringa. Lastly, I collected data through participant-observation in classrooms and cafeterias, street corners and food stands, restaurants and homes, and a variety of public areas in and around Tumaini, UDSM and, to a lesser extent, St. Augustine University in Mwanza and Ruaha University College in Iringa, through hundreds of informal conversations, interactions, and exchanges. I analyzed all data inductively using NVivo software, a commonly used tool for qualitative data analysis and coding. Based on the interview protocol, research questions, and data collection, I developed a ‘‘coding tree’’ through which interview and document data points were categorized thematically. I then used the organized data in writing about the specific issues and themes above. The foundational analysis in this chapter requires a historical exploration of higher education policy in Tanzania, including an examination of the domestic and international political contexts in which key policies have been formulated and implemented. Using policy documents and historical sources, models for this type of analysis trace policy changes with an emphasis on how these changes reflect specific and historically situated political conditions (see, for instance Buchert, 1994; Campbell & Stein, 1992; Carnoy & Samoff, 1990). Building on these frameworks, as well as works on the macro and micro-level contours of the Tanzanian economic transition, this project emphasizes the historical, political, national, and international context of the 1995 Education Act and university privatization in Tanzania, subjects which until now have not been examined in any detail. When possible, this analysis is supplemented by interviews with Tanzanian policymakers, researchers, and others involved in the higher education sector who have seen and experienced these phenomena first hand and who have a stake in the outcome of university reforms in their country. While I use primary interview data and archival research to tell this story, secondary sources also help give context to Tanzanian changes through history – even as these sources suggest gaps in the extant literature. John Iliffe’s seminal book, A Modern History of Tanganyika (1979), which as of

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this writing remains the only work to comprehensively synthesize scholarship on the territory’s complex history from the pre-1800 era to independence in 1961, offers a useful starting date (1961) from which this chapter begins analyzing the modern history of higher educational policy in the country. A handful of other works on the history of education in East Africa, and Tanzania in particular, including J. C. Ssekamwa and S. M. E. Lugumba’s A History of Education in East Africa (1973), O. W. Furley and T. Watson’s (1978) work of the same name, as well as Heribert Hinzen and V. Harry Hundsdorfer’s The Tanzanian Experience: Education for Liberation and Development (1979), offer useful, if dated, details on educational provision and policy through the mid- to late 1970s. These works, all written during the height of President Julius Nyerere’s experiments in African Socialism and Ujamaa, generally treat the subject of Tanzanian higher education as a continuing, state-centered development project, focusing on educational policy as an arm of Nyerere’s ideological objectives. My broader view is complemented with an analysis also focused on the social and community aspects of higher education and development in Tanzania, a perspective modeled primarily on the work of Amy Stambach (1999, 2000, 2006, 2010, 2011). Stambach’s work has offered insight into the processes by which East African students and families, as well as international volunteers and educational workers, interpret education in different ways and with different motivations. Even as policymakers use education to encourage certain behaviors and attributes, Stambach argues that education is simultaneously reinterpreted and transformed by individuals and families who are looking for new avenues to improve their lives.

INTERNATIONAL CONTEXTS, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE IMPETUS FOR EXPANSION Beginning with the shift from a socialist to a liberalized market economy through the 1980s, and attendant recommendations by the Presidential Commission of 1980 that called for significant changes in the education system, the Tanzanian government was both devolving and democratizing, shifting its rhetorical and policy emphasis from social and political centralization and equity to international competition, individuality, entrepreneurship, and decentralization. As the government increasingly devolved responsibility for public service provision to the local level, changes in the education sector emphasized cost-cutting measures, including student fee

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increases, cuts in the length of time teachers were in compulsory training, larger class sizes, and private provision of education first at the secondary level, then at the primary and, eventually, at the university level. The transformation in higher education, which began in the early to mid1990s as public universities instituted privatization and the Tanzanian parliament began passing policy changes allowing private organizations to offer university degrees, picked up steam as the system was further modified to allow for a new accreditation process, a cost-sharing and student loan infrastructure, and legal parity between public and private institutions. Resulting institutional and government policy reforms led to exponential growth in the sector. The year before the first privatization reforms were implemented, a total of 8,304 undergraduates attended universities in Tanzania, mostly in the coastal region (URT, 2000). By the start of the 2009 academic year, almost 100,000 undergraduates were attending universities and colleges in Tanzania, with almost 30,000 degree-seeking students attending 20 private institutions (URT, 2010). The confluence of external and internal events that precipitated this transformation in Tanzania – and influenced the shape educational policy reform took in the day to day lives of its people – was by no means isolated. It mirrored changes happening not only in other sub-Saharan African countries but also in other regions of the world, as technological advances, economic and ideological shifts, and power politics brought ‘‘globalization’’ and, along with it, a new role for international donors in Tanzania’s development.

‘‘Development’’ and Donor Influence in African Higher Education Western ‘‘development,’’ as a set of policies, practices, and discourses carried out by rich nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America since the 1950s, had been an influential force in sub-Saharan African education since the independence era. Development organizations such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), bilateral donors like the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the British Department for International Development (DFID), and various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and foundations saw education as an important agent of social and economic ‘‘modernization’’ and had used it in development interventions in Tanzania, and, more broadly, sub-Saharan Africa, since the 1960s (Berman, 1992; Mundy, 1998; Tabulawa, 2003). Since the inception of foreign aid to education, the prospect of aid to African states that implemented donor-sponsored programs had been used

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to varying degrees to influence national policies. While the amount of aid offered was often only a small percentage of national budgets, donor resources continued to hold considerable sway over state policy simply because they covered discretionary spending and, therefore, represented for many countries the means to implement new programs (Berman, 1992; Buchert, 1994; Johnstone, 2001; Samoff & Carrol, 2004). Put another way, the impact (and desirability) of foreign funds had been enhanced because they mainly applied not to recurrent costs, like teacher salaries or building maintenance, but to educational innovation. Subsequently, through the years that donor organizations worked with state governments, educational improvements became equated with aid, and Western experts and external forms of planning came to be considered the necessary precursor to educational development however unnecessary or even unwelcome external involvement might be. The development of ‘‘internalization,’’ as Joel Samoff and Bidemi Carrol (2004) call the process by which African education systems pragmatically absorbed this rationale and acted accordingly, gave foreign donors disproportionate influence in national education planning. The influence was not all-consuming, however. In their analysis of the links between World Bank higher education policy in Africa and state policy initiatives, Samoff and Carrol argue that the relationship between donor agencies and African states was characterized both by powerful donor influence and by powerful state challenges to this influence. The connection, as they describe it, ‘‘is often indirect, at times invisible, as it is internalized by individuals and institutions aggressively assertive about their autonomy’’ (p. 6). Thus, Samoff and Carrol argue that African higher education changes reflected both donor priorities and internal political rationales; the process was by no means unidirectional. This conceptualization is useful in that it can be applied to the onset of neoliberal discourses and the growing rhetoric of ‘‘globalization’’ during the 1980s and 1990s, both of which influenced and reflected contemporary privatization trends in African, and specifically Tanzanian, higher education. Consider the general historical arc of donor and African priorities in university education.1 Starting with the nation-building efforts of the 1960s, higher education had been an important component of international development assistance to Africa as the World Bank and others focused much of their education spending on universities so that newly independent nations could meet human resource needs, Africanize their civil service sectors, and produce high level knowledge to spur industrialization, economic development, and ‘‘modernization.’’ Many African states at the

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time, Tanzania among them, also had a special interest in founding national universities both to train future leaders and to develop symbolic institutions that highlighted their independence and capability to generate knowledge (see, for instance, Ajayi, Goma, & Johnson, 1996; Nwauwa, 1996). The higher education emphasis was not merely an African response to donor priorities but a crucial goal at the national level. International funding for university education simply offered further means to pursue this goal. Donor resources continued flowing to universities and colleges through the 1960s but began to slow during the 1970s as global recession and internationally driven ‘‘poverty alleviation’’ strategies shifted donors’ focus to primary education (Finnemore, 1997). African states, in their own right, began to shift resources from higher education to primary and secondary education as the economic stress of the time severely constrained government education spending. Universities were also becoming increasingly problematic to political leaders, as student protests against autocratic rule and funding decreases were breaking out on campuses throughout the subcontinent (Ajayi et al., 1996, pp. 112–143; Samoff & Carrol, 2004, p. 4). The perceived threat to government power posed by student protests made the already heavy hand of the state heavier, even as the rise of protests revealed fissures in governmental power. Many African governments responded violently to student and academic politicization through militia attacks, police arrests and beatings, the closing of campuses, forced politicization of curricula, and restraints on academic freedom (Barkan, 1975, pp. 15–16; Federici & Caffentzis, 1999; Hanna, Hanna, & Zeit Sauer, 1975). In Tanzania, as the University of Dar es Salaam became ever more riotous and problematic to government initiatives through the late 1960s and early 1970s, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, earlier than most African leaders, began to deemphasize higher education in favor of primary education – even as he involved the state more closely in the minutia of university administration and curriculum planning (Barkan, 1975; Mkude & Cooksey, 2003). Again, in many respects, state and donor priorities aligned. With reduced funding, many African universities, in turn, began what would be a long, slow decline.

Neoliberalism, SAPs, and Globalization With the 1970s drawing to a close, worldwide economic recession, the petrodollar-precipitated credit crisis in borrower countries, the political rise of conservatives in the United Kingdom, United States, and Germany, and

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corresponding scholarship heralding the power of deregulation, privatization, and free-market solutions all signaled a shift in emphasis from social to economic necessity. ‘‘Neoliberalism’’ – as discourse, policy, and practice – was beginning to take hold of the development imagination, as were Bretton Woods-implemented structural adjustment policies (SAPs). The ‘‘neoliberal’’ policies that emerged during this period, representing as they did Western political, intellectual, and economic movements, were distinguished by several tenets (Colclough, 1991; Harvey, 2005). First, free market economies were seen as the most efficient means to provide opportunity and service. Free trade policies, such as currency devaluation and the elimination of state subsidies, were considered the optimal means to secure short-term and long-term economic growth. Secondly, the entrepreneurial individual, not the state, was believed to be the best judge of efficiency and need. ‘‘Consumers’’ would seek out the best product for the best price whether the product was medical care, schooling, or hair conditioner.2 Third, government regulation, seen as an unnecessary and often damaging encroachment on the natural operation of the market, was to be minimized as much as possible, except to promote transparent market activity. Neoliberal governance, based as it was on ‘‘marketcentered’’ philosophies, came to reflect a ‘‘market-centered’’ approach to administration of all kinds. ‘‘The Market,’’ in the rhetoric of neoliberalism, was situated opposite ‘‘The State,’’ and as the approach gained more and more influence in Western countries, international donor organizations increasingly tied funding to the African state’s acquiescence to reforms stressing marketization, decentralization and deregulation (Samoff & Carrol, 2004, pp. 2–5). This economic ideology was integral to the work of the world’s most powerful donor organizations, the World Bank and IMF, as they instituted SAPs on borrower nations to reduce deficits and promote favorable conditions for economic growth through the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s (Levidow, 2002). The major components of these reforms, Gale Summerfield and Nahid Aslandbeigui (1998) have noted, ‘‘were remarkably similar in developing countries regardless of the motivation for the changes: reduction in government spending, privatization of state firms, more emphasis on economic efficiency, and trade liberalization, including greater exchangerate flexibility and reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers’’ (p. 332). For many low-income countries, which were forced to institute these changes or face economic collapse, ‘‘reductions in government spending’’ often involved cuts in social services. Education was a prime target. In an international environment increasingly characterized by tight budgets and a donor focus

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on macroeconomic reform, state educational policy responses to the pressure to decentralize were highly variable, though many scholars argue that SAPs failed to significantly increase growth rates in most of the countries in which they were implemented (Berman, 1992; Harvey, 1991; Mundy, 1998; Summerfield & Aslanbeigui, 1998; Wagao, 1990). In response to international pressures from Bretton Woods institutions as well as internal divisions through the late 1970s and early 1980s, Tanzanian policymakers began instituting reforms in 1986, starting with the liberalization of exchange and trade, agricultural marketing systems, domestic pricing, as well as the initiation of reforms in the financial system and civil service (Holtom, 2005; Nord, Sobolev, Dunn, Hajdenberg, Hobdari, Maziad, & Roudet, 2009). Further macroeconomic reforms would follow in the mid-1990s, including parastatal privatization, trade reform, the creation of a market-oriented regulatory framework, and the reversal of fiscal governance that had dominated Tanzanian monetary policy (Nord et al., 2009). Neoliberalism and the resultant SAPs instituted by the IMF and World Bank had already been firmly established in international funding circles when corresponding ‘‘globalization’’ discourses began to emerge in the late 1980s. ‘‘Globalization,’’ a term reflecting the growing interconnectedness of national economies, the proliferation of new communication technologies, and the process of imitation, adaptation, and dissemination across diffuse boundaries, was used to differentiate an ‘‘old’’ order from the ‘‘new’’ (Banya, 2004, p. 48). The new order was characterized, ostensibly, by swift flows of capital and human resources across geopolitical borders, heightened competition between states and service providers, and techno-rational forms of governance (Stromquist, 2002). State policymakers now had to take into account not only the internal logic of their education systems, but also how these systems compared to those of other countries. How would graduates in Tanzania, for instance, compare to graduates in Kenya or Uganda? How, for that matter, would Tanzanian graduates compete with those from Asia or Latin America? Could the knowledge their universities produced give them a competitive advantage in the global market? New standards, norms, and ways of speaking about education, centered in neoliberalism’s market-based ideology and stressing global ‘‘competitiveness,’’ ‘‘efficiency,’’ and ‘‘entrepreneurialism,’’ were beginning to spread from policymakers in the United States and Europe to officials in aiddependent developing countries (Okolie, 2003; Samoff & Carrol, 2004). While the discourse of globalization, like development discourses of ‘‘modernization’’ and ‘‘poverty alleviation’’ before it, was contested and

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reappropriated by African states in myriad ways, its effect on official policy rationales was far-reaching (Jansen, 2001, p. 171).3 Through the late 1980s and 1990s the new discourses and related donor pressures would eventually lead to several changes in African universities. As ‘‘knowledge production’’ was increasingly tied to economic competitiveness in the new era, the university’s position as the prominent ‘‘knowledge producer’’ enhanced its standing among policy experts and government officials, which in turn led to higher education’s reappearance in development dialogues (Bloom, Canning, & Chan, 2006; World Bank, 2002).4 Though university funding, from donors or governments, would not increase significantly to match this standing for some time, the change led many countries in sub-Saharan Africa to reconsider their approaches to higher education and, more importantly, to contemplate reforms which ultimately contributed to privatization initiatives. As the omnipresent logic of the market came to influence relations within and between universities and states, and as governments became unable to fund enrollment expansion, universities were increasingly expected to generate their own funding streams. The corporatization of educational governance, through which universities were increasingly seen as ‘‘service providers,’’ students as ‘‘consumers,’’ and knowledge as a ‘‘product,’’ was a pervasive and controversial offshoot of this phenomenon in developed and developing countries alike (Frank & Gabler, 2006; Stromquist, 2002, p. 116). Other business-related frameworks – like performance assessment, productivity measures, ‘‘product diversification’’ (taken to mean diversification of programming to provide ‘‘choice’’ and meet student demand), and ‘‘entrepreneurial education’’ – now flourished in the practice and rhetoric of the university. The effect of these developments on African higher education, through the influence of donor agencies and international discourses, was threefold. Initially, as enrollments increased through the late 1990s and 2000s with international programs like Education For All (EFA) and, more importantly, corresponding donor and state initiatives aimed at the expansion of primary and secondary education, African policymakers knew they would eventually need to expand university enrollments to meet increased demand, a profoundly political incentive to act before the number of young, jobless school-leavers grew to uncontrollable levels and posed a serious threat. The problem, of course, was that governments did not have the money to simultaneously expand primary, secondary, and tertiary education levels and, though funding would begin to escalate in tandem with the international ‘‘knowledge’’ discourses, donor assistance in higher education

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was not yet forthcoming. Subsequently, neoliberal approaches that stressed basic education, even as they required overall cuts in educational budgets, created the economic incentive for states to allow private organizations to open their own schools and universities. Alternate funding sources would be essential to carry off the reforms. Lastly, of course, through an emphasis on competition, consumerism, and decentralization, neoliberal approaches also provided the ideological rationale, as well as the methods, to implement these kinds of reforms in the university sector. Direct donor funding would soon begin to support educational privatization measures as well, increasing the odds that reluctant states would follow through.5 As fading symbols of independence-era optimism, African universities in the early to mid-1980s were characterized by their stripped facilities, outmoded libraries, low research output, old technology, and tendency to bleed academic staff. In Tanzania, the University of Dar es Salaam had gone through a period of decline after governmental reforms to the civil service, violent unrest, and administrative and curricular politicization had reduced enrollments. As the country moved from socialist to neoliberal models of governance through the late 1980s and 1990s, it was becoming increasingly apparent that Tanzania’s existing higher educational infrastructure would not be able to keep up with the changes that were taking place in primary and secondary schools.

Primary and Secondary Enrollment Expansion in Tanzania While broader SAPs and cuts in public education funding resulted in an initial dip in Tanzanian primary enrollment, the rates began to increase exponentially soon thereafter as the government consolidated control of primary school management and redirected funds from the secondary to the primary level through the Primary Education Development Program (PEDP) (Lassibille, Tan, & Sumra, 1999; Samoff, 1987). Net primary enrollment rates, which in 1996 were 56% of the age cohort, jumped to nearly 80% in 2002 and to 96% by 2009 (URT, 2010). At the same time, Tanzania further encouraged private provision in the secondary sector with the introduction of the National Educational Trust Fund (NETF) which, with Norwegian and the World Bank assistance, began disbursing funds to private secondary schools in 1990, and a Secondary Education Development Program (SEDP) that was introduced in 2004 (Lassibille et al., 1999; URT, 2004a). As the secondary education sector was aggressively opened to private provision, enrollment rates went

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up as well, though not as dramatically. With a gross enrollment rate of only about 3% in 1985, Tanzanian secondary schools enrolled about 5% of the cohort 10 years later and 28% by 2009 (URT, 2010). Transition rates between primary and secondary schools, which had reached their nadir in 1983 at less than 5%, began climbing steadily from about 12% in 1991 to 30% in 2002 and almost 70% in 2007. The boost in real student numbers was just as dramatic. In 1996 about 4 million Tanzanians were enrolled in primary school, and about 200,000 in secondary. By 2007, primary schools in Tanzania had a total enrollment of almost eight and a half million students. Secondary schools enrolled more than 1 million students in 2007, and the numbers would continue to climb (URT, 2008a). The same year, nearly 23,000 students passed the final secondary school examination. ‘‘The numbers,’’ one private university administrator noted, ‘‘would not quit.’’ This explosion in basic and secondary education enrollments would have profound implications for Tanzanian university education.

A New Alternative ‘‘I’ll put it in historical perspective,’’ a UDSM professor said one day, thinking back on the movement toward university privatization. ‘‘Strictly speaking,’’ he said, in the past, ‘‘the government was providing 100% higher education in-country, yes, but it was also engaging other agencies to provide higher education outside the country. Some people went to other universities in Africa, some people to America, to Europe, to Asia.’’ He adjusted his glasses as he thought about the opportunities, or lack thereof, even for the few Tanzanian students who were eligible to enter university through the 1970s and 1980s. At that time, he explained, the country’s very brightest students, those who had managed through hard work, ability, and luck to pass through primary, O-Level, and A-Levels, would go to UDSM in Dar or, after Sokoine University was established, maybe to nearby Morogoro. There were government technical schools, in social work, medicine, business, teaching, finance, and a few other vocations, that would be able to take a handful of students. These institutions, too, were almost all located close to Dar or Arusha, traditional power centers in Tanzania. Other secondary graduates with resources would take their money and taxpayer-funded training out of Tanzania. Many would not return. Still others, he said, would be unemployed and angry, stirring up trouble. Indeed, statistics from the time paint a bleak picture. In 1981, 2,264 students passed the final secondary school examination in Tanzania, while

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the country’s universities admitted a total of 694 students that year (URT, 1989). Seven years later, in 1988, as the country was beginning what would become the massive expansion in secondary and then primary education, the picture remained much the same: 3,678 Tanzanian students passed the final secondary examination while the university sector accepted a total of 999 first-year students (ibid.). ‘‘The burden became too heavy,’’ the professor continued, ‘‘so the government started this process within secondary schools, and in primary school, [bringing in] private people.’’ He sat back in his chair. ‘‘Higher education comes later,’’ he said carefully, ‘‘and it of course comes with structural adjustments. They say there must be cost-sharing, so on and so forth. The government has to back off, the government has to stop providing these things at 100%. It must charge. Then it says other people,’’ meaning other organizations besides the government, ‘‘can also do it.’’ He stopped. ‘‘All this privatization stuff,’’ he said, ‘‘the concept y is that the government should steer and not row.’’ It was an apt description. ‘‘Steering, not rowing,’’ the often-used Tanzanian metaphor that described a ship of state propelled forward by the market’s energy and the government’s guidance, was just what the coming university privatization provisions would entail.

‘‘PRIVATIZATION,’’ CHURCHES, AND THE SHAPE OF UNIVERSITY REFORM IN TANZANIA While privatization of the higher education sector came about through a confluence of specific internal and external forces in Tanzania as economic crisis, international donor pressure, and political strains forced reform, the mechanisms of the policy shift, as well as some of the differences between the public institutions and the upcoming private universities, were similar throughout sub-Saharan Africa. ‘‘Privatization’’ usually refers to approaches to educational provision meant to make existing schools less dependent on public resources and to create new schools under private leadership. In the case of university education, privatization refers to two distinct but similar processes initiated simultaneously: first, the ‘‘opening up’’ of public institutions to alternate funding streams, and, second, the implementation of a regulatory framework allowing private organizations to open degree-granting higher education institutions. Tanzania’s privatization scheme, chosen after a

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period of research and observation in the United Kingdom, India, South Africa, and Russia by government policymakers in what was then the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Higher Education, and initiated through public university cost-sharing measures starting in the early 1990s and legislative action beginning in 1995, falls under both rubrics.6 In the first instance, public universities, even as they retained public funding, were pushed to institute a number of plans to bring in more of their own resources. The aim, of course, was to diminish their financial dependence on the state. In the case of the famous ‘‘Quiet Revolution’’ of Uganda’s Makerere University, for instance, these measures entailed a number of important changes (Court, 1999). New and nontraditional approaches to financing, including expanding and institutionalizing faculty consultancy work, deepening partnerships with Western donor and educational institutions, encouraging privately funded students and more ‘‘user fees,’’ and commercializing service units like bookstores, cafeterias, guest houses, or printing shops played a crucial role in the reforms. Universities instituted ‘‘demand-driven academic reforms’’ characterized by the introduction of professional-education programs in business administration, tourism, urban planning, and nursing that would attract privately funded students. Institutions also took on reforms stressing a decentralized management structure that used corporate-style reorganization, strategic planning, internal reviews, and other methods usually associated with business administration (Court, 1999; Mamdani, 2007).7 The reorganization instituted at the University of Dar es Salaam through the 1990s, called the ‘‘Institutional Transformation Program’’ (Cooksey, Levey, & Mkude, 2001; Luhanga, Mkude, Mbwette, Chijoriga, & Ngirwa, 2003) was very similar to Makerere’s, with the decentralization of university administration and financing, the introduction of cost-sharing measures, alternate ‘‘practical’’ programming, and the renting of university-owned land to commercial concerns, fittingly illustrated by a sprawling, air-conditioned shopping mall on the outskirts of campus, complete with supermarket and designer clothing outlets, that Tanzanian students like to call ‘‘Half London’’ (Ishemgoma, 2004).8 One UDSM administrator explained the notion. ‘‘Even for public universities, what the government also does is say they want to change the mode of funding, so that the universities themselves should raise money on their own.’’ With the simultaneous phasing in of cost-sharing at public universities, he said, ‘‘this thing of fees for the private candidates [and] bringing people to the university, the university starts trying to raise money through consultancies and so on.’’ As Bruce Johnstone (2001) and Johnson

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Ishengoma (2004) have pointed out, the cost-sharing program, which was designed to be implemented in three phases that began during the 1992/1993 academic year, introduced new user fees for lodging and meals, dual-tracked tuition fees, and put an end to student stipends. While broadly similar reforms were implemented to change the way public institutions did business throughout sub-Saharan Africa, expansion would not succeed without the incorporation of more universities and colleges. The second prong of privatization initiatives involved allowing privately owned and operated institutions to offer degrees, usually after putting a central accreditation system in place to regulate programming, curricula, and enrollments to protect students and to ensure educational quality (Banya, 2004). In Africa, private institutions were founded by an assortment of organizations. Many secular private colleges were founded by community groups, businesses, or civil associations, receiving the majority of their funding from student fees and local fundraising efforts. Foreign organizations, including multinational, for-profit education providers such as Educor, also began to found institutions, though their impact in East Africa was still negligible through the first decade of the 2000s (Banya, 2004, pp. 50–52; Garrett, 2005). Most importantly, in Tanzania, religious institutions like the ELCT, the Tanzanian Episcopal Conference, or the Roman Catholic Church of Tanzania, already with far flung international partnerships, community services, fundraising apparatuses, and their own brick and mortar training infrastructure, were the first and most active organizations to found universities. It was a trend mirrored in much of subSaharan Africa.

The Role of Churches in Tanzanian University Reform By the time British Tanganyika became independent in 1961 most Christian church organizations in the country, which had educated the leadership of the nationalist movement and were now African-led themselves, were brought into the new government’s orbit, if only to serve broader political interests. According to Frieder Ludwig (1999), Christian organizations were in an increasingly difficult position through the 1960s. The official stance at the time was clear: President Nyerere, though a Catholic, was primarily concerned with uniting Christians and Muslims behind his political party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). He was also concerned with the power of Christian churches in Tanganyika, not only as they

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represented valuable material and political conduits to the ‘‘grass roots,’’ but also as they represented potential competitors and sources of criticism (Westerlund, 1980). While churches were providing schools for a great many Tanzanian school children, the history of educational provision in the country had favored Christians to the detriment of Muslims, a history that was now creating political problems in the newly independent state. In the new Tanganyika, ‘‘secular’’ education would be a government priority. In language not so subtle, churches were asked to both legitimize the new TANU government and not intervene in political matters.9 While several organizations continued to criticize Nyerere’s centralization in Tanzania through the 1960s, criticism eventually softened as Nyerere succeeded in substantially checking the power of Christian organizations by pressuring leaders, many of whom had extensive connections in TANU, to reconcile the government’s new brand of socialism with their religious teaching (Westerlund, 1980, pp. 36–37). Churches were allowed to register private institutions and provide education on a voluntary basis, but as education expanded, they were forced into an increasingly peripheral role. With the Education Act No. 50 of 1969, Tanzania nationalized governmentassisted voluntary agency schools, effectively ending mission involvement in the sector (Munishi, 1995; Mushi, 2006; URT, 1969). As Nyerere pushed through Universal Primary Education in the 1970s, government primary schools stressing nondenominational lessons were the vehicle for further educational expansion in Tanzania (Buchert, 1994, p. 103). Tanzanian church organizations would not have to wait long, however, to see their fortunes rise. By the mid-1980s the government’s capacity to finance the kind of educational expansion that could keep up with population growth had been crippled by economic crisis. With the retreat of the state from its traditional social welfare role and the ‘‘opening up’’ of society to greater political participation, churches once again came into their own as a powerful group of organizations operating country-wide, mirroring the emergence of a more vocal civil society across sub-Saharan Africa (Conteh-Morgan, 2004; Schraeder, 2004, p. 190). They would also become ever-more important political players in Tanzania, based not only on their ready-made institutional capacity and organizational strength, but also on their central function in privatization reforms and renewed role as a ‘‘partner’’ to the state in Tanzanian educational provision. As one high-level Tanzanian religious leader wryly noted, in 2008, ‘‘The government needed ready-made institutions, and we had them.’’ As the government put together plans in the early 1990s to institute privatization and clarify the nation’s higher education policy, it did so at the

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behest of a number of interests that had been pressuring the legislature to set up a legal framework for years. The higher education landscape by this time, as one official said, was a ‘‘mess.’’ Nearly 150 tertiary training institutes, some sanctioned, some unsanctioned, had sprouted up throughout Tanzania to meet the massive demand for postsecondary education. A proliferation of uncoordinated institutions duplicated one another’s programs and created imbalances between sciences and liberal studies and massive gaps in other specializations. A few institutions simply robbed students and were staffed by con artists. Others, some even under the authority of government Ministries, granted degrees and qualifications that were, according to the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Higher Education, ‘‘above their capacity and outside statutory limits’’ (URT, 1999, p. 1). According to several Tanzanian policy experts, pressure was coming from all sides: from the private sector and government Ministries, from parents and families who wanted opportunities for their students to enroll in regulated colleges and universities, from hospitals that needed to train more doctors and health care workers, and from contractors who needed more engineers. The country desperately needed to train more and better-qualified teachers to work in the expanding primary and secondary sectors. For their part, churches and religious organizations wanted to create degree-granting institutions of higher education that could train congregational leaders. The government had to act. Religious organizations, and the ELCT in particular, played a role in helping push through the first legislation on higher educational privatization. After years of work, church and mission representatives from Iringa traveled to Dodoma to speak to members of parliament about the need for action before the planned vote. The argument for privatization must have been convincing: the landmark Education (Amendment) Act 10 of 1995 was passed into law and signed by President Mwinyi soon thereafter (URT, 1995a).

The Familiar, the International, and Unresolved Issues in University Privatization The Education Act of 1995, which set up the Higher Education Accreditation Council (HEAC) to register institutions and regulate the accreditation of new institutions, was the first major legislative act of the Tanzanian government’s move toward university privatization. Four years later, the Ministry of Science, Technology and Higher Education clarified its national higher education policy and reiterated the reasons for privatization with the release

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of National Higher Education Policy (URT, 1999). In 2004 followed the Higher Education Student’s Loan Board Act, which established the Higher Education Student Loans Board (HESLB) to regulate governmentfunded loans to public and private university students (URT, 2004b). Almost exactly a year later the legislature passed the far-reaching Universities Act of 2005 (URT, 2005b). Seen as an all-inclusive law that would put all universities and colleges on equal legal footing, the 2005 Act replaced HEAC with the organizationally revamped Tanzanian Commission for Universities (TCU), which had regulatory authority over every university in the country. The system of centralized management that had defined Tanzanian educational governance through President Nyerere’s rule in the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s, was being redefined. While the state still retained a measure of control over higher education through its direct leadership of public universities and the TCU, universities and colleges across the country were now seen, in the eyes of the law, as legally indistinct institutions. In what was at least a symbolic attempt to ‘‘steer and not row,’’ Tanzanian policymakers, with input from private-sector leaders, various Ministries, religious organizations, parents, and education policy experts, were developing an initiative that sought to meet the nation’s human resource and economic needs and, at the same time, reorient various levels of the education sector, all under newly emerging market-based values. The prerogatives were domestic, of course, but they were also internationally motivated, both by a new discourse and set of practices highlighting globalization and neoliberalism as well as evolving relationships between Tanzanian interests and international partners. As private universities and colleges began to open their doors and the system began to expand, many effects of the reforms underway in Tanzania were indicative of wider regional and global trends. While growth in the private higher educational sector was escalating across sub-Saharan Africa through the 1990s and 2000s, especially in Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya, the phenomenon was not by any means isolated to the region. Writing on the privatization of higher education in Portugal, Hungary, Romania, Brazil, Chile, Thailand, and the Philippines through the 1990s and early 2000s, Pedro Teixeira and Alberto Amaral (2002) contend that university privatization played out in similar ways, with similar results, across the countries on which they focus. Research on Mexico, Turkey, and East Asia also confirm many of these developments across the wider terrain and are indicative of Tanzania’s experience (Delgado-Ramos & Saxe-Fernandez, 2005; Guruz, 2007; Levy, 2003; Mok, 2007).

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First, while private institutions and public institutions were now, in essence, competing for the same students, public institutions like the University of Dar es Salaam were considered more reputable and still enrolled the top students in the country. In Tanzania and elsewhere, private universities enrolled many students with lower qualifications who were not able to get into public institutions, as well as older students who were returning to their studies. Second, as they incorporated and started to build their curricula, private institutions generally offered popular, low-cost programs of study in management, business administration, law, and political studies instead of high-cost fields like engineering and medicine. Though there were exceptions in Tanzania in the form of new colleges in Lushoto, Mbeya, and a few other municipalities, many universities offered these programs in comparatively wealthier communities because of their dependence on tuition fees. Third, private institutions, from the beginning, were in short supply of qualified instructors at the college and university level. Most depended on faculty from public institutions (which in Tanzania meant primarily the University of Dar es Salaam), who ‘‘moonlighted’’ for supplemental income. Meanwhile, faculty members at private universities were usually less qualified and hired to meet short-term student demand for a particular subject. Many worked in part-time positions. Subsequently, staffing decisions at private institutions were often made to meet temporary demands and not as a part of any longer-term strategy to build departments on which a university or college’s research credibility or reputation could be based. Educators in Tanzania generally agreed that the new private institutions had a long way to go to reach parity with the country’s older public institutions. One graduate student, summing up the feeling of a number of professionals, especially in Dar, said that comparing the University of Dar es Salaam to private universities was ‘‘like comparing an elephant and a rabbit.’’ Even considering these challenges, it was important to remember that these were brand new institutions, many built and staffed from the ground up in the early to mid-1990s. In the space of only 15 years, private universities and colleges had grown considerably in size and clout. In 2005, ten years after the first reforms had gone into place, 13 private institutions enrolled over 5,272, or about 13%, of the country’s 40,993 university students (URT, 2007a). Just four years later, in 2009, 20 private institutions enrolled nearly 30,000, or about 31%, of 97,651 university students in Tanzania (URT, 2010). While the development of private institutions through the 1990s and 2000s grew out of country-specific social, political, and historical contexts,

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the phenomenon carried with it fundamental questions about the relationship between education and the state. In developing countries in particular, where Western neoliberal discourses in decentralization had been applied most energetically, it remained to be seen how the proliferation of private institutions and decentralized educational leadership would either challenge or buttress conceptions of and operations in state power. As Ka Ho Mok (2007) observes, privatization does not necessarily mean the state is retreating; many times it signals a ‘‘reregulation’’ or ‘‘centralized decentralization’’ in the form of increased state-directed regulation or accreditation bodies with power over various aspects of institutional practice (pp. 9–10). Even as privatization put Tanzania and others in line with market-based norms, and on a path to accelerated human resource development, there were also still significant and deeply rooted problems the country could not resolve. Some of these problems, arguably, were made worse by privatization. Many feared that rapid expansion in both public and private universities would adversely affect the quality of teaching and learning at all levels, an issue which had already worried many practitioners well before the most recent reforms went into effect. As a graduate of Mzumbe University put it, ‘‘Tanzania needs more graduates, but what type of graduates?’’ One student at Muhimbili in Dar expressed frustration at what he saw as the long-term needs of the country falling victim to short-term political goals. ‘‘You have a lot of people in the university now, yes? But they’re worthless.’’ He admitted it was a controversial statement but defended the importance of quality standards, even if they would limit access. ‘‘What good is it if we produce one hundred graduates who are not qualified? They will be working in the public sector, in the ministries. They will be the policymakers of the country. We need people who are qualified and who are competent to boost our development and to change our situation.’’ Yes, more students would go to school, but how well trained would their teachers be? Would they even have books or chalk? The expansion would ‘‘produce a lot of graduates who are empty,’’ he said disappointedly. One UDSM student, who pointed out that he probably would not have been able to attend university but for the recent expansions, struggled with the drawbacks of privatization for those who were able to enroll. ‘‘There are too many students,’’ he said. ‘‘In one of my classes there are 500 students in one class, for one teacher. It’s very difficult. Our resources are too limited, and now many more people want to study.’’ Teacher training programs, dormitories, and facilities in the expanding university sector could simply not keep up with the enrollment increases.

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Still, overcrowding, while admittedly a challenge, was only one concern educators had with recent changes; there were also various environmental, curricular, and material challenges that would influence the quality of education students received in Tanzania.

THE COSTS AND BENEFITS OF PRIVATIZATION AND TANZANIA’S NEW PLACE IN THE WORLD Whether or not Tanzanian leaders and policymakers had taken the international, market-based path by choice, through foreign coercion, or by some mix of both (Tanzanians were of different minds on the subject), by the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the country’s higher education system had changed drastically. The state-centered socialist economy of Julius Nyerere’s Tanzania had moved to a free-market system, and while centralized management was still influential, the government had relinquished a great deal of control of service provision to private organizations and business interests through internal and external initiatives. Nyerere’s famous governing ideology of Ujamaa, with rhetoric centered on Tanzanian self-sufficiency and community-mindedness, still held a place of importance, but it was now intermingling with a more internationally focused discourse of individualism, competition, and entrepreneurialism. The education system, which throughout the country’s history had been chiefly the government’s domain, had been opened up to greater and greater levels of private leadership. The number of students in primary, secondary, and tertiary education was expanding exponentially, and graduates were expected to carry Tanzania into a new, global world whose rules had been written by a handful of industrialized Western countries and international donor organizations like the IMF and World Bank. The changes were not welcomed by everyone. Some worried that the privatization reforms had been too drastic and that fundamental problems in the Tanzanian education system would only be exacerbated by the combination of exploding enrollments and poor planning. Many questioned the concentration on enrollment expansion when so much work had yet to be done in providing existing institutions and their students with proper facilities, materials, and qualified teachers. ‘‘How can you expect the quality to catch up?’’ one Tanzanian lecturer exclaimed. ‘‘To have quality you need to have adequate staffing numbers, you need to have adequate learning

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resources.’’ He thought back to a recent visit he had taken to a village school not far from Mwanza. ‘‘You walk into the classroom,’’ he said, ‘‘and there’s no windows, no doors, you know, it’s just a ruined building.’’ He shook his head. ‘‘Look at the salaries you pay. Who is going to come and work for that salary?’’ The recent reforms were not solving any of these problems, he argued. At the same time, however, others were sounding the alarm that, even with the high rate of expansion afforded by privatization, the country would still be overwhelmed with secondary graduates unable to enroll in university. Though the challenges were staggering, a number of Tanzanians believed that the country was at least moving in the right direction. For their part, many in the university sector applauded the country’s new course, equating expansion with a realization that, to be truly independent, Tanzania would need to further educate its people so it could develop itself. In their explanations, many applied the same concepts that had pervaded international donor and funding circles throughout the rise of neoliberal marketbased policies years earlier. ‘‘Look, you must have been on the road through to Dar es Salaam?’’ one professor in Iringa asked, referring to the TANZAM highway which passed from Dar es Salaam on the coast to Iringa in the southern highlands. It was the one paved road out of Dar that headed southwest, connecting the port of Dar to Iringa and eventually Zambia. There had been a bridge under construction on the highway, just outside of the city, that had caused traffic congestion for years. Delays in the project had become a running joke in Tanzania. ‘‘Who is building that bridge?’’ he asked with mock indignation. He waited a beat. ‘‘It is the Chinese,’’ he answered. ‘‘And we’ve been training engineers here in Tanzania for sixty years.’’ He shrugged. ‘‘The money comes from the World Bank and it just passes through here and goes to China. What kind of education is that?’’ Some, in fact, thought the recent reforms were not happening quickly enough. One private university student, for example, said much had changed around the world, and that Tanzania had to keep up or be left behind. ‘‘We have to position ourselves so that we can benefit from global changes.’’ While policy experts eschewed the idea of a choice between quality and quantity in education, there was broad agreement among many respondents that more students would mean more development for Tanzania. The reasoning, again, especially among those in the university sector, paralleled global discourses in education and development discussed early in this chapter. University graduates, and universities themselves, were seen as major contributors to the country’s economic and social well-being. A

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university would supposedly bring money, jobs, and a newfound appreciation for education to its environment, and the whole community would benefit. After leaving the university, graduates would not only spread their educational experience to new places and people, but also start businesses and generate wealth in their communities, invest in Tanzanian products and labor, and utilize technologies and skills that would help those around them. The fact that more students now had the opportunity to go to university, many argued, and that more were graduating and going to work, would irrevocably change the country. As one private university leader said, ‘‘I think there is a critical mass of trained people that you need to really impact development.’’ Private universities, he believed, would significantly impact the ability of the country to train more and more people. These graduates would move into positions of authority, and the country would be more dynamic because of their leadership. Centered in market-based ideology, this was essentially a Tanzanian reappropriation of standards, norms, and ways of speaking about education, in this case university education, that had arisen with neoliberalism years earlier. Government educational policymakers, like many private university leaders, rhetorically connected the country’s progress to its educational attainment and the adaptability of its higher education sector to market norms. As one 2008 Ministry of Education and Vocational Training policy document stated explicitly, ‘‘expansion of higher education is aimed at improving the quality of life, eradicating poverty, and enhancing productivity in the country’’ (URT, 2008c, p. 8). The relationship, this and other governmental statements said, depended as much on international competitiveness as it did on teaching, research, and service. ‘‘Competitive leadership in the 21st century will hinge on the level and quality of education and knowledge,’’ the document asserts (p. 8). The country’s aspirations – which were, in part, ‘‘to be an active and competitive player in the regional and world markets, with the capacity to articulate and promote national interests’’ – make it ‘‘clear that higher education is supposed to play an increasingly central and critical role’’ (p. 8). This language mirrored a renewed emphasis on the links between higher education, economic development, and poverty eradication at the World Bank (2002) and UNESCO (2005). Still, with new modes of thinking and speaking centered on individuality, entrepreneurialism, and competitiveness also came an undercurrent of foreboding. Many thought that Tanzania was straying too far from the fundamental notions of community-mindedness and social equity that had united the country and defined its educational goals through President

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Nyerere’s tenure. Neoliberal reforms, they argued, led to selfishness and corruption and the rise of ‘‘individuality’’ in universities and university students would only exacerbate the country’s problems and hinder development. Graduates, whose education was subsidized by scarce government resources, were being trained to look out only for themselves. The amount of government resources going into the privatization scheme, of course, was not merely a technicality. The term ‘‘privatization’’ might bring to mind institutions that were self-sufficient, but private universities like Tumaini were not, strictly speaking, self-supporting. Government aid to students through scholarships and loans for tuition, as well as regulatory structures for quality assurance, claimed considerable resources even as they allowed private universities to flourish. The loan program alone, instituted for qualifying private university students in 2005, cost the government nearly one quarter of its total higher education budget from 2005 to 2009 (URT, 2008b). Though the data were not publicly available, as of 2007 repayment rates for loan funds granted since the program started 16 years earlier were reported to be a dismal .05%, leaving the government, and taxpayers, responsible for nearly $208 million in ‘‘lost’’ funds (URT, 2007b). With such sums at stake in a country with severely limited resources, the issue was how private universities, and the recent reforms meant to enhance their capacities and efficiency, were benefiting Tanzanians who were not directly involved, either as students, former students, or staff. These were the overwhelming majority of Tanzanians, urban and rural, north and south, coastal and mainland alike, whose livelihoods were affected by government decisions concerning the distribution of resources, including when and where to build roads, health centers, wells, electrical infrastructure, and schools. The nature of the links between these Tanzanians and the university sector, indeed, was crucial to evaluating the efficacy of neoliberal reforms. The new policy environment nationally and internationally, and the rise of private organizations in the provision of higher education, raised questions for those who had been following the development of the country’s university sector, not the least of which centered on how universities and the lives of citizens were connected in contemporary Tanzania. While the percentage had increased somewhat through enrolment expansion, higher education institutions in Tanzania still registered only a 1.5% cohort participation rate in 2009 (URT, 2008c, p. 8). Even with the spread of colleges and universities from the coast to towns in the interior, three quarters of the Tanzanian population, those who lived in rural areas, engaged in agricultural livelihoods, and made up the overwhelming majority

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of Tanzania’s poor, still had no contact with these institutions (URT, 2009b, p. 16).10 Were neoliberal reforms going to be as successful as university leaders and government officials suggested they would be in increasing the quality of life for this broad swath of Tanzanians? It is a question that can be answered in part by referencing what is arguably Tanzania’s most consuming challenge: rural poverty and underdevelopment. Plagued by inconsistent access to electrical, water, medical, educational, and transportation infrastructure, rural areas contained more than 80% of Tanzania’s poor (URT, 2009b). Urbanization, including the flight of working age men and women from villages to cities, continued to drain already scarce resources, and public primary and secondary schools offered the bare minimum of an education, perpetuating a cycle of poverty. University privatization advocates argued that reforms in the higher education system could reverse rural degradation by attracting economic resources, bringing high-level knowledge closer to rural communities, and keeping gifted students from leaving their home regions. Others argued that the logic of the market would lead inevitably to graduates (and their investments) spreading to rural areas from oversaturated cities. By and large, however, as in much of sub-Saharan Africa, university students themselves were living, studying, and being prepared for work in urban areas where they could most benefit from their education and enjoy the mobility and comparative luxury of the ‘‘good life,’’ an idea that Joel Barkan (1975), in his study of university student motivations and attitudes in Ghana, Uganda, and Tanzania, saw in university students in the 1970s. The existing incentive structure, based on individual returns for their educational investment, would reward them and their families not for their contribution to community development but for their entrepreneurial acumen in the city. The innovation that many private universities had shown in building programming options throughout the country had not fundamentally changed a dynamic in which university education, along with government policymaking, donor planning, and political leadership, was centered physically and psychologically in urban Tanzania. Ultimately, the rhetoric and beliefs embedded in market-centered reforms served as both the impetus and justification for behavior, and policy, that would continue to hamper equitable development. Tanzania’s story is similar to the story of many other African nations. Public universities across sub-Saharan Africa were highly symbolic institutions founded to project African independence and to aid development through high level skills training and knowledge production. Yet since the 1980s, declining state support for universities, coupled with structural

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adjustment and privatization pressures from international funding agencies, have altered the actual priorities of the higher education project across the continent. Enrollment has grown exponentially across sub-Saharan Africa, from a gross enrollment rate of 4% in 1999 to 8% in 2009 (UNESCO, 2011, p. 188), and privatization reforms in both public sector institutions and in expanded private provision have played a large part in that growth. But as the project continues and African states continue to invest in privatization systems, policymakers from Madagascar to Lesotho must wrestle with similar questions. Were there more efficient and egalitarian ways to use scarce funds in the education sector? Would reforms reify or diffuse already existing tensions between life in cities, towns, villages, and urban areas? Would private organizations, including religious institutions and a range of NGOs increasingly involved in university provision, use the neoliberal framework to justify their own work as liberating even as it masked new (and old) social and economic inequalities? How would shifting ideas of individual, family, and community responsibility influence how students, teachers, administrators, university leaders, donors, and officials navigated new, consumer-oriented higher education sectors, and what would be the role of graduates of elite institutions as leaders in the new era? With changes in governance and policy have come changes in attitudes and a rethinking of education’s place in development, in Africa and around the world. Today’s ‘‘consumers’’ of higher education have new, more individualized attitudes about the role of the university in economic development, attitudes which in turn influence how university education can assist in creating not only a more just society but also one in which universities are relevant to those who will never enroll. This story will continue to resonate throughout sub-Saharan Africa as increasingly marketoriented governments try to balance the need to expand high-level skills training, on the one hand, with the basic service needs of predominantly rural populations, on the other.

NOTES 1. Samoff and Carrol (2004) analyze trends in African higher education from the 1960s through the 1990s specifically as they inform and depart from World Bank policies during the same period. Lynn Ilon (2003) also gives a good account of international funding trends in the sector between the 1960s and very early 2000s. A number of other scholars reflect on this ‘‘arc’’ as well, including J. F. Ade Ajayi, Lameck K. H. Goma, and G. Ampah Johnson (1996), Y.G.-M. Lulat (2003), Damtew Teferra and Philip G. Altbach (2003), and Maureen Woodhall (2003).

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2. Under the guise of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the General Agreement on Trade and Services (GATS) of 1995 quite literally instituted education as a tradeable commodity in international markets. See, for instance, Roberta Bassett (2006) for an analysis of the significant repercussions this development had on universities the world over. 3. Two of Tanzania’s most prominent national development initiatives since neoliberal reforms took place, the Tanzanian Development Vision 2025 (1995) and the National Strategy for Growth and the Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP), developed in 2005 and known more famously by its Swahili acronym ‘‘MKUKUTA’’, are indicative of this trend. There were also alternative approaches, of course. While both the Development Vision and MKUKUTA were published during his 10 years in office, Tanzania’s third president, Benjamin Mkapa, also worked to publicize alternate viewpoints on poverty reduction, development, and globalization. See, for instance, Benjamin Mkapa (2004) and Benjamin Mkapa (2010). 4. Kingsley Banya (2004) terms this new knowledge discourse ‘‘Innovation for Survival.’’ 5. Again, see Samoff and Carrol (2004) for analyses of Uganda, Kenya, and Ghana’s experiences with instituting university privatization with World Bank support. 6. Officials in the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training involved in higher education related the information about observation in foreign countries. 7. Makerere’s privatization initiatives through the 1990s, which at one time allowed the university to generate 30% of its own funding, were heralded by the World Bank and others intent on showcasing the methods’ applicability to universities in other developing countries. 8. The phrase ‘‘Half London’’ is used widely throughout the region. See, for instance, Anthony Simpson (2003). 9. In a 1963 speech in Dar es Salaam, Nyerere laid out the government’s position. ‘‘I know the Church has always been reluctant to associate itself with education which is not directly Christian and under its control,’’ he told the audience, ‘‘but I am saying that this is urgently necessary for the Church to think again’’ (Nyerere, 1963, as quoted in Ludwig, 1999). 10. Based on 2002 census figures and demographic trends, the National Bureau of Statistics projected that 25.6% of Tanzania’s population lived in urban areas while 74.4% lived in rural areas in 2008.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This research was supported in part by a Foreign Language Area Study fellowship in Kiswahili as well as travel grants from the Department of Educational Policy Studies and Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. This work benefits from the close reading and support of Professors Adam R. Nelson (University of Wisconsin) and Amy Stambach (University of Oxford).

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United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2005a). National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty or Mkakati wa Kukuza Uchumi na Kupunguza Umaskini. Dar es Salaam: Vice President’s Office. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2005b). The Universities Act, 2005 enacted by the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania on April 13, 2005. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2007a). Facts and figures, 2002–2007. Dar es Salaam: Tanzanian Commission for Universities. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2007b). Internal memo and spreadsheet. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Higher Education, Science, and Technology. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2008a). Basic education statistics in Tanzania, 2003–2007. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2008b). Education sector review: Budget trends 2008. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. United Republic of Tanzania(URT) (2008c). National higher education policy 2008. Dar es Salaam: Final Draft of Policy Document, Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2009a). Universities and University Colleges Enrollment in Students: Summary Data 2009/2010. Dar es Salaam: Higher Education Student Loans Board [HESLB]. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2009b). Tanzania in figures 2008. Dar es Salaam: National Bureau of Statistics. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2010). Basic education statistics in Tanzania, 2005–2009. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. Wagao, J. (1990). Adjustment policies in Tanzania 1981–1989: The impact on growth, structure and human welfare. Innocenti Occasional Papers, UNICEF Economic Policy Series, No. 9, Tanzania. Westerlund, D. (1980). Christianity and socialism in Tanzania, 1967–1977. Journal of Religion in Africa, 11(1), 30–55. Woodhall, M. (2003). Financing and economics of higher education in Africa. In D. Teferra & P. Altbach (Eds.), African higher education: An international reference handbook (pp. 44–52). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. World Bank. (2002). Constructing knowledge societies: New challenges for tertiary education. Washington, DC: World Bank.

POWER OF GLOBAL-LOCAL PARTNERSHIPS: AN ASSESSMENT OF GLOBAL, NATIONAL AND LOCAL STAKEHOLDERS OF RELIGIOUS, HIGHER EDUCATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Grace Karram ABSTRACT When post-secondary education (PSE) in Africa is viewed in terms of growth rather than total enrolment the region tops the list of impressive trends. Between the years 1985 and 2005 the countries of sub-Saharan Africa experienced the largest growth of PSE involvement of any region with total enrolment increasing fourfold. The insatiable student demand is being met by a proliferation of large-scale and small-scale religious denominations establishing post-secondary education. The current chapter provides a categorical, multi-levelled analysis of the growth of religious providers in sub-Saharan Africa. Particular attention is given to the activities and rationales of stakeholders who play a part in the establishment and continued operations of religious PSE. Using

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 161–183 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021009

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Marginson and Rhoades’s (2002) glonacal agency heuristic, the networks between stakeholders and their varying degrees of influence on regional PSE are described and discussed. The findings suggest that PSE in the region is being widely provided by small-scale denominations establishing religious training institutions. But the influence of this PSE is mainly limited to local communities.

INTRODUCTION In an era of globalization, with dramatic advances in business and technology, hopes for regional development are often pinned on an increasingly educated citizenry. Post-secondary education (PSE) is offered as the essential prescription to facilitate this development and universal enrolment is seen as a golden ticket for regional growth. In this context, the region of sub-Saharan Africa can be too easily overlooked. The region lags far behind its global counterparts with the lowest per capita PSE enrolment making universal participation and its subsequent economic development seem a far off dream (Varghese, 2004). But when the situation of sub-Saharan Africa is viewed in terms of growth rather than total enrolment the region tops the list of impressive trends. Between the years 1985 and 2005 the countries of sub-Saharan Africa experienced the largest growth of PSE involvement of any region with total enrolment increasing fourfold (Fischer & Lindow, 2008). This remarkable growth has only been possible through a major diversification of PSE providers. Cash-strapped governments have been joined by development agencies and for-profit institutions, establishing a variety of post-secondary institutions. But by far the biggest increase in provision has been among non-profit, religious institutions (Thaver, 2003). This is unusual in a global context in which for-profit providers are on the rise. Rather, in Africa, the insatiable student demand is being met by a proliferation of large-scale and small-scale religious denominations establishing PSE.

OVERVIEW The current chapter provides a categorical, multi-levelled analysis of the growth of religious providers in sub-Saharan Africa. Particular attention is given to the activities and rationales of stakeholders who play a part in the

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establishment and continued operations of religious PSE. Using Marginson and Rhoades (2002) glonacal agency heuristic, the networks between stakeholders and their varying degrees of influence on regional PSE are described and discussed. The findings suggest that PSE in the region is being widely provided by small-scale denominations establishing religious training institutions. But the influence of this PSE is mainly limited to local communities. The first section of this chapter provides a brief background on the relationship between religion and higher education, and the importance of African spirituality. The second section outlines the methodology of the research project that informs this analysis. Third, research findings are presented according to the activities and rationales of six stakeholder groups: national governments, large-scale denominations, small-scale denominations, local communities, students and faculty. In the final section, the findings are discussed in light of the glonacal heuristic which presents smallscale, religious institutions as key contributors to African PSE. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the challenges and opportunities afforded by a context dominated by small-scale, often ad hoc, religious institutions. The purpose of this study is not to universalize about all forms of religious PSE in Africa. Indeed, such a mandate is impossible given the diversity of religious denominations and practices throughout the region. Rather this study explores the multiple ways in which Africa’s religious PSE is being administered, calling attention to the understudied phenomenon of religious PSE in Africa. This chapter aims at providing advocates of African PSE with an understanding of the possibilities for interaction between stakeholders and institutions in the region.

BACKGROUND In many civilizations around the world religion and higher education share a common history. Scholarship, the pursuit of truth through intellectual study, often occurred in the contemplative communities deeply embedded in the philosophical traditions of the times. Examples of ancient Greek, Indian, Chinese, and Islamic institutions of higher learning are seen repeatedly in more than 3000 years of world history (Altekar, 1944; Khoˆi, 1986; Stanton, 1990). Since the 1500s, the Roman and Protestant traditions of Europe, and subsequently of North America, were instrumental in establishing and spreading the current research university model of higher education.

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On the African continent in the early twentieth century, PSE activity was primarily related to training local teachers and administered by religious organizations. Training institutions were almost exclusively religious as Christian and occasionally Muslim denominations cultivated leadership for their primary and secondary schools (Kay & Nystrom, 1971). But the scope of these institutions was limited and they had little relation to the state-run research universities established in the following decades. Throughout the mid- to late twentieth Century, the colonial powers of the West spread the European university model around the world with surprising speed. However, many influential institutions involved in this spread had shifted from a religious to secular mandate in their home operations. In most countries this shift did not occur without extensive discussion on the place of religion in the modern university. For some, religion was considered a hindrance to the objective pursuit of truth while others considered it to be the essential guiding ethic for that same pursuit. In many cases, though institutions acknowledged their religious history, religion became a personal standpoint or subject to be studied rather than the institutional mission, as the secular research university became the global norm.1 It is under this secular influence that many of the state universities in Africa were established. In the post–World War II enthusiasm for modernization theory, newly independent African governments were eager to initiate unaffiliated centres of higher learning in the vein of the West. With the help of foreign aid, modernization strategies were implemented, with secularism seen as a key and inevitable component (Inglehart & Baker, 2000). In contrast with the strong religious influence on primary and secondary education linked to the missionary movements, the dominant mandate for higher learning in the region was secular. It is important to note that though institutionalized higher learning in Africa has been largely secular, the culture in which it is embedded is deeply religious. This poses some challenges when examining PSE from a Western lens. As Ter Haar and Ellis (2006) explain, ‘In modern Western societies y religion is often equated exclusively with its institutional expression, which arises from the history of the Christian churches in Europe’ (p. 354). Thus, the secularization of Western universities signals a shift towards societal secularization more broadly. But in Africa, many societies are fiercely religious irrespective of institutional affiliation. Common forms of African religion manifest in a holistic belief about the interconnectedness of spiritual and material realities. Specifically, ‘the material world is linked to the spirit world, through the human spirit that is believed to be inherent in

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every person y . In such a holistic perception of the world, it follows that people’s social relations extend into the invisible sphere’ (Ter Haar & Ellis, 2006, p. 354). Such a religion or spirituality does not take its cues from institutions. The above distinction, between Western and African inclusion of religion in social life, should force a new perspective on the phenomenal growth of religious PSE in Africa. This rise in religious PSE does not warrant analysis merely because the norm of secular, state-affiliated institutions is changing. What is noteworthy instead is that societies whose religion has not necessitated institutional embodiment are seeing a significant restructuring of higher education to include religion. Moreover, this shift is being supported by numerous stakeholders – including some national governments – whose actions are furthering religious post-secondary institutions. The following research seeks to understand more fully how and why various stakeholders are contributing to the establishment of religious PSE. It investigates the trend of African PSE towards religious affiliation by asking the following questions: (a) How and why are various stakeholders furthering religious PSE? (b) How is the strength of power and influence dispersed between stakeholders?

METHODOLOGY The following analysis is based on the findings of a research study that examined the activities of 80 PSE providers offering religion-affiliated programming in sub-Saharan Africa. Eight countries were used as a sample: Ghana, Togo, Nigeria, Congo, Uganda, Zambia, Kenya and Somalia. These nations were chosen to account for regional diversity, representing four geographic divisions in the continent: east, west, south and central. The data for this study was collected through content analysis of the websites of the PSE providers. The text on sample websites was examined to determine the following features of each institution: (a) mandate, (b) religious affiliation, (c) funding structure, (d) programming/curriculum and (e) student recruitment messages. The findings were then compared and coded for themes and variance. Three limitations need to be acknowledged when considering this study’s methodology. First and foremost is the use of websites as the site of textual analysis. It is important to accept that institutional websites only explore one dimension of an institution’s operations. But in understudied phenomena such as Africa’s religious PSE, they are an essential first level

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of introduction to the subject, illuminating the general landscape and pinpointing areas for further research. Furthermore, in a world with growing virtual space, websites are increasingly considered as effective indicators of institutional environment in higher education and thus a space for scholarly investigation (Chapleo, Dura´n, & Dı´ az, 2011; Mitra, 2005; Schultz, Hatch, & Larsen, 2000). Second, the sample for this study only included English-speaking institutions. This was primarily due to English being the language of the research team but also allowed for consistency across website analyses. Finally, the country of South Africa was left entirely out of the sample. In statistical data from the region South Africa is frequently an outlier in PSE queries. In particular, findings suggest that South Africa has a large growth of private, for-profit providers and does not align with the trend of religious growth seen among other nations (Levy, 2006).

PRIVATE, RELIGIOUS PSE: A DEFINITION Before outlining the theoretical foundation for this research it is necessary to engage in a brief explanation of terminology. The rapid growth of the religious PSE has been defined by its diversity of providers. A quick glance at the institutions that account for this growth reveals a heterogeneous group. There are multi-faculty research universities, store-front religious colleges and madrasas in local mosques. But for the purposes of this study, some common understanding and terminology are needed to describe these actors as a collective. In the broadest sense, the religious PSE that is attributed with high growth, and indeed the sample for this research, can be identified by three terms religious, non-profit and private. The first term, religious, is perhaps the broadest. Any institution that selfidentifies as religious or claims religious affiliation can settle within this category. The institutions examined for this study, as will be shown below, had differing levels of religious integration in their staffing, curriculum and oversight. Yet each institution had an explicit religious connection in their name or mandate that identified them as a religious post-secondary institution. The second term, non-profit, is a key distinguishing feature of this study’s sample. These institutions stand apart in a global climate in which for-profit institutions are on the rise. In contrast, the main growth of institutions in sub-Saharan Africa is among those in which financial revenue returns to the institutional operations. The level of tuition varies by institutions, and some

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have funding contributions from overarching religious bodies subsidizing tuition, but all are considered non-profit in the sense that the intent of their operations is not to gross a profit for the founders or external shareholders. It is important to note that the use of non-profit institutions for this study does not exclude the possibility of for-profit religious institutions operating in the region, but they are not the norm, nor have they made a significant contribution to student enrolment. Finally, these institutions are private in the sense that they are not administered or funded by their national governments. Rather boards of directors or the equivalent are responsible for the operations, programming, and institutional direction. The majority of these institutions also have a source of funding and financial administration that is not linked to the state. It is their independence from state control rather than their non-profit status that makes them private. It is important to note that there is most likely some ambivalence in this last term. Though administration and funding are not linked to governments, there is evidence that some institutions are active in soliciting a variety of funding sources. For these institutions it is not unreasonable to predict that some will partner with governments as they piece together financial contributions. The collective of institutions that was considered for this study, though broad, diverse and shifting, can be described under the terms private, forprofit and religious. This group is the fastest growing type of provider in sub-Saharan Africa and the context of this chapter’s research.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS The following presentation and analysis of research findings borrow from two conceptual or theoretical frameworks developed for higher education scholarship. The first approach assesses the activities of PSE stakeholders by categorizing the rationales behind their actions. This approach was developed by Knight and deWit (1997) in their work on the internationalization of higher education. Their research presented four overarching rationales that drive stakeholder involvement in internationalization: social/cultural, political, economic and academic. This type of framework is referred to by Knight as conceptual, a practical aid in systematically defining the components that contribute to a post-secondary phenomenon. In the presentation of these research findings, the categorization of stakeholder rationales is used to map how and why religious PSE is being advanced in sub-Saharan Africa.

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The second influence on this research comes from Marginson and Rhoades’ (2002) glonacal agency heuristic and will be considered in more depth in the final discussion section. This framework was developed as an alternative to liberal political science analyses. The authors suggest that liberal theories are limited in their overemphasis on nation-state activities, economic rationales and the reductionist conclusions of causality. In contrast, the current era of globalization requires a framework that accounts for the complexity of interaction between actors at multiple levels. The glonacal framework approaches higher education phenomena by asking what is happening at all three levels – global, national and local – and how the actors at each level interact. Their heuristic, moving beyond the conceptual framework above, accounts for multi-directional influence between actors at all three levels. This framework is particularly helpful when examining a region such as sub-Saharan Africa in which numerous stakeholders are furthering religious PSE – often interacting in their activities. It allows for a consideration of how global actors are influencing PSE, but also how ‘local institutions extend their influence beyond national boundaries’ (p. 285). The latter illuminates and legitimates the rapid growth of local religious institutions seen in this study. Like the definitions above, this framework includes, rather than excludes, a complexity of actors and activities, an essential step when examining the multitude of educators in the African context.

FINDINGS The findings of this research study, investigating religious PSE providers in sub-Saharan Africa, can be grouped around three themes: institutional type, stakeholder activities and stakeholder rationales. The first theme relates to the diverse mandates of institutions in the region and has been explored elsewhere (Karram, 2011). For the purposes of this chapter it is important to note that the main divisions among institutional types do not occur between the dominant religions (Christianity and Islam) but in the size and mandate of the institution. Religious organizations from both faiths are instrumental in establishing large research universities as well as small religious training institutions. The former are defined by their multiple faculties with diverse programme offerings and religious scholarship housed in permanent campus infrastructure. The latter are often flexible, single faculty institutions whose mandate is to train religious leadership.

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Numerous stakeholders are involved in advancing the religious PSE that is continually growing in sub-Saharan Africa. These stakeholders promote religious education through different activities such as funding, negotiations, infrastructure, or personnel. The findings below consider the activities of six main stakeholder groups and the rationale each has for furthering religious higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. These stakeholder groups include national governments, large- and small-scale denominations, local communities, students and faculty. Their rationales for involvement in religious PSE relate to access, promotion of higher learning, community development and the advancement of religion.

Governments Though national governments in many regions of the world are active in funding or regulating PSE, this is often limited to secular institutions or at most institutions linked to the state-sponsored religion. The reach of governments rarely extends into the activities of religious educators. Likewise in the African region, governments have little involvement in the running of religious institutions. But two particular examples suggest that governments are, at times, active in initiating the establishment of religious institutions. In both East and West Africa, there have been times when governments offer intentional invitations to religious denominations to establish universities. First, in the case of Ghana, the government solicited the Islamic community to start a university (Banya, 2001; Lindow, 2007). Similarly, the Ugandan government, in a show of support for the Islamic University of Uganda, offered land for campus development as an incentive for provision (Useem, 1999). Beyond these negotiating and infrastructural actions, governments have little involvement in religious PSE. Interestingly, government involvement has occurred almost exclusively in connecting with the large-scale denominations that found research universities. Governments have little involvement in the activities of small-scale training academies, the second major type of religious PSE in the region. The main motivation for governments to become involved in soliciting religious PSE providers appears to be a lack of resources to meet the growing student demand and a concern that minority groups are not accessing PSE. The above examples are particularly noteworthy because the governments’ actions were instrumental in making education accessible to the Islamic minorities of their nations. These populations have often been at

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the margins of national education programming that had strong ties to the Christian missionary movement (Banya, 2004). Governments, then, are asking religious providers to meet a supply gap they themselves are unable to fill. .

Large-Scale Religious Denominations A second stakeholder group that has been active in the provision of religious PSE in Africa is large-scale, transnational denominations. This study defined denominations as large-scale if they had operations and membership in multiple countries, located in more than three global regions. The stipulation of three regions was important to distinguish these organizations from those who have cross-national activities, the scope of which is limited to one or two local communities. Some of the large-scale organizations examined for this study such as the Methodist Church, Aga Khan Foundation and the Ahlul Bait Foundation have been instrumental in establishing religious research universities. These organizations have the resources to fill the demand gap and meet the governments’ requests to provide PSE. The religious research universities linked to these organizations and others like them do not offer a strictly religious curriculum but a range of liberal arts and professional faculties that are viewed through a religious lens. Some subjects lend themselves more strongly to being related to religion, for example Islamic law and economics, while other subjects such as natural sciences curriculum can be offered with or without a religious influence. Staffing challenges influence the extent to which these large research universities are able to infuse religion into the curriculum. In the case of Uganda’s Islamic university, more than 50 percent of the teaching staff is Christian or secular (Banya, 2001). Islamic scholars are in high demand, and to ensure the operations of the university, non-Muslim faculty are welcome. According to Banya, this dilemma does not only face Islamic institutions, but several Christian institutions as well. The openness of the religious research universities to offer non-religious programming and hire non-religious faculty suggests that while these denominations are concerned with religious education, a stronger rationale is motivating them to provide PSE whether religious or not. This broader rationale appears to be the desire to promote higher learning in itself. This support for higher education is not surprising, stemming from the foreign

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aid and economic development paradigm that has come to influence many large-scale denominations’ activities in the African region. The foreign aid paradigm, led by key agenda setters such as the World Bank, has increasingly promoted PSE as a means of innovation and development over the past decade (Ilon, 2003). Large-scale denominations, operating in the same transnational arena, align with these major foreign aid trends. A second, more frequent initiative of large-scale denominations is the establishment of theological colleges. These institutions, in a similar capacity to those considered in the next section, are exclusively focused on providing religious education and training for leadership. In the directory of post-secondary institutions compiled by the World Council of Churches (2012) almost half the listings are affiliated to major transnational denominations or their offshoots, such as Roman Catholic and Lutheran. These institutions offer multiple year degrees in theology or religious education intended for the development of religious leaders. The motivation for these institutions is faith development for their membership and systematic education of faith doctrines.

Small-Scale Denominations The line between large-scale and small-scale denominations is not an exact, clear-cut division. However, there are numerous religious organizations whose main operations are located in one or two neighbouring nations with offshoots that are limited to one or two global regions. The scope of their overseas activities tends to be more localized than those organizations with a central transnational administration. Rather international partnerships are often bilateral agreements resulting from personal contacts between local groups. These organizations are defined as small-scale for the purposes of this study. Two types of small-scale denominations illustrate the above definition. First, in each of the sample countries examined for this study there were multiple examples of religious denominations that had their origin in the United States with several religious training institutions in Africa. American-based denominations – particularly Baptist or Pentecostal sects – are very active in this arena. Though their home operations are mainly located in one nation such as the United States, the offshoots are widely spread throughout the African continent. Institutions can range in size as can the strength of involvement with the African institution. In the example of the West Africa’s Assemblies of God institute (WAAST, 2012), the main

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African operations are located in Togo with branch campuses – or extension centres – located in eight neighbouring countries. Students have the option of studying their 3-year theological degrees in English or French and agreements exist for students to transfer credits to the University of Benin. Second, originating in larger African nations such as Nigeria, denominations exist that have a presence in multiple African nations but rarely have programming outside the region. Widespread organizations like the Church of Christ in Nigeria have PSE activities related to their congregational outreach as well as community services such as health and basic education. These organizations are mainly administered by African nationals with little foreign leadership. There are fewer of these institutions operating postsecondary institutions but they appear to be on the rise and would provide a site for further research. The rationale driving the actions of all of these small-scale actors is the strengthening of their religion and its leadership. Both examples of smallscale denominations focus mainly on training religious adherents, particularly leadership. Rather than invest in large-scale campuses, many institutions operate in local churches, mosques or storefront rentals. These micro-academies are uniquely based in the community often with strong participation from local churches or mosques. At the same time, to save on permanent instructors, some share professors with the overseas founders (Karram, 2011).

Local Communities The operations of small-scale institutions appear to be deeply interlinked with their local communities. The surrounding community, including churches and mosques, can be seen as another stakeholder that is active in furthering religious PSE. Local community support for religious microacademies happens in two main ways. First, there is the infrastructural support mentioned above as churches and mosques provide classroom space for some institutions. Second, there is the sharing of personnel, with both instructors and students being recruited from the local community. In these instances the religious leadership of the community are very involved in the administration of the PSE and their memberships’ participation is a natural result. Finally, there are examples of funding arrangements where students and their local church join together to pay two-thirds of the institutional tuition and the final third is provided by the institution’s overseas partners.

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The rationale of local communities for supporting small-scale institutions by generous donations of space and tuition payments is the furtherance of religion, the education of their membership and the benefits of community development offshoots. Small training academies linked to faith communities are easily accessed by community members who might not have access to larger universities located in the metropolis. Furthermore, the requirements for admission to small-scale institutions tend to be less rigorous. Individuals with limited primary or secondary education tend to have more options for bridging into these programmes. The local communities are active in supporting this type of PSE as it offers a systematic education of specific religious beliefs among the local population. Finally, numerous examples exist of institutions that branched out to meet local development as a side activity for their institution. Literacy centres, conferences for local churches and even health promotion are among the activities that benefit local communities.

Faculty The two main divisions of instructors or professors involved in religious PSE mirror the split in institutional types across the region. There are professors hired in several academic fields within the research universities and there are instructors with a theological education role at the religious training institutions. Many of the former group work in their specific academic field and may or may not be adherents of the affiliated religion. The portfolio of faculty is reflective of many research universities with varying combinations of teaching and research. In the religious training colleges, however, instructors are mainly from local religious communities or overseas denominational contacts sent in for short-term work. These faculty have a more instruction-oriented portfolio almost exclusively related to religion. This study found that a combination of nations and global regions were represented in the personnel involved in all religious institutions. In the small-scale training institutes with bilateral ties to America or other nations, there is often a strong presence of Western involvement in school leadership positions such as principal or on the board of directors. Other positions are frequently held by local citizens from the host nation. In contrast, the research universities often have a range of individuals from multiple African nations as well as some outside presence, though not specifically in leadership positions. There is little research or website evidence to indicate

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why individuals may be drawn to teach at religious institutions and further research would be helpful to map the human resource flows among religious PSE.

Students The final stakeholders whose actions are furthering religious PSE in subSaharan Africa are the students. Institutions are ultimately collectives of individuals and are sustained by students’ willingness to enrol in offered courses and pay tuition fees. Across Africa the student demand for PSE is astounding as the current growth rates indicate. Students are interested in PSE and want to participate in the ever-growing number of institutions. Little demographic research currently exists to identify the characteristics of students is drawn to specific religious institutions. Student testimonials on institutional websites suggest that individuals are interested in an education embedded with their religious values. However, such testimonials are relatively few and hardly determinant of the overall student body. Perhaps the first rationale driving students to participate in religious PSE is the fact that they are able, being qualified to move on to the next educational level. Though the foreign aid agenda mentioned above has promoted higher education for the past decade, the 1980s and 1990s saw an almost exclusive focus on basic education. Large investments were made in primary education, the recipients of which are now pursuing higher education. As mentioned above, with the strength of African spirituality, it is not surprising that a population able to qualify for higher education chooses to pursue PSE with a religious affiliation.

THE POWER OF THE LOCAL Tables 1 and 2 illustrate the activities and rationales of the six main stakeholders considered in this study. The charts are helpful in showing how PSE is being furthered by each group. But a purely categorical analysis can be limited because it does not show the volume, strength or interaction of the stakeholders’ activities. The glonacal analytic developed by Marginson and Rhoades (2002) addresses this limitation by calling for research into the multiple levels of higher education and the power relations by which each are shaped. The authors’ say: ‘the aim of our heuristic is to foster exploration

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Table 1. Chart of Activities. Financial

Stakeholders National governments Large-scale religious denominations Small-scale religious denominations Local communities (churches) Students Faculty/Staff

Negotiations

Infrastructure

 

   

   

Personnel

    



Note: The solid dots indicate the particular rationales that are driving each stakeholder.

Table 2. Stakeholders

National governments Large-scale religious denominations Small-scale religious denominations Local communities (churches) Students Faculty/Staff

Chart of Rationales.

Access Minority groups

Education Postsecondary Religious scholarship

 

 

 

 

Community Local development

Religious Furthering religion Leadership development











 

Note: The solid dots indicate the particular rationales that are driving each stakeholder.

and analysis of types and patterns of influence and activity, to reconceptualize social relations and actions globally, nationally and locally’ (p. 290).

Volume of Operations A glonacal framework alters the importance and influence of certain stakeholders by considering the size and strength of each stakeholder’s contribution to religious PSE. Without question, the largest volume of activities furthering religious PSE is seen among large-scale and small-scale denominations. These are the key players in initiating and operating both

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universities and smaller religious institutions. National governments drop dramatically in importance when considering the volume or frequency of their involvement in supporting religious PSE. The landscape of African PSE, when viewed through a glonacal lens, has a presence of small-scale providers operating in local contexts. Large-scale and small-scale institutions, though both can be seen as frequent or strong contributors, have very different notions of operational strength. For the large-scale denominations involved in research universities, the power of their capacity is their large campuses and high student enrolment. The universities are permanent structures with collectives of personnel, often linked to larger, transnational organizations. Many have student enrolment numbers in the thousands. But the quantity of these institutions is limited, with often two or less per nation. Their large investment in campus infrastructure limits the extent to which many organizations can establish this type of multi-faculty institutions. In contrast, the operations of denominations focusing on religious education include lower student enrolment per institution, but the numbers of these small-scale institutions is staggering. Though exact numbers do not exist for the whole region, an institutional directory, like the one put together by the World Council of Churches (2012), lists more than 500 official institutions in the region. In the sense of institutional presence, these providers are the strongest. But this strength is almost invisible in traditional analyses or inventories of African PSE. Though these institutions are mainly local, with less capacity to join the global knowledge flows of higher learning, they have the largest collective growth and a glonacal perspective advances them as viable players in African PSE. It is the main assertion of these research findings that the principal drivers of religious PSE in Africa are local actors, or global actors with local operations. Transnational denominations operate research universities in large-scale, fixed campuses, while a plethora of small-scale operations emerge in an ever-increasing number of local contexts. The latter is an influential, yet often overlooked provider of PSE. Having identified the features and significance of local institutions and actors that are contributing to the growth in religious PSE, it seems important to return briefly to the question of why Africa’s religious institutions are on the rise in a global climate of secular PSE and a regional context of irreligious institutions. Two factors can be identified – neither one of which is conclusive or exhaustive – which might help situate the current rise of religious PSE and the momentum of its local providers. The first is practical, the second theoretical. First, then, is the ease of operations afforded by rapid increases

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in information, communication and travel technologies. The operating functions of small-scale organizations are greatly enabled by these new advances. Programme promotion, student recruitment, administration of operations and information resources are the features of post-secondary institutions that no longer require the large-campus infrastructure of staffing they once did. Although high-speed Internet has not reached the whole continent, online connectivity is growing exponentially, allowing PSE administrators to run their institutions with less staffing and operational infrastructure than ever before (Polikanova & Abramovaa, 2003). Where Internet facilities are available, online library resources, distance instruction and communication with instructors dramatically reduce the physical requirements of institutions to computers in a central space. This research revealed student recruitment was taking place through official institutional website as well as off-site forums and interactive discussion boards. Furthermore, ease of travel allows for more participation between branchcampuses and founding denominations. In the example of WAAST, instructors are able to travel to various extension centres to meet students for short-term course modules. As stakeholders are motivated to initiate PSE, they are enabled by the ever-advancing technology that allows denominations to deliver PSE programming with limited resources. While the first factor indicates how religious PSE has spread with such ease, the second factor relates to why this is so. As mentioned in the opening paragraph of this chapter, post-secondary education and larger notions of lifelong learning are intricately linked to globalization’s technological advances (Levidow, 2002). Continuous education is necessary to navigate and succeed in the current global knowledge economy. On the one hand, PSE has acted in a responsive way to globalization, rapidly adapting to meet the demands of technology. But PSE is much more than responsive. It is simultaneously an initiator of knowledge, providing and expanding space for knowledge production. The accelerations that globalization has forced on PSE have resulted in an intrinsic dynamism that spurs on the provision of PSE, creating a specific form of knowledge, systematizing it, and spreading it with the ease of globalization’s technologies. In a sense, the rapid expansion of small-scale religious institutions appears to be the results of efficient PSE functions that were developed to address globalization and are now being used to spread religious education. These PSE functions are accessible to small collectives of individuals and it is understandable that something as personal and holistic as religion should be swept into the PSE system when PSE’s delivery becomes more tangible for individuals. There is an element of diffusion that is present in this process

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as the tools to create and administrate PSE simplify and are used in small locales. This diffuse manifestation of religious PSE is reflective of the notion of emergence in which unanticipated, un-coordinated results stem from certain causes (Corning, 2002). A full discussion of this interplay between the cause and effects of PSE in Africa warrants analysis, though it is beyond the scope and space of this chapter. Suffice to say, the operations of local, religious providers are growing continuously, spurred on by the dynamism and accessibility of operating post-secondary in Africa.

CHALLENGES AND POSSIBILITIES OF LOCAL STRENGTH Challenges The glonacal perspective empowers the small-scale operations of religious providers and shows them to be a dynamic, influential force in the provision of PSE. While this lens is a helpful first step in empowering and legitimizing small-scale religious providers, there are numerous challenges that this presents when considering the state of a PSE environment that is composed of small-scale independent providers. Understanding the challenges and also potentials of the current context is important for advocates of PSE who seek cohesion and further unity of activities in the region. Harmonization and Legitimacy The first, perhaps largest obstacle preventing small-scale providers from being more influential in regional PSE is that they are not often viewed, nor do they seem to view themselves, as a collective. At present the activities of many religious providers have appeared to happen in isolation though many are offering programming in similar ways and for similar motives. Organizations such as the American-based International Association for the Promotion of Christian Higher Education (IAPCHE) and the World Council of Churches have developed helpful directories of PSE and offer resources for institutions. But these identity-building initiatives do not necessarily legitimize religious providers in the role they play as stakeholders in the broader regional PSE policy. The glonacal theorists attest to the importance of collective action among local actors: ‘National and local entities and collective efforts can undermine, challenge and define

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alternatives to global patterns; they can also shape the configuration of global flows. At every level – global, national, and local – elements and influences of other levels are present’ (Marginson & Rhoades, 2002, p. 289). The volume of religious PSE activities warrants a place for these providers as a collective at ongoing harmonization talks that are setting the agenda for PSE in the region.

Equity Though small-scale religious providers are increasing PSE access significantly in local communities, there is a concern that this access is by definition limited to those who adhere to a certain religious tradition. Religions, in most cases, have boundaries and set criteria for what constitutes membership. For many of the small-scale institutions examined for this study, the limits of participation were manifest in gender inequity. This was primarily seen in exclusively male leadership, both professors and boards of directors administrating the institutions. The independent nature of many religious institutions means that standards for gender inclusion are not guaranteed. There is a great need for regional PSE coordinating bodies to see religious providers as legitimate so that they are brought into talks and initiatives encouraging more involvement of women in PSE. Furthermore, there is a need to expand the discourse of religious PSE to include conversations about the importance of educating all faith-members.

OPPORTUNITIES Social Justice and Community Service Though gender inequity is a concern for Africa’s religious PSE, this seems to be in contrast to the rich history of social justice and activism found in many religious traditions. Much of the development and relief that is ongoing in the region as well as the histories of independence movements have been strongly influenced or initiated by religious organizations. Historically, religious institutions such as churches have had potential to offer sanctuary for the oppressed and have shouldered some of society’s burden for the marginalized. Indeed in the case of several small-scale religious training institutions, literacy projects and community health and education services have expanded as offshoots of their operations to meet the local

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communities’ need. Further research is needed to explore the current initiatives and possible linkages between religious higher education and community service and activism.

Flexible, Accessible Education Many of the small-scale institutions that exist in such volume across Africa are defined by their ad hoc, flexible, low-cost operations. There are many challenges associated with small operations but these institutions are providing a helpful model for how to establish and operate PSE with limited resources. Institutional facilities can be as simple as storefront rentals, and faculty-sharing can be done with local religious communities or their overseas contacts. WAAST’s example of a small, central campus with extension centres in neighbouring countries is an inversion of the traditional perspective of students relocating to a central campus for education. Instead, education and instructors move towards students. The operational and delivery models pioneered by many small-scale institutions are often innovative and efficient. Small-scale religious institutions are at the forefront of making PSE accessible to local communities and should be considered as leaders in providing flexible, affordable education.

CONCLUSION The rich traditions of the Western research university with its stone columns and broad curriculum will long be the standard by which many forms of higher education are measured. But the era of globalization, in which PSE is being transported and transformed around the world, is blurring that standard. For institutions in sub-Saharan Africa this decrease in rigid forms of PSE is often flagged as a decrease in quality. But while challenges to quality provision certainly exist, the shifting, flexible nature of postsecondary institutions offers new possibilities for stakeholders who are furthering religious higher education in the region. No longer are research universities the only contenders for PSE provision. Instead, a wealth of institutions with various mandates and curriculum are establishing unique forms of PSE in which students are enroling. This chapter has provided a basic overview of the stakeholders who are involved in advancing religious PSE in Africa and the rationales by which they are driven. The main contention put forth here has been that religious

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providers are significant in numbers and must be seen as key contributors in the furtherance of PSE across the continent. Though they have been outside of state-sponsored notions of PSE, particularly when influenced by Western secular ideals, they need to be affirmed as viable contributors to Africa’s PSE advancement. More efforts should be made to engage these parties in regional talks and to benefit from the flexible, accessible forms of PSE many are pioneering. The nature of this chapter as a basic primer on Africa’s religious, higher education has established a strong imperative for further research into the specific operations and contributions to Africa’s PSE. Two broad research themes that need to be explored include the relationship between African spirituality and the rise of institutional religion as well as the limitations of coordinated effort between actors with diverse religious beliefs in a region with multiple cultures and denominations. In the specific operations of religious PSE, several questions have been raised about how religious providers influence national and regional PSE policy, what motivates staff and students to choose religious versus secular education and how embedded institutions are in their local communities. The rapidly shifting context of African PSE provides a wealth of opportunities to advance higher education scholarship and learn from the innovative operations of smallscale religious educators.

NOTE 1. The secularization of Western institutions has not been a totalizing phenomenon. Rather debates continue about the place of religion, and more recently spirituality, in the modern academy. Recent studies in the United States explore the need for holism in scholarship, for academics to work from their spirituality and lead authentic lives. Research centres such as HERI at UCLA are at the forefront of spirituality research. Furthermore, in regions such as Latin America, the Church and higher education continue to have a complex and fluctuating relationship attesting to the fact that religion and higher education have not been completely severed.

REFERENCES Altekar, A. S. (1944). Education in ancient India. Varanasi, India: Nand Kishore and Sons. Banya, K. (2001). Are private universities the solution to the higher education crisis in sub-Saharan Africa? Higher Education Policy, 14(2), 161–174.

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Banya, K. (2004). Globalization and the emergence of private universities in Sub-Saharan Africa. World Studies in Education, 5(1), 47–67. Chapleo, C., Dura´n, M. V. C., & Dı´ az, A. C. (2011). Do UK universities communicate their brands effectively through their websites? Journal of Marketing for Higher Education, 21(1), 25–46. Corning, P. A. (2002). The re-emergence of ‘‘emergence’’: A venerable concept in search of a theory. Complexity, 7(6), 18–30. Fischer, K., & Lindow, M. (2008, July). Africa attracts renewed attention from American universities. Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved from http://ipfd.missouri.edu/ Newsletter/Summer_2008/details/CIP1.pdf Ilon, L. (2003). Foreign aid financing of higher education in Africa. In D. Teferra & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), African higher education: An international reference handbook (pp. 61–72). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Inglehart, R., & Baker, W. E. (2000). Modernization, cultural change, and the persistence of traditional values. American Sociological Review, 65(1), 19–51. Karram, G. (2011). The international connections of religious higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Rationales and implications. Journal of Studies in International Education, 15(5), 487–499. Kay, S., & Nystrom, B. (1971). Education and colonialism in Africa: An annotated bibliography. Comparative Education Review, 15(2), 240–259. Khoˆi, L. T. (1986). Toward a general theory of education. Comparative Education Review, 30, 12–29. Knight, J., & deWit, H. (Eds.). (1997). Internationalization of higher education in Asia Pacific countries. Amsterdam: European Association for International Education. Levidow, L. (2002). Marketizing higher education: Neoliberal strategies and counter-strategies. In K. Robins & F. Webster (Eds.), The virtual university? Knowledge, markets and management (pp. 227–248). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Levy, D. C. (2006). The unanticipated explosion: Private higher education’s global surge. Comparative Education Review, 50(2), 217–240. Lindow, M. (2007). Islamic universities spread through Africa. Chronicle of Higher Education. July 6. Marginson, S., & Rhoades, G. (2002). Beyond national states, markets, and systems of higher education: A glonacal agency heuristic. Higher Education, 43, 281–309. Mitra, A. (2005). Creating immigrant identities in cybernetic space. Examples from a nonresident Indian website. Media, Culture and Society, 27(3), 371–390. Polikanova, D., & Abramovaa, I. (2003). Africa and ICT: A chance for breakthrough? Information, Communication & Society, 6(1), 42–56. doi:10.1080/1369118032000068778 Schultz, M., Hatch, M. J., & Larsen, M. H. (2000). The expressive organisation. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Stanton, C. M. (1990). Higher learning in Islam: The classical period, A.D. 700–1300. Savage, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Ter Haar, G., & Ellis, S. (2006). The role of religion in development: Towards a new relationship between the European Union and Africa. The European Journal of Development Research, 18(3), 351–367. Thaver, B. (2003). Private higher education in Africa: Six country case studies. In D. Teferra & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), African higher education: An international reference handbook (pp. 637–648). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

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Useem, A. (1999). In East Africa, new private colleges fill a growing gap between supply and demand. Chronicle of Higher Education, September 10, p. A65. Varghese, N. V. (2004). Private higher education in Africa. International Institute for Educational Planning, UNESCO. Retrieved from http://www.adeanet.org/pubadea/ publications/pdf/adea_06_priv_higher_en.pdf. Accessed on December 2, 2012. World Council of Churches. (2012). Directory of theological colleges in Africa. Retrieved from http://www.oikoumene.org/en/programmes/education-and-ecumenical-formation/ ecumenical-theological-education/wcc-partners-in-theological-education/internationaldirectory-of-theological-schools/theological-colleges-in-africa.html?tx_pagebrowse_pi1% 5Bpage%5D=1&cHash=736c05200bac836f6226638ca539479f WAAST. (2012). West Africa’s assemblies of God institute. Retrieved from http://www.fatad. org/whoweare.php

PART 3 HIGHER EDUCATION ISSUES AND CONCERNS IN AFRICA

IN SEARCH OF EQUITY AND ACCESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN NAMIBIA: CHALLENGES AND ACHIEVEMENTS Kenneth Kamwi Matengu, Gilbert Likando and Bennett Kangumu ABSTRACT One of the major challenges facing the higher education system in Namibia is to develop an equitable system where access to higher education goes alongside equity without negatively affecting quality and one that is regionally and ethnically representative. The process of developing such a system cannot be described as a once off achievement. Namibia’s historical past combined with the country’s ethnic make-up as well as its socio-economic standing makes access with equity a complex problem. Several sources show that this challenge is not typical to Namibia alone. Although strides have been made in terms of opening up the higher education sector to marginalised communities and to previously disadvantaged people, the higher education system of Namibia is not yet accessible to all. This chapter presents the development of higher education in Namibia, its achievements and challenges. It argues that the way access and participation manifests itself in Namibia’s higher The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 187–213 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021010

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education is elitist, and that massiffication at graduate and postgraduate level is yet to occur. Finally, the chapter drawing on rich literature suggests policy options for Namibia.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT The history of higher education in Namibia has been a record of deprivation, limited access and discrimination as a consequence of colonialism and apartheid. In fact, prior to 1960, Namibia had no tertiary education. It was only until the establishment of teacher training institutes by the Catholic, Lutheran and Seventh Adventist churches in central, north-central and northeast Namibia in the 1960s that postsecondary education began. By 1970, Namibia had seven teacher training institutions, namely Augustineum in Windhoek, Cornelius Goreseb in Khorixas, Do¨bra near Windhoek, Okakarara in Hereroland, Rundu in Kavango, Ongwediva Teachers Training School in Ovamboland (now known as Hifikepunye Pohamba campus) and Caprivi Teacher’s Training School in Katima Mulilo. Many of these institutions were mainly senior secondary schools with a teacher training wing. The academic programmes offered at these colleges were Lower Primary Teacher Certificate (LPTC) and Primary Teacher Certificate (PTC). These courses were limited to black Namibians only. It was only in 1976 when black Namibians were trained in Junior Secondary Teacher Certificate (JSTC) (Ilukena, 2008). And in the beginning of the 1980s several black Namibians went to the University of Fort Hare in South Africa. As political pressure for the independence of Namibia increased, two more teacher-training colleges were established in 1979. These were established in keeping with apartheid rules, such that the Khomasdal Teacher Training College (with a capacity of 600 students) only enrolled coloureds, Rehoboth Basters and Namas and Windhoek Teacher Training College was for white students only. Although the Windhoek Teacher Training College had a capacity to enrol 2000 students annually, only 110 white students were registered in the first year, of which only 35 had graduated in 1988 (The Namibian Newspaper, 1988, No. 136). Effectively this meant there was no mass access to higher education. Worth noting also is that understanding equity and access in higher education during this period demands the understanding of the contexts under which education operated and its trajectory to the present. Some Namibian researchers (e.g. Amukugo, Likando, & Mushandja, 2010) in

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their article ‘Access and Quality Dilemma in Education: Implication for Namibia Vision 2030’ argues that access to higher education in the past was limited to the few elites. They reason that education was characterised by inequality, ethnicity and segregation; hence, the establishment of institutions of higher education followed the policy of separate development. In line with this policy of separate education administrations were established, for example administration for Caprivi Kavango, Ovambo, Nama, Damara, Herero, Whites, Coloureds and so forth (Amukugo, 1995). It is important to mention therefore that access to higher education during this period was ethnic-based with regional enrolments heavily characterised by ethnic groups in a geographical area. The 1980s also saw the establishment of the Academy for Tertiary Education which again mainly provided teacher education and secretarial programmes. The Academy was reconfigured to consist of a threefold academic offering (focusing on academic degree-level programmes in finance, economics, administration and education among others), a Technikon (diploma level qualifications including those in nature conservation and fisheries) and a College for Out-of-School Training (with a focus on trade diploma and certificates in electrical, electronic and mechanical engineering qualifications). Following independence in 1990, a range of investigations into higher education took place, namely the Presidential Commission on Higher Education of 1991, which precipitated the dissolution of the Academy and its constituents consequently creating the University of Namibia (UNAM) in 1992 and the Polytechnic of Namibia (PoN) in 1994 as state-funded public higher education institutions (HEIs). This decision was followed by the establishment of a Public Service Bursary Scheme which granted selected high-performing students from each region a non-repayable bursary. But it should be remembered that high performance was and still is related to and influenced by a number of other factors, namely proximity to school, access to quality teaching and learning resources, which remains confined to a small number of urban high schools. Considering that UNAM and PoN started with approximately 2500 and 1600 students respectively, many of whom were not coming straight from secondary schools; it suffices to say that in many ways when compared to what students’ numbers are today (16819 and 12440 students respectively) significant access has been recorded. However, a closer look, which we will come back to, is revealing. The Public Service Bursary Scheme ended in 1997 as it was considered too costly and it was replaced by the Namibia Student Financial Assistance Fund (NSFAF) as a student loan scheme. Although the operation of the

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NSFAF was approved by Cabinet in 1996, and implemented in 1997, there was no Act of Parliament to provide the legal framework for the development of a policy until 2000 when the Act (Act No. 26 of 2000) was promulgated. The actual policy that governs the fund was approved only in November 2005. The rationale of establishing the NSFAF to replace Public Service Bursary Scheme was necessitated by the three reasons namely: (1) government could not anymore guarantee jobs for graduates; (2) the increase in the demand for financial assistance by needy students; and (3) to recover monies from beneficiaries upon completion of their studies. For this reason, Cabinet decided to establish a financial assistance fund which would allow government to continue addressing the human resource needs of the country in general beyond the requirement of the public sector. NSFAF is currently being transformed into a state-owned enterprise. From a governance and administration point of view, new institutions and programmes were formed to facilitate and coordinate developments in higher education. These included the promulgation of Namibia Qualifications Authority (NQA) Act No. 29 of 1996, The National Advisory Council on Education created by an Act of Parliament, the Education Act No. 16 of 2001, and The Education Act of 2001 (No. 16 of 2001), which speaks of Colleges of Education was replaced by Teachers’ Education Colleges Act of 2003. In addition, the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) was created under the Higher Education Act No. 26 of 2003, and a comprehensive policy document titled the Education and Training Sector Improvement Programme (ETSIP) was approved in 2005. Another major change has been the comprehensive redesign of higher education curricula within the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) under the custodianship of the NQA. Noticeable among these pieces of legislation is how participation to higher education would be expanded to everyone and how issues of dropout, high non-completion rates, pregnancies by female university students and repetition particularly in science and mathematics would be dealt with. This is an important development question for many countries as failure to address it puts the stability of countries and the progression of societies to equality at risk (Fuqiang, 2006; Trow, 2000), especially if context is overlooked (Burns, 2001).

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY This chapter reports on investigations into the barriers to accessing higher education and on how higher education can be expanded equitably to the

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rest of the country away from the Windhoek-based concentration of HEIs. Therefore, the main objective of the study was to assess factors that inhibit access to higher education and how the levels, causes and trends in poverty and inequality permeate into admissions at HEIs in the country. The barriers are numerous and new challenges are emerging. Additionally, we challenge the status quo and argue that what will demonstrate that Namibian higher education system is successful is not the number of people who pass through HEIs in the country. Instead, it will be the degree to which people from the smallest minority group in society are faring in the higher education system – the degree to which Namibians experience social justice. We take Hardap, Karas and Omaheke regions as examples. Finally, we conclude by suggesting some directions for policy action to address the problem. Considering its history, without doubt, access and equity in higher education are a major concern. Already 3 years after independence, the government of the Republic of Namibia cautioned that ‘in the near future we shall measure our success in achieving both equality and equity by looking at who goes to school’ (GRN, 1993, p. 37). Despite concerted effort and major success being recorded in terms of opening up the higher education sector to marginalised communities and to previously disadvantaged people including women and girls, inequities in participation still exist in accessing higher education in Namibia. Some of these successes include the immediate establishment of a multidisciplinary University of Namibia and the Polytechnic of Namibia both with a presence in all regions of Namibia except in the Hardap region.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Although the concern for equitable access to higher education has been a persistent recurrent theme in policy documents, particularly in the country’s Vision 2030, where the development of Namibia into a knowledge-based society is emphasised, over the years, it has become evident that participation by certain segments of society remains weak and differs markedly by field of study. It has been observed before that people with disability, women, ethnic minorities, indigenous people and people from rural areas do not have equality of opportunity to study in higher education (NCHE, 2010). They are impeded by the cost of tuition fees, lack of accommodation and high living expenses in Windhoek. However, problems of access and expansion of higher education are problems of transition from

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elite to mass education and to universal access (Trow, 2000). These challenges are common elsewhere and different countries have attempted to solve underrepresentation differently (Baldwin and James, 2010). This chapter reports on Namibia’s efforts to address access with equity in higher education.

METHODOLOGY This review chapter adopted a mixed method approach, namely qualitative and quantitative methods. These included primary and secondary sources of data; for example archival material, national policy documents, reports and other relevant sources of data were reviewed. Due to constraints in collecting in-depth data, this chapter mainly reports on data that was collected from the University of Namibia (UNAM). However, reference is made to the International University of Management (IUM), Polytechnic of Namibia (PoN), the National Qualifications Authority (NQA), and the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) where data exists. Being aware of the limitations in the type and depth of information collected by Namibian institutions to gauge participation in higher education, the mixed methods approach was adopted. In supplementing information collected through secondary data the researchers used a simple questionnaire (26), and key interview questions (12) as research instruments. The actual fieldwork was carried out over a period of 3 months in intervals, from May to July 2008. These included higher education managers at the Ministry of Education, university managers and members of senate as well as heads of departments and registrars at the three institutions in Namibia. For Namibia and perhaps elsewhere, this form of methodology is not without problems. For example, although Namibia has been keen in developing measures and indicators of increasing access, participation has been addressed narrowly and without specificity. We know now that there are more women accessing higher education than before, but we do not know their ethnic identity. Despite that indicators for measuring participation in higher education have been developed, from a methodological perspective, the problem of understanding equity and access in higher education is unresolved. Models on measures and indicators of participation by OECD, World Bank and UNESCO aimed at establishing common definitions, indicators, and protocols in data collection exist but there is no consensus on their universal suitability.

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Thus contexts are important. These include classifications of postsecondary education, that is distinguishing differences between tertiary education and higher education. Namibia uses enrolment data to measure participation but consideration should be given to those models of access developed by OCED as well. The information collected is on enrolment by gender, age, field of study, marital status and nationality. These enrolment categories are only helpful in measuring mainstream issues of whether men and women and certain age groups have the same access opportunities to participate in higher education. They conceal issues of ethnicity and access by indigenous people. For example, it is impossible to establish from the data collected by HEIs how many of their students belong to San, OvaHimba and Nama ethnic groups. The National Council for Higher Education (NCHE), which exercises oversight on HEIs has attempted to monitor access of people from povertystricken backgrounds. But this has not helped since the NCHE too relies on data collected by HEIs. Data collected by the NCHE itself contains a new category (in the last 12 months) labelled ‘societal status – marginalised, orphans and vulnerable children, and people living with disability’. However, except for the latter category, this information is not requested for on application forms of HEIs and therefore it is not required or collected. Additionally, NCHE data or that of HEIs is not collected on the basis of socio-economic status (SES), geographical areas or ethnic status. The idea, which was embraced when Namibia got independence, was apparently to eliminate race or ethnic consideration in admissions, which in the pre-independent Namibia was the norm. However, the challenge is that this kind of data although considered helpful for expanding participation, it is not useful reference in terms of questioning whether widening access to underrepresented groups is occurring (Clancy and Goastellec, 2007). Others have cautioned against labels. For example, data that comes from selfreports by people who feel there may be some disincentive to disclosure will not report accurately (Ferrier and Smith, 2010) while those who consider that there might be some incentives might in fact exaggerate their situation. Thus, gauging access and equity in higher education meaningfully still remains a challenge.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE Notwithstanding the above challenges, we use Martin Trow’s (2005) working paper ‘Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to

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Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII’, which is based on his 1973 Problems in the Transition from Elite to Mass Higher as the theoretical ground for understanding issues in Namibia’s higher education. His taxonomy defines three model types of trends in expansion of higher education according to age of participating groups, which are 0 – 15%, 16 – 50% and over 50% participation in higher education by the relevant age group (Trow, 2005, p. 63). Although his classification deals with the United States and Europe (at country-level income scales play a major role in that OECD countries have surpassed massification stage and are moving towards consolidating universal access while most of sub-Saharan Africa has not reached this level) taken as a whole; it is clear that Namibia lags far behind. This position is also confirmed by the World Bank (Forest and Altbach, 2006). A recent discussion paper shows that this reality is both credited to and blamed on globalisation and that higher education can and should use the mechanisms of globalisation to further social justice issues, locally and globally (KimuraWalsh, 2010; Walters, 2001). Depending on a standpoint – which we hesitate to take due to inconsistent and unreliable data, Namibia now classified by IMF as an upper-middle income country would nevertheless seem to fall between the elite and mass schemas. That said, access and equity issues in higher education are broader and deeper than income levels. Some of these issues include gender equity in higher education (Morley, 2010); factors influencing student dropout (Aldosary and Garba, 1999); participation in higher education by persons with disability (Ferrier and Smith, 2010) and impacts of political instability (Kimura-Walsh, 2010) as well as on funding mechanisms available to students (Wasser & Picken, 1998). For this reason, interventions such as equality policies (Deem, Morley, & Tlili, 2005) have been advanced. This is not surprising because social inequities exist in many forms today, regardless of the state of development of a country. In a number of countries including Australia, databases that help monitor access and equity have been created (Baldwin and James, 2010) to acknowledge and act on the differences in demography of its population. The data collected and analysed by Australia among others include information on access, participation, completion rates based on age, gender, SES, locality, ethnicity and disability. A policy decision such as this is informed by the need to achieve ‘individual social justice and the belief that increased participation in higher education of people from educationally disadvantaged groups is important for the long-term social and economic integration of these groups’ (Baldwin and James, 2010, p. 336). In Namibia

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the irony is that for historical reasons (where data collected on this basis was used to discriminate), this kind of data is actually not prescribed for HEIs to collect. The only exception is gender, age and geographical region (but not town or suburb pinpointed data). In practice this means that HEIs in Namibia or the Ministry of Education in particular does not monitor issues related to access and equity with the consequence that nobody will be able to argue that ethnic minorities are not enjoying massification of higher education.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Due to the limitations discussed above, the analysis in this chapter will be limited to the following variables, gender, qualifications, marginalised groups, locality and access to funding. Gender Equity and Participation in Higher Education In regard to gender, one major success in Namibia is the significant number of women entering higher education. As Fig. 1 shows, at UNAM for instance, since 2002, the number of females entering university has been steadily increasing than that of males although it dropped in 2003 and 2006. The participation by male and female students in higher education is still skewed when compared by field of study. According to the data from

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Student Enrolment at UNAM by Gender, 2002–2012. Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

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UNAM, the status quo has remained; the number of female students in fields of study that are traditionally considered as ‘female professions’ such as nursing, teaching and social sciences remains. However, it appears that inroads are being made in high-status disciplines such as law, sciences and medicine, where more female students are increasingly enrolled than males. Another interesting fact is that more and more women than men also enrol for part-time and distance education modes. The number of females entering engineering and IT fields is noticeably low – in fact it has never been more than 100 at any given year both at UNAM and PoN although it continues to rise. The UNAM enrolment data in Table 1 amplifies the foregoing observation. Although evidence from elsewhere suggests that there is a tendency for higher education systems to mimic existing social inequalities, according to these results this is not the case in Namibia – at least as far as entry into higher education and graduation is concerned. But the concerns of gender equity are broader than this. On one hand, concerns about gender insensitive pedagogies and underrepresentation of women in senior academic and administrative positions exist. Table 2 clearly shows that number of women in both academic and administration position has been lower than those of their counterparts. On the other hand, concerns about the boy-child have begun to emerge. It is evident in data in Table 3 that except at postgraduate level the female students are the majority in all undergraduate programmes. Looking at these statistics (see Tables 2 and 4) one is tempted to argue that the issue of access especially for previous marginalised group in society (particularly women) has become irrelevant as more women are participating in higher education. Difficult to infer from these statistics, however, is how the other groups of the marginalised have been affected by these developments. Indeed this is difficulty given the fact that the definition of the term ‘marginalised’ is still contested in Namibia. Overall, both UNAM and PoN have reported that more than 60% of their total graduates are females. Even at postgraduate level (Table 4), of the total of 871 students in 2012, 491 were female students and 380 were male. From this perspective, Namibia has made remarkable progress in expanding access. Also, from a proximity standpoint, both UNAM and PoN have satellite offices in each town and UNAM has currently 11 campuses countrywide, while the PoN has two campuses including one based in Luderitz. As far as the entry of young people in higher education is concerned, it is important to note that despite the remarkable expansion of enrolment for men in general and women in particular, the gross enrolment ratio – the

F

405

264

130 657

839

100

F

407

131 165

300

314 23

152 655

523

734 1399 209 350

701

115

M

901

103

F

470 36

140 201

321

329 28

191 700

559

81

F

525 32

195 214

339

352 32

218 722

667

659 1167 116 110

78

F 125

M

2008

194

F 220

M

2009

228

F 246

M

2010

282

F

262

M

2011

552 34

204 187

353

504 33 65

29

252 227

372

42

473 66

340 888

934

643 1295 105 391

387 40

273 816

756

660 1151 52 154

118

524 34

318 238

45 32

687 71

368 957

424 1153

701 1386 194 780

174 23

642 50

367 216

80 92

788 87

419 949

555 1352

258 46

680 59

386 232

695

734 2626 1694 385 898 414

971 1167 1023 1469 1241 1911 1486 2292 1741

124

M

2007

810 1048

124

M

2006

661 1262 149 193

773

130

M

2005

288

M

83 169 84

876

427 959

1450

267 77 28

742

369 209

699

2747 1549 692 228

2544 1974

358

F

2012

4628 3027 4607 2904 4335 2762 4355 2881 4266 3014 4397 3137 4851 3349 6092 4012 7618 4878 9865 6467 10389 6430

F, female; M, male. Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

Grand total

261

384

95 165

91 576

177 140

493

317

502

728

334

732

104

F

851 1589 223 370

719

670

116

M

2004

Student Enrolment by Faculties at UNAM, 2002–2012.

844 1742 352 627

89

F

2003

126

M

2002

Agriculture and 83 natural resource Economics and 641 management science Education 1600 External studies – 828 UNAM Humanities and social 548 sciences Law 143 School of Nursing and 544 Public Health Science 241 UNAM foundation programme Engineering and IT School of Medicine Office of the Registrar

Faculty

Table 1.

111 3 5

211

2003

Administrative Namibian Non-Namibian Not recorded

Namibian/Non

Namibian Non-Namibian Not recorded

Namibian Non-Namibian Not recorded

Grand total

Post Type

Academic

Admin

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2004

225

120 2 1

86 15 1

231

138 9 1

49 33 1

2005

277

125 3 9

106 22 12

277

145 8 8

60 38 18

2006

285

134 5 7

107 23 9

296

149 8 15

68 48 8

2007

280

126 6 10

106 25 7

317

145 8 22

77 57 8

2008

307

154 8 15

99 31

344

162 5 14

84 79

2009

383

173 7 26

113 33 31

470

173 5 40

110 93 49

2010

376

163 6 9

126 35 37

474

169 5 13

133 109 45

2011

414

166 9 21

120 41 57

507

165 8 28

136 106 64

2012

436

170 11 30

124 42 59

514

162 11 46

126 104 65

2013

445

170 9 18

132 44 72

539

161 12 31

133 101 101

485

174 10 20

145 32 104

561

168 11 31

134 91 126

442

174 5 13

143 27 80

534

169 5 33

148 90 89

391

176 7 9

142 22 35

472

169 6 29

135 81 52

401

181 5 31

142 20 22

477

161 4 55

146 68 43

419

192 8 19

151 24 25

463

170 3 28

158 74 30

497

204 7 46

177 22 41

532

199 1 44

178 78 32

558

214 7 55

213 25 44

572

204 1 56

203 77 31

596

236 7 42

239 22 50

632

221 1 47

223 87 53

804

321 7 67

315 33 61

847

305 6 55

292 107 82

853

341 6 74

329 38 65

937

337 4 73

318 121 84

764

335 7 35

324 38 25

840

334 3 32

313 127 31

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

221

133 7 2

48 31

Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

Grand total

79 13

Namibian Non-Namibian Not recorded

Academic

1993

Staff by Position Type, Nationality and Gender 1992–2013.

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

1992

Namibian/ Non-Namibian

Post Type

Table 2.

9

18

2004

2245

20

411 863 944

2 5

Female

1993

1372

14

492 530 334

1 1

Male

2005

2177

5

569 966 632

1 4

Female

1995

1360

9

654 443 249

1 4

Male

2006

2614

10

6 35 780 1296 487

Female

1996

1897

23

10 28 848 799 189

Male

2007

2055

41

15 59 1006 677 257

Female

1997

2188

57

24 64 1280 637 126

Female

2008

1480

40

30 38 966 298 108

Male

1998

2009

1558

57

33 61 1085 267 55

Male

2437

45

42 42 1629 653 26

Female

1999

2010

1643

31

57 33 1296 212 14

Male

2811

2 64 27 1814 752 29 52 71

Female

2058

4 57 36 1512 340 25 53 31

Male

2011

2000

Student Enrolment by Qualification Type and Gender, 1992–2013.

2987

1 71 52 1846 849 54 56 58

Female

2281

6 85 75 1685 302 46 43 39

Male

2012

2001

3028

5 71 96 1929 804 50 49 24

Male

2013

4627

1 51 76 2267 2043 66 59 64

Female

2002

1962 683 70 62 31

2281 2060 65 58 39

4607

Grand total

4335

2450 1626 32 73 70

5 47 32

Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

2904

6 62 28

4 69 31

2762

1957 565 48 43 49

12 45 43

4355

2530 1503 108 23 72

10 76 33

2881

4266

2560 1401 92 28 45

1

1 2031 527 91 36 57

13 53 73

14 86 38

3014

2128 585 99 32 23

2

8 69 68

4397

2725 1365 96 32 29

7

12 80 51

3137

2258 605 35 34 23

13

9 105 55

4851

3133 1326 121 40 55

25

14 85 52

3349

2406 642 66 33 10

20

10 100 62

6092

3742 1668 328 66 50

46

12 112 68

4012

2690 871 191 34 30

29

6 98 63

7618

4623 1977 598 71 39

35 175 78 20 2

4878

3149 1109 306 50 20

27 138 74 3 2

9865

5870 2799 682 87 33

56 227 93 17 1

6467

3978 1744 345 59 25

46 183 81 3 3

10389

6717 2413 638 84 46

62 275 129 25

6430

4258 1456 285 28 23

64 226 88 2

10889

7702 2097 427 117 29

62 306 124 25

6644

4635 1260 168 163 18

74 249 76 1

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

2003

1271

415 400 446

333 855 1155

2368

1

Male

2 5

Female

1992

Doctorate Masters Postgraduate diploma Postgraduate certificate Postgraduate research proposal Bachelor degree Diploma Certificate Foundation programme Other

Qualification type

Grand total

Doctorate Master Postgraduate diploma Bachelor degree Diploma Certificate Foundation programme Other

Qualification Type

Table 3.

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KENNETH KAMWI MATENGU ET AL.

Table 4.

Enrolment at UNAM at Postgraduate Level by Gender, 2002–2012.

Gender

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

Female Male

128 172

104 96

84 100

119 139

140 147

150 182

176 192

238 196

310 244

394 316

491 380

Total

300

200

184

258

287

332

368

434

554

710

871

Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

Table 5.

Enrolment at UNAM by Age Group, 2002–2012.

Age

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

o20 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 W50

1362 2441 885 939 1017 599 278 134

1343 2534 808 821 936 620 285 164

1298 2586 773 681 759 573 274 153

1438 2586 862 655 709 558 275 153

1597 2609 939 604 608 499 278 146

1890 2745 914 557 519 489 254 166

1954 3100 1039 671 546 454 285 151

2306 3752 1371 894 667 583 339 192

2819 4777 1787 1120 779 619 392 203

3459 6798 2341 1500 948 654 399 233

3411 7396 2302 1469 957 652 393 239

Grand total

7655

7511

7097

7236

7280

7534

8200

10104

12496

16332

16819

Source: UNAM Official Statistics, 2013.

proportion of young people aged 20–24 who are in university – is on average low in Namibia (Table 5). According to information provided by the Ministry of Education, always there are more than 170,000 senior secondary students who sit for grade 12 final examinations of which only 12% proceed into tertiary education and much less into higher education. As of 2012, UNAM, IUM and PoN had a total enrolment of 36010 students. Thus, higher education in Namibia as a result can still be regarded as elitist in terms of Trow’s taxonomy. There is another dimension about participation in higher education – poverty. Many respondents ascribed educational marginalisation to ‘youth poverty’. It has been said that of the 37% reported unemployment rate, more than 70% of this is due to youth unemployment. According to a review of poverty in Namibia (GRN, 2008) one in six households live in poverty and the poorest 10% of the households command 1% of the Namibia’s total income whereas the wealthiest households control more than 60% of the country’s wealth.

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201

Clearly, people from poor family background attend schools that offer poor education, while children from well-to-do families attend schools that offer the best education in the country. According to one respondent ‘Access [to school education] is not based on equity but on affordability’. This assertion can be interpreted as meaning that if financing was available, access with equity would not be problem. However, this cannot always be the case because, first not everyone wants to go to higher education, and second, entry to higher education is also a question of individual academic performance. Nevertheless, it would appear that time to monitor access through the collection of information that reveals participation in higher education has come. One respondent put it this way: ‘in the past it was a question of favouring whites and discriminating against blacks. Now it is a question of the children of the haves getting access. But the children of the havenots do not have access to higher education ... is the poor versus the rich. The poor children from rural areas are the ones that suffer the most. It is these children that struggle to get access to higher education even when they have academic good points’.

A government official who was interviewed concluded that at the moment ‘background determines what type of education students should get. People with money send their children to institutions of higher learning of their choice, those without y take available opportunityy’. These sentiments should be taken seriously as they point to frustration and a sense of injustice and social exclusion. But at the same time, due to the adoption of a nonethnic or racial collection of data for enrolment, it is not possible to actually see who is being excluded and who is experiencing fair treatment and justice in participating in higher education. Due to Namibia’s own ethnic diversity and labour mobility, which in itself is heavily characterised by the migrant labour system, geography or locality cannot be used as proxy for measuring access and participation of ethnic groups in education.

Participation by Ethnic Minority Groups There are two important points to make here. First, the population of Namibia is heterogeneous, consisting of more than eight ethnic groups with more than 10 different languages and dialects (Fig. 2). It can also be noticed from the map that the ethnic groups are not homogenously distributed throughout the country, thus making geography or locality difficulty to be used as a proxy for ethnicity. Eighty-seven percent of the population is made

202

KENNETH KAMWI MATENGU ET AL.

Fig. 2. Indigenous Language Groups of Namibia. Source: Atlas of Namibia electronic database, compiled for this publication by Kenneth Matengu, 2013.

of black people, 6.6% white people and 6.4% mixed race groups. Among the 87% are the ethnic minorities, which include the San, Himba, Ovatue and Ovazembe. Among these, the most studied are the San, where it is known that they have the lowest literacy rate, estimated at 23% compared to the national average of 89%; school enrolment is below 30% compared to 91.2% national average (ILO, 2010). They are also the poorest

In Search of Equity and Access in Higher Education in Namibia

203

in Namibia, with a Human Development Index (HDI) of only 0.233 compared to the German language group who have the highest HDI in the country at 0.902. The Namibian government has significantly tried to address the situation of indigenous people by running a scheme mainly focused on improving their livelihood through the Office of the Prime Minister. Through this effort, 6 and 9 San people and 2 Ovahimba were enrolled in 2006 and 2007 respectively, but only 6 out of a total of 17 graduated in 2010. There is no record of any ethnic minority enrolled since that time. Even the latest statistics (2012) provided to us by the NCHE only reports eight ‘marginalised’ students and 4 students with disability, but no information was provided regarding whether they are male or female or in which year they were enrolled and at which institution. Second and final point to make here is that Namibia actually does not recognise the terminology ‘ethnic minority’. Instead, it uses a broad concept of marginalised people. Broadly speaking, this means anyone previously disadvantaged can be categorised as marginalised by economic, political or physical condition. Again, this means that no one is required by law to monitor inclusion or indeed apply equality principles in higher education for this segment of society.

LOCALITY AND STUDENT PARTICIPATION IN HIGHER EDUCATION At independence, the government of Namibia inherited a society that is characterised by socio-economic and educational inequalities and these are manifested in the current unequal regional distribution of HEIs, particularly universities. All public HEIs are based in Windhoek, although since 2010 this has changed with the amalgamation of four colleges of education into UNAM, prior to that was the amalgamation of the former agricultural colleges. This led to the Ogongo Agricultural College in the northern part of the country to be transformed to a UNAM campus. UNAM now has campuses in Khomas region (Main campus, Neudamm, Khomasdal, School of Medicine), in Caprivi (Katima Mulilo campus), Kavango (Rundu campus), Oshana (Hifikepunye Pohamba campus, Engineering campus, Oshakati campus, Ogongo campus) and Henties Bay campus in Erongo region. Plans are at an advanced stage to establish a new campus in south of Namibia, to be based in Keetmanshoop. The PoN, on the other hand, has

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KENNETH KAMWI MATENGU ET AL.

Windhoek campus and one specialising in hospitality in Lu¨deritz. It also has regional offices in most towns in the country. Despite this expansion, respondents in this study indicated that higher education is still not accessible. Some of the major challenges that came to the fore included the lack of qualified professionals in several sectors such as health, education, engineering, veterinary medicine and commerce related fields in the regions. Those who participated in the discussions also reported that they experienced difficulties in accessing higher education due to the non-availability of HEIs within their regions. In addition, the high dropout rate at all levels of schooling was raised as one of the major challenges. The number of young people who could access higher education is low as earlier referred to. Furthermore, it was reported that non-completion of secondary school could be ascribed to weak parental involvement, high level of poverty and limited educational opportunities, particularly for farm workers’ children. Some education officers who participated in the study indicated that many learners lack ambition and are poorly motivated, which could be attributed to the absence of role models as well as lack of knowledge on professional and career guidance. In order to ascertain these concerns, we looked at the locality where learners enrolled at UNAM, PoN and IUM apply from or are resident in. Fig. 3 shows the results. One of the biggest barriers is that many capable potential students do not come to Windhoek due to high accommodation and living costs in the capital. Moreover, many students do not have alternative financial support other than from own family. The PoN, for example, estimated that more than 69% of its student population did not have any financial support outside the family. All institutions indicated that they were being under-funded and could not provide basic services such as hostels to their students. The lack of student accommodation facilities was also reported to be a barrier to academic progress, as living conditions are said to be a source of stress and other undesirable conduct. In all HEIs investigated, many students commute to and from university every day. This state of affairs leads to irregular attendance of classes due to lack of transport money. Some respondents reported that a sizeable number of students come to HEIs unprepared. The lack of preparedness for higher education, once again, is something that HEIs themselves have little influence on. The first year students who come directly from rural senior secondary schools lack essential basic skills and lack proficiency in English communication, science and mathematics to enable them cope with higher education. The UNAM

205

In Search of Equity and Access in Higher Education in Namibia 70 60 50 40 UNAM

30

PoN 20

IUM

10

Karas Hardap Khomas Erongo Omaheke Otjozondjupa Kunene Omusati Oshana Ohangwena Otjikoto Kavango Caprivi RSA Other Windhoek Ongwediva WalvisBay Swakopmund Angola

0

Fig. 3. Enrolment at UNAM, PoN and IUM by region and other countries. Source: Compiled from data provided by the Office of the Registrar at UNAM, PoN and IUM, 2011.

foundation programme and the similar programme envisaged by the Ministry of Education constitute a step in the direction in addressing this problem. Lack of academic support and student support systems was also reported to negatively affect student progress. It is evident from Fig. 3 that Khomas region, where Windhoek the capital and where HEIs have their headquarters, tops the number of students enrolled when compared to other regions. Again, this is related to a number of other factors including student performance, quality of teachers and access to learning resources such as libraries, science laboratories and ICT infrastructure. But there has not been any consideration for establishing regional universities. This is despite that one of the government’s key goals is to create a ‘knowledge-based society’1 through the provision of education to all Namibians in all regions. In light of the manifestation of unevenness of regional representation and participation by students in higher education, there is a need to look at ways of redressing this situation. Due to lack of funds, HEIs are unable to mount adequate academic and student support services such as tutorial services and student counselling in an effective manner. And, these institutions have no way of knowing the socio-economic

206

KENNETH KAMWI MATENGU ET AL.

background of these students. What can be said here is that in order to provide support to students, HEIs will need more rigorous data, and using such to enrol and support students from underrepresented groups will require much more from the leadership of the country.

Funding Participation in Higher Education Currently there are two funding schemes available to aspiring students, the Namibia Student Financial Assistance Fund (NSFAF) and the Namibia Government Scholarship and Training Programme (NGSTP). The NSFAF is a loan/grant scheme, established in 2005 after the promulgation of the Namibia Student Financial Assistance Fund Act No. 26 of 2000 (Ministry of Education, 2005). The rationale of establishing the NSFAF to replace Public Service Bursary Scheme was necessitated by the three reasons, namely (1) government could not anymore guarantee jobs for graduates; (2) the increase in the demand for financial assistance by needy students; (3) to recover monies from beneficiaries upon completion of their studies. For this reason, Cabinet decided to establish a financial assistance fund which would allow government to continue addressing the human resource needs of the country in general beyond the requirement of the public sector.2 Although the operation of the NSFAF was approved by Cabinet in 1996, and implemented in 1997, there was no Act to provide the legal framework for the development of a policy until 2000 when the Act (Act No. 26, 2000) was promulgated. The actual policy that governs the fund was approved in November 2005. The policy guidelines provide that the awarding of financial support to needy students should be according to priority field of study and mainly for undergraduate programmes with exception of diploma level training at UNAM.3 Respondents also expressed dissatisfaction with the current student financing scheme. Respondents complained that this practice was getting young people indebted even before they start working. One respondent argued that ‘we need to use money to train our human capital if we are to achieve Vision 2030 y. It is not that we cannot provide bursaries , it is just a problem of how we allocate our money. We need to identify the needy children and give them bursaries y. We are not a poor nation y. We should stop spending money on wrong things. We need to set priorities’. Obviously, the issue is debatable and the debate should be encouraged. As one interviewee remarked, ‘yes, students are indebted, but so far no student

In Search of Equity and Access in Higher Education in Namibia

207

has been taken to court for being unable to pay. Where do you get money to give bursaries to all needy students?’ The other financial assistance scheme provided is the Namibia Government Scholarship and Training Programme (NGSTP) which was previously administered by the Africa-America Institute (AAI), but is currently funded by the Government Endowment Fund. It caters for graduate studies or postgraduate level degrees in Namibia and abroad. It is also supported by provision of scholarships by Russia, China, Turkey, Australia, Cuba, Malaysia, Japan, the Commonwealth, Canada, Britain and Algeria. Despite policy provisions in terms of administration of the NSFAF, officials at the Ministry of Education raised concerns regarding particularly the response of Hardap, Karas and Omaheke regions to calls for application for financial assistance. Among other concerns, the number of applications received from these regions was considered to be too low. Concerned with this situation, in 2010 the Ministry of Education undertook a mission to establish the main causes of the situation and the following were highlighted: 1. lack of information dissemination about NSFAF to schools; 2. learners have low interest in applying to the fund, as they believe that they will have to refund the loan immediately in full upon completion; 3. lack of motivation among learners, because they are not sure whether or not they will pass grade 12, and/or consequently whether they will obtain a loan; 4. communication gaps between offices in the education system; 5. lack of ambition for self-educational advancement; 6. lack of accommodation at institutions of higher learning (i.e. UNAM, PoN and IUM) deter learners from applying to the Fund in order to access higher education; 7. few schools offer priority fields of study, as such the majority of learners do not meet the minimum requirement of the Fund in priority fields. In view of the focus on the southern and eastern part of the country the following can be observed. Of the 57 awards allocated in 2000 to the three regions, 12 awards were allocated to accounting, which was the highest of all the subjects, while agriculture, medical and health sciences received the least awards. Important to mention was the fact that only two grants were awarded to the Omaheke region. A total number of 89 awards were allocated during 2001, of which 43 were granted to the Hardap region, 32 to the Karas region and 14 for the Omaheke region. Education, natural sciences and accounting were among the popular study fields which received the most grants. Noteworthy was the increase of

208

KENNETH KAMWI MATENGU ET AL.

awards granted to the Omaheke region which increased from 2 awards in 2000 to 20 awards in 2003. It must also be mentioned that agriculture, education and law received the lowest grants during this period. The year 2004 shows a notable increase in all three regions. Allocations for accounting received the most grants in all three regions. Of the 38 grants allocated to the Hardap region, 23 were given to female students, while 15 were awarded to male students. Looking at the situation in the Karas region, it is notable that of the 37 students, 28 awards were allocated to female students. The Omaheke also shows an increase in female students. Of the 24 awards, 13 were allocated to the female students. Interesting to note is that 12 out of 52 students in the Karas region received grants for accounting, making it the highest ever for the region. Female students also received high priority, as 32 out of the 52 students were female while 20 were male. In the Omeheke region 14 males received awards against the 7 females. Looking at the 2006 statistics, 669 grade 12 learners in the Hardap region completed grade 12, while a disappointing number of only 28 students received awards. A similar pattern can also be observed in the Karas region, where only 27 students from the total number of 570 received grants. The Omaheke received 14 awards from the total number of 310 grade 12 students. Fig. 4 indicates the number of applicants to UNAM from the three regions under study. We took data for the last 5 years. The findings show that in general the number of applications received is increasing, although the actual number of students admitted is generally low (except for Karas region where the number of enrolled students is higher than the number of applicants). This might seem wrong but the reason for this is that UNAM does not use prior application as a basis for enrolment. Instead, although prior application is necessary, the final enrolled is based on grade 12 performance and ability to pass deposit for tuition. In this case of Karas region, the reason why there is a higher number of people enrolled than that of applicants is because many potential students from Karas region generally do not apply for admission (for reasons of distance and poverty). Instead, they come to UNAM when they are certain they will be admitted. Nevertheless, it is noticeable that admissions are particularly low for Omaheke and Hardap regions. Part of the reasons accounting for this relates to what our respondents reported as lack of motivation by students and poor dissemination of information by the Ministry of Education. They also emphasised the continuous problems related to accessing NSFAF aid and lack of student accommodation facilities at UNAM and PoN campuses.

209

In Search of Equity and Access in Higher Education in Namibia 350 300 250

Registered Students

Applications received

300

200 150 100 50

250 200 150 100 50

0 2006

2007 2008 2009 2010 Year Karas

0 2006

2007 2008 2009 2010 Year

Hardap

Omaheke

Karas

Hardap

Omaheke

Fig. 4. Applications and Intake at UNAM from Karas, Hardap and Omaheke regions, 2006–2010. Source: Office of the Registrar, University of Namibia.

In this sense, transition from elite to mass access and to universal access is taking a snail pace.

CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY CHALLENGES The reader will recall that the main objective of this chapter was to assess factors that inhibit access to higher education and how the levels, causes and trends in poverty and inequality permeate into admissions at HEIs in the country. The findings in this study show that although there has been tremendous progress in expansion of higher education, particularly from elite to mass access, the Namibian higher education system has not resolved inequalities in access. There are more girls accessing higher education even in traditionally male-dominated disciplines. In addition, there are more women in academic positions at HEIs. However, participation in higher education still remains for the middle and upper class and generally people from ethnic minorities are still excluded from participation in higher education. Even though all institutions, namely PoN, IUM and UNAM, appear to have students from almost all regions admitted at these institutions, the share of intake is not reasonable. It is undeniably fact that these institutions are not to blame because they are supplied by the secondary education

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system. It is the quality of primary education and inequities in the progression of students in junior and upper secondary that should be addressed since these levels of education are the foundation on which higher education relies. This remains a serious policy challenger. The government should consider introducing policy measures that would facilitate the capturing of equity indicators in accessing higher education. In addition, a monitoring and evaluation framework should also be instituted to ensure access with equity in the Namibian higher education system. Factors such as lack of commitment and motivation to their studies, antisocial behaviours such as excessive alcohol use (especially among the San students) and denial of hostel accommodation for pregnant female students at the former colleges of education appear to limit access to higher education for the marginalised and disadvantaged groups investigated in this study. Although the relationship between poverty and lack of access to higher education is not that straightforward, the study found that in general, poorer regions have far less access to higher education. More support should be given to marginalised and disadvantaged students at this level, so that they do not become ‘invisible’ in the progressive ladder of education (NCHE, 2010). The apparent inequities should not cloud the fact that more and more citizens of Namibia are accessing higher education and improving the livelihoods of their families in a major way. Yet, we cannot understate the fact that access to higher education is still unequal geographically as well as demographically. Policies that promote ‘equality of opportunity and equality of outcome’4 should be carefully investigated. This is especially important for funding expansion. A different study has reported that there is an irony in expansion, ‘in order to increase access to higher education, governments have had to adopt policies which have the potential to exacerbate existing inequities’ (Baldwin and James, 2010, p. 339). Within southern Africa, this issue has remained a major concern (Pillay, 2008). The question of course then is which policies are appropriate and which ones should be avoided. There is no consensus on what type of policies or policy instruments would promote expansion and widen the scope of access without reproducing some form of inequities (Williams and Moronski, 2010). This is a domain of public policy which two scholars of higher education policy have pursued in-depth (Maassen and van Vught, 1994). What we can say here is that mindful of the fact that Namibia is a heterogeneous society, its higher education system and its policies should be comprehensive with incentives and deterrence tools. And, it must decide whether to consider dealing with equity at the system,

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institutional, fields of study or ethnic levels. We consider it vital that all levels are attended to ensure and ‘guarantee’ a just society. Whatever the choice, as other studies show (Yokoyama and Meek 2010), there will be reproduction of some form of injustice on one hand and a move to widen access of those grossly underrepresented in higher education on the other hand. Also, considering Namibia’s unique history, it is far more important to go beyond the disadvantaged groups in the narrow sense of race to a broader approach looking at indigenous groups, gender, SES, ethnic minorities and people with disability as well as those stigmatised for being infected with HIV/AIDS. This chapter is significant to this volume in one major way among others. It demonstrates that participation in higher education is equally complex and controversial – even in a small country like Namibia with just above 2 million population. Its history and heterogeneity make the transition from elite to mass to universal access interesting and difficult from both theory and practice.

NOTES 1. Vision 2030, p. 29. 2. See NSFAF Policy. 3. Ibid. 4. Equality of outcome of development initiative is a form of egalitarianism used to describe efforts aimed at reducing differences in material conditions of individuals or households in society.

REFERENCES Aldosary, A. S., & Garba, S. B. (1999). An analysis of factors contributing to college student dropout in a medium sized technical university: The case of King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals Dhahran, Saudi Arabia. Higher Education Policy, 12, 313–328. Amukugo, E., Likando, G., & Mushaandja, J. (2010). Access and quality dilemma in education: Implication for Namibia vision 2030. RIHE Journal, 7, 101–111. (Retrieved from http:// en.rihe.hiroshima-u.ac.jp/. Accessed on 10 April 2013). Amukugo, E. M. (1995). Concept of education. In E. M. Amukugo (Ed.), Education and politics in Namibia: Past trends and future prospects (2nd ed.). Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan. Baldwin, G., & James, R. (2010). Access and equity in higher education. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 334–340. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010). Burns, R. (2001). Educating scientists in context: A Namibia case study. International Journal of Educational Development, 21, 447–461. Clancy, P., & Goastellec, G. (2007). Exploring access and equity in higher education: Policy and performance in comparative perspective. Higher Education Quarterly, 61(2), 136–154.

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Deem, R., Morley, L., & Tlili, A. (2005). Equal opportunities and diversity for staff in higher education: Negotiating equity in higher education institutions. Project 3. Bristol: Higher Education Funding Council for England. Ferrier, F., & Smith, C. S. (2010). Persons with a disability and vocational education and training. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 294–229. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010). Forest, J. J., & Altbach, P. G. (2006). International handbook of higher education: Global themes and contemporary challenges, regions and countries. The Netherlands: Springer. Fuqiang, Z. (2006). Lessons Chinese universities might learn from UK mass higher education in their transition from elite to mass system of higher education. Journal of Cambridge Studies, 1(2), 2–10. GRN. (1993). Toward education for all: A development brief for education, culture and training. Ministry of education. Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan. GRN. (2008). A review of poverty and inequality in Namibia. Windhoek: National Planning Commission (NPC). ILO. (2010). Country report of the research project by International Labour Organisation and the African Commission on Human and People’s rights on the constitutional and legislative protection of indigenous people: Namibia. ILO. Retrieved from www.chr. up.ac.za/indigenous. Accessed on December 10, 2012. Ilukena, A. S. (2008). A Needs Analysis for the Implementation of a Complementary Course in Mathematics Education for Teacher of Mathematics in Namibia. A Case Study. Unpublished M.Ed thesis. Rhodes University, Grahamstown). Kimura-Walsh, E. (2010). Globalisation and social justice in higher education. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 536–541. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010). Maassen, P., & van Vught, F. (1994). Alternative models of governmental steering in higher education: An analysis of steering models and policy-instruments in five countries. In P. Maassen & F. van Vught (Eds.), Comparative policy studies in higher education (3rd ed., pp. 35–64). Utrecht: Center for Higher Education Policy Studies. Matengu, K. K., & Shapi, M. K. (2010). The quest for coordination of the higher education system in Namibia. A research report commissioned by the National Council for Higher Education’. Windhoek: NCHE. Ministry of Education. (2005). Namibia students financial asistance fund (NSFAF) policy. Windhoek: Government Press. Morley, L. (2010). Gender equity in higher education: Challenges and celebrations. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 629–635. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010). The Namibian Newspaper. (1988). College threatened with closure. The Namibian Archives 1988, No. 136. Windhoek. Trow, M. (2000). From Mass Higher Education to Universal Access: The American Advantage. Spring 2000. Research and Occassional Paper Series: CSHE.1.00. Institute for Government Studies, UC, Berkeley. Retrieved from http://escholarship.org/uc/item/ 96p3s213. Accessed on December 12, 2012. Trow, M. (2005). Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII’. Institute for Government Studies, UC, Berkeley. Retrieved from http://escholarship.org/uc/item/ 96p3s213. Accessed on December 12, 2012. Walters, S. (2001). Widening access or achieving social justice, equity and redress. Paper delivered during conference: Researching Widening Access: International Perspectives Conference. Glasgow: Caledonian University Press.

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Wasser, H., & Picken, R. (1998). Changing circumstances in funding public university: A comparative view. Higher education policy (pp. 29–35). Elsevier Sciences Publication. Williams, J. K., & Moronski, K. (2010). Public policy and inequality in postsecondary opportunity: Educational statistics and the failure of education reform. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 649–660. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010). Yokoyama, K., & Meek, V. L. (2010). Steering higher education system–The role of the state. International Encyclopaedia of Education, 554–558. (Elsevier, 3rd ed., 2010).

FURTHER READING GRN. (1990). The constitution of the republic of Namibia. Windhoek: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. GRN. (1992). University of Namibia Act No. 18 of 1992. Windhoek: Government Gazette. GRN. (1994). Polytechnic of Namibia Act No. 33 of 1994. Windhoek: Government Gazette. GRN. (1996). National Qualifications Authority Act No. 29 of 1996. Windhoek: Government Gazette. GRN. (2001). Education Act No. 16 of 2001. Windhoek: Government Gazette. GRN. (2003). Higher Education Act No. 26 of 2003. Windhoek: Government Gazette. GRN. (2004). Namibia vision 2030: Policy framework for long-term for national development. Windhoek: Office of the President. GRN. (2006). Education and training sector improvement programme (ETSIP). Windhoek: Government Press. GRN. (2009). Funding framework proposals for public higher education institutions in Namibia. Windhoek: Government of the Republic of Namibia. Matengu, K. K., & Shapi, M. K. (2010). The quest for coordination of the higher education system in Namibia. A research report commissioned by the National Council for Higher Education’. Windhoek: NCHE. Ministry of Education. (2009). A quality assurance system for higher education in Namibia. Windhoek: Government of the Republic of Namibia.

CHARTING HIGHER EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT IN GHANA: GROWTH, TRANSFORMATIONS, AND CHALLENGES Francis Atuahene ABSTRACT Tertiary education in Ghana has seen rapid advancement over the past two decades. This growth is the result of transformative policy reforms such as upgrading polytechnics into higher education status; the establishment of the University of Development Studies (UDS) in the northern part of the country; the amalgamation of existing Colleges of Education into degree awarding institutions; the creation of the Ghana Education Trust Fund (GETFund) to provide supplementary financial support for infrastructure, faculty research and development; expansion of distance education programs; modification of the student loan scheme; and a conducive regulatory environment that encourages private sector participation in higher education provision. In spite of these developments, the system continues to face several challenges such as limited funding to support academic programs; limited participation rates for low-income students, females, and minorities; difficulty recruiting and retaining young

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 215–263 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021011

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academic and research faculty; inadequate research capacities; limited ICT infrastructure to enhance instruction and curriculum delivery and inadequate facilities to support science and technology education; etc. This chapter focuses on the state of public higher education in Ghana with emphasis on current growth and challenges. The chapter offers descriptive analysis based on government policy reports and documents, enrollment data from universities in Ghana, and data from the Ministry of Education and the National Council for Tertiary Education in Ghana.

PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVE Over the past several years, Ghana has witnessed transformative growth in its higher education system. The diversity and quality of academic programs offered by universities have become attractive to many students in sub-Saharan Africa, and other parts of the world. The burgeoning private sector is helping to fill the access and participation gap that has persisted over several decades. The educational policy environment has witnessed extraordinary transformations, for example, the creation of the GETFund is contributing to the financial sustenance of educational institutions. In spite of these developments, the system continues to grapple with myriad challenges. This chapter focuses on the growth, transformation, and challenges facing higher education in Ghana. The author employs descriptive data analysis to explain the elements that have shaped Ghana’s public higher education system. Primarily, the discussions in this chapter are based on enrollment data from public universities in Ghana, research and policy document from the Ministry of Education Science and Sports, policy document from the National Council for Tertiary Education, research report and country data extracted from UNESCO-UIS database. The chapter is crafted along the various developments that have transpired in the higher education milieu over past several years. Thematically, the discussions in this chapter focus on the following broad areas: (i) brief history of the creation of universities, and the current state of higher education in Ghana; (ii) accessibility, participation, and enrollment surge; (iii) funding and cost sharing mechanisms, (iv) faculty recruitment and retention; (v) faculty development and research; (vi) the integration of information and communication technology (ICT) into the curriculum; and (vii) quality and relevance of higher education programs. The author concludes the chapter with some policy recommendations.

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BRIEF HISTORY OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN GHANA The history of higher education in Ghana as noted by Daniel (1997) is a history of education commissions. In August 1943, the Asquith Commission was established to investigate ‘‘the principles which should guide the promotion of higher education, learning and research and the development of universities in the colonies’’ (Commission on Higher education, 1945, p. 3). Recognizing the existence of centers already running post-secondary education programs, the Asquith Commission recommended the creation of higher education institutions for areas that were not served by universities (Daniel, 1997; Lulat, 2003). The immediate objective of this arrangement was to train men and women, and equip them with the capacity for leadership for the progress of self-government – individuals who would assist the economic and social development of the colonies (Daniel, 1997). On the basis of the Asquith Commission’s recommendations, the University College of Gold Coast was established in October 1948 by an ordinance on August 11, 1948 (Daniel, 1997; Lulat, 2005; University of Ghana, 2008) in association with the University of London as an integral part of the InterUniversity Council for Higher Education in the Colonies (Lulat, 2005, p. 228). In this regard, the University College of Gold Coast became part of the timetested ‘‘scheme of special relationship’’ with the purpose of promoting university education, learning, and research in the colony (Daniel, 1997). Shortly after Ghana’s political independence from the British in 1957, the government of the First Republic formed an International Commission on Higher Education under the chairmanship of Honorable Kojo Botsio in 1960. The University College of Gold Coast was upgraded into a fullfledged university in 1961 and then reconstituted into the University of Ghana (UG) in 1962 under the chancellorship of President Kwame Nkrumah (Lulat, 2003, 2005). Other benefits that came of the international commission were the confirmation and upgrading of the Kumasi College of Technology to university status by an Act of Parliament 1961, and later reconstituted into the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) and in 1966 renamed the University of Science and Technology (UST). In addition to the above, the University College of Cape Coast, a post-secondary college for training science teachers at Cape Coast, was upgraded to full university status in 1971 and later renamed the University of Cape Coast (UCC). By the close of the 1980s, the total number of public universities in Ghana stood at three (UG, KNUST, and UCC), excluding other professional and

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research institutions. However, with the growing national population coupled with increasing demand for higher education spurred by a growing number of students graduating from high school, the demand for higher education soared beyond capacity. In response, the University Rationalization Committee (URC) was appointed by the government to investigate the state of higher education in Ghana. The committee made 166 recommendations to overhaul the country’s higher education system (Republic of Ghana, 2002). The committee discovered that in 1988 only 0.7% of the relevant age group enrolled in the nation’s universities. This fell far short of the much higher enrolment rate experienced in many developing countries. The report also indicated that, indeed, in some developed countries, up to 50% of the relevant age group could hope to attend college (Republic of Ghana, 2002). One of the outcomes from the URC recommendations was the establishment of the University for Development Studies at Tamale, Northern Ghana in May 1992 by PNDC Law 279 (UDS, 2011). The UDS was assigned a unique role in the history of higher education in Ghana as the first university to be tasked with finding ‘‘solutions to the deprivations and environmental problems, which characterize Northern Ghana in particular’’ and other similar problems that are found ‘‘in varying degrees in rural areas throughout the country’’ (Effah, 2003, p. 339). The UDS also chalked a first in its cross-regional campus approach with locations in the Brong Ahafo, Northern, Upper East. and Upper West regions of Ghana. To further increase higher education access, the University of Education in Winneba (UEW), an amalgamation of seven diploma-awarding institutions, was upgraded to university status by an Act of Parliament (Act 672) on May 14, 2004 in special relationship with the University of Cape Coast. Another important development was the upgrading of polytechnics which were initially operating as second-cycle technical institutions to tertiary education status through the Polytechnics Law, PNDC Law 321 (MOESS, 2008). From these developments, there is enormous evidence that national interest in higher education in Ghana remains strong, at least in terms of the number of institutions that have evolved over the past three decades taking cognizance of the systemic institutional challenges inhibiting the perceived growth and transformation.

The Current State of the Higher Education System in Ghana The brief historical account given above shows the various developments and policy reforms that have shaped the creation of higher education in

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Ghana since independence. Beginning with an initial enrollment of 100 students in the University College of the Gold Coast in 1948, the number of tertiary education students rose to 9000 in 1976 and remained at that level until the commencement of the implementation of URC policy recommendations (MOESS, 2008). By the end of the 1996/1997 academic year, the total tertiary1 education enrollment was 30,546 representing a respective male to female ratio of 74:26 and 79:21 gap for the universities and polytechnics, respectively, far below the nationally projected norm of 50:50 (NCTE, 2001). While there has been significant expansion in the number of students participating in higher education in Ghana, participation rate in the age group 18–21 was just 2.5% compared to 30–40% for some developed countries in 2001. Available data shows that, between 1996 and 2001, only about 32% and 54% of the qualified applicants for admissions into universities and polytechnics respectively were actually admitted (Republic of Ghana, 2002, p. 112). The low admission acceptance rate could be partly attributed to the limited academic and residential facilities in juxtaposition to the overwhelming number of qualified students. Another major cause of this was the lack of policy coordination between the secondary and tertiary education levels. For example, during the 1980s’ educational reforms,2 the number of years spent at the pre-tertiary education level was reduced from 17 to 12 years. While several reforms were put in place to restructure the pre-tertiary education sector to increase access and participation, no similar reforms were formulated to expand higher education facilities to accommodate students who might be ready to attend colleges and universities. This was also the result of Ghana’s straight-out acceptance of the Structural adjustment policy prescriptions by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) in the 1980s. Under the IMF/WB conditionalities, the government of Ghana was made to believe that primary and secondary education had comparatively higher rates of returns than tertiary education. Eventually, investment in higher education was drastically reduced, while development of second cycle institutions became the central focus of government’s educational policy agenda. Consequently, the abysmal performance of the first batch of senior secondary students in the final university entrance examinations in 1993 revealed the weaknesses of the new educational reforms. However, on the recommendations of the URC, the tertiary education policy environment was re-evaluated. Some of the new policy developments that came out of this were the upgrading of polytechnics into tertiary education status, and the creation of the UDS in the North (Republic of Ghana, 1998). Since the late 1990s through the mid-2000s, tertiary education in Ghana has witnessed

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massive expansion not only in the sheer number of public and private institutions that have been created, but also in terms of expansion in accessibility and participation. Currently, the higher education system in Ghana is made up of public and private universities, professional institutes, colleges of education and agriculture, and nursing training colleges (Table 1). As of November 2012, there were about 138 accredited tertiary institutions in Ghana (National Accreditation Board, NAB, 2012). Available data shows that in the early 1990s when there were only three public universities, the total tertiary enrollment was 14,500 (World Bank, 2011). However, as a result of the 1992 massive reforms that led to the upgrading of polytechnics into tertiary education status, and gradual expansion of existing facilities at the universities, enrollment rose to 30,000 in 1994. Moreover, the establishment of the GETFund in August 2000 to support infrastructural development and faculty research contributed to the remarkable transformation and expansion of all sectors of public education in Ghana. By 2000/2001 academic year, the number of students attending universities and polytechnics increased to 59,132 representing a combined increase of tertiary enrollment by 97% from 1994 (Republic of Ghana, 2002). By the close of 2009, the number of students enrolled in the nation’s tertiary education system more than quadrupled. Ironically, in spite of these relatively impressive numbers, the tertiary education system in Ghana still faces many challenges. Access to higher education remains limited, especially for female low-income students, and individuals from low socio-economic

Table 1.

List of Accredited Tertiary Institutions in Ghana.

Type of Institution Public universities Private universities Polytechnics (all public) Tutorial colleges Public nursing training colleges Private nursing training colleges Public teacher training colleges Private teacher training colleges Colleges of agriculture Chartered private institutions Professional institutions

Total Number Accredited 9 44 10 7 9 3 38 3 3 3 8

Source: Compiled from the National Accreditation Board (NAB) (2012). Retrieved from http:// www.nab.gov.gh/ on November 15, 2012.

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backgrounds, and historically disadvantaged parts of the country – the northern regions and other rural areas. Moreover, the majority of students graduating from high schools located in urban areas qualify into tertiary education compared to their counterparts in the rural areas. Inadequate funding resources, and rising per unit cost of education remain other policy dilemma. Recruiting and maintaining top-notch teaching and research faculty is also another challenge as universities are not in the position to provide competitive salaries and benefits to enhance retention of academic staff. Additionally, there is insufficient research infrastructure due to lack of funding hence, this constitutes a major limitation to faculty research productivity. Another problem facing tertiary education is the integration of ICTs in the curriculum to enhance instruction and student learning outcomes due to infrastructural challenges and financial constraints. These challenges have inextricably combined to systemically define the growth and transformation of higher education in Ghana. The remaining part of this chapter is devoted to discussions of the impacts of these challenges on higher education in Ghana.

Access, Participation and Enrollment Surge As stated above, the higher education system in Ghana has seen tremendous growth in terms of participation and these are attributed to a number of factors. Among these are (1) reducing the number of years spent at the pre-tertiary level from 17 to 12 years as part of the educational reforms of the 1980s; (2) opening of many private universities and professional institutes, upgrading of polytechnics to tertiary status; (3) the reconstitution of colleges of education into degree awarding institutions; (4) and above all the creation of Education Trust Fund that provides financial support to promote academic programs, and research. The 1980s’ reforms resulted in the dramatic expansion in public senior high schools. For example, in 2000, there were 474 public and private senior high schools (SHS) with total enrollment of 204,627. By 2005/2006 the number of schools increased to 506 with a total enrollment of 338,519 students (MOESS, 2006) resulting in a huge demand for higher education. However, while the pretertiary education level was reformed to increase access and participation, the government did not simultaneously undertake similar initiatives to expand facilities at the tertiary institutions. As previously mentioned, the de-emphasizing higher education in Africa was precipitated by the World Bank/IMF policies that favored investment in basic and primary education

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than tertiary education under the hubris defense of rate of returns argument which was spearheaded by the research work of George Psacharopoulos. For example, while student enrollment at the senior secondary school increased from 20,153 in 1987/1988 to 57,708 in 1997/1998 (representing 186.3%), universities also saw enrollment growth from 8343 to 25,280 (representing 203% increase), respectively (Republic of Ghana, 2002). However, even though the percentage-wise enrollment increase at public universities appeared higher than that of the senior secondary schools, transition rate from the Senior High School to the higher education remains abysmal in comparison of the overwhelming number of qualified students seeking entrance to post-secondary education. There has always been a huge gap between the number of qualified students seeking admission into the nation’s public higher education institutions and the existing educational facilities at universities and polytechnics. For instance, while the net enrollment ratio at the senior high school in 2009 was 46.08%, tertiary gross enrollment ratio (GER) was just about 6% (UNESCO, 2011). Evidently, the existing data reveals a transition gap between the pre-tertiary and higher education levels, but creditably there has been quite a remarkable improvement in the overall participation rates over the past decade as shown in Fig. 1. Tertiary education has seen rapid growth from 53,177 in 1999 to 285,862 in 2011, signifying an enrollment spike of 438% over a period of 12 years. This is quite consistent with similar growth around the world, and particularly, in sub-Saharan Africa, which has experienced the highest average yearly enrollment increase of 8.6% (UNESCO, 2009a). Enrollment Trend from 1999–2011 700000

Enrollment

600000 500000 400000 300000 200000 100000 0

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2011

Total

53177 59132 66626 77012 92530 103222 119559 110184 140017 190273 203376 285862

Male

39619 42918 48159 54555 63076 69179 77776 73080 92076 133023 127603 179572

Female 13558 16214 18467 22457 29454 34043 41783 37104 47941 57250 75773 106290

Fig. 1.

Enrollment Trend at Tertiary Education in Ghana. Source: Data from UNESCO Institute of Statistics database, July 2012.

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Nonetheless, in spite of the phenomenal growth, tertiary GER in Ghana is quite low compared to other developing countries. For example, Figs. 2 and 3 show the tertiary GER in Ghana compared to other parts of the world. To demonstrate the enrollment growth rate proportionally in Ghana, the tertiary GERs were calculated using enrollment date from UNESCO. Generally, the GER measures the level of participation in a given level of education. It indicates the capacity of the education system to enroll students of a particular age group. Thus, for the total GER, the

16.00 14.00 12.00

GER

10.00 8.00 6.00 4.00 2.00 0.00

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2011

Tertiary GER 2.92 Male-GER 4.28

3.17

3.47

3.92

4.59

5.00

5.65

5.08

6.32

8.41

8.80

12.14

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5.44

6.13

6.56

7.20

6.60

8.14

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1.96

2.33

2.99

3.37

4.04

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4.43

5.18

2000

64

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Fig. 2.

GER %

1.52

Fig. 3. Tertiary GERs by Region: 2000 and 2008 Compared with Ghana. Source: Data from UNESCO Institute of Statistics Fact Sheet (UNESCO, 2009c and UNESCO-UIS2010).

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number of tertiary students enrolled in a given year regardless of age was divided by the population of the age group which officially corresponding to the same level of education, and multiplied the result by 100 (UNESCO, 2009b). Similarly, for the gender ratios, the number of female or male tertiary students was divided by the population, which officially corresponds to the same level of education, and multiplies the result by 100. The formula for calculating the GER is given by UNESCO (2009b) as follows: GERth ¼

E th 100 Pth;a

where: GERth ¼ gross enrolment ratio at level of education h in school-year t E th ¼ enrolment at the level of education h in school-year t Pth;a ¼ population in age group which officially corresponds to the level of education h in school-year t Overall, the enrollment growth in Ghana compared to many sub-Saharan African countries is somewhat higher with 6.3% GER in 2007 (Fig 3). UNESCO’s Institute of Statistics 2010 fact sheet shows that in 2009 Ghana’s tertiary GER was 6.2%, exceeding regional average and several other African countries such as: Burkina Faso (3.4%), Central African Republic (2.5%), Eritrea (2.0%), Ethiopia (3.6%), and Uganda (3.7%). However, Ghana also lags behind others sub-Saharan African countries such as: Cameroon (9.0%), Coˆte d’Ivoire (8.4%), Guinea (9.2%), Mauritius (25.9%), Namibia (8.9%) and Senegal (8.0%), with tertiary GER exceeding regional average in 2009 (see Fig. 3). Comparatively, GER in Ghana has quadrupled over the years from 2.92 in 1999 to 12.14 in 2011 (representing an increase of 316%) as shown in Fig. 2. However, in terms of its educational growth and achievement, Ghana lags behind other developing nations. Education for All (EFA) 2012 Report shows that although Ghana and South Korea had similar economic starting point in the 1970s, Ghana’s low investment in secondary education with a stagnated GER of 40% for 30 years contributed to its economic slowdown. Even with the massive 1980s educational reforms, Ghana only invested 2% of its GDP per capita in education compared to 4% of South Korea’s.3 While generally tertiary GER has not kept pace with secondary net enrollment ratios for all demographic groups of students, available data suggests that the challenge to accessibility is predominantly acute for female students, especially those from low socio-economic backgrounds, and students from historically disadvantaged regions. The increase in raw numbers shows widening

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participation and access, but the comparative growth rate for male and female students shows a marginal increase for female students. Gender-Based Disparity Certainly, access to higher education in Ghana has gender, spatial, and socio-economic dimensions. One of the challenges of access to higher education in Ghana is the low participation rate of female students despite national policy recommendation of 50:50 male/female ratios. Historically, women are disproportionately underrepresented at all levels of education, especially at the tertiary sector. Culturally, the highly segregated gender roles reinforced discriminatory practices where females were not encouraged to pursue formal careers, and women were not even recognized as having the same capacities as men in community leadership and national decisionmaking. While this perception has changed over the past decades, the historical impact has not been completely corrected. There still remains a significant disparity between male/female enrollment ratios at the tertiary level favoring male students. As shown in Fig. 2, although the overall tertiary GER shows approximately 316% increase from 1999 to 2011, the proportion of male students within the same population age group rose from 4.28 to 14.91 (248% increase) between 1999 and 2011 compared to the proportion of female increase from 1.52 to 9.24 (507% increase) respectively (UNESCO, 2011). While the numerical value of female enrollment has improved between 1999 and 2011, it does not compare with the steady improvement experienced by male students over time. The patriarchal system established by the colonial universities and the lack of effective policies to correct historical errors by first generation African leaders and policy-makers explain the recurring gender-based disparity at the higher education level. Historically, tertiary education in Ghana was designed to educate and train elite corps of male students to take up roles in the civil service played by expatriates. Unfortunately, postindependence policies did not immediately address these anomalies until recently. For a very long time the voices of women in most African countries were diminished in public sphere. In the academe, the hierarchical structures of many departments remain masculine – women have always been the minority and in most cases they have limited voices in leadership positions and institutional decision-making process. As opined by Mama (2003): African governments have not formally excluded women from participation in higher education as the colonial policies did, but ‘‘they have tended to treat the attainment of

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nation-statehood as a collective restoration of conventional masculinity y which has precluded full and equal participation of women in the national project. Access to education, commonly regarded as a major route to upward mobility and status, has remained deeply inequitable.’’ (p. 102)

Within the public higher education system, various policies (affirmative action and quota system) have been developed to address the systemic gender-based disparity in Ghana. However, available statistics show persistent inequities in representation of women in the country’s higher education system. The percentage of women in public universities remains very low, between 30% and 35% (Table 2). It is even worse at the polytechnic level although enrollment is quite higher in private universities (Morley et al., 2010). This is probably because the enrollment standard at private universities in Ghana is comparatively lower than the restrictive entrance requirement set by public universities, which is partly determined by government’s subvention and available residential and academic facilities. As indicated in Table 2, the representation of student body in the higher education system in Ghana fits the ‘‘man’s world’’ description. Numerically, the growth rate of female participation is quite encouraging especially when one compares with historical data prior to the year 2000 and beyond. For example, institutional specific data shows that at the University of Ghana in 1996/1997, the male/female ratio was 64:26. Both the KNUST and the University of Cape Coast had male/female ratios of 80:20. The trend Table 2. Student Enrollment in Universities in Ghana, 1996–2009. Year

Male

Female

Total

Male/Female Ratio

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

16,993 20,149 23,235 26,558 28,545 26,558 32,693 36,935 42,942 48,055 54,929 58,098 62,267 64,220

6,133 6,535 8,266 9,663 1,218 9,663 13,491 16,960 20,634 25,353 29,149 30,347 31,706 38,328

23,126 26,684 31,501 36,221 29,763 36,221 46,184 53,895 63,576 73,408 84,078 88,445 93,973 102,548

74:26 76:24 74:26 73:27 70:30 73:27 71:29 69:31 68:32 65:35 65:35 66:34 66:34 63:37

Source: Author’s calculations based on data from UNESCO database (July 2012).

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in Table 2 depicts the marginal improvement in female student participation in higher education in 14 years. The percentage change remains quite low from 74:26 in 1996 to 63:37 in 2009. This stark representation is reflected in the male/female academic composition in the universities. Undoubtedly, the inadequate social and political support for women to participate in tertiary education means only few females are able to reach the top rungs of the academic ladder to become teaching and research faculty in the academy. For five decades since independence, women account for less than 25% of the academic professoriates in Ghana public universities. In 2000, only 20% of the 702 academic staff at the University of Ghana were women. By the end of 2008 this had marginally increased to 993, representing 24% women (Tettey, 2010; World Bank, 2006). Realizing the existing gender-based disparities, successive governments, in collaboration with universities, have put in place several affirmative action policies to increase female participation at the tertiary education levels. For example, public universities have introduced affirmative action policies to close the gender disparity gap by relaxing admission standards for female applicants. However, this policy has encountered considerable degree of opposition from individuals, who believe that relaxing admission standards for women gives the negative impression that female students are not academically as competitive as their male counterparts. Some groups of students have also expressed their opposition to the policy viewing it as reinforcing reverse discrimination. Regardless, the objective of this policy is to bridge the gender representation gap that has existed for several years. For example, when the UDS was initially established, it was part of the University’s admission policy to accept all female students who met the minimum admission requirements to the extent that there was the capacity to absorb them. However, UDS’ recent admission practices are not different from those of other public universities. This is because, all public universities receive more qualified applications beyond their institutional capacities, making it extremely difficult to reinforce affirmative action policies. Besides, by setting equitable competitive admission standards, the UDS seeks to stake its own competitive position and secure recognition among other public universities in the country. Although Ghana has not achieved gender parity4 at the tertiary level, available data in 2009 shows that these affirmative action policies have contributed to the increase in female participation rates at the tertiary education level. Despite the disparity between male and female students, Ghana is gradually making progressive headway toward bridging the gender participation gap. In various circumstances, parity is close to 1.0 at the primary and secondary education levels. At the tertiary level, Ghana

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12 GER

0.79

10

0.5

8

GPI 0.58

0.21

6 4

0.49

9.4

8.4

0.31

0.7

0.07 8

6.4 2 0

3.6

3.4 Burkina Faso

Cameroon

Congo Côte d'Ivoire Ethiopia

4.1

4.1

Ghana

Kenya

Senegal

Fig. 4. Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) and Gender Parity Index (GPI) Ratio for Tertiary Education. Source: UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UNESCO, 2009c).

has a GPI of 0.7 in 2009 (Fig. 4) compared to other sub-Saharan African countries such as Coˆte d’Ivoire (0.5), Ethiopia (0.31), Kenya (0.07), and Senegal (0.58) (UNESCO, 2010). However, while Ghana is doing well among other sub-Saharan African countries, this performance is below international standards, especially when compared with other developing countries in the Latin America, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia. It is also important to note that globally countries have witnessed increased tertiary GPI from 0.98 to 1.08 between 1999 and 2009. While Latin American and the Caribbean countries have witnessed consistent enrollment increase for all sexes, Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan African countries have remained stagnant with enrollment bias favoring male students. Nationally, it is important to note that the tertiary GPI of 0.7 in 2009 may not in fact reflect local realities and usually minimizes sub-regional disparities. While there is general bias favoring male students, women from ethnic minorities and low income families as well as those from rural parts of the country or from historically disadvantaged regions tend to be the most vulnerable to educational access inequities and disparities. The lack of parity means Ghana has not fully established the grounds to ensure equal opportunities for all individuals from various socio-economic backgrounds to participate in higher education.

Disparity Based on Socio-Economic Status Despite the steady expansion manifested in the number of people entering higher education in Ghana over the past decades, inequalities based on

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229

socio-economic status persist. In fact, student characteristics within the tertiary education have not changed considerably over the past several years. Higher education in Ghana is primarily dominated by students from higher socio-economic backgrounds. It is estimated by the World Bank (2011) that male students from the highest income quintile are more than seven times likely to successfully enter and complete university education in Ghana than their counterparts from poorest income quintile. The report clearly states: ‘‘The situation is even more precarious for the female category where students who come from only the richest 40% of the population’’ (p. 156) can participate in higher education. In sub-Saharan Africa, it is estimated that on the average students from the lowest socio-economic quintile are 15 times less likely to enter a university than those from the highest income quintile (Brossard & Foko, 2007, paraphrased in Morley et al., 2009). Current institutional data from the three public universities in Ghana (UG, KNUST, and UCC) indicates that the majority of students enrolled in these institutions are from economically advantaged regions of the country – Ashanti, Eastern, Greater Accra, Central, and Volta regions. Particularly, students from the northern regions of the country are highly under-represented in higher education system. A demographic study of students’ background by Addae-Mensah (2000) in Ghana found that over 70% of the country’s future doctors, scientists, engineers, architects, pharmacists, agriculturists, and other professionals emerged from just about 10% of the nation’s senior high schools, with almost 50% coming from less than 4% or only 18 of Ghana’s 504 senior secondary schools. In fact, the study also revealed that 70% of admissions in the humanities and 91% in the sciences including medicine and agriculture for the 1999/2000 academic year at University of Ghana were from the top 50 secondary schools, constituting 9.9% of secondary schools in Ghana. It is past a decade since the report of Addae-Mensah in 2000 was published, but things have not changed considerably. A study by Morley et al. (2010) revealed that in 2007, there were 125,221 qualified students who applied to tertiary institutions in Ghana – only 31,365 (25%) were from deprived schools compared with 94,073 (75%) from non-deprived schools. Out of the total of 16,014 students selected to enter the universities, only 1.16% came from deprived schools, which is 10 times lower than the 11.59% of their counterparts from non-deprived schools (Morley et al., 2010). Obviously, one’s region of origin is a critical index in determining one’s access to and participation in higher education in Ghana. Available data from 2003 to 2010 collected for this study show that at the UG and KNUST, access to higher education is skewed in favor of students

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from the five advantaged regions (Ashanti, Central, Eastern, Greater Accra, and Volta) in the country. Over 80% of the students enrolled in KNUST and UG came from the top five regions of the country as shown in Table 3. At the UCC, for example, there were 19,007 students enrolled in the Center for Continuing Education in 2010 – about 75% were from 5 of the 10 regions (Ashanti, Central, Eastern, Greater Accra, and Western) of the country. Fundamentally, the regions that have the lowest student representation are predominantly economically disadvantaged areas. Generally, regions/ districts with poor local economies lack the resources and capacities to improve educational infrastructure and facilities in their secondary schools. Meanwhile, students’ performance at national-level university entrance examination is mainly predicated upon the quality of the secondary school system that students have access to in the respective regions/districts. Thus, in part, a student’s access to higher education is determined by his/her performance in the national university entrance exam, inextricably a function of the location and quality of secondary school attended. Moreover, most elite secondary schools offer better chances of success on the national exam, Table 3.

Percentage of Enrollment at the UG and KNUST by Region of Origin.

Region of Origin

Year 2003

2004

Regions with the lowest representation Brong Ahafo 0.03 0.03 Northern 3.96 3.08 Upper East 2.70 2.39 Upper West 2.26 1.84 Western 3.35 3.81

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

0.02 3.00 1.79 1.45 4.42

0.07 3.39 2.92 2.29 3.65

0.03 7.72 3.18 2.16 3.29

0.05 3.51 3.32 2.70 3.75

0.03 4.33 3.75 2.63 4.14

0.03 2.60 3.25 3.57 3.87

Total

12.31

11.16

10.69

12.33

16.37

13.32

14.88

13.32

Regions with highest Ashanti Central Eastern Greater Accra Volta

representation 21.53 23.53 11.78 11.88 18.16 18.79 14.95 14.29 18.18 16.25

26.51 13.40 19.16 10.36 17.04

18.48 12.27 19.86 13.16 19.03

19.65 10.82 18.89 11.86 20.29

21.38 10.51 16.83 15.75 16.61

22.22 11.47 18.34 10.79 16.84

22.91 12.68 18.02 10.60 16.71

Total

84.59

86.48

82.80

81.51

81.08

79.66

80.92

84.74

Source: Author’s calculation based on data from KNUST and UG planning units.

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guaranteeing greater opportunities for students. Unfortunately, access to the elite schools depends on one’s socio-economic backgrounds. Report by the Ghana Living Survey Study (GLSS, 2005 and 2006) cited by the World Bank (2011) shows that a student’s family income level determines his/her ability to attend university. The GLSS 2005/2006 data estimated that about 9.6% of all pubic tertiary students come from the poorest two quintiles while 66.9% come from the richest quintile (Table 4). Moreover, enrollment data available at the University of Cape Coast reveal that of the 19,007 students enrolled in the continuing education program in 2010, only 11.19% came from the three deprived northern regions; and about 71.21% came from the top five economically advantaged regions (Fig. 5). While the available institutional data do not account for enrollment differentials pertaining to individuals’ actual region of origin versus location of residence, it is important to note that generally students

Enrollment in Secondary and Tertiary Public Schools by Quintile.

Table 4. Quintile

Secondary (2005/2006)

Tertiary (2005/20)

12.1 17.2 23.7 23.3 23.8

1.8 7.8 9.4 14.1 66.9

Poorest quintile Second quintile Third quintile Fourth quintile Fifth quintile

Enrollment

Source: World Bank (2011, p. 100), original data based on GLSS 2005–2006.

4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0

25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 Ashanti

Enrollment 3703 Percent 19.5

Fig. 5.

Upper Brong Greater Central Eastern Northern East Ahafo Accra 1682 8.8

3021 15.9

1324 7.0

3972 20.9

967 5.1

699 3.7

Upper West 455 2.4

0.0 Volta Western 829 4.4

2355 12.4

Enrollment by Region of Origin: Center for Continuing Education (UCC2010). Source: University of Cape Coast (2010) basic statistics.

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from the northern part of the country are underrepresented at all levels of education usually due to economic reasons. Similarly, it is important to point out that public higher education in Ghana is theoretically tuition-free; however, it is economically very difficult for students from poor households to pursue higher education without the support of their families. The percentage of student progression from secondary to tertiary education as shown in Table 4 depicts that universities are dominated by individuals from the highest income quintile. Although that tuition is covered by the government, there are several fees, charges, and other incidental expenses which make the pursuit of tertiary education economically unattainable for many academically talented students from poor economic backgrounds. In the next section, the funding situation in Ghana is carefully discussed.

FUNDING HIGHER EDUCATION IN GHANA The preceding discussions so far show that the forces affecting higher education access and participation vary from several historical, sociocultural, economic, and political factors. While students respond differently to these factors, in aggregate their impacts on access to and participation in higher education affect greater percentage of low income and economically underprivileged students. Among the challenges facing higher education development in Ghana, one of the most pervasive threats to institutional development is funding. In fact, the success of a vibrant higher education system largely depends on its financial sustainability. Higher education in Ghana faces severe funding conundrum due to several factors which include the increasing per unit cost of student’s education, soaring enrollment, and the growing demand for participation. Another dimension of the problem is that public higher education is tuition-free for regular students who meet universities’ competitive entrance requirements, thereby limiting public universities’ ability to impose reasonable tuition to increase students’ contribution. Prior to the early 2000, tertiary education funding was drawn from government or taxpayer sources (70%) while the remainder of 30% came from students’ contributions in the form of fees and other charges, internally generated funds (IGF) of institutions, and private donations. Currently, funding public universities and polytechnics in Ghana comes from four principal sources: (1) government of Ghana (GOG) budgetary allocations, (2) allocations from the GETFund, (3) IGF – internally generated funds from the institutions, and (4) donors. (Figs. 6 and 7).

233

Higher Education in Ghana Mgt & Subvented Agencies TVET 7% 1%

Special Ed 0.6%

NFED 0.4% Pre-School 4%

Primary 35%

Teacher Edu. 3% Tertiary 22% SHS 10%

Fig. 6.

JHS 17%

Education Funding by Level (2009). Source: Ministry of Education (MOESS, 2009) education sector performance report.

HIPC, 1.3% EFA Catalytic, 0.3 %

MDRI, 1.4 %

Donor, 5.3 % IGF, 9.4 %

GETFund, 12.2 %

Gov't of Ghana, 70.1 %

Fig. 7.

Education Funding by Source (2009). Source: Ministry of Education (MOESS, 2009) education sector performance report.

As the GOG remains the major funding body for public tertiary education, institutions struggle yearly to meet their operating expenditures due to dwindling financial resources amidst many competing social services for limited government financial resources. For instance, in 2000, the GOG was able to offer just about 56% of total budget request by universities although polytechnics saw an increase of 30% of their requests (Effah, 2003).

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Available data shows that the overall education budget (all sources combined) was projected to increase by 6% of the total government expenditure, while GOG expenditure was to increase by 10%. Between 2003 and 2008, actual expenditure and government expenditure rose by 36% and 40%, respectively. Keeping expenses within budget remains a hurdle (MOESS, 2009). In 2008, the government funded the bulk of the educational budget, that is, 70%, followed by 12.2% of GETFund, 9.4% of IGF, and 5.5% from donors. Of these, primary education consumed about 35%, followed by the second largest, tertiary with 22% (MOESS, 2009). It is estimated that about 46% of the funding for tertiary education came from external sources compared to government spending. Overall, public spending on education remains very high and accounting for about 10.1% of the GDP (gross domestic product) in 2010, comprising 90% of domestic spending and 10% by donor and external fund. This is higher than the average of 4.3% in low-income sub-Saharan African countries and the average 5.7% for middle-income sub-Saharan African countries (MOESS, 2009). Giving the competing demand from other social services, it is unlikely that government’s support will keep pace with the growing financial requests from the educational sector. While UNESCO and the African Union proposed that countries spend approximately 6% of their GDP on education, Ghana’s total educational expenditure as a percentage of its GDP exceeds this stipulation. In 2008, Ghana’s education expenditure was 10.1% of GDP, representing an increase of 63% from 8.2% in 2003 (MOESS, 2009). Over the past several years governments’ contributions to education at all levels had far exceeded the regional standards set by UNESCO (Fig. 8). Since 2004, tertiary education on the average takes about 20% of the entire educational budget; however, with the rising tertiary per unit cost from GH¢1058.00 in 2005 to GH¢ 2143.00 in 2008, and the current 5% GDP growth, it will be very difficult for the government to financially sustain higher education to keep pace with the spiraling demand for participation under the tuition-free public education philosophy. Fig. 9 presents the comparative growing trend of per unit cost of pre-tertiary and higher education from 2005 through 2008. Evidently, funding higher education is becoming more expensive for government and thus, all stakeholders have to contribute their share to contain cost. Despite governments’ commitment to education, access to tertiary education was extremely restricted especially in the years preceding the early 2000s until the promulgation of Ghana Education Trust Fund (GETFund) Act (Act 581) in 2000 by the Parliament of Ghana. Realizing the magnitude

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Higher Education in Ghana 12

UNESCO and Africa Union Target 6% 10.1 9.1 9

Education Expenditure as a % GDP

10 8.2 7.3

7.5

2004

2005

8 6.2 6 4 2 0 2003

2006

2007

2008

2009

Fig. 8. Trend in Expenditure on Education as a Share of GDP. Source: Ministry of Education (MOESS, 2010, 2009; World Bank, 2011) educational sector performance report.

2500 2142.89

2000 1500 1000 500 0

1508.05 1153.58

1057.74 2005

2006 Primary

Fig. 9.

2007 JHS

SHS

2008 Tertiary

Unit Costs by Levels of Education, 2005–2008. Source: Ministry of Education (MOESS, 2009) education sector performance report.

of financial implication relative to the expansion and quality of higher education, the Parliament of Ghana passed into law, the imposition of 2.5% tax rate to the existing value added tax, which will go to support education at all levels. The overall objective of the Fund is to provide financial support for education. Among other things the Fund is designed to (i) provide academic facilities and infrastructure to public institutions; (ii) contribute money to support student loan scheme; (iii) provide supplementary funding for needy students through the scholarship secretariat; and (iv) support faculty development and research (The GETFund, 2000).

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Within the past 12 years of its operation, the GETFund has immensely contributed to the development of education, particularly at the tertiary level. Since its establishment, universities and polytechnics have experienced major infrastructural development. Over the past decade, the GETFund has sponsored and financed the completion of several projects. Some notable ones include the completion of a chemistry laboratory project at the University of Ghana; structural upgrading of the Kumasi, Accra, Takoradi, and Ho polytechnics to facilitate the start of degree programs; provision of vehicles to all girls secondary schools; support for distance education; and construction of hostels for seven polytechnics, the University for Development Studies, and the University for Education-Winneba (The GETFund, 2010). As at 2008 the GETFund has contributed about GH¢61 million to the Scholarships Secretariat to support needy students (The GETFund, 2010). In 2011, a total of GH¢ 53,405,000 was allocated to the tertiary education sector to support infrastructural development. Additionally, the GETFund provides support for faculty development and research. In 2010, the GETFund allocated GH¢19,750,000 to support faculty development and research (NCTE, 2011). Overall, government subvention remains the major source of funding for universities. This is followed by supplemental income from the GETFund, IGF, and support from development partners. As part of their IGFs, students are required to contribute toward their education in the form of fees, and tuition for some students admitted as ‘‘tuition paying.’’ Since public primary and secondary education are tuition-free for Ghanaians, various cost sharing policies, such as student loan schemes, have long been instituted at the tertiary education level. Although universities faced fierce student opposition to cost sharing mechanisms during the late 1990s, institutions have successfully established several academic and residential facility user charges and fees as part of students’ contribution toward their education. The next discussion focuses on some of the cost sharing policies being implemented in Ghana to sustain its higher education system.

Cost Sharing Cost sharing has become one of the buzzwords in higher education finance in developing countries, especially in most sub-Saharan African countries where hitherto, higher education has been constitutionally financed by the government. Cost sharing ‘‘refers to a shift in the burden of higher education costs from being borne exclusively or predominately by

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237

government, or taxpayers, to being shared with parents and students’’ (Johnstone, 2003, p. 351). Johnstone (2004) identified various forms of cost sharing, but the typologies that fit Ghana’s situation include (1) small ‘‘earmarked’’ fees (e.g., registration, examination, or ‘‘caution’’ – but not yet tuition), (2) the encouragement and even revenue support of tuitiondependent private sector, (3) the introduction of fees for lodging and food, which used to be free during the immediate years of independence until the 1970s, (4) the introduction of tuition only for students admitted as ‘‘full fee-paying,’’ and (5) enhancing cost recovery on student loans. Traditionally while Ghana adopted a free educational finance model – free tuition, free room and board, and extra allowance for university students, this socialist ideology became unsustainable as the economy of the country began to deteriorate and the population grew. Over the past three decades, Ghana has moved beyond what used to be an absolutely free tertiary education to a system which imposes various kinds of fees on students. In the heat of student resistance, demonstrations, and strikes, universities have successfully instituted tuition policy for a select group of students who do not meet the competitive admission ‘‘cut-off points’’ but have the minimum entrance requirements. In practice, two major forms of cost sharing exist in Ghana: (a) fees and (b) tuition for students admitted as ‘‘fee-paying.’’ Generally, the number of students admitted into public universities is determined by the amount of government subsidies institutions receive each year. Based on that and available institutional facilities, universities set their competitive and restrictive admission criteria for all students. When universities advertise applications for admission, students have the option to select regular or fee-paying. Using the previous year’s admission requirements as a benchmark, usually, an applicant has a fair idea of whether they meet the highly competitive admission requirements set by departments and programs they wish to apply. Students who meet the competitive departmental standards are admitted as ‘‘regular students’’. While regular students do not pay tuition, they pay several fees and charges imposed by the universities. Students who do not meet the initial enrollment requirements, but meet the minimum entry requirements are offered the opportunity to apply for the ‘‘fee-paying’’ stream. Government policy requires public universities to reserve not more than 10% of their admission slots to fee-paying students – i.e. 5% for Ghanaians and 5% for foreign students. It is estimated that although the full-fee paying students constitute less than 10% of student intake, it contributed over 28% of universities’ internally generated income (Baneseh, 2011). The difference between the two admission tracks is based

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on the tuition and fee structure instituted by universities. While only ‘‘fee paying’’ students pay tuition, students admitted through both tracks pay several charges such as academic facilities fee, registration, examination, venture capital, medical examination fee, sanitation, technology, healthcare, and student activities. The academic facilities fee depends on the program of study and the university. For example, the academic facilities fee at the University of Ghana was GH¢125.00 for humanities students, GH¢180.00 for business administration, and GH¢253.00 for applied science and veterinary students respectively in 2011–2012 academic year. Similarly, the fee structure for freshmen undergraduate and non-degree students admitted at the University of Ghana during the 2011–2012 academic year was GH¢486.00 for humanities students, GH¢541.00 for business administration, GH¢571.00 for agricultural science and GH¢644.00 for applied science and veterinary (University of Ghana, 2012). While cost sharing has not been perfect, Ghana has made great improvements in making tertiary education students aware of the need to contribute to their education. Financially, the greatest support for students’ education comes from their families, albeit most low-income students greatly depend on government loan scheme program.

Student Loan Scheme The student loan scheme was initially introduced in 1971 to provide private financial support for educational incidental expenditures. Unfortunately, the scheme did not live to see its first anniversary, as it was suspended due to political instability that toppled the government and later reintroduced with modifications in 1975 (Sawyerr, 2001). Since its initial establishment in 1971 and throughout the mid-2000s, the student loan scheme has undergone several reforms and modifications due to technical, administrative, and implementation challenges. Student loans scheme in Ghana has consistently suffered several challenges such as high loan default rate due to poor loan recovery; lack of reliable and accurate data of borrowers compiled by the Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT), the agency previously contracted by the Government to provide students with loans; poor loan disbursement mechanisms causing unnecessary payment delays; high level of indebtedness of the scheme to SSNIT; and government’s inability to pay the highly subsidized interest rates due to the scheme (Atuahene, 2008; Sawyerr, 2001). For example, during the period between 1975 and 1986, eleven years of its initial operation, the scheme was indebted

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239

to the Ghana Commercial Bank a total of GH¢33.5 million (US$375,560) of which only GH¢185,000 (US$2,074) was paid (Sawyerr, 2001). Similarly, between 1998 and 2001, the government of Ghana owed the SSNIT about US$23.9 million as a result of the subsidized interest (Rossouw, 2001). Within the same period students owed about US$154,696,133 to the scheme (Bimpong, 2004). Due to these drawbacks, SSNIT was reluctant to continue using employers’ pension fund to support the loan scheme.5 As a result, the GETFund, which was created in 2000 to provide financial support to education at all levels, started in 2001 to finance the scheme through SSNIT. Between 2001 and 2005 the GETFund injected about US$16,605,024.00 to support students in the form of loans. In 2005 the GETFund created a subsidiary agency, the Student Loan Trust Fund (SLTF) to autonomously run the student loan scheme with funds drawing from the GETFund. The SLTF is believed to be an improvement over the SSNIT scheme for the following reasons: (1) qualification is based on need assessment, (2) determination of loan amount is based on program of study, (3) the creation of different levels of interest rates and repayment plan to ensure effective cost recovery, which was a major snag of the SSNIT scheme, and (4) the reduction of three guarantors to one. Since its establishment, the SLTF has been remarkable in terms of disbursement and coverage. In 2005, the volume of student loans was increased by 40% from GH¢1 million to GH¢3.5 million. Within a period of 6 years the SLTF has disbursed GH¢52 million to about 45,000 tertiary education students nationwide. Out of the amount given to the beneficiaries, about GH¢3.75 million is due for recovery as the fund entered its first year of recovery in 2012, marking the first maturity year of the various amounts of loan disbursed to students since SLTF took over the student loan scheme from the SSNIT in 2006. By the close of January 2013 the SLTF ‘‘has recovered GH¢2,064,826.12 representing 43.4% in loan repayments which exceeded the target of 40% at the close of their first full year in 2012’’ (SLTF, 2013). Despite the significant modifications of the SLTF, there still remain systemic challenges that need to be resolved by the administrators of the Trust to ensure equity of loan distribution. For example, in 2011/2012 academic year the loan amount for regular students pursuing science-related disciplines was GH¢600.00 (US$391.00),6 those pursuing programs in the arts, humanities and social sciences received GH¢500.00 (US$325.50). Similarly, tuition-paying students receive GH¢600.00 (US$391.00) irrespective of their socio-economic status or programs of study. However, tuition rates for ‘‘fee-paying’’ freshmen enrolling in University of Ghana during the 2011/2012 academic year were GH¢1886 (US$1,228.00) for humanities,

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GH¢2424 (US$1,578.00) for science students, and GH¢3,441 (US$2,240.01) for students admitted to study medicine. Regular humanities students paid GH¢486 (US$316.40), science students paid GH¢571 (US$382), and veterinary students paid GH¢614 (US$411). In 2012/2013 academic year, tuition rate for first year full fee-paying humanities students at KNUST stood at GH¢2,203.00. Business administration students paid GH¢2,903.50 and those in applied science excluding engineering paid GH¢2,903.50. Similarly, at KNUST non-tuition-paying humanities students paid GH¢463.00 and students pursuing science discipline paid GH¢532.43 (KNUST, 2012). One observation that has come up with the disbursement of funds from SLTF is whether a proposed formula exists for need-based assessment to determine students’ actual socio-economic status. The existing system depends on self-reported data collected from beneficiaries, which raises questions about not only the integrity, but also the validity and reliability of the need assessment eligibility criteria (Atuahene & Owusu-Ansah, 2013). Problematically, Ghana does not have reliable household data (e.g., tax records) on income levels. Apparently, the need-based assessment policy is not working, which defeats the overall purpose of providing opportunities to increase higher education access for minority students. Tuition and university imposed charges are not the only funding issues at stake. Almost all the public universities in Ghana are concentrated in major urban centers, which tend to favor students who either live in such urban areas and/or those who live in areas with strong urban ties. The cost of living in these urban centers is very high and university students who come from elsewhere without strong financial support would have to contend with the high costs associated with accommodation, food, and transportation. As I have previously elaborated, students from the highest income quintile are the major consumers of the best or top secondary education in the country. They are also the majority to qualify for higher education and obviously constitute the majority of beneficiaries of government run student loan scheme. However, by giving all students the same amount of student loan without a well-designed, means-tested approach to determine their individual socio-economic status, the government has consistently failed to ensure equality and equity in the provision of higher education among the various social groups. Obviously, the system rewards individuals who already have had access to better primary and secondary education than individuals who are economically disadvantaged. In fact, funding remains the operational bedrock of almost every facet of institutional activities. The impacts of limited funding resources transcend the accessibility and participation challenges that student face. Inadequate

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financial support affect recruitment and retention of academic faculty and research staff, the development of ICTs, as well as the quality of academic programs offered. All these are intertwined to enhance the quality of teaching, learning, and research.

FACULTY RECRUITMENT AND RETENTION Universities in many parts of Africa find it difficult to recruit and retain academic faculty. Economically, universities are confronted with the labor market competition to recruit and retain quality and top-notch research and academic staff. The private sector offers competitive salary that is more attractive than pursuing an academic career. Unsatisfactory working conditions experienced by many African academics are a major cause of intellectual capital flight facing universities. As noted by Coombe (1991), ‘‘many young lecturers leave because they are unable to advance themselves by research and publications or by acquiring advance degrees; while senior lecturers and professors have obligations to growing families, and may have suffered sharp declines in real income’’ (Coombe, 1991, cited in Ajayi, Goma, & Johnson, 1996, p. 150). According to the World Bank (2006), the average pre-tax annual salary for associate professors at the University of Ghana in 2005 was US$5,512 (basic) and US$11,401 (including allowances) and the total annual salary including allowances for a full professor was US$12,393. While academic staff remuneration has seen improvement of conditions over the past few years, it does not compare to other countries in Africa where faculty members with similar ranks earn higher competitive salaries. Eventually, retaining and recruiting new faculty is very difficult and universities remain understaffed as shown in Table 5 and Fig. 10. None of Table 5. Institution UG KNUST UCCa UEW UDS UMAT a

Student and Academic Staff Ratio for Universities, 2011–2012. Enrollment

No. of Staff

Student:Staff

Student:Staff –Humanities

28,305 26,657 15,492 17,179 19,665 1,637

858 686 461 316 371 57

33:1 39:1 43:1 54:1 53:1 29:1

58:1 165:1 32:1 n/a 116:1 n/a

UCC data is from 2010–2011 academic year. Source: NCTE (2012); NCTE student/staff ratio norms for humanities is 18:1.

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900

Senior Faculty

% Senior Faculty* 45

43%

40

800 700

36% 845

30% 30 25

30%

600 500 400

35

34%

361

676

461

20 341

300 201

200

168

15

14% 116

100

10

453 64

71 21

5 0

0 UG

KNUST

UCC

UEW

UDS

UMAT

Fig. 10. Ranks of Full-Time Teaching Staff in Public Universities by Institutions, 2010–2011. Source: NCTE (2012). Note: Senior faculty are Professors, Associate Professors, and Senior Lectures.

the public universities meets the faculty-student ratio norm set by the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE).7 Considering the limited number of senior faculty within the various universities (see Fig. 10), it may be less probable for junior faculty members to receive academic research mentorship. Faculty members spend greater percentage of their time on teaching than conducting active or applied research in their fields of study. With the exception of the University of Ghana which has about 43% of its teaching faculty at senior rank status, the other universities have between 36% for UCC and 14% of UDS at senior faculty ranks. While teaching at the university level is perceived a noble profession, the meager incentive system and non-competitive salary structure compared to private sector make it difficult for talented individuals with PhDs and professional degrees to pursue academic career. In fact, rarely does an academic year pass without the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG) and Polytechnic Teachers Association of Ghana (POTAG) going on strike to back their demands for better conditions of service. However, to address the salary discrepancies between the public and private sector, the government passed the Single Spine Salary Structure in January 2010. This pay structure seeks to bridge the income gap between workers in the public sector using job evaluation and description criteria. Although the new pay structure has had its implementation and migration challenges over the past 2 years, the anticipation is that with time it will resolve the salary imbalances within the public sector while providing decent working conditions to the academic profession.

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With the existing salary structure and incentive system, it is not surprising that several fulltime faculty members teaching at the public universities are also regular fulltime or adjunct/part time instructors in other institutions. In fact, it a common practice that to be economically sufficient, lecturers in public universities should have to hold a second job either as fulltime consultants or regular part time in one of the private universities. The tradeoff is that faculty members spend greater percentage of their time chasing extra income, which can potentially affect the quality of instruction, teaching effectiveness, contact hours with students, and student assessment. Too much of faculty time is spent on supplemental teaching to the extent that less or no time is devoted to faculty development and research. The corollary is that across all institutions, various departments are operating below their capacities (Fig. 11). The existing faculty members particularly those at senior rank are ageing, but those near retirements are quitting for better paying jobs outside the university to insulate themselves against the poor retirement system in Ghana (World Bank, 2006), and then return to take their relinquished jobs on part-time or contract basis. However, while salary and other benefits are usually cited as the major factors discouraging the youth from pursuing careers in the academic profession, informal conversations with Ghanaians living in the United States shows that universities in Ghana have poor hiring procedures. Universities usually complain about ageing faculty, and not having young scholars interested in academic careers. In fact, there are many young PhD holders living in the West who have contacted institutions in Ghana about Percent of Academic Staff by Discipline-2008/2009 Professors/ Associate Professors 80

Percent Share

Lecturers 69.5

69

64

70

Senior Lecturers 59

60 45.4

50

35.5

40 30 20

22

19.4

19 12

14

24

22.6

17 7.9

10 0 Science

Fig. 11.

Medicine

Humanities

Pharmacy

Education

Teaching Faculty at the UG and UCC by Program. Source: MOESS (2009).

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employment opportunities, but have not received the appropriate responses. Anecdotal reports suggest that hiring practices at the universities in Ghana are not clearly communicated; the process is sometimes cumbersome and lacks proper standards and transparency. In some universities applicants are requested to fill and submit between 12 and 14 copies of application forms and attach six different hard copies of each application supporting materials. Many people have expressed concerns about the hiring practices – one must know someone within the university or departmental circles in order to be hired. Thus, although the pursuit of an academic career may be financially unattractive to newly minted PhDs trained in institutions at the global north, the hiring practices of universities discourage people who may be interested in pursuing academic careers. The forgoing discussion highlights three important issues affecting faculty recruitment and retention: (1) economically university professors are underincentivized compared to their counterparts in other public and private sectors; (2) the greater percentage of faculty time is spent on teaching with less or no time for academic research; and (3) universities have not streamlined their hiring practices to recruit new and young scholars into the teaching profession. However, while the vast majority of faculty time is spent on teaching, there are quite a few academic faculty, research fellows, and graduate students who pursue active and applied research within their various disciplines. The next discussion focuses on the transformation and challenges of Faculty Development and Research (FDR) in public tertiary education in Ghana.

Faculty Development and Research Academic research remains a critical responsibility of any higher education system. It is the second most important function of the university besides teaching. Dr Kwame Nkrumah in 1957, prior to the birth of the new nation, recognized research as the categorical imperative of the University of Ghana for the development of the nation. In his address to the Legislative Assembly 2 days preceding the declaration of independence, Nkrumah opined: Our whole educational system must be geared to producing a scientifically-technically minded people. I believe that one of the most important services which Ghana can perform for Africa is to devise a system of education based at its university level on concrete studies of the problems of the tropical world. The University will be the coordinating body for education research, and we hope that it will eventually be

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associated with Research Institutes dealing with agriculture, biology, and the physical and chemical sciences which we hope to establish. (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975, p. 94, as cited in Akyeampong, 2010, p. 2)

Nkrumah’s educational proposal was to become the offshoot of science and technology (S&T) while promoting and facilitating research to solve the myriad socio-economic problems of the African continent. ‘‘This signaled the importance attached to advanced knowledge for development and placed universities at the forefront to make available to the country the knowledge and experience gained through research’’ (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975, p. 112, cited in Akyeampong, 2010, p. 2). Following this philosophy, and during the immediate afterglow of independence, many Ghanaians sponsored to pursue postgraduate studies abroad published their research works in line with this broad educational philosophy. To promote this agenda, a system of apprenticeship was created to encourage younger academics to work under more experienced researchers (Effah, 2003). However, this trend of leadership was short-lived due to the several factors such as the collapse of the developmental state, which was the result of political instability; lack of clearly defined institutional agenda to coordinate institutional mission with national developmental goals; increasing reliance on undergraduate education which emphasize more on teaching than research; limited number of graduate and postgraduate output; and above all limited financial resources to support faculty research. Consequently, ‘‘in most African countries, conditions for research have been severely compromised as manifested by the generally poor remuneration, heavy teaching loads, inability to mentor young faculty, and inadequate infrastructure’’ (Sawyerr, 2004, p. 65). These problems have contributed to the slow growth in research. Research is an expensive investment that requires both governmental and non-governmental support. With the exception of South Africa, which is approaching the 1% Gross Domestic Expenditure on Research and Development (GERD)/GDP ratio target set by the African Union in 2007 and UNESCO recommendation, no other country in sub-Saharan Africa has reached this level (UNESCO, 2010). The 2010 UNESCO report on science indicates: The continent has often adopted a short-term view of human development, persisting in a reliance on external financial support, which often targets short-term goals. As a result, the continent has failed to invest in science, technology and innovation (STI) as drivers of economic growth and long-term sustainable development (Mugabe & Ambali, 2006). This is evident in Africa’s low public expenditure on research and development. (UNESCO, 2010, p. 281)

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Africa’s contribution to the world research output is quite minimal, for example, the total number of published scientific work in Africa including Arab states increased from 11,776 in 2002 to 19,650 in 2008 (66.9% change in 6 years) representing a percentage share of the world research output from 1.6 to 2.0, respectively. In sub-Saharan Africa excluding South Africa, the number of published research increased from 3,399 in 2002 to 6,256 in 2008 (indicating 84.1% change) representing an increase in world publication output from 0.5% in 2002 to 0.6% in 2008 (UNESCO, 2010). While the numerical value has increased over the past few years, comparative indices point to Africa’s low knowledge contribution to the global knowledge-based economy. Data available from UNESCO indicates that the percentage of researchers in sub-Saharan Africa in 2002 and 2007 remains stagnant at 0.8% compared to other regions of the world (UNESCO, 2010). Although development in science, technology, and innovation (STI) appears dreary for some sub-Saharan African countries, there remain few countries that are injecting small amount of national resources into research and development. In Ghana, Effah (2003) accounts that the 2000 tertiary education budget had US$1,392,499 (22% of the approved budget) allocated to the 10 research institutes in the University of Ghana. The KNUST received US$291,375 (5.5%) for its eight research institutes, and the University of Cape Coast received US$102,104 (3.4%) for its three research institutes. Despite the research challenge, Ghana is rated among the top 10 countries in sub-Saharan Africa that published more than 100 scientific studies in 2008. Compared to countries such as South Africa’s 5248, Kenya’s 1869, and Nigeria’s 763 in 2008, Ghana has a long way to go in terms of its STI productivity although these countries differ in terms of their population per capita. Generally, faculty research in Ghana is supported from three major sources: 1. state funds (government allocations), 2. funds from the GETFund – supplemental, and 3. international and private research funding. In 2008, the GOG, R&D (research and development) expenditure was 0.3% of the GDP, which is about US$49 million representing about 1.1% of national budget (UNCTAD, 2010). Since the establishment of the education trust fund, the research vacuum is being filled by the GETFund disbursing funds to universities to promote faculty development and research. In 2006 and 2007, the GETFund allocated approximately GH¢26 billion and GH¢20 billion, respectively, to universities and polytechnics to promote faculty

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Amount in Million-GH¢

development. In 2011, the GETFund allocated GH¢3,000,000 for FDR, which was distributed to universities and polytechnics by the National Council for Tertiary Education in the following percentages 50:35:15 and 40:45:15 for research, faculty development, and conferences, respectively (NCTE, 2012). As indicated in Fig. 12 that faculty development research allocations has increased over the past few years with the help from the GETFund, although in 2010 there was a drop in allocations. The University of Ghana alone received about US$500,000 as funding for research and conferences (Tobbin, 2009). A study commissioned by the International Development Research Center (IDRC) indicates that before the establishment of the research and conferences fund at the University of Ghana, only about 2% of the total research conducted was funded from the University’s budget, but this has increased to about 20% (Tobbin, 2009). Additionally, the government has been quite consistent in the allocation of book and research allowances to faculty members. In 2010 and 2011, the total amounts released for this purpose were GH¢13,750,455.20 and GH¢15,835,489.73, respectively, representing an increase of 15.2% (NCTE, 2012). Faculty members at the University of Ghana, irrespective of their rank, receive from the government a research allowance of US$1,000.00 per year and US$1,000.00 as a book allowance per year (World Bank, 2006). By all means research occupies an important place in government budget allocations. The GETFund supports universities with the faculty research and development fund. Unfortunately, the book and research allowances given to faculty have become supplementary income due to the economically unfavorable working conditions. There is no well-defined audit system to track research outcomes and productivity of faculty members who receive such allowance. The lack of accountability could potentially compromise

35,00,000 30,00,000 25,00,000 20,00,000 15,00,000 10,00,000 5,00,000 0

FDR-Allocations

Fig. 12.

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2000000

3000000

3200000

2600000

3000000

GETFund FDR Allocations, 2007–2011. Source: NCTE (2012).

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the value and importance of faculty research and development. Instructively, funding for research in universities in Ghana remains an important consideration on the government’s agenda, although limited funds have been released from government allocations to universities over the past few decades. While the GETFund was set up to provide supplementary funding for faculty development and research, the government is gradually shifting the burden on the agency to provide full funding resources for research. However, it is widely accepted that when research suffers, innovation in science and technology suffers, and national development stagnates.

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, AND POSTGRADUATE EDUCATION It could be inferred from the above discussion that the chronic underfunding of research is a reflection of the level of underdevelopment of science and technology education programs in Ghana’s tertiary education system. It also explains the low input and output of graduate and postgraduate studies in the country’s higher education system. Generally, government policy stipulates 60:40 enrollment of science over the arts, humanities, and social sciences in public universities, but with the current funding regime, this is untenable. In 2007/2008, the ratio was 38:62 and 30:70 for public universities and polytechnics in favor of humanities/arts (MOESS, 2009). Public universities and polytechnics’ enrollment in 2010/2011 was 40:60 and 33:67, respectively, favoring arts/humanities (NCTE, 2012). In the 2010 educational sector report, the authors acknowledged the concerns held by the Visitation Panel to the University of Ghana about the validity of the 60:40 enrollment stipulations. Scientifically, while Ghana may not have the research to support this policy framework, the plethora of studies around the world show that investment in science, technology, and mathematics education impact on technological innovation and economic growth. With its agrarian economy, investing in S&T could help turn Ghana’s rich natural resources into marketable products by using indigenously trained people from the universities and polytechnics. In fact, one of the major reasons why Korea surpassed Ghana in almost every economic indicator is the fact that Korea heavily invested in science and technology, while Ghana followed the policy prescription of the World Bank/IMF which devalued the importance of investment in post-secondary education. Nonetheless, the NCTE

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recommends pegging the science and technology and humanities growth at 5% and 3%, respectively (MOESS, 2010), which may take about 57 years to reverse the current trend. However, it is estimated that if Ghana wants to increase science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education within 12 years, universities have to peg their enrollment growth to 8% for science and 0% for the arts/humanities; polytechnics have to increase science enrollment by 6% and arts/humanities by 1% (MOESS, 2010). The low enrollment in STEM fields does not stem from students’ lack of interest in science and mathematics related disciplines, but rather universities do not have adequate physical infrastructure to train students – lack of science laboratories and workshops, and do not have adequate human capacity – research faculty, technicians, etc. At the pre-tertiary education level, only a limited number of schools offer rigorous general science programs because most of the schools do not have the resources to facilitate science and math education. Recognizing the deficiency faced by many of the second cycle institutions, the government in 1995 established the Science Resource Center (SRC) Project in 110 senior secondary schools throughout the country. The overarching goal of this project was to bridge the S&T education divide between the well-resourced and under-resourced secondary schools. The centers were created within a 40 kilometer radius for schools that are under-resourced to have access to science laboratories. Initially, students were shuttled to the centers weekly, and then later changed to biweekly to engage in science practical activities (World Bank, 2007a). This was a noteworthy policy, because instead of having to create separate and well-equipped science laboratories for individual schools, which is very expensive, the centers were designed to serve the same percentage of students from several schools at a relatively cheaper cost. As noted by the World Bank (2007a): The strength of the model lies in the fact that it has provided a better environment for the teaching and learning of science in the schools that host the Centers. The weakness of the model stems from the logistics and the financial needs to run the Centers, something which was not budgeted for. This has made the model unsustainable. (p. 31)

Unfortunately, while the creation of these centers remain a novel policy initiative, the centers have witnessed various funding and logistical challenges such as transportation for shuttling students, limited number and type of equipment available in the centers, and maintenance of equipment (World Bank, 2007a). However, in 2011, the Ministry of Education contracted with Educational Training Equipment (Eduteq) to

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upgrade facilities in 200 schools as part of the Science Resource Center (SRC) Project. By the close of 2012, Eduteq completed phase one of the project and delivered equipment to 83 of the 200 schools. The second phase of the project scheduled to commence in 2013 is currently underway. It is expected that by the end of the year, various sets of equipment will be installed in 117 schools throughout the country. Another important limitation to the promotion of S&T education in Ghana is the insufficient number of well-trained science and mathematics teachers at the postgraduate level to teach at the second cycle institutions. This is even worse at the polytechnics and private universities. Private universities tend to gravitate toward offering programs in the arts, humanities, and social sciences than physical sciences. Considering that the operating cost for offering science intensive programs remains high, it will be logistically and financially expensive for polytechnics and private universities to teach rigorous science programs comparable to those offered by the universities, although polytechnics by their nature offer academic and vocational science programs. The immediate consequence of this is that universities and polytechnics are not in the position to produce enough graduates with the skills needed to spur technological innovation and economic growth (UNCTAD, 2010). Statistically, the percentage of students enrolled in science-related disciplines in the University of Ghana was just 23% in 1999 and dropped to 17.3% in 2006. As depicted in Table 6, although tertiary enrollment has generally increased, the proportion of students enrolled in STEM programs remain comparatively low, except for the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), and the University of Mines and Technology (UMAT), which focuses on only S&T programs. Although, the above-mentioned factors are generally cited

Table 6. Institutions

Science and Arts Enrollment in Universities (2010–2011). Arts/Humanities

%

Science/Technology

%

Total

UG KNUST UCC UEW UDS UMAT

29,478 10,179 11,530 8,543 9,746 0

79 40 72 58 49 0

7,779 15,587 4,587 6,102 10,175 1,585

21 60 28 42 51 100

37,257 25,766 16,117 14,645 19,921 1,585

Total

69,494

60

45,815

40

115,309

Source: NCTE (2012).

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as the causes for low enrollment in STEM programs, it is important to note that the linear and rigid progression or transition from specific areas of study at the high school to university level makes it difficult for high school graduates to change their majors and academic areas of concentration. In fact, universities do not offer flexible transition for students to change majors. For example, admission to universities are quite rigid, that a student, who pursued business curriculum at the secondary school, may not easily change to science-related discipline – simply because the structure of the Ghanaian educational system does not allow that. While it is understandable that the science curriculum at the university level is built upon the pre-tertiary education level, the current system forces 17- and 18-year-old to make decision that most of them are actually not ready for. Once admitted to a university in Ghana there is limited or no room for major and career exploration. In addition to the above, there is high concentration of graduate students in non-STEM programs. The majority of Ghanaians who apply to graduate programs tend to enroll in the arts, social sciences, humanities, and professional degree programs – e.g., law, business administration, and few others concentrated in the health and allied sciences. Although universities offer MA, MPhil, MSc, and PhD programs in a variety of academic disciplines, research-intensive programs are limited. Lack of funding for postgraduate studies, limited research and academic staff to supervise postgraduate students, poor allocation of resources, and unattractive remuneration are among the challenges facing graduate education in Ghana. For instance, in 2007, the total graduate enrollment at the University of Ghana (UG) was 6.1%, University of Cape Coast (UCC) was 2.3%, and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) was 6.7%. Of these, the composition of graduate enrollment in STEM programs was 8.5% in UG, 23.6% at UCC, and 63.5% at the KNUST. In total, graduate enrollment in Ghana was 4% of the overall enrollment in 2007 compared to 15% and 7% in South Africa (2006) and Nigeria, respectively (Tettey, 2010). At the University of Ghana, for example, the percentage of postgraduate students decreased from 14% of the total enrolled in 2000 to 7% in 2008. Similarly, PhD graduates were 0.16% at the UG, 0.0% at the UCC, and 0.08% at the KNUST (UNESCO, 2010). However, with the support from the GETFund and the establishment of the Science and Technology Research Endowment Fund (STREFund), it is anticipated that universities will be able to utilize these funds to further their research agenda and expand postgraduate studies in the STEM areas.

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INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGIES The integration of ICT in education has changed curriculum delivery instructional pedagogies in recent years. In most universities around the world, the adoption of ICT in teaching and research has also transformed the approaches of doing academic business, as well as meeting the needs of growing diverse student population. ICT in higher education in Ghana is still in its developmental stages, although recent developments have seen relative improvements since its inception in the mid-1990s. ICT for education dates back to May 1996 when the USAID tasked Dr George Sadowsky of New York University to investigate the state of ICT infrastructure at the University of Ghana. Following this visit, the USAID provided the University of Ghana a complete set of hardware for setting up full Internet connectivity, and offered to pay a full year’s ISP connectivity fee for 64 kbps using Cylink Radio (Partnership for Higher Education). Since, this pioneering work, various agencies and organizations have contributed to ICT development in Ghana either streamlining regulatory policy environment, training of staff, or provision of equipment to enhance the quality of teaching and learning. It is estimated that in 1999, DANIDA supported the development of fiber optic backbone with US$450,000.00, increasing the university’s bandwidth capabilities from the 64 kbps to 128/ 512 kbps in the early 2001 to a very small aperture terminal (VSAT) connection (Dakubu, n.d.). Up until 2011 the University of Ghana has VSAT capabilities, which increased its bandwidth capabilities to 1 Mbps uplink and 2 Mbps downlink connection speed. Recently, Vodafone has contributed to the upgrading of universities’ Internet connection speed of 10 Mbps. The Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) has seen an improvement in its ICT platform with about 3000 computers – 20–30 computers per academic department (Omollo, 2011). KNUST is also running Moodle, a learning management platform used by some lecturers to enhance curriculum delivery. Most classrooms are equipped with Ethernet port for instructor use. The university is working with Vodafone to set up its Internet connection speed from the current 13 Mbps to 45 Mbps for campus use. Currently, most academic units have been connected to the ICT grid. Several institutions have automated their libraries with access to a number of full-text articles and journals with the Integrated Technical Software (ITS) cataloguing software from the Library Corporation for their retrospective

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conversion (Dakubu, n.d.). The University of Ghana’s library is about 75% networked, the KNUST has over 50 computers with 20 connected to the Internet; the UCC also has a developed computer laboratory (Dakubu, n.d.). Access by students and instructors has increased – students on various campuses have access to Wi-Fi connectivity, access to departmental computers, emails learning management systems (LMS), and access to online academic resources. Residence halls are equipped with computers; students can access databases for electronic textbooks; limited number of faculty members use ICTs in curriculum delivery. In his State of the University Address, Professor Akwasi Asabre-Ameyaw, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Education, Winneba (UEW) revealed the outstanding improvement made in Internet accessibility and bandwidth connectivity throughout the university’s campuses. Largely, the bandwidth capabilities in universities aggregate to about 310 Mbps, representing 155 uplink and 155 downlink (Asabre-Ameyaw, 2013). With the help of the Partnership for Higher Education in Africa Educational Technology Initiative (PHEA-ETI) program, UEW has configured Moodle, which is currently running about 42 approved online courses (Asabre-Ameyaw, 2013). In spite of these, however, there still remain several challenges in the ICT integration in higher education in Ghana – poor/unstable Internet connectivity and high bandwidth subscription cost are major problems especially for distance education. Other obstacles include unfavorable ICT policy environment, and unbridled voltage fluctuations and power outages. Although student access to computers has relatively increased on the average, the student per hour on networked computer is very limited for individuals without personal computers. While enrollment in distance education programs has increased from 20,772 in 2007 to 52,989 in 2011, representing an increase of 155.1% (NCTE, 2012), distance education program format remains hybrid or ‘‘sandwich/part-time.’’ Beside the reason that universities are not well-equipped to offer high-intensity online classes, there are several technologically challenged teaching faculty members who are unable to utilize the existing facilities. Additionally, the majority of distance education students cannot afford the high Internet subscription cost at home to access academic materials if these resources are migrated into online platform. In summary, it has been indicated in this paragraph that the integration of ICTs throughout the Ghanaian higher education system has created opportunities to expand access through distance education programs, especially for working individuals who may have found it difficult to attend traditional classes. Some lecturers and students

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are utilizing ICT facilities and the Moodle learning management system available at their institutions to enhance teaching and learning. However, in spite of these developments, Ghana has not fully experienced the contributions of its higher education system in terms of economic, scientific and technological development. For instance, the high rate of graduate unemployment explains the lack of coordination between the academic programs offered by universities and the demands of the information society. The next section of the paper discusses quality assurance issues in higher education.

QUALITY AND RELEVANCE Higher education has never been so important and central to the socioeconomic and national development of a country than the era of globalization and the demand of the global knowledge-based economy. In Africa, it is perceived that tertiary education has the potential to stimulate the realization of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) while building strong capacities for national development (World Bank, 2007b). The globalization of labor stipulates that universities train individuals who are not only innovators but also knowledge entrepreneurs. The ability of a country to meet the demands of globalization depends on the quality of its political, social and economic, and educational institutions, including universities. The quality of any higher education system can be measured using various indicators such as: 1. the quality of academic programs and their relevance to social, economic, and political development of a nation; 2. the vestige and productivity of academic faculty as measured by their contributions to the global knowledge reservoir in the form of conference presentations and publications; 3. faculty involvement in research projects that lead to the entrepreneurialoriented intellectual property rights – registered patents, innovation, etc.; 4. the quality of students graduating from the university as measured by their positive contributions to society; 5. availability of resources and academic infrastructure to promote effective teaching, learning, and research; 6. the availability of qualified academic staff conducting applied and active research that are relevant to national development;

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7. ready accessibility to world-class academic journals, books, and supplies critical to tertiary education teachers, research, and learners; and 8. established policy that purposefully integrates and connects national development plan with universities’ mission and philosophy. In addition to the above menu are a manageable student-teacher ratio (STR) that conforms to national and international standards, and the existence of various assessments and evaluation criteria to measure student learning outcomes, and faculty teaching effectiveness and productivity. During the immediate years of independence, the quality of African universities was comparable to their metropolitan counterparts in London, but this quality degenerated as a result of various political, social, and economic factors. The University of Ghana, which was ‘‘once renowned as one of the best in Africa, is almost completely void of contemporary textbooks, journals, and technology critical for postgraduate students’’ (Azcona et al., 2008, pp. 30, 31). To promote quality higher education in Ghana, the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE) provides oversight to universities to ensure program coordination, transparency, and institutional accountability while making sure that institutions meet standards developed for proper accreditation procedures. The NAB (National Accreditation Board) ensures that existing and proposed programs, academic and residential infrastructural facilities, credentials of academic or teaching faculty comply with NCTE norms. The NAB relies on response to questionnaires that elicit information for both programs and institutional accreditation. In addition to this, the NAB conducts institutional visits to observe and evaluate program objectives and philosophies, admission policies and procedures, physical facilities, staffing, assessment of students learning outcomes, etc. To comply with the NCTE standards, various institutions have developed their own internal quality assurance measures to ensure efficiency and effectiveness in program delivery. For example, the University of Ghana has established Academic Quality Assurance Policy (AQAP). The aim of AQAP is to demonstrate to the public and stakeholders in general, the quality and relevance of academic programs and faculty productivity of the institution (University of Ghana, 2009). To ensure the effectiveness of AQAP, the university created various decentralized units to oversee specific tasks. For instance the council of the university is responsible for providing strategic directions to the QA process; academic college and faculty boards are vested with the authority and responsibility for authorizing course additions, changes, and delegations; the Academic Curriculum, Quality, and Staff Development Committee is

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charged to oversee curriculum matters to approve new course development and staff development programs; and the Academic Quality Assurance Unit advises the Academic Curriculum, Quality, and Staff Development Committee on issues pertaining to teaching, learning, and research (University of Ghana, 2009). Although the NAB provides institutional and program accreditation, it uses quality assurance standards set by the NCTE. However, in practice, if the NAB were to comply strictly with the NCTE standards, most universities and/or their programs will probably lose accreditation. For example, the NCTE norms and guidelines for approved S&T program stipulates STR of 12:1. However, due to inadequate funding and lack of the academic staff, the current STR is between 20:1 and 30:1, depending on the institution. This point is clearly articulated by Professor Daniel MirekuGyima of the University of Mines and Technology (UMAT) in his convocation address on State of Funding for Science and Technology in Ghana. In this address, Mireku-Gyimah (2008) argued: y if the National Accreditation Board (NAB) were to use these norms and guidelines of the NCTE to assess the science and technology departments in the Ghanaian public universities, about 80% of them would lose accreditation and be ordered to close down. Fortunately or unfortunately, the rules cannot be applied strictly because if they were applied strictly, there would be no science and technology university education in Ghana. (p. 3)

Deductively, higher education institutions in Ghana receive accreditation from the NAB, but the criteria used are below the established national standards set by the NCTE. Potentially, if Professor Daniel MirekuGyima’s assessment is accurate, then universities do not have all the necessary resources to run academically intensive science programs. This obviously suggests that the quality and relevance of those academic programs offered by universities and polytechnics will be compromised, which will consequently affect the quality of students graduating from these institutions and programs. Undoubtedly, the quality of students graduating from universities, their level of creativity and innovativeness, and their acquisition of skill sets needed for national economic development are critical measures of the quality of education received. Universities do not train students to become entrepreneurs who are job creators, instead graduates are expected to be hired by the government, a situation that has resulted in the high graduate unemployment in Ghana. Universities have not effectively honored their responsibility of preparing graduates who can respond positively to the growing opportunities of self-employment

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and the demands of the knowledge-based economy required in the 21st century.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Throughout this chapter, I have explained some of the developments that have shaped the higher education system in Ghana. The transformations that have taken place over the past five decades were made possible due to public support for education as the conduit for socio-economic development. Higher education in almost all post-colonial nations in sub-Saharan Africa was ontologically perceived as public, and constitutionally financed by the state. Starting with about 100 students, the current higher education enrollment in Ghana stands around 200,000 students. Private universities are on the rise, and Ghana’s tertiary educational institutions have become an attractive place to many students across the sub-Saharan African region. Public support continues to increase. Politically, the creation of the GETFund is widely credited for the massive academic and residential infrastructure development, as well as the support for faculty development and research. The growth of ICT infrastructure has led to expansion of distance education programs, thereby widening access and participation. Teaching staff have seen relative improvement in their working conditions. Management of student loan scheme has improved to enhance disbursement efficiency. However, in spite of these developments, tertiary education in Ghana is still grappling with many challenges. Some of the challenges facing the higher education system in Ghana can be summarized as follows: (a) limited access, inequity, and social inclusion of females, individuals from low socioeconomic backgrounds, and historically disadvantaged regions; (b) the rising per unit cost of student coupled with the burgeoning young population, and the increasing demand for participation, proves to be a huge burden on government support, and consequently the quality of education provided; (c) inadequate research funding and the absence of established framework to ensure accountability of individuals who are receiving limited support for academic research derail the importance of faculty research; (d) continuous deterioration of residential and academic infrastructure due to facilities being overstretched beyond capacity; (e) underdeveloped ICT infrastructure impacts curriculum delivery, student learning outcomes, and particularly the quality of programs offered via distance education format; (f) quality and relevance of academic programs to enhance self-employment among

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graduates; and (g) limited number of teaching and research faculty in the STEM fields. Be that as it may, these challenges are not the defining characteristics of the future of the higher education in Ghana. If current positive developments continue, higher education in Ghana will potentially regain its image. Nonetheless, certain bold policy initiatives must be taken to sustain the system. First, to address the financial constraints, it is imperative that universities explore alternative funding sources, for example, through strong alumni relations. Second, Ghanaians are aware of the challenges facing government with funding and recognize the importance of cost-sharing, but imposing tuition on all Ghanaians may be an impracticable option, considering the state of the Ghanaian economy and income disparities. However, there should be a mechanism to identify individuals who can pay tuition. This is possible if accurate and reliable data exists on students’ family household incomes and tax records. The current student loan scheme arrangement needs to be revisited. Its implementation is highly inequitable to tuition-paying students. The disbursement of the same loan amounts to both tuition-paying and non-tuition-paying students as one-size-fits-all policy is plainly fraught with inexcusable inequities. One would rather expect that students paying tuition will be given a larger loan amount to cover part of their tuition. The current rate of graduate unemployment explains the missing link between universities’ mission and the demands of the labor market. Universities must seek to promote a more rigorous liberal education curriculum designed to nurture students for self-employment and job creators instead of becoming job-seekers. Politically, it is the role of the government and policy-makers to create the enabling environment conducive to business and job creation. Government is an important partner in creating virtually all jobs. Government provides the support for education, infrastructure, funding for scientific research, security, and most importantly a politically stable democracy that places emphasis on free-market enterprise, good governance, and administrative justice. Such environment attracts domestic and foreign investors who will hire highly skilled personnel from universities, polytechnics, and colleges. However, it is the responsibility of educational institutions to prepare graduates with the career-oriented skills required by the economy. These are not mutually exclusive roles. For example, the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) has been offering S&T-related disciplines for over 50 years since independence. What program assessment has been done to establish the relationship between S&T and innovative activities given the limited resources and capacities? How do

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universities prepare students who are creators, inventors, or entrepreneurs, and are able to utilize the available resources to create opportunities for themselves and their communities? As succinctly posited by Fisher and Scott (2011): Raising education and skills levels are crucial not only for increasing workforce productivity, but also for enhancing the innovative capacity of the economy and facilitating the absorption and diffusion of new technology. The interaction of these factors, along with the quality of education, are what propel economic growth. (p. 1)

Although governments have not created the enabling capacities to absorb graduates from the various universities and polytechnics, it is important to point out that higher education has uniquely important role to train highly skilled graduates needed for the labor market. Although tertiary educational institutions are not adequately resourced to perform their assigned responsibilities of knowledge production, universities have not efficiently utilized the limited resources available to prepare students with the capacity and the entrepreneurial skills needed for creating opportunities for selfemployment. Undoubtedly, universities may not have all the necessary resources to effectively run their academic programs, nonetheless, the quality of education provided fall short of the level of creativity and innovativeness required for a functioning knowledge-based society. The complexity of challenges facing universities makes it difficult to apportion blame on the inadequacies of skill-sets needed to spur the country’s socioeconomic and technological development. However, to assume that by injecting the financial resources needed to run universities will automatically lead to the expected quality of education without a well-designed system that holds universities accountable of teaching effectiveness and learning outcomes, is to devalue the instrumental role of the academic professoriate in maintaining quality education. In conclusion, it is important to acknowledge that Ghana has demonstrated the potential to amass the benefits of its educational system for national development and economic growth, but this will be realized if the right policy framework is put in place to address the challenges faced by the educational system.

NOTES 1. Referring to polytechnics and universities. 2. Under this reform, the old primary and middle school system was replaced with the junior and secondary educational structure. The old educational system, which

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was made up of 6 years of primary education, 5 years of middle school, and 7 years of secondary education, was replaced by 6 years of primary education, 3 years of junior secondary (junior high school) and 3 years of senior secondary school (senior high school). 3. Of course Ghana and South Korea are two different countries in terms of several demographic indicators, nonetheless both countries once had similar economic indicators, which give credence to comparing why the countries are economically far apart within the past 30 years. 4. UNESCO defines Gender Parity Index (GPI) as the ratio of the number of female students enrolled at primary, secondary and tertiary levels of education to the number of male students in each level. The GPI is calculated by dividing the female GER by the male GER for the given level of education. A GPI of 1 indicates parity between the sexes; a GPI between 0 and 1 typically means a disparity in favor of males; whereas a GPI greater than 1 indicates a disparity in favor of females. 5. The Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) is a social security agency in Ghana that was contracted by the government to provide loans to tertiary education students. The SSNIT used employee’s contributions to finance the student loan scheme. Under this arrangement, qualified students were to obtain three guarantors who are contributors to the fund. Unfortunately, the scheme suffered due to poor recovery, which was the result of many factors such as high graduate unemployment rate in the country, massive emigration of graduates to other countries, leading to high default rate. Also, the interest rate was highly subsidized by government, who became heavily indebted to the SSNIT. Eventually this caused major problems for guarantors who were due for retirement. Many SSNIT retirees’ benefits were withheld until their beneficiaries pay their loans. 6. Bank of Ghana, Interbank Exchange rate retrieved from http://www.bog. gov.gh/index1.php?linkid=139 on Friday November 18, 2011. As on Friday, No. 18, 2011, 1US$ = 1.536 Ghanaian Cedis (GH¢) 7. The NCTE established by an Act of Parliament, Act 454 in 1993, is the agency charged to oversee the proper administration of tertiary education in Ghana. The Council provides policy directions and initiatives to enhance the development of higher education in the country. Besides, the Council serves in advisory capacity to the Ministry of Education on issues relating to funding, access, quality and relevance, and good governance of institutions.

REFERENCES Addae-Mensah, I. (2000). Education in Ghana: A tool for social mobility or social stratification? Delivered at the J.B. Danquah Memorial Lectures. Accra: Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences. Ajayi, J. F., Goma, L. K. H., & Johnson, A. G. (1996). The African experience with higher education. London: Villers. Akyeampong, K. (2010). 50 years of educational progress and challenge in Ghana. CREATE Pathways to Access, Research Monograph No. 33. Centre for International Education, Department of Education, School of Education & Social Work. Retrieved from http:// www.create-rpc.org. Accessed on October 15, 2012.

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Asabre-Ameyaw, A. (2013, April 4). State of the University Address. University of Education, Winneba. Retrieved from http://www.uew.edu.gh/sites/default/files/VC’s%205th%20 Convocation%20Address_0.pdf. Accessed on April 23, 2013. Atuahene, F. (2008). The challenge of financing higher education and the role of student loans scheme: An analysis of the Student Loan Trust Fund (SLTF) in Ghana. Higher Education, 56, 407–421. Atuahene, F., & Owusu-Ansah, A. (2013, July–September). A descriptive assessment of higher education access, participation, equity, and disparity in Ghana (pp. 1–16). Sage Open 2013:3, doi:10.1177/2158244013497725 Azcona, G., Chute, R., Dibb, F., Dokkhony, L., Klein, H., Loyacano-Perl, D., y Riley, V. (2008). Harvesting the future: The case for tertiary education in sub-Saharan Africa. The Maxwell School, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY. Baneseh, M. A. (2011, July). Paying university fees is constitutional – Supreme Court. Retrieved from http://www.modernghana.com/news/342342/1/039fee-paying-policy-legal039.html. Accessed on January 15, 2011. Bimpong, O. (2004, August). SSNIT calls for repayment of student loans in United States. General News. Retrieved from http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/ artikel.php?ID=65132. Accessed on March 11, 2005. Brossard, M., & Foko, B. (2007). Couˆts et Financement de l’Enseignement Supe´rieuren Afrique Francophone. Washington, DC: World Bank and Poˆle de Dakar. Coombe, T. (1991). A consultation on higher education in Africa: A report to the Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation. London: Institute of Education, University of London. Commission on Higher Education in the Colonies. (1945, June). Report. Chairman: Honorable. Mr Justice Asquith. United Kingdom. Dakubu, M. (n.d.). Information communications technology in the University of Ghana. Retrieved from http://www.foundation-partnership.org/linchpin/legon.htm. Accessed on November 15, 2012. Daniel, G. F. (1997). The universities in Ghana. The Commonwealth Universities Year Book, 1, 649–656. Retrieved from http://www.users.globalnet.co.uk/Bunivghana/ghanahed.htm. Accessed on October 5, 2012. Effah, P. (2003). Ghana. In D. Teffera & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), African higher education: An international reference handbook (pp. 338–349). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Fisher, G., & Scott, I. (2011). Closing the skills and technology gap in South Africa. The role of higher education in closing the skills gap in South Africa. Background Paper 3. The World Bank, Human Development Group, Africa Region. Retrieved from http://www.Ched. Uct.Ac.Za/Usr/Ched/Docs/Fisher_Higher%20Education%20role.Pdf. Accessed on April 24, 2013. Johnstone, B. (2003). Cost sharing in higher education: Tuition, financial assistance, and accessibility in a comparative perspective. Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague. Retrieved from http://sreview.soc.cas.cz/uploads/fb12ec 3edf90cf183643fe7651da107f1d5dfd11_288_34john32.pdf. Accessed on October 21, 2012. Johnstone, B. (2004). Higher education finance and accessibility: Tuition fees and student loans in sub-Saharan Africa. Retrieved from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTAFRREG TOPTEIA/Resources/bruce_johnstone.pdf. Accessed on October 21, 2012. KNUST. (2012). Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology undergraduate fees. Retrieved from http://www.knust.edu.gh/pages/sections.php?mid=21&sid=113. Accessed on December 15, 2012.

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Lulat, Y. G. M (2003). The development of higher education in Africa: A historical survey. In D. Teffera & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), African higher education: An international reference handbook (pp. 15–31). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Lulat, Y. G. M. (2005). A history of African higher education from antiquity to the present: A critical synthesis. Westport, CT: Praeger. Mama, A. (2003). Restore, reform but do not transform: The gender politics of higher education in Africa. Journal of Higher Education in Africa, 1(1), 101–125. McWilliam, H. O. A., & Kwamena-Poh, M. A. (1975). The development of education in Ghana. London: Longman. Mireku-Gyimah, D. (2008). Funding and management of science and technology university education: The Ghanaian experience. Retrieved from http://www.umat.edu.gh/down loads/FUTA_Convoc_lecture.pdf. Accessed on November 14, 2012. MOESS. (2006). Ministry of Education basic education statistics. SRIMPR division. Accra: MOESS. MOESS. (2008). Ministry of Education sector performance report 2008. Accra: MOESS. (July 2008). MOESS. (2009). Ministry of Education education sector performance report 2009. Accra: Ministry of Education. MOESS. (2010). Ministry of education sector performance report 2010. Accra: Ministry of Education. Morley, L., Leach, F., Luggs, R., Opare, J., Bhalalusesa, E., Forde, L. D., & Mwaipopo, R. (2009, January). Widening participation in higher education in Ghana and Tanzania: Developing an equity scorecard. An ESRC/DFID poverty reduction program research project draft research report. Center for Higher Education Research and Equity, University of Sussex. Morley, L., Leach, F., Luggs, R., Opare, J., Bhalalusesa, E., Forde, L. D., & Mwaipopo, R. (2010, January). Widening participation in higher education in Ghana and Tanzania: Developing an equity scorecard. An ESRC/DFID poverty reduction program research project. Center for Higher Education Research and Equity, University of Sussex. Mugabe, J., & Ambali, A. (2006). Africa’s science and technology consolidated plan of action. Pretoria, South Africa: The NEPAD Office of Science and Technology. National Accreditation Board (NAB). (2012). Accredited tertiary institutions. Retrieved from http://www.nab.gov.gh/. Accessed on April 10, 2012. NCTE. (2001). Report of the technical committee on polytechnic education in Ghana (Kwame Report). Accra: NCTE. NCTE. (2011). 2011 budget. NCTE. (2012). 2012 budget. Accra: Adwinsa. Omollo, K. L. (2011). Information and communication technology infrastructure: Analysis of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology and University of Ghana. Retrieved from http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/handle/2027.42/85731. Accessed on December 10, 2012. Republic of Ghana. (1998, January). Universities Rationalization Committee final report. Accra, Ghana. Republic of Ghana. (2002). Meeting the challenges of education in the 21st century. Report of the review of education reforms in Ghana. October 2002. Adwinsa, Legon, Accra. Rossouw, H. (2001, November 2). Bad loans burden Ghana’s student aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 48, A63. Sawyerr, A. (2001). The student loans scheme: Two decades of experience in Ghana. Accra: National Council for Tertiary Education, 2001. Tertiary Education Series 1(3), 3–13.

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Sawyerr, A. (2004). African universities and the challenge of research capacity development. Journal of Higher Education in Africa, 2(1), 211–240. SLTF. (2013, February). SLTF makes gains in loan recovery. Retrieved from http://www. sltf.gov.gh/students-loan-trust-makes-gains-in-loan-recovery/. Accessed on April 20, 2013. Tettey, W. (2010). Challenges of developing and retaining the next generation of academics: Deficits in academic staff capacity at African universities. New York, NY: The Partnership for Higher Education in Africa. The GETFund (2000). The Ghana Education Trust Fund bill 2000GPC/A155/300/2/2000. Accra, Ghana: Assembly Press. The GETFund. (2010). The GETFund in action: Some achievement. Retrieved from http:// getfund.org/page.php?page=361§ion=47&typ=1. Accessed on April 20, 2013. Tobbin, M. (2009). The state of university research governance in West and Central Africa. International Development Research. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. University of Development Studies (UDS). (2011). Profile of the University of Development Studies. Retrieved from http://www.uds.edu.gh/profile.php Accessed on April 15, 2013. UNCTAD. (2010). Ghana. Science, technology & innovation policy review. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Geneva, Switzerland. UNESCO. (2009a). Global education digest 2009. Comparing education statistics across the world. UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. UNESCO. (2009b). Education indicators technical guidelines. Retrieved from http://www.uis. unesco.org/Library/Documents/eiguide09-en.pdf. Accessed on April 25, 2013. UNESCO. (2009c). Trends in tertiary education: Sub-Saharan Africa. UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. UNESCO. (2010). The current status of science around the world. UNESCO science report 2010. UNESCO, Paris, France. UNESCO-UIS (2010). Trends in tertiary education: Sub-Saharan Africa. Retrieved from http:// www.uis.unesco.org/FactSheets/Documents/fs10-2010-en.pdf. Accessed on May 17, 2013. UNESCO. (2011). Global education digest 2011. Comparing education statistics across the world. UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. UNESCO. (2012, July). Ghana. UNESCO Institute for Statistics, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. University of Cape Coast. (2010). Basic statistics. Student Records and Management Information Section (SRMIS). Cape Coast, Ghana: UCC Press. University of Ghana. (2008). Brief description of the University of Ghana. Retrieved from http://www.ug.edu.gh/index1.php?linkid=243&sublinkid=72. Accessed on November 15, 2012. University of Ghana. (2009). Academic quality assurance policy: Academic quality assurance unit. University of Ghana, Legon, Accra. University of Ghana. (2012). Fees schedule for Ghanaian students. Retrieved from http:// www.ug.edu.gh/aad/fees_ghanaian.php. Accessed on December 15, 2012. World Bank. (2006). Staff retention in African universities: Elements of a sustainable strategy. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Bank. (2007a). Developing science, mathematics, and ICT education in sub-Saharan Africa: Patterns and promising practices. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Bank. (2007b). Higher education quality assurance in sub-Saharan Africa: Status, challenges, opportunities, and promising practices. Washington, DC: The World Bank. World Bank. (2011). Improving equity, efficiency and accountability of education service delivery. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

LANGUAGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION TRANSFORMATION: CONTRASTS AND SIMILARITIES BETWEEN TWO AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Gregory H. Kamwendo ABSTRACT This chapter discusses the role of language in the transformation of two African institutions of higher education, namely the University of Botswana (in Botswana) and the University of KwaZulu-Natal (in South Africa). The transformation of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, which is aimed at addressing the inequalities and other ills of the apartheid era, has taken on board language issues. For instance, isiZulu is being developed and promoted to join English as a language of scholarship. In contrast, the University of Botswana’s transformation does not stem from a political background of oppression. The institutional transformation has to do internationalization and the conversion into a research-intensive university. This transformation, unlike at the University of KwaZuluNatal, has not taken a strong move to develop and promote Setswana (Botswana’s national language) as a language of scholarship.

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 265–283 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021012

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INTRODUCTION The transformation of higher education in Africa can be analyzed from more than one disciplinary perspective. In the current chapter, I analyze higher education transformation from a language planning perspective, i.e., considering the role and place of language in the transformation process. The chapter is based on an analysis of two African universities, namely the University of Botswana (a public university in Botswana) and the University of KwaZulu-Natal (a public university that is located in the province of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa). I regard the two institutions as African universities not just because they are physically located on the African continent, but more importantly, it is because the two institutions call themselves African universities in terms of their philosophies. In addition, their aspiration is to become universities that are of relevance to the African context. The two universities also subscribe to the notion of African scholarship. The chapter will inevitably raise the key question: What does it mean for an institution to call itself an African university? In this chapter, I consider language planning issues that are at play in the transformation of the two selected African universities.

OBJECTIVES OF THE CHAPTER The overall objective of the chapter is to illustrate contrasts and similarities between two universities that have declared themselves as African universities. The University of Botswana (hereafter UB) calls itself a distinctively African university (www.ub.bw) while the University of KwaZulu-Natal (hereafter UKZN) calls itself the premier university of African scholarship (www. ukzn.ac.za). The key question at this point is: How does (or can) language planning contribute to the transformation of the two African universities? This overall objective boils down to the following specific objectives for the chapter: (1) to establish whether a university has a language policy and/or plan; (2) to identify the medium of teaching and learning at each higher education institution; and (3) to identify languages that are on offer as academic subjects at each higher education institution.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES The chapter has been built around the notions of the transformation of higher education, conceptualizations of an African university, and

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Africanization of higher education. Transformation of higher education is at the heart of the discussion in this chapter. Before we proceed with the discussion, it is important to establish our understanding of the concept. What does transformation of higher education mean for UB and UKZN? Do they mean the same thing? I argue that the notion of transformation of higher education does not have a uniform meaning that runs across the two institutions and countries. In the case of post-apartheid South Africa, higher education has had to address inequalities and imbalance in gender, race, language, and other factors. For example, the transformation charter of UKZN expects that the institution ‘‘heals the division of our nation’s past, bridges racial and cultural divides, and lays the foundation for a university that is united in diversity’’ and also proceeds to recognize ‘‘the importance and value of African languages as academic languages’’ (University of KwaZulu-Natal, n.d., p. 5). On the other hand, transformation on the part of UB has to do with institutional reforms such as the internationalization drive (University of Botswana, 2006), and the aspiration to become a research-intensive university (University of Botswana, 2008). While the transformation of UKZN is a direct reaction to apartheid, the transformation of UB is not a reaction to an unjust political past. It is a desire on the part of UB to survive in a globally competitive high education context, hence the intensification of the institution’s internationalization efforts as well as the drive to become a research-intensive university. Let us consider the case of transformation at UKZN. At UKZN and other South African institutions of higher education, transformation is part and parcel of the institutional discourse and debate. In fact UKZN has a transformation charter and it was launched in October 2012 by the Higher Education Minister of South Africa, Blade Nzimande. We need to establish the connection between the language factor and transformation in the postapartheid political context. Language was one of the tools for reinforcing apartheid rule, and now that apartheid is no more in operation, it is expected that language should be used to transform the new South Africa into a discrimination-free society (see Kamwendo, 2006). With regard to higher education, it is worth mentioning that during the apartheid times, two languages (Afrikaans and English) served in this domain. As a result, some universities were designated as English medium (e.g., the University of Natal, the University of Cape Town) while others were designated as Afrikaans medium (e.g., the University of Stellenbosch). These two languages acted as stumbling blocks for black South Africans to access university education. Those black South Africans who managed to access higher education institutions found it difficult to succeed due to linguistic barriers. Transformation of the language-in-education policy is, therefore, necessary in

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order to address the imbalances and inequalities of the apartheid era. To this end, LANGTAG (1996), the Department of Education (1997), and the Department of Education (2002) all take language as one of the tools for transforming the post-apartheid society. With regard to UB, the notion of transformation is not situated in the context of political transformation. This is in deep contrast to the situation at UKZN in neighboring South Africa. At UB, the notion of transformation has to do with organizational changes. These changes are noted in the university’s strategic plan and other policy documents. One of the key changes is the desire to transform the university into a research-intensive institution by 2021. In view of this institutional goal, UB ‘‘must now undertake a major qualitative and quantitative transformation of its research performance’’ (University of Botswana, 2008, p. 3). Currently, the university is basically a teaching university, with a small postgraduate and research productivity base. Another planned change, which was halted by a new vice-chancellor, was the restructuring of the academic division. This restructuring would have created a new deputy vice- chancellor to take charge of research and postgraduate affairs. In addition, the restructuring would have meant the decentralization, and the creation of a much leaner academic structure. As mentioned earlier, these structural changes have not taken place due to the freeze ordered by the new vice-chancellor. However, the university still runs within the spirit of being a distinctively African university. What does being a distinctively African university mean for the language planning agenda of the university? What is the status and use of African languages in the distinctively African university? To what extent has UB transformed into a distinctively African university? We shall return to these questions later in this chapter. The second key theoretical concept in this chapter is the African university. What is an African university? What does it take for a university to call itself an African university? Does the university have to be situated on African soil? More than the geographical location is needed before an institution can genuinely qualify as an African university. Both UKZN and UB have declared themselves as African universities. For example, UKZN is premier university of African scholarship (www.ukzn.ac.za) while UB calls itself a distinctively African university (www.ub.bw). The notion of an African university arises from the realization that after the university, as an institution, was established in Africa during colonial rule, the post-colonial version of the institution in some cases remained out of touch with African realities. The university remains a Western institution in terms of philosophies, curricula, epistemological foundations, and other factors. It has

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become an alien institution. It has become an institution that is physically located on African soil but not of Africa. Such a situation then calls for the Africanization of such higher education institutions. The call to Africanize higher education institutions, among other things, touches on curriculum transformation, recruitment of staff and student bodies, research and community engagement, and many more (see Adams, 1975; Botha, 2010; Nkoane, 2006). The process of Africanizing the university has to be carried with the full awareness that there is a strong tug of war between internationalization of higher education and Africanization of higher education (see Kamwendo, 2011, for the case of UB). The above four key theoretical perspectives serve as the lenses through which the role of language planning in the transformation of UB and UKZN has been analyzed in this chapter. In addition, from the language policy and language planning perspective, the notions of language policy and language practice (see Bonacia-Pugh, 2012; Spolsky, 2004) will be relevant in this chapter. Language policies can either be explicit or implicit, and no institution or domain exists without a language policy. The absence of a written policy does not mean that there is no policy. In fact, from language practices, one is able to deduce or establish an institution’s language policy. Actually, language policy and language practice are not two poles apart. As Bonacia-Pugh (2012, p. 214) puts it, ‘‘there is a policy within practices.’’

OVERVIEW OF THE TWO INSTITUTIONS We now provide brief overviews of the two universities, starting with UB. Currently this is Botswana’s only public university. A second public university is under construction. UB is located in a country that is classified as an English-speaking or Anglophone African country. This linguistic categorization of Botswana stems from the fact that Botswana (previously known as Bechuanaland) was at one time a British protectorate. It is against this background that we find English as the official language of Botswana. Writing about the place of English in Botswana, Arthur (2001, p. 349) observes that ‘‘English, though the official language of Botswana, is the first language of only a very tiny minority of its people.’’ As such, Setswana (the national language) is the most widely spoken language, and the situation at UB is no different. The majority of the students at UB are nationals of Botswana. The number of international students remains low. This low number of international students does not mean that the university is not

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pursuing an internationalization agenda. Actually in 2006, UB rolled out an internationalization policy, and the recruitment of international students is one of the objectives of the policy (Kamwendo, 2011). The low level of international students at UB cannot be attributed to the code-switching but rather because the commitment to recruiting many international students is not high given that the university has local students as the highest priority. UB has declared itself as a distinctively African university with a regional and international outlook. The motto of UB is thuto ke thebe (education is a shield). The university, which was founded in 1982, is basically a teaching university, with the majority of its students being in the undergraduate domain, i.e. 16308 undergraduate students against 1370 postgraduate students. But as part of its institutional transformational, UB plans to become a research-intensive university by 2021, and this will require a significant increase in postgraduate enrollment (University of Botswana, 2008). UB is located in a country that is praised as being one of the success stories of Africa. Since the attainment of independence from Britain in 1966, Botswana has been a multiparty democracy. The country has never had any political upheaval. On the economic front, Botswana stands out as one of the few African countries that can boast of a healthy economy. This is an economy that is not donor dependent. Botswana’s economic strength comes from its vibrant diamond mining industry. The country has also won praise for its strong anticorruption stance. From a language planning point of view, Botswana is known for its linguistic assimilation policy under which Setswana is the only indigenous language that has been accorded official status and recognition. This has gone a long way in marginalizing and suffocating other indigenous languages of Botswana, and this has often been cited as the dark side of Botswana’s otherwise shinning democracy (Nyati-Ramahobo, 2000). Minority language rights are under serious threat in Botswana, and this is also reflected in the University of Botswana’s handling of indigenous languages. Unlike neighboring South Africa, Botswana does not have a language policy document for the higher education sector. We now turn to the second university under study. This is the University of KwaZulu-Natal which is a public university that came into being in 2004 following the merger of the University of Natal and the University of Durban-Westville. It consists of five campuses, with four campuses located in Durban while one campus is situated in Pietermaritzburg. The university is made up of four colleges: the College of Humanities, the College of Health Sciences, the College of Law and Management, and the College of

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Agriculture and Sciences. Unlike UB, UKZN is a research-intensive university that sits in the top ranks of universities on the African continent. In 2006, UKZN rolled out its institutional language policy and plan. One of the goals of the plan is to make UKZN a multilingual university in which isiZulu is being developed and promoted as an additional medium of instruction along with English. This policy emanates from the fact the English is one of South Africa’s 11 official languages as well as the predominant language of scholarship in South Africa and beyond while isiZulu is the predominant language of the province of KwaZulu-Natal, a province in which UKZN is located. The predominance of isiZulu in KwaZulu-Natal is spelt out by Ndimande-Hlongwa, Balfour, Mkhize, and Engelbrecht (2010, p. 142) who argue that ‘‘80% of the population speaks isiZulu and even in the wider context of South Africa where 25% of the population are isiZulu speakers.’’ The UKZN language policy has to be situated in a broader South African context and/or policies. First, one has to keep in mind that UKZN is the premier university of African scholarship. One has to ask: In what ways can the language policy be used to promote the notion of African scholarship? Second, the language policy is expected to address the theme of African-led globalization. Third, the UKZN transformation charter has a lot of relevance to the language policy. As Balfour (2010, p. 299) puts it, the UKZN language policy ‘‘is a key aspect of what transformation must mean to all participants in education in KwaZulu-Natal.’’

METHODS OF INQUIRY AND DATA SOURCES The discussion in the current chapter follows the case study approach with a comparative dimension. In line with this approach, relevant contextual background for each of the two universities has been provided. Each university has been situated in its appropriate socio-economic and political environment within which transformation is taking place. One of the challenges of case studies that are drawn from two different countries is the fact that in some cases it is not easy to acquire comparable sets of data. The unit of analysis in the two case studies were two universities, one in each country. The two universities share the following characteristics: being public universities, having English as the dominant language of scholarship, subscribing to the notion of African university, Africanization and African scholarship, and the aspiration to become research-intensive.

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In the acquisition of relevant information, the chapter has relied on the following sources and methods: 1. Personal experiences of the author as having worked at the two universities. 2. Official documents from the two universities. These documents include strategic plans and other policy documents.

FINDINGS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF BOTSWANA It is important to mention that it is not unusual to find discrepancies between language policy and the actual practice. This is exactly what prevails at UB where the institutional language policy is that English is the medium of learning, teaching, and other academic activities. However, evidence on the ground (evidence coming from lecture rooms) indicates that some lecturers code-switch between English and Setswana (the national language of Botswana). While the majority of the UB students are Setswana-speaking, the minority are international students who do not speak Setswana. As a result, these non-Setswana-speaking students are disadvantaged whenever lecturers code-switch excessively between Setswana and English. The university has no interpretation and translation services. One can view the code-switching that is performed by some lecturers to be a case of non-compliance with the official policy of the university. It is the lecture rooms where this deviation from the official norm or policy takes place. This then means that within the lecture rooms, a lecturer puts in place his/her own language policy, i.e., the freedom to switch between English and Setswana (as opposed to the official policy which places English as the sole medium of teaching and learning). While lecturers do not produce official documents that spell out their respective language policies, it is through noticing a particular lecturer’s actions/practices that we are able to classify a lecture’s language policy as either English only or English plus other language(s). In whose favor is the code-switching? It is obvious that Setswana/English-speaking students benefit from the use of this language practice. These students have the advantage of switching between English and Setswana, something that their non-Setswana-speaking counterparts cannot do. If the whole class was made up of only Setswana/Englishspeaking students, there could have been no problems since nobody would have been linguistically excluded or disadvantaged. The challenge, however, is that the UB classrooms do have international students who do not speak

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Setswana. Though international students are a minority, it does not follow that they can simply be ignored. As part of its internationalization policy, UB has to recruit some international students, and it is unfair to subject such students to language-based exclusion. But has transformation of higher education had the same or similar meaning for UB? We ask this question with reference to the role of the language factor in the transformation. Unlike South Africa, Botswana does not have a dark socio-political history in which the language factor played a critical role. While Botswana underwent British colonization, it never experienced the extreme racial inequalities that South Africa experienced during colonization and apartheid. To this end, Botswana is milder than South Africa in treating the language factor in socio-economic and political issues. There is, for instance, no language policy document for higher education in Botswana. This is in contrast to South Africa which has a language policy document guiding the higher education sector, and where each university is required to formulate and implement a language policy that is in the line of national interests and the national language policy and constitution. This, however, does not mean that UB has not taken decisions on language issues. As it is said in the literature on language policy and planning (e.g., Spolsky, 2004), the non-existence of a language policy document does not mean that the institution has no language policy. An anomaly in the teaching of Setswana courses at UB is that they are taught through English. Kemmonye Monaka, a lecturer in English Department at UB, was quoted in the Daily News in 2006 as being ‘‘worried that at UB students undertaking Setswana as a major subject were exclusively taught in English, adding that even the novels which are written in Setswana are taught and analyzed in English. This situation best implies the fact that Setswana is not rich or developed enough to be used to describe itself’’ (Daily News, 2006). Monaka also complained about the training of school teachers of Setswana which is predominantly conducted in English, a situation that has been exacerbated by the fact that most of the texts used for Setswana lessons were written in English. At the University of Botswana, Setswana methodology courses are delivered through the medium of English. Hence, the question that we need to address is whether in using the medium of English to train teachers of Setswana, the university will effectively and adequately develop teachers who are equipped with both theory and practice of teaching Setswana culture, way of life, literature, the arts, media, and indigenous knowledge systems that are uniquely Setswana (Otlogetswe, 2010, Republic of Botswana, 1994). It is questionable as to whether the richness and

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uniqueness that Setswana language offers can be adequately articulated in using the medium of English. It should be noted that all course outlines and instructional materials are written in English. The only instructional materials written in Setswana are those obtained from secondary schools, mostly literature texts where Setswana is taught in the medium of Setswana. Otlogetswe (2010) argues that Batswana (i.e., citizens of Botswana) should preserve and develop pride in the national culture and heritage through the development of the national language (Setswana) as well as minority languages. He argues for the establishment of the Center for Setswana Studies at UB that would be responsible for promoting Setswana language, literature, and culture as these are being threatened by the more powerful English language. Such a center would be established in line with UB’s research strategy which recognizes themes that would take into consideration an analysis of cultural structures, discourses, and phenomena including African arts, media, and epistemologies. The research strategy also calls for the development and promotion of indigenous knowledge systems (Otlogetswe, 2010). The Department of African Languages and Literature at UB has produced a proposal for the introduction of a bachelor of arts degree program in Setswana studies. The need for such a program emanates from the fact that there is a growing demand for indigenous Botswana studies from both local and international scholars and students. Such a program would offer courses geared toward local and practical needs such as proficiency in the Setswana language, communication skills, and traditional customs and ethics. The envisaged program would comprise language, literature, and culture studies and being multidisciplinary in nature would include courses from the following areas: media studies, education, law, home economics, and social work. The envisaged bachelor of arts degree program in the Department of African Languages and Literature is in line with one of the recommendations made by the Revised National Policy on Education (Republic of Botswana, 1994) that UB’s Department of African Languages and Literature should play a leading role in guiding academic presentations in Setswana and also cooperate with the Faculty of Education in promoting the teaching of Setswana. UB has, therefore, not taken a strong pro-African language stance. In fact Kamwendo (2011) notes that some critics have argued that UB has pursued its internationalization of language curricula at the expense of indigenous languages. In this vein, one finds that the university offers English, French, Portuguese, and Chinese as languages of study while no degree program on Setswana is offered. More importantly, while UKZN, in contrast, has

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ventured into using an indigenous language as an additional medium of instruction, UB has not done the same. As a result, the university has not utilized the opportunity that exists in view of the predominance of Setswana-speaking students to create an additional medium of instruction. What now happens is that some lecturers engage in excessive code-mixing to the extent of linguistically excluding non-Setswana speakers during lectures (Kamwendo, 2011). As a result, the desire to become an international university has been compromised through this insensitive attitude toward non-Setswana speakers. UB has missed an opportunity to take a pro-African language stance in the transformation of the institution. Here, I wish to mention some missed opportunities such as the university’s research strategy (University of Botswana, 2008), the mission and vision of the university, the learning and teaching policy, and the university’s graduate employability strategy. For instance, the research strategy is one area where an opportunity could have been seized to transform the university through the use of indigenous language. Two of the priority research themes outlined in the research strategy come to mind here – the theme on culture, the arts, and society which encompasses the analysis of cultural structures, discourses, and phenomena, including particularly African languages, arts, media, and epistemologies. In terms of this subtheme, the university has the opportunity to engage deeply in research on African languages. The second relevant research theme is indigenous knowledge systems. This is the theme within which indigenous language research can be situated.

FINDINGS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL In January 2012, UKZN started the implementation of the reorganization of the university under which the institution was divided into four colleges, and each college being made up of schools (schools having replaced faculties) and each school being made up of academic clusters, and the clusters being made up of disciplines. Under the reorganization of UKZN, languages as academic subjects were located in the College of Humanities in the Schools of Arts, Education and Religion. The university then proceeded to designate the College of Humanities as the main driver of the university language plan. It is within this context the notion of ‘‘language champion’’ came into being. At one of the College of Humanities management

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committee meetings, it was resolved that each of the six schools of the college should appoint a language champion. A language champion is a member of staff in a school who is an advocate of language sensitivity. He/she promotes within the school awareness and/or importance of language issues. He/she popularizes and explains the UKZN language plan and policy. He/she also should endeavor to raise language issues at school board meetings, and serve as a link between the school and the College Task Team on language awareness. As it was mentioned in the call for chapter proposals (for the current book), there has been a worldwide higher education ‘‘revolution’’ in which the African higher education sector lags behind and remains underdeveloped. In this chapter I am concerned with the language component of this higher education revolution. With reference to UKZN, there has been some institutional revolution. For example, the revolution in South African higher education sector can be noted in the mergers of higher education institutions that followed the dissolution of apartheid. The postapartheid South African higher education landscape had to be transformed in order to heal the past racial inequalities. Some of the products of this transformation and revolution was the birth of the University of KwaZuluNatal in 2004 through a merger of two universities, i.e., University of Natal and the University of Durban-Westville. Realizing that language was one of the tools that reinforced the aspirations of apartheid, it is only natural that the language factor should be part of the transformation of the university in the post-apartheid era. The UKZN language plan is, therefore, a necessity for UKZN, and it is in this respect that isiZulu now plays a prominent role at UKZN. The use of isiZulu is clearly justified given that the university lies in a predominantly isiZulu-speaking province, and that the majority of its students are isiZulu speakers. Of course, this does not mean that UKZN is blind to the presence of other languages, and it is in that respect that UKZN offers other languages such as English (the predominant language of university), French, Kiswahili, and others. But our special interest in this chapter, with regard to revolutionizing higher education, is the status of isiZulu. The rising prominence of isiZulu links well with the notion of an African university. An African university has to respond to African reality and this linguistic reality justifies the increased use of isiZulu in the UKZN academic and non-academic affairs. When it comes to the UKZN’s aspiration to champion African scholarship, it is important that isiZulu is serving as an additional medium of teaching and learning in some modules. This is a true revolution – the use of an African language in higher education – especially given that the predominant perception is that African

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languages cannot serve in the higher academic domain. It is also a revolution because UKZN has taken the bold step of Africanizing the medium of learning and teaching. What does the constitution of South Africa have to offer to Language policy and planning in higher education, and UKZN, in particular? I quote here some relevant stipulations from the constitution. The promotion of isiZulu at UKZN is backed by the reminder in the apartheid era, indigenous African languages were marginalized, and in the post-apartheid era, the state ‘‘must take practical and positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of the languages’’ (Section 6(2) of the constitution). As Kamwendo (2006, p. 57) has remarked, the South African ‘‘language policy is a product of the political transformation that started in the early 1990s.’’ Another source of backing for the UKZN language policy is the higher education’s own language policy. The South African policy on higher education of 2002 also provides the justification for the promotion of isiZulu at UKZN. This policy document reminds us that in the post-apartheid era, there is need to go beyond English and Afrikaans as the only languages of scholarship and science. In summary, we can say that the UKZN language policy draws its backing from the following authoritative sources: 1. The Constitution of South Africa. 2. The language policy framework for South African higher education of 2001. 3. The language policy for higher education of 2002. 4. Report of ministerial committee on the development of indigenous African languages as medium of instruction in higher education. UKZN has also deflated the myth that African indigenous languages do not have the necessary intellectualization capacity to serve at higher education level. The use of isiZulu as one of the medium of instruction at UKZN is a loud and confident answer to Kamwendo’s (2009, p. 10) question: ‘‘Can African languages be used as medium of instruction in African universities? This is a critical question in South Africa due to the fact that the post-apartheid government wants to increase previously marginalized black South Africans’ access to and success in higher education.’’ It is against this background that Kamwendo (2009, p. 10) has argued that ‘‘language policies that South African universities have put in place (or are preparing to put in place) are good sites for exploring the extent to which African languages can enter the academic domain.’’ But what has promoted this linguistic revolution at UKZN, and what has led to a failure to do so at UB? First, one has to acknowledge that UKZN

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revolution is backed and propelled by constitutional provisions. For Botswana, there are no constitutional and national policy provisions that encourage and support the use of indigenous African languages in education. In addition, Botswana has not come up with a well-articulated language policy document. One also notices that in the case of Botswana, the notion of linguistic internationalization takes an upper hand than linguistic indigenization. It is clear from the language-in-education policy for primary education that Setswana (the national language) has a marginal role as a medium of teaching and learning. It is the medium of instruction at grade 1, and by grade 2, learners are expected to switch to English. The idea here is to go for an earlier exposure to English as medium of teaching and learning approach. Given this strong interest in English as medium of instruction at primary school level, it is not surprising that one finds no genuine interest in using Setswana as one of the medium of teaching and learning at university level. If Setswana (or any other indigenous language) cannot be found to be worthy to use as medium of instruction at lower levels of education, can you realistically expect a change of heart for the same language at higher education? It is naturally not expected. Second, the University of Botswana has missed an opportunity to use Setswana-speaking students to undertake their courses better. While UKZN provides space for students to have some modules coming through both English and isiZulu, thereby giving isiZulu speakers to overcome the English language barrier, UB has not made a similar provision (Setswana and English modules/courses), in addition, the UKZN allows the provision of tutorials through isiZulu. This enables learners to discuss and seek clarification through a language they understand best. At UB, students and staff do code-switch a lot between English and Setswana. This is an indication that English does pose as a language barrier in teaching and learning. Further evidence of the promotion of linguistic internationalization at the expense of linguistic indigenization is noted at UB when Setswana methodology courses are taught in English. In addition, one sees UB is expanding the provision of foreign language study (the latest being Chinese and Portuguese) while not even Setswana has a degree program. On the other hand, UKZN has foreign language offerings (French, English, German, Latin) but it has not forgotten isiZulu (the provincially dominant language and also one of the 11 official languages of South Africa). It also offers Afrikaans (another of South Africa’s official languages). The university has also taken the decision to go pan-African by offering Kiswahili. Third, UKZN has made financial allocations from the language plan implementation. Strategic funding has been provided and continues to be

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provided for a wide range of initiatives whose goal is to promote the use of isiZulu in various aspects of scholarship and beyond. The fourth area of distinction between UKZN and UB lies in the fact that the former has adopted what I call language planning across the university. What do I mean by language planning across the university? This means extending language planning beyond teaching and learning (this is the predominant preoccupation in African studies so far). So far there has been preoccupation with the medium of teaching and learning, especially given the fact in African universities and other higher education institutions, exoglossic languages dominate as medium of learning and teaching, and yet these languages are not the home languages or mother tongue of the majority of the learners. This means that a significant portion of learners face linguistic barriers. While this interest is legitimate, I argue that there is need to avoid over-concentrating on the medium of learning and teaching domain. University life is not only about teaching and learning. It extends to research and community engagement (with teaching and learning, research and community engagement making up what is known as academic trinity). I argue that institutional language scholarship has to cover the entire academic trinity and beyond. Beyond the academic trinity, I am talking about issues such as language use in student services, language use in university management and governance, language use in institutional communication apparatuses, language use in university staff recruitment, and in other areas. When one looks at the UKZN language plan, one sees this trend to go beyond interest in medium of teaching and learning. University life, for both staff (academic and non-academic staff) and student, goes beyond the academic trinity. We need language planning that runs across the entire university landscape. After all, language covers all aspects of university business. It therefore makes sense to adopt the language planning across the university approach.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION In this chapter, I have illustrated contrasts and similarities between UB and UKZN in the context of the role and place of the language factor in the transformation of higher education. The chapter has demonstrated that UKZN is far ahead of UB in terms of language-based institutional transformation. This has to be accounted for. That is, why is the language issue taken more seriously at UKZN than at UB? We cannot afford to ignore the place and role of the language factor in South Africa’s political

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history, especially during the apartheid era. The post-apartheid era has witnessed activities that are aimed at addressing the imbalances of the past in the context of higher education, and the language factor is a critical factor in this task. In the case of UB’s lagging behind in as far as linguistic transformation is concerned, we also need to find explanations from the country’s socio-political history. First, we note that UB and UKZN are both public institutions. Both institutions subscribe to the notion of African scholarship. From a linguistic point of view, one notices that at both institutions, English is the dominant language of scholarship. One also notices that at both institutions, the majority of the students do not have English as their mother tongue or home language. We also note that while UB has no formal document outlining institutional language policy, UKZN does have one. We also note that the UKZN language policy draws support from a number of authoritative sources, including the South African constitution. We also see the language factor to be a very topical issue in the socio-economic and political context of post-apartheid of South Africa, while in Botswana the language factor does not hold the same clout. We also note that at UKZN, there are some structures to support the institutional language policy. Language policy is a serious issue at UKZN while the same is not true of UB since at the latter, language planning issues are not taken seriously to the effect that there is no designated office to handle language matters at UB. In terms of higher education revolution from the linguistic angle, one can say that UKZN is certainly way ahead of UB. The former has policies, structures, and funding mechanisms to support language revolution or development. There is a director of language planning and development, supported by coordinator for language planning. These offices are under the division of the deputy vice-chancellor (responsible for teaching and learning). UKZN plans to place itself as the hub for the development and promotion of isiZulu in the whole of South Africa. There is also the University Languages Board (ULB). It is chaired by the deputy vice-chancellor (teaching and learning) – with each of the four colleges being represented, director of projects (teaching and learning), executive director of corporate relations, two academic experts, support services, one PANSALB representatives, two members of the students’ representative council, the director of language planning and development; and the coordinator of language planning and development. In this chapter, I have employed what can be called domain analysis in language planning. The domain in question is education, and specifically higher education. Each domain has its own unique features and needs, hence

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the critical importance of conducting domain-specific language planning analysis. Within the domain, one also has to move to specific institutions, and in this chapter, I have focused on two Southern African universities, namely the University of Botswana and the University of KwaZulu-Natal. I have undertaken the analysis by taking into consideration the socioeconomic and political contexts associated with the two respective institutions of higher education. As an institution attempts to undertake a language revolution, one of the challenges becomes the desire to be locally relevant while at the same time being internationally competitive. In this regard, UB has been caught in the trap of having a language curriculum that privileges foreign languages at the expense of indigenous languages. This is the pull between localization and internationalization (see Botha, 2010, Kamwendo, 2011). This tug of war is appreciated by the South African Minister of Higher Education when he says: ‘‘While we cannot ignore global imperatives for communication and academic transfer, engagement and knowledge building, we do not have to neglect indigenous languages’’ (Nzimande, 2012, p. 3).

SIGNIFICANCE AND RELEVANCE OF CURRENT CHAPTER TO VOLUME’S THEME The chapter is well tuned to volume’s overall theme of development of higher education in Africa. The chapter addresses the question of transformation in two selected Southern African universities (one in Botswana and the other in South Africa). Both universities are engaged in activities that are geared toward turning themselves into truly African universities while at the same time remaining highly competitive on the global scene as well. The question here is: to what extent has linguistic revolution take place at the two selected universities? As argued in this chapter, UKZN has taken a much upper hand in embarking on a linguistic revolution. We can say that such a situation prevails at UKZN. The university has taken a very bold decision, in line with constitutional and national policies, to develop and promote the use of isiZulu in various of the university’s domains. It is a revolution when you find that a previously marginalized language (isiZulu) is now being used for scholarly endeavors. For instance, there has been successful use of isiZulu as a medium for writing a PhD thesis. What UKZN is doing is to ‘‘debunk the myth that African languages cannot be used for high level scientific research and

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philosophical thinking’’ (Nzimande, 2012, p. 5). On the other hand, UB is still some miles away from setting out on a journey toward energizing African languages as medium of scholarship.

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University of KwaZulu-Natal. (n.d.). Transformation charter. Retrieved from www.ukzn.ac.za

WEBSITES CONSULTED Universities of Botswana: www.ub.bw University of KwaZulu-Natal: www.ukzn.ac.za

POLICY DOCUMENTS CONSULTED University University University University

of of of of

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KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION IN THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY: HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS AND THE APPLICATION OF INNOVATIONS IN ICT FOR CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Chijioke J. Evoh, Christopher Byalusago Mugimu and Hopestone K. Chavula ABSTRACT This chapter evaluates the readiness of the higher education system to contribute to the competitiveness of African countries in the knowledge economy. Using institutions of higher learning in Kenya and Uganda as case studies, the study demonstrates that the higher education system in Africa is ill-equipped to fulfill the role of knowledge production for the advancement of African economies. The chapter proposed promising ways through which higher education in the region can play a more fulfilling

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 285–323 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021013

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role to the global knowledge economy through the formation of relevant skills for the growth of African economies. In an era where knowledge assets are accorded more importance than capital and labor assets, and where the economy relies on knowledge as the key engine of economic growth, this chapter argues that higher education institutions in Africa can assist in tackling the continent’s challenges through research in knowledge creation, dissemination, and utilization for improved productivity. These institutions need to engage in design-driven innovation in the emerging knowledge economy. To enhance their contributions toward human capital development and knowledge-intensive economies in the region, it is imperative to employ public-private initiatives to bridge and address various challenges and gaps facing universities and research institutions in Africa.

INTRODUCTION As part of the knowledge-oriented institutions, the era of the knowledge economy (KE) puts pressure on higher education institutions (HEIs) in subSaharan African (SSA) countries to strengthen their capacities for research and knowledge production. The gross underdevelopment of universities and other HEIs has created acute shortages in human resources in Africa. Consequently, HEIs in the region have focused their attention on the human resource development for the civil service and public profession (Cloete et al., 2011). However, in many developing low-income countries, priority is given to the development of a knowledge-base through higher education, research, and innovation, which can be linked to social and economic development goals. The strategic role of knowledge production within the context of the emergent KE entails complex processes and multidimensional concepts. For a better understanding of the unique characteristics of a dynamic economy of today, one must identify the ingredients or the building blocks of the KE. As knowledge replaces the traditional factors of production (i.e., land, labor, capital and entrepreneurship) as the primary factor in the realms of economic production (Drucker, 1993), the creation, distribution, and use of knowledge become decisive factors in the competitive ability of nations in the volatile global economic landscape. More than any other factor, innovative processes in economic production create the platform that serves as springboards for economic growth.

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According to the World Bank (ibid.), there are three ways through which HEIs could support knowledge-driven economic growth and poverty reduction. The first is by training a qualified and adaptable labor force for the 21st century. The second is by generating new knowledge and new ways of applying such knowledge. And the third way is by building the capacity and network to access available knowledge and to adapt that knowledge to local use (The World Bank, 2002). As the study probes the ability of tertiary education institutions to develop KE skills through innovative capacity building in Africa, it puts forward three basic arguments. The purpose is to identify and propose some promising ways through which higher education in the region can play a more fulfilling role in the global KE through the development, utilization, and promotion of relevant skills for the growth of African economies. First, it argues that for African nations to thrive in an increasingly competitive global economy, they have to recognize the role of higher education in providing relevant skills, technical and entrepreneurial trainings that are in demand, as well as those relevant in developing and promoting technological innovations. Second, African economies run the risk of further marginalization in the international economic system due to the lack of the relevant skills and technologies, and to a greater extent, due to the underutilization of the potential of African HEIs. Third, to sustain African economies in a global KE, African countries have to develop appropriate policy regimes aimed at strengthening the production, utilization, and dissemination of technological knowledge tools and skills by HEIs across all sectors. This research is guided by the following research questions. How can African nations leverage available potential of HEIs to provide knowledge and skills to enable Africa to become competitive in the global KE? What key aspects of the higher education system in Africa must be enhanced to promote technological innovation and utilization to ensure the transition of African nations into the KE? What are the challenges facing HEIs in Africa in the creation, utilization, and dissemination of technological knowledge (broadly defined to include policy and technical knowledge) through ICTs1? In view of tertiary institutions’ linkages with public and the private sectors, to what extent could embracing of ICTs and its related innovations in African HEIs enhance the continent’s integration into the KE? To address these questions, this study triangulates the theory of human capital (Olaniyan & Okemakinde, 2008), and the conceptual framework of emerging economies (The Boao Forum for Asia, 2010). Following the introduction, the next section of the chapter presents the conceptual framework of the study. This is followed by the research

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methodology used, which includes the presentation of the knowledge assessment methodology (KAM). The role of human capital and knowledgebased skills in the emerging economies are explored in the fourth section. The fifth section examines Africa’s position in the global knowledge-based economy. The knowledge assessment of east African countries of Kenya and Uganda is presented in the sixth section. Research findings are presented and discussed in the seventh section. Following data analysis, factors that hamper HEIs from contributing to capacity development in the KE in Africa are identified in the eighth section as institutional and capacity gaps. The section also presents policy choices and recommendations for effective participation of HEIs in capacity development for knowledge creation and translation in Africa.

THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS FOR KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY ANALYSIS Recently, the KE concept has gained enormous attention from international development organizations such as the World Bank and other UN agencies. Obviously, every human effort is based on knowledge, which is acquired either through formal training or informal processes. However, KE is a concept that has attracted a lot of attention in recent times primarily because of the transformative power of innovative knowledge in modern economy. Generally, KE refers to economies that create, disseminate, and use knowledge to enhance their growth and development processes (Utz, 2006). Discussion about the KE is often dominated by high-technology industries or ICTs. However, as Utz (2006) pointed out, the concept will serve a better purpose if it is broadly defined to cover how any economy harnesses and uses new and existing knowledge to improve economic productivity and increase overall welfare of the people through innovations. For this reason, Salkowitz (2010, p. 11) describes KE as ‘‘a set of industries and jobs that depend on the production, distribution, and consumption of information.’’ The effectiveness of such industries depend on the scale of knowledge and network of infrastructures available. Knowledge comes in different forms: tacit or codified, and technical or societal, and it contributes to economic and social development as a driver of competitiveness and productivity, an enabler of employable skills, a facilitator of welfare and environment, and an enabler of institutions and governance (World Bank, 2007).

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On their part, Chen and Dahlman (2005, p. 4) describe knowledge economy as ‘‘one that utilizes knowledge as the key engine of economic growth. It is an economy where knowledge is acquired, created, disseminated and used effectively to enhance economic development.’’ In this emergent economy, knowledge is considered as a factor of production. Hence, it impacts on management, skill acquisition, organizations, and innovation. Houghton and Peter Sheehan (2000, p. 4) also opine that a KE is a system in which the generation and the exploitation of knowledge have come to play a predominant part in the effective exploitation of knowledge for all economic activities. This is primarily due to the enhanced process and reduced cost of communicating information, and codifying knowledge made possible by ICTs. Thus, the role of ICTs in the KE is comparable to the role machines played in the replacement of labor in the industrial age (ibid.). The big difference is that while the machines of the industrial era functioned as isolated and individual artifacts in one local environment, ICTs and knowledge creation exist as a hierarchy of networks to bring about innovations. This is because innovation, argue John Houghton and Peter Sheehan (2000, p. 11), ‘‘is the result of numerous interactions between actors and institutions, which together form an innovation system.’’ Innovative capacity of industries within nations depends largely on maintaining and expanding the knowledge base. This is evidenced by the increasing share of knowledge-based industries in total value-added in the emerging economic powers of the world. Consequently, and contrary to the old school of economic thought, comparative advantage among nations has little to do with abundant natural resources or cheap labor, but more to do with increased technical innovations and the competitive use of knowledge. Therefore, economic development is as much a function of knowledge accumulation as it is of capital accumulation. This trend has given rise to what the World Bank (2002) called ‘‘producer services companies.’’ These are companies, which ‘‘provide specialized knowledge, information, and data in support of existing manufacturing firms’’ (ibid., p. 9). These companies are the principal sources of comparative advantage and value addition in industrialized and emerging economies. Thus, advances in areas such as microelectronics, multimedia, and telecommunications characterize KE. These advances give rise to important productivity gains in both industrial and service activities in the economy. Manuel Castells (1996), in his book The Rise of the Network Society, argues that industrial societies are transitioning to KEs. Unlike an industrial economy where land (natural resources), labor (human effort), and capital

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goods (machinery) are the three main factors of production, knowledge is classified as a new factor of production in the KE. In essence, ‘‘knowledge’’ and ‘‘information’’ are considered as basic factors of production. Thus, today’s information-driven economy is characterized by a new mode of production which Castells (1996) defined as informational capitalism. While knowledge and capital drive economic growth, these two types of resources have apparent differences. In the first place, knowledge products are inexhaustible and their use is not limited by spatial boundaries or geographical distance (Miller, 2005). From another perspective, knowledge products can easily be produced en masse, and wider distribution is enhanced by electronic means. The knowledge-based economies are conventionally measured by the composition of workforce. It is characterized by the explosion of data and codified knowledge, driven by a revolution in ICTs (Evoh, 2007). As Greg Ip (2010, p. 10) writes, ‘‘the productive power of ideas is nothing short of miraculous. Investing in more buildings and machines cost money. However, a new idea, if it’s not protected by patent or copyright, can be reproduced endlessly free.’’ Ip’s view is clearly illustrated by the astronomical growth of China’s economy in the last decade. By adapting existing ideas from other countries, China has succeeded in reallocating human labor from unproductive communal farms and state-owned companies to more productive privately owned factories. These ideas are either copied or stolen from foreign universities and joint partners (Ip, 2010).

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Data for the study was gathered through qualitative research method, and theory-driven multiple case study approach was adopted (Yin, 2004) to examine the higher education system in Kenya and Uganda (East Africa). In addition, the study employed the KAM introduced by the World Bank Institute in 2005 (Chen & Dahlman, 2005) to evaluate the readiness of Kenya and Uganda to compete in the emerging KE. Due to the nature of knowledge-based economy, multiple strategies of qualitative research method were used to gather data. This includes a review of extant literature, which provided a rich source of information. In addition, data collection was carried out by online research and oral interviews with stakeholders in HEIs in Uganda and Kenya. Besides, desk research was used to gather additional information from sources such as the

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print media, institutional websites, and blogs. The use of multiple sources of data and review of documents provided multiple methods to validate and crosscheck the findings of the study. The use of qualitative methodology in this study was essential for deriving rich descriptions within a natural setting (Merriam, 1998). These sources are used to understand the challenges facing Africa’s HEIs in the wider contexts, and how they can make meaningful contribution to human capital development for knowledge production and utilization in the emergent global KE.

Knowledge Assessment Methodology KAM is a critical tool for assessing the readiness of developing and other emerging economies in Africa in their transition to the KE. The KAM tool was developed by the World Bank Institute’s Knowledge for Development (K4D) program to help assess the preparedness of countries and regions in the global KE. This tool benchmarks the KE performance of an economy or region relative to its neighbors, competitors, or countries. KAM is an Internet-based system, which consists of 148 structural and qualitative variables for 146 countries to measure their performance on the four KE pillars: economic incentive and institutional regime, education, innovation systems, and information infrastructure. Variables are normalized on a scale of 0 to 10 relative to other countries in the comparison group.2 These pillars are used to calculate KE indexes. The World Bank explains that the Knowledge Economy Index (KEI) explores the appropriateness of the environment for effective application of knowledge for economic development. KAM serves as a useful resource in the identification of challenges and opportunities countries such as those in Africa may face in their efforts to attain KE capabilities, and policy strategy that will enable them to accomplish their goals. Based on the comparison across time and across sectors, the methodology provides a unique approach that allows a holistic view of the wide spectrum of factors relevant to the KE (ibid.). This analysis is performed on the basis of the 80 knowledge-based variables included in the KAM database (World Bank, 2012). The KAM system allows for the illustration of country or regional performance using a variety of charts and figures automatically generated by the World Bank database. KAM’s database is derived from various internationally reputable institutions with reliable and updated statistical

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data. Through the normalization procedure, KAM uses variables that are measured in different units and on different scales. This is used to calculate aggregate KE indexes, and simplify graphic representation of countries’ comparative performance. The normalization process entails the orderly ranking of countries from ‘‘best’’ to ‘‘worst’’ using their actual scores on each variable. The scores from the process are thereafter normalized on a scale of 0 to 10 against all countries in the comparison group. Based on this ranking the score of 10 is the highest score for the top-performing countries while 0 is given to the worst countries (Chen & Dahlman, 2005; World Bank, 2007). KAM is not without criticisms. For instance, Robertson (2008) argues that KAM indicators ignore important but unique aspects of education in low-income countries such as the level of access to education and the level of school completion. She further contends that the methodology is a tool of strategic selectivity, which serves the interests of developed economies, whose capitalist economic system is being championed by the World Bank. Thus, Robertson sees KAM as a ‘‘tool for putting into place the ideological and institutional means to enable the developed economies, in particular, the USA, to generate value from knowledge services globally’’ (Robertson, 2008, p. 19). Despite such critical views, KAM remains a valid tool to assess how ready countries or regions are for their transition to the KE. This is because there is no other viable and alternative tool for a robust assessment, analysis, competence, and benchmarking. Besides, KAM is an analytical tool, which is subject to different uses by different users.

HUMAN CAPITAL, EMERGING ECONOMIES, AND KNOWLEDGE-BASED SKILLS IN AFRICA Education broadly, and higher education in particular, has an important role to play in the development of new knowledge practices and processes. It is, in fact, regarded as a high level or a specialized form of human capital, with a significant contribution to economic growth, regarded as an engine of development to the new knowledge-based economy. Underpinning this is a wide recognition that higher education sector has an important role to play in producing graduates with skills, aptitudes, and understandings that will allow them to contribute effectively to the development and practice of a knowledge-based economy (Davis, Evans, & Hickey, 2006;

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St. George, 2006; Tilak, 2003). It should be recognized that currently tertiary education is facing unprecedented challenges mainly arising from the convergent impacts of globalization, the increasing importance of knowledge as a principal driver of growth, and the information and communication revolution, apart from being the most expensive sector of education (Singh, 1991; World Bank, 2002). These developments demand a shift to creative or knowledge-based society, which further demands different ways of thinking with regard to learning and knowledge transfer. In this regard, education has the potential to play a pivotal role in developing new learning frameworks (Davis et al., 2006). With advances in technology and increases in globalization expected to persist, there is a reason to believe that the demand for workers with tertiary education qualifications will continue; hence, the need for lifelong learning to enable countries remains competitive. And it is the HEIs that are in the best position to benefit from, and contribute to, the increasing exchange of knowledge and the economic development of African countries (St. George, 2006; Tilak, 2003). For a country to perform competitively in a knowledge-based economy, apart from creating conducive economic and institutional environment that will enhance knowledge diffusion, there is need to have people with a diverse range of skills by making more investments in education, skills development, and life-long learning (Juma, 2006). One of the three key factors that contributed to the rapid economic transformation of the emerging economies is the government support, funding, and nurturing of the HEIs as well as academies of engineering and technological sciences, professional engineering and technological associations, and industrial and trade associations (Nankani, 2005). The performance of an education system plays a major role in determining how well a country is able to use science and technology (S&T) for economic growth and in achieving other important national goals. S&T are recognized as drivers of increased wealth and continuous improvement in standards of living. Since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, scientifically and technologically advanced countries have become continuously wealthier, and their rates of growth have not slowed significantly over time (Nankani, 2005; Tilak, 2003). Countries have increased their research capacity and skills development in a variety of S&T disciplines; the knowledge created through research has been translated into new, more efficient modes of production and technological outputs, which have brought significant benefits to these countries. However, as the rest of the world has advanced technologically, Africa has remained relatively behind in this regard (AUC-NEPAD, 2005; Nankani, 2005).

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AFRICA AND THE KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY There is growing recognition that Africa can only strengthen its economic performance and competitiveness through considerable investment and use of new technological knowledge as a basis for economic transformation (Juma, 2005). The global effort to harness science, technology, and innovation (STI) for Africa’s development has recently focused on the objective of building innovation systems and indeed African innovation systems capable of producing, transforming, and implementing new scientific, technological, and indigenous knowledge (Toivanen & Ponomariov, 2011). Recognizing the significance of knowledge and technological innovations, several S&T initiatives have been launched in African countries that sought to use S&T as a vehicle for achieving rapid economic development.3 However, one element that was neglected immensely by African countries in the 1990s is the promotion of innovation. As part of fiscal austerity measure, budgets for education, research and development (R&D), subsidies for innovation and technology acquisition, among others, were either eliminated or greatly reduced in many African countries. A host of institutions and other research centers were required to raise their own funds, and expected to expand their private operations to raise funds, with minimal government support (Chavula & Konde, 2011). Emerging economies like Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan have undergone several significant trends common to most African countries since 1970. They all pursued structural adjustment policies like most African countries to move their economies away from agriculture toward manufacturing service sectors. At the same time, and unlike countries in Africa, these Asian countries were steadily increasing the proportion of students enrolled in higher education compared to other levels of schooling. Finally, the governments of these countries in Asia used deliberate incentives and systems to expand higher education in areas of need such as science, technology, and more recently engineering. Besides, scientific research was linked to the countries’ development priorities and needs of the local industries (Salami & Soltanzaden, 2012; Singh, 1991; St. George, 2006; Tilak, 2003). In essence, higher education has been developed in tandem with the countries’ industrialization policies. This demonstrates many of the characteristics of planned economies, with fixed growth targets and manpower forecasting aligned to intended growth patterns (Singh, 1991). An assessment of Africa’s current conditions reveals that primary education in many African countries has greatly expanded in the last two decades. However, secondary and tertiary education levels, which are vital

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in promoting technological innovations, lag behind most of the emerging economies as well as global regions (see Fig. 1). While free education has enhanced access for many, including the poor and marginalized, postprimary education, which is not free in most countries, is limited to a few rich and urban-based students, and this is bringing about inequalities in access and success. As can be seen in Fig. 1, access to higher levels of education is limited to a few due to shortage of resources. This is negatively affecting the acquisition, adaptation, utilization, and production of technological knowledge that could make the countries competitive in the global KE (see Fig. 1). It has been argued that universities and other HEIs have the most underutilized institutions in efforts to promote sustainable development on the continent (Zaglul & Sherrard, 2005). There is a need to balance investment for post-primary education to promote lifelong skills, especially among the youth who face unemployment and extreme poverty. Knowledge-related factors of innovation, tertiary education, and highlevel skills have become more important for international competitiveness and growth. This is very relevant and critical for Africa’s development, as it is falling behind globally in almost all of these factors at the moment. It has been suggested that this could be due to the fact that the continent has not paid enough attention to the increased importance of knowledge in development. As can be seen in Table 1, Africa had the lowest primary school enrollment compared to the selected emerging economies over the period 2000–2005, with a slight improvement to 96.8 percent over the period 2006– 2010. This is the second lowest when compared to the selected emerging economies. The region also has the lowest performance in secondary and

120 100 80 60 101.6

40 20

34.1 16.7

0

Fig. 1.

Pre-primary

Primary

secondary

6

6.1

TVET

Tertiary

Education Access in Sub-Saharan Africa (% GER), 2011. Sources: Nsapato, Limbani (2012).

144.3 114.5 101.1 101.1 108.5 94.6

Brazil China India Korea Russia Africa

– 110.7 114.2 103.8 97.3 98.6

2006–2010 106.0 64.2 48.9 97.7 86.7 57.0

– 77.8 58.9 96.7 85.6 57.1

2006–2010

Secondary 2000–2005

Source: Calculations based on WDI (2012) data.

2000–2005

Primary

20.9 13.9 10.3 86.5 65.3 17.6

2000–2005 – 23.1 14.8 102.0 74.1 19.4

2006–2010

Tertiary

490.3 665.6 122.9 3127.7 3366.0 1002.9

2000–2005

658.1 1069.0 – 4616.7 3188.1 888.5

2006–2010

Researchers

Average School Enrollment, (% Gross) and Researchers in R&D Per Million People.

Country

Table 1.

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tertiary education in both periods, as well as even in the number of researchers per million people (WDI, 2012). On the other hand, countries like South Korea, for example, has consistently performed relatively better, especially in secondary and tertiary education as well as in the number of researchers, which are vital in the technological development of the country. This is because the government of Korea placed emphasis on the development of its abundant human resources, whose entrepreneurship and capability enabled the country to prosper. In its modernization drive the first target was the education sector, where the government increased the share of education in the government budget from 2.5 percent in 1951 to more than 17 percent in 1966. However, government disbursement accounted for only one-third of the total expenditures in education, while the remainder was borne by the private sector and parents, reflecting the high commitment to education by the Korean society (Kim, 1997). This drive led to an increase in school enrollment to more than 100 percent at the elementary level. Despite secondary and tertiary education not being free, the enrollment ratio rose from 21 percent in 1953 to almost 99 percent in 1994 for the middle school level and from 12 percent to almost 89 percent for the high school level during the same period (ibid.). This early well-balanced expansion in all educational levels resulted in a significant drop in illiteracy rate to insignificant levels by 1980, creating conducive environment and foundation for the development of the KE and the country’s growth. University enrollment also expanded rapidly from 38,400 in 1953 to 1.15 million in 1994, with a significant increase observed in the science and engineering education, where the number of students increased from 37,000 in 1965 to 493,000 in 1994, accounting for 35.1 percent and 43.5 percent of all university students, respectively (ibid.). This made Korea having one of the highest tertiary enrollment ratios in the world (ibid), as it led to an increase in the number of R&D scientists, which rose from 4.8 to 22 per 10,000 people, over the period 1980–1993. This translates to an annual growth rate of 14 percent, making Korea the highest among developing countries. These scientists have played a pivotal role in Korea’s imitative learning along the technology trajectory.4 However, Africa, especially sub-Saharan Africa tops all the five regions of the world in terms of primary school enrollment.5 This is particularly due to the emphasis placed by both African governments and donors on promoting primary education in the region. The fact that the region is behind all other regions in terms of secondary and tertiary education (as a level or stage of studies beyond secondary education), to a greater extent, accounts for the relatively low technological outputs from Africa, especially if captured in terms of the number of scientific and technical journal articles, number of

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researchers in R&D, patent applications, and high-technology exports (see GeSCI, 2010). However, this could also have been exacerbated by the nonexistence or weak innovation systems and low priority accorded to S&T in many African countries (AUC-NEPAD, 2005). Africa remains the only region in the world with the lowest proportion of higher education cohort accessing tertiary education. It is observed that SSA countries allocate 2.3 percent, 1.3 percent, and 1 percent of their GDP to primary, secondary, and tertiary education, respectively (UNESCO, 2011), which highlights the need for more emphasis on tertiary education on the continent, since the transformation of tertiary education is fundamental for sustainable capacity development as has been the case in emerging economies.6 For African economies to remain competitive in the global KE, their innovation systems should be able to convert these countries’ R&D investments and their educational capacities into industrial and export strengths in the high-technology sectors (Dahlan, Routti, & Yla-Anttila, 2005). This entails, to a greater extent, having the capability to move into production of manufactured products, hence having the possibility of benefiting from the most dynamic part of merchandise trade. In addition, it is globally observed that the technological intensity of trade in manufactured goods is increasing, while moving away from trade in primary commodities. This underscores the need for further increases in innovative technological knowledge and skills in different countries to accelerate the conversion of R&D investments and their educational capacities into competitive highquality technological outputs. These technological outputs and capabilities have been illustrated in literature through the number of patent applications, high technology’s share in total exports, and also through scientific and technical journal articles published. As can be seen in Table 2, Korea exhibits relatively the highest performance in terms of high-technology exports compared to the other countries and Africa (i.e., all countries in the region), followed by China in both periods (2000–2005 and 2006–2010). Africa exhibits relatively the lowest performance, with a reduction to 3.8 percent in the 2006–2010 period. As reported by Nature (2011) in 1996, SSA researchers produced roughly 0.8 percent of the total papers in the Scopus database, which increased to 1 percent by 2009. In terms of patent applications, it is observed that globally the number of patent applications has grown rapidly in Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean and industrialized nations, but grew only marginally in Africa. This drop in application for patent rights is attributed to the missing data from Sudan and South Africa since 1995. However, even before these dates, it is observed that Africa is the only region where patent applications have

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Table 2. Average High-Technology Exports (% of Manufactured Exports) and Scientific and Technical Journal Articles. Exports Country Brazil China India Korea Russia Africa

Publications

2000–2005

2006–2010

2000–2005

2006–2010

15.1 25.3 6.2 32.3 14.9 4.1

12.1 28.1 6.9 30.3 7.9 3.8

8,190.1 28,016.5 12,201.3 12,894.1 15,529.8 962.6

11,976.5 61,426.5 18,462.7 19,935.2 13,875.4 1,241.0

Source: Calculations based on WDI (2012) data.

actually fallen (see UNECA, 2010). To a greater extent, this further signifies the minimal emphasis placed on R&D activities as well as the capability to convert R&D activities into production of manufactured products on the continent. These results, to some extent, indicate the low priority given to S&T, R&D, and technological innovation by African countries in integrating themselves into the global knowledge-based economy. It could be one of the reasons why Africa is not a favored destination of R&D projects or outsourcing location of R&D and testing services when compared to the rest of the regions in the world (see UNECA, 2010). This implies that a lot has to be done in the field of STI, especially in developing human capacity and technological skills in order to enable the conversion of the continent’s R&D investments and educational capacity into competitive products and services, especially through the transformation of the higher education systems. The continent has continued to rely on external financial support, often targeting short-term activities and solutions. It has taken a short-term view of human development and failed to accord adequate attention to the sources of economic change, transformation, and sustainable development. In this regard, STIs have not been given serious attention as engines of long-term development. This is demonstrated by the low and declining public expenditure on R&D in most countries as well as weak or lack of links between industry on one hand and S&T institutions on the other (AUC-NEPAD, 2005). It should also be noted that although agriculture and natural resources will continue to be the important drivers of Africa’s economic growth, it is the application of modern technologies that will have the most significant impact on the growth trajectories of most African countries. With the

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world’s largest working-age population by 2040, African countries need to redirect education and training of youth and adults toward acquiring scientific and technological knowledge and skills necessary to unlock their economic potential and reap benefits of integration into the global economy (Evoh, 2012; Kinyanjui & Khoudari, 2012).

Economic Growth and Knowledge-Based Skills in Africa As indicated earlier, economic growth of any nation depends upon the quality of its people in terms of their knowledge and skills, which has become one of the major factors for long-term economic growth and development (Arvanitidis & Petrakos, 2007; Stiglitz, 1999). Increasingly, there is more demand for service provisions in the form of knowledge-oriented products, which are usually generated from developed and emerging economies. However, Stiglitz asserts that developing countries, such as those in Africa, must ‘‘do everything they can to enhance their ability to tap into the reservoir of the global knowledge.’’ This is important in order to narrow the widening knowledge gaps between the developed and the developing countries. To do this Africa must ‘‘create the necessary knowledge infrastructure which entails learning how to learn’’ (Stiglitz, 1999, p. 318) based on emerging educational and learning theories (Anderson, 2010). This will require a paradigm shift in educational methods to be able to prepare individuals who are endowed with higher-order thinking, lifelong learning, critical thinking, problem-solving skills (DiConti, 2004), and innovative skills needed to adapt to the age of the KE. As such, improving the knowledge capacity of Africa is the way to go and its success will greatly depend on having more highly knowledgeable and skilled people that are competitive in the global KE. However, Takeuchi (2006) cautioned that being knowledgeable is not enough, without being able to use the knowledge to create new knowledge and innovations. For example, India and China have done so and these two countries receive billions of US dollars each year through outsourcing of knowledge-based services such as software engineering from the developed countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. In this vein of improving knowledge capacity and also in response to the millennium development goals (MDGs), majority of African countries have focused on attaining universal basic education by 2015. The hope is that through basic education, people could gain basic skills in literacy and numeracy to enhance their ability to utilize important information. However, in the KE, basic education is necessary but not sufficient without

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higher education, since higher education is extremely important for the production of new knowledge through rigorous research and teaching activities. As such, opening more opportunities in higher education sector and consolidating the sector are critical for Africa in the knowledge-based economy. Arvanitidis and Petrakos (2007, p. 6) contends that ‘‘educated population tends to be technologically sophisticated,’’ implying that educated individuals can easily use and apply information associated with changing cultures and emerging ICTs. In this regard, Duderstadt (2003, p. 2) asserts: Today we are evolving into a post-industrial, knowledge-based society; a shift in culture and technologyy industrial production is steadily shifting from material-and laborintensive products and processes to knowledge-intensive products. A radically new system for creating wealth has evolved that depends upon the creation and application of new knowledge y strategic resource necessary for prosperity has become knowledge itself – educated people and their ideas.

In this view, the value of knowledge-based skills in Africa cannot be underscored. Traditionally, Africa as a continent is known for its natural resources and minerals to support industrial revolution mainly in Europe and elsewhere. But these resources are rapidly depleting, and Africa’s economic survival and prosperity will increasingly depend on its knowledge capacity and human capital. This implies that there is need for grooming innovative individuals in Africa with capacity to generate both new local knowledge and ideas or make new use of existing knowledge (Arvanitidis & Petrakos, 2007) to meet the current demands of the KE. As Peters argues, ‘‘knowledge has a strong cultural and local dimension as well as global dimension.’’ Therefore, governments and HEIs in Africa are challenged to figure out how to translate their rich indigenous tacit knowledge into cutting-edge knowledge and information in order to leverage their economic position in the global KE. Otherwise this could be a lost opportunity for Africa, if it does not develop the capacity to provide the needed products/ services on demand (Nonaka, 2006). Higher Education Institutions in the Knowledge Economy Generally, there is a positive correlation between the level of skills on the one hand, and the rate of innovation and productivity on the other. Sustaining economic growth and development requires inputs from HEIs through R&D, and investment in human capital. With the necessary support, HEIs in Africa have the potential to foster innovation and economic productivity by

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providing high-skilled labor demanded in the KE. In the 21st Century where knowledge is increasingly becoming the driving force for economic prosperity, HEIs must play a central role in the development of the needed human capital in the KE. Duderstadt (2003, p. 24) contends that ‘‘higher education has a public purpose and a public obligation’’ and thus the society looks on HEIs for the creation of new knowledge and innovations in terms of finding new uses of existing knowledge. According to Davenport (2002, p. 2), ‘‘growth in the KE is founded on discovery and innovation, in which research has a central role.’’ As such through research and teaching activities, HEIs ‘‘serve society in a myriad of ways such as educating the young, preserving our cultural heritage, providing the basic research so essential to our society and well-being’’ (Duderstadt, 2003, pp. 2, 3). In the following quotation, Paul Davenport emphasizes the collaborative role of HEIs (universities) in knowledge creation and innovation. It is precisely the distance of universities from the market, which make them such valuable collaborators with competitive firms in the KE. When the discoveries of fundamental research run dry, the innovative companies of the private sector have no fuel in their pipelines. While technology transfer and industrial collaboration are important, if universities ever lose the focus on basic, fundamental research, the knowledge economy as a whole will suffer. (Davenport, 2002, pp. 49, 50)

In this vein, an important question arises: to what extent are HEIs in Africa carrying out knowledge-based research and disseminating this information to society? If HEIs in Africa are not doing so, then much of the needed innovations in the private sector will not happen, given that HEIs are central in facilitating knowledge transfer. However, with increasing neo-liberalization policies, various market forces drive HEIs to focus on popular courses such as computer science, ICTs, and environmental studies. HEIs in Africa are increasingly required to reposition themselves in the face of KE as well as to justify their existence by demonstrating their engagement into active research and innovative activities. Advanced skills and higher education play a complementary role to technological advances in this knowledge revolution. New technologies cannot be adopted in production without a sufficient education and trained workforce, and technological developments may not take place without an educated and therefore demanding customer and consumers (Dahlman et al., 2005). Superior capabilities and skills are needed to perform in technologically complex occupations and workplaces. Even those who do not go into careers that require advanced education in science and engineering will need basic scientific and technological literacy to function

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as effective citizens (Juma, 2006). This being the case, education and skills development affect both the supply and demand side of the knowledgedriven economy. Theoretically, higher education allows workers to use existing physical capital more efficiently; it drives the development and diffusion of new knowledge and technologies and also improves the capacity to imitate and adopt new knowledge and technologies. This implies that African countries need to expand not only primary education, but also secondary and tertiary education in order to enhance the diffusion and utilization of knowledge for economic development. While primary and secondary education have been at the center of donor community attention for decades in Africa, higher education and research have been viewed as essential to development in recent years. Higher technical education is increasingly recognized as a critical aspect of the development process, especially with the growing awareness of the role of STI (Juma, 2006). Labor force with higher education and technological skills enable firms to be fast imitators, with the capacity to adopt, use, and improve new technologies in order to remain competitive in the knowledge-based economy. This will be made possible in countries and firms that are able to develop capacities to acquire technological knowledge that already exists, create relevant new knowledge, and disseminate and utilize the new knowledge in their economies. Higher education and research institutions have therefore become a valuable resource for business, industry, and society as they integrate into the economy, as they conduct R&D for industries, as they create spin-off firms, as they get involved in capital formation projects, entrepreneurial training, and as they encourage students to transform research into products and enterprises (ibid.). However, technological learning and innovation do not occur in a vacuum. The economic, industrial, and S&T systems and environment need to be supportive (UNECA, 2010). This process, to a greater extent, is strengthened by the development and support of the countries’ innovation systems. The effectiveness and performance of a country’s innovation system play a major role in determining how well a country can use S&T for economic growth, especially through collaborative research activities between government, industry, and research institutions, to provide solutions that might be of immediate importance to the industry and society at large (Chavula & Konde, 2011). Knowledge and the ability to take advantage of the existing technology and innovations are at the heart of successful development since knowledge and innovation have become more important to international competitiveness and the countries’ growth and development (Dahlman, 2007). Knowledge can

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contribute to economic and social development through its ability to drive competitiveness and productivity as a facilitator of welfare and environment and as an enabler of institutions and governance. Knowledge is also crucial in the policy-making process as well as its application of best practices and experiences from elsewhere which could serve as a basis of pragmatic approaches to the design of development strategies and policies. However, knowledge will promote development faster in places that have mechanisms, which enable the transfer of ideas from time to time and from place to place, as well as across societies and communities (World Bank, 2007). For the knowledge-based development process to exist, there is the need to have an educated and skilled labor force, a dense modern and intelligent information infrastructure, an efficient innovation system and an institutional regime that offers incentives for the efficient acquisition, creation, dissemination, and utilization of knowledge (Driouchi, El Mustapha, & Anders, 2006). Therefore, as both producers and consumers of knowledge, it is the responsibility of universities and other HEIs in Africa to address challenges associated with innovation in the emerging KE. Thus, African universities are at the core of technology-driven innovation, and they are saddled with same responsibilities that Michael M. Crow (2005) outlined for American universities in the KE, namely cultivate creative capital, generate knowledge capital, train human capital, build social capital, attract financial capital, preserve natural capital, and produce spillovers to regional and national economies Thus, as the source of increasing share of entrepreneurs, managers, and skilled workers, the higher education system can help accelerate industrial change (World Bank, 2012). This is because HEIs can use basic research to generate ideas, applied research, and technology transfer, which can initiate the process of transmitting knowledge and ideas into applications with potential commercial relevance (ibid.). Therefore, African universities are saddled with the responsibility of developing and creating quality human capital, which is composed of essential knowledge workers that are versatile, autonomous, and highly skilled (Kefela, 2010). Such workers with good analytical skills are capable of leveraging and creating necessary knowledge to meet the economic goals of globalization and the KE. This will enable the establishment of communities that create, distribute, and exploit knowledge and information for increasing economic wealth and improving quality of life across rural and urban communities in Africa. HEIs, Industry, and Government Relationships African governments have taken strides in developing S&T in order to enhance its contribution toward socio-economic development in their

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respective countries. Most of these countries plan to use this process to improve the people’s living standards and quality of life. However, it is observed that these initiatives mostly focused on the development of S&T without or with minimal emphasis on identification of characteristics in the public research systems that could have increased learning and innovation performance (AUC-NEPAD, 2005). Higher education and research institutions’ role and their integration into the society and production sectors depend on the strong interdependence of the academia, industry, and government and civil society (Juma, 2006). The process of technological innovation involves interactions among a wide range of actors in society, who form a system of mutually reinforcing learning activities (UN Millennium Project, 2005). These interactions and associated components constitute a country’s national innovation system (NIS). It is argued that numerous countries invested heavily in building up capacity in S&T without reaping significant returns. This is suggested because scientific and technological knowledge yield greatest benefits when used within a complex system of institutions and practices – i.e., the NIS (World Bank, 2002). Higher education plays a critical role in the effectiveness of the NIS, serving not only as the backbone for high-level skills, but also as a network base for information sharing between owners of the knowledge produced and founders of technological firms (UNECA, 2010). Strengthening of the ‘‘Triple Helix’’ of University-Industry and Government model is one way of promoting the acquisition, adaptation, upgrading, and diffusion of new and emerging technologies, as well as birth and growth of firms.7 An effective innovation system is the one that provides an environment that nurtures R&D, which results in new goods, new processes, and new knowledge, and hence becoming a major source of technological progress (Derek, Chen, & Dahlman, 2006). It is important, therefore, for African governments to recognize that the success of East Asian giants in achieving higher economic growth is due to the emphasis they placed on socioeconomic development, especially higher education as the first step before embarking on their technological development initiatives (Kim, 1997; Pant Devendra, 1997; Tilak, 2003). ICTs and Knowledge Production Recently, ICTs have been recognized as an effective tool for promoting economic growth and sustainable development, and they have become a backbone of the KE. ICTs are conducive to improving corporate productivity and resource utility efficiently and indirectly promoting corporate competitiveness (The Boao Forum for Asia, 2010). ICT usage increases the

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flow of information and knowledge and also overcomes geographical boundaries (Derek et al., 2006). Because of the fundamental role played by ICTs in development, the learning process in infrastructure development has become a crucial element of a country’s overall technological learning process, as well as knowledge transfer, adoption, and diffusion (Juma, 2006). For instance, for all the processes to perform effectively and efficiently there is need for an intelligent, reliable, and enabling information infrastructure. ICTs are a critical part of what enables the organization and coordination of global production networks and the integration of global supply chains (Dahlman, 2007). They provide the means for developing countries to accelerate their progress into the current phase of development and enable their integration into the global KE (Aker & Mbiti, 2010; Dahlman et al., 2005). Thus, ICTs are key enablers of business innovation and transformation, and play a pivotal role in helping countries’ economic sectors stay ahead and be globally competitive. To achieve this, countries should have a vision of where they want to be as regards the challenges ahead in terms of technological developments as well as the countries’ priorities and needs. Looking at HEIs, beyond their role as centers of knowledge, universities and colleges have become increasingly important participants in the global marketplace, bearing responsibility for responding to the increasing demands of an ever-accelerating KE and ever-expanding capitalist system. It is argued that globalization is creating new structures, incentives, and rewards for some aspects of academic careers. It is further noted that ICTs have facilitated the interaction, movement, and communication between the state, market, and civil society. There are growing links between universities and businesses as an increasing commercialization of knowledge and research (Walker, 2009). ICTs are infused with value as the most modern and efficient means to move in a globalized environment, and to carry on the organizational activities, and HEIs are not immune to this fascination about ICTs (Vaira, 2004). Thus, HEIs can further be integrated in or isolated from the global knowledge network depending on their level of technology adoption. Most of these HEIs have incorporated these technologies for didactic purposes both internally and more importantly to construct distance learning education and learning systems, commonly called Virtual Universities, which have become a new business for universities and informatics sector firms (see O’Donoghue, Singh, & Dorward, 2001). These developments, to a greater extent, have led to the convergence of higher education governance, institutional, organizational, and curricular arrangements, toward a common pattern, which is spreading increasingly worldwide, mostly due to institutional and competitive

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pressures (Vaira, 2004). It has been suggested therefore that for economies to remain competitive in the current global KE, education systems should incorporate ICTs in order to improve the impact of education on economic growth and social development. ICTs are envisaged to increase knowledge acquisition, knowledge deepening, and knowledge creation in different countries, since these will have a direct contribution toward the three main factors that drive productivity-based economic growth, namely, capital deepening, higher quality education, and technological innovation (Kozma, 2008). HEIs in Africa face the challenge to create and sustain these elements of productivity.

KNOWLEDGE ASSESSMENT OF EAST AFRICAN COUNTRIES: KENYA AND UGANDA According to the IMF’s projection, 7 African nations will be among the top 10 fastest growing economies in the next five years (The Economist, 2011). Recently, much of the growth has been spurred by the upsurge in global commodity prices (i.e., primary commodities and natural resources), which has created economic opportunities for producers in Africa. Another contributing factor was the increase in the flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region. However, the rapid economic growth in African countries cannot be sustained solely on old economic foundation of commodity trade. Africa’s exports are dominated by natural resources whose demand is diminishing at the international market, while on the other hand, manufactured products dominate imports into Africa. Therefore, the challenge facing African countries is how to develop new and expand existing industries through the integration of knowledge-based systems of manufacturing and service provision. At the core of these processes are scientific and technological innovations. For African countries to accomplish the goal of integrating knowledge in production processes, basic requirements (four pillars of the KE) outlined in section ‘‘Knowledge Assessment Methodology’’ must be met. Data in Tables 3 and 4 show the performance of Kenya and Uganda used as case studies for the African region in the basic scorecard of 12 key variables used as proxies to benchmark countries and regions on the four KE pillars. Data from the Knowledge Assessment Index (KAI) of the World Bank Institute on the African region and on Kenya and Uganda in particular reveals a troubling assessment, especially when compared with other

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Table 3.

Knowledge Economy Basic Scorecard for Kenya.

Variables Tariff and nontariff barriers Regulatory quality Rule of law Royalty payments and receipts (US$/population) S&E journal articles per million people Patents granted by USPTO per million people Average years of schooling Gross secondary enrollment rate Gross tertiary enrollment rate Total telephones per 1000 people Computers per 1000 people Internet users per 1000 people

Kenya (Most Recent)

Kenya (2000)

3.01 4.11 1.23 2.72 3.86 4.59 2.76 2.48 1.06 1.93 3.84 2.97

4.36 3.1 1.66 4.71 4.04 3.84 3.46 2.18 1.52 1.52 1.94 2.83

Source: KAM version, 2012.

Table 4. Knowledge Economy Basic Scorecard for Uganda. Variables Tariff and nontariff barriers Regulatory quality Rule of law Royalty payments and receipts (US$/population) S&E journal articles per million people Patents granted by USPTO per million people Average years of schooling Gross secondary enrollment rate Gross tertiary enrollment rate Total telephones per 1000 people Computers per 1000 people Internet users per 1000 people

Uganda (Most Recent)

Uganda (2000)

3.64 4.04 4.25 1.92 3.31 2.4 1.57 0.55 1.13 1.03 1.64 2.97

0.36 5.17 2.48 2.35 2.88 2.81 1.5 0.7 1.38 1.52 1.94 2.83

Source: KAM version, 2012.

developing countries of the world such as those in Latin America and East Asia and the Pacific. The KAI serves as a proxy for measuring not only the readiness of Kenya and Uganda to move up the value chain within the service, manufacturing, and nonmanufacturing industries, and agricultural sectors of the KE, but also measures the readiness of HEIs in these countries for innovative research in support of economic productivity through R&D.

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To put those numbers in perspective, on a normalized scale of 0 to10 relevant to all regions, Kenya and Uganda scored low on each Knowledge Index8 than other developing countries of the world. However, it must be added that this is a typical trend among countries in SSA (see Table 5). The performance of these countries in each of the 12 variables of KAM is below 5 on the scale. For instance, KAI shows that Kenya and Uganda scored 1.06 and 1.13, respectively, in the most recent data on their gross tertiary enrollment rate; 2.48 and 0.55, respectively, on gross secondary enrollment rate; and 2.97 and 2.97, respectively, on Internet users per 1000 people. On the other hand, the comparative regions scored above 5 points in the scale. These are key variables in the knowledge index (see Tables 3 and 4). As shown in Table 5, the most recent data from the World Bank shows that gross secondary enrollment rate in Africa is 1.34 percent, while gross tertiary enrollment rate stands at 1.52. African countries trail Latin America, East Asia, and the Pacific countries in the index. By implication, these scores tell us that African countries, as exemplified in the case of Kenya and Uganda, are less ready for the KE than their counterparts in other developing regions of the world. The lower capacity of the region in this context is due to existing gaps in capacity and institutional resources. Besides, the readiness for the KE is also lower than the overall level of economic development as measured by GDP in Kenya and Uganda. Thus, Kenya and Uganda, and by extension, the SSA region, lag significantly behind because of its low performance in all the major indicators that constitute the scorecard for the KE readiness. Several factors explain

Table 5. Knowledge Economy Basic Scorecard for Africa. Variables Regulatory quality Rule of law Royalty payments and receipts (US$/population) S&E journal articles per million people Patents granted by USPTO per million people Average years of schooling Gross secondary enrollment rate Gross tertiary enrollment rate Total telephones per 1000 people Computers per 1000 people Internet users per 1000 people Source: KAM version, 2012.

Africa (Most Recent)

Africa (2000)

2.5 3.32 3.48 3.55 4.83 1.44 1.34 1.52 1.52 1.64 2.55

2.92 3.34 3.15 3.8 4.9 1.69 1.44 1.98 2.21 3.45 4.41

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Africa’s comparatively poor performance and slow progress toward KE and innovative processes. The low scores of these economies in various variables that constitute KAI such as gross secondary enrollment rate, gross tertiary enrollment rate, and total telephones per 1000 people, to mention a few, translate to institutional and capacity gaps, which hamper the competitiveness of Kenya and Uganda in the global KE.

RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION The preceding sections of this chapter present huge data on social, economic, and political dynamics of the emerging KE and the trends in Kenya and Uganda. The question becomes how these trends influence HEIs in these countries in generating innovative ideas and skills to drive economic competitiveness in the KE. Technological applications drive business models, expand business possibilities, and direct decisions on cost savings and investment strategies. In view of the strategic role of pervasive technologies in modern economies, African countries need to find the right balance and invest in technology. However, this cannot be accomplished without inputs from African universities. For HEIs in Africa to contribute meaningfully to the creation and distribution of innovation practice to spur sustainable growth in the KE, basic indicators as illustrated in the KEI must be improved. So far, and as demonstrated in some policy documents, African governments have recognized the essence of maintaining a competitive edge in the KE. As Kenya’s STI policy and strategy (Republic of Kenya, Ministry of S&T, 2009, p. 7) states: The national system of innovation in its broadest conception is the means through which Kenya seeks to acquire, exploit and diffuse knowledge for the achievement of individual and collective goals. The accuracy and effectiveness of the national system of innovation will depend on how well knowledge, technologies, products and processes are converted into increased economic growth for improved quality of life.

However, such policy statements need to be backed up by meaningful actions on the ground. Partly, due to lack of a coherent development model, African governments have done little to promote and encourage universities to be involved in the development process within the context of ‘‘Development University.’’9 Higher education and research institutions in SSA countries need to focus on creating a pool of experts capable of creating new ideas and adopt S&T and adapting it to the local context. However, traditional system of curriculum delivery and skill training in HEIs cannot

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meet this challenge. Data from the field shows that HEIs in Africa lack the capacity to drive innovative ideas and produce skills that can grow African economies to ensure their competitiveness in the KE. Furthermore, higher education systems cannot produce knowledge when they are incapable of integrating ICTs in their teaching and research activities. As Glennie, Harley, and Butcher (2012) have rightly indicated, HEIs in Africa could gain much more by embracing emerging ICTs and mobile technologies and their potential. For example, in the majority of HEIs in Africa, most of the students’ research projects and dissertations are kept in a hardcopy form on shelves in libraries to only collect dust, and quite often such resources are inaccessible to potential users. This is a pity and there are possibilities that there may be a lot of ongoing knowledge-based research in HEIs in Africa, but it is currently not being disseminated to benefit the economy and potential users globally. Thus, the data reveals the helplessness of African academia, their inadequacies in the network society when compared with their counterparts in other developing countries. The paucity of applied research in HEIs calls to question their relevance, particularly, in the world of KE. For HEIs in Africa to matter in the KE, the paucity and gaps in research must be bridged.

CONSTRAINTS OF HEIS IN CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Obviously, it is difficult for any country to attain higher income status without developing its human resource capacity through a strong and quality higher education system (World Bank, 2012). Getting HEIs in Africa to meet their knowledge production and dissemination role in the KE require adequate resources, capacity, infrastructure, and incentives. Generally, African universities are expected to provide ideas and essential skills that can support innovation through research and technological advancement for the business community. However, these institutions have failed to deliver such skills and innovation for economic growth. With limited research capacity to adapt and upgrade technologies, HEIs in Africa have neglected an aspect of their traditional role, which entails knowledge production through applied research, despite being originally designed to support nation building (Juma, 2006). Inadvertently, mass production of graduates whose skills are in less demand have preoccupied the higher education system in Africa. However, knowledge production through R&D, which is essential for growth and development in the

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knowledge society, which would, if possessed, usher in innovation and increased productivity, is conspicuously lacking. Paradoxically, we lack knowledge even though we are in the era of unprecedented knowledge plentitude. Evidently, about seven factors constrain the higher education system in Africa from contributing to R&D for the KE. These factors form gaps that need to be bridged in order to enable HEIs in Africa meet the challenges of the KE. The first is the skill gap. This entails the misalignment of skills produced in HEIs in Africa with skills demanded in the KE. The second is the research capacity gap. There is an apparent lack of research-oriented activities in HEIs in Africa. The gap in research capacity is related to the third, which is the funding gap. A common and unfortunate feature in the higher education system in Africa is the lack of research funding for researchers in institutes and postgraduate schools. The fourth is the tertiary education-industry gap. As major stakeholders in tertiary education workforce and training, private firms have failed to establish their presence and interest in the activities of HEIs in Africa through funding of research programs, and contracting for consulting and applied research. The fifth is the infrastructure gap. As the backbone of effective technology application, HEIs and the society at large in Africa lack electricity, the Internet, and other ICT infrastructures, which limit access and increase high end-user cost. With the exception of South Africa considered by many as a regional knowledge hub, most African countries are faced with the problem of basic energy and communication infrastructure, which makes it difficult to compete in the global KE. For instance, only 30 percent of SSA population has access to electricity, while the region has an abysmal rate of 3 percent in Internet penetration, which grossly contrasts with the world average of 14 percent (Knowledge Economy Network, 2012). The sixth is the curriculum and relevance gap. This means that in the higher education system in Africa, there is a gap between existing curriculum and the type of curriculum that is of relevance to the job market and the KE. Finally, there is the gap in the integration of ICT in curriculum delivery. For many reasons, including lack of professional development for the academic staff, HEIs in Africa lag behind in integrating the potential of ICTs in teaching and research activities.

Bridging the Gaps: HEIs and Capacity Development in Africa To enable HEIs in Africa to contribute meaningfully to capacity development in the KE, the gaps identified in the previous section need to

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be bridged through effective policy actions and improved management of the higher education system. The development of the KE translates into high-technology industries, especially in ICT and services, which are essential for the creation of decent jobs in the economy. In the KE, ‘‘the role played by tangible capital decreases in favor of the intangible capital constituted by the education and training of the labor force, and the applied knowledge acquired through domestic R&D or by tapping into the global stock of knowledge’’. However, as revealed by the KAI and data analysis from the field, Kenya, Uganda, and Africa in general are faced with many capacity and institutional gaps in their transition to the KE. While some countries in SSA may face challenges that are unique to their socioeconomic and political environment, HEIs in Kenya and Uganda share similar challenges and gaps with most countries in the region with respect to capacity development for the KE. One major gap imbedded in the KAI for Kenya and Uganda is the skill gap. This is illustrated by the low rate of enrollment in secondary (including vocational and technical) and tertiary education shown in the KAM basic scorecard (Figs. 2 and 3). This gap stems from the fact that most students in Kenya and Uganda study more of social sciences, law, and humanities. In contrast, there is a low enrollment in fields such as agriculture, education, engineering, health, and other hard sciences, which produce the skills needed to develop the KE. Teshome Yizengaw (2008, p. 3) observes that in Africa

Fig. 2.

The KAM Basic Scorecard for Africa. Source: KAM version, 2012.

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The KAM Basic Scorecard for Africa and Other Developing Regions Compared. Source: KAM version, 2012.

‘‘less than 30 percent of students are enrolled in the fields of agriculture, engineering and technology, basic and applied sciences, and health sciences – fields required for long-term society relevant innovation and problem solving.’’ Therefore, it has become imperative for a structural change that will enable the higher education systems to enroll more students in those fields that create more jobs and feed directly into the KE. The next challenge facing HEIs in Africa is limited research and innovation capacity, which is partly attributable to shortage of qualified research staff. As revealed in the KAM basic scorecard, Kenya and Uganda scored considerably low in their scientific and engineering research output (supporting the analysis in the fifth section), which is reflected in journal articles and patent awards to research institutions in these countries (Figs. 4 and 5). Higher education system in the region does not have the research capacity to generate or adapt knowledge, innovation, and problem-solving skills. These institutions are faced with a critical shortage of staff and other essential resources to partake in the global knowledge networks. One way to bridge this gap is to expand postgraduate education, particularly, in the fields of information technology. The establishment of research centers of excellence in science, engineering, and communication technologies in HEIs in Africa will go a long way in boosting research capacity of the higher education system in the region. Adequate and sustainable funding is critical to address many challenges that constrain HEIs in Africa from contributing to innovation and capacity building in the KE through research. As governments in Africa face tight

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Fig. 4.

Fig. 5.

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The KAM Basic Scorecard for Kenya. Source: KAM version, 2012.

The KAM Basic Scorecard for Uganda. Source: KAM version, 2012.

budgetary environment, most public universities and research centers become grossly underfunded. This calls for more robust sources of funding for these institutions. To this effect, African governments can establish competitive research funds to stimulate applied research and innovation in

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HEIs. In addition, the private sector and industry can fund innovative research in these institutions by creating research endowment funds geared toward the creation and dissemination of knowledge in specific aspects of the KE. Adequate funding will improve research and allow institutions to hire quality faculty. Such funds will also encourage collaborative partnership among scholars in the same institution, departments, and across disciplines and institutions. We believe that additional research funding coming from highly competitive, non-government sources will enhance the efforts of HEIs to contribute to the capacity development and innovation in African economies. Tertiary education system in Africa lacks the right links with the industry and other major stakeholders in the economy. Perhaps, the only linkage that is relatively effective is that between the universities and the government. Such a linkage has been sustained simply because governments in Africa fund most HEIs. However, for these institutions to reposition themselves in the emerging KE, industry needs to establish strong relationship with the higher education system in Africa. This is imperative given that HEIs and industry have a complementary role in the economy. Such relationships will enable firms and employers in the economy to acquaint the universities and other tertiary institutions their skill demands. A vibrant relationship will also allow HEIs to create new products and services in areas such as media, retail, entertainment, technology innovation, and venture capital in Africa. A deeper integration with industry will enable HEIs to serve as drivers of innovation and growth in Africa by creating new markets and new economic value. This entails the establishment and strengthening of the countries’ NISs linking government, HEIs, and industry. The improvement of information technology infrastructure such as Internet access, bandwidth, and sustainable sources of electricity are critical factors for a successful transition to KE in Africa. As shown in the KAM basic scorecard, Internet users per 1000 people in Kenya and Uganda stand at 2.97, respectively (KAM version, 2012). According to Internet World Stats, the Internet is the least available telecommunication service in Africa. In view of the potential of Internet connectivity, limited access to the Internet also limits the ability of researchers and faculty in HEIs in Africa to carry out applied research. The low uptake of the Internet in Africa can be attributed to the over-reliance on expensive and slower satellite connections to the international network in contrast to fiber-optic cable connections (Waema, Adeya, & Ndung’u, 2010). Thus, the provision of improved and affordable broadband infrastructure and services in Africa depends on the SSA

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undersea cable system. Fortunately, there are ongoing fiber-optic cable projects in the region.10 The last challenge identified in the study is the inability of many academic staff in Kenya and Uganda and other countries to integrate ICT in curriculum delivery and basic research. The nature of a KE demands that education and training assume different dimensions. The implication is that acquisition of knowledge and skills in the global economy necessitates drastic education reforms in SSA. HEIs in SSA have pursued education policies that encouraged what Robert Kozma (2008) referred to as ‘‘knowledge acquisition’’ agenda. This passive learning model does not develop the type of skills and competencies required for the KE. This is an approach that places enormous emphasis on the quantity of education in contrast to the quality. The result of this approach has been massive production of university graduates with enormous ‘‘book knowledge’’ and little or no practical knowledge essential for the KE. This approach to education does not only deny students the skills required to survive and compete effectively, but also detach them from the realities of the emerging global economy. Repositioning of HEIs in Africa for developing and promoting technological innovations to integrate the continent in the KE is critical. To do this will entail serious consideration of curriculum content and its relevance (Assie-Lumumba, 2006), and enriching pedagogy through emerging ICTs and mobile technologies. The aspect of developing appropriate curriculum content and its relevance to the contemporary societal needs is critical in this regard. There is need to change the emphasis on rote memory of curriculum content to discovering knowledge through experiential/situational learning. Duderstadt (2003, p. 5) contends that our universities face more fundamental educational challenges than simply growth in the demand for higher education. Both the young, digital-media savvy students and adult learners will likely demand a major shift in educational methods, away from passive classroom lecture courses packaged into well-defined degree programs, and toward interactive, collaborative learning experiences, provided when and where the student needs the knowledge and skills. Curriculum relevance in higher education becomes extremely important to ensure that graduates develop core competencies necessary to be competitive in the KE. It is not surprising that HEIs are increasingly introducing marketable and popular courses/programs such as business, ICTs, and conflict resolution in their curriculum (Altbach, Reisberg, & Rumbley, 2009). However, Roberts (2000) suggests the need to provide strong incentives for establishing alliances among HEIs at regional levels

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‘‘to meet these growing demands for educational opportunities especially with research university faculty developing curriculum and pedagogy while other institutions provide the actual instruction’’ (p. 18). This could be extremely beneficial in making it possible for highly experienced academic staff at a research university to share their expert knowledge with peers and students in other institutions. Nonaka (2006) concluded that knowledge sharing among diverse entities speeds the knowledge creation processes. Furthermore, in view of the central role played by HEIs in enhancing ‘‘economic growth through the generation and application of new knowledge [increasingly], there is a shift in emphasis within HEIs from simply distributing and analyzing knowledge, that is, teaching and scholarship, to creating and applying knowledge, to activities such as innovation, creativity, and entrepreneurship’’ (Duderstadt, 2003, pp. 5, 6). These current curriculum trends in the higher education sector call for new ways of looking at pedagogy in the context of emerging ICTs and mobile technologies. In addition, members of the faculty in many African HEIs need continuous professional development on effective integration of new technologies in class.

CONCLUSIONS The only economic security African countries need to have in the KE is the capacity to be competitive. However, their competitive capacity is anchored on the ability of HEIs in the region to train and equip the workforce with the skills in demand in the KE. Since the decade of African independence, higher education in the region has been handicapped by both institutional and infrastructural factors. Consequently, HEIs in Africa have failed to provide the necessary research that can boost technological skills and innovation for technological upgrading of production, which is essential for the KE. As reported by the Expert Group on New Skills for New Jobs (2012), it is important that education and training systems develop a workforce that will not only be able to keep its job-specific skills up to date and relevant, but also possess certain generic skills that will allow workers to better adapt to change. Thus, labor force trends in many African economies suggest that emerging firms, especially in the ICT industry, often prefer workers with technical and vocational education and training skills. Such skills are not only in short supply in Africa, but the higher education system in the region is ill-equipped to bridge this gap. It is, therefore, imperative that tertiary-educated workforce in the region be trained to meet this skill

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gap. Adequate funding, focus on relevant curriculum and skills in demand, collaborative partnership between HEIs and industry, and a continuous professional development for academic staff in the integration of ICTs in instructional delivery can address many of the gaps by improving capacity and incentives for the higher education system in Africa. This will enable HEIs in the region to be more proactive in the emerging KE. While many of the gaps identified suggest under-spending in the higher education system in the region, others point to poor institutional coordination, exemplified by the poor or non-existent NISs. Recent developments in Asia and other emerging economies show that the growing competitive economy depends on boosting the quality of, and access to, higher education and developing world-class research infrastructure. Thus, the extent to which HEIs can contribute to the development of more knowledge-intensive economies in Africa depend largely on how these challenges are addressed collectively by the governments and industry in the region.

NOTES 1. Information and communication technology (ICT) is used interchangeably with information technology (IT). As used in this study, ICTs refer to the integrated application of telecommunication technologies, such as telephone lines and wireless networks. Other aspects of ICTs are software and hardware used in storage and audio-visual systems. These systems are collectively used to create, access, store, and transmit information. 2. See World Bank (2002) and Chen and Dahlman (2005) for the description of each of the four pillars. 3. See Chavula and Konde (2011) for more details. 4. See Kim (1997) for more details. 5. Using World Bank data, GeSCI (2010) in their study observed that subSaharan Africa experienced the highest primary school gross enrollment rate trends over the period 1990–2008 beating Middle East and North Africa, Latin America and the Caribean, South Asia and East Asia, and the Pacific regions. 6. See The Boao Forum for Asia (2010) for a detailed analysis on how the E11 economies have performed recently. 7. See UNECA (2010) for more details. 8. Knowledge Index (KI) is the simple average of the normalized country scores on the key variables in three pillars – education, innovation, and ICT. Knowledge Economy Index (KEI) measures performance on all four pillars (The World Bank, 2012). 9. The concept and role of ‘‘Development University’’ was popularized by the ‘‘Accra declaration.’’ It states that rather than focusing on academics alone, all universities must participate in the development agenda in the post-independence era

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in Africa. This was the output of the conference hosted by UNESCO on the Development of Higher Education in Africa in September 1962 at Accra, Ghana. 10. See the undersea ‘‘Cable Maps for Africa’’ by Steve Song of the Shuttleworth Foundation (http://ictd.de/tag/access/) (2012).

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CHALLENGES AND EXPERIENCES IN DOING UNIVERSITY COLLABORATION IN NORTH-SOUTH PROJECTS Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite ABSTRACT This chapter will describe and assess initiatives by the University of Oslo (UoO) in Norway, the purpose of which has been to expand and improve collaboration with universities in Africa, notably the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) in Tanzania. UoO has a long history of North-South cooperation with a wide range of institutions on the African continent. In 2009, the UoO initiated a collaborative program with UDSM entitled ‘‘Program for Institutional Transformation Research Outreach’’ (PITRO) III, supported by Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD). The chapter will situate the UoO-UDSM cooperation in relation to Norwegian aid, and compare the program with previous programs, giving attention to the ways they were developed, how problems and challenges were tackled, and the probable consequences for Tanzania’s development. The chapter will compare and contrast the structure and experiences from these programs, and will point out strengths and weaknesses. Attention will be given to the rights-based

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 325–344 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021014

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approach, an important new dimension in North-South cooperation on higher education in Africa. It will be argued that the incorporation of this approach provides a basis for developing new policies and programs that strengthen African collaboration within research, education, and capacity building in higher education.

INTRODUCTION This chapter will describe and assess recent initiatives by the University of Oslo (UoO) to expand and improve cooperation with Tanzanian universities. UoO has a long history of North-South cooperation with a wide range of institutions on the African continent. An important cooperation has been with the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) in Tanzania, which extends back to the 1980s. Today UoO has responsibility for both the Norwegian Program for Development, Research and Education (NUFU) and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD)’s Program for Master Studies (NOMA) in the South. The program supported by NUFU is a partnership-based academic cooperation between researchers and institutions in developing countries and their Norwegian partners, whose focus is on research, education, capacity building, and institutional development. In 2009, UoO initiated a new collaborative program with the UDSM in Tanzania entitled ‘‘Program for Institutional Transformation Research Outreach’’ (PITRO) III, supported by NORAD. The overall goal of PITRO III was to increase the contribution of UDSM to Tanzania’s efforts to stimulate economic growth, reduce poverty and improve social well-being through the transformation of the education and science sectors. The core objective of PITRO III was to ensure equitable access to high-quality tertiary education to acquire necessary knowledge and skills for both increasing economic productivity and for reducing poverty. The chapter will summarize important aspects of Norwegian aid to Tanzania and situate particularly the UoO-UDSM cooperation in relation to other cooperation between UoO and universities in Africa. I will begin with a review of documents, reports and critical discussions of major topics related to the development of higher education in Africa within the rights-based approach. I will also draw on my experiences working with the leaders of the projects supported by PITRO III in order to shed light on their positive and negatives experiences in relation to the program’s objectives. I have also drawn on my own experiences as the administrative

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coordinator of the PITRO III program at the UoO. I traveled twice a year to Tanzania from 2009 to 2012 and developed an understanding of the context for the cooperation and the effectiveness of each of the projects supported by the program. This included attendance at the biannual meetings of the UoO and UDSM leadership, conducted in both Tanzania and Norway. The observation of the decision-making and negotiations on the program design have been crucial for my analysis of the strengths, weaknesses, and issues for further development of North-South university collaboration. The chapter will conclude with an assessment of the benefits and problems with this type of development cooperation, as well as with reflections on the challenges in doing North-South university collaborations. I will provide new insights on North-South cooperation aimed at advancing the role of higher education in resolving Tanzania development challenges. I hope this will provide a basis for developing new policies and programs to strengthen the sustainability of higher education institutions (HEIs) and development models in Africa.

NORWEGIAN AID FOR DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION The UoO-UDSM cooperation falls under the umbrella of NORAD, which follows the Paris Declaration of Aid Effectiveness in demanding peopleoriented aid framework that premiers key principles such as ownership, alignment, and mutual accountability. Contrary to the common understanding of aid driven by self-interest or imperialist hegemonic penetration, NORAD aid to Tanzania is shaped by mutual benefit and focused on protecting and promoting human rights (Babaci-Wilhite, Geo-JaJa, & Vuzo, 2013). In this vein, Norway’s aid has built capacities and accountability within the different layers of governments (NORAD, 2012). This approach is informed by the belief that decision-making and local jurisdiction in the use of aid resources presents opportunities for addressing human rights and changing the international aid context. According to Babaci-Wilhite, Geo-JaJa, and Lou (2012a), the rights-based approach to aid is in line with capacity building and the increase in the numbers of people who complete higher education. However, lately political conditionality has obtained broader legitimacy; human rights and good governance are now more explicitly tied to aid distribution (Selbervik, 2006a, 2006b).

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Norway’s aid-integrating human rights principles, deeply rooted in equality and mutual rights in development, tend to link appropriately to Tanzania’s development and education needs (Babaci-Wilhite et al., 2013). NORAD policy has tried to develop programs in line with human rights principles. In light of this perspective, Mason (2011, p. 3) argues that ‘‘social justice, the benefit of humankind and the human rights and dignity protection give reasons to the justification of directions of knowledge flow (North-South, South-North).’’ Mason (2011) has cited the 11 principles as guidelines for research in partnership with developing countries, created in conjunction with his work for the Swiss commission for research partnership with developing countries: (1) decide on the objectives together, (2) build up mutual trust, (3) share information, and develop networks, (4) share responsibilities, (5) create transparency, (6) monitor and evaluate the collaboration, (7) disseminate the results, (8) apply the results, (10) share profits equitably, and (11) increase research capacity. They have been put in place by Norway in its partnership with Tanzania in order to invite Tanzanian input on the partnership. The approach outlined by Mason is in line with the rights-based approach, which had its origins in 1993. When the United Nations (UN) held the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action were conceived, linking democracy, human rights, sustainability and development (see UN, 2011). In 1997, the Secretary General to the UN called for a mainstreaming of human rights into all work of the UN, and in 2003 various organizations and agencies met to develop the government’s responsibility in order to ensure the rightsbased approach (see Babaci-Wilhite, 2012). The rights-based approach works to shift the development paradigm away from aid and toward moral duty imposed on the world through the international consensus on human rights. Human rights rhetoric was used to develop a ‘‘mode of operation’’ to describe a person’s manner of working, their method of operating or functioning, as a driving force to bring effectiveness to human rights (NelsonDorsey, 2003). Development cooperation should be regarded as another tool to increase human rights effectiveness as it increases human capabilities, functions, and opportunities in societies. Joint programs have the potential to empower if trust and equal relationship through common understanding is embedded in the program. This enhances confidence in the collaboration not only at the academic level but at the institutional one. This further leads to the linkage between human rights and development and enables policymakers and developers to incorporate the rights-based approach within the ‘‘common understanding’’, assuring these principles: indivisibility, equality,

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participation, and inclusion (UNDP, 2006, pp. 17, 18). Rights are defined as entitlements that belong to all human beings regardless of race, ethnicity, or socio-economic class (Nussbaum, 1998, p. 273). All humans therefore are rights holders, and it is the governments’ duty to provide these rights. The next steps within the rights-based approach are to educate both the rights holders and the duty bearers by articulating the rights of citizens and the duties of the government.

HISTORICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN UNIVERSITY OF OSLO AND OTHER UNIVERSITIES IN AFRICA UoO began institutional cooperation with African universities in the 1980s, and since 1991 the NUFU program has been an important framework in the cooperation with institutions in developing countries. The goal of the NUFU is to support the development of sustainable capacity and build competence in research and research-based higher education in developing countries. It is expected that this enhanced academic collaboration in the South-South and between South and North will be relevant for national development and poverty reduction. The program has included four fiveyear NUFU project periods, the last being 2007–2012. Many projects in Africa have been developed in several countries, mainly Botswana, Ethiopia, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Uganda. NUFU topics are environment, education, and health. Some of them have been financed for two terms, over the period 2007–2012. A NUFU project has a time frame of up to two five-year periods, and this has allowed for building up and strengthening units at the partner universities. Because the units are built on local needs and development of the institutions’ own staff and academic competency, most of them are sustainable after the project. The most important partner institutions in the NUFU program 2007–2012 have been University of Malawi, University of Dar es Salaam, and Addis Ababa University. Most of UoO’s NUFU projects in this period have been network projects with more than one partner outside Norway. The NUFU program has provided supplementary support to certain activities connected to projects in 2007–2012, including Norwegian University Cooperation Program for Capacity Development (NUCOOP). The NUCOOP in Sudan is a cooperation between HEIs in Sudan and

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Norway. The program supports cooperation projects focusing on capacity building, research and infrastructure. The NUCOOP aims to contribute to the development of sustainable capacity of HEIs in Sudan/South Sudan and to provide the workforce with adequate qualifications. In more succinct terms, as of 2009 NUFU, projects had reported 55 affiliate Ph.D. candidates and 42 master’s students. Most of them are from the partner institutions in developing countries with NUFU or quota fellowships.

NORWEGIAN MASTER’S PROGRAM (NOMA) Like NUFU, the NOMA is also financed by NORAD and is managed by the Norwegian Centre for International Cooperation in Higher Education (SIU). The NORAD Program for Master’s Studies (NOMA) is a program that provides financial support to develop and run master’s degree programs at universities in the South in collaboration with universities in Norway. The NOMA program is based on equal participatory partnerships between HEIs in Norway and in the South. The goal of NOMA is to contribute to the tertiary education training of staffs in public and private sectors as well as civil society in selected developing countries. This is achieved through building capacity at the master’s level in HEIs in the South. NOMA provides financial support for master’s degree programs in developing countries through equal partnerships between local and Norwegian HEIs. The needs and priorities of the partners in the South is the basis for the cooperation. UoO has been involved in several NOMA projects: Southern African master’s program in mathematical modeling with the UDSM as a main partner and a master’s program in ‘‘nutrition, human rights, and governance’’ with Makerere University in Uganda as a main partner; two integrated programs at the University of Malawi on health and information systems, and an integrated master’s in health informatics in Tanzania and Ethiopia with UDSM are some of the main partnerships.

A NEW MODEL OF ORGANIZATION OF SUPPORT TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM: PITRO III For several decades Tanzania has been one of the most important countries for Norwegian development cooperation and has been prioritized as a

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cooperation partner for Norwegian aid. In the past, the focus was on technical assistance and sending Norwegian experts to Tanzania. Presently, most of the development aid is targeted at the social sector, particularly to health, education, and infrastructure (see NORAD, 2012). Other sectors of the country receiving development assistance are civilian organizations such as Norwegian Church Aid, Norwegian People’s Aid and Care International, and the UN international higher education development in Tanzania. A cooperation agreement was signed between Tanzania and Norway in 2006, with its focus on four main areas: (1) budget support, good governance and human rights, education and culture, and tax for development, (2) climate and environment including green revolution, (3) energy and oil for development, and (4) health, including maternal health and infant mortality (NORAD, 2012). The agreement emphasized that Norwegian aid shall be made visible in Tanzania’s Joint Assistance Strategy, which Norway signed in December 2006 together with 18 other donors. The agreement also stipulated that Tanzanian authorities should spend less time on administrating donor aid, so as to spend more time to manage the development of the country. At the same time, the agreement sets clear conditions for Tanzania, including zero tolerance on corruption. In 2011, bilateral assistance to Tanzania was NOK640 million, of which NOK33 million were dedicated to education. In line with the NORAD agreement, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has revised the modalities for Norwegian support to Tanzanian universities. The administration of support to the UDSM has been implemented through the agreement between NORAD and SIU in 2009. The agreement for the PITRO III program with the Norwegian partner institution covered a period of 3 years, from 2009 to 2012. The PITRO III program has an annual budget of NOK15 million each year. The new element in the cooperation between Norway and the UDSM is the introduction of a Norwegian partner institution. The objective of the institutional collaboration with UDSM is to facilitate the realization of PITRO III program goals as specified below. It was stated in the call for tenders that the Norwegian partner institution’s participation in the PITRO III program would be compensated with max NOK10,500,000 for the period 2009–2012 and subject to the contractual obligations of the tripartite agreement between SIU, UoO, and UDSM. UoO and UDSM have collaborated in research and teaching in a variety of different fields for many years, but PITRO III is a more comprehensive program. The PITRO III program is a joint program with the overall goal to increase the contribution of the UDSM to Tanzania’s efforts to achieve

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economic growth, reduce poverty, and improve social well-being of the country through transformation of the education, science, and technology sectors. The immediate objective is to ensure that qualifying candidates have equitable access to high-quality education that should contribute to enhancing knowledge and skills for increasing productivity and reducing poverty. The program involves collaboration between the central administration and a number of different departments at the two institutions. PITRO III involves collaboration in three thematic areas: ‘‘education’’, ‘‘environment and conservation,’’ and ‘‘good governance’’ which are strategic themes under NORAD’s strategic development goals. It involves as well crosscutting institutional interventions at UDSM and UoO, which will have a direct benefit through the outreach dimensions. UDSM and UoO have collaborated in research and teaching in a variety of different fields for many years, but PITRO III is a more overarching program. This joint partnership is in accordance with UoO’s Strategy 2020, which states that UoO shall be more selective and purposeful in its institutional cooperation and will give priority to long-term cooperation with some of the best international research and educational institutions. Cooperation with seven prioritized countries in other parts of the world will be improved and include selected institutions in the global South. The Assessment Committee evaluated several proposals, and six research projects were approved: four in environment and conservation, one in good governance, and one in the education sector. The budget for each project was NOK800,000 for UoO and a maximum of 160,000 USD for UDSM. The first year of the program was dedicated to establishing contacts and developing collaborative projects in research, capacity building, and institution building projects. Proposals for research and teaching were prepared and submitted in a competitive process, which led, in summer 2010, to the selection of six projects to be funded for the next 2 years. In addition to these is collaboration in a range of activities including quality assurance, the library, research ethics, and HIV/AIDS. An important priority for PITRO III was to align projects with the strategic priorities for the two universities. UoO has recently been through a strategic process of setting academic priorities for research and education. UoO identified seven interfaculty research areas in fields where the knowledge demands in society are complex and require interdisciplinary collaboration. Several of these research areas were relevant for North-South cooperation generally and for PITRO III particularly. UoO has followed the PITRO III cooperation with great interest, and hoped and believed the PITRO III partnership program will be mutually enriching for UDSM and UoO.

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The first component, research, development and outreach, focuses on demand-driven and basic research in order to empower and provide solutions to societal needs or nation-building challenges. However, it has been a challenge to find partners at UoO; therefore, only few projects were proposed and selected. The education sector had only one project since the UoO did not succeed to meet the wishes of UDSM for educational projects. The only proposed project that was selected focused on learners with disabilities, and includes research as well as capacity-building activities. It has two components. One is related to training teachers for inclusion of learners with disabilities in primary schools, related to communication, and the learning strategies among the deaf. The environment sector was the most popular theme as there is a great number of experts and researcher in environment sector at UoO. One project had assessed the impact of climate change and variability on the natural environment and on socio-economic aspects as reflected in rural people’s livelihoods in Tanzania. This was one of the most successful projects since it was built on a previous collaboration. Another project focused on biodiversity in a conservation program for the Pare Mountains. It is a newly established collaborative project involving two UDSM departments and the Natural History Museum (NHM) which is part of UoO. The project team from the UoO identified the main biodiversity distribution patterns in the least known part of the Eastern Arc Mountains (biodiversity hotspot) in order to estimate the implications for conservation and provide recommendations to nature managers and local policy-makers. The project had also supported the new master’s program in biodiversity conservation (UDSM). Another project is examining the contribution to the geological and hydrological investigations of past and present groundwater distribution in the Bahi-Manyoni area in central Tanzania. This project also built on previous collaboration and has been successful in improving understanding of the formation of Kilimantinde beds and associated uranium enrichments, as well as improving water quality. Another project focused on sustainable energy systems. It explored the socio-economic and technical challenges involved in implementing decentralized solar-based mini-grids in Tanzania. Despite delays due to problems in equipment delivery, the project succeeded in setting up solar mini-grids in a village south of Dar es Salaam and produced preliminary findings on technical adaptation to local conditions and know-how transfer. In good governance, only one project was selected. It involves international environmental and climate law, and its application in Tanzania

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through REDD+ strategy. The project aims at legal capacity building in Tanzania through teaching and research, which are related to protection of biodiversity and climate change. A teaching component has covered international environmental and climate law and issues of implementation in Tanzania. The research focused in particular on legal aspects of forest protection and the implementation of REDD+ strategy in the country. The research has been carried out by Tanzanian master’s and Ph.D. students with the support of researchers from Oslo. The project also involves student exchange between the two universities. The second component of PITRO III, institutional transformation and capacity building, aims at improving capacity of UDSM in terms of human resources, physical infrastructure, strategic interventions, institutional transformation, improved employability of graduates and enhanced performance of staff. The component focused training at the Ph.D. and master’s degree levels. Administrative and technical staff participated in short courses locally and internationally to enhance their performance in core mission and administrative functions of UDSM. Part of the improvement of the physical infrastructure at UDSM included the establishment of a gymnasium and fitness center. The cooperation has also focused on digitalization of the UDSM library, which has been a successful part of the institutional project. Gender issues, a part of the cooperation, have been requested by UDSM to transform the UDSM gender center from an advocacy center to an academic center. The project was not fully executed due to lack of time and funds. In the domain of HIV-AIDS, it has been decided that UDSM has enough expertise and that UoO would only support academic writing through writing workshops. The quality assurance has revealed that UDSM has an expertise that UoO does not have. Therefore, this institutional intervention stopped in an early phase. The net-based course in research ethics has offered fruitful seminars with good results. It will continue through a different cooperation because PITRO III did not have enough funding. A recent independent review gave a positive evaluation of the cooperation. PITRO III, like NUFU and NOMA, is financed by NORAD and managed by SIU. SIU has assisted the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Dar es Salaam since 2006 with administration of Norwegian support to three Tanzanian universities. The arrangement is known as the Tanzania Agreement. SIU has created an online template for the research calls of PITRO III and for the academic and financial report. PITRO III has been assessed as having contributed to capacity building at UDSM, as well as ensuring long-term equitable collaboration and research capabilities for

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sustainable self-development. A recent independent review gave a positive evaluation of the cooperation. The program ended in early 2013, but will restart under a different name in the autumn of 2013. NOMA and NUFU will be replaced by the Norwegian Program for Capacity Building in Higher Education and Research for Development called Norwegian High Education (NORHED).

NORWEGIAN HIGHER EDUCATION PROGRAM (NORHED) NORAD’s new program from 2013 will build on capacity building in higher education and research in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The goal of NORHED is to build higher education and research capacities in mainly LMICs as a means to enhance sustainable conditions conducive to societal development and poverty reduction. NORHED is a capacity building program aimed at strengthening capacity for education and research of HEIs in LMIC through partnerships with Norwegian HEIs. Underscoring the aim of southern partner ownership and capacity building and the NORHED principle of equal partnerships, the south-based model is preferred wherever possible. The eligibility requirements for prospective partners is that partners from LMICs must be HEIs that are accredited/ recognized by in-country national authorities in countries registered as OECD DAC official development assistance recipients, or as listed in the specific call for applications. The Norwegian partners must be HEIs accredited by NOKUT (Norwegian Agency for Quality Education), offer accredited degree programs, and operate in accordance with Guidelines for Quality Provision in Cross-Border Higher Education (UNESCO, 2005). Other academic institutions or institutes can apply for NORHED projects in partnership with a Norwegian HEI accredited by NOKUT. The goal of NORHED is to build higher education and research capacities in mainly LMICs as a means to enhance sustainable conditions conducive to societal development and poverty reduction. The program goal is sustainable economic, social and environmental development in low and middle income countries. The program objective is to strengthen capacity in HEIs in LMIC and contribute to (a) a more and better qualified workforce, (b) increased knowledge production, (c) evidence-based policy and decisionmaking and (d) enhanced gender equality in the participating countries. Increased capacity means strengthened capacity of institutions in LMICs to

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educate more and better qualified candidates, and increased quality and quantity of research conducted by the countries’ own researchers. The outcomes in the NORHED program are to be measured within six identified areas. Strengthening of HEIs refers to (1) producing more and better research relevant to the identified areas/sub-program and (2) producing more and better qualified graduates relevant to the identified areas/sub-programs. Both components shall be included in the projects. NORHED takes a holistic approach to capacity building and strengthening of HEI by supporting a range of output-producing activities intended to be combined in the best way possible to produce sustainable results in the long run. NORHED outputs and activities are to be organized under six main categories: (1) programs: increase and strengthen education and research programs, (2) systems: strengthen education and research systems, (3) infrastructure: improve institutional infrastructure for education and research (including supplies and equipment, but not buildings), (4) people: increase capacity and competence of staff and students, (5) gender: improve gender balance and gender focus in all education and research programs, (6) methods: enhance methods for effective and high-quality teaching and research. NORHED has six sub-programs reflecting key priority areas for Norway, and where capacity building for education and research in LMICs is needed. These are (1) education and training, (2) health, (3) natural resource management, climate change and environment, (4) democratic and economic governance, (5) humanities, culture, media and communication and (6) capacity development in South Sudan. In addition to the thematic and geographic foci of the sub-programs, NORHED will incorporate additional crosscutting purposes. One of the principal aims is that gender be a cross-cutting priority in all sub-programs. A gender mainstreaming approach implies integration of gender perspectives in the planning and implementation of all aspects of the project cycle. This includes elements such as design of curricula and research projects, human resources and recruitment, teaching, supervision, research activities as well as monitoring and evaluation. Educational programs and research activities which explicitly address issues related to gender equality are encouraged. Measures should be taken to increase the number of female students at all levels, as well as female researchers, project participants and project coordinators. All projects should make every effort to recruit at least 50% female students at all levels. NORHED will give priority to countries identified for long-term bilateral collaboration with Norway. These are Burundi, Ethiopia, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania,

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Uganda and Zambia in Africa; Afghanistan, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Timor-Leste in Asia; and the Palestinian Territories in the Middle East. The geographic focus per sub-programs are (1) education and training: primarily LMICs in sub-Saharan Africa, though LMICs in the Middle-East, Asia and Latin-America regions are also eligible; (2) health: primarily LMICs in subSaharan Africa; (3) natural resource management, climate change and environment: sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, South-east Asia and Latin America; (4) democratic and economic governance: primarily LMICs in subSaharan Africa, fragile states and post-conflict states; (5) humanities, culture, media and communication: LMICs, fragile and post-conflict states; and (6) capacity development in South Sudan. The important elements in a project application are (1) quality and relevance of project description, (2) relevance to longer-term institutional and societal needs and the labor market in LMIC, (3) result chain, including baseline information, risk assessment and risk management strategy, (4) assessment of climate, environment, conflict sensitivity and anti-corruption, (5) inclusion of gender equality measures presented in a gender action plan, (6) project management procedures, including joint and realistic planning, clear division of labor and a realistic budget, (7) partnership assessment, (8) prospects for sustainability and (9) clearly defined roles and responsibilities of the partner institutions.

A CRITICAL DISCUSSION OF PARTNERSHIP IN DONOR AID: FUTURE ALTERNATIVES AND CHALLENGES The focus of Norway’s aid partnership research projects and programs should be effective in order to fight poverty; according to Mason (2011) an effective and balanced partnership has been offered as one response to the failures of international development assistance. Furthermore, Mason remarked that the mission of aid is to assist receiving countries in their efforts to eliminate poverty and enlarge their capabilities for sustainable development. The world of development aid is guided by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), but they are incomplete, and do not account for individual rights and community sovereignty and needs (see BabaciWilhite, Geo-JaJa, & Lou, 2012b). Aid recipients that know best their needs and problems are not accorded the opportunity to determine their own development path to promote local ownership and to support long-term

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self-determination. Rather, aid is a mechanism for promoting donor selfinterests, perpetuating aid dependency, and it has a history of capabilities deprivation in developing countries (Babaci-Wilhite & Geo-JaJa, 2011; Samoff, 2003; Tandon, 2008). These points are taken from the current discourse in rights-based and capability approach (see BabaciWilhite et al., 2012a; Sen, 1999) to development and also from the numerous UN rights declarations. There are two main, separate sets of points in which aid is catalytic. First, in promoting growth, aid may lead to changes in policies, infrastructure and institutions. Second, in being complementary to other development inputs, aid should specifically guide international support to localized development processes and problems, and should be used strategically to reach the poor and leverage transformative change in recipient countries (Geo-JaJa & Zajda, 2005). Aid with conditionality requirements has proved problematic in enlarging capabilities for sustainable development in Africa, primarily because of enormous pressure to adhere to goals and objectives determined by the donor without consultation. While some tend to think about development aid in market terms, others whose actions and thinking on development begins with core values like rights, equality and sovereignty are engaged in a supremacy battle of ideas over whose development architectures will achieve development. Africa needs aid balancing or reengineering, dictated by rights and full ownership, with increasing appropriate and localized development strategic interests, more than it needs aid handouts. Perlette Louisy (2001, p. 436 quoted by Mason, 2011) argues that ‘‘Southern voices needs to be taken seriously, not least for the very good reason of helping to prevent the uncritical and inappropriate transfer of policies from one context to another, probably very different context,’’ which demonstrates mutual benefit and rights-based approach to aid. Context matters have been claimed by several authors for understanding within the context to achieve local and sustainable development (see Barrett, Crossley, & Dachi, 2011; Babaci-Wilhite et al., 2012a; Crossley, 2010; Samoff, 2003). In the rightsbased ideology, aid matters only if it promotes ownership and control of the development process and enlarges opportunities in mutual respect that could be converted into that which serves the best interests of society. The tenet is the relevance of programming rights principles derived from these instruments – commitments to equality, inclusion, choice and voice (see Babaci-Wilhite et al., 2012b). With an understanding that poverty reduction is good, but social inclusion and contextualization matters, giving greater weights to participation, voice and rights leads us to question the

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effectiveness and efficiency of current aid architectures, with the target date for the MDGs only 3 years away and an estimated 1.4 billion people in the world still living on less than US$1.25 a day (World Bank, 2008). The rightsbased approach in Norwegian aid is crucial for mutual collaboration of all parties to build on shared values to establish broader and more inclusive partnerships to accelerate poverty reduction. NORHED has acknowledged that enhanced capacities should result from programs that respond to the demand and needs of developing countries. These ideas are articulated in both the Norway and Nairobi outcome document and in the Paris Declaration and Accra Agenda for Action. In the Nairobi outcome document it is stated, ‘‘There is the need to enhance local capacity in developing countries y in contribution to national development priorities, at the request of developing countries’’ (OECD, 2011, p. 3). Accra Agenda for Action states, ‘‘Without robust capacity – strong institutions, systems, and local expertise – developing countries cannot fully own and manage their development processes y. Donors’ support for capacity development will be demand-driven and designed to support country ownership’’ (OECD, 2011, p. 3). In a recent article, Waun and Geo-JaJa (2013) remarked that excluding the internationalization of education, Africa still faces other challenges in attention paid to human rights in development that prevent countries from contributing to a knowledge-based economy, such as curricula that are mismatched and unresponsive to local needs and expectations. Furthermore, Waun and Geo-JaJa (2013, p. 3) notice that ethical and social justicewise, significant reasoning to justify South-North knowledge contribution is the realization that knowledge production is not the monopoly of the North. How can the UoO cooperation, based on NORAD funding, contribute effectively in meeting development challenges and objectives in line with national development strategies and plans of each African country involved? This is where the context of rights-based approach of Norway aid paradigm comes into place. In order to meet the challenge of achieving sustainable development results, countries need the capacity to make the policy decisions that are right for them. Joel Samoff (2003) claims that ‘‘with foreign funding came ideas and values, advice and directive on how education systems ought to be managed and targeted’’ (p. 440). Such aid construct is against the tenets of the Paris declaration of 2005. UoO was not able to respond to the demand of UDSM in the education sector due to a lack of interest on the part of UoO researchers. The lack of response of northern universities to southern interests constitutes a grave weakness in North-South research cooperation. The interests of the North

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are thus sometimes dominating the interests of the South (OECD, 2008[2005]), which is against the rights-based approach of Norway’s aid construct. In the rights-based approach, cooperation matters only if it promotes ownership and control of the development process and enlarges opportunities in mutual respect that could be converted into that which serves the best interests of society. The tenet is the relevance of programming rights principles derived from these instruments – commitments to equality, inclusion, choice, and voice. Monitoring the impact of the university cooperation has also been a challenge as the impact sometimes takes time to be measured and monitored. A result is not the amount of inputs and resources channeled to development cooperation, but the contribution of development cooperation to improving the living conditions of its beneficiaries in meaningful ways as indicated by the Nairobi outcome document which states, ‘‘The impact of South-South cooperation should be assessed with a view to improving, as appropriate, its quality in a results-oriented manner’’ (OECD, 2011, p. 4). In the same line, the Accra Agenda for Action states that the judgment will be made ‘‘by the impacts that our collective efforts have on the lives of poor people, – rather than on the inputs and instruments – the focus of development cooperation has to be on delivering results’’ (OECD, 2011, p. 4). Collaborative North-South programs frequently lack a longterm perspective. PITRO III will continue under a different name but the model will be continued through supporting new projects. UoO has not neglected the important matter of sustainability as development cooperations often do. The continuation of project cooperation is necessary, but also the continued access to relevant infrastructure on which NORHED has focused. Capacity building will be possible to achieve under the new PITRO and NORHED, as well as staff training. The acknowledgment of the innovation and knowledge production that a society uses to define and shape its own development is crucial; therefore, the research component needs to be developed in an equal partnership as has been the case in PITRO III. Publications strengthen the international ranking of the university. The voices of the South should be heard through publications in top tiered journals, which will help achieving the principles of the rights-based approach of equality in inclusion and voice. The alternative for effective collaboration for development is to forge new partnerships, which, while accounting for different roles and responsibilities, rest on agreed, common values (Chisholm & Steiner-Khamsi, 2009; Geo-JaJa & Mangum, 2000). This common ground translates into a new

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architecture for development of equal cooperation and recognition where the South contributes as much as the North when it comes to knowledge building. UN called for mainstreaming of human rights to encourage the government’s responsibility to ensure the rights-based approach. A rightsbased approach works to shift the paradigm away from aid and toward moral duty imposed on the world through the international consensus of human rights. The South-South cooperation is growing due to the increasing acknowledgment from the Southern countries that they share common goals. There is a dire need for new thinking about African cooperation with the North and its role in development, in short an educational transformation in Africa, based on cooperation and sharing of expertise within the continent. This is in line with the 1997 SADC Protocol on Education (SADC, 1997), which prioritized sharing of expertise within the region. This sharing can facilitate cross-national learning and better decisions, acceleration of the pace of changes at lower costs and the most effective use of expertise on the continent. This in turn can bring about educational systems that are better suited to African learning environments and are contextualized in Africa’s development needs. The chances of achieving these goals grow if Southern countries act together (Panitchpakdi, 2006). By joining efforts and building on common ground, development can happen on equal terms with dignity and can reach the people in need. However, authors such as Geo-JaJa and Azaiki (2010) and Barrett et al. (2011) question to what extent ownership can genuinely be shared. While partners’ agency in the North focuses on targets, outputs, incomes and outcomes and deadlines, partners’ agency in the South focuses on the process itself, on building capacity and building long-term relations with colleagues from the North (see Mason, 2011). Trust has been the fundamental principle that has made PITRO III successful.

CONCLUSION The overall findings of this chapter are that the Norwegian North-South university partnerships are successful to the degree that they have incorporated the rights-based approach, giving importance to Southern voices. In order to achieve its goals, development cooperation with Africa has to be transformed toward meeting the internationally agreed MDGs (UN, 2011) within the rights-based approach. As it stands now, these will not be reached by 2015; therefore, this chapter suggests that strength-in-aid effectiveness will be accomplished by assigning priority to the following: (1) country ownership, (2) capacity building, (3) and results which are

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sustainable. I agree with Mason (2011) when he writes that ownership should be done with a common understanding of development goals and strategies and with a moral responsibility. The rights-based approach provides an alternative to address these issues. Experts have evaluated the model of PITRO III as a true partnership with the objective that the cooperation has on the whole met local needs. PITRO III has been a success, partly because it had an outreach component striving for quality and it aimed to achieve sustainable effects and results which have been monitored by NORAD and used to create the new program NORHED in place this year. The universities involved have generated knowledge through research and disseminated the knowledge through teaching both within the university and also to the local people involved in the projects. Through this model the university makes the knowledge generated available to the society; therefore, strengthening of universities is key and fundamental for the development of the society as long as it is sustainable. Cooperation between South and North must be contextualized in Africa’s interests through broader efforts to achieve social, economic, and political rights in order to facilitate Africa’s integration into the global economy now and in the future. The next steps within the rights-based approach are to educate both the rights holders and the duty bearers by articulating the rights of citizens and duty of the government. This is in line with a principle inherent in the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) Constitution of the Arusha declaration in the United Republic of Tanzania. It makes the explicit point that the inherent dignity of the individual should be respected, a point which is also in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Nyerere, 1967, p. 2). To end this chapter I recommend that South-South cooperation should be developed and incorporated in future development aid programs for sustainable development in Africa.

REFERENCES Babaci-Wilhite, Z. (2012). A right-based approach to Zanzibar’s language-in-education policy. Special issue on right-based approach and globalization in education. World Studies in Educatio, 13(2), 17–33. (Australia, James Nicholas Publishers Pty. Ltd). Babaci-Wilhite, Z., & Geo-JaJa, M. A. (2011). A critique and rethink of modern education in Africa’s development in the 21st century. Journal of the School of Education 30, 133–154. [Papers in Education and Development (PED). University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.]

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Babaci-Wilhite, Z., Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Lou, S. (2012a). Education and language: A human right for sustainable development in Africa. International Review of Education, 58(5), 619–647. doi:10.1007/s11159-012-9311-7 Babaci-Wilhite, Z., Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Lou, S. (2012b). Human rights in development experience in Africa: The foreign aid and policy nexus in OECD and China aid. World Studies in Education, 13(1), 79–90. (Australia, James Nicholas Publishers Pty. Ltd). Babaci-Wilhite, Z., Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Vuzo, M. (2013). Nordic aid and the education sector in Africa: The case of Tanzania. In C. A. Brown (Ed.), Globalization, international education policy, and local policy formation. New York, NY: Springer. (In press). Barrett, A. M., Crossley, M., & Dachi, H. (2011). International collaboration and research capacity building: Learning from the EdQual experience. Comparative Education, 47(1), 25–43. Chisholm, L., & Steiner-Khamsi, G. (Eds.). (2009). South-South co-operation in education and development. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Crossley, M. (2010). Context matters in educational research and international development, partnerships and capacity building in small states experiences. Prospects, Quarterly Review of Comparative Education, 40(4), 421–429. Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Azaiki, S. (2010). Development and education challenges in the Niger delta in Nigeria. In M. A. Geo-JaJa & S. Majhanovich (Eds.), Education, language, and economics: Growing national and global dilemmas. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Mangum, G. (2000). Donor aid and human capital formation: A neglected priority in development. In P. Koehn & O. J. B. Ojo (Eds.), Making aid work: Strategies and priorities for Africa at the turn of the twenty-first century. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Geo-JaJa, M. A., & Zajda, J. (2005). Rethinking globalization and the future of education in Africa. In J. Zajda (Ed.), International handbook of globalization, education and policy research. Amsterdam: Kluwer Academic. Mason, M. (2011). What underlies the shift to a modality of partnership in educational development co-operation? International Review of Education, 57, 443–455. (doi:10/1007s11011-9219-7) Nelson, P., & Dorsey, E. (2003). At the nexus of human rights and development: New methods and strategies of global NGOs. World Development, 31(12), 2013–2026. Norad. (2012). Tanzania: For several decades Tanzania has been one of the most important countries for Norwegian development co-operation. Retrieved from http://www.Norad.no/ en/countries/africa/tanzania Nussbaum, M. (1998). Capabilities and human rights. Fordham Law Review, 66(2). (Retrieved from http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/flr66&div=18&g_sent=1& collection=journals). Nyerere, J. (1967). The Arusha declaration and TANU’s policy on socialism and self-reliance. Dar es Salaam: Publicity Section, TANU. OECD. (2008[2005]). The Paris declaration on aid effectiveness and the Accra agenda for action. Retrieved from http://www.org/development/aideffectiveness/34428351.pdf OECD. (2011). Common ground between South-South and North-South co-operation principles. Retrieved from http://www.oecd.org/dac/dacglobalrelations/Common%20ground%20 between%20South-South%20and%20North-South%20co-operation.pdf Panitchpakdi, S. (2006). Secretary-General of UNCTAD, on United Nations Day for SouthSouth Co-operation. New dynamics of South-South development. Geneva: United Nations. Retrieved from www.unctad-docs.org/UNCTAD-WIR2012-Full-en.pdf

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Samoff, J. (2003). No teacher guide, no textbook, no chairs: Contending with crisis in African education. In R. F. Arnove & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Selbervik, H. (2006a). Donor dilemmas and economic conditionality in the 1990s: When Tanzania is as good as it gets. Paper presented at XIV International Economic History Congress, Helsinki, 2006, Session 86. Selbervik, H. (2006b). Nordic exeptionalism in development assistance? Aid policies and the major donors: The Nordic countries. CMI Report, Vol. 8. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Southern African Development Community. (1997). SADC protocol on education. Review of the status and capacities for the implementation of the protocol on education and training. Southern African Development Community. New York, NY: The United Nations. Tandon, Y. (2008). Ending aid dependence. Geneva: Fahuma books, South Center. UNDP (United Nations Development Program). (2006). Human development report. New York, NY: The United Nations. UNESCO. (2005). Convention on the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultural expressions. Paris, France: UNESCO. UN General Assembly. (2011). Interim report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to education to the 66th session of the UN General Assembly, 2011. UN General Assembly document A/66/269. Waun, X., & Geo-JaJa, M. A. (2013). Internationalisation of higher education in Africa: Characteristics and determinants. World Studies Education Journal, 14(1), 79–101. World Bank. (2008). The evolving allocative efficiency of education aid: A reflection on changes in aid priorities to enhance aid effectiveness. Paper prepared for the World Bank High-level Group Meeting on EFA, 16–18 December, 2008 in Oslo, Norway, the World Bank, Washington, DC.

PART 4 CROSS-NATIONAL CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE IN AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION

TOWARDS AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION REGIONALIZATION AND HARMONIZATION: FUNCTIONAL, ORGANIZATIONAL AND POLITICAL APPROACHES Jane Knight ABSTRACT In the last decade, the speed and intensity with which regional level connections are expanding in all areas of the world has been remarkable. Higher education in Africa is no exception. This chapter focuses on African policies and programme initiatives to further higher education regionalization. Regionalization is defined as the process of ‘building closer collaboration and alignment among higher education actors and systems in a designated area or framework, commonly called a region’. An analytical framework, consisting of functional, organizational and political approaches, is applied to the evolution of higher education regionalization at the continental level in Africa through a close examination of the progress related to the implementation of the ‘‘African Union Strategy for the Harmonization of Higher Education Programmes.’’ Special emphasis is given to the harmonization of degree structures and the recognition of

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 347–373 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021015

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qualifications through sub-regional qualification frameworks. Key issues and challenges such as rationales, governance, benefits and risks, unintended consequences, language, engagement for all and innovation are raised at the end of the chapter to stimulate further reflection and exploration of the complex process of higher education regionalization.

INTRODUCTION Growing Importance of Higher Education Regionalization There is no question that the international dimension of higher education has transformed the higher education landscape in the last three decades. The more globalized and interconnected world in which we live has stimulated higher education institutions, organizations and national governments to pay more attention to academic relations and opportunities with partners in other countries (Knight, 2008). A more recent development has been an increased focus on higher education collaboration and exchange within a region. In Africa there are increasing efforts to build an African Higher Education Area supported by organizations such as the African Union (AU), Association of African Universities (AAU) and the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA, 2010). The establishment of the pan-African university, the expansion in the number of regional research and university networks, the growth in intra-regional student mobility and institutional agreements, and the new emphasis on Africa-wide quality assurance frameworks and academic credit systems are testimony to the growing importance of pan-Africa higher education regionalization. In fact, the movement to increase harmonization of national systems within a region is occurring in all regions of the world. The well-known Bologna Process, which aims to create a common higher education space in Europe, has stimulated more attention being given to the importance of both intraregional and inter-regional co-operation in higher education in Asia, Latin America and Africa. A major assumption of this chapter is that regionalization and internationalization processes of higher education co-exist and are compatible and complementary processes. There is much debate on this topic (Ogachi, 2009) but for the purposes of this discussion they are not seen to be mutually exclusive or contradictory processes. It is not an either/or situation. In fact, both processes include similar activities, actors and

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outcomes but regionalization emphasizes Africa-wide initiatives. While socioeconomic perspectives about regionalization vary from people to people and country to country (Cooper, Hughes, & Lombaerde, 2008), there are some common elements and approaches which help to analyse the phenomenon of higher education regionalization.

Understanding Regionalization A review of academic articles and grey literature, such as policy documents, working papers and conference reports, reveals a vibrant debate on the topic of regions and their importance, formation and function. Of interest are the different interpretations and permutations of the concept of region. Frequently used terms include regionalism, regionalness, regionality, regionalization, regional integration, inter-regional co-operation y to name a few. It is clear that region constitutes the root concept and the suffixes introduce subtle and nuanced differences in meaning. For example the suffix ‘ism’ relates more to an ideology or set of beliefs, an ‘ization’ focuses on the process of becoming, and ‘tion’ reflects a condition. An examination of how these terms relate to the higher education sector leads to four lines of inquiry. These different lines of inquiry are as follows: (1) the impact of regionalism on higher education, (2) higher education regionalization, (3) higher education as an instrument for regional integration and (4) inter-regional co-operation in higher education. All lines of inquiry merit further examination but this chapter focuses on the second line of inquiry ‘higher education regionalization’. For the purposes of this discussion regionalization of higher education is defined as the ‘process of building closer collaboration and alignment among higher education actors and systems within a defined area or framework called a region’ (Knight, 2012). The use of the term region in Africa is varied and complex. Region is often used to describe geographic areas or communities such as Southern Africa, East Africa, West Africa and North Africa. Other terms are more cultural or linguistic oriented such as Francophone Africa, Arabophone Africa or Lusophone Africa. All of these terms refer to sub-continental areas. Yet, reference is commonly made to Africa as a major region of the world. Hence, the diverse use of the term region and the potential for confusion. For the purposes of this chapter, regionalization will be used at both the continental and sub-continental level as the meaning of regionalization focuses on ‘building closer collaboration and alignment among higher education actors and systems’ regardless of the level.

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In Africa, harmonization is a term which is often used interchangeably with regionalization. The concept of an African Higher Education and Research Area – AHERA (ADEA, 2010) is another interpretation of higher education regionalization. In this chapter, the concept of AHERA is used less than the terms regionalization and harmonization. This is because the emphasis is on encouraging increased alignment among higher education systems among and within countries and thus the notion of process or ‘ization’ is fundamental as opposed to the concept of a space or area. Thus, for the purposes of this discussion regionalization applies to both continental and sub-continental level but when the former is being discussed the terms pan-Africa or Africa-wide are applied as descriptors. Three assumptions are central to understanding higher education regionalization. The first is the idea that it is an ongoing and evolutionary process, the second is the notion of intentional region building based on existing and new relationships and activities by a diversity of actors and the third is the view that region is defined by the players involved and can be interpreted as a specific area or an organizational/programmatic/political framework. A region does not have to be interpreted as a geographic space.

Objectives and Outline Given the mounting complexity and importance of regionalization, the purpose of this chapter is to explore the development of an analytical framework to better understand and analyse the regionalization process and secondly to apply it to current developments in Africa. The framework builds on the multitude of activities, networks, and bilateral/multilateral relationships that are already functioning and improving higher education and its contribution to society. The outline for the chapter is as follows. In the first part of the chapter the key concepts involved in regionalization are unpacked and mapped on a continuum which is anchored by the notions of co-operation at one end moving to more formalized and intentional concept of integration and interdependence at the other end. This discussion is followed by an introduction to the analytical framework which involves three approaches to higher education regionalization; a functional approach, an organizational approach and a political approach. These three approaches are interrelated; they are not independent silos of activities. To elucidate the framework and illustrate the relationship among the three approaches,

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examples from the higher education landscape in Africa are highlighted. The second part of the chapter focuses the current developments and progress towards higher education regionalization in Africa. The harmonization of degree structures and the recognition of qualifications are used as examples to illustrate the importance of all three approaches working together. In the third part, several issues and challenges to the regionalization of higher education are identified and discussed. They include generic, not Africa specific, topics such as the driving rationales, objectives and outcomes, the issues of language. regional governance, as well as unintended consequences and risks.

MAPPING OF REGIONALIZATION TERMS1 The analysis of the ‘process of higher education regionalization’ involves a multitude of terms such as collaboration, harmonization and integration. At times, the terms are used interchangeably, and at other times they have very different meanings. While this confusion of terms is not unusual with new developments, it does lead to misunderstandings and muddles. The terms and concepts that are most commonly linked to regionalization include the following: co-operation, integration, harmonization, convergence, collaboration, community, coherence, partnership and alignment. Worth noting is the number of words that start with ‘co’ indicating the notion of ‘togetherness’. The similarity among these terms is striking but when studied more closely subtle and important differences emerge (Knight, 2012). The next section focuses on the conceptual mapping of these terms, their meaning, and their relation to one another. It is both challenging and enlightening to discern the differences and similarities among these terms and then try to group and map them. This could be criticized as a rather subjective and normative exercise, but the purpose is to stimulate reflection and raise questions. The categorization of terms is highly influenced by the language of analysis. What these terms mean in English will probably differ from how they are used in other languages and dialects. Thus, it is important to ask what is the principle factor for grouping the terms and secondly, what does movement along the continuum or scale represent. In short, the groups include terms of similar levels of intensity of activity and the continuum represents the degree of intended ‘togetherness’ or what is often labelled ‘regionalness’ (Terada, 2003). At one end of the continuum is the concept of co-operation while integration is at the other end. Co-operation represents a fairly loose and open kind

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of relationship while integration denotes a much stronger cohesion and collective type of arrangement often referred to as a community or ‘common area’. The risk of placing these terms on a continuum is that regionalization is understood to be a linear progression along this scale. This is definitely not the case as change rarely happens in such a systematic way. Most importantly, the objectives and anticipated outcomes of regionalization differ among regions and for various regionalization strategies. One world region may be working towards alignment and collaboration rather than harmonization and convergence while other regions may make integration the ultimate goal. An effective way to look at this continuum is through a musical metaphor. The collaboration and partnership group can be likened to an informal jazz concert where musicians gather to play the same composition with individual interpretations while the harmonization and integration end can be compared to a professional orchestral performance where different musicians are playing the same musical composition under a single conductor and common interpretation of the music (Yavaprabhas, 2010). Fig. 1 presents a schematic diagram of the mapping of terms related to regionalization. The first group includes co-operation, collaboration and partnership. Networking could be added to this list. These terms denote an open, voluntary and perhaps informal type of relationship among actors. In practical terms, it describes the multitude of bilateral and multilateral collaborative activities by universities and other higher education actors. The second group of terms – co-ordination, coherence and alignment – introduces an element of organization and most likely some adaptation to

Fig. 1.

Mapping of Higher Education Regionalization Terms. Source: Knight (this volume).

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ensure that the interactions among higher education actors in the region are complementary, productive and bring added value. In practice, this would include the organized networks, joint education programmes, or research partnerships among higher education institutions and systems. The third group of terms – harmonization and convergence – involves stronger and more strategic links and can involve systemic changes both at institutional and national levels. This can include the development of regional quality assurance schemes; an academic credit system with a common currency for determination of credit or work load; similar interpretation of degree levels such as BA, MA and PhD; regional citation index or compatible academic calendars. The fourth group of terms – integration, community or common area – represents more formalized, institutionalized and comprehensive levels of connection and relationships. In practice this would involve regional level agreements and bodies that aim to facilitate a more robust and sustainable type of regional work such as ‘a common higher education and research space’. It is important to emphasize that this is a mapping of concepts not a depiction of the phases of the regionalization process. It is equally interesting to look at concepts which are intentionally not included in this conceptual mapping but which are used and appear in the literature. Terms such as standardization, conformity, uniformity, compliance and homogenization are omitted because they do not acknowledge the important differences among systems and actors within a region. This underlines a fundamental value or tenet of higher education regionalization which is respect for and recognition of differences and diversity among key actors, systems, and stakeholders. Failure to recognize this diversity can lead to the ‘zipper effect’ whereby being completely interlocked can neglect differences, stifles innovation, and lead to homogenization (Knight, 2012).

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REGIONALIZATION Regionalization is not a straightforward or uniform process. Progress evolves according to the specific goals and activities plus cultural and political contexts. Thus, it is necessary to pay attention to factors which influence and characterize the evolution of regionalization. For example when and why is the regionalization process characterized as being informal or formal, bottom up or top down, ad hoc or intentional, gradual or by

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quantum leaps, internally or externally driven and finally whether it is reactive, proactive or strategic? These factors characterize the development and governance of any change process and are central to the analysis of the stages of the regionalization process as illustrated in Fig. 2. The informal end of the spectrum could be represented by bilateral and multilateral activities initiated and managed by higher education institutions and organizations within the region. A more formal approach would involve policy making or regulating bodies which apply a more organized or harmonized dimension to the regionalization process. Bottom up or top down is another key variable. For instance, initiatives coming from the higher education institutions are most often seen as representing a bottom up approach, while regional (and in many cases national) level bodies or legally binding regulatory agreements characterize a top down approach. Another critical factor is whether the higher education sector itself is driving regionalization or whether the process is being promoted and managed by external actors with their own agenda. This factor is directly linked to key rationales and expected outcomes. For example if higher education regionalization is being used as a tool for political or economic integration, the activities and results might differ than if the process was managed by the education sector for purposes of improving the quality and relevance of the education programmes, research and knowledge and service to society. The role of education services in regional trade agreements could be an example of an external sector regulating the higher education regionalization process. Progression along the continuum is another important dimension to consider. A gradual incremental approach is evolutionary with critical mass and change gradually being built over time. A quantum leap approach is Informal ……………………………………………………… Formal Ad hoc ……………………………………………………. Intentional Bottom up …………………………………………………..Top Down Internal ………………………………………………………..External Incremental progression ………………………………..Quantum Leap Reactive ………………………Proactive ………………….. Strategic

Fig. 2.

Factors characterizing the Higher Education Regionalization Process. Source: Knight (this volume).

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different and could be described as more of a revolutionary approach and involve a major breakthrough often catalysed by a top down intervention or formalized declaration. It is recognized that change is seldom linear as illustrated in Fig. 2. It likely involves several steps forward followed by some steps backward etc. Finally, it is interesting to reflect on whether the higher education actors such as institutions, organizations, national government agencies, regional or inter-regional bodies are (1) reacting to external factors and mandates to promote regionalization, (2) whether they are proactive in seeing the benefits of increased collaboration and alignment for higher education research and education or (3) whether their efforts are indeed strategic and based on a vision for how to enhance higher education and its contributions to society through regionalization efforts. In the next section, the discussion moves from a look at the characteristics of the process to a discussion of three approaches or three key elements of higher education regionalization.

THREE APPROACHES TO THE REGIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION Building and Strengthening Current Connections and Activities Regionalization can be understood as an intentional process, a desire to build on what is already happening within the region and move beyond an ad hoc situation of co-operation to a more planned approach. For several regions of the world, this is seen as a logical and essential next step towards formalizing intra-regional co-operation. It can often emerge from a belief that it is important to know and interact with your neighbours while at the same time maintain involvement with distant relations. It is understood therefore, that regionalization occurs in concert with internationalization of higher education activities. International co-operation, whether it is intra-regional or inter-regional is not a zero sum situation. The current reality is that regional co-operation and alignment of systems is becoming increasingly important but not to the exclusion of other international relationships. History will likely demonstrate that regionalization and internationalization have a symbiotic relationship. They co-exist, can be complementary or competitive, and each will have prominence at different stages of international co-operation (Knight, 2012).

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Functional, Organizational and Political Approaches Three interrelated approaches – the functional approach, the organizational approach and the political approach constitute the core of the proposed framework. These approaches are not mutually exclusive. They are not three separate silos; they work in unison complementing and reinforcing each other. While this is the optimal situation it does not always happen in practice because conflicting priorities or politics can cause tension among the three approaches. At any one time, one approach could be more dominant than another; but, ultimately there needs to be progress on all three to ensure sustainability. Current realities will dictate the emphasis attributed to one approach over the other. Fig. 3 illustrates the relationship and intersection of these three approaches. The first approach takes a functional perspective of regionalization and focuses on the practical activities of higher education institutions and systems. Functional approach initiatives can be put into two distinct groups. The first group relate to strategies which facilitate closer alignment or in some cases harmonization among national/sub-regional higher education systems. The second category includes programmes like student mobility schemes, crossborder collaborative education programmes, pan-regional universities and centres of excellence. The relationship between these two groups is critical as the systems/policies in group one are needed to facilitate and expedite the programmes in group two. For instance, compatibility among quality assurance systems and academic credit systems will help student mobility programmes within a region. Generally, it is a more complex and serious undertaking to align national systems within a region than to establish multilateral academic activities and programmes.

FUNCTIONAL Alignment of Systems and Policies Collaborative Programs

ORGANIZATIONAL Organizations Networks Frameworks Agencies

Fig. 3.

POLITICAL Declarations Agreements Summits

Relationship among Three Approaches. Source: Knight 2012.

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The second approach refers to the organizational architecture that evolves to develop and guide the regionalization initiatives in a more systematic (although some might call bureaucratic) manner. It is labelled organizational approach because frameworks, structures, agencies are necessary to help establish and oversee regional level and intra-regional initiatives. A diversity of networks and organizations are emerging which include government and non-government bodies, professional organizations, foundations and networks. These entities assume a variety of responsibilities – policy making, funding, research, capacity building, regulation and advocacy among others. Table 1 presents generic examples of each of the three approaches.

Table 1.

Generic Examples of Three Regionalization Approaches.

Approach Functional

Generic Examples Alignment of higher education systems Quality assurance and accreditation frameworks Academic credit system Degree levels and structures Recognition of qualifications and titles Academic calendar – years and semesters Qualification frameworks ITC platforms Research citation index Inter-library loan systems Collaborative academic programmes Academic mobility schemes – students, professors, scholars Research networks, clusters, and projects Crossborder programmes – double, joint, twining, branch campus Regional centres of excellence Institutional agreements – bilateral and multilateral OER and ODL Pan-regional university

Organizational

Organizational architecture Networks and organizations Foundations Governmental/non-governmental agencies Levels: pan-regional, regional, sub-regional

Political

Political will Declarations Agreements/Conventions/Treaties Summits/Task Forces/Dialogues

Source: Knight (2012).

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The third approach involves political will and strategies that put higher education initiatives on the agenda of decision making bodies. The political approach helps to launch major programmes or funding schemes and to formalize initiatives. Declarations of intent, binding conventions, treaties, protocols, agreements and special meetings like summits or policy dialogues are instruments for generating political support and visibility in order to make regionalization of higher education a priority. This approach can be characterized as having more of a top down, formal and intentional orientation.

APPLICATION OF THREE APPROACH FRAMEWORK TO AFRICA The purpose of Table 2 is to illustrate the fundamental elements of the ‘three approaches’ framework by using examples from Africa It is noted that not all regionalization initiatives are included and those that are listed are at different stages of development with various degrees of sustainability. Current Regionalization/Harmonization Developments in Africa The interest and activity in higher education regionalization was triggered in 2007 by the AU’s release of a major report The African Union Strategy for Harmonization of Higher Education Programmes (AU-HEP) (AU, 2007). The rationale driving the strategy was based on the belief that it would help to foster co-operation in information exchange, harmonization of procedures and policies, and attainment of comparability among qualifications to facilitate professional mobility for both employment and further study. Furthermore, the AU-HEP was designed to develop an African quality assurance mechanism and a rating system for higher education which would ultimately contribute to greater quality of education in Africa. The intent was also to promote international, continental, and regional co-operation by creating awareness, and promoting revision and ratification of the Arusha Convention (Woldetensai, 2009). The strategy focused on building closer links among higher education institutions, networks, national systems, regional university associations and other key higher education actors. Examples of current pan-African higher education regionalization initiatives include efforts to facilitate the establishment and alignment of quality assurance and accreditation systems, student

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Table 2. Approach Functional

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Regionalization of Higher Education in Africa. Examples from Africa

Alignment of higher education system African regional accreditation and regional qualification frameworks African union harmonization strategy NEPAD-E Africa programme African quality rating mechanism South African qualifications framework East African qualifications framework Collaborative programmes Pan-Africa university New Partnerships for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) African Virtual University African Online Digital Library Roster of African Professionals (AAU) Mwalimu Nyerere African Scholarship Scheme Partnership for Higher Education in Africa (PHEA) Pan Africa Institute of University Governance Open education Africa African books collective Database of African theses and dissertations AAU staff exchange programmes Tuning Africa

Organizational

Organizational architecture African Union (AU) Conference of Ministers of Education of African Union COMEDAF Association for Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) Association of African Universities (AAU) African Quality Assurance Network (AfriQAN) The Conference of Rectors, Vice Chancellors and Presidents (CORVIP) Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) Association for the Internationalization of Education (ANIE) African Council for Distance Education (ACDE) South Africa Regional University Association (SARUA) Inter-University Council of East Africa (IUCEA) Conseil Africaine et Malgache pour l’Enseignement Superior (CAMES) The Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie (AUF) The Association of Arab Universities (AARU) African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) African Network of Scientific and Technological Institutions Consortium for Advanced Research Training in Africa (CARTA) African Regional Bureau UNESCO African Development Bank (ADB)

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Table 2. (Continued ) Approach Political

Examples from Africa Declarations, conventions Arusha Convention on the recognition of qualifications of higher education in Africa Southern Africa Development Community – Regional Protocol on Education and Training (SADC) Summits, task forces, policy dialogues Conference of ministers of education of African union meetings EU-African policy dialogues on higher education Trust Africa: Policy dialogue series on higher education in Africa African economic community and regional economic communities

Source: Knight (this volume).

mobility schemes, common degree levels, a research/education ICT backbone and research networks. These initiatives illustrate the intention and commitment of Africa to establish stronger regional collaboration and harmonization of systems while still recognizing the importance of bilateral and multilateral internationalization efforts (Hoosen, Butcher, & Njenga, 2009). The AAU was designated by the AU as the key implementing agency for the Harmonization Strategy and in 2009 it held an important meeting with all relevant stakeholders to discuss and agree on the major goals, principles and steps forward. As discussed in the section on mapping regionalization concepts, there are a myriad of terms to describe or explain regionalization. The AU, and subsequently, the AAU decided to use the term harmonization to describe the process and defined it as follows: Harmonization refers to the agreement, synchronization and coordination of higher education provision in Africa. Harmonization is not synonymous with standardization, creating uniformity, or achieving identical higher education systems. Whilst developing and agreeing to minimum standards and ensuring equivalency and comparability of qualifications between and within countries are important elements of this process, a primary focus is to enhance quality across the sector and facilitate processes that lead higher education systems to be able to inter-operate more effectively to the benefit of development on the continent. (Woldetensai, 2009, p. 3)

Of interest is that in defining the term harmonization it was explicitly stated as not being the same as standardization and uniformity. To guide the process and set of five sound principles were laid out. They are that harmonization should be (1) an African-driven process, (2) involve the

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mobilization of all the key players, (3) enhanced with appropriate infrastructural support and funding, (4) not disrupt, but enhance, national educational systems and programmes and (5) involve improvement of quality through appropriate funding and infrastructural provisions in each country (Woldetensai, 2009). With the definition and guiding principles clearly laid out five specific goals were established for the harmonization process of higher education in Africa. They are (1) bridge the gap between disparate educational systems that exist as a result of colonial legacies by co-ordinating efforts of national accreditation bodies; (2) provide an integrating platform for dialogue and action to develop strong regional harmonization initiatives that cohere into a continental process of harmonization; (3) facilitate the recognition of academic qualifications and promote the mobility of African students and academic staff across the continent; (4) promote the development of effective quality assurance mechanisms and (5) ensure that African higher education institutions become an increasingly dynamic force in the international higher education arena. It is interesting to note that the fifth goal specifically addresses the role that harmonization plays with regards to international higher education. To achieve these ambitious goals five areas of action were identified. The strategies include (1) establishment and maintenance of continental political commitment to the process of harmonization; (2) co-operation in information exchange; (3) development and maintenance of a continental framework for higher education qualifications; (4) creation of minimum standards in targeted qualifications and (5) establishment of joint curriculum development and student mobility schemes. An analysis of these five strategies through the lens of the function/ organizational/political framework indicates that the first action step relates to the political approach. This acknowledges the reality that nothing will move forward in a sustainable manner unless there is political will by the key actors. The second and fifth actions address programmes that facilitate the harmonization process while the third and fourth strategies are concrete strategies to permit the alignment of the education system. These last four points are examples of the functional approach to regionalization. Implicit in the action steps, but not explicitly stated, are the agencies and networks which form the organizational structures. The following sections of the chapter examine current developments and challenges central to the implementation of African Union Strategy on Harmonization of Higher Education Programmes. Examples of progress to date and key issues are discussed in relation to the three fundamental

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approaches – functional, organizational and political and how they work together to complement each other. As clearly stated in the third goal, a key issue in Africa is the harmonization of degree structures and recognition of qualifications. To illustrate how the three approaches work together the next section examines the organizational architecture and political protocols which are being developed in four regions of Africa to address the major function of harmonizing degree structures and the recognition of qualifications.

Harmonization of Degree Structures and Regional Qualification Frameworks – The Integration of Functional, Organizational and Political Approaches2 An interesting and salient feature of promoting pan-African higher education regionalization is the declared emphasis on strengthening the capacity and role of regional economic communities and the regional university associations such as Southern African Regional University Association (SARUA), the Inter-University Council of East Africa (IUCEA), the African and Malagasy Council for Higher Education (CAMES), the Organization of the Francophone Universities (AUF) and the Association of Arab Universities (AARU). The regions have different priorities and activities to promote harmonization of the higher education systems and policies among their member countries. In general their efforts are being guided by AU-HEP and focus on programmes which involve collaborations in quality assurance, regional comparability of higher education structures and practices. These efforts are directed at encouraging increased student and faculty mobility, aligned credit systems, mutual recognition of qualifications and quality assurance practices, and collaborative academic programmes. An explanation of what is happening at the regional level follows as described by Oyewole (2011). Southern Africa The Southern African development Community (SADC) covers 15 countries. The Southern Africa Regional University Association (SARUA) and the South African Qualifications Association (SAQA) are playing a central role in the development of standards and procedures in quality assurance and accreditation in the region. SARUA for example was established in 2005 to assist in the revitalisation of higher education and to strengthen the development of the leadership and institutions of higher

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education in the Southern African region through a common IT backbone, recognition of qualifications, and increased mobility. The legal framework for the regional integration in Southern Africa is the SADC Treaty of 1980 which was amended in 2001. The SADC Protocol on Education and Training, developed in 1997, is an instrument meant to achieve closer and sustainable collaboration among the different educational systems in the SADC community. In 2004, a revised Protocol was ratified by all member countries except Angola, DR Congo and Seychelles. The major aim of the Protocol is to ‘progressively achieve comparability, equivalence, harmonisation and eventual standardisation of the education and training systems in the region’. Important to note is the progressive degrees of alignment – from comparability to standardization – and recognize that there is a very large gap between these two positions. It remains to be seen what will be achieved and furthermore what is the most effective degree of alignment for the region. Standardization, previously referred to as the ‘zipper effect’, as the ultimate goal has some risks of neglecting the important differences and cultures among nations within a region. To achieve the goals of the Protocol, efforts are being made to develop and enhance the national regulatory agencies in Southern African countries. Three countries (South Africa, Namibia and Mauritius) have quality assurance systems in place, with national bodies responsible for co-ordination and ensuring coherence. (South Africa: the Council of Higher Education (CHE), and the Higher Education Quality Council (HEQC). Mozambique has established the National Commission for Quality Assurance (CNAQ). Both Angola and Mozambique are associated with the Southern African Development Regional Quality Network, and are being helped to modernise their education and training systems, mainly under the guidance of South Africa. National Councils of Higher Education have already been established in Namibia and Zimbabwe. In Botswana, the Tertiary Education Council (TEC) is responsible for ensuring the quality of university activities. On a regional level there is a German supported project, the Higher Education Quality Management Initiative in Southern Africa (HEQMISA). The development of these national and level bodies through consultation and alignment with neighbour countries is forming part of the organizational architecture which will underpin harmonization efforts (Oyewole, 2011). West Africa The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) established its Education Sector strategy in 2003 to provide all Community citizens with greater access to quality education and training opportunities through

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closer alignment of policies, strategies, programmes and activities, as well academic programmes and certificates. Within ECOWAS, initiatives exist to harmonize educational and training systems in the member states through the signed Protocol of co-operation and the regional convention on recognition and equivalence of qualifications. This convention basically states that if a certificate is recognized (accredited) in the home country, it will also be recognized within the other member countries. In 2010, a Committee set up by ECOWAS on the harmonisation of degrees and diplomas submitted its report which is awaiting the ratification of member states. The efforts to achieve degree harmonization face steep challenges as higher education systems among the 15 member states in West Africa differ significantly because they are largely based on the former colonial systems (French, British, and Portuguese). For example the titles, certificates and degrees are different from one country to another due to the continuing link with these European countries. Current developments such as the Bologna Process have also found their way into West Africa. For francophone countries, the LMD system (Licence Maıˆ trise Doctorat) has been actively promoted across Francophone Africa by CAMES. Following the British system, the Anglophone countries already had a bachelor-master model. Regarding the Lusophone countries, in Cape Verde for example, degrees are revised in the framework of Bologna. This is facilitated through the Association of Portuguese Speaking Universities (AULP). To harmonize these different systems entrenched in West Africa will take considerable time, effort and trust. East Africa The higher education systems in East Africa vary from country to country because of their history, orientation, liberation struggles and socioeconomic status. An important inter-governmental organisation within the East African Community is the IUCEA. Established in 1980, the mission of IUCEA (2008) is to encourage and develop mutual collaboration among universities in East Africa and between them, the governments and other organizations both public and private, regionally and internationally. One of the objectives of the IUCEA is to maintain high and comparable academic standards in higher education regionally and internationally, with emphasis on the promotion of quality assurance and maintenance of comparable international academic standards in the East African universities (IUCEA Act 2009). An East African Qualifications Framework (EAQF)

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for general education and Technical and Vocational Education and Training has been developed. The EAQF is used for recognition of academic qualifications attained among the higher education institutions in the region. Article 11 of the Protocol is focussed on the Harmonization and Mutual Recognition of Academic and Professional Qualifications.

North Africa The Community of Sahel-Sahara States (CEN-SAD) was established in February 1998 and recognised by the AU as a Regional Economic Community in July 2000. One of the goals of CEN-SAD is the harmonization of educational, pedagogical and cultural systems of the various cycles of education. The North African countries have a longer history of higher education than many others in Africa due to their close proximity to Europe, the Mediterranean and other Arab countries. Most of the Universities are members of the AARU which is actively developing a policy for co-operation to establish an Arab Space for Higher Education. It has established a Council for Quality Assurance and Accreditation in Arab Countries which in turn has established an Arab Network of Quality Assurance Agencies (ANQAHE). A review of current developments in the task of aligning degree structures vividly illustrates the challenges that lay ahead. The Francophone countries – Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and Mauritania – have introduced the three cycle system – Licentiate/Masters/Doctorate. Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and Libya are all actively engaged in the European Union Tempus programme, which was started in 2002. The programme exposed the universities to the Bologna Process and the development of quality assurance processes and curriculum development, that is going on in many European countries. It has proven to be an effective catalyst for change in curriculum, governance, quality assurance and institutional restructuring. Currently, the concept of credit transfer units is now being promoted among the North African countries through the Tempus programme. This is an interesting case where international co-operation has been an effective tool for building closer collaboration and coherence of among higher education systems in northern Africa. It also demonstrates how the European model has been adopted to facilitate harmonization of quality assurance, accreditation, degree structures and eventually a credit transfer system – all critical functional elements of higher education regionalization.

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Political Approach – the Arusha Convention The previous section revealed the importance of political instruments such as treaties and education protocols at the regional level. The Arusha Convention is the pan-Africa initiative which has been guided by UNESCO to facilitate the recognition of degrees and hence the promotion of increased student mobility. In 1981, the Arusha Convention on the recognition of degrees was adopted for the whole of Africa. It serves as the African regional UNESCO Convention to promote international academic mobility and to facilitate implementation of some provisions of the charter of the Organisation of African Unity, in particular those relating to regional co-operation and training of human resources. In the 1980s, it was already recognized that academic mobility was one of the major strategies required to promote mutual understanding and solidarity, to reinforce cultural identity and to achieve a fruitful regional co-operation in higher education (Oyewole, 2011). The Arusha Convention is a legal framework which gives general guidelines intended to facilitate the implementation of regional co-operation with regards to recognition of studies and degrees through national, bilateral, sub-regional and regional mechanisms already in place or created for this purpose. According to Oyewole (2011), the Arusha Convention was confronted with both technical and structural challenges. Technically, the commitment on recognition did not explicitly refer to the quality of the degree obtained. Also, the decision on credit transfer was made at the institutional level through faculties and senates which meant that there was an unmanageable diversity of credit systems to co-ordinate. The differences in admission requirements and admission policies across institutions and countries were also not taken into consideration and this made recognition of qualifications difficult in many countries. Structurally, the modalities, structures and policies for the execution of the Arusha Convention, including the exchange of information and documents relating to higher education was poor, as it required varying degrees of power and formalities across countries. Until recently, many countries in Africa do not have national educational regulatory agencies for policy guidelines and quality assurance of their programmes, and this made it difficult for them to comply with the provisions of the Convention. In addition, the regional committees that are supposed to ensure the operationalization of the Arusha Convention were not functioning efficiently due to financial constraints and the absence of formal collaborations between the regional committees. The result of these challenges is that the Arusha Convention was ratified by

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only 20 contracting states in Africa (Oyewole, 2011). This is eloquent testimony to the challenges facing regionalization in the last 30 years. However, a more positive picture emerges today. There have been improvements in the number of countries with national regulatory agencies, even among those that are yet to ratify the Convention. Given the importance of the Convention for students mobility and closer alignment of qualifications within Africa there are renewed efforts to update the Arusha Convention. The critical role that the Convention can play is fully recognized by the AU Commission and UNESCO and therefore they have been working together to develop a revised Arusha Convention which will be acceptable to many member states and take into considerations the current priority for closer collaboration among the higher education systems and actors in Africa.

ISSUES, QUESTIONS AND CHALLENGES RELATED TO HIGHER EDUCATION REGIONALIZATION The topic of higher education regionalization is multi-faceted and complex. The proposed three approach model is a step towards developing a framework for analysing diverse questions and matters related to the regionalization process. This section of the chapter raises some of the generic issues that merit further reflection and research by scholars, academic leaders, policy analysts and government officials within Africa and beyond.

Rationales, Objectives and Outcomes There is no doubt that a many stakeholders and actors are involved in the higher education regionalization process. Some are within the higher education sector while many represent other sectors and political institutions. All have their own rationales, objectives and expected outcomes which merit close examination. Of course they will differ by stakeholder group, sector and region of the world. Practice shows that these different expectations can co-exist, complement and/or compete with each other. While recognizing that rationales, objectives, outcomes can differ by stakeholder group, it is valuable to determine whether there are all encompassing rationales and objectives which characterize regionalization efforts. In broad terms, some of the overarching rationales and expected

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outcomes for regionalization relate to the following objectives: (1) to promote peace, harmony and mutual understanding within a region and among different cultures and countries, (2) to enhance economic competitiveness at the global level by increasing scientific and knowledge capacity within the region, (3) to develop human resources capacity and mobility to foster economic growth and diminish the divide between developing and developed countries within the region, (4) to foster closer collaboration among knowledge communities to address regional and global issues that can only be solved through co-operation and (5) to further develop a sense of regional identity and trust among nations in order to facilitate stronger political and security alliances (Knight, 2012). These generic goals address some of the political, economic and social-cultural factors involved in regionalization of higher education. They are often articulated by leaders internal and external to higher education. There are equally important objectives that relate directly to the primary functions of higher education – teaching/learning, research and service to society. They can include the following: (1) to ensure that the quality of higher education programmes and research is strengthened through sharing of best practices and capacity building within the region, (2) to address pressing national, regional and world issues through regional research networks, clusters and knowledge co-production, (3) to develop deeper understanding and appreciation in students, scholars and academics of the cultures, languages, values, histories within the region and (4) to educate and prepare students for citizenship and a career enhanced by critical perspectives and understandings of their role and contribution at the local, national, regional and global levels. Rationales and objectives reflect basic values and priorities. Furthermore, they underpin the strategies that higher education institutions, organizations and systems will use as the roadmap for regionalization (Knight 2012). Hence, the necessity of stakeholder groups to articulate clear and coherent rationales, objectives and outcomes for different regionalization initiatives and secondly, to undertake careful analysis of them to ensure that all implications are understood. Regional Governance The myriad of organizations, institutions, networks, governmental agencies and non-governmental bodies involved in various aspects of regionalization can make governance complicated and challenging. Whether it is for the alignment of academic systems, sharing the production and application of knowledge, or strengthening collaborative education programmes and

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research, there are many players which bring different strengths and different agendas. There is no ‘one way’ to effectively govern regionalization as political, historical, social, economic contexts differ within and across regions. One size does not fit all. Further research and reflection is needed on how to develop the optimal mix of actors and the most appropriate balance of bottom up and top down, informal and informal, ad hoc and intentional strategies. An overly bureaucratic and stringent approach to regionalization governance can smother initiative and innovation; but, lack of a coherent and careful governance approach can just as easily lead to chaos, competition and conflict. Language Another key issue which merits serious consideration is the importance of indigenous languages. The diversity and richness of linguistic expression is a value treasured by many, but the demands of a more interconnected region and world introduce the growing tendency to find a common language to facilitate communication. In higher education multilateral exchanges language is a complicated and controversial issue. While the situation differs from region to region finding the optimal balance between the competing priorities of (1) teaching/learning/researching in native languages, (2) encouraging students to learn additional languages, (3) finding a common language for intra-regional academic co-operation programmes and exchange of research findings and (4) getting access to foreign language research and academic literature, is a complex and often a politically nuanced challenge. Participation and Engagement for all Just as there is concern about access and equity for student enrolment in higher education, there is a similar issue with regards to which institutions, organizations, countries, will be fully engaged in regionalization activities and which ones will be left out. For example the regionalization process would not reach its potential if only leading universities, more established organizations and developed national systems were engaged in regional level collaboration and exchange. Already, there is a tendency for regional networks to be used as an opportunity for status building among elite institutions and not capacity building and sharing among all types of universities. The engagement of a cross-section of higher education institutions and organizations is an issue of vital importance to the success and sustainability of both intra-regional and inter-regional co-operation.

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Unintended Consequences – Standardization and Brain Drain New trends and developments bring positive outcomes, but it is important to be mindful of unintended negative consequences as well (Knight, 2009). Regionalization is a process predicated on a respect for differences in local culture and context, but concern lingers that harmonization or integration can lead to an unintended outcome of standardization and homogenization. A second potential outcome is brain drain. The expansion of student, scholar, academic mobility schemes is a hallmark of regionalization (and internationalization). Over the last decade the exponential increase in student mobility has stimulated new efforts to develop compatible academic credit systems, quality assurance procedures, qualification recognition, semester/academic calendar years. There are solid reasons and important benefits of increased academic mobility. But there are unintended negative consequences as well. The ‘great brain gain race’ known for the attraction and retention of talented foreign students and scholars to meet domestic science, technology and innovation targets to build the knowledge economy is one of them. The terms ‘brain circulation’ and ‘brain sharing’ are now preferred terms to describe the attraction of human resources through academic mobility programmes. In many ways, these are appropriate terms but they also tend to camouflage the fact that some countries are experiencing a net ‘brain loss’ resulting in a smaller talent pool and potentially jeopardizing their national economic and social development. In the analysis of higher education regionalization it is imperative that attention is given to both the potential benefits and risks, winners and losers, pros and cons. Innovation Innovation is a term that is on the lips of leaders and policy makers in all sectors. Higher education is no exception. Innovation is linked with the application of knowledge and insight in new ways. Systems, whether they are medical, economic, manufacturing, environmental or education thrive on new ideas and innovation. This is true for higher education institutions and national systems as well. It is essential to keep in mind that any process of alignment, harmonization or convergence of national higher education systems retains the capacity for innovation and change. Introducing another layer of bureaucracy and regulation to higher education need not stifle innovation in the classroom and research centres or, in institutional level governance and national/sub-regional policies. Just as regionalization is adapting to new trends, realities and opportunities, it in turn needs to accommodate and stimulate new ideas and innovation.

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These are only a few examples of issues and questions which warrant further reflection and exploration. Other major topics include: financial and economic implications of higher education regionalization; the relationship between higher education regionalization and internationalization: higher education as an agent or tool for political and economic regional integration; implications of higher education regionalization on human resources development and mobility.

CONCLUDING REMARKS This chapter presented a conceptual framework to better understand and analyse the higher education regionalization process and its current developments in Africa. The framework builds on the multitude of activities, networks, and bilateral/multilateral relationships that are already functioning and improving higher education and its contribution to society. The analysis shows that while all three approaches – functional, organization and political are currently being used in Africa higher education regionalization, the predominant one is the Functional approach. One of the priorities within the Functional approach is the harmonization of degree structures and the recognition of qualifications. Substantial progress is being made at the sub-regional level which is undoubtedly the most appropriate and feasible place to start. However, one questions whether these subregional efforts will, in turn, be ‘harmonized’ into a continental level framework. For example whether or not the revised Arusha Convention will be supported by more than the original 20 African countries who ratified the 1981 version of the Convention is yet to be seen. It will be an important signal as to the progress and political will promoting and supporting higher education regionalization in Africa. To date, the Political approach or political will has been primarily expressed through the support of the AU. As noted, the AU-HEP (AU, 2007) has been the key catalyst for current regionalization efforts. It continues to promote and support regionalization and one of the more promising AU initiatives has been the establishment and funding of the panAfrican university. The strategy aims to foster co-operation in information exchange, harmonization of procedures and policies, and attainment of comparability among qualifications to facilitate professional mobility for both employment and further study. It is revealing to reflect on the use of the term ‘harmonization’ in the AU strategy. This concept was deliberately and appropriately used to dispel

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the concern that standardization was the goal. Yet, as Fig. 1 illustrates, the notion of harmonization involves more than information exchange, comparability, co-operation, co-ordination and alignment. It involves convergence of policies, programmes and practices which demands stronger and more strategic links and can mean systemic changes both at institutional and national levels. This means fundamental reforms which can take years to formally embed in higher education systems and values. The metaphor of a jazz concert versus a symphony was introduced in the chapter to describe different modes of regionalization. Harmonization was compared to an orchestral performance where different musicians are playing the same musical composition under a single conductor. This differs from a jazz concert where musicians gather to play the same composition with individual interpretations. This was likened to co-operation, coordination and alignment. It appears that higher education regionalization in Africa is consistent with its musical roots in jazz with each sub-region addressing common pan-African higher education priorities but in accordance with their own context, priorities and politics. Building up sub-regional higher education collaboration and alignment of systems first is a deliberate and seemingly prudent approach which may lay the framework for ultimate pan-African higher education regionalization at the continental level. It is interesting to compare this approach with the European Bologna approach which worked primarily at the national level not at the subregional level. Asia is working with supra-national regional associations. Africa has chosen its own way which is entirely necessary and appropriate.

NOTES 1. The discussion on the three approaches framework to regionalization has been excerpted from Knight (2012). 2. Grateful appreciation is extended to O. Oyewole (2011) for permission to use information from his paper ‘Harmonization of Degree Structures and Regional Qualification Frameworks in the African Higher Education Space’ for the discussion of activities in the four regional African communities and the Arusha Convention.

REFERENCES ADEA. (2010). Creating an African higher education and research area – Concept note. Association for the Development of Education in Africa – Working Group on Higher Education, Accra, Ghana.

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AU. (2007). Harmonization of higher education programmes in Africa: A strategy for the African union: summary report. Meeting of the Bureau of the Conference of Ministers Of Education of the African Union (COMEDAF II+), Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Cooper, A., Hughes, C. W., & Lombaerde, P. (Eds.). (2008). Regionalization and global governance: The taming of globalization. New York, NY: Routledge. Hoosen, S., Butcher, N., & Njenga, B. K. (2009). Harmonization of higher education programmes: A strategy for the African union. African Integration Review, 3(1), 1–36. IUCEA. (2008). The inter-university council of East Africa Act 2008. Kampala, Uganda. Knight, J. (2008). Higher education in Turmoil: The changing world of internationalization. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Knight, J. (2009). New developments and unintended consequences: Whither thou goest, internationalization? In R. Bhandari & S Laughlin (Eds.), Higher education on the move: New developments in global mobility (pp. 113–125). New York, NY: Institute for International Education. (Global Education Research Reports). Knight, J. (2012). A conceptual framework for the regionalization of higher education in Asia. In J. N. Hawkins, K. H. Mok & D. E. Neubauer (Eds.), Higher education regionalization in Asia Pacific: Implications for governance, citizenship and university transformation. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Ogachi, O. (2009). Internationalization vs regionalization of higher education in East Africa and the challenges of quality assurance and knowledge production. Higher Education Policy, 22(3), 331–347. Oyewole, O. (2011). Harmonization of degree structures and regional qualification frameworks in the African higher education space. Unpublished paper, University of Agriculture, Nigeria. Terada, T. (2003). Constructing an ‘East Asian’ concept and growing regional identity: From EAEC to ASEAN þ 3. The Pacific Review, 16(2), 251–277. Woldetensai, Y. (2009). Regional harmonization of higher education for Africa: Background document. Accra, Ghana: Association of African Universities. Yavaprabhas, S. (2010). Regional harmonization of higher education in ASEAN. presentation at 2010 global higher education forum. Penang, Malaysia: Universiti Sains Malaysia.

EUROPEAN EDUCATION POLICIES AND THE UNIFORMIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN EUROPE: SOME ‘LESSONS’ FROM THE BOLOGNA PROCESS FOR EDUCATION AND TEACHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA Konstantinos G. Karras ABSTRACT European Educational Policies have been studied not only from an economic and political approach but also from an educational and cultural one. On this basis, and according to the contemporary political, cultural, economic and social changes and reclassifications, modern higher education and teacher education – not only in Europe but in Africa and elsewhere – suggest new aims and targets. These aims are to find new ways of knowledge communication and production. Educational policies in Europe – like the Bologna Declaration and the Uniformization of

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 375–399 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021016

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Higher Education provide some ‘lessons’ for Higher Education and Teacher Education in Africa. We are not making a coalition of States, but are uniting people. — Jean Monnet

INTRODUCTION It is true that in recent years an interest in European Educational Policies has grown constantly. The international bibliography is rich in definitions, notional approaches and clarifications, analyses and interpretations. For that reason contemporary researchers are increasingly turning their attention to the meaning of Europe, examining its various aspects and perspectives: European Educational Policies, United Europe, European dimension in education, European completion, European citizenship, European idea, European challenge, European market, Europe of citizens, Europe of peoples, Common European home, European uniformization, European harmonization, big European family, European culture, and others. Within this framework various changes accompany the new issues involving Europe as a value system. This system values are related to the financial, political, social, ideological, demographical, economical, educational and cultural environments (common economic market, political changes and political collaborations/agreements and declarations, treaties, population movements, emigrating influxes, exchanges at a financial, cultural, educational level etc.). Generally Europe and European Educational Policies – especially after the Maastricht Treaty – have been examined not only from economic and political points of view but also from educational and cultural ones. However, the different definitions of the meaning of Europe have to do not only with its geographical positions but also with its historical and cultural traditions through time. In this framework and according to the modern political, cultural, economic, social changes and reclassifications, contemporary higher education (HE) and teacher education – not only in Europe but worldwide – has to trace new aims and targets, to find new ways of knowledge communication, in order to endorse young people to live in the present with decency and peace to create a better future. A prerequisite is the embracement of education and culture as a value and also as a challenge not only to contemporary education but also to modern educational European – and non-European – policies.

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This chapter has the following purposes: 1. A general overview of European education policies (with special emphasis to Bologna Process (BP)) and the uniformization of HE in European countries. In this perspective, it is generally accepted that HE sector throughout Europe, Africa and elsewhere, remains an area of expansion, challenges, promises and developments. Thus, this theoretical framework will be connected with the main discussion, that is ‘European Education Policies and the Uniformization of Higher Education in Europe: some ‘‘lessons’’ from Bologna Process for Education and Teachers Education in Africa’. 2. An overview of main issues and challenges of HE in Africa today: that is some correlations and analogies with European education policies and demands – lessons to be derived for African states. Some main issues like language, intercultural and economic relations, globalization challenges, reforms, modularization, access, competiveness, funding, quality assurance and mobility in HE and teacher education are considered most important. 3. Some conclusions/critical discussion on general common axes and challenges concerning education policies and uniformization of HE in general in the 21st century are also discussed. In this context, globalization, the concept of modern citizen/young generation and the humanitarian–cultural view of education in general have to be considered as the priorities for educational policies and action in modern era.

A GENERAL OVERVIEW OF EUROPEAN EDUCATION POLICIES (WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS TO BOLOGNA PROCESS) AND THE UNIFORMIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES: MAIN PROBLEMS AND ISSUES A Europe of Knowledge is now widely recognised as an irreplaceable factor for social and human growth and as an indispensable component of consolidate and enrich the European citizenship, capable of giving its citizens the necessary competencies to face the challenges of the new millennium, together with an awareness of shared values and belonging to a common social and cultural space. (Join Declaration of the European Ministers of Education convened in Bologna on the 19 June 1999)

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The European Educational Policy has expressed a great interest in education in general and in HE and teacher education in particular. Among various texts, decrees, regulations and standing orders which have now and then been published, in the framework of the officially expressed European Educational Policy, we are mentioning firstly the publication of the Maastricht Treaty (7 December 1992), the Green Book on the European Dimension of Education (1993), the White Book (1995), which among others – are landmarks of the European education policy in recent years. It is worth noting that the Rome Treaty (25 March 1957) did not refer to educational matters. However, these matters were gradually promoted during the 1970s, according to certain provisions which enabled the European member states to start collaboration on this very important issue. The voting concerning the European Dimension of Education which was approved by the European Council and by the Ministers of Education of member states, who met on 24 May 1988, was also typical. This voting stresses among others: the strengthening of the European identity of young people, the understanding of the value of European civilization, the promotion of democratic principles, social justice and the respect for human rights, the enlargement of the historical, cultural, economic and social knowledge of young people and the significance of the collaboration not only among member states but every country in the world. The latter in particular, gives a whole new aspect to the issue of the European dimension in education and HE (European Commission, 2006). The European Union Treaty, known as the Maastricht Treaty (1992) apart from being a significant landmark for the future of the European completion, in articles 126 and 127 refers to that structural framework which defines the aims of education in the European countries, it sets the content to teaching and generally is an important step towards the evolution of the community policy, in the field of education creates a new legal framework for the promotion of the collaboration among European countries in various sections as well as in that of education. This Treaty in article 126 specifically introduces new responsibilities for the community in the field of education and for the first time there is a legal framework which allows the community to suggest ways of cooperation in this area and what’s more in school education, while in article 127 professional training is mentioned. Typical is the following extract from article 126 ‘of high standard education, encourage the collaboration among member states and fully respect at the same time their responsibility concerning the content of teaching the educational system organization, as well as their cultural and lingual

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multiformity’. Of course these positions are closely related to the completion of the European Market and its impact in education and training regarding the reclassification of social and technological needs. The Green Book (1993), which refers to the European Dimension of Education, is one of the most significant texts on general education since it sets the basis for the realization of community activity in the field of education, defines the basic directives of the community social policy aiming mainly at the promotion of the Social White Charter of the European citizenship. In particular, the Green Book says ‘within the new framework provided by the common market, education also aims at preparing the young to take on their responsibilities in an extensive economic and social area. With this exact perspective the evolution of a European dimension of education has to be considered as a significant element contributing to the adjustment of the educational procedure in the new economic, social and cultural framework’ (article 5). The White Book (2006) with the subtitle ‘Evolution – Competitiveness – Occupation challenges and how to deal with them in view of the transition to 21st century’ represents in fact the financial philosophy of the so-called newEuropean modernization. What seems to be the main point of the White Book is the so-called ‘construction of a society of knowledge’ which is closely related to the improvement of the quality of education and training, the upgrading of the role played by Education and teacher education, the extent of social segregation etc. Lifelong education and training are emphasized on and the following educational targets are put: new knowledge acquisition, connection between education area and business, fighting of segregation, being able to speak three community languages, proper usage of training investments etc. In the above perspective, Education and HE and teacher education especially, can be considered as one of the most important axes of the discussion in European and world context in terms of common actions and challenges and common reforms/changes and solutions to educational problems and issues. In this context also, teachers’ education can be analysed as a field of a tertiary education in relation to current European programmes, declarations and policies in the context of societal framework/ societal-economical-educational crisis worldwide (Calogiannakis, Karras, Wolhuter, Chiang, 2013). This relation is discussed in many countries and characterizes various political, economical, ideological, social, demographical, cultural and educational transitions and challenges. The major European Declarations on HE in the past decade can be briefly presented as follows.

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The Sorbonne Declaration (1998) was designed by four countries, France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom, in 1998. According to this Declaration, Europe should not only remain an economic union but also an alliance of knowledge and culture. This goal could be achieved through academic institutions, whose role in this new multicultural united Europe will change gradually. The new University will encourage the movement of students and teachers, a closer working relationship between the Member States, keeping each of them unique. Besides, the Sorbonne Declaration of May 25 1998, underpinned by such considerations, stressed the universities central role for developing the European cultural dimensions and singled out the creation of the European area of HE as a pivotal means to favour the mobility of the citizens, their employability and the Continent’s development. Several European countries have accepted the invitation to engage themselves in the achievement of the objectives drawn by the Declaration, signing it or expressing their adhesion in principle. The direction taken by several HE reforms launched in the meantime in Europe has proven the governments’ determination to action. In 1999, celebrating the 100 years of the University of Bologna in Italy, 29 European countries signed the Bologna Declaration (1999). The Declaration set a goal of a coherent and cohesive European Higher Education Area (EIEA) by 2010. Particularly Bologna Declaration has three main objectives: – International competitiveness of higher institutions – Mobility of students and faculty between institutions and – Ability to work and cooperation between Member States To achieve these goals, countries pledged to make changes to enable this convergence. Specifically, the universities have been encouraged to promote the following changes: – Adoption of a system of easily readable and comparable degrees allowing comparison of degrees – Adoption of a system essentially based on two cycles (one undergraduate and one graduate-level) – Establish a system of credit units required for the acquisition of qualification (e.g. European Credit Transfer System, ECTS) – Promotion of mobility among students and faculties – Promotion of European cooperation in quality assurance – Promotion of the European dimension in HE

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In March 2000, the Lisbon European Council set the EU the ambitious strategic goal to become by 2010 ‘the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion’. Recognizing that the Union faced ‘major changes resulting from the globalization process and the knowledge economy’, the European Council stressed that this would require not only a ‘radical transformation of the European economy, but also a challenging programme for the modernization of social welfare and education systems’ (COM, 2002, 779 final). To implement the Lisbon strategy (2002), the EU has initiated a series of actions and initiatives in research and education. One of the examples is the ‘European Area of Research and Innovation Action’. In this context, the main aim is to increase the level of investment in research and technological development. In the field of education the emphasis is given to lifelong learning. The Lisbon Strategy goal was particularly important in the following areas: – – – – – –

Extension of Education Competitiveness and dynamism Economy and society More and better jobs Social inclusion and active citizenship Regional policies

In the above framework we also mention the Decisions of the European Council in Stockholm (2001) and Barcelona (2002) and The Stockholm European Council in 2001 emphasized the quality and effectiveness of education and training. According to these Decisions, education and training should serve as factors of economic development, research and innovation, competitiveness, sustainable employment, social inclusion and active citizenship. In the same way, the European Council in Barcelona in March 2002 emphasized that the new challenges have to do with the fact that the EU should become a global ‘paradigm’ of quality and value of education and training provided and that it should be the most attractive region in the world for students, academics and researchers. It also has a dual purpose to increase overall spending on research and development and for financing these costs by two-third of businesses. The European countries should implement policies and incentives to encourage more private investment in education and training as a supplement rather than a substitute for adequate public expenditure.

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In this perspective, The Treaty of Salamanca (2001) in March 2001, held in Salamanca, discussed also how to ensure the quality of universities: a representative example of this objective is the European network for quality assurance in HE (European Network for Quality Assurance in Higher Education – ENQA). The Salamanca Declaration binds the quality, accountability and autonomy as key parts of the responsibility of HE and teacher education to society. Furthermore, we mention The Prague Declaration (2001) (meeting of education ministers in Prague), attended for the first time, the newly formed federation of the universities of Europe (European University Association, EUA) and ESIB (national unions of students in Europe), the union, that is national student associations. The participants of the Prague Declaration decided to organize conferences for the consideration of the following modules: – Co-operators for establishing criteria and quality assurance; evolution of interdepartmental degrees – Evolution – the process of ‘lifelong learning’ – Student participation in the processes of the university (in the administration, evaluation etc.) – Focus on the social dimension of the university emphasizing the mobility of students and teachers, as well as implementation and extension of the Bologna Declaration We also refer to the Treaty of Berlin (2003) (on 19 September 2003), where the ministers of 33 European countries, responsible for HE, met in Berlin not only to rethink, but also pose new targets which will contribute to convergence and modernization of HE in Europe. This Treaty emphasized the social dimension of HE, which should be accessible from all walks of life, and it also, put emphasis on modernization and the creation of a competitive University through the establishment of evaluation and quality assurance. The universities will be evaluated by using mutual shared criteria and methodology at institutional, national and European levels. Emphasis was given to the following: – The conceptual definition of the obligations of assessment bodies and institutions in the evaluation of programmes and universities with external and internal evaluation. – Participation of students and the publication of results. – In a validation system or comparable procedures in international participation and cooperation of the members via the Internet.

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The European Commission at The Conference of Ministers of Education in Bergen (2005) assumed that the Berlin meeting report on the standards and guidelines for quality assurance in HE. The report was accepted and adopted by the ministers who participated in the conference. At this conference the ministers of education of the states participating in the Bologna Process informed that they had brought in laws (as committed in Berlin) for evaluation of HE. This first step was essential to pave the way for the convening of HE across Europe. In the above context of European Educational Policies that concern uniformization of HE in Europe, among others, The Bologna Declaration in 1999 set out a vision for 2010 of an internationally competitive and attractive European Higher Education Area where HE institutions will give emphasis to their well-qualified staff, to the improvement of the knowledge society and to encourage mobility and recognition of student qualifications. Since 1999, 47 parties to the European Cultural Convention, have signed up to this vision and have made significant progress towards achieving it. In a unique partnership between public authorities, HE institutions, students and staff, together with employers, quality assurance agencies, international organizations and European institutions, have engaged in a series of reforms to build a European Higher Education Area based on trust, cooperation and respect for the diversity of cultures, languages and HE systems. The BP and the resulting European Higher Education Area, being unprecedented examples of regional, cross-border cooperation in HE, have raised considerable interest in other parts of the world and made European HE more visible on the global map in the context of cooperation and mutual understanding. Bologna Declaration underlines the role of the HE institutions in developing democratic societies and social cohesion. Thus, the academic community (institutional leaders, teachers, researchers, administrative staff and students) have to give emphasis to acquire knowledge, skills and values fostering the development of democratic citizens in modern societies. International cooperation and mobility, mutual understanding and common research projects ensure the decisive role of HE in Europe. The provision of equal opportunities to quality education, the development of educational innovation and the inspiration of learning environments will create all necessary conditions to be able to successfully face the challenges of the next decade. To this perspective, European policies, especially BP, are considered very important since they should or could play an important role in different countries, given the fact that a new social, economical and cultural context has been developed in most societies; in this framework some main themes will be discussed, such as the role of HE, especially teachers education in

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relation to the unequal distribution of economical sources, marginalization of minority people and low-income social groups, inequality of educational opportunities, revision of educational policies all over the world. Following the above points of view, we argue that HE and teachers’ education especially could play an important role in different countries worldwide in areas related to: the educational and social knowledge and skills, the social values and beliefs, the citizenship, the critical thinking, the socialization , the professionalization, the economical, cultural, social and educational needs in general. In the same context, we have also to emphasize that the key formulation in relation to degree structures is found in the Bologna Declaration (1999): member states would adopt ‘a system essentially based on two main cycles, undergraduate and graduate’; ‘access to the second cycle shall require successful completion of first cycle studies’; the first cycle should last ‘a minimum of three years’; ‘the degree awarded after the first cycle shall also be relevant to the European labour market as an appropriate level of qualification’; and ‘the second cycle should lead to the master and/or doctorate degree as in many European countries’. In the Bologna Declaration (1999), the ‘establishment of a credit system such as the ECTS’ was agreed upon ‘as a means of promoting student mobility’. In Prague (2001), the aims of achieving ‘greater flexibility and transferability’ through a credit system were added, and in Berlin, the move to ECTS was agreed upon also as a means of ‘international curriculum development (2003)’. The establishment of the ECTS is meant to promote ‘greater flexibility’ for students and easier ‘transferability’ of their achievements – both nationally and internationally – as agreed in Prague (2001). This implies modularization, which is understood as breaking programmes down into smaller units. A fair proportion of elective courses in the curriculum also support these aims. Furthermore, it is known that the BP aims to create a European Higher Education Area by 2010, in which students can choose from a wide and transparent range of high quality courses and benefit from smooth recognition procedures. The Bologna Declaration of June 1999 has put in motion a series of reforms needed to make European HE more compatible and comparable, more competitive and more attractive for Europeans and for students and scholars from other continents. Reform was needed then and reform is still needed today if Europe is to match the performance of the best performing systems in the world, notably the United States and Asia. The three overarching objectives of the BP have been from the start: introduction of the three-cycle system (bachelor/master/doctorate), quality assurance and recognition of qualifications and periods of study. In the

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Leuven Communique´ of 2009 the ministers identified these priorities for the coming decade: social dimension, which includes equitable access and completion, lifelong learning; employability; student-centred learning and the teaching mission of HE; education, research and innovation; international openness; mobility; data collection; multidimensional transparency tools; funding. Steered by European ministers responsible for HE, the BP is a collective effort of public authorities, universities, teachers and students, together with stakeholder associations, employers, quality assurance agencies, international organizations and institutions. Although the process goes beyond the EU’s borders, it is closely connected with EU policies and programmes. For the EU, the BP is part of a broader effort in the drive for a Europe of knowledge which includes lifelong learning and development, strategic framework for the Open Method of Coordination in Education and Training, ET2020, the Copenhagen Process for enhanced European cooperation in Vocational Education and Training, and initiatives under the European Research Area. The EU supports a broad range of measures to modernize the content and practices of HE in the 27 Member States and the EU’s 28 neighbouring countries, including with the support of the Lifelong Learning Programme (LLP), the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA), the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI) and the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI), the Tempus programme and the EU’s programme for worldwide academic cooperation: Erasmus Mundus. The EU also works to support the modernization agenda of universities through the implementation of the 7th EU Framework Programme for Research (European Research Area) and the Competitiveness and Innovation Programme as well as the Structural Funds and loans from the European Investment Bank. To establish synergies between the BP and the Copenhagen process, which concerns vocational education and training, in co-operation with Member States, the Commission has established a European Qualifications Framework for lifelong learning (EQF). The EQF is linked to and supported by other initiatives in the fields of transparency of qualifications (Europass), credit transfer (the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System for Higher Education – ECTS – and the European Credit System for Vocational Education and Training – ECVET) and quality assurance (European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education – ENQA – and the European Network for Quality Assurance in Vocational Education and Training – ENQAAVET) (Hans-Uwe, 1999). In general, in the above context of Declarations and Processes, the following objectives should be considered, which are of primary relevance to

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establishing the European area of HE and promoting the European system of HE world-wide: – Adoption of a system of easily readable and comparable degrees, also through the implementation of the Diploma Supplement, in order to promote European citizens employability and the international competitiveness of the European HE system. – Adoption of a system essentially based on two main cycles, undergraduate and graduate. Access to the second cycle shall require successful completion of first cycle studies, lasting a minimum of three years. The degree awarded after the first cycle shall also be relevant to the European labour market as an appropriate level of qualification. The second cycle should lead to the master and/or doctorate degree as in many European countries. – Establishment of a system of credits – such as in the ECTS system – as a proper means of promoting the most widespread student mobility. Credits could also be acquired in non-HE contexts, including lifelong learning, provided they are recognized by receiving universities concerned. – Promotion of mobility by overcoming obstacles to the effective exercise of free movement with particular attention to the following: (1) students should have access to study and training opportunities; (2) teachers, researchers and administrative staff should have access to services related to them; and (3) there should be recognition and valorization of periods spent in a European context researching, teaching and training, without prejudicing their statutory rights. – Promotion of European co-operation in quality assurance with a view to developing comparable criteria and methodologies. – Promotion of the necessary European dimensions in HE, particularly with regards to curricular development, inter-institutional co-operation, mobility schemes and integrated programmes of study, training and research. The European process, thanks to the extraordinary achievements of the last few years, has become an increasingly more concrete and relevant reality for the Union and its citizens. Enlargement perspectives as well as deepening relations with other European countries attribute even wider dimensions to this reality. Meanwhile we witness a growing awareness in large sectors of the political and academic world and in the public regarding the necessity to bestow more complete and far-fetching contents to the European construction, in particular building upon and strengthening its intellectual, cultural, social and technical dimensions. The Europe of knowledge is now widely recognized as an irreplaceable factor for growth and as an indispensable component to consolidate and enrich the European

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citizenship, capable of providing the citizens with the necessary competences for facing the challenges of the new millennium together with the awareness of shared values and of belonging to a social and cultural common space. European universities and Teachers Education Institutions have accepted the challenge and taken up a main role in the construction of the European area of HE, also in the wake of the fundamental principles laid down in the Magna Charta Universitatum of 1988. This is of the highest importance, given that the universities’ independence and autonomy ensure the HE and research systems’ continuous adaptation to the changing needs, the demands of society and the advances in scientific knowledge. The course has been set in the right direction and with meaningful determination. The process of convergence of the systems of HE requires nevertheless constant impulse in order to be fully accomplished. It is necessary to support it by promoting concrete measures to achieve tangible steps ahead. It is true that European Educational Policies try to pay attention at the objective to increase the international competitiveness of the European system of HE and teacher education. The vitality and efficiency of any civilization is measured in fact by the attraction that its cultural system exerts on other countries. It is needed to ensure that the European system of HE acquires in the world a degree of attraction equal to our extraordinary cultural and scientific traditions. In this context the following objectives that we deem of primary relevance to establishing the European area of HE and promoting the European system of HE in the world.  Adoption of a system of degrees easily readable and comparable in order to promote the European citizens employability and the international competitiveness of the European system of HE.  Adoption of a system based on two cycles, the first, of three years at least, spendable on the European labour market and in the HE system as an adequate level of qualification.  Establishment of a system of credits – developing the European Credit Transfer System – acquired also in non-HE contexts, provided they are recognized by the University system, as a proper means to favour the most wide and diffused student mobility.  Elimination of remaining obstacles to the effective exercise of the rights to free mobility and equal treatment with particular attention to: – with regard to students, access to all services related to education – with regard to teachers, researchers and administrative staff, recognition and valorization of periods spent in a European contest

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researching, teaching and training, without prejudice to their rights to pension and social security – Promotion of criteria and methodologies for quality assessment  Implementation of the necessary European dimensions of the HE space, particularly with regards to curricular contents, inter-institutional cooperation, mobility schemes and integrated programmes of study, training and research. These objectives are considered very important for the development of the European area of HE and cooperation and interaction in different levels of communication. To that purpose we have to promote and encourage the ways of inter-governmental cooperation in the framework of the European Union as well as of the other non-European institutions with competence on HE and teacher education (Eurydice, 2012; Karras & Wolhuter, 2012).

A DESCRIPTION OF MAIN ISSUES AND CHALLENGES OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA TODAY: CORRELATIONS AND ANALOGIES WITH EUROPEAN EDUCATION POLICIES AND DEMANDS – LESSONS TO BE DERIVED FOR AFRICAN STATES There are many lessons to be learned through cooperation with the EU. (European Union Ambassador Roeland van der Geer)

According to Hocine Khelfaoui (2009) the European reform of HE, known as BP, is gaining momentum in most African countries. BP, in reality, is a process of reforms aimed at establishing a European Higher Education Area. Initiated in 1998 by the four signatories of the Sorbonne Declaration (France, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom), it currently includes 46 member countries of the European Union. The objectives that are usually associated to it by its promoters are: (1) to ensure mobility within the European HE space, in order to study or work in this space, (2) to increase the international competitiveness of the European HE by attracting the best students and scientists from outside Europe and (3) to give Europe the scientific capacity to face the challenges of the contemporary world. So far, while in Europe the reform still gives rise to controversy, is the subject of intense discussions among social groups involved, and has as many versions

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as there are countries, most African states have taken steps for its adoption or are already in an advanced stage of its implementation. This situation includes quite unusual factors, in the sense that it is particularly rare for a state to accept the importation of a reform, which implies such a scope and challenge, even before it has been proven in countries for which and in which it was conceived. This situation appears even more unusual because, as stated in the articles of this issue, the core content of the reform does not bring, in most countries, substantially new elements, apart from the structures and duration of the curricula. It is indeed basically difficult to find in the reform itself, or even in the African HE system, all the principles underlying its adoption (Khelfaoui, 2009; Robertson, 2008; Teffera, 2005). Therefore, the following lines will seek to identify and explain the factors which have mainly led to the introduction of the BP in the African HE. The focus will not so much be on the intrinsic content of this reform as on conditions for its imposition and its special contribution to African HE systems. The first part will, from a historical perspective, examine the events which, over the last two decades, led to this ‘African consensus’ on the reform. We will try to show that the imposition of the BP was possible because it came at a time of great political and intellectual vacuity, the result of a series of ‘reforms’ that led to the dismantling of the economic and social construction that was beginning to take shape just after independence. The second part will deeply examine the relevance of the contributions that the BP proposes to African HE systems. Bologna Declaration in reality is looking for a common European answer to common European problems. That has to do with the recognition that European HE institutions are facing common internal and external challenges and problems related to the growth and diversification of HE, the employability of their students, the expansion of private versus public education and transnational education etc. It is known that countries in Africa face a lot of challenges in the area of HE and institution. For some researchers these challenges can be characterized as both internal and external in nature (Teffera, 2005). Internally, economic difficulties, political instabilities, different kind of disease, as well as natural disaster have caused a lot of problems in developing socio-economical, cultural and educational institutions, especially in the area of HE. From the other hand, the external forces have to do with different kind of policies, external national and international factors. Africa, a continent of 54 countries, has around 800 million people. More than 300 public and 1,000 private institutions enrol 5 million students that employ about 200,000 faculty. HE in Africa is a 5-billion dollar enterprise. It should be noted that the reality of North Africa is different from the rest of

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Africa, what is generally known as Sub-Saharan Africa. In this framework, institutions of knowledge creation and knowledge dissemination are undergoing major overhauls and reforms across all over the world over in order to place themselves and their countries in a competitive position. The BP and the whole European HE Policies represent this emerging development. From this perspective, African countries face numerous challenges in building their knowledge institutions – universities. The challenges that these countries face can be characterized as both internal and external in nature. Internally, economic poverty, civil conflicts, diseases and natural disasters have caused major problems in building meaningful social, economic, cultural and educational institutions. The external forces are equally, if not more significantly, culpable in impacting the development of HE in the continent. Structural adjustment programmes, trade imbalance, debt burden, and unfavourable policies have punched a serious blow on the already weak state of affairs. HE institutions – and teacher education especially – have a special place in Africa as bastions of virtually all knowledge dissemination and creation, contrasting elsewhere where numerous other knowledge agents do exist. In the above perspective, most of the problems the European Area grapples with are also everyday realities in Africa which requires the need to portray valuable and relevant lessons selectively. There is a great difference however in the scope and extent of the challenges. Africa faces more acute and serious challenges in nearly all aspects of HE development: funding, enrolment, infrastructure, governance and management, brain drain, capacity building, equity and access, quality, graduate employability and so on. The expansion of for-profit private HE, now a fast growing educational phenomenon, is another major development that gripped the continent. Therefore, common regional responses to growing common challenges, as in Bologna and European Educational Policies in general, remain the obvious choice for Africa (Teffera, 2005). According to Susan Robertson (2008) the 2007 conference aimed to discuss ways in which African universities could use lessons learned from the BP to build more cooperative international relationships across four main themes: the decision process that has brought African universities or countries to opt for the Bologna model, the direct or indirect effects of the decision to adopt the Bologna model: curriculum reform, quality assurance and accreditation, mobility, recognition and joint degrees, professional master’s/research master’s degrees and doctoral schools, the current evolution of the emerging countries’ universities, and their place in globalization, the role of international and/or financial organizations in the promotion of the Bologna model. It is clearly important to ensure articulation between different

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countries qualifications regimes to ensure ease of mobility across borders. However, this is not the only reason for advancing a Bologna-inspired restructuring of HE. It is also being used as a tool to generate new forms of regionalism, a development Global Higher Education has been covering in previous entries. The World Education Services, for example, reports that for the three countries of the Maghreb, much of this regional collaboration was undertaken with an eye to developing a ‘Euro-Mediterranean Higher Education and Research Area’. A founding document for the proposed education area was signed in January 2006 and is known as the Catania Declaration. In addition to Euro-Mediterranean and Maghreb countries, Egypt and Jordan are also signatories to the Declaration. So, while the advance of the BP in Europe does have important implications for those countries that continue to have strong ties to Europe’s system of HE and labour markets, Bologna in Africa is also important as it is activating new actions and forms of regionalisms. It is in this sense, then, that we might say that Bologna in Africa is both aspirational and inspirational (Robertson, 2008; Teffera, 2005). On 17 May 2012, South Africa and the EU signed their Joint Declaration on Cooperation in Education and Training (Joint Declaration, 2012). The Declaration is the formal endorsement of years of rapidly intensifying collaboration among the two partners. According to this Declaration, the Deputy Minister Hlengwe Mkhize said that ‘international partnerships are a resource for the improvement of quality and relevance’ in education. ‘There are many lessons to be learned through cooperation with the EU’. While technically the Declaration does not have immediate practical implications, it is an important political statement that has been long overdue. It reaffirms the importance both parties attach to education in the activities that have been developed following earlier agreements such as the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA), the Joint Action Plan of 2007 and the Joint Declaration of 2009 and the conclusions of the EU-SA Joint Cooperation Council meetings of 4 November 2008 and 23 July 2009, calling for broadening cooperation in the fields of education and training (Joint Declaration, 2012, http://www.eusa.org.za/en/index.htm). This Declaration – as an example of cooperation and link with European Educational Policies – opens the way for cooperation across the entire education system but in the years ahead there will likely be a bias towards HE and vocational education and training. The main difference with similar documents signed with other strategic partners of the EU is the mention of equity in education. This addition was specifically requested by South Africa as it is a key element in the country’s education strategies. Among the first

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focal areas for intensified collaboration will be mobility and postgraduate education and research, equity and quality in education, quality assurance mechanisms. Other fields that are clearly mentioned in the agreement are the following: recognition, credit transfer and accumulation, qualifications frameworks and the transparency and transferability of qualifications, teacher education, benchmarks, lifelong learning policies and strategies and vocational education and training. Deputy Minister Mkhize stressed that the greatest challenge that needs to be addressed with education and that therefore will be a focal point for policy dialogue is youth unemployment, which she called ‘still unacceptably high’. ‘International partnerships are a resource for the improvement of quality and relevance in our education system’, she said. ‘There are many lessons to be learned through cooperation with the EU’. EU Ambassador Roeland van der Geer stressed that cooperation with South Africa is not quite the same as with countries where the EU builds bridges and roads. ‘As a leading country on the continent, South Africa is also a key partner for jointly facing the challenges of Africa as a whole’ (Joint Declaration, ibid.). It is true that cooperation between South Africa and the EU takes place in the framework of agreements that are quite different from those governing cooperation with most other African countries, the education policy dialogue will continue to be firmly based in continental initiatives developed under the Africa–EU Strategy which also involves the African Union Commission, the African regional associations and, in HE, the Association of African universities. The Declaration obliges its signatories to jointly set up a rolling work programme to conduct their education policy dialogue. They will regularly review its implementation and discuss avenues for future cooperation. To this end, senior officials from both sides will meet in principle once a year with the venue alternating between Brussels and South Africa or any other venue agreed by both sides. The subject of the next dialogue will be on the internationalization of HE. This cooperation is one of the examples that can ‘bridge the gap’ and give opportunities and new ideas of cooperation and interaction between Europe and Africa. In summing up, we argue that Bologna Declaration as an expression of European Educational Policy in the area of HE, could constitute a ‘paradigm’/‘lesson’ for African HE in terms of historical links of the two continents, and also in terms of globalization process that effects socialcultural, economical and educational challenges. The Bologna Declaration is a promise by 29 countries to reform the structures of their HE systems in a convergent way, is not just a political statement, but a binding commitment to an action programme, it promotes global competitiveness of European

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HE, by inviting the HE community to contribute to the success of the process of reform and convergence. To this end, concepts like diversity and unity, innovation and creativity, cooperation and funding, quality assurance and mobility, lifelong learning and humanitarian view of education are considered to be of most importance. In this direction modularization, reforms, student-centred learning and global standards are some of the similar criteria and goals for educational policies in Europe that could serve Africa in the HE World today (cf. Fig. 1).

SOME PROPOSITIONS ON GENERAL COMMON AXES AND CHALLENGES CONCERNING EDUCATION POLICIES AND UNIFORMIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE WORLD IN THE 21ST CENTURY yalways the human beings ‘write’ their history, even some times they do not know that they do it (Le Thanh Khoi)

The role played by HE and teacher education in modern era is considered as most important for young generation today. With the various mechanisms at its disposal, education can both directly and indirectly provide knowledge, develop attitudes, cultivate values and mould behaviour. Within the terms of its role as an agent for socialization, it is the Education that is called upon to ‘change’ or ‘transform’ the goals and aspirations relating to the edification/education of the contemporary citizen. Yet the heart of the matter is not whether the existing framework will change or be transformed, but rather how this change will come about, who will bring it about and which parameters will be taken into consideration in the process. Through researching two issues, HE has a contribution to make in this general direction. The first relates to the type of knowledge provided by educational systems in general and HE systems in particular, in preparing young people to be future citizens – humanistic or technocratic education, aiming at the better understanding of the world around and relations they develop. The second concerns the study of those mechanisms which foster future citizens’ interest in contemporary affairs, so as to enable them to comprehend the relationships that develop between themselves and the environment on a local, foreign and global level for an education for all (Calogiannakis et al., 2013; Kazamias & Cowen, 2011; Kubow & Karras, 2011; Wiseman, 2005; Wolhuter, 2011).

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EUROPEAN HIGHER EDUCATION

AFRICAN HIGHER EDUCATION

BOLOGNIA DECLARATION

Europe-Africa: Historical Links (languages-intercultural-economical relations)

Globalization Social-Cultural—Economical-Educational Challenges

Diversity-Unity Research: innovation-creativity Competitiveness Cooperation Funding Quality Assurance Mobility (Teachers-Students) Lifelong Learning Humanitarian View of Education

Reforms Modularization (interdisciplinarity, employment opportunity) Student centered learning ECTS Global standards

Fig. 1.

European and African Higher Education: Similarities and Problems.

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The increase in the global population, with the associated phenomena of demographic upheaval, population redistribution and migration and consequent cultural upheaval have led to a redefinition of the Education itself, thus forcing modern thinkers in the context of HE and teacher education to study the concept within a local, national and global framework. Furthermore, modern reality is characterized by a whole string of unprecedented parameters: developments on the economic front and new indices of economic growth and power, technological and scientific breakthroughs coupled with the digital revolution, computer science, electronics and new forms of communication, the use of nuclear energy and biotechnology and new materials. All of the above have empowered young generation in new directions, created new values and role models and given rise to a new code of ethics. Contemporary scholars should not merely bear these issues in mind – they should trace them in relation to education and educational processes. Furthermore, the use of modern technology in education, distance education, ongoing lifelong learning and the creation of video-conferencing classes have brought into being new milieu for the development of the individual and young people; they have opened new horizons in the field of knowledge and education internationally, while also creating new study and research areas in HE and teacher education today. Lastly, there is the influence of the mass media and international relations, with legislative reforms in the area of education – for example fundamental European Union Educational Policy Documents, as well as the emphasis on human rights and the role of numerous educational bodies in stressing the concept of alterity, strongly connected the multicultural global era and human communication and development. These in turn constitute new concerns for contemporary thinkers about the role of education and the moulding of contemporary citizens. In particular, the various forms and expressions of the concept of otherness or difference, in close connection with contemporary demographic changes and the individual’s dependence on technology, pose new dilemmas and concerns for education in general and HE in particular. These concern the new knowledge to be promoted and included in the curricula of studies as well as the ways to bridge the gap between traditional education structures of all levels, and how they should be interlinked to the present and the future. The above dilemmas also relate to the comprehension of changes in technology, demography, economics and elsewhere. Furthermore, new approaches to the functions of the human brain and learning methods (multiple intelligence types), together with the widely debated changes in information and communication channels, and radical changes in the fields of labour and the economy have created

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numerous challenges on the individual and social level. Indeed, they have oriented education towards restructuring, change and a critical approach to its goals, aims and structures. Being mainly concerned with educational and social change, contemporary thinkers normally analyse educational practices, curricula, reforms and educational policies, while appearing to be less interested in the ways and means education has to mould young people, the role of new values promoted via school and how these new values emerge and are projected within the educational environment. In this context, HE could become more humanistic, in turning its attention to the ways and processes by which contemporary citizens are moulded. This could be achieved by studying both educational and social relations, human relations and moral dilemmas posed in the field of knowledge. It could also examine the priority of knowledge and the relativity of values that appear to dominate and mould contemporary citizens. This debate relates to the hierarchy of values and cultural pluralism, as well as to the interpretation of socio-political practices in their wider context and to change or development of political and social structures. Within this framework, the role of education, and HE in particular, is an issue that educators and policy makers can both contribute to, attesting their own knowledge and experience (Apple, 1995, 1996; Budapest-Vienna Declaration, 2010; Istanbul Conference, 2007). The challenges to be faced in Educational institutions of tomorrow have been appropriately presented in the Report de Colle`ge de France (1998) and they have included the following: comprehension and acceptance of other forms of culture; learning of tolerance through the discovery of difference; differentiation of forms of excellence; proliferation of opportunities and periodical revision of taught knowledge; continuing, alternative education via the use of modern techniques for the diffusion of knowledge and the consequent upgrading of the teaching profession (Karras-Wolhuter, 2012).

AS AN EPILOGUE This study aimed to present a general overview of European education policies (with special emphasis to BP) and the uniformization of HE in European countries, by an overview of main issues and challenges of HE in Africa today (correlations and analogies with European education policies and demands) and finally, by some critical discussion on general common axes and challenges concerning education policies and uniformization of HE

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in the 21st century. To this perspective, the concepts of globalization, the modern citizen and the humanitarian–cultural view of education in general is proposed to be considered as the priorities for educational policies and actions in Europe and Africa for the 21st century. Therefore, we identify some examples from European Education Policy concerning the field of HE and teacher education. We do believe that education can contribute to the strengthening of the cultural inheritance and intercultural links between Europe and Africa and the search of cultural, educational, economical and social bonds among peoples as well as the promotion of an effective international collaboration, mobility, learning and solidarity (Athens Declaration, 2003). Despite the emphasis laid on the economic and social aspect of the European Union, the role of education and culture seems to be considered at the same time very important for the achievement of aims and targets of the community as well as for the foundation of the European completion. The Declarations that refer to citizens of Europe, European conscience, European identity and European educational values have their place as long as they can be combined with the equal treatment of countries and populations, their equal participation to educational actions/programmes, the real acceptance and understanding of multiversity as it is shown through the different languages and cultures and mainly through the acceptance of a national/local context and its parallel placing to the wider – not only European – but global/universal one. To that direction, the meaning of Europe, considered a cultural value and at the same time being a cultural challenge for its inhabitants, can pursue a kind of education which will promote civilization, humanism and therefore tolerance, mutual understanding, collaboration and the peaceful coexistence of its people. In sum, we do believe that education and culture – from a point of view of the development of HE in Europe and Africa – may be an essential challenge in modern education today which looks for new values, new visions, new initiatives, new examples and also faces new challenges. Education, HE and especially teacher education is capable of contributing not only to the evolution of a national, but also to the development of a European and international/global conscience of young people, to their mobility, cooperation, lifelong learning, employment opportunities etc. To this aim, issues like access, enrolment, equality, pedagogy (and use of ICT), assessment, quality control, academic professionalization, curricula of studies, educational policies etc. have to be re-evaluated and analysed in situ so that appropriate reforms and challenges for HE world will be successful, that is, more human, peaceful and optimistic.

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REFERENCES Apple, M. (1995). Education and power (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Apple, M. (1996). Cultural politics and education. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Calogiannakis, P., Karras, K., Wolhuter, C. C., & Chiang, T.-H. (2013). Crisis in Education, collective volume (forthcoming edition). Athens: Gutenberg Editions. (In Greek and English) Karras, K., & Wolhuter, C. C. (Eds.). (2012). International handbook of teacher education woldwide (Vol. I–II). Athens: Ion Publications. Kazamias, A., & Cowen, R. (2011). International handbook of comparative education. New York, NY: Springer. Khelfaoui, H. (2009). The Bologna process in Africa: Globalization or return to ‘colonial situation’? Journal of Higher Education in Africa, 7(1–2), 21–38. Kubow, P., & Karras, K. (2011). Reconstructions of modern ‘citizen’ by the global elite: Problematizing ‘global’ and ‘citizen’ for the teacher professional. Journal of Comparative Education, 71(November), 83–106. Robertson S. (2008). The Bologna process in Africa: A case of aspiration, inspiration, or both? Retrieved from https://portfolio.du.edu/portfolio/getportfoliofile?uid=178102 Teffera, D. (2005). The Bologna process. The experience – and challenges – for Africa. Paper presented at the third conference on knowledge and politics, The University of Bergen, 18–20 May. Wiseman, A. (2005). Education for all: Global promises, national challenges. Oxford, UK: Elsevier. Wolhuter, C. C. (2011). Globalization and teacher education. Journal of Comparative Education, 21(November), 55–82.

SOURCES/DOCUMENTATION The Maastricht Treaty, 1992 Green Paper on the European Dimension of Education. COM (93) 457 final, 29 September 1993 The Rome Treaty, Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, 1997 Sorbonne Joint Declaration on Harmonization of the architecture of the European Higher Education System, Paris, May 1998 Report de College de France, 1998 The European Higher Education Area. The Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999, Joint declaration of the European Ministers of Education ‘The Challenges of a European Higher Education Space’ by Prof. Dr. Hans-Uwe Erichsen President of the Confederation of European Union Rectors’ Conferences, Bologna Forum 18 June 1999 The European Council in Stockholm, 2001 The Treaty of Salamanca, 2001 The Prague Declaration, 2001 The Lisbon Strategy, 2002 The European Council in Barcelona, 2002

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Declaration by the European Ministers of Education on intercultural education in the new European context. Resolution to foster the integration of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in educational systems in Europe, 21st session – ‘Intercultural Education: Managing Diversity, Strengthening Democracy’, Athens, Greece, 10–12 November 2003 The Treaty of Berlin, 2003 The Bergen Conference, 2005 The White Book ‘Evolution – Competitiveness – Occupation Challenges and How to Deal with them in View of the Transition to 21st Century’, 2006 European Commission, The History of European Cooperation in Education and Training, Europe in the making – an example, E.C., 2006 Standing Conference of European Ministers of Education, ‘Building a More Humane and Inclusive Europe: Role of Education Policies’, 22nd session, Istanbul, Turkey, 4–5 May 2007 Budapest-Vienna Declaration on the European Higher Education Area, 12 March 2010 The Joint Declaration South Africa-EU on Cooperation in Education and Training, 2012 (EU Delegation to the Republic of South Africa: http://www.eusa.org.za/en/index.htm) The European Higher Education Area in 2012: Bologna Process Implementation Report, Eurydice, 2012.

POLICY SPACES AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE ISLAMIC MAGHREB REGION: HIGHER EDUCATION IN TUNISIA Landis G. Fryer and Tavis D. Jules ABSTRACT This research examines higher education developments within transitory democratic spaces, using Tunisia as a case study. A document analysis of higher education policies in Tunisia shows a shift from an internal process of Tunisification to a focus on prescriptive global educational agendas. In examining higher education reforms during the past three decades in Tunisia, we attempt to understand the role of higher education in aiding and abiding the ‘‘Arab democracy deficit’’ through policies imposed upon the system through strict state intervention. We describe how higher education structures came to be, how policies were created, and detail how the issues and challenges stemming from higher education helped spread sentiments for the Tunisian Jasmine Revolution. Finally, we examine a lack of convergence, which enabled students to galvanize to overthrow a government criticized for its corruption and policy failures.

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 401–425 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021017

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INTRODUCTION Situated in the central Maghreb region of Northern Africa between Algeria and Libya, the country of Tunisia, with a population of roughly 10 million, remained a secularist stable society for decades since its independence in 1956. On December 17, 2010 the self-immolation of fruit vendor Tarek alTayeb Mohamed Bouazizi subsequently led to the collapse of the President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s government on January 14, 2011. The collection of events that followed were coined the ‘‘Jasmine Revolution’’ by foreign media and subsequently renamed the ‘‘Arab Spring’’ as it moved across the Maghreb and the Middle East. The position of Tunisia as the nation that started the democratic revolution in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has added to its place in history and marked it as a nation at the forefront of region-wide social and political change. Some of these changes have rippled through the education system of the nation, a system that served both as a catalyst of change and a recipient of scrutiny. In his 2010 piece, ‘‘Why Are There No Arab Democracies?’’ Larry Diamond suggests that ‘‘the emergence of a single democratic polity in the region, particularly in a country that might be seen as a model’’ (p. 102) could hail the beginning of an era of democratization across MENA. Prescient as his article is, Diamond (2010) overlooked Tunisia, and instead predicted Lebanon, Iraq, or Egypt as potential harbingers of democracy in the region. When looking at Tunisia, its relatively small, well-educated population, proximity to Europe, connections with France and the United States, slow economic growth, presence of trade unions, and high unemployment rate made Tunisian a powder keg primed for explosive change. While these were certainly primary factors in why the revolution started there, why it worked builds on two factors: the military and the education system. It can be said that the success of the uprising fell heavily on the shoulders of the military, whose refusal to engage with civilians and denial of orders from the president led to his fall, and turned Tunisia in a different direction than Syria or Bahrain (Barany, 2011). The depth and saturation of education within the nation also bears some responsibility for the success of the revolution and spread of democratic ideals. Since education was a central component of the Tunisian uprising, we use higher education development in Tunisia as a case study to examine how education policies were shaped, what influences existed and were incorporated into policy, and how the model crafted thereafter can be utilized as a model for similarly positioned nations both within the continent of Africa and the Arab world. In focusing on the importance of education

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within transitory democratic spaces, this research draws on the literature of educational transfer to show how ‘‘global scripts and blueprints,’’ (Meyer, Drori, & Hwang, 2006) as well as how imported policy agendas from ‘‘international knowledge banks’’ (Jones, 2004) and economic areas such as the European Union, helped shaped the current higher education system within Tunisia. Essentially, as the government established higher education to create citizens to build the nation-state, it also set the stage for higher education to train revolutionaries against the nation-state while seeking to train them to be citizens of the world. Given Tunisia’s close connections with France and the European Union, it is important to know why and how Tunisia choose to develop citizens for the European market – looking North instead of looking South. Therefore, our primary research questions are: (i) How much influence did external policies have on the development of higher education in Tunisia; (ii) how were external policies internalized; and (iii) how might adopting external policies have led to the revolution? We attempt to answer these questions through the examination of policies for higher education from the ministries of education in Tunisia, and ground our findings in comparative theories of educational transfer. In what follows below, we first sketch the background of educational reform in Tunisia. Next, we show how the theoretical framework of educational transfer illustrates the role of education in transitory spaces. We then discuss the findings, which revealed what we call three distinctive Contexts and Preconditions for Change: (i) Tunisification, which explains how, in borrowing from its historical past, the postindependence Tunisian government set about reclaiming and repurposing education to embody the spirit and cultural complexity of the nation itself; (ii) Looking Up and Looking Out, which examines what foreign policy elements Tunisia borrowed or imported for its educational policies; and (iii) Citizens at the Crossroads, which outlines how higher education inadvertently crafted citizens to become revolutionaries. Based on these findings, we argue that the Tunisian government, in establishing and reforming its higher education system in line with international standards throughout the decades, created a population primed to topple the oppressive government. Moreover, given the geopolitical significance of Tunisia and the fact that the Jasmine Revolution drew strength from higher education, it is important to show that higher education is also undergoing a transition from strict authoritarian oversight to a system marked by neoliberal autonomy. Finally, the conclusion offers ways in which this chapter contributes to the current discourse on higher education in Africa, and potential areas of further research.

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TUNISIA’S POST-COLONIAL EDUCATION REFORMS President Habib Bourguiba ruled Tunisia for three decades until Zine El Abidine Ben Ali succeeded him in 1987. Before independence, education was restricted to foreigners, the wealthy, and men. A believer in the power of education to reform a nation, in 1958 Bourguiba set about initiating education reform including creating access for all, requiring a school be built in almost every community, and establishing a higher education institution, essentially ‘‘guaranteeing y [the] legitimate right to fundamental needs such as sufficient food, decent housing, education, culture, health and a job’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 21). His major push in education was twofold, and focused on: (i) expanding schooling to all Tunisians and (ii) ‘‘training expeditiously the cadre that the ongoing state-building urgently needs’’ (Ministry of Education and Training [MOET], 2002, pp. 9–10). The initial educational reforms also included making education free of charges from first grade through university while emphasizing technical and vocational education. During this initial push, the goal was to have ‘‘training consonant with demands and needs of a society that aspires to progress and is resolutely open onto modernity’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 9). The Bourguiba administration seems, through policy, to have equated the massification of education and the increased capacity of Tunisian human capital as foundation to the creation of a modern Tunisian society. A component of larger reform, higher education reform also began early in the Bourguiba administration, since the system at the time ‘‘had to respond to the needs of an independent and modern nation that has the ambition to maintain sovereignty and its own personality and to beam both on the regional and worldly environment’’ (Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Technology [MOHESRT], 2008, p. 18). Prior to Bourguiba’s reforms, higher education in Tunisia was originally three separate entities: (i) religious education through the Zitouna; (ii) a French focused education through the Ecole Normale Superieure; and (iii) a civic education through Sadiki College. At that time, the religious education offered in the Zitouna was not seen as a significant contributor to the modernization project and the economic development of a newly independent Tunisia. Yet, there was a desire to keep the Zitouna going, most likely because of its historical and symbolic significance within religious circles in the Arab world. Thus, the first major higher education reform brought the Zitouna and Ecole Normale Superieure together and established Universite´ de Tunis (now the University of Tunis El Manar) on March 31, 1960 with six faculties: Mathematics, Physics, and Natural Science; Medicine and Pharmacy; Law and Political

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and Economic Science; Letters and Human Sciences; Theology (the former Zitouna); and Ecole Normale Superieure. The next higher education reform of January 24, 1969 ‘‘stipulates that the council of the university presidency would be headed by the state secretary of the national education’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 48), moving the system under the direct control of the government. The National School of Engineers and the Higher Institute of Enterprise Management were also established in 1969. The July 1976 education law ‘‘defined the mission of higher education and scientific research and directed orientations’’ and called for ‘‘the preservation and reinforcement of humanity and civilization values so as to consolidate and perpetrate the national and cultural identity through the systematic teaching of the Arabic language’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 58). The education law also reinforced ‘‘free access to higher education’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 59). Through Bourguiba’s era, the number of enrollees in higher education and the number of teachers grew, and expanded access to education led to an increase of school institutions at the primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. After taking power in 1988, one of President Ben Ali’s first education reforms was to ‘‘reshape [education’s] structures according to a rational approach that takes into account the national reality, inspired of success instances worldwide’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 71), opening up the inwardly focused system to global influence. The 1989 reform reinforced ‘‘compulsory and free basic schooling y redefined the mission and finalities of education, [and] restructured secondary education,’’ all due to evaluations that ‘‘revealed gaps and modest student performance’’ which highlighted ‘‘persistent weakness of the system’s efficiency and payoff’’ (MOET, 2002, pp. 10–11). According to the Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Technology (MOHESRT, 2008), the law also aimed to ‘‘establish y university decentralization and the autonomy of the universities in the fields of the administrative, financial and pedagogical management’’ (p. 71) and ‘‘reduce pressure on the north-east pole of the capital’’ (p. 74) through the establishment of centers in Bizerte and Gafsa. The July 23, 2002 Education Act established goals of education and the functions of schools, stating, ‘‘education aims at cultivating y fidelity and loyalty in students to Tunisia’’ (MOET, 2002, p. 5) while increasing their ‘‘capacity for self-education and to prepare them for access to educated community’’ (MOET, 2002, p. 9). The 2002 Act further detailed the set of skills students were to acquire through schooling: (i) practical (mathematics, science, computer science, and technology); (ii) strategic (organize, analyze, and find correct information); (iii) initiative (spirit of

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creativity); and (iv) behavioral (senses of responsibility, self-reliance, and cooperation). In 2005, Ben Ali introduced another set of reforms under the title ‘‘Tunisia Tomorrow,’’ which called for ‘‘a large scientific and technological partnership with the overseas’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 155). The aim of the Higher Education Act of February 25, 2008 was to ‘‘boost the confidence of students and parents, answer societal expectations, employers’ needs and confirm the credibility of national degrees abroad’’ (MOET, 2008, p. 18). It also ‘‘intends to metamorphose higher education in the sole aim at the improvement of the quality of its teaching and research services, a better adaptation of the training to the local, regional and world mutations and a greater enhancement of the students, teachers and researchers’ initiative’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 191). Overall, these reforms were designed to ‘‘fulfill the convergence with the university teaching at the EU countries’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 207). While Ben Ali held sway over the nation for two and a half decades, he and his government kept the country and its education systems in a seemingly stable position. Here, the fundamental irony is that the Jasmine Revolution drew on disillusionment and frustration stemming from instability in the higher education system (among other institutions, e.g., trade unions and religion); in essence, the revolution had its conception within higher education reforms that date back to the immediate independence period.

EDUCATIONAL TRANSFER Educational transfer is a well-researched topic within Comparative and International Education (Beech, 2006, 2011, 2012; Jules, 2008; Phillips & Ochs, 2004; Rappleye, 2006; Rappleye & Paulson, 2007; Robertson, Bonal, & Dale, 2002). Authors who have analyzed educational transfer have questioned the ‘‘politics of educational borrowing and lending (‘why’), the process (‘how’) and the agents of transfer (‘who’)’’ (Steiner-Khamsi, 2004, p. 2), the ‘‘foci of attraction’’ in different contexts (Phillips, 2004; Phillips & Ochs, 2004), and ‘‘referential web[s]’’ (Vavrus, 2004) based on ‘‘reciprocal references’’ (Schriewer, 2000). However, there has been limited work that focuses on the settings ‘‘when’’ educational transfer takes place. Thus, at what moment does the correct ‘‘policy window or window of opportunity’’ (Kingdon, 1984) open and create a space to facilitate and engage in educational import and export? It is within this context that it becomes necessary to focus on the ways in which higher education systems

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interact nationally and internationally and how they affect society by analyzing ‘‘when’’ higher education reform begins. Within the transfer framework, it is necessary to understand if exogenous or endogenous policy forces have influenced the several waves of higher education reform in Tunisia. As such, the primary theoretical component of the chapter will be on policy import and export (Steiner-Khamsi & Stolpe, 2006) as well as ‘‘silent borrowing’’ (Waldow, 2009) to comprehend whether the reform packages that are being transferred to the country have an international or regional flavor – or something in between. Additionally, the desire for policymakers to create Tunisian citizens capable of working in the European market relies heavily on the preparation they receive in higher education and how similarly that education can be translated to fit the needs of foreign markets. Our framework also draws from Dale’s (2009) ideals of creating a ‘‘European Education Space (EES)’’ to understand how the government of Tunisia looked toward Europe as a model to emulate the development in its own university system. The EES is framed ‘‘formally by the Treaty [responsibilities], substantively by the Lisbon agenda, and historically by pre-2000 European education initiatives [of the European Commission]’’ (p. 32) and has the core elements of ‘‘economic competitiveness, developing a European Social Model, and enhancing Europe y [as a] political/ economic/cultural entity’’ (p. 38). As Tunisia looked to Europe, it had repercussions for the type of education offered and also on the academic outcomes of both faculty and students. Finally, Luhmann’s (1990, 1995) positions on externalization to various world situations allow us to position Tunisia’s higher education policy at the intersection of world culture, internationality, and internationalization.

METHODOLOGY AND DATA SOURCES Narrative analysis focuses on telling the story of how elements are sequenced, why some elements are different from others, and how past perceptions share the present. We used a narrative analysis framework since the stories that emerge from the experiences of people can be utilized to provide information about particular phenomena (Merriam, 2009; Schwandt, 2007). A core component of our narrative analysis was analyzing the policy discourse that exists in Tunisian higher education policy. Ball (1990) considers policy texts as frameworks that determine possibilities for action and structure understanding of education policy. Taylor’s (2004)

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model shows that discourse analysis helps to understand the commands and instructions within texts, or what Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) call the ‘‘magisterial discourse’’ (i.e., the language of the transmitter). Therefore, this research is situated within texts and language to uncover stories within policy, as these stories often involve both written and oral data (Merriam, 2009) that relay how elements of higher education reform and development found a place within the uprising. For this study, the data analysis was conducted at the level of ‘‘policy talk’’ and not at the level of ‘‘policy implementation’’ (Brunsson, 1989) to understand ‘‘scripts’’ (Labov, 1997; Labov & Waletzky, 1967) or ‘‘canonical events’’ (Bruner, 1990). Therefore, to understand the positioning of higher education in Tunisia within the framework of narrative analysis, the method selected to develop rich, thick description (Merriam, 2009) was ‘‘critical education policy analysis’’ (Simons, Olssen, & Peters, 2009), a useful tool in analyzing the discourse within education policy documents and identifying emergent crucial themes. The critical education policy analysis used in this research epitomizes the values of authoritative actors and institutions whose knowledge about the social world are echoed in such texts (Ball, 1990). As such, critical education policy analysis can be used to uncover significant key concepts of educational policies (Connell & White, 1989; Rizvi & Kemmis, 1987; Taylor, Rizvi, Lingard, & Henry, 1997). This analysis utilized higher education policies collected from the Tunisian Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Technology (MOHESRT), the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET), and from the offices of UNESCO in Tunis. These include all educational policies written in English to date including The National Pact (1992), the Education Act of 2002, and The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Tunisian University, 1958–2008 (2008). Once data were collected, we followed Labov’s (1972) thematic organization principles and organized language in an evaluative module based on an abstract (defining the problem), an orientation (the setting or exposition), a complication (the problem or crisis that occurred), an evaluation, and a resolution or coda (or closure). In narrative analysis, these elements may not occur in a constant order; multiple or reoccurring elements may exist within a single narrative (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). Therefore, the analysis focused on reports and publications from the Tunisian government and UNESCO to understand how higher education within Tunisia was contextualized, constructed, and developed. Additionally, we drew upon secondary sources to cull more data, primarily building upon research presented by John Champagne in his 2007 work: ‘‘‘Job

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Seekers’ and ‘Enterprise Incubators’: Educational Reform in Tunisia,’’ which offers a preliminary insight into the state of higher education prior to the revolution and therefore serves as a starting point for our analytical development.

TUNISIFICATION, LOOKING UP AND LOOKING OUT, AND CITIZENS AT THE CROSSROADS Our narrative analysis shows three distinctive findings (Tunisification, Looking Up and Looking Out, and Citizens at the Crossroads) form the core of what we call Contexts and Preconditions – i.e., the ingredients that were present in Tunisian higher education that potentially catalyzed the Jasmine Revolution. These ingredients included language, financing, employability, and the historical relevance of the higher education system within civil society. Tunisification explores the connection between the unique history of Tunisia and the development of a particular type of educational experience for its citizens. Looking Up and Looking Out demonstrates what the government borrowed and imported as components for the current university system, and how the system of Tunisian higher education could be held as a beacon for not only MENA, but for the entire continent of Africa. Citizens at the Crossroads discusses how higher education functions for Tunisians at the intersection of policy and practice, offering up questions of convergence and underpinnings of the revolution. Tunisification Tunisification highlights the history, culture, and religion of Tunisia, and how these coalesced into a new category of education development within the nation. Champagne (2007) notes, ‘‘the post-independence Tunisian government’s desire to use education to create citizen-subjects y in which Westernization and Tunisian Islamic culture would be ‘synthesized’’’ (p. 204), a sentiment echoed in policy as Tunisification of citizens, intended to occur through the transmission of culture, national identity, and history within the university environment. The process of Tunisification is not new; in fact ‘‘the Tunisian university, a major link in the process of the Tunisification of education, was created by the finance law promulgated on March 31st, 1960’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 32). The Tunisification process had three core elements: (i) evoking history; (ii) enhancing culture and

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religion; and (iii) promoting gender equity, and had the goals (i) to make the teaching staff of the university Tunisian and (ii) to keep Tunisian students in the country through enhanced educational opportunities. Evoking History The first element of the Tunisification process occurred as Tunisia evoked the history of the Carthaginian Empire, its later position within the Roman Empire, and its religious significance within the Islamic world. This process was based on borrowing the relevant cultural historical elements, and then reconstituting these elements into new policy reforms. For example, in calling Tunisia a ‘‘cradle of civilizations’’ (TECA, 1992), Tunisian policymakers evoke the rich, ancient imperial histories of Tunisia in order to separate the nation from others within MENA and the Mediterranean. This history was adopted as a core educational value of the Tunisification process. Indeed, the policies suggest that Tunisia must build upon the ‘‘wealth of potential which once enabled our country to play a remarkable part in the Mediterranean’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 21), a role it certainly played by being the starting place of the Arab Spring. The transfer of history was evoked for modern policy since higher education has a significant place in the Tunisian past. Early students traveled to Tunisia from ‘‘all over the Muslim Occident’’ to the Zituona, established in 737 BCE as the first Islamic university, whose ‘‘impact spread beyond the boundaries of the country thanks to the great culture and aura of its scientists who taught there’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 24). The Sadiki College was established in 1875, just before the French took official control of Tunisia. Sadiki was the first Tunisian college of the modern era, and ‘‘the instauration of a modern education provided in the establishments that was conceived on the Occidental model was then the necessary lever’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 25) to promote the creation of the unique Tunisian higher education system – one with some roots in the French higher education system. In 1945, ‘‘the Institute of Higher Studies y which depends on the University of Paris may be considered as the matrix and cornerstone to modern Tunisian higher education’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 25), once more situating historical education foundations in Europe. It is very important to note here that the higher education system that already existed in Tunisia only achieved modern status when it was linked to or built upon the system imported and transferred by the French during the colonial period. Indeed, ‘‘the stage was prepared by the creation of the Ecole Normale Superieure in 1956, the first institution of higher education in independent Tunisia’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 27), so stated despite the

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presence of both Sadiki and the Zitouna as higher education institutions. However, soon after Bourguiba’s presidency began, policy acknowledged, ‘‘higher education relied in 1958 on institutions and schools that already existed during colonization and which were adapted in order to be converted into national institutions’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 17). Overall, the history of higher education in Tunisia and the history of the cultures which inhabited the nation were essential components of the Tunisification project championed by Bourguiba. Enhancing Culture and Religion The second element of Tunisification, as identified in the educational policies, was the transfer of cultural attributes and religious beliefs as a central component of education. Education became the institution through which the process of Tunisification could be implemented and rooted within the people of the nation, especially given that education was compulsory. In fact the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET, 2002) notes ‘‘education aims at y strengthening students sense of y cultural belonging in y national, Maghreb, Arab, Islamic, African and Mediterranean dimensions, widening their outlook into human civilization’’ (p. 5). Thus, education served students by giving them an identity marker, one that combined the history and geography of the nation into a unique cultural fountain that was distinctly Tunisian. Additionally, the government was quick to note ‘‘the Tunisian people were among the first to appeal for Maghreb unity as a stage towards Arab unity’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 27), giving more credence to the position of Tunisia as primary and unique within MENA. Maintaining a connection to Islam became a central component of higher education in Tunisia, ‘‘for Tunisia to remain what it has always been, one of the centres of Islamic influence’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 10). The maintenance of the Zitouna and its incorporation into the Universite´ de Tunis structure enabled the government to show how ‘‘Islam is vital and open to the requirements of the modern age and of evolution’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 11). This historical educational transfer signaled both a connection and a separation; the connection to Islam points to a desire for Tunisia to remain connected to the Arab world, and for Tunisia to maintain its influence with its Islamic neighbors, despite the secularist declarations of the government. In this way, students who graduate with a religious education would carry their Tunisian identity and Islamic knowledge throughout the Arab world, perpetuating the reach of the Tunisian university system and reinforcing its religious significance.

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The absence of reforms aimed specifically at religious education speaks to the distance the government wanted to establish between itself and religion. Almost all education reform dealt with secular education, despite the government using the history of the Zitouna to highlight its history and appeal to religion-focused foreign students and faculty. This disconnection, combined with the oppression of religious expression, simmered within higher education institutions. In the Maghreb, religion and culture are intricately entwined; the goal of the university to ‘‘preserve national culture and endeavor to promote it by furthering qualitative and ongoing creations in the domains of science, letters and fine arts’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 33) effectively ignores this interconnection and paved the way for religious counterculture to enter the revolutionary fray. Promoting Gender Equity Finally, one of the most unique elements of Tunisification was gender equity. Prior to Bourguiba’s reform, education was not only reserved for the wealthy, but it was also only available to men. Early education reform borrowed elements of equity from the West and set out to establish that ‘‘the principle of equality is no less important that the principle of freedom: equality between citizens, between men and women, there must be no discrimination’’ (TECA, 1992, pp. 16, 17). Gender equity was part of the modernization efforts of Bourguiba and continued under Ben Ali, since ‘‘the promotion of absolute equality among the sexes y has become the best means of social promotion’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 17). The importance of gender in the Tunisification project lay in its uniqueness among all nations of the world. Before many nations even granted women’s suffrage, in 1956 Tunisia had not only allowed women to vote, but the nation created job and pay equality, and offered women the right to attend school through university. Women now outnumber men in higher education by a significant margin (MOHESRT, 2008), and represented some of the voices in the revolution as well. Therefore, any nation desiring to follow the Tunisia model of education reform must put gender equity at the top of their list.

Looking Up and Looking Out The second theme, Looking Up and Looking Out, emerged as policy was set to look beyond Tunisia’s borders for reform influences during and beyond the implementation of Tunisification. Early on, the Tunisians had but one foreign system upon which to draw influence: the French. Now the globe is

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the stage and policymakers for higher education admit their mission is to ‘‘spot the most convincing experiences in the field and to profit from them’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 12), signifying a direct method of borrowing tops their policy strategy and agenda. The university system in Tunisia has been almost holistically borrowed from Europe, creating a seismic shift from the internal focus of the Tunisification program. The theme Looking Up and Looking Out is premised upon the ability of education policymakers in Tunisia to construct the higher education system to align with that of the European Union’s Educational Policy Space. The Bologna Process, aimed at creating the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), has become a core part of the Tunisian reform process as exemplified in the wholesale adoption of ‘‘the LMD system (Bachelor-Masters-PhD) y a choice made by the State to develop higher education and raise it to the standards of most developed countries as well as to achieve the strategic objectives of the country’’ (MOET, 2008, p. 18). Combined with historical transfer, the MOHESRT (2008) notes that in Tunisia ‘‘the university will y boost the comprehensive process of economic development. It will remain an inexhaustible source of creation and innovation y. So that Tunisia remains forever, the symbol of science, culture and civilization which it has always been throughout history’’ (p. 15). Even with these lofty measures, the MOET (2003) writes that education is ‘‘still far behind what has been achieved in the European Union’’ (p. 37). Through this language, the Tunisian university has been placed in a specific space and time, charged with leading the country out of its economic trials. To do this, the university system must aim to catch up rapidly with the university system in Europe and ‘‘enhance Tunisia’s place in the world’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 6). In addition, under Looking Up and Looking Out are four areas of policy that were directly transferred from the international discourse into conceptualizing higher education reforms: competition, quality assurance, decentralization, and public private partnerships. Competition As ‘‘schools will be one of the most important fields of competition between nations that are striving to take the lead in a world without frontiers full of economic and cultural challenges linked to globalisation’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 13), Tunisia has set out to establish its higher education system as preparing to enter in and compete on the global stage. As such, Tunisian officials compare its education system to those of the European Union, Finland, North America, Asia, Australia, and New Zealand (MOET, 2003). Through its policies, the Tunisian government suggests that since most

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nations are preparing ‘‘by granting their policies top priority to education and training’’ (MOET, 2003, pp. 11–12), they should do the same. Yet, competition is focused generally in one direction: north. Indeed, although Tunisia is high on the Monitoring Learning Achievement (MLA) project in Africa, other countries included within that ranking were African; ‘‘therefore, comparison was made between educational systems with modest performance overall’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 47) and there were low numbers of participating countries as well. Essentially, Tunisia did not see its higher education system competing with and besting other African higher educational systems, which potentially may set up the nation for future lending purposes to other African countries who admire Tunisian progress. Instead, as the nation seeks to design a system that has world recognition, and is the ‘‘standard bearer of sciences, knowledge and research’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 15), its focus is the EHEA and a desire to make Tunisian universities competitive in that space. Finally, the connections between state, university, and businesses are seen as essential in helping to propel the higher education system to the forefront since ‘‘this approach towards progress has bestowed the Tunisian universities a privileged position and a scientific credibility that enabled them to compete with the most renowned universities of the world’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 19). Here, Tunisia seems to absorb the spirit of competition and fashion its own unique strategy to position itself as viable within the EHEA and beyond.

Quality Assurance The policies set forth a clear process of accountability and quality assurance, since ‘‘learning is meaningless unless it relates to the requests of society’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 14) and is accountable through some measure of success. Therefore, the Quality Assurance Support Programme in higher education ‘‘aims at reinforcing the efficiency of academic training programmes and improving their quality at different levels’’ (MOET, 2008, p. 18). In order to secure a significant program, there is one higher education research institute per institution to ‘‘deal with studies, statistics and monitoring of graduates’’ and serves as a ‘‘link between training and the labour market at the regional and national level’’ (MOET, 2008, p. 19). The quality assurance efforts were new, and were presented under some of the later reforms by Ben Ali’s government. The reforms were set up to assess faculty, and it ensures the curriculum they teach was in line with national standards. They also proposed to monitor students, but this research found no evidence related to student success.

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Decentralization The size of Tunisia allowed for a fairly rapid dispersal of education efforts throughout the nation as ‘‘progressively through and starting from the sixties, the university institutions have spread out to the towns of the interior. With this impetus came the setting up of the research structures and the Tunisification of the teaching staff’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 18). The 1969 education law ‘‘stipulates that the council of the university presidency would be headed by the state secretary on the national education,’’ thus ending the independence of the university; higher education became directly under state control. In the 1970s the higher education system was essentially dissolved, ‘‘putting an end to the structure as defined by the decree of 1960’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 48). A key component of policy was to give control of its higher education system to each province, as the University of Tunis is set up in a decentralized fashion. In 2003, the MOET suggests, ‘‘it’s time for the university level institutions to proliferate in all regions. Rarely would you find a governorate that does not have a faculty, a college or a technological institute’’ (p. 15), relating the importance of decentralization. Yet, the policy also stresses the necessary strong connections each institution must maintain with the government. So while decentralization was adopted in theory, it was not associated with provincial autonomy. Still, higher education administrators are now made responsible for attracting and building community and business partnerships that would benefit the population and lower the unemployment rate.

Public Private Partnerships Here we draw on Mohrman, Wa, and Baker’s (2007) works to understand the final higher education policy of the Ben Ali regime. The policies defining the Tunisian higher education system of the future follow characteristics of the Emerging Global Model (EGM) almost to the letter. Most significant here is the fifth characteristic of the Mohrman et al. (2007) model, which states, ‘‘new relationships are being created among universities, governments, and corporations to advance economic development and to produce knowledge for the social good’’ (p. 7). In its final pre-revolutionary education policy, the government aimed at getting a direct link to businesses through vocational training and university internship programs (MOHESRT, 2008), but left no indications on how this would happen, nor what businesses were primed to participate. Throughout the policies, the government made clear plans to connect business with higher education, but the execution of policies fell short of these stated goals.

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Citizens at the Crossroads The final finding shows that once educational transfer from Tunisia’s historical past and from international discourses had been completed, Tunisian citizens were now placed at the crossroads between modernization, nationalism, and economic advancement. Higher education in Tunisia is seen as creating ‘‘competent, creative personnel that value civic spirit’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 27), thus putting students who complete their university degrees at the crossroads. Despite policies designed to keep graduates in Tunisia and beholden to their country and government, the lack of employment opportunities caused them to question the practicality of their education and a government that seemed hypocritical and discordant with reality. The byproduct of educational transfer was that it allowed many of the students to set their own paths and focus on areas that may have helped the Tunisian uprising take off: (i) learning English, (ii) leaning science and technology, (iii) engaging with democracy, and (iv) finding employment after college. English Language Learning English learning has become a new priority in higher education, regardless of whether it was under the control of the government. Several interests were converging to make English encroach on the dominance of Arabic and French: (i) English is the language most often associated with globalization (Altbach, 2004); (ii) the government realized that English was needed to compete in the fields of science and technology; and (iii) students wanted to learn English to compete in a global market. As far as the Ben Ali’s government was concerned, they allowed students to be open to other languages, particularly those ‘‘used in science and technology’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 10). Due to its universal applications, ‘‘English is taught in over 50 tertiary-level institutions, primarily in the business and economics domain, as well as in the sciences, engineering, and medicine’’ (Daoud, 1996, p. 601), crystallizing its present significance in Tunisian higher education. In addition, for the students at university, ‘‘access to English promises them job opportunities, particularly in corporations with global aspirations’’ (Champagne, 2007, p. 207). Clearly the students wanted to learn English to help them participate in an economy beyond Tunisia, a component of Looking Out. Essentially, the globe, the country and the citizens all needed to use English, but this was motivated by their own self-interest. Evidence is clear in the publications of the policies themselves – all of the major national higher education reforms enacted since the early 2000s were written in

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English (not in Arabic as under Bourguiba or French as under the protectorate), meaning that the Tunisian government was cognizant of the global role of English and used it to its advantage. Students, Science, and Technology In 1978, the Tunisian university system established the first computer science department in North Africa ‘‘in order to train engineers in this specialty’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 39). This history is important, as early on the Tunisian government connected development with technology and access to technological education. Further, the government alluded to the idea that ‘‘modern exact sciences and new technologies’’ are ‘‘the effective agents of building of a knowledge society and sustainable development’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 15). As noted above, the Tunisian government seems to have realized that the largest portion of advancement in the sciences included English as a common language (Altbach, 2004); therefore, many advancements in science would need English proficiency, reinforcing the importance of the language. Indeed, the 1970s saw planned movement of students away from humanities toward sciences, which included the necessity of English. In addition, there was much policy talk dedicated to the development and maintenance of vocational training, which rose with this hyper commitment to science and technology. Finally, access to and promotion of technology led to an increase in access to computers and the Internet – a policy of Ben Ali was to provide a computer to every home. As students became familiar with social media, the already Tunisified population most likely became more linked to each other and more intimate; therefore, lessons of democracy may have had an easier time to spread. Lessons of Democracy Under both Presidents Bourguiba and Ben Ali, there was one ruling party, religion and government were forcefully separated, and the government repressed many of its espoused democratic principles, including freedoms of speech and assembly. Yet, embedded within higher education policy is talk of democracy and democratic principles, namely freedom, choice, and representation. Democracy and its rules ‘‘guarantee justice and stability, allows the state to carry out its duties, firstly its mission of working assiduously to further the economic and social development of the country’’ (TECA, 1992, pp. 17, 18), a mission never fully realized. The government evoked democracy in most of its policies, and seemed to use the word to convey a sense of deep commitment to citizens and their freedoms. Further,

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since the ‘‘Tunisian people also supported the struggle of the peoples of Africa and Asia and the peoples of every continent for their legitimate right to self-determination’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 27), it seems to be the case that Tunisians were versed enough in democracy and self-determination to be able to export those principles abroad, or at least provide support to emerging democracies across the globe. Yet, Champagne (2007) would suggest that this was not the case; oppressive policing and policies made principles of critical thinking, freedom, and debate – inherent in many more liberal, democratic societies – invisible. He further notes the unease students had with debate and the apprehension they had when dealing with authority. Yet, higher education and access to more liberal arts curricula seemed to aid in the development of a democratic spirit (Champagne, 2007). By the time the shift in policy occurred to focus higher education more on the hard sciences and engineering and away from soft sciences and politics, it was too late: the seed for revolution had already sprouted, and began to grow. To be clear, the revolution had rumblings and starts before it led to Ben Ali’s deposal; Tunisia had several small rebellions throughout the South and West long before the events in December 2010. Essentially, what started with the poor was coopted by middle class unemployed university graduates, and turned into the movement that ousted the president and his cabinet and sparked the Arab Spring as it spread across the rest of the region. Employability After College Therefore, the greatest disconnect occurred in promises of work for collegeeducated individuals. MOHESRT (2008) states, ‘‘the university has also become more and more capable of meeting the expectations of the young for employment’’ (p. 18), yet in reality it continued to fail to do so. As of 2011, university educated unemployment was at 19%, as El-Araby (2011) suggests, ‘‘high unemployment rates among higher education graduates represent a dead loss of the resources invested by both government and households’’ (p. 14). Yet, throughout the policies, vocational training is set upon ‘‘emphasising employability, a culture of enterprise y construction of knowledge economy’’ (MOET, 2008, p. 19), thereby suggesting that the development of vocational training would become a cure-all for the high level of unemployment. The ‘‘broken economy’’ is referenced throughout the policies, but situated in a better light. In 2008, the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) shared that ‘‘higher education is an enabler in the promising orientation of the economy and the preparation of future generations to innovative and

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highly competitive sectors where they will be offered more job opportunities that the traditional economy is unable to offer’’ (p. 9). There is no discussion of the shortcomings of the traditional economy or how the job opportunities would be generated for the new graduates. The changes proposed in the education policies came too late to counteract the sentiments that catalyzed into the revolution; the turn toward adopting external fixes to internal problems could not fix the deepening rift between policy and reality.

(DIS)CONVERGENCE OF POLICY AND PRACTICE Our findings build on Champagne’s (2007) case study analysis based on his teaching experience in Tunisia, and a reading of speeches and documents from the Tunisian president during that time, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Champagne presents a critical view of the Tunisian government, and noted the disconnect between policy and practice: One of the ways in which an authoritarian state like Tunisia is different from liberal democracies like the US is that (a) the Tunisian government reins in these attempts by entrepreneurs to play other states off against their own, and (b) this same government maintains ‘internal political equilibrium’ by balancing its sponsorship of private sector capital and labour with censorship and repression. (p. 203)

This censorship and repression echoes itself in the classroom setting, as Champagne (2007) experienced an ether of conformity based on political fear and an absence of critical reflection, especially given the presence of classroom topics that heralded democracy and democratic thought. Champagne also focuses on learning the English language, the significance of which cannot be understated (Altbach, 2004; Daoud, 1996). Champagne links this repression to finances, suggesting that the outpouring of money to education would be enough to quell the discontent of the people. However, the financing of higher education in Tunisia was paying off, as Tunisia had the highest percentage of university graduates and served as a beacon in the region (El-Araby, 2011). Although Champagne makes a cursory attempt, we can see through a closer analysis of the policies implemented by the government to increase total enrollment and graduation, it set itself up for the events that snowballed into the uprising. Additionally, Champagne does not discuss gender, although some of the first reforms of education were established to set equal access to education for both women and men in the Arab world.

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The Tunisian government viewed Tunisification as a first step in the development of education, as their ‘‘policy on education, culture and information is specifically aimed at teaching our children to take pleasure in their work and fostering in them the spirit of self-denial and sacrifice’’ (TECA, 1992, p. 22). Therefore, one of the benefits of Tunisification is unification of the people under one cultural banner. This is a double-edged sword; however, it makes citizens loyal to one another as neighbors, but also has the potential to have them question, in unison, whether the government has overstepped its bounds. With the aid of educational transfer, the drive of the government toward an internal focus – for both teaching staff and students – seemed misguided given the developments of globalization that began to deepen in the 1980s. The Tunisification project of having Tunisians educate Tunisians and of keeping the educated and education in Tunisia worked for a short period, but the lack of opportunities for students to travel abroad and seek jobs led to the recirculation of underemployed into a broken economy. A reading of the reforms suggests that the policymakers were chasing a shifting goal – they seemed to know that the higher education system was not leading to jobs, and that the Tunisification project could not be sustained in a swiftly globalizing world economy. Additionally, there was no structure of accountability within higher education; it had to be defined in the mid-2000s and set into being through borrowed policy. Essentially, the rapid deployment of education reform in the mid-to-late 2000s marks a realization that things were changing at a pace with which the government could not keep up. Combined with high unemployment and a disenfranchised college-educated population, these changes marked the beginning of the end of governmental stability. As students progressed through schooling, their numbers began to dwindle; even though ‘‘the gates of the university were opened up to all citizens who are baccalaureate holders’’ (MOHESRT, 2008, p. 27), the number of baccalaureate holders remained relatively low. This could be attributed to the holistic adoption of the colonial French schooling system, so policymakers turned their gaze to the secondary education system, which then became the scapegoat of failing to turn students to the hard sciences and graduating them at high levels. Whether this lack of interest is due to the students’ personal preferences or due to the lack of sophisticated teaching methods is a topic for further research. These data does reveal that the policies in place to try to guide students toward achieving the baccalaureate met with the most governmental support in the reforms of the mid-2000s. The data also reveal that the commitment to education is backed by economic support; indeed, given the size of its population,

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Tunisia spends a high amount of its budget on education. Tunisia is not an oil-rich nation, yet with the resources the government does have; much has been channeled into education. With these bounded resources, the national literacy rate is high, the level of bilingualism is high, and the rate at which students participate through university is high, especially in comparison with MENA and Africa (El-Araby, 2011; MOHESRT, 2008). Regardless of this connection to spending and academic results, especially at the primary level, the policies reflect a new effort at meeting liberal economic benchmarks, and disconnect between policy and practice has widened most notably in higher education. The movement from the autonomous University of Tunis to the decentralized faculties run by the governorates locally and the MOHESRT nationally was meant to combat globalization, as ‘‘externally, profound and rapid ‘mutations’ [had upset their] world vision and affected all the fields of social and individual life’’ (MOET, 2003, p. 11), especially education. The move therefore was meant to allow practices among the universities in Tunisia to be the same, as they would all come from the central office in Tunisia. This convergence led to changes in curriculum and pedagogy, and removed freedom from professors and school administrators to guide the development of the institutions. Therefore, convergence and consolidation led to a restriction of academic freedoms often associated with higher education. The movement also led to a split in the policies distributed and the realities that came to be. It is clear through the data that policymakers set about to change the higher education system to fix problems of its own creation. The main problem was the disconnect between what they intended and what really happened on the ground; the universities were responsible for educating a wide range and growing number of people, and the government was not doing anything outside the system to create jobs for these highly educated citizens. Within its policies, the MOHESRT (2008) states, ‘‘university training has also become an important factor in the process of development y in the dynamics of the new economy’’ (p. 18), situating the university and its students as primary vanguards and propagators of the economy, particularly the global knowledge economy and the areas of research and technology. The policies suggest that the gist of the higher education system is to find the students employment after graduation, yet ‘‘the poor quality of higher education is the most important challenge for almost all Arab countries. They all face a mismatch between the needs of the competitive open labour markets and the skills that students gain in schools and universities’’ (El-Araby, 2011, pp. 17–18). In essence, the

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reality of obtaining a university degree fell short of the results its scope seemed to promise. Finally, the reforms of higher education needed to more closely reflect the changes that were occurring on the secondary school level. The areas in which most students sought their education – the humanities and languages – received less attention yet still remained popular. Currently, in higher education there were two tracks for students: science or humanities. Now high schools are focusing on a liberal arts education, including a heavy focus on the arts and foreign languages. Yet, since policy of higher education stresses science, technology, and vocational training, the disconnect between K-12 and higher education remains static.

CONCLUSION In examining higher education reforms during the past three decades in Tunisia, we attempted to understand the role of higher education in aiding and abiding the ‘‘Arab democracy deficit’’ (Diamond, 2010) through policies imposed upon the system through strict state intervention. Overall, higher education policy in Tunisia moved away from internal development and state-building to importing European models while remaining within a prescriptive global educational agenda. This is significant because Tunisia seems to deliberately turn away from competition within the African continent toward competition with the European one, as the government designed its higher education system based on that used in Europe. Perhaps because higher education became Tunisified, students could use their educational opportunities to develop the tools for enabling the uprising, despite the government’s best efforts against them. What was powerful about this movement was that it was the educated majority who were rebelling against the status quo and calling for changes in the public and private sphere throughout the Arab world. Our point of view is that higher education in Tunisia served as both an incubator of change and a cause for the change to occur in a specific time and space. Given its rich history, commitment to and penetration of higher education, and location at the crossroads of the Mediterranean, African and Arab worlds, it should be no surprise that the Arab Spring found its roots within Tunisia. Given the stability of the governmental transition, its free elections, and the participation rates of its citizens in democratic processes, Tunisia should have been the country researchers were looking toward to form the first Arab democracy (Diamond, 2010). There is very little

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literature on higher education policy in Tunisia, especially accessible in English; therefore, this chapter provides insight into this area. Our aim is to show that access to education did not pacify the people, as details on how the issues and challenges stemming from higher education helped spread sentiments for the revolution, as students disenfranchised by the lack of jobs galvanized to overthrow a government criticized for its corruption and economic policy failures. The uprising occurred, and changes are ongoing in Tunisia. Given the current scholarship on educational transfer, the case of higher education in Tunisia illuminated the currently unanswered question of ‘‘when’’ educational transfer takes place. Our hope is that as higher education reform moves with the Tunisian people through this transitory time and space, the connection between education policy intentions and actual deliverables will converge into reality.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research was made possible through an Internal Fellowship to Conduct Research in Tunisia as part of the Loyola University Chicago Research Partnership Grant with three Tunisian universities, presented to Dr. Tavis Jules. Dr. Peter J. Schraeder of Loyola University Chicago, primary investigator on the Research Partnership Grant, awarded the fellowship with funding from the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Exchange and Economic Support of the U.S. State Department.

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RETHINKING AGENCY IN UNIVERSITY DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES Ane Turner Johnson ABSTRACT This chapter grapples with questions of agency in the development of African higher education, with a special focus on the Association of African Universities (AAU), an organization outside of formal education policymaking on the continent. Through the lens of rhetorical institutionalism, findings illustrate how the AAU has adopted and adapted competing institutional logics to exert influence over development policymaking. Next, I will discuss how systems of persuasion were cultivated and symbols employed to establish the legitimacy of the organization in a heterogeneous institutional field that includes universities, development agencies, nongovernmental organizations, supranational arrangements, and the influence of international financial institutions. This enabled the AAU to extend institutional logics into African higher education. This case study seeks to upend the pervasive crisis narrative that perpetuates both the impotence of African institutions

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and the stewardship of outside development elites. Finally this chapter considers the implications of this critical case study for development discourse and practice.

African higher education, like many African institutions, is in a state of incredible change and growth. African universities are establishing new initiatives, internally, like Kenyatta University’s new branch campus at the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya; and across borders, in collaboration with higher education institutions in the Global North and South (Nakabugo, Barrett, McEvoy, & Munck, 2010). Programs and services throughout the continent have expanded to include students once denied access to education, such as women, the poor, and the displaced (Johnson & Hirt, 2011; Mamdani, 2008; Morley, 2010). Faculty and administrators benefit from programs focused on institutional capacity that have sought to address gender disparities, leadership challenges, and improved institutional policies and practices at African universities (Odhiambo, 2011). In fact, many universities in South Africa made it onto the Times Higher Education 2012–2013 World University Rankings. African-based research is now making it off the continent through the creation of online repositories such as African Journals Online (AJOL) (Murray, 2008) enabling a broader readership of African works and the potential for the diffusion of innovations on and off the continent. As Mbebe (2001) described, ‘‘Africa is moving in several directions at once, this is a period that, at the same time, has been, is not yet, is no longer, is becoming – in a state of preliminary outline and possibility’’ (p. 241). Yet, despite a state of being and becoming, too often discussions of African institutions are dominated by a focus on the never-ending crisis of resources, economies, politics, and development (Stromquist & Monkman, 2000). The pervasive doomsday scenario is referred to as the ‘‘ExceptAfrica’’ narrative in development discourse (Roe, 1999). This narrative denies the agency of African institutions and essentializes the experiences of highly heterogeneous and complex organizations, groups, and people. African institutions ‘‘cannot be homogenized even by virtue of [their] common subjection to colonialism’’ (Loomba, 1994, p. 316). Moreover, the Except-Africa narrative perpetuates stewardship over the continent by development and techno-managerial elites whose ‘‘raison d’eˆtre is predicated on addressing one crises after another’’ (1999, pp. 7–8). Tade Akin Aina, former deputy executive secretary of the Council for Development of Social

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Science Research in Africa (CODRESIA), reacted to the crisis scenario in his 2009 address to the African Studies Association: No, not again! When is Africa ever going to be portrayed as traveling on its own chosen and productive paths? I had this image of Africa’s development as nothing but a voyage of endless encounters with dangerous, pothole-strewn crossroads that baffle, bewilder, and wear out not only the pilots and cartographers of her journeys, but also her total populace of passengers cramped, as it were, in a decrepit but resilient matatu van. (Aina, 2010, p. 22)

This brief discussion thus far underscores an important part of understanding higher education in Africa: the use of language and symbols to construct narratives of development. Except-Africa persists and extends to scholarship on higher education and the oft-described impotence of universities to contribute to developmental goals, both nationally and regionally (Johnson & Hirt, 2012). Descriptions of paucity in institutional resources, capacity, and in overall ability to affect change toward development abound in the literature. Therefore, in an effort to counteract the present narrative on higher education, we should consider organizations, outside of formal policymaking, which may facilitate a new development narrative. This chapter presents findings from a critical case study of the Association of African Universities (AAU). Using institutional theory as a lens, specifically the use of rhetoric to construct legitimacy in heterogeneous institutional fields, this chapter will explore the agency, and the nature of this agency, of the AAU in both developing universities on the continent and contributing to development goals.

THE STRATIFICATION OF DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSES IN HIGHER EDUCATION ‘‘Development thinking and policy y is a terrain of hegemony and counterhegemony y in this contestation of interests there are many stakeholders and multiple centers of power and influence’’ (Pieterse, 2001, p. 9). This quote exemplifies the problem inherent to discussions of development and it calls into question, ‘‘what is development?’’ and ‘‘whose development?’’ Development is a highly contested term (Kiely, 2007; Willis, 2005); however, when ‘‘defined most simply y the concept of development is close in meaning to improvement, to amelioration, to desirable change’’ (Matthews, 2004, p. 376). This definition then elicits the question, ‘‘Who decides what is desirable?’’

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Conceptions of development have been most influenced by post-WWII factors, such as the Cold War, anti-colonial movements, the international economic order, and the prevalence of import-substitution strategies, among others (Matthews, 2004), and have been separated into two categories: immanent and intentional (Kiely, 2007). While immanent development has been distinguished as the spontaneous development of capitalism and competition, intentional is seen as a deliberate action designed to manage the consequences of immanent development and is often located in the activities of various development agencies (i.e., states, NGOs, international financial institutions (IFIs)) (Kiely, 2007). Development has thusly led to the rhetorical creation of a special category of countries in need of development, those that inhabit the South, the Third World, and the developing world (Payne, 2004), like those found in Africa. However, this type of development thinking has its critics, and discourse has evolved to consider the uneven nature of development (Escobar, 1995; Rahnema & Bawtree, 1997). Many scholars believe that the practice of development is bankrupt, or at best obsolete, and that ‘‘the negative consequences y which have been observed to result from development are intrinsic to development, rather than being unintentional side-effects of it’’ (Matthews, 2004, p. 374). Despite this realization, development, as an action and rhetoric intentionally pursued, persists. Accepting higher education as both a point of intervention in development and an agent of development, I focus on the existing literature regarding international, regional, national, and institutional higher education actors and their vocabularies, policies, and practices intended to improve higher education in Africa, some to the opposite effect and others entirely impotent. The intent of this discussion is not to collude in the crisis narrative common to discussions of higher education in Africa, but to lay the foundation for an exploration of organizations not traditionally associated with formal development discourse and higher education policymaking on the continent. IFIs, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have been highly influential in the actual and perceived reform of higher education on the continent. The oft-maligned neoliberal values of many IFIs and other international development organizations have altered the historic approach to higher education in Africa (Munene & Otieno, 2008), and have heavily influenced governmental approaches to public sector activities, stressing structural adjustment and austerity. Many argue that the rhetoric of poverty reduction instituted by IFIs has led to

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decreased funding for higher education (Okolie, 2003; Tikly, 2001), undermining its abilities to contribute to development. This policy narrative provides a neo-liberal explanation of tertiary sector inefficiencies in developing states, and a set of neo-liberal solutions. In effect, global best practices constitute the sum of tertiary education sector-specific neo-liberal policy knowledge. Both in theory, and in practice (as is evident from the effects of their implementation), they are a continuation of historically problematic one-size-fits-all development strategies. (Keating, 2012, p. 252)

Recent revisions to the Bank’s education strategy demonstrate an awareness of problems associated with these policies and values (World Bank, 2010), however, there is little empirical evidence to suggest a dramatic shift from the detrimental neoliberal discourse on educational policymaking by IFIs. Regional policymaking partnerships and collaborations have also engaged in reform efforts meant to increase higher education access and capacity in Africa. In 1981, African policymakers introduced reform discourse in Arusha, Tanzania, producing the Arusha Convention, also known as ‘‘Regional Convention on the Recognition of Studies, Certificates, Diplomas, Degrees and Other Academic Qualifications in Higher Education in African States.’’ The purpose of Arusha was to promote cooperation in higher education continentally (Ogachi, 2009). This convention stressed language like harmonization and quality assurance. However, this new language has not engendered substantive action on the continent as only 19 of the 54 African nations have signed on to the conventions, certainly stalling the linguistic creation of a continuous African higher education space (Obasi & Olutayo, 2009). There have been substantive changes in the language of higher education at the national level, specifically the influx of privatization discourses consistent with neoliberal financing mechanisms (Munene & Otieno, 2008). ‘‘Elements of market steering began to infiltrate hitherto state-controlled higher education systems, eventually gaining legitimacy as an overarching response to the challenges of higher education’s new task environments’’ (Wangenge-Ouma, 2012, p. 224). Kobia and Mohammed (2006) describe how, in 2001, the government of Kenya attached itself to result-oriented management philosophies, resulting in the corporatization of higher education. With this came the vocabulary of performance contracts, a memorandum of understanding between the government and public agencies (now referred to as state corporations), ensuring managerial accountability, focus on national policy priorities, the creation of performance-oriented

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cultures, and linking funding to results. The purpose of this corporatization was to create a new culture of accountability in higher education and decrease fraud and corruption forcing universities to institutionalize process and outcomes that would address national development priorities (Johnson & Hirt, 2011). These changes have also encouraged an increased share of the cost of higher education for students. As a result loan schemes have become de rigueur in public higher education in Kenya, effectively stratifying higher education in the country, often counteracting development goals. ‘‘The system then becomes one where it is not just the best and brightest who attend university, but often the richest or those with financial means’’ (Yakaboski & Nolan, 2011, p. 8), excluding marginal and poor students. At the university level, language reveals the complex dynamic between tradition, development, and education. In her case study of two South African universities, Naidoo (2004) notes how selective policies at a historically white school were created to redress Apartheid, yet essentially ghettoized black students in subdegree programs. Thus, although powerful agents such as deans did not appear to be excluding students in any direct sense on the grounds of ethnicity, their strategic interventions to conserve the traditional properties constituting admissions and to protect traditional academic practices functioned to exclude the majority of African applicants. (p. 463)

Therefore organizational ideals only symbolically addressed concerns for students traditionally excluded from higher education, effectively decoupled from actual equity outcomes. This can also be seen in the language of gender mainstreaming at African universities. Morley (2010) notes, that mainstreaming ‘‘provides a new conceptual grammar for reform’’ yet has demonstrated difficulty shifting the traditional gendered processes of higher education in Ghana and Tanzania (p. 533). So while there may be more women represented, quantitatively, in higher education, women continued to be challenged by sexual harassment, the culture of certain disciplines, and other ‘‘swathes of activity, processes, statistics and attitudes that resist the interventions of gender mainstreaming’’ (p. 547). As the literature demonstrates, the diffusion of vocabularies intended to address higher education’s developmental capacity have become institutionalized, but have yet to demonstrate actual development outcomes. In fact, this has led to the endurance of a crisis narrative on African higher education. The focus of the current study, African organizations in higher education, despite their influence and presence in the field have been explored in very limited ways (Ajayi, Goma, & Johnson, 1996;

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Johnson, Hirt, & Hoba, 2011; McGinn, 1996), certainly not from a discursive and rhetorical perspective, and may help to upend this narrative.

INSTITUTIONAL THEORY AND AGENCY Common sense suggests that the environment in which African organizations must operate is highly complex – a reflection of colonialism, nongovernmental organizations, international financial institutions, governmental agencies, and traditional practices, in tandem with one another. Higher education organizations thus must exist in multiple, heterogeneous fields and negotiate the competing values of each. Therefore, how might an organization existing in multiple realms, attempting to reflect the values and beliefs of each, generate agency from the dialectic produced by competing organizational structures and arrangements? Institutional theorists, particularly those situated in the new institutionalism of the late 20th and early 21st century, assert that organizational structures reflect and respond to institutional forces – practices, knowledge, and policies legitimated by social norms, symbolic systems, legal precedent, and prestige – ‘‘contributing to an institutionalized social order: all support and sustain stable behavior’’ (Scott, 2008, p. 429). Institutional theory makes a distinction between organizations and institutions; organizations are collective actors, formally organized (Zucker, 1988) and a label for often disparate complex and dynamic systems (Starbuck, 2007); institutions are fields or environments within which organizations exist and are organized, established, and proceduralized and that represent ‘‘frameworks of programs or rules establishing identities and activity scripts for such identities’’ (Jepperson, 1991, p. 145). Institutional frameworks have a profound affect on the construction of organizations producing conformity within (and across) a given field (Meyer, 2008). Below I outline the institutional theory to be used in this chapter, rhetorical institutionalism, and discuss how it highlights the agency present in organizations, focusing on the key ideas and concepts underpinning this analysis.

Institutionalism and Language Rhetorical institutionalism refers to the use of linguistic approaches to explore how the employment of symbolic practices potentially enable organizational agency (Green & Li, 2011). Moving beyond conceptions of

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adaptation and outcomes, this perspective takes a process orientation toward organizations and ‘‘refocuses attention on endoxa, or the social contexts and situations in which subjective beliefs and ideas are created and transformed into y institutionalized myth’’ (2011, p. 1665). Institutional myths are effective practices or principles of coordination that are adopted ceremonially by organizations (Meyer & Rowan, 1991, p. 48). These rationalized prescriptions originate from social purposes, but become technical resolutions and are legitimated in the institutional field (Alvesson, 1993). In this process, organizations decouple myths from practical concerns for efficiency (Meyer & Rowan, 1991). Alvesson (1993) presents organizations as systems of persuasion, using myths as rhetoric to navigate ambiguity and to create a shared community interorganizationally, meaning extraorganizationally, a public profile, legitimacy, confidence, and to obfuscate uncertainty (p. 1011). Green and Li (2011) expand significantly upon this idea, exploring how organizational actors construct and manipulate meaning using language and the deployment of symbols to augment limited resources. Loewenstein, Ocasio, and Jones (2012) suggest that organizations (specifically the members of the organization) use words and vocabulary to construct meaning around organizing practices and institutional arrangements. The authors make claims regarding vocabularies and institutions; specifically that the application of a specific word to a social practice (in relation to other practices that are described by that word) enables sensemaking and that new words or the use of old words in new ways generates interest in organization practices. These practices exist in a co-generative relationship with culture. ‘‘A key element of the institutional tradition is an understanding that institutions and indeed, organizations, are the product of common understandings and shared interpretations of acceptable norms of collective activity’’ (Suddaby, Elsbach, Greenwood, Meyer, & Zilber, 2010, p. 1235). Therefore, ‘‘acceptable’’ structural vocabularies exert pressure upon organizations to conform to the prevailing language and cultural meanings of the institutional field(s) (Meyer & Rowan, 1991). These vocabularies also function as symbols. Institutional logics, symbolic actions that establish the rules for organizational action and the context for that action, are copious and often contradict or contest one another due to the complexity of the institutional field (Friedland & Alford, 1991). ‘‘Specifically, they encode the criteria of legitimacy by which role identities, strategic behaviors, organizational forms, and relationships between organizations are constructed and sustained’’ (Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005, p. 38).

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Organizational actors in highly contested fields, like those in Africa, use rhetoric to negotiate meaning, often relying on the diffusion of rhetorical logics from other fields (Green & Li, 2011). Johnson and Hirt (2012) describe how market logics (managerial language) exported to higher education in Africa have led to a compromise between the rhetoric of the public and private good, and a subsequent reimagining of the mission of public universities in Kenya. When logics are reenacted, they are institutionalized and legitimated, providing legitimacy to organizations, but not always ensuring efficiency (Friedland & Alford, 1991; Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005).

Agency Agency in institutional theory usually refers to an institutions ability to change (Dorado, 2005) or to construct an institutionalized field (DiMaggio, 1991); however, for the purposes of this chapter, agency refers to an organization’s ability to diffuse innovations into the institutionalized field of higher education, due in part to, and sometimes in contrast to, institutionalized structure. Moreover, an assumption guiding this analysis is that higher education organizations in Africa exist in multiple institutional fields. I heed Sewell’s encouragement to ‘‘see agency as profoundly social and collective y [a]gency entails an ability to coordinate one’s actions with others and against others, to form collective projects, to persuade, to coerce, and to monitor the simultaneous effects of one’s own and others’ activities’’ (1992, p. 21). I also adopt Giddens’ perspective that ‘‘through their activities agents reproduce the conditions that make these activities possible’’ (1984, p. 2).

CONTEXT Higher education in Africa – itself a diverse field, replete with public, private, for-profit, technical, and transnational forms – is perceived as a way to further development goals, despite shifting meaning and intent, specifically by creating a sense of national unity, nurturing collective selfreliance, and reducing social inequalities (Ajayi et al., 1996; Samoff & Carroll, 2004). Researchers are increasingly elucidating how postsecondary institutions on the continent may be reforming in new ways that include the intentional integration of development priorities (Ashcroft & Rayner, 2011;

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Johnson & Hirt, 2011, among others) despite the ever present crisis narrative afflicting higher education on the continent. There are various networks, committees, councils, and other such organizations that exist to support higher education in Africa, to varying degrees of success, though such avenues as accreditation, dissemination of best practice and policy innovations, advocacy, promotion of collaborative efforts, research, and the capacity building of universities. Research organizations, such as African Educational Research Network (AERN), Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODRESIA), Educational Research Network for West and Central Africa (ERNWACA), and Educational Research Network for Eastern and Southern Africa (ERNESA), seek to foster academic exchange and resource sharing, focusing on African faculty. Many such networks exist regionally or may be affiliated with colonial patronage, such as the Agency of Francophone Universities and the Conference of Rectors of Francophone Universities in Africa and the Indian Ocean (CRUFAOCI). Other organizations, such as CAMES (the African and Malagasy Council for Higher Education) act as an affiliating body of state education ministers that facilitates agreements between member states and is more directly involved in policymaking. The AAU is the only continental body of these organizations focusing directly on the higher education institution, and is an appropriate case for understanding agency in higher education, regardless of region, language, or colonial affiliation. The AAU is an organization that functions as an association of universities in Africa. Founded in 1967 by the International Association of Universities and headquartered in Accra, Ghana, West Africa, the AAU is an advocate for university interests and creates a platform for those interests among international and regional bodies. It supports networking between universities and these bodies in the pursuit of improving teaching, research, and service. The AAU represents more than 250 higher education institutions (public and private) from all regions of the continent. AAU staff members are experts and former professionals at African universities. It has established and increased its role in the five subregions (North, East, West, Central, and South) of Africa. The Association convenes higher education institutional leaders and policymakers from all parts of the continent on key issues related to African higher education and development. In addition, the Association provides leadership in the identification of emerging issues and support for debating them and facilitating appropriate follow-up action by its members, partners, and other stakeholders. Those participating in AAU-sponsored programs

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and initiatives, both formally and informally, include staff, faculty, and administrators at universities; governmental bodies, such as ministries of education; preeminent continental organizations; United Nations bodies; regional economic communities, such as Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); philanthropic organizations (like the Ford Foundation); nongovernmental organizations; funding agencies; and universities outside the region, among others.

METHODS This chapter will explore a single, qualitative, critical, study of the AAU and is driven by three research questions: (1) How do organizational members understand and characterize the agency of the AAU in development in Africa; (2) How does the AAU, operating in heterogeneous institutional environments, generate agency from the dialectic produced by competing institutionalized arrangements; and (3) How does the AAU use rhetoric to establish its legitimacy in the institutional fields within which it operates? This research takes an ‘‘institutional work’’ perspective that gives emphasis to: y the efforts of individuals and collective actors to cope with, keep up with, shore up, tear down, tinker with, transform, or create anew the institutional structures within which they live, work, and play, and which give them their roles, relationships, resources, and routines. (Lawrence, Suddaby, & Leca, 2011, p. 52)

Therefore, in order to draw out agency, understanding organizational experiences and structure in a highly heterogeneous institutional field(s) is best elicited from those individuals that engage, independently and collectively, in the activities of the organization. This means focusing on qualitative characterizations and perceptions of events, processes, and structure as described by participants in their natural context. The case study design chosen for this research follows a single case logic in that the focus of this research will enable me to ‘‘test’’ the theory of institutionalism. Additionally, this case is unique in that it is an organization that exists in multiple institutional fields. A case study is particularly appropriate when the boundaries between the organization and the institutional field are not clearly demarcated (Yin, 2003). The units of analysis are organizational arrangements and rhetoric that produces agency in development.

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Data Collection Data were generated through fieldwork undertaken between January and October 2008. I employed two primary data collection techniques: open-ended interviews and document analysis. I traveled to Ghana and conducted semi-structured, in-depth interviews with individuals and small groups of AAU staff members. Furthermore, I corresponded via e-mail with participants at AAU for 10 months prior to and after the fieldwork to ask additional questions, provide summaries of interview data, receive feedback on summaries, and request documents. The staff members of the AAU were my primary population of interest and I requested access to a criterion sample of AAU staff members (Patton, 2002). For the purpose of this study, participants were deemed appropriate if they participated in AAU programming and services. This criterion allowed me to identify participants at AAU who were best able to answer questions pertaining to the organization’s contributions to development. Twelve interviews took place with 10 (of 13 eligible) junior and senior professional staff members, each interview lasting 1–2 hours. Biographical information was collected on each participant that revealed the age, education level, home country, and employment history of respondents. The majority of staff (n=8) hailed from West African nations, were male (n=7), and had been previously employed at an African university (n=8). All respondents had at least a master’s degree and six respondents held terminal degrees. ‘‘Empirically speaking, these three basic levels of research focus – practice, meaning, and talk – intersect, interact, and intermesh with each other in various degrees and fashions’’ (Alvesson & Karreman, 2000, p. 151). To explore these, I used two techniques of data collection. The interviews were conducted using a semi-structured protocol to ensure that similar data were collected across participants. The interview protocol asked participants to define organizational vocabularies (with accompanying examples), to identify programs that contributed to development, and provide specific examples of development. The interview design mirrored Rubin and Rubin’s (2005) ‘‘opening the locks’’ approach, focusing on a few main questions, with elaboration and evidence probes. In addition to interviews, I collected a myriad of documents, both internal and external to the AAU. The documents I collected from the organization included meeting minutes, policy documents, and research reports, as well as media accounts of AAU programs and activities to verify and elaborate organizational language. External documents collected included news

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reports and media accounts of AAU activities. Finally, at each interview, I asked participants to identify and provide documents that would help to illuminate the relationship between the AAU and development. These documents included meeting minutes, reports, white papers, and personal communications. This enabled me to become familiar with the language and rhetoric of the organization, as these documents ‘‘represent data that are thoughtful, in that participants have given attention to compiling them’’ (Creswell, 2003, p. 187).

Data Analysis The analysis approach used to understand all of the data generated from the case study was cyclical in nature. First, the data was prepared and organized for analysis. Then I coded the data using an in vivo approach, allowing participant phrases and terms act as the initial codes (Saldana, 2009). This allowed me to identify salient organizational terminology. The next cycle linked in vivo codes to codes predetermined by the theoretical framework. This is referred to as hypothesis coding (Saldana, 2009). The final aspect of the process involved explanation building about the case, reflecting theoretically significant propositions regarding the case in narrative form (Yin, 2003). Finally, the critical single case design enabled the test of significant theory (Yin, 2003), the agency of higher education organizations in highly heterogeneous institutionalized environments, versus the ubiquitous crisis narrative (Roe, 1995; Stromquist & Monkman, 2000) regarding higher education in Africa.

Trustworthiness Trustworthiness is often described as a process engaged during research design, data collection, and analysis that ensures that findings are credible, dependable, confirmable, and transferable to sufficiently similar contexts (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Toma, 2006). The credibility of the data collection process was attained though a research journal that assisted me in locating myself in the data and enabling reflexivity; permitting me to track my own ideas, responses, and biases in order to separate my responses from the responses of the participants. Dependability was enhanced by expert review of the protocol. A panel of experienced researchers reviewed the interview protocol to ensure that it elicited data on the research questions.

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Dependability, or what Yin (2003) refers to as construct validity, was augmented by triangulation, meaning the use of multiple sources of evidence. In this case, the research specifically employed interview data and document content data, a theoretical framework, and multiple respondents to augment and corroborate evidence collected during fieldwork. As another aspect of construct validity, the findings are confirmable in that they were enhanced through member checks. I transcribed the interviews as well as summarized key points and distributed these to participants in my study for review, clarification, or redaction. Transferability is addressed through a reasonable extension of the analysis to encompass possible policy directions of the research described here.

Positionality As the instrument of both data collection and analysis, I approached this research with an etic perspective, informed by both internal (researcherrelated) and external (phenomenon-related) suppositions (Gearing, 2004), as a white, middle-class, woman from the United States. Due to this it was very important to engage in the process of reflexivity during inquiry. Rossman and Rallis (2003) refer to reflexivity as a metacognitive activity of looking at oneself looking at others making sense of their world. During reflexivity, I engaged in analytic bracketing to hold my suppositions, those related to values and culture, in abeyance and interacted with the phenomenon in its natural setting in order to focus on the participants’ descriptions. As a researcher, I appreciate that there may be many possible interpretations of the phenomenon at the heart of this study and am aware of the tension between the participants’ reality and my representation (Gearing, 2004). Therefore, while I have been to Africa many times for fieldwork and have focused my career on exploring higher education on the continent, I cannot claim to speak for Africans, the AAU, nor African universities.

RESULTS From the analysis emerged several salient themes, that when viewed through the lens of rhetorical institutionalism, demonstrate a dynamic and complex agency in the development of higher education on the African continent (or at least part of the continent). First, I will use data to illustrate how the AAU has adopted and adapted competing institutional logics to exert

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influence over development policymaking. Next, I will discuss how systems of persuasion were cultivated and symbols employed to establish the legitimacy of the organization in a heterogeneous institutional field. This enabled the AAU to extend institutional logics into African higher education.

Competing Institutional Logics The AAU has incorporated rationalized elements into their structure that maximize their legitimacy in higher education policymaking, internationally, yet contrast with more traditional ‘‘myths’’ of institutions in Africa. Indeed the AAU exists and negotiates two institutionalized environments: international development and African higher education. Each organizational member I spoke with underscored this bifurcation in some fashion. First, organizational members typically received their higher education from both African universities (undergraduate) and European or American universities (postgraduate), with little exception. Additionally, organizational members worked in development either at the local civil society level or in European organizations. An assistant program officer described this phenomenon as: [Y]ou find that when AAU is recruiting, especially at a higher level, there is always a requirement that you should have been at a university setting, worked in the university, should have been a dean whatever, so you find more or less an extension of university values, their ways of doing things are brought over to AAU.

Therefore, organizational members were often adapting institutional logics from both of these environments into their daily practice. These are largely social abstractions that then must be comprised with technical practices, often creating structural inconsistencies for the AAU. Membership The most problematic logic that the organization has adopted is that of membership. It is problematic in that this arrangement has created structural inconsistencies that serve to constrict AAU activities. In the West, membership is characterized by ‘‘formalized agreement that includes regular dues payments and an annual membership renewal. Members choose their level of participation and consumption of the benefits offered by the association’’ (Gruen, Summers, & Acito, 2000, p. 35). The AAU has adopted this same structure – members (universities) choose the degree of their involvement, which is reflected in the tier of dues, which then payment

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of enables a university and its stakeholders (students, faculty, and staff) to participate in AAU programming. Membership dues range from $2,000 to $3,000 annually for the entire university. However this institutional logic, a myth of membership, has created significant problems for the organization as it conflicts with the institutional field of higher education in Africa. As one program head described: They are not paying for 10 years or 15 years. So when you have a vice chancellor in charge of your institution and you want to join AAU but AAU would have told you before you joined that the last payment we receive as a fee is 10 years ago, so you calculate to ten year and you pay and you join AAU. Exactly. ‘‘Yeah, of course I want to join and want to join for the current year, but I did not provide any budget line for what has been neglected by my predecessors.’’ So it is very complex. So one – you have three different attitudes. Some vice chancellor for different reasons, because he has been close to AAU, has participated in some of the meetings or they realize they need AAU to achieve some of their objective they join AAU as active members. Some of the vice chancellors, they want to join, but because of the fee which has not been paid for a long time, they have a will to join but can’t pay the arrear.

A program officer, rejoined, vehemently about the problem this created for the organization, describing how organizational decisions further compounded the nature of the inconsistency: I can tell you, it’s membership fee! If you don’t pay the membership fee, it’s been difficult to deal with them, because the board has a rule where if they are not paid up members then they can not benefit from the AAU’s services and programs, but that’s a recent board decision. And in recent times it’s been the result of a board decision that if you are not a paid up member you cannot benefit from the services.

The program head provided specific examples of how the problem of membership impacts their relationship: If this proposal has been came from [University X], we can participate and be a part, but since it’s coming from [University Y] y . so I sent a letter that the topic is very relevant, but unfortunately since the university is not in good standing, we can not! When the institution asks for a financial support from AAU, I’m still believe that, in that case the board decision is correct, because if you are not in good standing, why do you want us to give you $30 or $40,000 to organize a workshop because we are going to give it to the institution that is in the good standing. The other thing is, I think that some of our program would receive a fund from donors on behalf of the whole African higher education institution. On behalf of the higher education communities. Not only those which are in good standing.

Even more interesting is how the program officer struggled to rationalize the inconsistencies born from the competing institutional logics. Another program officer saw the problem as more clear cut, ‘‘It’s quite clear in the

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call for proposal y if we get something from a non-member institutions we say that we can’t fund it.’’ However, this hard line stance has served to create difficult relationships with their members. Meyer and Rowan (1991) describe how organizations decouple outcomes from institutionalized structures. ‘‘The organization cannot formally coordinate activities because its formal rules, if applied, would generate inconsistencies. The ability to coordinate things in violation of the rules y is highly valued’’ (p. 58). The AAU decoupled from this logic with concerns for representation. ‘‘It’s important to have the representation, so we are not going to say ‘because you are not paid up we are going to go with a group that is not very representative of our membership’’’ (assistant program officer). Another program officer described this as showing positive discrimination, particularly those located in Francophone Africa In fact we are doing some kind of positive discrimination towards [Francophone universities]. Generally if a university is not in good standing regarding payment of annual subscriptions, generally they cannot benefit from our activities. But, in order to change the perception of Francophone universities, we sometime close an eye regarding this clause, that they can not benefit from services, because we also see that maybe by having people, universities, lecturers, or whatever, members faculty and staff from the Francophone universities coming, attending workshops, attending training workshops, attending other kinds of meetings, they will themselves convince the administration of the universities, the leadership of the universities, that this is not an Anglophone organization but is an African organization. (AAU program coordinator)

In the end, the organizational participants saw the logic of membership as affording them legitimacy in the international institutional field, obfuscating the internal struggles the organization experienced with the institutional arrangement and in the African institutional field. I think if our membership grows, even our possibility. You know, the AAU relies on the subscription of universities, if we have a big number of member[s], the subscription will be big and we will be able to implement some programs for them. [I]f the AAU has a lot of membership, we can convince more easily [funding] partners. (AAU program officer)

Mission Another contradiction in institutional logics exists between certain expectations of institutions and the practices that emerge from those expectations. Commonly accepted in international spheres is the tripartite mission of the modern university: teaching, research, and service. A director at the AAU asserted, ‘‘The universities are supposed to contribute to the commonwealth, the common good y the public good.’’ Yet organizational

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members commonly described how the institutional environment of Africa constrained the expression of this mission: But I’m looking at a time where African government themselves need to contribute to the research carried out by their universities. One of the problems in the African system for now is that many African governments have yet to see the importance of research to their development. The percentage contribution of African governments to research within their countries is quite low. Go to the average university in Africa, and the government will tell you that they are doing everything for education, and all the money they provide only takes care of salaries for staff and that is all, nothing for research and when you are not committed to research, how can you promote development? So that’s a big problem in Africa. (AAU director)

Yet another organizational member underscored this problem, while also highlighting the other components of the traditional mission: First of all, the purpose of higher education, anywhere in the world, is three-fold. Teaching and learning, in other words developing the human capital the human resource in the best qualitative way. Research – researching the problems of society. And community engagement. These three are generic for any higher education institution, anywhere in the world. For Africa, it’s particularly even more pertinent, where we have teeming human resource potentials and where we have numerous research needs. And where we have an acute lack of community engagement, if you look historically at the development of higher education in Africa. So though generic for Africa, there is even a greater urgent need for these three purposes. (AAU program coordinator)

Each participant carried with them the logic of the mission, yet this logic contrasted with the conditions of higher education on the continent. Organizational members viewed this constraint as one that went beyond institutional structures to embedded ways of thinking: ‘‘First of all, it could help in changing our mentality, our thinking.’’ Another member added, ‘‘We need to lay the backbones; we need to double up, to catch up!’’ The organization addressed this contradiction in logics through research funding and dissemination in order to diffuse a cultural change, implicitly, in the institutional environment of African higher education. A program officer and former UN official described of her program, ‘‘We fund research y we are funding exchange missions for research, individual research. We’ve been funding students finishing their postgraduate thesis, so you know, indirectly you are helping the university.’’ A part of this change in institutional logics includes infusing research with developmental ideals: The intention of this second project I’m on now is to see what we can do to make universities in Africa contribute to their development, to the development of their own nations. That is the intention, we feel that we’ve gotten to the point that universities for them to be relevant, they must prove their relevance to their own countries and their own

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regions and they must be part, there must be something that the university contributes to development. So really, the first act I’ve done now, we made a call for proposals for research grants that can help to contribute to Millennium Development Goals in different countries in Africa. That’s the intention. (AAU program officer)

These development logics are promoted by agencies from outside Africa. ‘‘AAU provides funding,’’ explained a program officer, ‘‘but the funding being provided by AAU for this is provided by the British government – DFID’’ (AAU program officer). This diffusion of development logics into the institutional environment becomes concretized and legitimated based on the type of research being funded. When speaking of universities, a program officer describes the nature of the work, with focus on the stakeholders receiving the funding, ‘‘We have some success in research, last year we give some grant for student to make research. Four from Kenyatta University, four from the National University of Rwanda, there were 15 students [in total] funded to do their research on HIV/AIDS.’’ Students are seen as the potential carriers of institutional culture (Altbach, 2004). Yet, in terms of actual impact, funding has become somewhat decoupled from actual change. ‘‘So sometimes you have to go down and talk to the ordinary people, talk to students, talk to faculty, you know, about [the AAU]. How do they see it evolving to meet the needs of the institutions, today and tomorrow? They will tell you nice things’’ (AAU program coordinator). Organizational Rhetoric Despite competing institutional logics, the AAU has had a significant impact on diffusing and using rhetoric to influence the institutional field of higher education in Africa. A program coordinator involved in regional capacity building described these efforts, ‘‘The people want to help will not understand you, how can you y sell your ideas to them to be able to move them forward.’’ Friedland and Alford (1991) explain of this, ‘‘When institutions are in conflict, people y may attempt to export the symbols and practices of one institution in order to transform another’’ (p. 255). The selling of ideas is evidenced in the transformation of certain international social and cultural beliefs regarding HIV/AIDs, gender, and environmental sustainability into university awareness. These abstractions become systems of persuasion with which the organization associates technical practices such as policy formation. [The] AAU is doing now by aligning universities to develop policies and policy documents on some areas of interest. For example now, when I encourage individual

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universities within Africa to develop their HIV policy, right now we are encouraging some universities to develop their own gender policy. When, you see, that you are encouraged to write down these policies, you find out internally they are able to stand by it. (Program coordinator)

Institutionalizing HIV/AIDS awareness into the higher education field took a particularly rhetorical turn, with the use of ‘‘evidence’’ to persuade universities that HIV was a university problem. I think it was a joint meeting with the AAU in Cape Town, where [the AAU] asked the higher education community ‘‘How are you addressing HIV/AIDS?’’ and at that time, the institutions were quite taken aback. ‘‘HIV/AIDS, but that’s a health problem. That’s for the health sector, what have we got to do with HIV/AIDS? We don’t have AIDS on our campuses!’’ You know, oooo, this is not our problem. [There was] abundant evidence that we’ve carried them. The universities have taken up the challenge that HIV/ AIDS is their problem, it is on their campuses and they are doing everything from advocacy, awareness raising, they are doing policies, putting into place policies, they are doing curriculum integration. Oh we’ve come a long way! (Program officer)

Other participants focused on naming as a form of persuasion and coordination: We named it MESA, mainstreaming environment and sustainability into African universities. But the universities, even when they are doing something, they are all scattered, they are not well coordinated. So this is about time that the AAU as a continental higher education body should bring universities together to deliberate on the issue. And I am happy to say that our next general conference in 2009 is doing something on higher education and sustainable development. The role of higher education in sustainable development is long overdue. (Assistant program officer)

Another organizational participant expanded on the importance of coordination: For instance, HIV/AIDS is a big challenge for development in general and it is taking a toll on higher education subsector. So in our program, we are trying to do some program around advocacy for leaders. We are also doing capacity building, organizing workshop, sharing good practices. (Program officer)

This rhetoric begins to function as symbolic action. Indeed there are copious organizational vocabularies like advocating, organizing, promoting, funding, supporting, sponsoring, increasing visibility, strengthening, enhancing, and linking stakeholders that are repeated time and again and are present in organizational documents. In one such document, the AAU refers to itself as ‘‘the voice of higher education’’ in Africa. The activities are largely ceremonial and symbolic.

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Green, Li, and Nohria (2009) state that as practices become institutionalized they are often supported with arguments that advocate the moral value of the practice. That can be seen quite clearly in the following quote: [T]he development partners they have supported us, they have been with us and behind us and we’ve not always played the best of partnerships y and I will encourage them never to leave us; they should continue to support us, our development partners. They should not leave us, even when we fail or are not behaving or living up to expectations, they shouldn’t give up on us, they should continue to support us for the sake of posterity. (AAU program officer)

This concern was also reported in the AAU’s Secretary General report in 2008, [T]he Association had experienced a loss of momentum in its program work and a loss of international visibility and the confidence of its members, donor partners and other stakeholders. This had led to a serious decline in the levels of support for AAU program and activities [and] loss of morale at the Secretariat y Special credit is due to these development partners who had sufficient interest in African higher education and faith in the Association’s potential to provide institutional support to help reverse the fortunes of the Association.

Despite having been in existence since 1967, this suggests that AAU has not been able to fully establish their legitimacy with rhetoric within the field it operates (higher education). On the flip side of this arrangement, the AAU has increased in legitimacy with organizations like the African Union. A program head described their relationship with the AU and how the AAU uses the symbolism inherent to this relationship to establish confidence with member universities, [O]ur role with African Union it’s more political. We sign an MOU [in 2007] with African Union and we are now considered an implementation agency for the African Union. And we participate with COMEDAF [conference of ministers of education of the African Union] and we draw the attention to some of the priorities of higher education at the ministerial level so our advocates are at this level. Of course what we are doing with the African Union is directly with heads of states, but COMEDAF is a ministerial level and also share some of the good experience with the vice chancellor at our [major membership meeting] so clearly we are trying to show if one particular institution has some good experience to share y we can give the opportunity to other institutions to see what works and where. (AAU head)

In essence, the AAU is conveying with this rhetoric to outsiders and external constituents that they have the ear and good faith of the African Union. The 2008 Secretary General’s report also shows continued partnerships with the World Bank, the African Capacity Building Foundation, OPEC, UNESCO, and the Swedish International Development Agency. It appears to be

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working; as of 2012, 276 of the 300 or so universities on the continent are represented among the ranks of the AAU membership. Therefore legitimacy has been ascertained by connecting organizational rhetoric (‘‘sharing’’ etc.) to the powerful support of supranational organizations and continental bodies.

DISCUSSION AND SIGNIFICANCE Characterizing Agency How do organizational members understand and characterize the agency of the AAU in development in Africa? Returning to Suddaby et al.’s (2010) assertion that organizations are the artifacts of shared considerations regarding what is acceptable collective activity, then certainly agency exists only to the extent to which organizational participants and external constituents in the institutionalized environment believe and engage in it. Those individuals who participated in this research overwhelming described their agency as created by and through the membership of African higher education institutions, supported by relationships with supranational organizations, like the AU, and often directed by the priorities of development partners. Organizational agency is reified through organizational rhetoric that expresses processes like linking, supporting, disseminating, and advocating for higher education in Africa. ‘‘If persuasive, their arguments will become taken-for-granted and shape future beliefs and arguments. In a sense, people are suspended in webs of significance they themselves have spun’’ (Green et al., 2009, p. 32). To this end, the AAU is an agent of development because it describes itself as such.

Establishing Legitimacy How does the AAU use rhetoric to establish its legitimacy in the institutional fields within which it operates? The agency described in the results section appears to have two distinct expressions: rhetorical and material. The rhetorical agency is demonstrated through the influence of constructs like advocacy, networking, disseminating best practice, and organizing. These vocabularies convey symbolic action, but are decoupled from actual outcomes. In particular, membership operates as an international institutional logic that has been adopted by the AAU, but has not

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become a structure enacted and made meaningful, in light of international standards. However, this has not contravened AAU legitimacy in the institutional field. The organization has been able to manipulate the membership myth to capture increased participation particularly from universities underrepresented within its ranks. Indeed, the ability to work around organizational arrangements is an ability highly prized within the field and further concretizes legitimacy (DiMaggio & Powell, 1991). The material agency is demonstrated in the actual activities associated with funding, research, and the dissemination of development policies into the institutional environment associated with African higher education. This form of agency, specifically the diffusion of new institutional logics as policy innovations, will be explored as a form of institutional entrepreneurship in the following discussion.

Agency as Entrepreneurship How does the AAU, operating in heterogeneous institutional environments, generate agency from the dialectic produced by competing institutionalized arrangements? Sewell (1992) states that ‘‘being an agent means being able to exert some degree of control over the social relations in which one is enmeshed, which in turn implies the ability to transform those social relations to some degree’’ (p. 20). Therefore, perhaps the most significant contribution the organization makes to development in higher education is in the role it plays as institutional entrepreneur, that is as an actor who has an abiding interest in certain institutional arrangements and a willingness to mobilize resources to transform institutions (Maguire, Hardy, & Lawrence, 2004). Moreover, institutional change agents are able to exploit tensions in institutional fields, such as contradictions between multiple contradicting institutional referents, in order to change institutions (Dorado, 2005). Dorado (2005) states that change happens in institutional environments based on an actor’s resource mobilization, institutional opportunities, and their perception of the field. The AAUs commitment to certain arrangements like gender equity, HIV/AIDS awareness, and environmental sustainability, were manifested in the programs and activities offered to organizational members. The organization mobilized its resources, like funding, expertise, and organizing abilities to infuse the institutional field of African higher education with these social values and connected them to more technical activities at the universities like policy formation, research, and curriculum revision associated with capacity building.

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Change has been difficult, but not impossible for the organization because of the ‘‘opportunity hazy’’ nature of the competing, heterogeneous institutional field(s) within which the organization operates. Dorado (2005) notes that when organizations use convening and strategizing to deal with opportunity hazy environments, they are better able to make change. ‘‘Strategic actors may leverage support y and lead institutional change. Their actions, however, may only lead to change as they converge with the actions of other actors’’ (p. 396). This was evidenced by the collaboration touted by the AAU with institutional actors like the AU, UNESCO, and the World Bank, among others. Moreover, the organization leveraged these relationships, rhetorically, to strategically address development goals. The AAU demonstrated agency in its, often rhetorical, efforts to improve higher education on the continent.

Policy Directions So what does this critical case study mean for the AAU and for African universities? First, the AAU serves to proliferate development logics into the higher education environment of Africa. By bringing university attention to HIV/AIDS, gender imbalances, and environmental sustainability through organizational activities and funding, the AAU is able to bring university resources, skills, and expertise to bear on significant development issues. While these logics are often directed from outside of Africa, the AAU may be able to work with members to contextualize these logics so that they are appropriate to local needs, beyond institutionalizing international standards without consideration of what is culturally, socially, and economically appropriate to the context. Moreover, the organization illustrates how to manipulate meaning to benefit its constituents. This case also demonstrates a shift away from the pervasive and detrimental crisis narrative toward illuminating positive associations within higher education in Africa. That is not to say that this case does not demonstrate complicated nor, at times, problematic concerns for the influx of contentious developmental discourse into African higher education. Indeed ‘‘[w]hatever the nature of the ‘metropolitan’ academy, it continues to hold much influence over its counterparts in once-colonized societies, and this obliges us to engage with its debates’’ (Loomba, 1994, p. 305). The AAU may be in a unique position, as both an African organization with European origins, funding, and support, to engage in a meaningful dialogue about the appropriateness of Western development rhetoric and

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logics. Because of this affiliation, the AAU as entrepreneur and agent of development in African higher education may have important lessons to teach similar organizations in other opportunity hazy environments, such as the Indian subcontinent, about the value of exploiting the tensions that exist in highly heterogeneous institutional fields.

Significance to the Volume This chapter is significant to our understanding of development of higher education in Africa. It addresses a much different perspective on agency, exploring how organizations, agencies, governments, and institutions use rhetoric to influence the development of higher education. Rhetoric, as a system of persuasion, can be powerful and this contribution illustrated different ways in which rhetoric has been used to confound development in Africa. While not directly addressing dialectical institutional logics, the AAU used rhetoric to create a collaborative environment in higher education, bringing universities, university stakeholders, like students and faculty, funding organizations, and continental agencies together to address the complex issues facing Africans in the hope of sharing successes, disseminating innovations, and changing the culture of education in Africa.

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PART 5 PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES FOR HIGHER EDUCATION IN AFRICA

RETHINKING HIGHER EDUCATION CURRICULUM IN NIGERIA TO MEET GLOBAL CHALLENGES IN THE 21ST CENTURY Martha Nkechinyere Amadi and Perpetua Ememe ABSTRACT The study was conducted to assess the extent of readiness of higher education curriculum in Nigeria in meeting the demands of the 21st century, to identify the possible challenges facing higher education institutes in Nigeria in meeting the demands of the 21st century and to suggest ways of restructuring higher education curriculum in Nigeria to make it responsive to economic social and political demands of the 21st century. The sample for this study consisted of two hundred (200) respondents drawn from the stakeholders in the education industry which includes curriculum planners, lecturers and students. The study employed the descriptive survey design. The instrument for data collection consisted of structured questionnaire and focus group discussion. The findings from the study revealed, among other things, that higher education curriculum in Nigeria is not yet ready to meet the demands of the 21st century.

The Development of Higher Education in Africa: Prospects and Challenges International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 21, 459–483 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-3679/doi:10.1108/S1479-3679(2013)0000021019

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The reasons for this include poor funding, poor infrastructural facilities, corruption, poor technological/ICT knowledge, lack of collaboration between higher education curriculum planners and labour force, etc. Based on the findings of this study, it was recommended that funding higher education in Nigeria should be given priority, and the stakeholders in the labour force and industry should be involved in curriculum planning. Higher education curriculum should encourage practical hands-on experience for graduates of higher education in Nigeria to make them relevant in the 21st century.

INTRODUCTION Policy makers and even the general public in Nigeria still respond resoundingly negatively when challenged to adopt a new paradigm of education for the 21st century. Most Nigerians still adhere to a paradigm of education that is strictly 19th century. Technically it can be said that Nigeria has no higher education institutions as per the standards of the 21st century, and the challenge now is to reinvent schools for the 21st century – for the sake of our children, our students and the welfare of our world. Higher education students in Nigeria are facing many emerging issues such as global warming, famine, poverty, health issues, a global population explosion and other environmental and social issues. These issues lead to a need for students to be able to communicate, function and create change personally, socially, economically and politically on local, national and global levels. So what is 21st century education? It is bold. It breaks the mould. It is flexible, creative, challenging and complex. It addresses a rapidly changing world filled with fantastic new problems as well as exciting new possibilities. However, authentic education addresses the ‘whole child’, the ‘whole person’ and does not limit professional development and curriculum design to workplace readiness. In many countries today’s students are referred to as ‘digital natives’, and today’s educators as ‘digital immigrants’. Teachers are working with students whose entire lives have been immersed in the 21st century media culture. Today’s students are digital learners – they literally take in the world via the filter of computing devices: the cellular phones, handheld gaming devices, PDAs and laptops, which they take everywhere, plus the computers, TVs and game consoles at home. A survey by the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation

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(as observed by Lewis, 2010) found that young people (ages 8–18) use electronic media for more than six hours a day, on average. Many are multitasking – listening to music while surfing the Web or instant-messaging friends while playing a video game. How should higher education in Nigeria be structured to meet the global challenges in this 21st-century world? How do we now define ‘Higher Education’ and ‘Curriculum’? Higher education in the 21st century will be laced with a project-based curriculum for life aimed at engaging students in addressing real-world problems, issues important to humanity and questions that matter. This is a dramatic departure from the factory-model education of the past. It is abandonment, finally, of textbook-driven, teacher-centred, paper and pencil schooling. It means a new way of understanding the concept of ‘knowledge’, a new definition of the ‘educated person’ and a new way of designing and delivering the curriculum required. The 21st century will require knowledge generation, not just information delivery, and higher education will need to create a ‘culture of inquiry’. Twenty-first-century higher education curriculum recognizes the critical need for developing 21st-century skills. These skills learned through curriculum are interdisciplinary, integrated and project based. This has been advocated by Wagner (Lewis, 2010) in his book The Global Achievement Gap, which has outlined seven skills:       

Critical Thinking and Problem Solving Collaboration across Networks and Leading by Influence Agility and Adaptability Initiative and Entrepreneurialism Effective Oral and Written Communication Accessing and Analysing Information Curiosity and Imagination

So what will higher education in Nigeria look like, exactly? What will the curriculum be? What are the curriculum relevance, contents and delivery? How will this 21st-century curriculum in Nigeria be organized, and how will it impact the way we design and build schools, how we assess students, how we purchase resources, how we acquire and utilize the new technologies, and what does all this mean for us in an era of standardized testing and accountability? Imagine Nigerian higher education schools in which the students – all of them – are so excited about school that they can hardly wait to get there. Imagine having little or no ‘discipline problems’ because the students are so

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engaged in their studies that those problems disappear. Imagine having parents calling, sending notes or coming up to the school to tell about the dramatic changes they are witnessing in their children: newly found enthusiasm and excitement for school, a desire to work on projects, research and write after school and on weekends. Imagine Nigerian students making nearly exponential growth in their basic skills of reading, writing, speaking, listening, researching, scientific explorations, math, multimedia skills and more! It is possible. It has happened, and is happening, in schools across the globe. There is growing evidence of schools everywhere having the same results for implementing a 21st-century curriculum; Nigerian higher education will not be an exception.

CURRICULUM RELEVANCE, CONTENTS AND DELIVERY IN NIGERIAN HIGHER EDUCATION The need to have an indigenous curriculum that is critically relevant to the needs of the learner and that of the society is the background for this chapter. A feature of the Nigerian social landscape today is that higher education no longer confers career advantages on its recipients. This is a situation in which a large number of university graduates find themselves unemployed after the completion of their one-year mandatory National Youth Service. Not many Nigerians see the nature of the courses and programmes offered in Nigerian higher education as a crucial factor in this situation. Many of these courses and programmes are not particularly relevant to the society. However, we want to see a higher education system that has immediate relevance to the needs of the society so as to meet the global challenges of the 21st century. In its broadest sense a curriculum may refer to all programmes offered at a school. This is particularly true of the higher education level, where the diversity of curriculum might be an attractive point to a potential student. It must embrace all activities that will lead to effective teaching and learning outcomes in the school system. Adepoju (1998) agrees with Ajayi (2007) that the curriculum should be derived from the needs of the neighbourhoods in which the school is located, reflecting the neighbourhood’s interests and changes in living. A periodic review of school curriculum by the Nigerian government is highly desirable in view of the fact that modern technology and innovation

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can make school curriculum outdated and out-fashioned; hence, the need for a change. Adepoju (1998) contends that good curriculum should be made to be dynamic and flexible. A systematic approach should therefore be taken in order to effect a change in both the content and context of the school curriculum. Curriculum relevance in either philosophical sense or practical sense or both is used as a measure of the relationship between the curriculum content and the needs of the individuals, the society and the nature of the discipline. If the relationship seems to be poor, then the curriculum suffers from impoverishment and imbalance. ‘Relevance’ is the keyword that should drive the ideology of any curriculum content and practice that can benefit the Nigerian society. Without relevance an instrument designed to engineer progress and development stands invalid and of course unreliable. The idea of curriculum relevance in education is to make Nigerian higher education more responsive to the needs of the country, and to update and modify our curricula as per both national needs and global demands. The national needs are concerned with fixing the ratio of ‘Science to Liberal Arts’ to 60:40 and the establishment of some universities of technology and agriculture (FRN, 2004).

THE COURSE SYSTEM The Nigerian National Policy on Education seems to have Nigerian in mind when it states that: 1) The education of higher professionals will continue within the higher education system, and it will be rooted in a broad-based, strong, scientific background. 2) The curriculum will be geared towards producing practical persons, and the course content will reflect our national needs, not just a hypothetical standard (FGN, 2004). There is an urgent need for a new orientation in Nigerian higher education. This would have two main components. First, the course system should be broad-based and multidisciplinary in nature, and the second, it should have a strong methodological content. With regard to the first one, the shift in focus would be from the current practice in which students graduate in one discipline to one in which they graduate in multidiscipline. The point is to draw attention to the need for graduates who have the

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capacity to relate to a broad range of problems, rather than so-called specialists who are unable to see the social or human problems. The course system requires that students take certain elective courses outside their major or core disciplines. This is an attempt to broaden the scope of higher education. It has failed because courses in the various disciplines have not been primarily designed to promote ‘the intercourse of the disciplines’. The elective courses most students are inclined to patronize are those they think can enhance their grades, thereby improving the face value of their certificates. The course system failed to bring about the desired changes in our society due to its weak methodological base. As a remedy for this, the National Universities Commission (NUC) had stipulated that each student must pass at least six units of general studies courses (GSC). These courses include among others: Use of English, Philosophy and Logic and History, Philosophy of Science, the last two being the ones with a methodological component in their design. The NUC stipulation leaves out courses which can enhance the capacity of our graduates for discernment, good judgment and logical articulation. We need a general scheme of education whose methodological orientation is along the lines of ‘the national, analytical and scientific orientation’.

CURRICULUM CONTENTS AND DELIVERY IN NIGERIAN HIGHER EDUCATION The history of curriculum contents and delivery in Nigeria is filled with a lot of stories. Much has been done over the years within the context of curriculum dynamics. There had been improvements, development, innovations, adjustments and changes and all sorts without realizing the ultimate goal of development via education. One could easily recall that curriculum contents and delivery in Nigeria at every level of education parade some major developments and milestones. There is hardly any difference noticeable among the levels of educations: whether primary, secondary and tertiary. They all speak about failure and disappointments. Despite all the post-independent attempts of curricula improvements, innovations and adjustments, many changes and innovations were never accompanied by concrete physical adjustments, constructions and changes in the school system. The most recent curricula restructuring (the 6–3 to 3–4 system), which is currently transforming into 9–3–4 entity, could be described as a new wine in an old bottle.

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Consequently, it was the governments’ wish in the era of independence that any existing shortcomings, contradictions, ambiguities and lack of uniformity in educational practices in the different parts of the federation should be removed. This was to ensure an even and orderly development of the country. The contents and delivery of higher education were seen as alienating the people from the rich tradition of manual labour, recognition of the dignity of labour and sound hard-work that characterized the pre-colonial Africa. The recipients of such education ‘were becoming strangers and aliens’ to a community of hard-working and disciplined people. University training was said to be completely supporting and producing job-seeking elites who were described as a ‘scavenging white collar job-dependent robots’ rather than assisting the development of creative self-reliant people that are much needed to consolidate meaningful economic and technological development in the countries.

TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY CURRICULUM Twenty-first-century curriculum has certain critical attributes. It is interdisciplinary, project based and research driven. It is connected to the community – local, state, national and global. Sometimes students are collaborating with people around the world in various projects. The curriculum incorporates higher order thinking skills, multiple intelligences, technology and multimedia, the multiple literacies of the 21st century, and authentic assessments. Service learning is an important component. The classroom is expanded to include the greater community. Students are self-directed, and work both independently and interdependently. The curriculum and instruction are designed to challenge all students, and provide for differentiation. The curriculum is not textbook driven or fragmented, but is thematic, project based and integrated. Skills and content are not taught as an end in themselves, but students learn them through their research and application in their projects. Textbooks, if they have them, are just one of many resources. Knowledge is not memorization of facts and figures, but is constructed through research and application, and connected to previous knowledge, personal experience, interests, talents and passions. The skills and content become relevant and needed as students require this information to complete their projects. The content and basic skills are applied within the context of the curriculum, and are not ends in themselves.

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Assessment moves from regurgitation of memorized facts and disconnected processes to demonstration of understanding through application in a variety of contexts. Real-world audiences are an important part of the assessment process, as is self-assessment. The new millennium was ushered in by a dramatic technological revolution, which brought in an era of increasingly diverse, globalized, and complex and media-saturated society. Emerging technologies and resulting globalization provide unlimited possibilities for exciting new discoveries and developments such as new forms of energy, medical advances, and restoration of environmentally ravaged areas, communications, and exploration into space and into the depths of the oceans. Media literacy skills are honed as students address real-world issues, from the environment to poverty. Students use the technological and multimedia tools now available to them to design and produce web sites, television shows, radio shows, public service announcements, mini-documentaries, how-to DVDs, oral histories and even films. Students find their voices as they create projects using multimedia and deliver these products to realworld audiences, realizing that they can make a difference and change the world. Students learn what it is to be a contributing citizen, and carry these citizenship skills forward throughout their lives (Brian, 2007). As a result, standardized test scores are higher. This is because students have acquired the skills and content in a meaningful, connected way and the understanding is there. Students actually KNOW the content on a much higher level of understanding, and they have developed their basic skills by constant application throughout the duration of the programme. Looking at the global classroom, every day student from countries all over the world collaborates on important projects. The web site, ePals, is a site where teachers and students can go to join or start a collaborative project with anyone in the world. According to ePals, Inc., ‘Our Global Community is the largest online community of K-12 learners, enabling more than 325,000 educators and 126,000 classrooms in over 200 countries and territories to safely connect, exchange ideas, and learn together’ (Douglas, 2010). Literature by various researchers, the media and university research have demonstrated that technologies, especially the internet, have resulted in a globalized society. The world is now ‘flat’. The world has transformed, and will continue to change at ever-increasing rates. In order for Nigerian students to be prepared to navigate this 21st-century world, Nigerian students must become literate in 21st-century literacies, including multicultural, media, information, emotional, ecological, and

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financial and cyber literacies. Nigerian students collaborating with students from around the world in meaningful, real-life projects is a necessary tool for developing these literacies. Nigerian students can learn that through collaboration, not competition, they can work together to make the world a better place. Nigerian students will use technologies, including the internet, and global collaboration to solve critical issues. Our planet and its citizen residents are facing a growing number of issues related to the environment. Education is the key. From environmental awareness to producing scientists, politicians, international relations experts, media producers and others, our schools will assist students in finding the answers to our environmental problems. Nigerian students will be motivated as they achieve higher levels of learning in all content areas from science and math to cultural studies and nutrition and other areas where students are involved in projects such as global classroom projects focused on the environment. Diversity courses teach students skills they will need to succeed in the 21st century. A course at the University of Lagos, ‘International Relations, Conflict and Community Resolution’, will teach students how to address constructively conflicts that arise among and within different groups and explores the possibility for building community across racial and ethnic boundaries. This course and scores of others across the country will be teaching students valuable skills they will need to function in a diverse world – listening, empathy, fairness, dialogue, intercultural communication, conflict resolution and collaborative problem solving. A diversified curriculum can help bridge differences, both on campus and in society. Learning about the diversity of Nigerians and global cultural traditions brings groups of students together rather than dividing them (Tanaka, 1996). Educational researchers have documented some positive impact of these curricular changes on student learning (Lopez, 1993; Villalpando, 1994), and one comprehensive national study has found that faculty emphasis on diversity in courses has positive effects on openness to racial understanding and overall satisfaction with university. In another study Lopez (1993 in Wagner 2010) also found that cognitive development improves among students participating in a multicultural course. Lopez (1993) documented a study conducted at the University of Michigan that investigated the impact of intergroup contact and course work dealing with racial and ethnic issues, which found that course work had the most significant positive impact on increased support for educational equity. In the same study it was observed that students whose professors included racial/ethnic materials in their courses reported higher levels of satisfaction with their university

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experience. Lopez reveals that women’s studies courses encourage more debate among students than other kinds of courses and, in fact, improve women’s attitudes towards men. As one move forward in the process of creating a world-class, 21stcentury educational system, the building of new schools and the remodelling of present school facilities will be addressed. Twenty-first-century schools in Nigeria can assist in utilizing the latest research and technologies to create environmentally friendly, energy efficient, ‘green’ schools. In fact, it will not be uncommon for students to apply their knowledge of research, mathematics, science, technologies and engineering to design real buildings! This will be just one example of a relevant, rigorous, 21st-century, real-life curriculum project. And think of how good this will look in the students’ portfolios and the knowledge that student will have created and contributed to the world in general and higher education in particular. What about technology resources? Technologies are tools students use to create knowledge and to create personal and social change. There should be full access to technology. If students do not have computers or access to the Internet at home, together we will find a way to provide them. If we can, we will obtain laptops for every student and teacher. Buildings will need to be wired in such a way that students can access their files, as well as the internet, from anywhere in the school. Various labs and learning centres should be set up around the campus. Art, music, theatre, television, radio and film studios can be created with relatively small expenditures. All classrooms should have televisions to watch broadcasts created by their school as well as by other schools in the district. We must realize, and our students must understand, that we cannot move towards a vision of the future until we understand the socio-historical context of where we are now. Where are we? What events led us to be where we are? How can this inform our development of a vision for the future and how we want to get there? A clear articulation of the purpose of education for the 21st century is the place to begin. Creating a vision of where we want to go requires us to ask the question – why? What is the purpose of education? What do we need to do to accomplish that purpose?

OBJECTIVES/PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The 21st century has been heralded by dramatic and exponential changes which cut across all human activities. The implications of these changes are

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that new skills, knowledge, ideas and technologies and ways of doing things are emerging thereby rendering old ones obsolete. Furthermore, advancement in technology has also resulted in globalization and information overload and the use of internet and other technologies in educational delivery. All these have obvious implication for education in general and higher education in particular. That is to say that there is need to prepare students who will be creative, innovative and competitive to function effective in this emerging technology. This can only be achieved through a higher education curriculum which according to Madson and Cook (2013) must not just be a purveyor of information and knowledge but must be relevant, responsive and have the ability to foster critical and reflective thinking in the students in order to enable them appreciate the change as well as pilot the change in their various life endeavours. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine higher education curriculum in Nigeria to ascertain the extent of readiness in coping with the challenges of the 21st century. The study will also seek to identify specific challenges of higher education in meeting the challenges of the 21st century as well as determine how the 21st-century higher education curriculum will be structured to meet the global challenges.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This study was based on the theory of transformative learning by Mezrrow. According to Mezrrow (1991, p. 167), transformative learning is a process of becoming critically aware of how and why our assumptions have to constrain the way we perceive, understand and feel about our world. Transformative learning theory is characterized by three themes namely experience, critical reflection and rational discourse. It believes that the learners’ experience provides the foundation of learning, that is through critical reflection the learners ask valid questions about their world views while rational discourse provides the platform for the learners to explore the depth and meaning of their various world views. Transformative learning therefore is for problem solving and induces in the learner an attitude of inquiry. It also shapes and brings about a paradigm shift that affects the learners’ experience and involves critically analysing current situation with a view to refining and changing it in order to produce a shift in peoples’ experience and world view. Hence Mezrrow contended that transformative learning is a kind of learning we do as we make sense of our lives and it is triggered by a problem and brings about a change in people’s

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beliefs, attitudes and ways of doing things. According to this theory, transformative learning occurs through a number of phases which begins with the disorientating dilemma which is followed by phases of self-examination, critical assessment of assumption, exploration of new actions, development of plans for action and reintegration of new perspectives into peoples. With regards to this study, therefore, rethinking higher education curriculum in Nigeria implies a dramatic and critical change not just in the content and context but also in the method of educational delivery. However, durable and sustainable change entails a reorientation and reorganization of higher education curriculum. This is because higher education plays a vital role in transforming the learners by challenging them to expand their minds, evaluate their assumptions, discover new meanings as well as broaden their world view. This cannot be achieved with a higher education curriculum that encourages memorization notes and information without instilling in the learners a problem solving, inquiry, critical mind set and independent thinking.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY Higher education needs a technological revolution that will have a greater impact on society than the transition from an oral to a print culture. The study will help the higher education provider in connecting the teachers, the students and the community to the wealth of knowledge that exists in the world. The study will improve the teacher from primary role as a dispenser of information to orchestrator of learning and helping students turn information into knowledge, and knowledge into wisdom. As the 21st century requires knowledge generation and information delivery, the study will go a long way in helping higher education in the need to create a ‘culture of inquiry’. As in the past a learner was a young person who went to school, spent a specified amount of time in certain courses, received passing grades and graduated. In this study, today learners must be seen in a new context, that:  Must maintain student interest by helping students see how what students are learning prepares them for life in the real world.  Must instil curiosity, which is fundamental to lifelong learning.  Higher education must be flexible in teaching.  Higher education must excite learners to become even more resourceful so that learner will continue to learn outside the formal school day.

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METHODOLOGY This study adopted the descriptive survey design. This design is deemed appropriate because it is effective in providing both quantitative and numeric description of the stakeholders on the issue of interest in the study. The population of the study consisted of stakeholders in educational planning and management in Nigeria. These comprised curriculum and programme planners, university lecturers and students in all Nigerian universities. A total of 200 respondents were randomly selected from five randomly selected universities. These consisted of fifty (50) curriculum or programme planners, fifty (50) lecturers and one hundred (100) students. To be included in this study, the students must be at least in the 300 level. This is because, it is believed that by this level the students will be able to assess and understand the issues of interest better. The main instrument of data collection was structured questionnaire designed by the researchers. The instrument was validated by giving it to experts in the field before using it for the study. In addition, focused group discussion was held with key stakeholders in education, planning and educational management. The instrument was administered by the researchers and efforts were also made to retrieve the questionnaire the same day to enhance rate of retrieval. Data collected was analysed using the descriptive statistics.

RESULTS Table 1 presents higher education curriculum and the extent of readiness in coping with the 21st century. The result from the table shows 70% of the respondents admitted that universities have been the main source of new ideas in coping with problems of the 21st century while 30% of respondents were of opposite view. Similarly, 78% of the respondents also admitted that Nigerian universities are expanding their curricula to meet every day needs of today’s society while 22% of the respondents were of opposite view. With regards to responses of higher education to the demands of the 21st century, 79.5% of the respondents admitted that higher education in Nigeria is encouraging collaboration among themselves, business and work place to make them relevant to the demand of the 21st century while 19.5% of the respondents disagreed. However, despite the effort made by higher education towards overcoming the challenges of the 21st century, about 46% of the respondents

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Table 1. S/N

Challenges of Higher Education in Meeting Challenges of the 21st Century. Variables

No. of Observations

Rank

Social challenges 1. Corruption/fraud 2. Poverty 3. Religious intolerance 4. Poor infrastructures-power, internet, ICT gadgets, 5. Unemployment 6. Negative influence of culture 7. Terrorism

169 83 18 121 41 11 5

1st 9th 15th 3rd 14th 18th 19th

Political 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

71 17 78 12 141

11th 16th 10th 17th 2nd

103 67 45

6th 12th 13th

90 1

8th 20th

92

7th

119 111

4th 5th

challenges Bad leadership Lack of political will Bad policy/implementation Politicization of the education sectors Poor funding

Educational/institutional problems 1. Poor technological/ICT knowledge 2. Outdated school curriculum 3. Poor personnel/human resources to implement programmes 4. Poor knowledge base of lecturers 5. Extensive gap between theory and practice of what has been taught 6. Unavailability of both teaching and learning materials in school 7. Non-relevance of most university programmes/courses 8. Bad management of the higher education system

were of the view that higher education curricula are not keeping pace with societal changes in the 21st century while the remaining 54% of the respondents were of the opposite view. Furthermore, with regards to the reflection of technological changes in Nigerian higher education curricula, only 56.5% of the respondents were of the view that higher education curricula are adequately dealing with the issue of technological changes for 21st century while the remaining 43.5% of the respondents disagreed with this view. Also, 71.5% of the respondents were of the view that higher education curricula are not addressing issues of complexity and diversity necessary to

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cope with the challenges of the 21st century while only 28.5% of the respondents were of the opposite view. In a similar reaction, 72.5% of the respondents believed that Nigerian higher education curricula are just highlighting factual subject matter rather than practical challenges of each discipline while the remaining 27.5% of the respondents disagreed with this view. With regards to the connectivity between higher education curriculum and the labour force, 78% of the respondents believed that there is a lack of connectivity between higher education curriculum and the labour while 22% of the respondents disagreed with this position. Also regarding whether curriculum and policy makers in charge of higher education are adequately prepared to address the challenges of the 21st century, 72% of the respondents however consented that curriculum and policy makers in charge of higher education are not adequately prepared to address the challenges of the 21st century. Finally, about half (50%) of the respondents were of the view that Nigerian higher institutions are not yet prepared to meet the challenges of 21st century. Table 2 shows various challenges of higher education curriculum in meeting the challenges of the 21st century. The challenges are categorized into three different areas: social, political and educational/institutional challenges. Key among the challenges were the issue of corruption and fraud which was ranked 1st; poor funding ranked 2nd; poor infrastructure such as power, ICT tools, etc. ranked 3rd; non-relevance of most university programme and course ranked 4th; bad management of the higher education ranked 5th. Other significant challenges listed by the respondents in the order of their rankings included: poor technological/ICT knowledge, unavailability of both teaching and learning materials in school, poor knowledge base of lecturers, poverty, bad policy/implementation, bad leadership, outdated school curriculum, poor personnel/human resources to implement programmes, unemployment, religious intolerance. Others are lack of political will, politicization of the education sectors, negative influence of culture, terrorism and extensive gap between theory and practice of what has been taught. Table 2 presents how higher education curriculum could be structured to meet the 21st-century global challenges. The results from the table show that about 59.5% of the respondents admitted that there are no drastic changes in the structure of university programmes to accommodate the changes in the 21st century as a result of the current global challenges while 39.5% of the respondents disagreed with this view. However, majority of the respondents (96%) were of the view that where there were attempts to

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Table 2.

21st-Century Higher Education Curriculum and the Global Challenges.

S/N

Variables

4 F (%)

3 F (%)

2 F (%)

1 F (%)

1.

There is no drastic change in the structure of university programmes to accommodate changes of the 21st century In dealing with the challenges of the 21st century, universities and other higher education institutions are concerned with how to use and manage information It is essential that method of delivery of education content should reflect advances in technologies New technologies will not enhance the ways knowledge is conveyed and delivered in the 21st century Higher institutions curricula in the country are adequately addressing the problems of hunger, poverty and climate changes Higher education curricula are dynamic enough to deal with issues of job creation and unemployment Higher education curricula are not exposing students to activities that enable them to have a better view and understanding of the diversities in the world of work Higher education curricula are helping to promote interdisciplinary activities that help in harnessing the experiences of all students in the teaching learning activities Higher education curricula are helping students to constantly and critically reshape their views about teaching and learning, in order to have a reflective view of learning activities The curricula of universities and higher education do not create new competencies and understanding of real world problems for student and staff.

28 (14)

90 (45.5)

65 (36.5)

17 (23.5)

110 (55)

82 (41)

8 (4.0)

–

110 (55) 6 (3.0) 13 (6.5)

81 (40.5) 28 (14.0) 58 (29)

7 (3.5) 80 (40.0) 105 (52.2)

2 (1) 86 (43.0) 24 (12)

15 (7.5) 40 (20)

76 (38) 91 (45.5)

84 (42) 56 (22)

25 (12.5) 13 (1)

34 (17)

120 (60)

44 (22)

2 (1)

33 (16.5)

123 (61.5)

31 (15.5)

13 (6.5)

28 (14)

128 (64)

37 (18.5)

7 (3.5)

2.

3. 4. 5.

6. 7.

8.

9.

10.

Keys: 4, strongly agree; 3, agree; 2, disagree; 1, strongly disagree. Note: Figures outside parentheses are frequency distributions; (ii) figures in parentheses are percentage distributions.

deal with the issue, higher education was more concerned with only how to use and manage information while only 4% of the respondents were of the opposite view. In a similar vein, about 95.5% of the respondents also believed that it is essential that the method of education content reflects

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advances in technology to be able to meet the current global challenges while the remaining 4.5% of the respondents disagreed with this. Furthermore, 83% of the respondents consented that new technologies will enhance the ways knowledge is conveyed and delivered in the 21st century to deal with the current challenges in the global arena while the remaining 17% of the respondents disagreed with the view. With regard to the response of higher education curriculum in addressing some of the global issues such as hunger, poverty and climate changes, about 64.5% of the respondents were of the view that higher education curricula are yet to address these issues while the remaining 35.5% of the respondents agreed that higher education curricula are addressing some of these challenges. Similarly, 54.5% of the respondents were of the opinion that higher education curricula are not dynamic enough to deal with the issue of job creation and unemployment while the remaining 45.5% of the respondents disagreed with the view. Information from the table also shows that 65.5% of the respondents believed that higher education curricula do not expose Nigerian students to the activities that will enable them have a better view and understanding of the diversities in the world of work while the remaining 34.5% of the respondents disagreed with this view. Again, 78% of the respondents also believed that though higher education curricula are helping to promote interdisciplinary activities to reshape the views about teaching learning, in order to have a reflective view of learning activities, 78% of the respondents also were of the view that the curricula of higher education do not create new competencies and understanding of real-world problems for student and staff to tackle the global challenges. A focused group discussion was held with key stakeholders in higher education system on ways to restructure higher education curriculum to make it responsive to the needs of the society. An array of suggestions was made by the discussants, which were ranked. These are presented in Table 3. Table 3 shows the suggestion of the respondents on how higher education curriculum could be structured to meet the demands of the 21st century. As shown in Table 3, majority of the respondents highlighted the need for increased collaboration and synergy between curriculum planners and the labour force as key to making higher education curriculum responsive to the demands of the 21st century. Another important factor that was given prominence by the respondents is the need for higher education curriculum to provide hand-on practical experience to the learners through the inclusion of practical-oriented programmes/courses in the curriculum.

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Table 3.

Suggestions on how Higher Education Curriculum could be Structured to Meet the Demands of the 21st Century.

S/N

Variables

No. of Observations

1.

Increased collaborations and synergy between curriculum planners and the labour force To include practical-oriented courses/programmes and skills Adequate funding and infrastructural development Curriculum should be innovative and be regularly reviewed to meet the present needs of the 21st century Ensure the use of ICT in knowledge and learning delivering Technology education should be made compulsory in higher education institutions Regular workshops and trainings for higher education curriculum planners Curriculum should address societal problems such as unemployment, illiteracy, etc. Proper management of educational resources available to meet the challenges of the 21st century Integration of higher level of cognitive thinking in higher education curriculum

107

1st

93 77 60

2nd 3rd 4th

59 36

5th 6th

23

7th

9

8th

4

9th

1

10th

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Rank

Evidence from the table also shows that the need for adequate funding and infrastructural development in higher education institutions was highlighted as one of the key drivers of globalization. Other suggestions made by the respondents, as shown in Table 3, include making higher education curriculum innovative, regular review of curriculum to meet the present needs of the 21st century, proper use of ICT in knowledge and learning delivering, regular workshops and training for higher education curriculum planners, proper management of educational resources available to meet the challenges as well as integration of higher level of cognitive thinking into higher education curriculum.

DISCUSSION The study was conducted to assess the extent to which higher education curricula are ready to address the social, economic and political challenges of the 21st century, with a view to suggest ways of rethinking the curricula to

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477

meet the challenges of the 21st century. The 21st century has been characterized by globalization which brought with its wake rapid, dramatic and unprecedented changes and challenges in virtually all aspects of human endeavour. In particular, globalization and the associated changes which also include emergence of knowledge economy have placed a higher demand on higher education (Zhoney, 2012). That is, globalization demands that the 21st-century higher education curricula be reformed to make it responsive to take demands and challenges of the era. Generally speaking, the study revealed that although higher education institutions are making efforts, their curricula cannot be said to be ready to cope with the challenges of the 21st century. Specifically, the study revealed that despite the fact that higher education in the country is making efforts towards overcoming the challenges of the 21st century, the present curricula are not keeping pace with social changes and the challenges associated with them. This situation explains why the impact of globalization does not seem obvious both in the social policy and in economic processes in the country. This, therefore, implies the benefits of globalization can only be accessed by restructuring and reforming the educational system. This according to Lam (2012) is because the impact of globalization has made education an important sector that must be restructured and organized to cope with the impact of globalization. The study also revealed that higher education curricula are not dealing effectively with technological issues. Table 4 shows that a good number of the respondents, 43.5%, believed that higher education curricula are not adequately addressing issues of technology needed to cope with the challenges of the 21st century. The importance of the finding cannot be overemphasized. This is against the backdrop of the fact that one of the key drivers of globalization is technology. This means that to be globalized and take advantage of information over-load, interconnectivity and interdependence associated with globalization, students of higher education must be equipped with the right technological skills. This implies that higher education curriculum must, therefore, be reorganized and restructured to produce graduates that are globalized, who possess the technological knowhow to compete effectively with their counterparts from other countries. This is more so because the entire society is being shaped and driven by technology. It is influencing the way people do things such as, the way they bank, shop, travel, work, play, keep personal records, study, etc. Today we talk about transnational education – all types of higher education study programmes – in which the learners are located in a country other than where the awarding institutions are located (Uvalic-Trumbic, 2002), and

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Table 4.

Higher Education Curriculum and the Extent of Readiness in Coping with the 21st Century.

S/N

Variables

4 F (%)

3 F (%)

2 F (%)

1 F (%)

1.

Universities have been the main source of new ideas in coping with problems of the 21st century Universities in Nigeria are expanding their curricula to meet every day needs of today’s society Higher institutions are encouraging collaboration among themselves, Business and work place to make them relevant to the demand of the 21st century Higher education curricula are not keeping pace with societal changes Technological changes are not reflected in higher education curricula Higher education curricula are addressing issues of complexity and diversity necessary to cope with the challenges of the 21st century Higher education curricula are just highlighting factual subject matter rather than practical challenges of each discipline There is lack of connectivity between higher education curriculum planners and the labour force Curriculum and policy makers in charge of higher education in Nigeria are not adequately prepared to address the challenges of the 21st century Nigerian higher institutions are not yet prepared to meet the challenges of the 21st century

47 (23.5) 41 (20.5) 33 (16.5)

73 (36.5) 115 (57.5) 126 (63.0)

54 (27.0) 40 (20.0) 29 (14.5)

26 (13.0) 4 (2.0) 12 (6.0)

24 (12) 27 (13.5) 50 (25.0)

68 (34) 60 (30.0) 7 (2.5)

88 (44) 98 (49.0) 21 (10.5)

20 (10) 15 (7.5) 124 (61.0)

25 (12.5)

122 (61.0)

50 (25)

3 (1.5)

50 (25.0)

106 (53.0)

37 (18.5)

7 (3.5)

53 (26.5)

91 (45.5)

45 (22.5)

11 (5.5)

34 (17)

86 (43.0)

67 (33.5)

13 (6.5)

2. 3.

4. 5. 6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

Keys: 4, strongly agree; 3, agree; 2, disagree; 1, strongly disagree. Note: Figures outside parentheses are frequency distributions; (ii) figures in parentheses are percentage distributions.

several innovative modes of knowledge delivery and partnerships which are facilitated by information and communications technology. These developments in the life services and digital technology have opened up vast new possibilities of production and information and knowledge exchange (Hutton & Giddens, 2001). Furthermore, innovations like the internet have made it possible to access educational information and other resources across the world and the

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coordinate activities in real time. All these, however, can only be meaningful when the educational system, in particular the higher education curriculum, is structured to help the learners harness the benefits accruable in the technological innovation. Hence, the use of ICT in delivery teaching learning in higher education institutions should be encouraged and made compulsory to enhance the quality of learning delivery in higher education institutions. The 21st century has witnessed all forms of organizational complexities as a result of globalization. Globalization has also made it imperative for societies to manage ever-growing forms of diversities. However, Table 4 shows that 71.5% of the respondents were of the view that higher education curriculum is not addressing issues of complexity and diversity. Majority of the respondents, 78% believed that there is a high disconnect between higher education curriculum and the demands of the labour force. This implies that higher education is producing graduates who are out of tune with the demands of the work force and therefore unable to cope with the demands of the 21st century. This explains why unemployment is very high in Nigeria despite the fact that a large number of higher education graduates are pushed out every year. Globalization requires that individuals are equipped with new levels of skills, knowledge and technical know-how to cope with the demand of the era. This means that if the country is to meet the demands of increasing global competiveness, higher education curricula must not only be structured to produce graduates with appropriate and relevant skills, but higher education curricula planners must be collaborative with labour industry and the world of works to ensure that their products are equipped with rights skills and knowledge needed by the labour force. This is more so because the world of work is also changing and requires that education and training be reorganized and refocused so that their recipients are given what it takes to cope with the demands of the new era and hence relevant to the society. There is therefore increasing need for collaboration and partnership between stakeholders in the job industry and higher education curriculum planners to ensure that the content of higher education curricula meets the ever increasing and changing needs of the workforce and organizing structure. Higher education curricula must take cognizance of the dramatic change in the world of works and labour industry in order to produce graduates that are relevant in the work place, multi-skilled and possess the ability to transform skills to different tasks. The study reveals unequivocally that curriculum and higher education policy makers in the country are not adequately prepared to address

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educational and social challenges of the 21st century. The questions one may therefore ask are why is this so? What then are the challenges? The study identified an array of challenges faced by higher education in Nigeria. These were categorized under social, political and educational or institutional challenges. Out of the array of challenges identified, as shown in Table 1, corruption and fraud ranked highest with 169, poor funding of education ranked second with 141, while poor infrastructure, power, internet and ICT gadgets ranked third with 121. This finding is consistent with the trends in most developing countries of which Nigeria is one. For instance, according to The Transparency Internationals Corruption Perception index of 2011, Nigeria was ranked 143rd out of 183 countries. The index scores 183 countries and territories from 0 (highly corrupt) to 10 (very clean) based on perceived levels of public sector corruption, and Nigeria scored 2.4 (Olukorede, 2011). The implication of this finding is that the ability of the country to meet up her social obligations of which education is one, in the 21st century, is highly jeopardized. This assertion is in line with Wei (2001) who posits that corruption hinders a country’s ability to absorb the benefits of globalization because it hinders economic growth and hence becomes a major impediment to growth and progress. Education, especially higher education must be placed in a strategic position and given priority in development. This implies that the curricula must be restructured, reorganized and refocused to serve the social, economic and political needs of the recipients of education and the society in general. Higher education curriculum must encourage technological innovation, economic reconstruction and cultural diversities which are key factors in human survival in the 21st century. A focused group discussion was also held which asked members to suggest ways by which higher education curriculum can be restructured to make it responsive to the demands of the 21st century. An array of suggestions was made by respondents. One of the most important suggestions was the need to bridge the daunting gap between higher education and the world of works through collaboration and synergy between higher education curriculum planners and stakeholders in the job industry. This suggestion is very apt especially in the face of obvious disconnect between the 21st century higher education curriculum and the industrial and job demands. This has resulted in gross shortage of graduates with prerequisite skills and the technical know-how to move the country to the next level of development and hence leading to gross unemployment in the country. It is therefore imperative that to bridge this gap, higher education curriculum planners should liaise with employers of labour, allow

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industrialists and other stakeholders to participate in higher education curriculum design so as to make the curriculum relevant to the demands of the society. Other suggestions made by the group include the need to ensure that higher education curriculum provides hands-on practical and real-life experience for the learners, ensure adequate provision of funds for infrastructural development, especially information, communication technology which is a key driver of economic, social and human development in the 21st century. Closely related to this is the need to make technology education compulsory for higher education students as well as ensure the use of technology in higher education delivery. The content of higher education curricula should be made to enhance the personal competence and qualities of the learner as well as emphasize competency-based training. The use of ICT in delivery teaching learning in higher education institutions should be encouraged and made compulsory to enhance the quality of learning delivery in higher education institutions.

CONCLUSION The 21st century is characterized by a society where things are changing in an exponential pace, and therefore education, in particular higher education, is required to prepare students to adapt to the change by equipping them with the skills, knowledge and information to cope with this astronomical pace of change. To achieve this, higher education curricula must be reformed to be responsive to the demands of this global change. The content of higher education programme must be changed to reflect the changing society in order to prepare graduates who are employable, adaptable, resourceful, flexible and equipped with basic skills and knowledge that will enable them to take advantage of globalization and what the 21st century has to offer. The study was conducted to assess the extent of readiness of higher education curriculum in meeting the demands of the 21st century, identify the possible challenges facing higher education institute in meeting the demands of the 21st century and suggest ways of restructuring higher education curriculum to make it responsive to economic, social and political demands of the 21st century. The findings from the study revealed, among other things, that higher education curriculum, to a large extent, is not ready and therefore cannot cope with the demands of the times. Some of the

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challenges identified include an obvious disconnect between the labour force and higher education curriculum planners. Hence, it has become imperative that if higher education curriculum is to meet up with the demands of the 21st century, there is a need to reform, restructure and rethink the curriculum. One way of doing this is through a synergic and collaborative relationship between the world of works and curriculum planners. This will ensure that the gap between the products of higher education and the actual demands by the labour force in the 21st century is effectively bridged.

REFERENCES Adepoju, T. L. (1998). Managing educational change in Nigeria. Guba’s two-dimensional change strategy. Mimeograph. Department of Educational Foundations and Management, Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo. Ajayi, P. O. (2007). Evaluation of the implementation of physics curriculum in south west secondary schools in Nigeria. Unpublished research monograph of the University of Ado-Ekiti. Brian, L. (2007). Fourteen million kids, unsupervised: Can after-school programs help? Retrieved from http://www.edutopia.org/fourteen-million-kids-unsupervised Douglas, K. (2010). New media and new literacies: Reconstructing education for the new millennium. Retrieved from http://pages.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/essays/newmedia newliteracies.pdf Federal Government of Nigeria. (2004). National policy on education. Lagos: NERDC. Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN). (2004). National policy on education. Lagos: Government Press. Hutton, W., & Giddens, A. (2001). In globalization. Retrieved from http://www.infed.org/ biblio/globalization.htm Lam, Y. Y. (2012). The impact of globalization on higher education: An empirical study of education in Hong Kong. International Education Studies, 3(4), 73–85. Lewis, C. A. (2010). Introduction – Education in the 21st century. In Wagner (Ed.), The global achievement gap. Retrieved from http://www.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/. Accessed on August 12, 2012. Lopez, G. E. (1993). The effect of group contact and curriculum on white, Asian American, and African American students’ attitudes. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan. Madson, S. R., & Cook, B. J. (2013). Transformative learning: UAE, women, and higher education. Retrieved from http://www.suu.edu/academics/provost/pdf/cook-article. Accessed on 22 April 2013. Mezrrow, J. (1991). Transformative dimension of adult learning. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. Olukorede, Y. (2011). Transparency international ranks Nigeria 143rd on corruption index. The Nation, 2 December. Tanaka, G. K. (1996). The impact of multiculturalism on white students. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, CA.

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Uvalic-Trumbic, S. (Ed.). (2002). Globalization and the market in higher education: Quality accreditation and qualifications. Paris, France: UNESCO Publishing. (Chapter 14, Grant McBurnie, Transitional education, quality and the public good: Case studies from South-East Asia, pp. 159–170). Villalpando, O. (1994). Comparing the effects of multiculturalism and diversity on minority and white students’ satisfaction with college. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Study of Higher Education, November, Tucson, AZ. Wei, S. (2001). Corruption and globalization. Retrieved from http://www.brookings.edu/ research/papers/2001. Accessed on 13 November 2013. Zhoney. (2012). What is globalization? Retrieved from http://readanddigest.com/what-isglobalization/. Accessed on 10 January 2013.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS Martha Nkechinyere Amadi, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Educational Administration, Faculty of Education, University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria. Her research interests include technology-enhanced teaching and learning. She is a registered member of the Teacher Registration Council of Nigeria (MTRCN) as well as the Nigerian Association of Educational Administration and Planning (NAEAP) and Nigerian Institute of Management (NIM), among others. She has published many articles in reputable journals with local, national, and international readerships. Francis Atuahene, Ph.D., is an assistant professor and faculty academic advisor in the Department of Educational Development at West Chester University of Pennsylvania, USA. He earned his BA (Hons.) in political science and philosophy from the University of Ghana. He also earned an MA in international affairs, MPA in political science, and a Ph.D. in higher education administration from Ohio University-Athens. His research interests span across contemporary issues in international comparative higher education with particular concentration on educational accessibility, finance and cost sharing, student development, and retention. He has published peer-reviewed articles in leading journals in the fields of educational policy, student loans scheme, research capacities in African universities, and college student retention. Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite is a researcher with a doctorate in education and development from the University of Oslo (UiO). Her research interests include language and human rights in education, development aid, and African higher education. Currently she serves as a research assistant in the Department of Educational Research and Intermedia at the Faculty of Educational Sciences at the UiO. She has been a member of the language of instruction in Tanzania and South Africa (LOITASA) team of researchers. As a LOITASA member she has participated in workshops in Tanzania and South Africa where she has presented her research. Her work has also been presented in international conferences. She has published several

485

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peer-reviewed articles, as well as contributed to book chapters on language and human rights, development aid within the education sector in Africa. She is fluent in several languages: Berber, French, English, Norwegian, and Japanese. She has teaching experience in several countries, including France, United States, Japan, India, and Norway. Ross J. Benbow, Ph.D., is a postdoctoral researcher with the Wisconsin Center for Education Research (WCER) at the University of WisconsinMadison. As a recent Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Department of Educational Policy Studies, his research and teaching interests focus on social and educational change, the improvement of teaching and learning processes in higher education institutions, as well as the relationships between educational policy reform and individual and community opportunity in domestic and international educational contexts. He is currently preparing a manuscript of his dissertation, ‘‘With Hope for the Future: Privatization, Development, and the New University in Tanzania,’’ which used ethnographic field work and historical methods to analyze university-level educational policy reform and its links to economic, social, and cultural transitions. He is a native of Madison, Wisconsin. Hopestone K. Chavula, Ph.D., holds his doctoral and master’s degrees in economics, and bachelor’s degree in both economics and computer sciences. He is an economist with the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, since 2008. Prior to joining ECA, he was a lecturer in economics and computer science at Chancellor College – University of Malawi for many years. Before joining the University of Malawi, he held various positions as a development consultant as well as an Information Systems and Telecommunications (IST) Specialist in both the private and public sectors for more than 10 years. Christopher S. Collins, Ph.D., is an assistant professor of higher education at Azusa Pacific University. His research interests include the role of higher education related to poverty reduction, knowledge extension, and social rates of return. Recent publications include Higher Education and Global Poverty: University Partnerships and the World Bank in Developing Countries (Cambria Press, 2011), a coedited volume with Alexander W. Wiseman, Education Strategy in the Developing World: Revising the World Bank’s Education Policy Development (Emerald Publishing, 2012), and Land-Grant Extension as a Global Endeavor: Connecting Knowledge and International Development in The Review of Higher Education (2012).

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Perpetua Ememe, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Adult Education, Faculty of Education, University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria. Her research interest include adult learning psychology and health; rural education and development. She is a member of National Council of Adult Education. She is also a member of Educational Research Network for West and Central Africa(ERNWACA). She has published several articles in reputable Journals locals, national, and international. Chijioke J. Evoh, Ph.D., is an educator with the New York City Department of Education and the director of research (secondary appointment) at the Economic and Urban Policy Analysts (ECONUPA), an independent social science research group in New York. He holds a Ph.D. in public and urban policy and has done consultant work for ILO and UNICEF on macroeconomic policy and information and communication technology (ICT) and educational development. His research focuses on food policy, ICT innovation, and urban development. Landis G. Fryer, MSEd, is a doctoral student in cultural and educational policy studies at Loyola University Chicago. He has worked extensively in higher education with several years of experience in undergraduate admissions at both Dartmouth College and Northwestern University. In 2010, he completed his MSEd in higher education at the University of Pennsylvania. His current research interests include development of global citizenship education and leadership, international higher education development processes, higher education admissions, and educational policy discourse of BRIC nations. Ane Turner Johnson, Ph.D., is a faculty member at Rowan University in Glassboro, New Jersey. She has published and presented on higher education policy and reform in emerging nations, university peacebuilding and development in Africa, African women in university administration, and conducting qualitative inquiry in Africa. She teaches research methods in the educational leadership doctoral program at Rowan University. Tavis D. Jules, Ed.D., is an assistant professor of cultural and educational policy studies at Loyola University Chicago. His geographical area of research is the Caribbean and Latin America and his current research projects include regionalism and governance; international cooperation and education leadership, ethics, and sustainability; gender education and development; comparative and international education policy studies;

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economic integration and education in Latin America and the Caribbean; and the policy challenges in small island developing states (SIDS). Before coming to Loyola Chicago in 2011, he was the chief knowledge officer, editor of Global Responsibility, and director of Research for the Globally Responsible Leadership Initiative (GRLI) Foundation. His book, Neither World Polity nor Local or National Societies: Regionalization in the Global South – The Caribbean Community (Peter Lang), was published in 2012. Gregory H. Kamwendo, Ph.D., is a professor of language education and dean of the School of Education at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) in South Africa. Prior to joining UKZN, he taught and researched at the University of Malawi and the University of Botswana. He has published on a wide range of topics within sociolinguistics and language education. Some of his works appear in journals such as Language Policy, Language Problems & Language Planning, Current Issues in Language Planning, Journal of Multilingual & Multicultural Development, Language Matters, English Today, and International Journal of the Sociology of Language. Bennett Kangumu, Ph.D., holds his doctoral degree in historical studies. He is currently a lecturer in the Department of Geography, History and Environmental Studies and director of the Katima Mulilo Campus of the University of Namibia. His research interests are in the areas of history of education, language education, historical representations, and cultural policy formulation. Grace Karram, MA, researches higher education at the University of Toronto’s Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE). Her research interests include internationalization, spirituality, and the student experience. In her professional role administrating transnational graduate programs, she has worked in Canada, the United States, and the Fiji Islands. She is also a regular blogger for the University World News. Konstantinos G. Karras, Ph.D., is an assistant professor at the Pedagogical Department of Teacher Education at the University of Crete, Greece. His research interests deal with the profession of teachers in Europe and worldwide as well as European educational policies. He is the author of 3 books, editor of 4 handbooks (3 in English, 1 in Greek), and more than 60 articles in different languages (English, French, Russian, Chinese, African), which relate to teachers internationally. Recent work of his includes the

About the Authors

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International Handbook on Teachers Education Worldwide: Training, Issues and Challenges for the Teaching Profession, Vol. I and II (Preface by Gaston Mialaret), Ion Publications, Athens, 2012 (in collaboration with Charl C. Wolhuter). Kevin Kinser, Ph.D., is an associate professor and chair of the Department of Educational Administration and Policy Studies at University at Albany, State University of New York. He is also codirector of the Cross-Border Education Research Team, senior researcher at the Institute for Global Education Policy Studies, and a fellow at the Rockefeller Institute of Government. He studies nontraditional and alternative higher education, particularly the public policies and organizational structures related to private for-profit institutions and international cross-border higher education. He is the author of more than 40 articles, chapters, and scholarly reports, and regularly presents papers at conferences in the United States and abroad and is author of From Main Street to Wall Street: The Transformation of For-Profit Higher Education (Wiley, 2006). His most recent books are The Global Growth of Private Higher Education (Wiley, 2010) and Multinational Colleges and Universities: Leading, Governing, and Managing International Branch Campuses (Jossey-Bass, 2011). Jane Knight, Ph.D., of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, focuses her research and professional interests on the international dimension of higher education at institutional, national, regional, and international levels. Her work in over 65 countries with universities, governments, and United Nations agencies helps to bring a comparative, development, and international perspective to her research, teaching, and policy work. She is the author of numerous publications on internationalization concepts and strategies, quality assurance, institutional management, trade, regionalization, and cross-border education. She is a cofounder of the African Network for the Internationalisation of Education (ANIE) and sits on the advisory boards of many international organizations and journals. She was recently awarded an honorary LLD from the University of Exeter, UK and the Gilbert Medal from Universitas 21 for her research and policy work on the international dimension of higher education. Jason E. Lane, Ph.D., is a deputy director for research at the Rockefeller Institute of Government and SUNY Provost fellow of the State University

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of New York. He is also an associate professor of educational policy, senior researcher at the Institute for Global Education Policy Studies, and codirector of the Cross-Border Education Research Team (C-BERT) at the University at Albany (SUNY). Most recently he has been studying the globalization of higher education, with a specific interest in the emergence of the multinational university and the role of internationalization in government policy, public diplomacy, and economic and community development. His recent books include Multi-National Colleges and Universities (JosseyBass, 2011, with Kevin Kinser), Academic Leadership and Governance of Higher Education (Stylus Press, 2012, with Robert Hendrickson, James Harris, and Rick Dorman), and Colleges and Universities as Economic Drivers (SUNY Press, 2012 with Bruce Johnstone). Gilbert Likando, Ph.D., holds a doctoral degree in education. He is currently a senior lecturer and director of the University of Namibia (UNAM) Rundu Campus. He has extensively undertaken research and published articles and book chapters in the area of education encompassing the history of education, comparative education, and adult literacy. His recent interest is on issues of access and equity in higher education in Namibia. Kenneth Kamwi Matengu, Ph.D., holds a doctoral degree in human geography from the University of Eastern Finland. He is currently a senior researcher at the Multidisciplinary Research Centre, Social Sciences Division, and director of External and International Relations at the University of Namibia. His research interest includes access and equity in education, higher education governance, and management. He has previously published articles, books, and book chapters on tourism, community-based management, decentralization of rural water supply, and local government. Christopher Byalusago Mugimu, Ph.D., is an associate professor and chair of Department of Foundations and Curriculum Studies, School of Education, Makerere University Kampala, Uganda. He earned his Ph.D. in education from Brigham Young University, USA. His current research interests include international development education, ICT and curriculum reform in higher education, and comparative education. Ibrahim Ogachi Oanda, Ph.D., is a senior lecturer in the educational foundations department at Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya. His areas of specialization are the sociology of education, higher education, and social

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policy. His research interests are higher education and social policy as well as gender and education. Recent publications include Transforming Education and Development Policies for Pastoralist Communities in Kenya through the Integration of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (OSSREA, Addis Ababa, 2011) and the ‘‘Role of Institutional Managers in Quality Assurance: Reflections on Kenya’s University Education’’ (Australian Journal of Business and Management Research, 2011). Alexander W. Wiseman, Ph.D., is an associate professor of comparative and international education in the College of Education at Lehigh University. His research focuses on a range of educational topics including internationally comparative analyses of national educational systems, the transition from school to work, gender and education, the managerial activity of principals, and institutional approaches to comparative education. He holds a dualdegree Ph.D. in comparative & international education and educational theory & policy from Pennsylvania State University, MA in international comparative education from Stanford University, MA in education (and teacher certification) from The University of Tulsa, and a BA in letters from the University of Oklahoma. Charl C. Wolhuter, Ph.D., studied at the University of Johannesburg, the University of Pretoria, the University of South Africa, and the University of Stellenbosch. His doctorate was awarded in comparative education at the University of Stellenbosch, South Africa. He is a former junior lecturer of history of education and comparative education at the University of Pretoria and a former senior lecturer of history of education and comparative education at the University of Zululand. Currently he is comparative and international education professor at the Potchefstroom Campus of NorthWest University, South Africa. In the winter semester of 2012, he taught comparative and international education as visiting professor at Brock University, Canada. He is the author of several books and articles in the fields of comparative and international education and history of education, and is the current president of SACHES, the Southern African Comparative and History of Education Society.

AUTHOR INDEX Abramovaa, I., 177 Acheampong, E., 90 Acito, F., 441 Adams, B. N., 269 Addae-Mensah, I., 229 Ade Ajayi, J. F., 135, 154 ADEA, 348, 350 Adepoju, T. L., 462–463 African Development Bank, 77 African Union Commission – NEPAD, 46, 73, 76–77, 85, 87, 91 Aga Khan University, 109 Ajayi, J. F. A., 28, 433, 435 Ajayi, P. O., 462 Aker, J. C., 306 Akroyd, S., 56 Akyeampong, K., 245 Aldosary, A. S., 194 Alford, R. R., 434–435, 445 Alston, J. M., 56 Altbach, P. G., 9–10, 31–32, 47, 82, 154, 194, 317, 416–417, 419, 445 Altekar, A. S., 163 Alvesson, M., 434, 438 Amaral, A., 146 Ambali, A., 245 Amukugo, E. M., 188–189 Anders, G. C., 304 Anderson, J., 56 Anderson, T., 300 Apple, M., 396 Arthur, J., 269 493

Arvanitidis, P., 300–301 Asabre-Ameyaw, A., 253 Ashby, E., 28 Ashcroft, K., 30, 51, 436 Atkinson, P., 408 Atuahene, F., 238 AUC-NEPAD, 293, 298–299, 305 AU, 358, 371 Azaiki, S., 341 Azcona, G., 255 Babaci-Wilhite, Z., 327–328, 337–338 Bailey, T., 26, 42, 56, 58–59, 92 Baker, D., 415 Baker, W. E., 164 Baldwin, G., 192, 194, 210 Balfour, R., 271 Ball, S. J., 407–408 Baneseh, M. A., 237 Banya, K., 137, 143, 155, 169–170 Barany, Z., 402 Barkan, J. D., 135, 153 Barrett, A. M., 338, 341 Barrett, E., 428 Bassett, R., 155 Becker, R. F. J., 108 Beech, J., 406 Berman, E., 133–134, 137 Besley, A. C. T., 27 Bhalalusesa, E., 226, 229 Bimpong, O., 239 Bitzer, E., 116

494

Blom, A., 70, 138 Bloom, D. E., 41–42, 57–60 Bonacia-Pugh, F., 269 Bonal, X., 406 Botha, M., 269, 281 Bourdieu, P., 408 Bowen, H. R., 36–37 Boyd, W., 10 Brian Cooksey, B., 135 Brian, L., 466 Broussard, M., 28, 229 Bruner, J., 408 Brunsson, N., 408 Buchert, L., 131, 134, 144 Burger, I., 11 Burns, R., 190 Butcher, N., 77, 360 Bwambele, T., 116 Cabral, L., 87 Caffentzis, G., 135 Calogiannakis, P., 379, 393 Camara, A., 29 Campbell, H., 7 Canning, D., 41–42, 57–59, 138 Cardoso, F. H., 27 Carmichael, M., 113 Carnoy, M., 27, 131 Carrol, B., 105, 134–137, 154–155, 435 Castells, M., 27, 58, 289–290 Champagne, J., 409, 416, 418–419 Chan, K., 41–42, 57–59, 138 Chan-Kang, C., 56 Chapleo, C., 166 Chavula, H. K., 294, 303, 319 Chen, D. H. C., 289–290, 292, 305–306, 319 Chen, S., 35 Chiang, T.-H., 379, 393

AUTHOR INDEX

Chien, C., 121 Chijoriga, M. M., 142 Clancy, P., 193 Cloete, N., 26, 42, 52, 56, 58–59, 92, 286 Cobbett, J., 7 Coffey, A., 408 Cohen, S. S., 27 Colclough, C., 136 Collins, C. S., 26, 41, 53, 56 Commission for Africa Report, 53, 89 Commission on Higher Education in the Colonies, 122, 217 Connell, R. W., 408 Conteh-Morgan, E., 144 Cook, B. J., 469 Cooksey, B., 142 Coombe, T., 241 Corning, P. A., 178 Council on Higher Education, 32, 59 Court, D., 142 Cowen, R., 393 Creswell, J., 439 Crossley, M., 338, 341 Crow, M. M., 304 Custers, R., 5 Dachi, H., 338, 341 Dahlman, C. J., 289–290, 292, 298, 303, 305–306, 319 Dakar, B. F. P., 28 Dakubu, M., 253 Dale, R., 406 Daniel, G. F., 217 Daoud, M., 416, 419 Davenport, P., 302 Davis, H., 292–293 Deem, R., 194

495

Author Index

Delgado-Ramos, G., 146 Department of Education, 268 Derek, H., 305–306 Dı´ az, A. C., 166 Diamond, L. J., 402, 422 DiMaggio, P. J., 435, 449 Dorado, S., 435, 449–450 Dorsey, E., 328 Dorward, L., 306 Douglas, K., 466 Dowden, R., 4 Driouchi, A., 304 Drori, G. S., 403 Drucker, P., 286 Du Plessis, T., 6 Duderstadt, J. J., 301–302, 318 Dunn, D., 137 Dura´n, M. V. C., 166 Effah, P., 218, 233, 245–246 El Mustapha, A., 304 El-Araby, A., 418–419, 421 Ellis, S., 165 Elsbach, K. D., 434, 448 Engelbrecht, C., 271 Escobar, A., 430 Europa Publishers, 7 European Higher Education Area, 84 European Union, 85 Evans, T., 292–293 Evoh, C. J., 290, 300 Fan, S., 56 FAO, 55 Federici, S., 135 Feilden, J., 42 Ferrier, F., 193–194 Fielden, J., 43 Finnemore, M., 135

Fischer, K., 162 Fisher, G., 259 Fofack, H., 50–51 Foko, B., 229 Forde, L. D., 226, 229 Forest, J. J., 194 Frank, D. J., 138 Friedland, R., 434–435, 445 Friedman, J., 120 Friedman, T. L., 5 Fukuyama, F., 6 Fuqiang, Z., 190 Furley, O. W., 132 Gabler, J., 138 Gallagher, S., 75 Garba, S. B., 194 Garg, S., 118–119 Garret, G., 75 Garrett, R., 143 Gearing, R. E., 440 Geo-JaJa, M. A., 327–328, 337–341 GeSCI, 298 Gibbons, M., 10 Giddens, A., 435, 478 Goastellec, G., 193 Goldman, H., 101 Goma, L. K. H., 28, 135, 154, 433, 435 Gornitzka, A˚., 37 Gouges, G., 116 Green, S. E., 433–435, 447–448 Greenwood, R., 434–435, 448 GRN, 200 Gruen, T. W., 441 Guest, R., 4 Gunawarden, C., 31 Guruz, K., 146 Gwaradzimba, E., 12

496

Hajdenberg, A., 137 Hanna, J. L., 135 Hanna, W. J., 135 Hanushek, E. A., 59 Hardy, C., 449 Hartley, M., 57, 60 Harvey, C., 137 Harvey, D., 136 Harvey, L., 31 Hatch, M. J., 166 Hauptman, A. M., 38 Hawawini, G., 75 Henry, M., 408 Herbst, J., 4, 6, 8 Hervy, A., 58, 60 Hickey, C., 292–293 Higgs, L. G., 10 Higgs, P., 10 Hinzen, H., 132 Hirt, J. B., 428–429, 432–433, 435–436 Hoba, P., 433 Hobdari, N., 137 Holtom, D., 137 Hoosen, S., 77, 360 Houghton, J., 289 Huberman, A. M., 439 Hundsdorfer, V. H., 132 Hutton 478 Hwang, H., 403 IDRC. International Development Research Center, 49 Ike, V. C., 100, 104 Iliffe, J., 131 ILO, 202 Ilon, L., 41, 154, 171 Ilukena, A. S., 188 India-Africa Forum Summit, 118 Inglehart, R., 164

AUTHOR INDEX

Internet World Statistics, 103 IOM, 49 Ip, G., 290 Irikefe, V., 87 James, R., 192, 194, 210 Jansen, J. D., 138 Jaschik, S., 110 Jepperson, R. L., 433 Jodi, G., 466 Johnson, A. T., 428–429, 432–433, 435–436 Johnson, G. A., 28, 135, 154, 433, 435 Johnstone, B. D., 134, 142, 237 Johnstone, D. B., 38–40 Jones, W., 403, 434 Jules, T. D., 406 Juma, C., 293, 294, 303, 305, 306, 311 Kaberia, F., 117, 122 Kamwendo, G. H., 267, 269–270, 274–275, 277, 281 Karram, G., 161–181 Karras, K., 379, 393 Karreman, D., 438 Katsomitros, A., 101, 108–109 Kay, S., 164 Kazamias, A., 393 Keating, M. F., 431 Kefela, G. T., 304 Kellogg, E. D., 58, 60 Kemmis, S., 408 Kennedy, P., 5, 7 Kewagamang, M. M., 110 Khelfaoui, H., 388–389 Khoˆi, L. T., 163 Khoudari K., 300 Kiely, R., 429–430

497

Author Index

Kim, L., 297, 305, 319 Kimura-Walsh, E., 194 King, E. J., 10 Kingdon, J., 406 Kinser, K., 75, 81–82, 100, 106–107, 114, 122 Kinyanjui K., 300 Kitchen, H., 28 Knight, J., 71, 103, 115, 348–349, 351, 353, 355, 357, 368, 370, 372 Knowledge Economy Network, 312 Knox, D., 114 KNUST, 240 Kobia, M., 117, 122, 431 Konde, V., 294, 303, 319 Kot, F. C., 121 Kozma, R., 307 Kubow, P., 393 Kwamena-Poh, M. A., 245 Kwaramba, M., 116 Kwesiga, J., 31 Labov, W., 408 Lane, J. E., 75, 81–82, 100, 103, 106–107, 114, 119, 121–122 LANGTAG, 268 Langthaler, M., 86 Lao, C., 42, 44 LaRocque, N., 42 Larsen, M. H., 166 Lasanowski, L., 79 Lassibille, G., 139 Lawrence, T. B., 437, 449 Lawton, W., 101, 108–109 Leach, F., 226, 229 Leca, B., 437 Ledoux, B., 37 Leslie, L. L., 41 Levey, L., 142 Levidow, L., 136, 177

Levy, D. C., 107, 116, 166 Levy, D. L., 107, 146 Lewis, C. A., 461 Lewis, S. G., 120 Li, Y., 119, 433–435, 447–448 Lihamba, A., 31 Likando, G., 188 Lindow, M., 162, 169 Lingard, B., 408 Loewenstein, J., 434 Lom, M. M., 110 Loomba, A., 428, 450 Lopez, G. E., 467 Ludwig, F., 143, 155 Luggs, R., 226, 229 Lugumba, S. M. E., 132 Luhanga, M. L., 142 Luhmann, N., 407 Lulat, Y. G. M., 154, 217 Ma, W., 415 Maassen, P., 26, 37, 42, 52, 56, 58–59, 92, 210 Macleod, C., 54 Madson, S. R., 469 Maguire, S., 449 Mahajan, V., 4, 8 Makoni, M., 83 Mama, A., 225 Mamdani, M., 142, 428 Mangum, G., 340 Marcucci, P., 39–40 Marginson, S., 76, 168, 174, 179 Marra, M. C., 56 Marshall, S., 116 Mason, M., 328, 337–338, 341–342 Materu, P., 22, 32, 42, 44–45, 122 Matthews, S., 429–430 Mattysen, K., 5 Maziad, S., 137

498

Mbebe, A., 428 Mbeki, T., 91 Mbiti, I. M., 306 Mbwette, T. S. A., 142 McBurnie, G., 116–117 McMahon, W. W., 41, 57–58 McWilliam. H. O. A., 245 Meek,V. L., 211 Meredith, M., 4, 7 Merkley, C., 108 Merriam, S. B., 291, 407–408 Meyer, J. W., 4, 12, 403, 433–434, 443, 448 Mezrrow, J., 469 Michigan State University, 104 Miles, M. B., 439 Miller, R. L., 290 Mills, G., 4, 6, 8 Mingat, A., 37 Ministry of Education and Training (MOET), 404–406, 411–416, 418, 421 Ministry of Education, 206 Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Technology (MOHESRT), 404–406, 409–415, 417–418, 420–421 Mireku-Gyimah, D., 256 Mitra, A., 166 Mkandawire, T., 90–91 Mkapa, B., 155 Mkhize, N., 271 Mkude, D., 135, 142 MOESS, 218–219, 221, 233–234, 243, 248–249 Mohamedbhai, G., 86 Mohammed, N., 431 Mohrman, K., 415 Moja, T., 104

AUTHOR INDEX

Mok, K. H., 146, 148 Monastersky, R., 87 Morely, L., 30–31, 194, 226, 229, 428, 432 Moreno, J. M., 12 Morgan, J., 82 Moronski, K., 210 Mugabe, J., 245 Munck, R., 428 Mundy, K., 133, 137 Munene, I., 430–431 Munishi, G. K., 144 Murray, S., 428 Mushaandja, J., 188 Mushi, P. A. K., 144 Mutinda, J. M., 117, 122 Mwaipopo, R., 226, 229 Mwajuma, V., 327–328 Mwiria, K., 54 Nahid Aslanbeigui, N., 136–137 Naidoo, P., 116–117 Naidoo, R., 432 Naik, G., 35 Nakabugo, M. G., 428 Nakkazi, E., 87 Nankani, G., 293 Nation Master 7 National Accreditation Board (NAB), 220 Nature, 298 NCTE, 219, 236, 241–242, 247–248, 250, 253 Ndimande-Hlongwa, N., 271 Nelson, P., 328 Newsome, M., 118 Ngirwa, C. A., 142 NIIT, 112 Njenga, B. K., 77, 360 Nkata, J. L., 52, 55

499

Author Index

Nkoane, M., 269 Nkrumah, K., 5 Nkulu, K. L., 104 Nohria, N., 447–448 Nolan, K., 432 Nonaka, I., 301 NORAD, 327, 331 Nord, R., 137 Nordling, L., 87, 90 Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, 60 Nsapato, L., 295 Ntshoe, I., 10 Nussbaum, M., 329 Nwauwa, A. O., 135 Nyati-Ramahobo, L., 270 Nyerere, J., 155, 342 Nystrom, B., 164 Nzimande, B. E., 281–282 Oanda, I. O., 79 O’Donoghue, J., 306 Obasi, I. N., 45, 431 OBHE – The Observatory on Borderless Higher Education, 82 Observatory for Borderless Higher Education, 119 Ocasio, W., 434 Ochs, K., 406 Odegjide, A., 31 Odhiambo, G., 428 OECD, 339–340 Ogachi, O., 348, 431 Okemakinde, T., 287 Okolie, A. C., 137, 431 Olaniyan, D. A., 287 Olsen, J. P., 37 Olukorede, Y., 480 Olutayo, A. O., 45, 431

Omollo, K. L., 252 Opare, J., 226, 229 Otieno, W., 430–431 Otlogetswe, T., 273–274 Owens, T., 100, 106 Owusu-Ansah, A., 240 Oyewole, O., 362–363, 366–367 Pan-African Institute of University Governance (PAIUG), 43 Pang, N. S., 4 Panitchpakdi, S., 341 Pant Devendra, K., 305 Pardy, P. G., 56 Passeron, J. C., 408 Patton, M., 438 Paulsen, M. B., 36–37 Paulson, J., 406 Perry, A., 8 Peters, M. A., 27 Petrakos, G., 300–301 Phillips, D., 406 Picken, R., 194 Pieterse, J. N., 429 Pietsch T., 71–72 Pillay, P., 57–59 Polikanova, D., 177 Ponomariov, B., 294 Powell, W. W., 449 Psacharopoulos, G., 26 Rakotomalala, R., 37 Rallis, S. F., 440 Rao, N., 56 Rappleye, J., 406 Ravallion, M., 35 Rayner, P., 30, 51, 436 Reisberg, L., 9–10, 32, 46, 317 Ren, Z., 83

500

Republic of Botswana, 273–274 Republic of Ghana, 218–220 Republic of Kenya, 310 Rhoades, G., 168, 174, 179 Rihani, M. A., 31 Rizvi, F., 408 Roberts, J., 317 Robertson, S. L., 76, 88, 292, 389–391, 406 Roe, E. M., 439 Rosovsky, H., 57, 60 Rossman, G. B., 440 Rossouw, H., 239 Roudet, S., 137 Routti, J., 298 Rowan, B., 434, 443 Rubin, H. J., 438 Rubin, I. S., 438 Rumbley, L. E., 9–10, 32, 317 Russell, E., 113 Saint, W., 42, 44 Salami, R., 294 Saldana, J., 439 Salkowitz, R., 288 Salmi, J., 38, 44 Samoff, J., 105, 131, 134–137, 139, 154–155, 338–339, 435 Sawyerr, A., 238–239, 245 Saxe-Fernandez, J., 146 Schoneboom, J., 120 Schraeder, P., 144 Schriewer, J., 406 Schultz, M., 166 Schwandt, T. A., 407 Scott, I., 259 Scott, W. R., 433 Sehoole, C. T., 25 Selbervik, H., 327 Sen, A., 338

AUTHOR INDEX

Sethi, M., 49 Sewell, W. H., 449 Shabani, J., 33, 46 Shackleton, L., 31 Shankland, A., 87 Sharma, Y., 54, 82 Sheehan, P., 289 Sherrard, D., 295 Shizhou, L., 327, 337–338 Shumba, A., 12 Simpson, A., 155 Singh, G., 306 Singh, J. S., 293–294 Singh, M., 116–117 Singh, V., 119 SLTF, 239 Smith, C. S., 193–194 Smith, L., 56 Snilstveit, B., 56 Sobolev, Y., 137 Soltanzaden, J., 294 Sorhaindo, A., 31 Southern African Development Community, 341 Spencer, D., 115 Spolsky, B., 269, 273 Ssekamwa, J. C., 132 St. George, E., 294 Staley, O., 101 Stambach, A., 132 Stanton, C. M., 163 Starbuck, W. H., 433 Stein, H., 7 Steiner-Khamsi, G., 406–407 Stensaker, B., 37 Steyn, H. J., 5, 9 Stiglitz, J. E., 300 Stolpe, I., 407 Stromquist, N., 137–138 Suddaby, R., 434–435, 437, 448

501

Author Index

Summerfield, G., 136–137 Summers, J. O., 441 Sumra, S., 139 Swilling, M., 90 Tabulawa, R., 133 Takeuchi, H., 300 Tamene, B., 48, 54 Tan, J. P., 139 Tanaka, G. K., 467 Tandon, Y., 338 Task Force on Higher Education and Society, 27, 58 Taylor, S., 407–408 Teferra, D., 23–24, 31, 42, 47, 51–52, 154, 389–391 Teichler, U., 81 Teixeira, P., 146 Tekleselassie, A., 38 Ter Haar, G., 165 Terada, T., 351 Tettey, W., 227 Thaver, B., 162 The Boao Forum for Asia, 287, 319 The Daily News, 273 The Economist, 307 The GETFund, 236 The Royal Society, 76 The World Bank, 287, 319, 431 Tikly, L., 431 Tilak, J. B. G., 71, 293–294, 305 Tlili, A., 194 Toivanen, H., 294 Toma, J., 439 Toure, K., 29 Trow, M., 190, 192–194 Tunisian External Communications Agency (TECA), 404, 410–413, 416–418, 420 Twahirwa, A., 87

UN General Assembly, 328, 341 UN Millennium Project, 305 UNCTAD, 246, 250 UNDP, 35, 329 UNECA, 299, 303, 305, 319 UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 36, 121 UNESCO Science Report, 32 UNESCO, 74–75, 79–81, 100, 151, 154, 222, 224–225, 228, 245–246, 251 UNESCO-UIS, 216 United Nations Information Service, 60 United Republic of Tanzania (URT), 128, 133, 139–141, 144–147, 151–153 United Republic of Tanzania, 151–152 University of Botswana, 54, 267–268, 270, 275 University of Cape Coast, 231 University of Development Studies (UDS), 218 University of Ghana, 238 University of KwaZulu-Natal, 267 Urama, K., 90 Useem, A., 169 Utz, A., 288 Vaidyanathan, G., 87 Vaira, M., 306 Van der Wende, M. C., 103 van Vught, F., 210 Varghese, N. V., 162 Vavrus, F., 406 Veney, C. R., 105 Verbik, L., 79, 108 Verger, A., 88 Villalpando, O., 467

502

WAAST, 171 Waddington, H., 56 Waema, T., 316 Wagao, J., 137 Waldow, F., 407 Waletzky, J., 408 Walker, J., 306 Walters, S., 194 Wangenge-Ouma, G., 431 Wasser, H., 194 Watson, T., 132 Waun, X., 339 WDI, 297 Weeks, S. G., 110, 115 Wei, S., 480 Westerlund, D., 144 Wheeler, D. L., 115 White, H., 56 White, V., 408 Wildavsky, B., 100 Williams, J. K., 210 Willis, K., 429 Wiseman, A., 393 Woldetensai, Y., 358, 360–361 Wolhuter, C. C., 4–5, 8–10, 379, 393 Woodhall, M., 47, 154 World Bank, 5, 12, 22, 25, 27, 33, 36–42, 44, 56, 58, 80, 138, 151,

AUTHOR INDEX

220, 229, 231, 241, 247, 249, 254, 288–289, 291, 293, 304–305, 311, 319, 339 World Council of Churches, 171, 176 World Economic Forum, 6 Wossmann, L., 59 Wyatt, T. J., 56 Yag˘cı, Y., 81 Yakaboski, T., 432 Yavaprabhas, S., 352 Yee, A., 35 Yesufu, E. T., 26 Yin, R. K., 437, 439–440 Yizengaw, T., 313 Yla¨-Anttila, P., 298 Yokoyama, K., 211 Yusuf, S., 27 Zaglul, J., 295 Zajda, J., 338 Zeitz Sauer, V., 135 Zeleza, P. T., 71, 79 Zhoney, 477 Zilber, T. B., 434, 448 Zucker, L. G., 433 Zyguris, C., 116–117

SUBJECT INDEX Access, 11, 13–14, 21, 23–25, 28, 30–33, 37–38, 40, 46, 50–52, 73–75, 79–83, 103–107, 115, 120, 148, 153, 169, 173, 175, 179, 187–189, 191–196, 201, 203–205, 207, 209–211, 216, 218–221, 225–226, 228–232, 234, 240, 249, 252–253, 257, 260, 267, 277, 287, 292, 295, 312, 316, 319–320, 326, 332, 340, 363, 369, 377, 384–387, 390, 397, 404–405, 416–419, 423, 428, 431, 438, 468, 478, 490 Accreditation, 42–45, 93, 108, 117, 133, 143, 145, 148, 220, 255–256, 357–359, 361–362, 365, 390, 436 African context, 58–59, 79, 90, 115, 168, 266, 271 African higher educational context, 15, 21–61, 79, 134, 428 African Union, 46, 60, 73, 76–77, 85, 110, 119, 234, 245, 347–348, 358–361, 392, 447 African university, 14, 40, 83, 91, 100, 110, 122, 266, 268, 270–271, 276, 348, 371, 438 Africanization, 14, 267, 269, 271 Agency, 16, 41, 45, 60–61, 122, 133, 144, 162–163, 168, 238–239, 248, 260, 325–326, 335, 341, 360, 427–429, 431, 433, 435–437, 439–441, 443, 445, 447–451 503

Algeria, 111, 207, 365, 402 Angola, 7–8, 11, 42, 205, 363 Apartheid, 116, 188, 265, 267–268, 273, 276–277, 280, 432 Arusha Convention, 46, 85, 358, 360, 366–367, 371–372, 431 Assessment, 14, 53, 101, 138, 161, 239–240, 243, 255–256, 258, 288, 291–292, 294, 307, 327, 332, 337, 382, 388, 397, 466, 470 Association of African Universities, 16, 26, 85, 110, 348, 359, 392, 427, 429 Benin, 122, 172 Bologna Declaration, 375, 380, 382–384, 389, 392 Bologna Process, 15, 45, 84, 348, 364–365, 375, 377, 379, 381, 383, 385, 387, 389, 391, 393, 395, 397, 413 Botswana, 7, 14, 32, 54, 102, 109–111, 115, 122, 265–270, 272–275, 278, 280–281, 329, 363, 488 Burkina Faso, 224, 228 Burundi, 336 Cameroon, 32, 45, 111, 122, 224, 228 Capacity, 15, 22, 33, 35, 45, 51–52, 54–56, 59–60, 70, 75–76, 81–82, 84, 86, 88–91, 93, 103, 106, 111,

504

115, 119–121, 144–145, 151, 171, 176, 188, 217–218, 223, 227, 249, 257, 259–260, 277, 285, 287–289, 293, 298–301, 303, 305, 309–314, 316, 318–319, 326–330, 332–337, 339–341, 357, 359, 362, 368–370, 388, 390, 404–405, 428–429, 431–432, 436, 445–447, 449, 464 Cape Verde, 364 Central African Republic, 224 Chad, 8, 32 Christian education, 30 Collaboration, 13, 15, 45–46, 85, 99, 101, 227, 302, 325–334, 336, 339–340, 347–349, 351–352, 355, 360, 363–365, 367–369, 372, 378, 391–392, 397, 428, 450, 460–461, 467, 471, 475, 478–480, 489 Competition, 8–9, 13, 99, 101, 119, 127, 130, 132, 137, 139, 149, 241, 369, 413–414, 422, 430, 467 Content delivery, 71, 464 Convergence, 306, 351–353, 370, 372, 380, 382, 387, 393, 401, 406, 409, 419, 421 Course content, 463 Curriculum, 13, 17, 25, 52–55, 103–104, 111–112, 135, 165–166, 170, 180, 216, 221, 251–253, 255–258, 269, 281, 310, 312, 317–319, 361, 365, 384, 390, 414, 421, 446, 449, 459–465, 467–482, 490 Curriculum reform, 390, 490 Democratic Republic of the Congo, 7, 102, 114

SUBJECT INDEX

Democratization, 3, 6, 8–10, 16, 48, 93, 402 Development, 3, 5, 8–9, 12–17, 21–29, 31, 33–37, 39–43, 45–49, 51–61, 69–74, 76–90, 92–93, 99–106, 109–110, 112, 114–116, 118–122, 127–128, 130–134, 136–139, 147–148, 150–155, 161–162, 169, 171, 173, 175, 179, 187, 189–191, 194, 203, 206, 211, 215–220, 232, 235–236, 241, 243–248, 252, 254–257, 259–260, 265, 274, 277, 280–281, 285–289, 291–295, 297–307, 309–313, 316, 318–320, 325–333, 335–342, 347–348, 350, 353–354, 358–363, 365, 370–371, 375, 380–381, 383–386, 388, 390–391, 395–397, 401–404, 407–409, 413, 415, 417–418, 420–422, 427–432, 435–441, 444–451, 459–460, 463–465, 467–468, 470, 476, 480–481, 485–491 Divergence, 15 Economic development, 4, 9, 36, 42, 58, 60, 70, 73–74, 81, 88, 92, 100, 106, 109, 134, 151, 154, 162, 171, 256–257, 286, 289, 291, 293–294, 303–305, 309, 381, 404, 413, 415 Education policy, 16, 28, 130–131, 134, 144–146, 210, 219, 267, 278, 378, 392, 397, 407–408, 413, 415, 417, 422–423, 427, 430, 441, 479, 486–487, 489–490 Education policy space, 401–423 Egypt, 24, 33, 111, 114, 365, 391, 402

Subject Index

Elitist, 188, 200 English, 10, 23, 25, 130, 166, 172, 204, 265, 267, 269, 271–274, 276–278, 280, 351, 408, 416–417, 419, 423, 464, 486, 488 Enrolment and admissions, 208, 222 Entrepreneurialism, 32, 137, 149, 151, 461 Entrepreneurship, 132, 286, 297, 318, 449 Equity, 14, 132, 151, 179, 187–189, 191–196, 201, 203, 205, 207, 209–210, 239–240, 369, 390–392, 410, 412, 432, 449, 467, 490 Equity with access, 188, 192 Eritrea, 224 Ethiopia, 8, 23–24, 37, 48–49, 104, 111, 114, 122, 224, 228, 329–330, 336, 486 Ethnic minority, 201, 203 Europe of knowledge, 377, 385–386 European citizenship, 376–377, 379 European educational policies, 375–376, 378, 383, 387, 390–391, 397, 488 Expansion, 4, 16–17, 25, 32, 50, 53, 79, 83–84, 93, 100, 109, 115–116, 132, 138–139, 141, 143–144, 148–152, 177, 191, 194, 196, 204, 209–210, 215, 219–221, 228, 235, 257, 297, 348, 370, 377, 389–390 Fairness, 467 Functional approach, 350, 356, 361, 371 Gender, 11, 14, 30–31, 130, 179, 193–196, 198–200, 211,

505

224–228, 260, 267, 334–337, 410, 412, 419, 428, 432, 445–446, 449–450, 487, 491 Ghana, 14, 30–31, 45, 49, 51, 60, 102, 109, 111–114, 153, 155, 165, 169, 215–229, 231–260, 320, 432, 436, 438, 485 Global challenges, 17, 459, 461–463, 465, 467, 469, 471, 473–475, 477, 479, 481 Globalization, 4, 8–10, 15–16, 70–71, 75, 79, 119, 133–135, 137, 146, 155, 162, 168, 177, 180, 254, 271, 293, 304, 306, 377, 381, 390, 392, 394, 397, 416, 420–421, 466, 469, 476–477, 479–481, 490 Global-local partnerships, 14, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 175, 177, 179 Glonacal, 162–163, 168, 174–176, 178 Guinea, 39, 42, 224 Guinea-Bissau, 39 Harmonization, 15, 46, 77, 80, 84–85, 178–179, 347–353, 355–365, 367, 369–372, 376, 431 Higher education policy, 16, 28, 131, 134, 144–146, 210, 407, 415, 417, 422–423, 430, 441, 479, 487 Human rights, 48, 60, 327–328, 330–331, 339, 341–342, 378, 395, 485–486 Information and communication technology (ICT), 10–11, 13, 15, 46, 50–52, 205, 216, 252–254, 257, 285, 305, 312–313,

506

317–319, 360, 397, 460, 472–473, 476, 479–481, 487, 490 Innovation, 13, 32, 54, 69–70, 73, 76–78, 81, 86–87, 90–91, 93, 110, 120, 134, 153, 155, 171, 245–246, 248, 250, 254, 286–287, 289, 291, 294–295, 298–299, 301–307, 310–312, 314–316, 318–319, 340, 348, 353, 369–370, 381, 383, 385, 393–394, 462, 479–480, 487 Internationalism, 13, 127 Internationalization, 3, 10–11, 13–14, 16, 51, 69–93, 103, 167, 265, 267, 269–270, 273–274, 278, 281, 339, 348, 355, 359–360, 370–371, 392, 407, 488–490 IsiZulu, 265, 271, 276–281 Islam, 168, 411 Kenya, 15, 32–33, 39, 51, 83, 86–87, 93, 104–105, 108–109, 114, 117, 122, 137, 146, 155, 165, 228, 246, 285, 288, 290, 307–310, 313–317, 428, 431–432, 435, 490–491 Knowledge economy, 8, 12, 15, 21, 24–25, 27, 50, 71, 83, 93, 177, 285–289, 291, 293, 295, 297, 299, 301–303, 305, 307–309, 311–313, 315, 317, 319, 370, 381, 418, 421, 477 Knowledge production, 15, 24, 69, 73–74, 76, 87, 92–93, 138, 153, 177, 259, 285–287, 289, 291, 293, 295, 297, 299, 301, 303, 305, 307, 309, 311, 313, 315, 317, 319, 335, 339–340

SUBJECT INDEX

Language, 14, 21, 23–25, 28, 83, 114, 119, 130, 144, 151, 155, 166, 202–203, 265–281, 348, 351, 369, 377, 405, 408–409, 413, 416–417, 419, 429, 431–436, 438–439, 485–486, 488 Language of instruction, 25, 130, 485 Language policy, 266, 269–273, 277–278, 280, 488 Lesotho, 37, 51, 109, 154 Liberia, 42, 336 Libya, 115, 365, 402 Life-long learning, 293 Madagascar, 37, 39, 154, 336 Maghreb, 15, 391, 401–402, 411–412 Malawi, 87, 329–330, 336, 486, 488 Mali, 329, 336 Marginalized, 46, 72, 75, 179, 277, 281, 295 Massification, 9–10, 194–195, 404 Mauritania, 365 Mauritius, 31, 101, 114, 116, 122, 224, 363 Mobility challenges, 71, 79 Morocco, 10, 33, 86, 108, 111, 113, 365 Mozambique, 7–8, 11, 37, 51, 329, 336, 363 Muslim education, 164 Namibia, 14, 32, 109, 111, 187–196, 200–203, 205–207, 209–211, 224, 329, 363, 488, 490 Neoliberal policy, 136 Neoliberalism, 135–137, 146, 151 Nigeria, 8, 16–17, 23, 25, 33, 39, 51, 87, 102, 104, 107, 109, 111, 114, 122, 165, 172, 246, 251,

Subject Index

459–461, 463–465, 467–471, 473, 475, 477–481, 485, 487 North-South co-operation, 326, 327 Norway, 325, 327–331, 336–337, 339–340, 486 Norwegian development aid, 330 Organization, 7–8, 32, 47–49, 52–53, 106, 113, 155, 306, 330, 352, 362, 371, 378, 408, 427, 430, 433–439, 441–445, 449–450 Organizational approach, 350, 356–357 Organizational architecture, 357, 359, 362–363 Policy convergence, 419–422 Policy space, 15, 401, 413 Political approach, 15, 347, 350, 356, 358, 361–362, 366, 371, 375 Political will, 357–358, 361, 371, 472–473 Polytechnic of Namibia, 189, 191–192 Post-secondary education, 14, 161–162, 177, 217, 222, 248 Poverty, 4, 8, 13, 16, 35, 41, 50, 55–56, 58–60, 75, 81, 127, 130, 135, 137, 151, 153, 155, 191, 200, 204, 208–210, 287, 295, 326, 329, 332, 335, 337–339, 390, 430, 460, 466, 472–475, 486 Poverty eradication, 127, 130, 151 Privatization, 7, 13, 26, 76, 127–129, 131, 133–134, 136–141, 143–146, 148–150, 152–155, 431, 486 Professional development, 312, 318–319, 460

507

Qualification framework, 348, 357, 359, 362, 372 Quality assurance, 43–45, 77, 83, 115–117, 122, 152, 254–256, 332, 334, 348, 353, 356–359, 361–366, 370, 377, 380, 382–386, 390, 392–394, 413–414, 431, 489, 491 Regionalization, 15, 347–363, 365, 367–372, 488–489 Religion, 163–165, 169–170, 172–173, 175, 177, 181, 275, 406, 409–412, 417 Religious denominations, 161–163, 169–171, 175 Religious education, 169–171, 176–177, 404, 411–412 Republic of the Congo, 7, 102, 114 Research universities, 48, 101, 164, 166, 168–170, 173, 176, 180 Revolution, 8–10, 12, 15, 41, 142, 276–278, 280–281, 290, 293, 301–302, 331, 395, 401–403, 406, 409, 412, 418–419, 423, 466, 470 Rhetorical institutionalism, 427, 433, 440 Rural poverty, 153 Rwanda, 8, 32, 82, 101–102, 109, 122, 445 Senegal, 102, 112–113, 224, 228 Setswana, 265, 269–270, 272–275, 278 Seychelles, 363 Sierra Leone, 7 Social justice, 14, 179, 191, 194, 328, 339, 378

508

South Africa, 6, 8, 11, 32–33, 42, 45, 49, 51, 54, 60, 80–81, 84, 86–87, 91–92, 102, 108, 111, 113, 115–118, 120, 122, 142, 166, 188, 245–246, 251, 265–268, 270–271, 273, 276–281, 298, 312, 329, 359, 362–363, 391–392, 428, 432, 485, 488, 491 Spirituality, 163, 165, 174, 181, 488 Stakeholders, 14, 53, 121, 161–163, 165, 167–169, 174–175, 177–178, 180, 234, 255, 290, 312, 316, 353, 360, 367, 429, 436, 442, 445–447, 451, 459–460, 471, 475, 479–481 Student mobility, 71–72, 78–81, 83, 116, 121, 348, 356, 361, 366, 370, 384, 386–387 Sub-Saharan Africa, 7–8, 11–12, 14, 22–23, 31–32, 35–36, 39, 42, 44, 46, 48–50, 54, 56–57, 59–60, 72, 79–84, 86–87, 122, 127, 130, 133, 138, 141, 143–144, 146, 153–154, 161–162, 165–169, 180, 194, 216, 222–224, 228–229, 234, 236, 245–246, 257, 295, 297, 337, 390 Sudan, 104, 114, 122, 298, 329–330, 336–337 Swaziland, 12 Tanzania, 11, 13–15, 23, 30–33, 51, 105, 109, 122, 127–133, 135, 137, 139–141, 143–153, 155, 325–328, 330–331, 333–334, 336, 342, 431–432, 485–486 Teacher Education, 15, 85, 189, 375–379, 382, 387–388, 390, 392–393, 395, 397, 488 Teacher preparation, 60

SUBJECT INDEX

Technology, 5, 8–10, 15, 27, 29, 31–33, 50–51, 57, 71–73, 76–78, 80–84, 87, 89, 91–92, 101, 110–112, 115, 117, 122, 128, 139, 142, 145, 162, 177, 216–217, 238, 245–246, 248–253, 255–256, 258–259, 288, 293–294, 297–299, 302–304, 306, 310, 312–314, 316, 319, 332, 370, 395, 404–405, 408, 416–417, 421–422, 462–463, 465, 468–469, 475–478, 481, 485, 487 Togo, 165, 172 Transfer, 54, 79–80, 88, 113, 172, 281, 293, 302, 304, 306, 333, 338, 365–366, 380, 385, 387, 392, 403, 406–407, 410–411, 413, 416, 420, 423 Transformation, 8–9, 14, 27, 75–76, 86, 91, 100, 133, 142, 216, 218, 220–221, 244, 265–269, 271, 273, 275–277, 279–281, 293–294, 298–299, 306, 325–326, 332, 334, 341, 381, 445, 489 Tunisia, 15–16, 86, 108, 365, 401–423 Uganda, 15, 31–32, 39, 50–51, 86–87, 104–106, 109, 114–116, 119, 137, 142, 146, 153, 155, 165, 169–170, 224, 285, 288, 290, 307–310, 313–317, 329–330, 337, 490 Uniformization, 15, 375–377, 383, 393, 396 University collaboration, 15, 325, 327, 329, 331, 333, 335, 337, 339, 341

509

Subject Index

University development, 16, 102, 114, 427 University of Botswana, 14, 54, 122, 265–268, 270, 272–273, 275, 278, 281, 488 University of KwaZulu-Natal, 265–267, 270, 275, 281, 488 University of Namibia, 189, 191–192, 209, 488, 490 University partnerships, 341, 486

University policy, 88–92 University reform, 13, 127–128, 130–131, 141, 143 Urbanization, 56, 153 Zambia, 11, 23, 109, 122, 150, 165, 337 Zimbabwe, 37, 39, 104, 109, 122, 329, 363