Descendants of the Family of the Prophet in Contemporary History: A Case Study, the Šīʹī Religious Establishment of Al-Naǧaf (Iraq) 8862274610, 9788862274616

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
PRESENTATION
Chapter 1THE RECENT HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF IRAQ
Chapter 2AN OVERVIEW OF ALIDS’ FAMILY HISTORY:THE PROSOPOGRAPHIC SOURCES
Chapter 3ALID WOMEN BETWEEN PROTAGONISMGENEALOGICAL PRESTIGE,AND MARRIAGE STRATEGY
Chapter 4NOSTALGIA OF AN “ETHNIC GROUP”?ALIDS BETWEEN GLOBALISATIONAND IDENTITY
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

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STUDI ORIENTALI VOL. XIV Lucia Rostagno

TERRASANTA O PALESTINA? LA DIPLOMAZIA ITALIANA E IL NAZIONALISMO PALESTINESE (1861-1939) Roma, 1996, in 8º, pp. xi-380, € 50,00

STUDI ORIENTALI VOL. XV D.D. Leslie · K.H.I. Gardiner

THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN CHINESE SOURCES Roma, 1996, in 8º, pp. xxvi-422, € 78,00

RIVISTA DEGLI STUDI ORIENTALI · N. S. · VOL. LXXXIII · SUPPLEMENTO Nº 1

NUOVA SERIE

issn 0392-4866 isbn 978-88-6227-461-6 isbn elettronico 978-88-6227-462-3

RIVISTA DEGLI S TU DI O R IE NTA L I

SAP I E NZA, U NI VERSI TÀ DI ROMA DI PARTI MENTO DI STU DI ORI ENTAL I

DE SCE N DA N TS O F THE FA MILY O F THE PRO PHE T IN C O N TE MPO R A RY HISTO RY: A CA SE STUDY, THE Š I‘I R E LIGIO US E STA BLISHME N T O F A L-NAĞ A F (IR AQ) RAFFAELE MAURIELLO SUPPLEMENTO Nº 1 ALLA RIVISTA DEGLI STUDI ORIENTALI NUOVA SERIE VOLUME LXXXIII

PISA · ROMA FABRIZIO SERRA EDITORE 2011

RIVISTA DEGLI STUDI ORIENTALI NUOVA SERIE

R IVISTA D EGLI STU DI O R IE NTA L I NUOVA SERIE Organo scientifico del DIPARTIMENTO DI STUDI ORIENTALI SAPIENZA, UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA * Direttore responsabile Raffaele Torella

* Direttore scientifico Mario Prayer

Editor-in-Chief Franco D’Agostino

Comitato scientifico Alessandro Catastini, Giorgio Milanetti, Maria Teresa Orsi, Angelo Michele Piemontese, Arcangela Santoro, Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti, Chiara Silvi Antonini

Segretaria di redazione Francesca Gorello

* Pubblicato con il contributo di «Sapienza», Università di Roma

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SA P I E N ZA , UN I VE R S I TÀ DI ROMA DIPA RT I M E N TO D I S TUDI OR IE NTALI

DES CE N DA N T S O F T H E FAM ILY O F TH E PROP H E T IN C O N TE M PO R A RY H IS T O RY: A CA SE ST UDY, T H E Š I ‘ I REL I G I O US E STA B L IS H M E N T O F A L -NA Ğ A F (IRAQ) RAFFAELE MAURIELLO SUPPLEMENTO Nº 1 ALLA RIVISTA DEGLI STUDI ORIENTALI NUOVA SERIE VOLUME LXXXIII

PISA · ROMA FABRIZIO SERRA EDITORE 2011

R IVIS TA DEGL I ST UDI O RI E NTALI NUOVA SERIE Trimestrale I prezzi ufficiali di abbonamento cartaceo e/o Online sono consultabili presso il sito Internet della casa editrice www.libraweb.net. Print and/or Online official subscription rates are available at Publisher’s website www.libraweb.net. I versamenti possono essere eseguiti sul conto corrente postale n. 171574550 o tramite carta di credito (Visa, Eurocard, Mastercard, American Express, Carta Si) Fabrizio Serr a editore ® Pisa · Roma Casella postale n. 1, Succursale 8, I 56123 Pisa Uffici di Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28, I 56127 Pisa, tel. +39 050542332, fax +39 050574888, [email protected] Uffici di Roma: Via Carlo Emanuele I 48, I 00185 Roma, tel. +39 0670493456, fax +39 0670476605, [email protected] * Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione, la traduzione, l’adattamento anche parziale o per estratti, per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo eseguiti, compresi la copia fotostatica, il microfilm, la memorizzazione elettronica, ecc., senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della Fabrizio Serra editore®, Pisa · Roma. www.libraweb.net © Copyright 2011 by Sapienza, Università di Roma and Fabrizio Serra editore®, Pisa · Roma issn 0392-4866 isbn 978-88-6227-461-6 isbn elettronico 978-88-6227-462-3

CONT ENT S Introductory Note

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Presentation

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Chapter 1. The recent historical context of Iraq

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Chapter 2. An overview of Alids ’ family history: the prosopographic sources Bahr al-‘Ulums al-¢akims al-£adrs al-@u’is Alids’ Biography as a literary genre Continuity vs. discontinuity The Alids between group and family identity

29 30 47 57 73 80 91 111

Chapter 3. Alid women between protagonism, genealogical prestige, and marriage strategy Modernity, acculturation, discontinuity Tradition, purity, marriage Endogamy Non-endogamic marriages Polygyny Marriage, charisma, purity, and feminism: ‘Ali’s children as children of Fatima

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Chapter 4. Nostalgia of an “ ethnic group ” ? Alids between globalisation and identity Globalisation, history, anthropology: a framework for enquiry Alids and identity, characteristics of a religious ethnic group Interactions between sayyids and globalisation Emergence of a pre-modern identity

153 154 156 163 169

Bibliography

173

115 119 121 122 135 143

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INT RODUCTORY N OT E Transliteration have transliterated from Arabic following this system: ’, b, t, t, ğ, h, h, d, d, r, z, s, š, s, d, t, z, ‘, #, f, q, k, l, m, n, h, w, y, a, i, u, à (alif maqsura), a (ta’ marbuta), al- (also when preceding “solar” letters), ay, aw (diphthongs), ayy, iyy; but for the two honorifics Ayatullah and ¢uğğat al-Islam, and for “¢izbullah”. Names have been transliterated in accordance with their use in the primary sources. Therefore, for example, the “first name” of the second and third Ši‘i Imam are reported as “al-¢asan” and “al-¢usayn”, while the “first name” of the leader of ¢izbullah, al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah, is reported as “¢asan”. For Persian words, I have transliterated vocals in accordance with the current mainstream Tehranese pronunciation. Tranliteration from Persian was limited to quoting information provided in Persian by oral sources, to titles of Persian books, and to a very few names and cities.

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Date conversion Dates are largely provided in accordance with both the lunar Islamic calendar (Q) and the Gregorian calendar, while in some cases the Iranian solar calendar (Š) is provided. The conversion from the Islamic (Q) and the Iranian (Š) calendars to the Gregorian calendar was made through the use of on-line convertors, respectively www.arab.it/calendario/conv_home.htm and www.iranchamber. com/calendar/converter/iranian_calendar_converter.php. Oral sources This work is based on extensive and repeated interviews with some of the figures analysed in this book and to others involved in or informed on the role of Alid families. The interviews I conducted were largely based on oral history criteria, in accordance with the General Principles established by the Oral History Association (www.oralhistory.org, see in particular the section Principles and Best Practices, which contains the guidelines of the Association). In particular, they were recorded with the informed consent of the interviewees, who authorised me to make use of the information they provided for oral history and academic pourposes. Needless to say, none of my informants is in any way responsible for the opinions and shortcomings of my research.

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PRESENTATIO N his work is the throughout rielaboration of the results of a four-year research doctorate in Islamic Civilisation (2005 to 2009) conducted at the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, under the direction of Prof. Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti.1 It examines the role of Alids2 in contemporary history and, therefore, matters related to multiple uses of genealogy and family history in the Islamic Civilisation. As it was the case with the European noblesse between the xii and xviii centuries as described by Butaud and Piétri,3 Alids have for centuries distinguished themselves from the rest of the population on the basis of a peculiar relationship with the past, a relation based on a long memory that has legitimated their bid to social prominence. In the last decades, particularly since 1960s, Alid members of the religious establishment have emerged as the main representatives and leaders of the Ši‘i communities worldwide: Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970), Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992), Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989), Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-), ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-), Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah (1935-2010), Mahdi al-¢akim (1935-1988), Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980), Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1939-2003), ‘Ali al-@amini’i (1939-), Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999), Muhammad al-@atami (1943-), ‘Abd al‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009), Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994), ¢asan Nasr Allah (1960-), ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i (1962-2003), ‘Ammar al-¢akim (1971-), and Muqtadà al-£adr (1974?-), they all are sayyids. The focus of the research is on four families: Bahr al-‘Ulums, al-¢akims, al£adrs, al-@u’is; plus some others they inter-marry with. These families are settled in and culturally centred around al-Nağaf,4 in Iraq, and are members

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1 The data collected for the research were catalogued in a bio-bibliographical dictionary format featuring 160 biographies. The dictionary, a first contribution to the creation of a bio-bibliographical dictionary of the Alid family, is to appear soon. Some samples of its entries are provided in the second chapter. 2 The research drives elements and conclusions regarding Alid ¢usaynid Fatimid families. These claim to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima and his cousin ‘Ali. They are part of the larger ¥alibid family, whose members claim to be descendants of Abu ¥alib (d. c. 619), father of ‘Ali and uncle of the Prophet Muhammad, through his sons ‘Ali (d. 661) and Ğa‘far (d. 8/629). The Alids are moreover divided into different branches: Fatimids (and these in ¢asanids and ¢usaynids) and ¢anafids (for a perspective on this issue, Daftary, F., The Isma‘ilis, their History and Doctrines, 2nd ed., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2007, pp. 57-93). Among the Ši‘as, the descendants of the Prophet carry the honorific al-Sayyid (Arabic, it becomes Seyyed in Persian and Syed in Urdu). Moreover, according to what reported by Nasr, the ¢usaynid descendants of the Prophet carry the honorific Šahs in South Asia (Nasr, V., The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future, W.W. Norton & Company, New York 2006, pp. 42-43). 3 Butaud, G., Piétri, V., Les enjeux de la généalogie, xii e-xviii e siècle: Pouvoir et identité, Éditions Autrement, Paris 2006, p. 11. 4 I use the term Nağafi, and not ‘Iraqi, to refer to these families because it would be misleading to define their sense of belonging in national terms.

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of what I label the Ši‘i “religious establishment”.5 These are not common Alids, because, as rightly pointed out by Butaud and Piétri for Europe’s nobility, l’écart est considérable entre simplement se revendiquer comme descendant d’une famille illustre et pouvoir nommer, génération après génération, de nombreux ancêtres6

and indeed “my” families can.7 The sources I used are mainly prosopographic texts.8 Prosopography has been largely ignored as a tool to reconstruct the ideological, political, and historical context of contemporary Muslim societies. This is true even in the case of Ši‘i Islam, where the production of prosopographic works and their publication, both printed and on-line, continues an uninterrupted tradition and plays a relevant role in the hawza ‘ilmiyya academic production. Some specific information is, in fact, usually absent from prosopographic works.9 Their focus being cultural, they include little information on economic activities, are exclusively written by men – at least until the xix century –, do not mention women’s names, etc. I therefore cross-checked and integrated the data provided by these literary products with oral sources,10 5 This expression is useful in that it comprises both Alids and ‘ulama’ – and, among the formers, both ‘ulama’ and “lay” Alids –, reflecting more properly than the misleading term “clerics” the legal and social role both have in Muslim societies, even Ši‘i ones. 6 Butaud, Piétri, op. cit., pp. 11-12. 7 In fact, I found some “uncertainties” in part of my sources in relation to family tree-lineages. However, although I point out some contradictions when necessary, I did not carry out a precise verification of the descent of the families taken into account, because this is not of strict concern for the research. My fieldwork revealed that the “Nağafi” Alid families I analyse are considered members of the Ahl alBayt by a substantial component of the communities they belong to. Therefore, the evidences and conclusions presented in this research have concrete social, political, and cultural implications whose weight should be thoroughly considered. Moreover, my ten-year first-hand experience in working with prosopographic materials have convinced me that the more we go back in time analysing family trees, the more the links they report are largely indicative and not to be intended as scientific or accurate in terms of current academic standards. 8 For the concept of prosopography, Beech, G., “Prosopography”, in Powell, J. M. (ed.), Medieval Studies: An Introduction, 2nd rev. ed., Syracuse University Press, New York 1992, pp. 185-226, and Stone, L., “Prosopography”, The Past and the Present Revisited, Routledge, London 1987, pp. 45-73. This methodology is based on the study of a group of actors in history through the investigation of their lives and background. It requires the combination of a detailed investigation in the genealogies, interests, and activities of the group with the study of detailed cases. Therefore, the entire genealogy of the families receive a great attention. 9 Roded, R., Women in Islamic Biographical Collections: From Ibn Sa‘d to Who’s Who, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London 1994, p. 7. 10 The interview I conducted were largely based on oral history criteria. For a brief general introduction to the discipline and to working defitions of the main different types of oral sources, see Vansina, J., “Tradición oral, historia oral: Logros y perspectivas”, Historia, Antropología y Fuentes Orales, n. 37, 2007, 3ª época, Barcelona, pp. 151-163. In this respect, part of the information provided by my sources falls under the definition of “oral traditions”, that is to say, ‘memorias colectivas del pasado’ (ibidem, p. 151). Oral traditions differ from oral history information in that they refer to ‘relatos transmitidos de boca en boca a futuras generaciones’ (ibidem). Lastly, some information I collected should be correctly considered ‘tradiciones superficiales informales’ (ibidem, p. 157). I am aware that oral sources provide sensible data. I worked on the interlacement of oral and written prosopographic sources fully aware of the importance of generally avoiding to reach conclusions based only on information provided by oral sources. Although I have not pointed out the backstage work on the context in which the oral material was recorded, this work was done throughout all the cases selected for inclusion in the monography. I therefore am confident that the data used in the research are solid. This confidence is particularly based on the fact

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represented by “voices” from within the selected families. The fieldwork activity allowed me to repeatedly meet numerous Alids living in London, Lebanon (particularly Bayrut and £ur), Dimašq, and Iran (particularly Tehran, Qom, and Mašhad). I made extensive and repeated interviews to some of the figures analysed and to others involved in or informed on the role of Alid families. The work largely followed a snowball method, in that one informant led me to the next through networks of friends and relatives, and my journeys were consequently arranged along genealogical and affinal relationship routes. The collaboration of these figures is paramount to decipher, with a view “from the inside”,11 the dynamics that are driving current events and forces in the Ši‘i communities worldwide. In particular, they help to understand the new or at least the enhanced role that both Alids and muğtahids12 seem to have taken on in contemporary Muslim societies. On the overall, my fieldwork experience revealed that orality still plays a major role in Alid’s genealogical memory. This element once again parallels what has been described by the study of genealogy in European history. There, we encounter cases such as the Edictum Rothari issued by King Rothari in 643, which obliged all the Lombards to be capable of reciting their genealogy up to the seventh degree of kindred.13 I conceived this study as a series of answers to specific questions. These are reflected in the organisation of the book. The first chapter introduces the contemporary protagonists of the chosen families and their role in Ši‘i and Iraqi affairs. The second chapter provides a general history of these families along with three samples of Alid biographies for each of them, offering a prospect of the main topoi Alid biographies are built on. It is organised around a continuity versus discontinuity analysis of factual historical information. The twelve biography-samples are purposely detailed, as they exhaust the full spectrum of typological topoi. In particular, the actual circulation of the works featured in the dense lists of Alids’ scholarly production has been largely verified. Provided this material is relevant to experts of prosopograhpy and of the history of the Ahl al-Bayt, but might seem uselessly pedantic and abstruse to the general reader, in order not to burden the latter I suggest the option of skipping the biographies (pages 37 to 46, 50 to 56, 63 to 72, and 74 to 79). However, it is higly advisable to go at least through the that in numerous cases I registered my interviews on a continous time span (between two and four years), so that I could better check the coherence of what I was told. Lastly, I have to point out that particularly in one case, that of $anim Ğawad, this figure appears to play the role of conscious informant. 11 On the indispensability of a Muslim mediation from the inside in order to reveal both variations and novelties in the current dynamics involving Middle Eastern Ši‘i communities, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Sulla riwaya in ambito imamita”, in Eadem, “Onomastica e trasmissione del sapere nell’Islam Medievale”, Studi Orientali, vol. 12, Bardi, Rome 1992, pp. 111-148, p. 114. 12 Religious scholar (‘alim) who achieved the necessary competence to obtain the permission (iğaza) to exercise iğtihad (the independent judgement on issues of religious law). 13 Butaud, Piétri, op. cit., p. 12.

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general history of the chosen families. The third chapter addresses the issue of Alid women, in particular their role in marriage strategies. These appear to be presumably intended at safeguarding both Alids’ group identity and their leading social position. Finally, the fourth chapter offers a wider and comprehensive perspective in trying to define the Alids as a group. It analyses how they perceive their identity and how this identity has been adapted to fit a so-called age of globalisation. These questions are general and concern the whole descent of ‘Ali. However, my work focuses on Ši‘i Islam, without, on the other hand, a substantial difference between ¢asanids and ¢usaynids. Thereafter, I will use the general term Alids but my reference will be to Ši‘i Alids. I am deeply indebted to the many Alids and informants who shared their memories and knowledge with me. I feel a deep sense of gratitude because of the hospitality, friendship, and patience shown to me. I wish here to express my sincere gratitude to them all. A special ‘thanks’ goes to $anim Ğawad, al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr, al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum, al-Sayyid ¢aydar al-@u’i, al-Sayyid Qasim al-Ğalali, al-Sayyid Yusuf al-@u’i, al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali, al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani, al-Sayyid Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din, and al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum.

Chapter 1 THE R ECE NT HISTORICAL C O N T E X T O F IRAQ The end of £addam ¢usayn

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n May 1, 2003, the usa President George W. Bush announced the official end to the Third Gulf War. On July 13, the Iraqi Governing Council (henceforth igc), a transitional body consisting of twenty-five members, was put together. On July 29, the igc established a rotatory presidency made up of nine members, in accordance with the presumed ethnic and sectarian distribution of the Iraqi population: 2 Sunni Arabs, 2 Sunni Kurds, and 5 Ši‘i Arabs (al-Duktur Ayad ‘Alawi, al-Duktur Ahmad Chalabi, al-Sayyid Ibrahim alUšayqir al-Ğa‘fari, ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009), and Ayatullah al-Duktur al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-)).1 As far as the Ši‘as were concerned, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim and Muhammad Bahr al‘Ulum were both ‘ulama’2 and were members of the Nağafi Alid religious establishment. They were moreover members of two of the four families I point out as relevant in this work. The igc was largely built on the decisions

1 Luizard, P.-J., La question irakienne, new ed., Fayard, France 2004, p. 358 and p. 446. 2 According to Usuli modern doctrinal elaborations, the Ši‘i community is divided into two bodies, the ‘ulama’, currently organised around the concept of marğa‘iyya and which are those who lead, and the muqallidun, the mass of the believer-followers, which are those who are lead (Sachedina, A., “Al-Khu’i and the Twelver Shi‘ites”, Introduction to al-Musawi al-Khu’i, al-Sayyid Abu al-Qasim, The Prolegomena to the Qur’an, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1998, pp. 4-5). The marğa‘iyya is organised according to the principle of subordination by knowledge. It is not inappropriate to label this organisation a “hierarchy”, although it lacks a formal and coercive structure functional to regulate such subordination. In the last two centuries, there has been a process of hierarchisation of this informal structure, and we encounter a few honorific appellations describing the degree of religious knowledge reached by a specific ‘alim (masculine) or ‘alima (feminine). The most neutral word qualifying a religious scholar is the Arabic ‘alim, ruhani in Persian (synonyms for ruhani are mulla and ahund, although the latter currently bears a negative acceptation). Then, we find the most “basic” degree of post-hawza studies: huğğat al-islam (both masculine and feminine). This is more a courtesy honorific than an out-and-out “title”, and is used to indicate a scholar who is not considered a muğtahid. The step from a simple ‘alim/‘alima towards a more influential (and knowledgeable) religious scholar is offered by the honorific ayatullah (apparently not used, or admitted, for female scholars). This appears to be more complex. My sources and on-the-field experience suggest that ayatullah is used as an equivalent of muğtahid. It describes a muğtahid (in this case we again also have a feminine, muğtahida) who is not considered to be a marğa‘ al-taqlid (a qualification apparently not admitted for female scholars), a honorific currently used as a synonym for ayatullah al-‘uzmà. The difference between a muğtahid and a marğa‘ al-taqlid does not lie in the degree of religious knowledge – they both claim the same – but in the significance of the number of Ši‘i believers (the muqallidun) that recognise his high degree of religious knowledge. A clarification of the role and function of the marğa‘ al-taqlid is offered by the words of Ayatullah ‘Ali al-Sistani: ‘It is necessary for a Muslim to believe in the fundamentals of faith with his own insight and understanding, and he cannot follow anyone in this respect. […] In matters of religious laws, apart from the ones clearly defined, or ones which are indisputable, a person must: 1) either be a Mujtahid (jurist) himself, capable of inferring and deducing from the religious sources and evidence; 2) or if he is not a Mujtahid himself, he should follow one, i.e. he should act according to the verdicts (Fatwà) of the Mujtahid; 3) or if he is neither a Mujtahid nor a follower (Muqallid), he should act on such precaution which should assure him that he has fulfilled his religious obligation’ (Islamic Laws, The World Federation of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri Muslim Communities, U.K. 1994, p. 1).

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of the American Administration, without any kind of consultation with the United Nations. In fact, Kofi Annan (at that time Secretary General), tried to play a role by sending his official representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, to alNağaf with the mission of meeting three figures that his sources signalled as the main leaders of the Ši‘i community: Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ‘Ali al¢usayni al-Sistani (1930-), disciple and successor of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà alSayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992) as marğa‘ for the majority of the Ši‘i communities in the world; Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1939-2003), Chairman of al-Mağlis al-A‘là li-’l-Tawra al-Islamiyya fi ’l-‘Iraq3 (henceforth simply al-Mağlis al-A‘là); and a young ‘alim in his early thirties, al-Sayyid Muqtadà al-£adr (1974?-).4 These three were all Alids and, with the exception of ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani, an Iranian by passport, the other two were members of eminent Alid Nağafi families, again among the four chosen as relevant. On March 30, 2003, at the outbreak of the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, another Alid had come back to Iraq after a long exile, ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i (1962-2003), Secretary General of the Khoei Foundation and son of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992); probably a key inspirer of the British involvement in the invasion. ‘Abd alMağid was going to be killed just a few days later in al-Nağaf, on April 10, in circumstances that made the general public hear for the first time the name of al-Sayyid Muqtadà al-£adr, accused of being the instigator of the crime.5 The assassination happened two days before a major meeting of the Iraqi opposition that was going to be held under usa auspices6 in al-Nasiriyya (12 April) in which ‘Abd al-Mağid would have played a key role as mediator of the usa and British interests in Iraq. Therefore, following the end of the regime of £addam ¢usayn, a regime that had been at least in principle ideologically driven by ideals of laicism and Arab socialism, Alid ‘ulama’ members of the religious establishment found themselves at the helm of the political system of the new-born Iraq. The leadership of the Ši‘i religious establishment The role of prominence of these Alid families had in fact started quite earlier. When in 1992 al-Marğa‘ al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i died, among the available successors to the position of main spiritual leader of the Ši‘as in the world there were all Alids: al-Sayyid al-Gulpaygani (that continued al@u’i’s marğa‘iyya for six months), al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani (that became the successor of al-Gulpaygani), al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-¢akim (1934-), al-Sayyid 3 On this organisation, see http://almejlis.org and http://www.alforattt.net. 4 Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 356 and p. 446. 5 Ibidem, p. 416. 6 Ibidem, p. 353. This meeting was not attended also by al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, who went back to Iraq on May 10.

the recent historical context of iraq

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¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (c. 1929-2001), and al-Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999).7 Apart from al-Gulpaygani (d. 1414/1993) and ‘Ali alSistani, both Iranians as Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and both somehow outsiders to the Nağafi religious establishment, all the other contenders were members of the Nağafi Alid families I have chosen as exemplar. As far as the marğa‘iyya is concerned, more relevant appears that when we analyse a possible list of marğa‘ al-taqlids from 1935 until current days, we find out that between 1935 and 2000 the large majority of them – and indeed the most influent – were sayyids (with the exception of ¢usayn-‘Ali al-Muntaziri, 19222009).8 Moreover, currently the situation has not changed significantly, a part from the relative relevance of Wahid al-@urasani (1921-) and of Muhammad Ishaq al-Fayyad (1930-). Observed from the perspective of one of my oral sources, ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum, member of one of the Nağafi families of the religious establishment taken into accout, the situation looks as such: As the sayyids are descendants from the Prophet, people are more attached to them. Moreover, they belong to families that have been known for having a special value and role in society. Therefore, these are two facts that helped, enabled them to become more important or popular. However, the most important thing is that there are some characteristics. In this respect, I admit that for a sayyid it might be more easy than for a non-sayyid to become a leader or to play an influential role in the history of the society he belongs to. In fact, this is the challenge. Then, if we want to consider the changes, it might have changed towards the better. If we go back in time to the maraği‘ [pl. of marğa‘] of the previous centuries, they were half and half (sayyids and nonsayyids). But, from the beginning of the last century, most of them are sayyids. […] Of 7 See Mallat, Ch., The Middle East into the 21st Century: The Japan Lectures and Other Studies on the ArabIsraeli Conflict, the Gulf Crisis and Political Islam, 1st ppbk. ed., Ithaca Press, Lebanon 1997, p. 156. Relevant was also the death of Ayatullah Muhammad ‘Ali al-Araki, occurred in November 1994, that followed that of Ayatullah Muhammad Rida al-Gulpaygani, occurred a year before, on December 9, 1993 (ibidem, pp. 155-56). The death of these two figures had followed that of Ayatullah Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1992) and opened a severe debate on the legitimacy of the marğa‘iyya that came into being under the guidance of Ayatullah ‘Ali al-Sistani. This element was to prove particularly important with the rise of al-Sayyid Muqtadà al-£adr, following the end of the regime of £addam. However, even when we consider a wider spectrum of suitable “candidates” to the marğa‘iyya followed to the death al-@u’i (that would comprise: in Qom, Muhammd £adiq al-Ruhani, ¢usayn al-Wahid al-@urasani, Mirza Ğawad al-Tabrizi, and Muhammad Fadil al-Lankarani; and in al-Nağaf, Muhammad Sa‘id al-¢akim, ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum, and Muhammad al-£adr), we see that all the families analysed in my study were legitimate contenders. Moreover, they all played a role in the process of decision-making that led to the rise of Ayatullah al-Sistani. This is particularly true when we consider that the only family which was not among the candidates, the al-@u’is, played a pivotal role in favouring al-Sistani. 8 al-Muntaziri represents already a peculiar case in itself. He was supposed to be the successor of al@umayni (1902-1989) as Guide of the Islamic Republic, but was later downgraded by the very al@umayni, apparently for a series of disagreements on the shortcomings of the Revolution in terms of human rights ( Jabar, F. A., The Shi‘ite Movement in Iraq, Saqi, London 2003, p. 177). Having been pulled out of power, he went back to fulfilling the “traditional” role of marğa‘. He died on December 2009, being widely recognised as the spiritual leader of the reformist movement linked to the Presidency of Muhammad al-@atami (1997-2001 and 2001-2005). Moroever, following the controversial deafeat of Mir-¢usayn al-Musawi in the 2009 Presidential election, he played a major role in the birth of the so-called Green Movement.

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course, this is not always the case. Until the very recent years, in Iran half or even three quarters of the maraği‘ were not sayyids. However, yeah, in this century the situation has changed. […] This is inherited from before. Society respects the descendants of the Prophet, and this respect is inherited, it is within their blood. This is an important fact. Part two is that these families became well known. So, we have two factors, they were descendants from the Prophet and they belong to those families [Bahr al-‘Ulum, al¢akim, al-£adr, al-@u’i].9

Name

Marğa‘ al-taqlids from 1845 to current days10 “Status” Period of activity

Muhammad ¢asan al-Nağafi (c. 1202/1787-1266/1850) Murtadà al-Ansari (1214/1799-1281/1864) Muhammad Mahdi al-Qazwini (d. 1300/1882) Muhammad al-Irwani (d. 1306/1888) Mirza ¢asan al-Širazi (1230/1815-1312/1895) Muhammad Fadl Allah al-Šaribiyani (d. 1904) Muhammad ¢asan ‘Abd Allah al-Mamaqani (d. 1905) Mirza ¢usaynsan al-@alil al-¥ihrani (d. 1326/1908) Muhammad Kazim “Ahund” al-@urasani (1255/1839-1329/1911) ‘Abd Allah al-Mazandarani (1840-1912) Muhammad Kazim al-Yazdi (c. 1247/1831-1337/1919) Muhammad Taqi al-Širazi (1269/1853-1338/1920) Fath Allah al-Isfahani (d. 1339/1920) Muhammad Mahdi al-@alisi (1276/1861-1343/1925) ‘Abd Allah ¢asan al-Mamaqani (d. 1351/1932) ‘Abd al-Karim al-¢a’iri al-Yazdi (1276/1859-1355/1937) Mirza ¢asan al-Na’ini (1277/1860-1355/1936) Aqa Diya’ al-Din al-‘Iraqi (1278/1861-1361/1942) ¢usayn al-Qummi (1282/1865-1366/1947) Abu ’l-¢asan al-Isfahani (1284/1867-1365/1946) ¢usayn al-Buruğirdi (1292/1875-1381/1962) Muhsin al-¢akim (1306/1889-1390/1970) Muhammad Hadi al-Milani (1313/1895-1395/1975) ‘Abd Allah al-Širazi (1891-1984) Ahmad al-@wansari (1891-1985)

šayh šayh sayyid šayh sayyid šayh šayh šayh šayh šayh sayyid sayyid šayh šayh šayh šayh šayh šayh šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid

1845-64 1845-64 1864-74 1864-74 1874-95 1895-1908 1895-1908 1895-1908 1908-20 1908-20 1908-20 1908-20 1908-20 1920-35 1920-35 1920-35 1920-35 1920-35 1920-35 1935-1970 1935-1970 1935-1970 1970-95 1970-95 1970-95

9 Interview in his office at the Alulbayt Foundation in London (April 14, 2008). 10 This chart is partly built on the one proposed by Abdul-Jabar in The Shi’ite Movement in Iraq (pp. 173-176) and in “The Genesis and Development of Marja‘ism versus the State” (in Idem (ed.), Ayatollahs, Sufis and Ideologues: State, Religion and Social Movements in Iraq, Saqi, London 2002, pp. 76-79, pp. 61-89). Abdul-Jabar’s charts were based on the following sources: al-Ha’iri, A. H., Shiism and Constitutionalism, Leiden 1977, pp. 62-64; Fisher, M. J. L., Iran From Religious Dispute to Revolution, 1980, p. 242; Amanat, A., “In Between the Madrasa and the Market Place”, in Arjomand, S. A. (ed.), Authority and Political Culture in Shiism, State University of New York Press, Albany 1988, pp. 98-132; Momen, M., An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver Shi‘ism, Yale University Press, New York 1985, pp. 310-23; Kedourie, E., “The Iraqi Shi‘is and their Fate”, in Kramer, M. (ed.), Shi‘ism, Resistance and Revolution, Westview Press, Boulder 1987, pp. 136-55; al-Basri, M., ‘Alam al-Adab fi ’l-‘Iraq al-¢adit, Dar al-¢ikma, London 1994, vol. 2, pp. 313-48; Wiley, J. N., The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, Lynne Rienner, Boulder/London 1992, p. 123. For an anachronistic list of marğa‘ al-taqlids since the Twelfth Imam to 1970, see “Appendix 2” in Fischer, M. M. J., Iran: From Religious Dispute to Revolution, with a new Introduction, The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 2003, pp. 252-254.

the recent historical context of iraq Name

“Status”

Muhammad ‘Ali al-Araki (1894-1994) Muhammad Rida al-Gulpaygani (1898-1993) Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992) Šahab al-Din al-Mar‘aši al-Nağafi (1900-1990) Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989) Muhammad Kazim Šari‘at-Madari (1905-1986) Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980) Muhammad Taqi al-Bihğat (1915-2009) Lutf Allah al-£afi al-Gulpaygani (1918-) Muhammad al-Ruhani (1920-1997) ¢usayn al-Wahid al-@urasani (1921-) ¢usayn-‘Ali al-Muntaziri (1922-2009) Ğa‘far al-Subhani (1922-) Nasir al-Makarim al-Širazi (1924-) Muhammad al-¢usayni al-Šahrudi (1925-) ¢usayn al-Nuri al-Hamadani (1926-) Muhammad £adiq al-Ruhani (1926-) ‘Abd al-Karim al-Musawi al-Ardabili (1926-) Mirza Ğawad al-Tabrizi (1926-) Muhammad al-Širazi (1928-2001) Musà al-Šubayri al-Zanğani (1928-) ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-) Muhammad Ishaq al-Fayyad (1930-) Murtadà al-Qazwini (1931-) Muhammad Fadil al-Lankarani (1931-2007) ‘Abd Allah al-Ğawadi al-‘Amili (1933-) Sa‘id al-¢akim (1934-) Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah (1935-2010) ‘Ali Muhammad Dast#ayyib al-Širazi (1935-) Yusuf al-£ani‘i (1937-) Kazim al-¢a’iri (1938-) Muhammad ‘Ali al-‘Alawi al-Gurgani (1939-) ‘Ali al-@amini’i (1939-) £adiq al-Širazi (1942-) Asad Allah al-Bayat al-Zanğani (1942-) Bašir ¢usayn al-Nağafi (1942-) Muhammad al-£adr (1943-1999) Muhammad Taqi al-Mudarrisi (1945-) ¢usayn al-£adr (1952-)

šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid šayh šayh sayyid šayh šayh šayh šayh sayyid šayh sayyid sayyid šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid šayh sayyid šayh šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid sayyid šayh šayh sayyid sayyid sayyid

19

Period of activity 1970-95 1970-95 1970-95 1970-95 1970-95 1970-95 1970-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days 1992-Present Days

The Iraqi Ši‘i Islamic movements Continuing our travel backwards in time, we find that the process of rising to prominence of the Nağafi Alid members of the religious establishment had started even before the marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, and it was already visible in the 1950s. This period witnessed the birth of several Islamic movements among Iraqi Ši‘as. Some of these movements were directly linked to

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or controlled by senior members of the hawza ‘ilmiyya,11 while others simply inspired by it but composed and directed by “lay” believers.12 As for the first case, according to the critics, the most important Ši‘i Islamic movement born in Iraq, religiously driven but not directed by ‘ulama’, is al-Da‘wa al-Islamiyya. Three Alid families (Bahr al-‘Ulums, al-¢akims, and al-£adrs) were deeply involved in the creation of this movement, in the 1950s. In this regard, Pierre-Jean Luizard, writes that, D’abord intellectuel et culturel, ce mouvement aboutit donc rapidement à l’affirmation d’une direction à la fois religieuse et politique où la marja‘iyya et le mouvement islamiste se renforcent mutuellement. C’est à la même époque en effet que se développe le premier parti islamiste chiite d’Irak, le Hizb ad-Da‘wa al-islâmiyya (Parti de l’appel à l’islam). Créé à la fin des années 1950 – en 1957 selon ses dirigeants –, probablement par des oulémas protégés par Muhsin al-Hakim, il compte parmi ses fondateur […], Mahdi al-Hakim, le fils aîné de Muhsin al-Hakim, ainsi que Muhammad Baqer al-Sadr.13

As for the second case, I suggest to consider the description of the different ideological tendencies prevailing in the Islamic movements born from the system of the hawza as portrayed in 1996 by Chibli Mallat. He outlined that at that time there were two main tendencies,14 one “Iranian” and the other “Londonese”. The first was represented by Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, at that time President of al-Mağlis, while the second by Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, at that time member of the Iraqi National Congress (henceforth inc).15 Being 11 In order to better understand Alids’ role with respect to the hawza ‘ilmiyya, it is necessary to take a quick look at a general description of the latter’s functions. Litvak describes the hawza ‘ilmiyya as, ‘a community of learning, denoting a communal whole which encompasses scholarship, inter-personal and social bonds, as well as the organizational and financial spheres’ (Litvak, M., Shi‘i Scholars of Nineteenth-Century Iraq: the ‘Ulama’ of Najaf and Karbala’, Cambridge University Press, London 1998, p. 2). The word hawza refers to the specific study circle of an ‘alim, as well as to all the madrasas of a certain city or even to the “system” in its entirety; people speak of the hawza of al-Nağaf, Qom, Mašhad, and son on (however, according to Rula Jurdi Abisaab, the word hawza has a different meaning in Lebanon, where, ‘in modern Lebanese parlance, hawza refers to a new type of religious seminary that differs from the traditional Lebanese madrasa in that it is more institutionalized and bureaucratized’, “The Cleric as Organic Intellectual: Revolutionary Shi‘ism in the Lebanese Hawzas”, in Chehabi, H. E. (eds.), Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years, Centre for Lebanese Studies & I.B. Tauris, Oxford 2006, pp. 231-258, p. 231). 12 The most important Ši‘i movements opposing the Ba‘tist regime were all linked to Alid families of ‘ulama’: Munazzama al-‘Amal al-Islami (Islamic Action Organisation) was linked to the al-Širazi and al-Mudarrisi families; al-Mağlis al-A‘là li-’l-Tawra al-Islamiyya fi ’l-‘Iraq was linked to the al-¢akims; and al-Da‘wa to the al-£adrs ( Jabar, The Shi‘ite Movement in Iraq, pp. 95-94, pp. 216-223, and pp. 235-263; and Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as). 13 Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 80. Luizard’s emphasis on the role of the al-@alisi family in the formation of al-Da‘wa al-Islamiyya might in fact prove to be overestimated, and it is arguably due to the specificities of his sources. 14 Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 203-204. 15 The inc was an American-inspired and economically-sustained opposition association to the former regime of £addam ¢usayn, established in Vienna in 1992. In 1998, the Iraq Liberation Act of the us Senate institutionalised the inc as a tool for regime change in Iraq (before it had been financed through the cia). The Congress was directed by a triumvirate composed by Ahmad Chalabi, Ğalal al-¥alabani, and Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum. Numerous sources and the critics sustain that it was in fact largely directed by Chalabi. According to Mallat, the inc had among its members also a representative of Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (The Middle East, pp. 100-101), an information that partly contradicts the anti-West-

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a lawyer, and a friend of Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, Mallat outlined the difference between these two tendencies taking as a point of reference their positions on the subject of takfir (declaration of infidelity). What is of interest here is not the point of departure of Mallat’s analysis, but his conclusions. The scholar foretold that the different positions of Bahr al-‘Ulum and al-¢akim would have had as a consequence a kind of fossilisation of the latter on a monolithic and unsophisticated view of the would-be Iraqi state markedly different from the one favoured by Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum’s doctrinal elaborations, which, according to Mallat, favoured the possibility of a federal state.16 Well then, after the fall of £addam and the set up of a new state under the auspices of the usa Administration, the al-¢akim family has arguably become the most strong advocate of the institution of an Iraqi federal state.17 Moreover, Mallat sustained that al-¢akim’s choice to establish his headquarters in Tehran under the auspices of the Islamic Republic of Iran had made the possibility of a compromise between Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim and the West, and in particular the usa, to grow remote. Again, the visit of Muhammad Baqir’s brother ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim to Washington on August 11, 2002,18 as representative of al-Mağlis al-A‘là showed that those conclusions were largely wrong, and probably driven by ideological preconceptions. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz and al-Mağlis al-A‘là actually became strong interlocutors of the usa Administration, and several visits of ‘Abd al-‘Aziz to the White House followed between 2002 and 2009 (year of his death). The shortcomings of this brilliant scholar in his analysis of the hawza-inspired Islamic movements help me to underline two basic elements. The first is that the phenomena I analyse here are extremely complex to understand and decipher. The second is that the events examined in this research, and above all those linked to Alid figures, should be explained through the prism of power, social prominence and pragmatism, and not law and ideology.19 Again, I make reference to the framework proposed by Mallat in 1996 in the hybrid collection of his “Japan Lectures”. In that occasion, the scholar ern position this scholar attributes to Muhammad Baqir and al-Mağlis. According to $anim Ğawad, the inc was born from the experience of the Free Iraq Commettee, this also American-founded, which was composed by Chalabi, Edward Mortiner, Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, Chibli Mallat, Tamara al-Da#istani, and the very Ğawad (several interviews at the Khoei Foundation in London between 2006 and 2008). 16 Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, p. 203. 17 al-Jazeera, October 13, 2007 (www.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/83130A1F-948C-4028-8041-AD519C9 CBCB8.htm). In fact, this is a position shared also by some members of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family, as indicated by a work by al-Sayyid ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (1963-) on Federalism and Islam published in Ba#dad in 2001 (see Mallat, Ch. “Federalism and Islam: New Scholarly Perspectives”, The Daily Star, August 19, 2010; available at www.mallat.com/LawPageDS/islam&federalism20100819.pdf, accessed on December 18, 2010). 18 Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 346. 19 Of course, the analysis proposed by Mallat was not completely misleading or incorrect. Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum indeed represents a reformist re-interpreter of the Ši‘i tradition. Bahr al-‘Ulum’s ideas are quite close to the cultural and ideological tendences in vogue in Europe and the usa from the second half of the last century, a reason behind his inclusion by Charles Kurzman in the work he edited in 1998 on Liberal Islam (Oxford University Press, usa).

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surprisingly did not mention the relevant role of the al-£adr family in Iraq20 (at that time mainly represented by Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr, the initiator of al-Tayyar al-£adri (The £adr Movement) and father of Muqtadà al-£adr).21 He only made a very quick reference to the central role played by the al-@u’i family among the Ši‘as in London – in fact not even to the family but only to the ‘religious figures who gravitate around the [Khoei] Foundation’ and only in relation to their opposition to Ayatullah ‘Ali al@amini’i.22 In fact, the data I posses do suggest that the al-@u’is played a key role in the process that led to a significant change in public opinion in favour of Ši‘i Muslims and, consequently, to the British decision to intervene militarily in Iraq. This hypotesis is particulalry based on the relationship between Tony Blair, at that time Prime Minister (and currently representative for the Middle East of the so-called Quartet), and ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i, at that time Secretary General of the Khoei Foundation. In this respect, illuminating appears a “Comment” by Blair appeared on The Observer on April 11, 2004,23 entitled “Why we must never abandon this historic struggle in Iraq”. In that article Blair wrote: So what exactly is the nature of the battle inside Iraq itself ? This is not a ‘civil war’, though the purpose of the terrorism is undoubtedly to try to provoke one. […] The insurgents are former Saddam sympathisers, angry that their status as ‘boss’ has been removed, terrorist groups linked to al-Qaeda and, most recently, followers of the Shia cleric, Muqtada al-Sadr. The latter is not in any shape or form representative of majority Shia opinion. He is a fundamentalist, an extremist, an advocate of violence. He is wanted in connection with the murder of the moderate and much more senior cleric, Ayatollah [‘Abd al-Mağid] al Khoei last year. […] There you have it. On the one side, outside terrorists, an extremist who has created his own militia, and remnants of a brutal dictatorship which murdered hundreds of thousands of its own people and enslaved the rest. On the other side, people of immense courage and humanity who dare to believe that basic human rights and liberty are not alien to Arab and Middle Eastern culture, but are their salvation.

I am confident Blair’s words speak by themselves.

20 In fact, Mallat authored the most interesting and well researched account of the life and ideas of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (The Renewal of Islamic Law: Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr, Najaf and the Shi‘i International, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1993). Moreover, he is the official lawyer of the al-£adr family in Lebanon in charge of following the legal aspects of Musà al-£adr’s disappearance. 21 In fact, he once mentions Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr. However, the mention is to £adiq al-£adr’s claimed role as the ‘favoured candidate’ of the Iraqi government for the position of marğa‘ in the bid for the religious leadership he launched, in particular, following the death of Ayatullah al-Araki in 1994 (Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 155-156). Therefore, according to Mallat, Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr was not even an opponent of £addam’s regime but one of its collaborators! Although at that time the claim of the collaboration between £adiq al-£adr and the regime was indeed somehow diffused in certain political and academic circles, it would all the same prove to have been groundless and clearly unteanable. 22 Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 156-157. 23 http://observer.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,1189906,00.html.

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First assessment, the history of an enduring quest for power Above I offered a brief perspective of the role of some members of the Alid families taken into account in this research in the framework of major events of the recent Ši‘i history in Iraq. Beyond the various speculations on the role played by this or that family in a specific historical moment, it is impossible not to question ourselves about how it has been possible for these families to not only maintain their social and political relevance for several decades, when not centuries, but even increase it in a Middle Eastern historical context that apparently was strongly influenced by the idea of laicism – although exclusively in its authoritarian guise24 – and of the progressive disappearance of both nobility and blood supremacy. Elements that seem to emerge, and will be discussed more diffusely in the following chapters, are the continuity of the internal dynamics of the specific families and of the relations among them – almost always sanctioned by marriage alliances –; and the continuity of the positions held by some of these families in a specific place (exemplificative in this regard the influence of the al-£adr family in Ba#dad – where not by chance Muqtadà bases much of his power –, or better in al-Kazimiyya, where lays the Shrine of the Imam from which this family claims to descend). Although this research is about families, or indeed the Family (that of the Prophet, the Ahl al-Bayt), I always bore in mind that I dealt with human beings, and not monolithic entities, a fact that is revealed by the different stances that I always found in any of the families I analysed. However, the team spirit seems always to prevail. Although rich and diversified in the interior, the image that the specific family and the Alids in general try to propose is always one of continuity, sacredness and inevitability of the final success of their expectations (and rights!). So far historians have largely underestimated the idea of deciphering the events of contemporary Ši‘i communities through the study of family history.25 However, I will demonstrate that the necessity of trying to recon24 See Luizard, P.-J., Laïcités autoritaires en terres d’islam, Fayard, Paris 2008. 25 Scholars have of course noticed the relevance of certain Ši‘i families in contemporary Iraqi history. This is the case, for example, of Wiley and Jabar. In her study on the Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as (1992), Wiley underlined that, ‘genealogical pretentions have justified social prominence, with notable families from Iraq to Morocco displaying family trees tracing their descent to the Prophet Muhammad’ (p. 104), and she put particular stress on some families (Bahr al-‘Ulums, al-¢akims, al-Kufis, al-£adrs) for the important number of their members killed by £addam ¢usayn. On his part, Jabar dedicated a consistent part of a study on the Ši‘i movement in Iraq to al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and several members of the al-£adr and al-¢akim families, where he pointed out how, ‘the clerical class has traditionally consisted of family-based leadership embedded in local city solidarity and supra-national networks of emulators and novices’ ( Jabar, F. A., The Shi‘ite Movement in Iraq, Saqi, London 2003, p. 25). Moreover, in an essay appeared the same year he suggested that, ‘the Khoi group, which relies on the apolitical Ayatollah Sistani, based in Najaf, will play a crucial role in this process. Such new centres of religious au-

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struct the level and modalities of interrelation and the internal dynamics of the influential families of the Islamic world in general, and the so-called Greater Middle East in particular, is absolutely relevant and urgent.26 The main effort in the field of prosopographic studies dealing with modern history was conducted by Meir Litvak with Shi‘i Scholars of Nineteenth-Century Iraq: the ‘Ulama’ of Najaf and Karbala’. Also relevant is Sabrina Mervin’s Un réformisme chiite: Ulémas et lettrés du Ğabal ‘Amil (actuel Liban-Sud) de la fin de l’Empire ottoman à l’indépendance du Liban, a work not strictly based on prosopographic sources and mainly aimed at reconstructing the history of ideas, but which offers a consistent and well referenced perspective of the social history of a Ši‘i community relevant to my research. These two are excellent thority, born in the period since 1990, may well surpass the influence of any or all Shi’ite Islamic groups working against the Ba’ath from Iranian exile [referred to Muhammad Baqir and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim]’ (“Clerics, Tribes, Ideologues and Urban Dwellers in the South of Iraq: the Potential for Rebellion”, in Dodge, T., Simon, S. (eds.), Iraq at Crossroads, Oxford Uiversity Press, Oxford 2003, pp. 161-178, p. 171). However, these scholars underestimated the link between these families provided by their being Alids. They appear to have considered the claim to be descendants of the Prophet as a simple pretention, thus failing to consider Alids’ inner perspective and to unveil the family connections and the basis for Alids’ enduring quest for political power and social prominence. Recently, a few researchers have put some coherent interest on these families. This is the case of Laurence Louër and Elvire Corboz. Both have undertaken studies of political science on the so-called “transnational Ši‘i politics”. Louër has worked for several years and with interesting results on the activities of the al-Širazi and al-Mudarrisi families in the Persian Gulf (see in particular Transnational Shia Politics: Religious and Political Networks in the Gulf, Columbia University Press, New York 2008, and “Vie et mort de l’utopie révolutionnaire dans les monarchies du Golfe”, in Mervin, S. (ed.), Les mondes chiites et l’Iran, Karthala-ifpo, Paris-Beirut 2007, pp. 61-85). Corboz in 2010 completed a PhD on Negotiating Loyalty Across the Shi’i World: The Transnational Authority of the al-Hakim and al-Khu’i Families, at the University of Oxford. Both have however underestimated the “Alid element” and centred their researches on the misleading definition of these families as “clerical families”. Therefore, they have at least partly misinterpreted their role as ‘ulama’ and the relevance of the non-‘alim members of the families. A last case is represented by Pierre-Jean Luizard, who translated the biography of an eminent Iraqi member of the al-@alisi family, al-Šayh Mahdi al-@alisi (La vie de l’ayatollah Mahdî al-Khâlisî par son fils (Batal al-islâm), Éditions de La Martinière, Cahors 2005). Although the al-@alisis are not an Alid family, their study is of particular interest in addressing Alids’ role in contemporary history because the members of this family have been largely based in al-Kazimiyya, the historical place of residence of the al-£adrs in Iraq. Moreover, numerous passages of Mahdi al-@alisi’s biography clearly indicate that his son Muhammad (1888-1963) openly harboured bitter resentment and hostility towards al-Sayyid ¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (1856-1935) and his son al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adr (18831951). Therefore, he provides several information on the al-£adr family. In his work, Muhammad al-@alisi even suggests that al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adr was not an Alid and did in fact descend from the ‘Abbasid Caliph Musà al-Mutawakkil (reign 847-861) and not from Imam Musà (La vie de l’ayatollah Mahdî al-Khâlisî, pp. 250-253). On the al-@alisis, see also Ende, W., “Success and Failure of a Shiite Modernist, Muhammad ibn Muhammad Mahdi al-Khalisi (1890-1963)”, in Monsutti, A., Naef, S., Sabahi, F. (eds.), The Other Shiites: From the Mediterranean to Central Asia, Peter Lang Publishing, 2007, pp. 231-244, and Idem, “Erfolg und Scheitern eines Schiitischen Modernisten: Muhammad ibn Muhammad Mahdi al-Halisi (1890-1963), in Tworuschka, U. (ed.), Gottes ist der Orient, Gottes ist der Okzident: Festschrift für Abdoldjavad Falaturi Zum 65. Geburtstag, Böhlau, Cologne 1991, pp. 120-130. 26 Having lived and conducted on-the-field research for some years in the Middle East, I should point out that the relevance of family history is quite evident to the people of the region. This is shown, for example, by an initiative taken in February and March 2009 by Iran Doht, an Iranian weekly magazine indirectly owned by ¢uğğat al-Islam Mahdi Karrubi that was closed down as a consequence of the protests followed to the 9th presidential elections. In its very first issues, the magazine published a column, entitled @anevadeha-ye Siyasi-ye Iran, in which Akbar Muntağibi recounted the story of important political families along with their marriage links and family trees. The column featured the al-@umaynis and alRafsanğanis respectively in the second and fourth issues. Unfortunately, it disappeared without any explanation after the fourth issue.

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works. However, they both focus on the ‘ulama’ tout court and analyse two periods, from 1791 to 1904 and from 1880 to 1943 respectively, that are modern but not strictly contemporary. The results of the first study are more relevant for my research because Litvak examined al-Nağaf and Karbala’, in today’s Iraq. Moreover, being mainly based on prosopographic sources, his study gives rise to interesting comparisons with the data I collected. Considering the role described by this scholar for Alid families, several differences come out, some going in the sense of discontinuity others in that of continuity. Litvak indicated that the ‘dynasties’ of religious leaders were, at that time, less common and less important in the Iraqi holy cities than those in Iran or in Awdah,27 in India. In fact, the scenario that emerges from my data appears to be partly different. To the role of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family, that the scholar signalled as prominent at that time together with that of the al-¥abataba’is and Kašif al-$ita’s, currently we must place side by side also that of: – The al-£adr family. This at least from the early years of the twentieth century when we find figures such as Muhammad al-£adr (c. 1883–1955-56), among the main opponents to the British occupation of Iraq and Prime minister in 1948; Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), “father” of the Ši‘as’ renaissance in Lebanon; Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980), among the most relevant reformers of contemporary Ši‘i thinking; Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-£adr, the main Ši‘i opponent to the regime of £addam in the 1990s living in Iraq; and Muqtadà al-£adr, currently the main Ši‘i opponent to the Anglo-American occupation of Iraq. – The al-¢akims. This at least from the 1950s, when we have the marğa‘iyya of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970) and figures such as Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim (1921-2002), among the most important reformers of the educational system of the hawza; Mahdi al-¢akim (1935-1988), absolutely prominent in the birth of the Islamic Ši‘i movements in Iraq; Mahdi’s brothers Muhammad Baqir (1939-2003) and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al¢akim (1950-2009), the most important supporters in Iraq of the Iranian power elite born from the Islamic Revolution; and ‘Ammar al-¢akim (1971-), former Secretary General of the multi millionaire Shahid al-Mihrab Foundation and current Leader of al-Mağlis al-A‘là. – The al-@u’i family. The role of this family, began in the 1960s and 1970s with the marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992), was globalised by Muhammad Taqi’s idea to establish the Khoei Foundation in London. Currently it seems to be partly in crisis, because of the premature death of both Muhammad Taqi (1958-1994) and ‘Abd al-Mağid (1962-2003), and is placed in the hands of £ahib, almost completely disinterested in both religious and political affairs. However, there are some very young but very promising members of the family: particularly Ğawad (1980-) and ¢aydar al-@u’i (1987-). Moreover, we should take into account the possibly of the role that could be played by members of the al-Ğalalis, al-Širazis, al-Milanis, al-@alhalis, and al-¢akims, all families linked to the al-@u’is by marriage. 27 Litvak, op. cit., p. 102.

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As far as the elements of discontinuity are concerned, let us consider the collaboration between the Bahr al-‘Ulums and the British colonial authorities described by Litvak and compare it with today’s Anglo-American occupation of Iraq. I refer to the so-called Indian Money, also known as the Oudh Bequest. At the end of the eighteen century, this was directly administered by Great Britain and distributed in Iraq to local administrators, particularly the al¥abataba’is and Bahr al-‘Ulums. Litvak defines this administration as ‘hereditary possession’,28 a possession ‘necessary for the maintenance of leadership regardless of true scholarly status’.29 Today, Americans seem to have taken up the role and modus operandi of the British, before with their strong financial support to the already mentioned inc – among whose leading members there was Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum – and, after the fall of £addam, with the position of Minister of Oil30 entrusted for two times to Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum, son of Muhammad. A further element of comparison goes both in the sense of continuity and discontinuity. I refer here to the “certain aura” that surrounds the Bahr al‘Ulums and other Alid families. Litvak reports that this aura was linked to the role of ‘founders’31 that the Bahr al-‘Ulums had had in the formative period of Usulism32 – read continuity. Today, it is inseparably linked to the role of 28 Ibidem, p. 103. On the Oudh Bequest see also Cole, J., “‘Indian Money’ and the Shi‘i Shrine Cities of Iraq, 1786-1850”, Middle East Studies, No. 22, 1986, pp. 461-480; Nakash, Y., The Shi‘is of Iraq, with a new Introduction by the author, Princeton University Press, 2nd ppbk. ed., Princeton 2003, pp. 211-229; Litvak, M., “A Failed Manipulation: the British, the Oudh Bequest and the Shii Ulama’ of Najaf and Karbala’”, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, No. 27:1, 2000, pp. 69-89; and Idem, “Money, Religion, and Politics: the Oudh Bequest in Najaf and Karbala’, 1850-1903”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, No. 33:1, 2001, pp. 1-21. 29 Litvak, op. cit., p. 102. 30 Between April 2003 and December 2010, the Office of Minister of Oil was held by: Amir Rašid al‘Ubaydi (April to May 2003, interim), Tamir $adban (May to September 2003 and June 2004 to April 2005), al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (September 2003 to June 2004 and May to December 2005), alDuktur Ahmad Chalabi (April to May 2005 and December 2005 to January 2006, both interim), and alSayyid al-Duktur ¢usayn Ibrahim £alih al-Šahrastani ( January 2006 to December 2010). In addition to alSayyid al-Duktur Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum, the Office was held by another Alid, al-Sayyid £alih al-Šahrastani, who holds a PhD in Nuclear Chemistry (University of Toronto, 1970), is considered among the most important Iraqi scientists (see Theodoulou, M., “Profile: Hussain al-Shahristani”, Times Online, May 26, 2004; www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/iraq/article1075417.ece, accessed on September 14, 2010), and currently is Deputy Prime Minister for Energy Affairs in the new government of Nuri al-Maliki (December 2010 onwards). He is a member of the al-Šahrastani family, a family that was fundamental in the raise of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani to the role of main marğa‘ in the world, in particular through the role played by ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid Ğawad al-Šahrastani (1333Š/19541955-). al-Sayyid Ğawad is ‘Ali al-Sistani’s son-in-law and his Senior Representative for the countries East of Iraq and for Africa. He resides in Iran where he established (pey rizi kard) Mu’assasa Al al-Bayt li-Ihya’ al-Turat (www.alulbayt.com). Of the other figures involved, Ahmad Chalabi has for long worked with and been linked to Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (father of Ibrahim). 31 Litvak, op. cit., p. 103. 32 Since the end of the 18th century, Usulism has been the mainstream and largely majoritarian school of jurisprudential thought in Ši‘i Islam, role that was apparently earlier held by Ahbarism. The difference between these schools can be roughly described as being centred on the pre-eminence either attributed to the Traditions (ahbar) or to the rational principles of iğtihad as a main source of law. The issue of the diatribe between Ahbaris and Usulis has been richly addressed by the critics, inter alia, see Scarcia, G., “Intorno alla controversia tra ahbari e usuli presso gli imamiti di Persia”, Rivista di Studi Orientali, No. 33,

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martyrs and defenders of the Ši‘as against the regime of £addam attributed to all the families concerned by this study. Moreover, in the case of the al¢akims – at least during their Iranian exile – and even more with the al-£adrs we should add the role of firm and tenacious opponents to both Western imperialism and Westernisation. Again with reference to what pointed out by Litvak, interesting appears the definition of ‘Iranian family’33 he gave to the Bahr al-‘Ulums. In fact, after two centuries, this family appears deeply “Arabised” and, to a certain extent, “Iraqised”, in the sense that their identity references seem to be increasingly directed towards, or better drown from, national and ethnical elements (although there still is a continuity in the relevance of Persian as an Islamic language). 1958, pp. 211-250; Cole, J., “Shi’i Clerics in Iraq and Iran 1722-1780: the Akhbati-Usuli Conflict Reconsidered”, Iranian Studies, No. 18:1, 1985, pp. 3-34; Kohlberg, E., “Aspects of Akhbari Thought in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Levtzion, N., Vols., J.O. (eds.), Eighteenth-Century Renewal and Reform in Islam, Syracuse University Press, New York 1987, pp. 133-160). 33 Litvak, op. cit., p. 103.

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Chapter 2 AN OV E RVIEW OF ALIDS’ FA M ILY H IS TO RY: THE PROSOPOGRAPH IC S O U RC E S n order both to understand the wider social and cultural milieu of the life and role of the sayyids as a group and to delineate possible specificities of the single families, it is fundamental to offer a documented, and whenever possible articulated, historical perspective of the families at hand, or at least of the way they are portrayed by the sources. Central for the comprehension of a single figure is the analysis of the relevance of the family in which he grows up and the influences that the cultural, historical, political, and economic environment do exercise on his education both as a person and as a scholar, and, therefore, on his ideas and critical capacities. The figure’s predecessors establish him as both the result of a specific socio-cultural humus and, at the same time, as the imitator of a whole family tradition of which he is receptor. When we analyse the Alids we deal with complex family links that do operate within geographical borders that do not necessarily correspond to those the reader usually thinks of. These figures move from Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, to London, Paris, and the usa apparently without any cultural difficulty or major change in their ideological perspective. They have cultural and identity references that are completely cosmopolitan and adaptable, and are very much at ease with languages that range from Arabic, Persian, and Turkish to English and, sometimes, German and French. When we, then, try to define a physical centre to their dynamic, my sources do indicate that this should be individuated in al-Nağaf (and Qom on a secondary level), and this is the very reason I label these families Nağaf i. My data show that this city has completely substituted al-Madina, currently in Saudi Arabia, as the true “heart” of the Alids. Although the city has paid heavily its modern role of ‘pôle du chiisme’,1 the strength of its position in Alids’ identity does unequivocably indicate that it is a city that is to remain “qibla” of contemporary Ši‘i Islam for very much time to come.

I

In the previous chapter, I have introduced some of the contemporary eminent figures of the families taken into accout and raised some of the main issues addressed by the research. In order to fully appreciate the historical relevance of Alids’ enduring quest for social and religious prominence, in the 1 This expression was used to refer to this city by Sabrina Mervin in an article entitled “A l’école des chiites d’Irak”, Libération, May 8, 2003.

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following pages I provide a brief description of the protagonists’ family history. Bahr al-‘Ulums In the “Muqaddima” to Riğal al-Sayyid Bahr al-‘Ulum,2 Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum reports the descent of the author, Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al‘Ulum, and therefore of his own family, as such, al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi ibn al-Sayyid Murtadà ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn alSayyid ‘Abd al-Karim ibn al-Sayyid Murad3 ibn al-Sayyid Šah Asad Allah ibn al-Sayyid Ğalal al-Din al-Amir ibn al-Sayyid al-¢asan ibn al-Sayyid ‘Ali Mağd al-Din ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad Qiwam al-Din ibn al-Sayyid Isma‘il4 ibn al-Sayyid ‘Abbad ibn al-Sayyid Abi ’l-Mukaram ibn al-Sayyid ‘Abbad ibn al-Sayyid Ahmad Abi ’l-Mağd ibn al-Sayyid ‘Abbad ibn al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn al-Sayyid ¢amza ibn5 al-Sayyid ¥ahir ibn al-Sayyid ‘Ali Abi ’l-¢usayn ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad Abi ’l-¢asan ibn al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad Abi Ğa‘far al-As#ar ibn al-Sayyid Ahmad Abi ‘Abd Allah6 ibn al-Sayyid Ibrahim, known with the laqab ¥abataba, ibn al-Sayyid Isma‘il al-Dibağ ibn al-Sayyid Ibrahim al$amar ibn al-¢asan al-Mutannà ibn al-¢asan al-Sabt ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib.7

The nisba “Bahr al-‘Ulum” comes out from a series of differentiations from within the al-¥abataba’i family. In this respect, the very brief entry the “Muqaddima” dedicates to the earliest ancestor of the family, al-Sayyid Murad al-¥abataba’i, mentions that Murad combines the nisba of the al-¥abataba’is of Karbala’, the nisba of the Bahr al-‘Ulums of al-Nağaf and Karbala’, and the nisba of the al-¢akims.8 Muhammad £adiq, moreover, tells us that the ancestors of the family used to live in al-¢iğaz, in al-Madina, in al-Kufa, in al-Basra and in other places 2 Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad £adiq, “Muqaddima”, in Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad Mahdi (ta’lif); Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad £adiq and Bahr al-‘Ulum, ¢usayn (haqqaqahu wa ‘allaqa ‘alayhi), Riğal al-Sayyid Bahr al-‘Ulum al-Ma‘ruf bi-’l-Fawa’id al-Riğaliyya, 4 vols., Maktaba al-£adiq, Tehran 1984 (1st ed., 3 vols., al-Nağaf 1965-1967), pp. 5-196. 3 The family tree of the Bahr al-‘Ulum and al-¢akim families do converge on the figure of Murad ibn Asad Allah al-¥abataba’i. In this respect, however, there are some minor differences between the family tree reported by Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum and the family tree of the al-¢akim al-¥abataba’i family reported in al-Sarrağ, ‘Adnan Ibrahim, al-Imam Muhsin al-¢akim 1889-1970, Dirasa Tarihiyya Tabhatu Siratahu wa Mawaqifahu wa Ara’ahu al-Siyasiyya wa ’l-Islahiyya wa Ataraha ‘alà al-Muğtama‘ wa ’l-Dawla fi ’l-‘Iraq, written under the supervision of al-Duktur Wağih Kawatarani, Dar al-Zahra’, Bayrut 1414/1993, p. 21. The main differences are detailed in the following notes 4 and 5. Another difference in the nisbas proposed by these two authors is that Bahr al-‘Ulum emphasises the nobility of his family making an overuse of the honorific al-sayyid, that he adds to the simple ibn (usually used to indicate someone’s paternity, and descent, in the Arabic language) as a mean to link all the different members of the chain. 4 However, al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 21, reports the sequence Isma‘il ibn ‘Abbad ibn Abi ’l-Mukaram ibn ‘Abbad ibn Ahmad Abi ’l-Mağd, as Isma‘il Abi ’l-Mukaram ibn ‘Abbad ibn Abi ’l-Mağd. 5 However, al-Sarrağ, ibidem, reports the sequence ¢amza ibn ¥ahir, as ¢amza ibn Ishaq ibn ¥ahir. 6 Again, al-Sarrağ, ibidem, reports the sequence Ahmad Abi ‘Abd Allah ibn Ibrahim, as Muhammad ibn Ahmad Ibrahim. In this case, I should point out that although in Arabic it is common to skip the mention of the word “ibn” when reporting someone’s name (normally indicated by the mention of the person’s name plus “ibn” and his father’s name), in the case of a very debated and discussed descent as the one of the Ahl al-Bayt the choice made by al-Sarrağ should be kept in due consideration. 7 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 12-21. 8 Ibidem, pp. 13-14.

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within the Arab territories (al-buldan al-‘arabiyya).9 Later, they moved to and settled in Iran, ‘Bilad al-Ši‘a’; at the beginning in Isfahan and later in Buruğird.10 Then, in the twenteeth century, the family moved from Iran back to Iraq, ‘the land of its forefathers, glories, and history’, where they settled in Karbala’ and al-Nağaf, and where the family has remained ‘since those days until now’.11 Furthermore, he adds that since the death of Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum, throughout the years until the present time, the family (hada al-bayt) was never devoid of muğtahids, faqihs, clever politicians, social leaders, great literary figures, distinguished poets, and uncommon geniuses.12

We also find references to this family in Orientalist sources. In some pages taken by his personal diary and published in one of his travel tales, Tales of Travel,13 the Marquess Curzon of Keldeston (1859-1925)14 narrates that he went to al-Nağaf, a place he describes as ‘one of the most sacred places of the Shiah faith’.15 There, he mentions that he was going to be the guest, of a learned Mujtahed or Mussulman Doctor of the Law, bearing the appropriate and high-sounding title of the Bahru’l’ Ulum, or Sea of Science; and he had commissioned his brother, a demure and courtly Seyid, to greet me and bring me to the city.16

This episode recalls the old custom of welcoming important guests at the outskirt of the cities, as their representatives, and parallels another historical event in which we find traces of this family, reported by Litvak: Coming to Najaf the Shah was welcomed at the halfway point by a delegation of ‘ulama’, among them four members of the Bahr al-Ulum. The rest of the ‘ulama’ and students waited for the shah in Wadi al-Salam on the outskirst of Najaf.17

A further memory of his travel to al-Nağaf that the Marquess of Keldeston shares with us is in my opinion interesting. He reports that having arrived at the edge of the city, he was welcomed by a member of the family, and 9 Ibidem, p. 125. 10 Ibidem. 11 Ibidem, p. 126. 12 Ibidem. 13 Curzon, George Nathaniel Curzon (Marquis of ), Tales of Travel, Hodder and Stoughton, London 1923. 14 Gold Medallist in 1895, Viceroi in India between 1898 and 1905, President of the Royal Geographical Society between 1911 and 1914, and Foreign Secretary between 1919 and 1924, the Marquis Curzon has been described as ‘one of the most significant figures in British politics in the early twentieth century’ (Bennet, G. H., Gibson, M., The Later Life of Lord Curzon of Kedleston - Aristocrat, Writer, Politician, Statesman: An Experiment in Political Biography, The Edwin Mellen Press, United States 2000, p. 4). For a reconstruction of his life and activities see also Dundas, Lawrence John Lumley (Marquis of Zetland and The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Ronaldshay), The Life of Lord Curzon: Being the Authorized Biography of George Nathaniel Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, K.G., 3 vols., Ernest Benn Ltd., London 1928; and Gilmour, D., Curzon, John Murray, London 1994. 15 Curzon, op. cit., p. 195. As far as the relations between Lord Curzon and Fatimid Alids is concerned, it is interesting to point out that, when he was Viceroy of India, he appointed Aqa @an III as member of his Legislative Council (Daftary, op. cit., p. 481). 16 Curzon, op. cit., p. 195. 17 Litvak, op. cit., p. 171.

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No sooner, however, had he placed one foot in the huge shovel-stirrup, […], the proud Arab was off into the desert. […] I can see the steed and his rider now, the white mane and long tail of the horse stretched taut, the brown aba or cloak of the Seyid bellying and streaming (like the purple coat of the Cardinal) in the wind, his snow-white turban swaying over the head of the runaway, […]18 (emphasis added).

I have already pointed out that the Bahr al-‘Ulum family is currently very influential in the religious and political scenario of post-£addam Iraq, as demonstrated by the cases of Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum and his son Ibrahim. Moreover, we find members of this family in prominent roles at least since the end of the xvii century, when, as reported by Arjomand, Prince Muhammad ‘Ali Mirza insistently purchased one of the gates of paradise from Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa‘i and another from Sayyid Rida, son of the eminent theologian Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum, and ordered that both deeds of sale be wrapped up with him in his shroud.19

The history of the Bahr al-‘Ulums begins with the famous al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn Murtadà al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i, when a branch stood out from the al-¥abataba’is and came to be known as “Bahr al-‘Ulum”. My primary sources report that already following the death of al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum, in 1211/1797, a figure that presumably accumulated or at least managed a considerable amout of money as main marğa‘ of his time, the family suffered a progressive impoverishment.20 Litvak has shown that at that time the economic basis of the ‘ulama’ were not secure, to the extent that at the beginning of the xx century ‘even senior mujtahids, such as the Bahr al-‘Ulum family, reportedly suffered destitution’.21 As we will see in the following chapter, the issue of impoverishment occurs with a remarkable recurrence in the collective biographies of all the families I have taken into account. However, 18 Curzon, op. cit., p. 197. The information provided by this source about the sayyid wearing a ‘snowwhite turban’ appears interesting. Currently, Alid-‘ulama’ wear a black turban in order to publicly show their noble descent. Furthermore, the turban described by Lord Curzon is of a different colour from the one ‘dark blue’ weared at the beginning of the last century by a very member of the al-£adr family and described by the Gertrude Bell (see p. 59). Moreover, Bell underlines that this turban was a peculiarity ‘of the Mujtahid class’, and does not associate it primarily with the sayyids. These elements offer an interesting framework for enquiry into the dressing tools used by the Alids to differentiate themselves from the “common” people, and this particularly in light of the fact that apparently, before the last century, the coloured turban was a distinguishing sign used by the Alids in general, while in contemporary Ši‘i Muslim societies it is used exclusively by sayyid-‘ulama’. Finally, it is worth mentioning that, at the beginning of the last century, we find the green turban also in other sources. This is the case, for example, of the Iranian writer £adeq Hedayat. In Mistress Alaviyeh, a novel written in 1933 falling into the cathegory of his critical realism works, the protagonist, a divorced woman who is going on pilgrimage to Mašhad – and whose name suggests an Alid descent –, runs a ta‘ziye trade with a young man who wears a green turban and a green shawl – again suggesting an Alid descent (see Katouzian, H., Sadeq Hedayat: The Life and Legend of an Iranian Writer, I.B. Tauris, London 2002, pp. 99-101). 19 Arjomand, S. A., The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, University of Chicago Press, London 1984, p. 219. 20 al-Amin, Muhsin al-‘Amili, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut, 1951-, vol. 44, p. 347, and vol. 43, p. 133. 21 Litvak, op. cit., p. 36.

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this issue should be at least relativised as indicated by what reported again by Litvak when he writes that Muhammad ¢asan al-Nağafi took active measures to enhance his alliances with some of the respected ‘ulama’ families in Najaf itself. Most notable was his support of the Bahr al-‘Ulum clan, which had been impoverished since the death of Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum in 1211/1797, but still retained considerable respect. In his correspondence with the mujtahids of Awdah over financing the cleaning of the Hindiyya canal, Najafi found it sufficiently important to arrange for an allowance to be sent to the Bahr al-‘Ulums.22

Moreover, as reported again by Litvak, ‘the close relationship between the two families was cemented by teaching and marriage alliance’.23 What reported above allows me to underline a further historical characteristic of this family – and indeed of all the Alid families analysed here – that of its marriage alliances. The Bahr al-‘Ulums have been linked through marriage for several generations with what appears to be the most important Iraqi nonAlid family member of the local Ši‘i religious establishment, the Kašif al$ita’s.24 What is important to point out here is that a marriage alliance born with the very “birth” of these two families, in the xviii century, has survived up to current days and throughout the tremendous ideological and cultural revolutions of the xix and xx centuries. Other marriage alliances of this family involved the £ahib al-Riyads, al-¢akims, al-Širazis, al-Qazwinis, and alĞawahiris.25 Marriage has been a valuable tool that Alid families have used in order to strengthen their social and political role in the Middle East. Moreover, the status of the Bahr al-‘Ulums was particularly sustained through the construction and/or administration of mosques and madrasas, a relevant instrument in order to maintain and perpetuate it for several generations. Again Litvak reports that the Bahr al-‘Ulums used their control on the Oudh Bequest as a powerful tool for maintaining a solid power base. The members of this family were chosen by the British authorities as receptors of the funds collected in Awadh (India), together with another Alid family member of the religious establishment, the al-¥abataba’i (a family from which, as I have previously pointed out, the Alid branch of the Bahr al-‘Ulum traces its origins; a collaboration again strengthened through marriage and disciple-master alliances).26 Again 22 Ibidem, p. 67. 23 Ibidem. 24 For an overview of this family and of the biographies of some of its illustrious members see Momen, op. cit., pp. 310-311. 25 Interview with al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum (London, April 14, 2008). Fadil emphasised his family’s marriage relations with the al-¢akims and al-Ğawahiris, while sustaining that the relations with the Kašif al-$ita’s were actually based on a ‘simple’ friendship. However, the last element is contradicted by Litvak’s study and by the fact that Fadil’s sister married a member of this family. It can be argued that Fadil dawnplayed his family’s connections with the Kašif al-$ita’s in consequence of the partial discredit suffered by this family followed to their collaboration with the regime of £addam ¢usayn. On the alĞawahiri family see Litvak, op. cit., p. 30. 26 Litvak, op. cit., pp. 29-30.

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with reference to the Oudh Bequest, the Bahr al-‘Ulum family is linked to an interesting case of apparent mismanagment of the financial sources of the marğa‘iyya. Litvak reports that some members of this family and of the al¥abataba’is were accused of corruption in their administration of the Oudh Bequest; a case that apparently was unprecedented, with the only exception of al-Šafti and al-Nağaf i27 (which had both previously received the same accusation). Moreover, the administration of these finances was carried out with funds collected in India by the British and, therefore, the Bahr al-‘Ulums were – and still are – accused of complicity with the occupying authorities of that time (an accusation strongly denied by Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum who pointed out that those funds were in fact ‘Ši‘i’ and they had unjustly been appropriated by the British authorities).28 A further relevant element to be pointed out about the history of this family is that somehow they were for long considered Persian-Iranian immigrants. In fact, the Bahr al-‘Ulums were among a very few number of Iranians who, having moved into the Ottoman Empire, accepted the Ottoman citizenship. This choice was in countertendency with the majority of Iranian students and families that avoided it in order to both keep a form of independence towards the Empire and to avoid military conscription). Probably, they made it with the purpose of both being eligible to administer the above mentioned Oudh Bequest and of being able to acquire land properties.29 The choice was to prove fundamental in the twentieth century, when it gave them the possibility of acquiring the Iraqi citizenship and, therefore, of avoiding to be included in the thousands of Iranians expelled by the regime of £addam on charge of being ‘of Iranian origin’.30 My primary and oral sources from within this family show a strong pride in their “Arabness”, an element more problematic in the case of the other families taken into account by this research. The biographical record of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family shows, or at least tells, the story of an uninterrupted centrality in the social, religious, and political history of the Middle East. This centrality appears to be proven by the following overview of eminent figures: – Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i had Muhammad Baqir al-Wahid alBahbahani (1118/1706-c. 1207/1792) among his disciples, and, morevover, the latter was Muhammad’s son-in-law. With this master-disciple intermarriage we are at the very heart of the Ši‘as’ history. 27 Ibidem, p. 31. 28 Interview with Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum in his office at the Alulbayt Foundation in London, April 2008. 29 The Ottoman Empire promulgated some laws that reserved the possibility to purchase properties in the Empire to its citizens, a fact that pushed some Iranian ‘ulama’ to change their nationality. See Litvak, op. cit., p. 154. 30 In this respect, see note 388 at p. 102.

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– Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1797) was one of the most important scholars of the Ši‘i scholastic history, as he was absolutely relevant in the establishment of the Usuli current of thought and main branch of modern Ši‘i law. Following the death of al-Wahid al-Bahbahani (c. 1207/1792), he became an important marğa‘ al-taqlid. He is considered to be the first ‘alim to have established a structured leadership for the Ši‘i religious establishment. – ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1881) sometimes between 1858 and 1860 was made Oudh Bequest distributor in al-Nağaf. Following his death, he was replaced by Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum who held the position until 1903. – Muhammad ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1261/1845-1326/1908) was a leader of the hawza ‘ilmiyya of al-Nağaf and a marğa‘ al-taqlid. – Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1345/1926) married a daughter of al-Šayh Sittar. The latter was the leader (za‘im) of the Al ‘Abbas section (far‘) of the Bani ’l¢asan tribe in al-Hindiyya. Therefore, Muhammad become proprietor of a large amount of lands and orchards. – Muhammad Mahdi ibn ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (1283/1866-1867–1351/1932-1933) on February 22, 1921, was appointed Minister of Education and Health under the presidency of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Gilani (b. 1841).31 Muhammad Mahdi was the only Ši‘i in the government.32 – Muhammad ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Naqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1287/1870-1871–1355/1936) was a leader of the Ši‘i opposition to the British occupation of Ottoman Mesopotamia in the 1910s and a protagonist of the Uprising of the 1920s against the British, usually referred to as the 1920 Revolution in Ši‘i sources. Particularly relevant was his role as one of the two most important ‘ulama’ members of Ğam‘iyya al-Nahda al-Islamiyya, an Islamic secret society established in November 1917 in al-Nağaf. Following the British siege of al-Nağaf, he was imprisoned and sentenced to death. The sentence was however commuted to an exile of one year in al-Muhammara. After the Uprising, he was appointed member of Mağlis al-A‘yan al-‘Iraqi (the Iraqi Senate), which for several years had Muhammad al-£adr (c. 1300/1882-1883–1375/1955-1956) as its president. – Mahdi ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1313/1895-1896) was a disciple of al-Sayyid al-Širazi, and was in charge of the latter’s general affairs. – ‘Ali ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1314/1897-1898–1380/1960) was a religious and social leader (za‘im) in al-Nağaf from the 1940s to his death and was ‘a protagonist of the movement for general reforms’.33 During the First World War he was among the young combatant (muğahidin) ‘ulama’ which were involved in the national ideological (fikriyya) and political leadership. During the Revolution against the British, he was involved in the religious leadership of al-Širazi. In the movement of 1956 he act31 Born in a family tracing its ancestry back to ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Gilani, founder of the Qadiriyya sufi order, ‘Abd al-Rahman was Sunni Naqib al-Ašraf of Ba#dad and served as President in the first Arab government under British mandate (formed on November 11, 1920) and as Prime Minister in the first two Cabinets followed to the establishment of the Iraqi Monarchy (Sept. 1921 – Aug. 1922 and Aug. 1922 – Nov. 1922). 32 Interestingly enough, after Muhammad Mahdi the position of Minister of Education was entrusted to al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali ¢ubba al-Din al-¢usayni al-Šahrastani. He was a pioneer of the press in al-Nağaf and member of the family of the Nağafi religious establishment that, as I pointed out earlier, was the most relevant in the raise to the marğa‘iyya of ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-). Since then, the position of Minister of Education has been largely entrusted to the Ši‘as. 33 Litvak, op. cit., pp. 29-30.

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chapter 2 ed as a main link between the government and the religious leadership in al-Nağaf and, following the July Revolution, he was an opponent of communism. Muhammad £adiq ibn ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1315/1898) was appointed qadi li-’lšar‘ al-hanif by the Iraqi government. Rida ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1320/1902-1903) was considered the most important mediator by the Arab tribes of al-Hindiyya. Hašim ibn Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1379/1960) had one of the most important libraries of al-Nağaf, having devoted himself to the expansion of the one inherited from his father. ‡iya’ al-Din ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1322/1904-1905) was appointed qadi šari‘i in the province of Karbala’ by the Iraqi government and member of Mağlis al-Tamiyyiz al-Ğa‘fari in Ba#dad. When the Mağlis was abolished, he was appointed member of Mahkama al-Tamiyyiz al-Madani. He married a daughter of Wali Qalà @an, leader of Lorestan. Mirza ‘Ali ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1324/1906-1907) worked in a high position at the Iranian embassy. Musà ibn Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1327/1908-1909) worked in al-Kufa as representative of Ayatullah al-Sayyid al-¢akim, serving as Friday prayer in Masğid al-Kufa. Muhammad £alih ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910-1911) was a lawyer and a member of ¢izb al-Umma al-Ištiraki (Socialist Party of the Nation), under the leadership of al-Ustad £alih Ğabr.34 $iyat al-Din ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1331/1912-1913) was among the first persons to be a lawyer in al-Nağaf. Moreover, he worked with £alih Ğabr and ¢izb al-Umma al-Ištiraki. Mahdi ibn ¢abib Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1341/1922-1923) worked in the Directorate of both Ğam‘iyya al-‘Adala al-Islamiyya and al-Ğam‘iyya al-Istihlakiyya li-Wizara al-Aš#al wa ’lIskan a Ba#dad. Muhammad ¢asan ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1342/1923-1924) got a PhD in Law and Engineering and worked as Professor at the Faculty of Engineering in al-Qahira. Fadil ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1343/1924-1925) was appointed to some governmental positions in Iran, where he worked in particular at the Iranian-British Bank. Nur al-Din ibn ‡iya’ al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1345/1926-1927) was appointed hakim in the court (qada’) of al-Kazimiyya. Muhammad Baqir ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1346/1927-1928) graduated from the Faculty of Medicine (1954) and worked as a doctor in Ba#dad.

34 £alih Ğabr was the first Ši‘i to held the position of Prime Minister under the monarchy in Iraq (from March 1947 to January 1948). He was followed by Muhammad al-£adr (from January to June 1948). In 1951, £alih Ğabr founded ¢izb al-Umma al-Ištiraki, a party whose power base, despite its name, was represented by landowners and semioffocial tribal šayhs (Batatu, H., The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements in Iraq, SAQI, London 2004, pp. 182-183 and p. 466). As far as al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih Bahr al-‘Ulum is concerned, the very brief description of this figure provided by my written primary sources appears to be quite different from the historical reality reconstructed by Batatu. According to the Palestinian-American scholar, this famous Iraqi poet had ‘decidedly Communist sympathies’, took part in the January 1948 Watba – ‘the most formidable mass insurrection in the history of the monarchy’, erupted as a consequence of the Portsmouth Agreement between Great Britain and the Iraqi monarchy – and during these protests gave inflammatory speeches crying out slogans such as: ‘Long Live the People’s Struggle!’ and ‘Long Live the Communist Party!’ (Batatu, pp. 552-553). In this respect, see also note 359 at p. 93.

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– Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1347/1928-) currently is a major politician in Iraq and a leader of the Nağafi religious establishment. – ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (circa 1348/1929-1930–1422/2001) was an important marğa‘ of contemporary Iraq. When Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (d. 1992) died, he was among the muğtahids that were considered for the role of main marğa‘ of the Ši‘i world. – ‘Ubud ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1349/1930-1931) worked as an employee at the Trading Bank in al-Nağaf. – In the 50s and 60s of the last century, ‘Ala’ al-Din ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1350/19311932–1991?) and his brothers ‘Izz al-Din (1352/1933-1934–1991?) and Muhammad were involved in the establishment of an Islamic movement in Iraq. Moreover, ‘Ala’ al-Din and ‘Izz al-Din were close collaborators of Ayatullah Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, and were appointed by him as members of a committee established in connection with the events of the March 1991 Intifada in order to safeguard the public order in al-Nağaf. – Ğa‘far ibn Musà Bahr al-‘Ulum (1353/1934-1935–1991) worked in al-Mašhab as a representative for the ‘ulama’ of al-Nağaf and as a representative of Ayatullah al-Sayyid al-¢akim in that area. – ¢asan ibn Musà Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1361/1942-1943) was in charge of the Friday prayer in al-Ğumhuriyya mosque in al-Nağaf. – Ibrahim ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1954-) has been for two times Minister of Oil in post-£addam Iraq. – Fadil ibn Muhammad Baqir Bahr al-‘Ulum is the Director of the Board of the Centre for Shi‘a Studies and the Director of the Alulbayt Foundation in London. Samples of Bahr al-‘Ulums’ biographies al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (ibn Murtadà ibn Muhammad al-¢asani alBuruğirdi ibn ‘Abd al-Karim ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i)35 Birth: Muhammad Mahdi was born in Karbala’, shortly before the morning prayer of Friday night on the first day of the month of Šawwal 1155/November 30, 1742.36 Muhammad Mahdi’s family came from Buruğird and was linked to some eminent families of the Ši‘i religious establishment: al-Mağlisis, particularly through Muhammad Taqi al-Mağlisi (d. 1070/1659); al-Bahbahanis; al-Ma‘alis; and al-Sabzawaris.37 35 Biographical information, primary sources: Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 31-130; al-@wansari al-Isfahani al-Musawi, Muhammad Baqir, Rawdat al-Ğannat fi Ahwal al-‘Ulama’ wa ’l-Sadat, Dar al-Islamiyya, 8 vols., 2nd ed., Bayrut 1991, vol. 7, pp. 192-198; al-Amin, Muhsin al-‘Amili, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1951-, vol. 48, p. 164-180 (or 1403/1983, vol. 10, pp. 158-163); and Golšan-e Abrar: @olase-i az Zendegi-ye Osveha-ye ‘Elm va ‘Amal, 2 vols., Qom 1379Š/2001, pp. 294-300. Secondary sources: Gleave, R., “The Ijaza from Yusuf AlBahrani (d. 1186/1772) to Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1212/1797-8)’, Iran, vol. 32, 1994, pp. 115123), a source that analyses the iğaza given by Yusuf al-Bahrani to his most illustrious and controverse disciple, Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum; Momen, op. cit., pp. 311-12. Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum has received much attention from the scholars, for an assessment of his life and times, and for a list of the older primary sources available on this figure, see McChesney, R. D., “The Life and Intellectual Development of an Eighteenth Century Shi’i Scholar: Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ¥abataba’i “Bahr al’Ulum””, Folia Orientalia, vol. 22, 1981-84, pp. 163-184, in particular p. 178; on whose article my biographical entry is largely based, and whose adherence to the sources I verified. 36 al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1951-, vol. 48, p. 164; Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 31. 37 McChesney, op. cit., p. 164. He reports that, ‘to the important asset of ¢usaynid descent, the three generations before Muhammad Mahdi added impressive marital connections to the most famous scholarly

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Masters and studies: He had the following masters:38 al-Wahid Aqa Muhammad Baqir al-Bahbahani (1118/1706-c. 1207/1792), al-Šayh Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhammad Baqir al-Hizarğaribi (d. 1205/1790-1791), al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Abi ’l-Qasim Ğa‘far alMusawi al-¢wansari (d. 1191/1777-1778), al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn al-Amir Muhammad Ibrahim ibn Muhammad Ma‘sum al-¢usayni al-Qazwini (d. 1208/1793-1794), al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Nabi al-Qazwini al-Kazimi (d. c. 1213/1798-1799), al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Baqi al-¢usayni al-@atun Abadi (d. 1193/1779-1780), al-Šayh Muhammad Mahdi al-Futuni al-‘Amili (d. 1183/1769-1770), al-Sayyid Murtadà al-¥abataba’i (d. 1204, his father), al-Šayh Yusuf al-Bahrani (d. 1186/1772), al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Duraqi (d. 1186/1772-1773), al-Sayyid Mirza Mahdi al-Isfahani (1153/1740-1741–1217/1802-1803). Muhammad Mahdi began his education with his father at the age of four. When he was fourtheen (1169/1756),39 he moved from Karbala’ to al-Nağaf in order to study with al-Bahrani, al-Futuni and al-Duraqi. He obtained iğazas from both al-Bahrani and his father.40 Later, he went back to Karbala’ and began studying and working with Muhammad Baqir al-Bahbahani. In Mašhad, Muhammad Mahdi studied hikma (philosophy) and kalam (theology) under al-Sayyid Mirza Mahdi al-Isfahani al-@urasani, who gave him the honorific Bahr al-‘Ulum.41 In Isfahan, Muhammad Mahdi studied and received an iğaza from Mir ‘Abd al-Baqi @atunabadi,42 the local Imam al-Ğum‘a. The sources mention that unlike the other muğtahids of his age, that were specialised in a single field of study, he had a mastery of several of them.43 Disciples and teaching: Muhammad Mahdi had numerous students, and an important number of them received an iğaza from him.44 Among them: al-Šayh Ahmad alNaraqi (d. 1245/1829-1830, author of al-Mustanad), al-Mawlà Isma‘il al-‘Aqda’i (d. c. 1240/1824-1825), al-Šayh Ahmad hafid (grandson of ) al-Wahid al-Bahbahani (1191/17771778–1235/1819-1820), al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn al-Sayyid ¢abib Al Zawin al-¢asani (1193/1779-1780–1267/1850-1851), al-Šayh Abu ‘Ali al-¢a’iri (d. 1216/1801-1802), al-Šayh Asad Allah al-Tustari (d. 1234/1818-1819), al-Amir Abu ’l-Qasim hafid al-Amir Muhammad Baqir @atunabadi (d. 1202/1787-1788), al-Sayyid Ahad al-‘Atar al-Ba#dadi (d. 1215/1800-1801). In al-Nağaf, Muhammad Mahdi worked as a teacher in the circles of families of the time. The sister of al-‘Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi married Sayyid ‘Abd al-Karim ¥abataba’i, the great-grandfather of the Bahr al-‘Ulum. The mother of Sayyid Muhammad, our subject’s grandfather, was the daughter of Mawla Muhammad £alih al-Mazandarani, a famous commentator on Kulayni’s al-Kafi. Sayyid Agha Muhammad Baqir Bihbihani, who was to become Muhammad Mahdi’s most influential teacher, was a student of Sayyid Muhammad and his son-in-law’ (pp. 169-170, emphasis added). 38 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 66-67. 39 McChesney, op. cit., p. 172. 40 Ibidem. 41 Ibidem, p. 174. McChesney correctly points out that, ‘most sources agree on this as the origin of the title-nickname, Bahr (sic) al-‘ulum. [Mu‘allimi] ¢abibadi in Makarim [Makarim al-Atar Dar Ahval-i Riğali Dawrah-yi Qağar, 2 vols., Tehran, 1382h], p. 416, however, attributes the origin to Agha Mirza Abu’lQasim al-Khwansari but then, quoting Dhikri al-Muhsinayn, says that Mirza Muhammad Mahdi Shahid (i.e. al-Isfahani al-Khurasani) gave it to him’ (pp. 182-183, round parentheses not added). 42 On the reasons that lead to Muhammad Mahdi’s decision to go to Isfahan “simply” to obtain a further iğaza, see McChesney, op. cit., p. 174. 43 Litvak, op. cit., p. 46. However, this information should probably be read in the framework of the relevance that the sources want to attribute to Muhammad Mahdi as a kind of forerunner of the idea of a unified Ši‘as’ leadership, later to be organised around the idea of marğa‘iyya, among whose elements lies precisely the knowledge by the marğa‘ of a wide range of scholastic fields; the other probable element intented to be shown being the presumed modernity of the character who does not limit himself to a few fields of study but is, on the contrary, curious and intellectually vivacious. 44 The “Muqaddima” reports the names of seventy-five on them (pp. 67-70).

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al-Šayh Muhammad Mahdi al-Futuni, al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Duraqi, and al-Šayh Muhammad Baqir al-Hazarğaribi.45 Among his students, relevant is the case of al-Šayh Ahmad al-Ahsa’i (1753-1826), an Ahbari considered to be the founder of the Šayhi movement, to whom Muhammad Mahdi gave an iğaza.46 Among his most prominent students we find:47 ¢ağği Muhammad Karbasi, al-Šayh Ğa‘far al-Nağafi, al-Šayh Abu ‘Ali al-¢a’iri, al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad al-‘Amili and al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (his own son). All of them distinguished themselves as bearers of the emerging Usuli interpretation of the Ğa‘fari school of law, particularly in Iran. Having finished his training with al-Bahbahani,48 Muhammad Mahdi went back to al-Nağaf where he apparently was given the position of qadi.49 In 1186/1772, Muhammad Mahdi left al-Nağaf for Mašhad,50 stopping briefly in Kermanšah. He spent seven years in Mašhad. In 1193/1779, then, he left Mašhad and moved to Isfahan, where he remained briefly before travelling to al-Nağaf. From al-Nağaf, he went to al-¢iğaz, apparently to perform his hağğ (pilgrimage) duties,51 and remained there for three years. Then, he went back to al-Nağaf (1782), where he spent the next sixteen years. The sources report that in al-Nağaf Muhammad Mahdi became an important teacher and spent much time writing. Indeed, it was during this specific permanence that Muhammad Mahdi wrote his major works.52 Works: The “Muqaddima” reports the title of twenty-two works. They suggest a particular attention to worship practices.53 Activities: Following al-Bahbahani’s death (d. c. 1207/1792), Muhammad Mahdi took up his master’s role as marğa‘ al-taqlid,54 fulfilling it for four years. Although the attribution of this honorific to Muhammad Mahdi is historically inappropriate,55 from the 45 McChesney, op. cit., p. 172. 46 On the relation between Muhammad Mahdi and Ahmad al-Ahsa’i, see McChesney, op. cit., pp. 173174. 47 According to McChesney, although Muhammad Mahdi’s intellectual production was ‘meagre’, it is precisely in his role as master that he attains an undisputable relevance, provided that, ‘where Bihbihani had re-formulated the tenets of clerical elitism, Tabataba’i produced a generation of scholars who fulfilled these tenets’ (op. cit., p. 178). 48 Muhammad Mahdi is enumerated among the first ‘ulama’ who left the teachings of al-Šayh Yusuf al-Bahrani, an Ahbari, and started studying with al-Bahbahani, widely considered the “founder” of the Usuli branch of the Ğa‘fari law school. 49 McChesney, op. cit., p. 166. 50 For the possible reasons for this move, see McChesney, ibidem. 51 However, according to some sources, Muhammad Mahdi went to al-¢iğaz in order to ‘refurbish and re-organize accommodations for Shi‘i pilgrims to Mecca and Medina’ and as a ‘representative of the ‘Iraqi Twelver community’ (ibidem, p. 167). Interesting appears, in this regard, the analysis of the activities undertaken by Muhammad Mahdi in al-¢iğaz as far as teaching is concerned and the strong incongruence of the primary sources in relation to his practise of taqiyya during the permanence in an overwhelming Sunni and early Wahhabi context (ibidem, p 175). 52 Ibidem, p. 176. 53 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 92-95. The titles are: Kitab al-Masabih, al-Durra al-Nağafiyya, Miškat al-Hadaya, Tuhfa al-Karam fi Tarih Makka wa ’l-Bayt al-¢aram, Risala fi ’l-‘Asir al-‘Inabi, Šarh Bab al¢aqiqa wa ’l-Mağaz min Kitab al-Wafiya li-’l-Fadil al-Tuni, Šarh al-Ğumla min Ahadit (Tahdib al-Šayh al-¥usi), al-Fawa’id al-Usuliyya, Risala fi Tahrim al-‘Asir al-Zabibi, Risala fi Manasik al-¢ağğ wa ’l-‘Umra, Risala fi ¢ukm Qasid al-Arba‘a f i ’l-Safar, ¢ašiya wa Šarh ‘alà ¥ahara “Šara’i‘ al-Muhaqqiq al-¢illi”, Risala fi Qawa‘id Ahkam al-Šukuk, ¢ašiya ‘alà Dahira al-¢uğğa al-Sabzawari, Risala f i Tahqiq Ma‘nan, Risala fi Infi‘al Ma’ al-Qalil, Risala f i ’l-Firaq wa ’l-Milal, Risala f i ’l-At‘ima wa ’l-Ašriba, Risala f i Tahrim al-Firar min al-¥a‘un, al-Durra al-Bahiyya fi Nazm ba‘d al-Masa’il al-Usuliyya, Risala fi Munazaratihi li-’l-Yahud, Diwan Ši‘r Kabir, al-Fawa’id al-Riğaliyya. 54 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 92-95. 55 In fact, from the studies published in the last decades it appears that the idea and the use of the terms marğa‘ al-taqlid and marğa‘iyya are relatively recent, and were not known as such in the eighteen century. See the various contributions to Walbridge, L. S. (ed.), The Most Learned of the Shi‘a: the Institution of the Marja‘ Taqlid, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2001.

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information that we have and according to some historians,56 apparently Muhammad Mahdi was the first ‘alim to establish a kind of semi-formal structured religious leadership, providing for a specific role for some of his assistants and colleagues: al-Šayh Ğafar Kašif al-$ita’ (1156/1743-1227/1812) would have been in charge of fatwàs, taqlid, and the organisation of duties; ¢usayn al-Nağafi would have been in charge of the functions linked to leading the prayer and would have acted as Bahr al-‘Ulum’s official representative; while Šarif Muhyi ’l-Din would have been in charge of judgment and litigation.57 A last controversial aspect of the activities and life of Muhammad Mahdi is his relation with Sufism. Some historians report that Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al‘Ulum had a propension towards mysticism. Indeed, according to sufi sources, Bahr al‘Ulum was a sympathiser of their activities, although at that time – and since then up to nowdays – they were strongly adversed by the muğtahids.58 Marriage and family: When he died, Muhammad Mahdi left a daughter and two sons, Muhammad and Muhammad Rida.59 The daughter was married with al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Muğahid al-¥abataba’i (d. 1242/1826-1827), a son of al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ‘Ali al-Isfahani known as £ahib al-Riyad (1161/1748-1231/1815), Death: Muhammad Mahdi died in al-Nağaf on Rağab 1212/December 1797-January 1798 at the age of fifty-seven.60 He was buried there, near the grave61 of al-Šayh al-¥usi (d. 460/1067). al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Taqi ibn ¢asan ibn Ibrahim ibn ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Rida ibn Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (ibn Murtadà ibn Muhammad al¢asani al-Buruğirdi ibn ‘Abd al-Karim ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i)62 Birth: Eldest son of Muhammad Taqi, Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ¢usayn was born in al-Nağaf between 1347/1928-2963 and 1348/1929-1930.64 Masters and studies: ¢usayn started his studies with his father.65 When he was ten 56 Litvak, op. cit., p. 47. According to Litvak, Muhammad Mahdi was ‘the first mujtahid recognized as Bihbihani’s undisputed successor in the shrine cities and in the Shi‘i world’ (ibidem, p. 46). However, this recognition did not survive him, neither we have historical elements that might suggest that he tried to perpetuate his model for the future generations. 57 Ibidem, p. 47. 58 Ibidem. However, others point to the campaign that Muhammad Mahdi apparently conducted against the sufis in al-Nağaf and Karbala’, in particular against the Ni‘matullahi order led by Nur ‘Ali Šah. In this respect, McChesney, op. cit., p. 168, sustains that, ‘the successful effort to expel the £ufis from the ‘atabat climaxed his [Muhammad Mahdi] career as the spiritual leader of the Shi‘ites of ‘Iraq’. 59 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 126. 60 Accoding to the “Muqaddima”, p. 116, Muhammad Mahdi died in the year 1312Q, a clear mistake, probably due to the publisher, provided that both the year indicated by Muhsin al-Amin al-‘Amili (A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1951-, vol. 48, p. 164) and the information that he died at the age of fifty-seven both do indicate that he died in 1212Q. 61 al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1951-, vol. 48, p. 164 (or 1403/1983, vol. 10, p. 158). 62 Biographical information, primary sources: Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, pp. 169-172, and an interview with al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum (London, April 14, 2008). Secondary sources: an article published on-line by the AL-Sheeya News Agency on March 06, 2008, related to ¢usayn’s alleged martyrdom, available at http://www.ebaa.net/khaber/archev/khaber025/khaber25.htm. The author of the “Muqaddima” wrote the entry while ¢usayn was still alive, although already in an advanced stage of his life, therefore the information he provides is not exhaustive, although it is copious due to the fact that he contributed, along with Muhammad £adiq (Abu ’l-Mahdi) Bahr al-‘Ulum, to the completion of Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum’s Riğal al-Sayyid Bahr al-‘Ulum, whom the “Muqaddima” was written for, and supposedly was very close to Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum. 63 AL-Sheeya News Agency. 64 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 169. 65 AL-Sheeya News Agency.

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years old, ¢usayn entered the madrasa Muntadà al-Našr. He studied there for five years Arabic sciences, rethoric (bala#a), logic (mantiq), mathematics, ‘aqa’id, and the introduction to usul and fiqh with:66 al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, al-Šayh ‘Ali Tamur, al-Šayh Muhammad al-Šari‘a, and al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Irwani. During this period, he also studied the muqaddamat with masters not involved in Muntadà alNašr. When he was fiftheen, ¢usayn started his sutuh al-usul: al-Ma‘alim with al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Ğawahiri; al-Qawanin with al-Šayh Abu ’l-Qasim al-¥ihrani; the first part of al-Kifaya67 with ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Ruhani; the second part of al-Kifaya with al-Šayh Muhammad Amin Zayn al-Din; and Rasa’il al-Šayh with ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Šayh Muğtabà al-Lankarani. He studied sutuh al-fiqh with the following masters: al-Šara’i‘ with al-Šayh ‘Isà al-¥arfi; the first part of al-Lam‘a with ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Šayh Mirza ‘Ali al-Falsafi; the second part of al-Lam‘a with ¢uğğat al-Islam alSayyid Ahmad al-Aškuri; ¥ahara al-Šayh with Ayatullah al-Šayh Mirza ¢asan al-Yazdi; the first part of Makasib with ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid al-Ruhani; the second part of Makasib with Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn al-Rašti. Moreover, Bahr al-‘Ulum studied sutuh ‘ilm al-kalam: Šarh al-Tağrid li-’l-‘Allama with al-Šayh Muhammad Amin Zayn al-Din; and Šarh Manzuma al-Sabzawari with Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad ¥ahir Al Šayh Radi. In the meanwhile, he also studied tafsir (qur’anic exegesis) and literature with the best ‘ulama’ and literati. When he was 23 years old, he finished the sutuh and began baht al-hariğ. He studied the beginnings of usul with Ayatullah al-Sayyid Mirza ¢asan al-Buğnurdi, and completed it with Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid al-@u’i. Moreover, he studied hariğ al-fiqh with his father, Ayatullah Muhammad Taqi, and wrote a commentary on his lessons, Šarh Tabsira al-‘Allama. Later, he specialised on Šarh al-‘Urwa with Ayatullah al-Marğa‘ al-Sayyid al-¢akim al-¥abataba’i and Ayatullah al-Marğa‘ alSayyid al-@u’i. He obtained several iğazas, among them: al-bina’ al-Šamih li-Šayh al-¥usi from his father and with the help of al-Šayh Nasr Allah al-@alhali. Works: Among his published works there are: the “Introduction” and editorship (taqdim wa tahqiq ‘alà kitab) of Talhis al-Šafi li-Šayh al-¥a’ifa; and the editorship (tahqiq) of Riğal al-Sayyid Bahr al-‘Ulum al-Ma‘ruf bi-’l-Fawa’id al-Riğaliyya, with the collaboration of al-¢uğğa al-Ğalil. Among his unpublished works we find: Šarh Tabsira al-‘Allama, a commentary (taqrir) on his father’s book; some commentaries (taqrir) on the researches of al-Sayyid al-@u’i on usul; a concise exposition (šarh) on his grandfather’s book Manzuma; a commentary (ta‘liqat) on his grandfather’s Diwan; an exposition (šarh) on his grandfather al-Sayyid ¢usayn’s Diwan; an exposition (šarh) on his grandfather al-Sayyid Ibrahim’s Diwan; Ğa‘far al-¥iyar; a Diwan; Riyad wa Ğamila; a collection of his literary works called Kull Šay’. Disciples and teaching: From the 1970s, he started teaching baht al-hariğ.68 He was a renowned ‘leader for the Arab students; someone who was looking after the Arab students […], a mudarrib’.69 Among his students was al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Fadil ibn ‘Abbas al-¢usayni al-Milani (1944-), who moreover ‘used to work and write with him and, indeed, was a kind of son for him’.70 66 Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 169. 67 On Kifaya al-Usul and its role in the hawza see Litvak, op. cit., p. 92. 68 Interview with al-Sayyid Fadil, who pointed out that at that time, ‘as a matter of fact, the Arab students used to be ignored and neglected in al-Nağaf ’. 69 Ibidem. 70 Ibidem.

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Marriage and family: He married two women, one was Šafiqa bint al-Sayyid Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum, a cousin from the mother side.71 He did not have any child.72 Activities : Having published his risala ‘amaliyya after the death of al-Sayyid al-@u’i, ¢usayn was recognised as a marğa‘. Foundations and institutes: He got involved in several projects. In particular, he worked with his uncle al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum for the establishment of Maktaba al-‘Alamayn fi ’l-Nağaf al-Ašraf.73 Moreover, he was in charge of the mosque of al-Šayh al-¥usi, ‘where the graveyard of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family is nearby’.74 Death: ¢usayn died (istašhada) in his house in al-Nağaf on the night of Friday Rabi‘ al-Awwal 30, 1422/June 22, 2001, having been stabbed by an unidentified assultant who had entered the house.75 He was then 75 years old. al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Hadi ibn ‘Ali Naqi ibn Muhammad Taqi ibn Rida ibn Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (ibn Murtadà ibn Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi ibn ‘Abd al-Karim ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i)76 Birth: He was born in al-Nağaf on Rabi‘ al-Tani 17, 1347/October 3, 1928,77 from the marriage between the eldest son of ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum and a daughter of Ayatullah al‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢uğğa al-¥abataba’i. Masters and studies:78 Muhammad began his studies with his father. When he reached al-sutuh and al-hariğ, he studied fiqh and usul with the most renowed masters of al-Nağaf. Among them: al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad al-‘Amili, Arab sciences; alŠayh ‘Abd al-Man‘am al-Firtusi, al-Ma‘ani, Bayan and al-Badi‘; al-Šayh ‘Ali Zayn al-Din, logic and the prolegomena to usul and fiqh; al-Šayh ‘Ali Qassam, fiqh; al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Irwani, fiqh; al-Sayyid £adiq ibn Yasin, usul al-fiqh; al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, usul al-fiqh, comparative fiqh, introductory studies (al-tawğih) to literature (adab); al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, usul al-fiqh and the prolegomena to Islamic philosophy; al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum, al-fiqh al-hariğ; al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi £adiq, Islamic philosophy; al-Šayh Muhammad Amin Zayn al-Din, introductory studies (al-tawğih) to literature (adab) and al-durus al-ahlaqiyya; Ayatullah 71 As far as this lady is concerned, al-Sayyid Fadil added that, ‘she was one of my mother’s closest friends. And I do remember that when she died my mother became very sad and upset. Not only my mother but all the generation from the 1920s, indeed all the family ladies from that generation were born between 1925 and 1930’. 72 Ibidem. 73 Ibidem. al-Sayyid Fadil added that, ‘he tried to enlarge this foundation with al-Mu’assasa al-‘Alamayn or Ma‘had al-‘Alamayn that recently has been reopened in al-Nağaf ’. 74 Ibidem. 75 AL-Sheeya News Agency. 76 Biographical information, primary sources: “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, in Bahr al-‘Ulum, al-Duktur alSayyid Muhammad, ¢isar al-Ayyam, Dar al-Zahra’, Bayrut 1991, pp. 7-23, Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 184 (put together, these sources cover Muhammad’s life up to 1991), and interviews with $anim Ğawad and Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum. Secondary sources: Mallat, Ch., “Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulûm)”, Orient. Deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik und Wirtschaft des Orients-German Journal for Politics and Economics of the Middle East, 34, Jahrgang, No. 3, September 1993, pp. 342-345; Rahe, J.-U., Jens Irakishe Schiiten Im Londoner Exil, Eine Bestandsaufnahme ihrer Organisationen und Untersuchung ihrer Selbsdarstellung (1991-1994), Philosophischen Fakultaet der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitaet zu Bonn, 1995, pp. 109-119. 77 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, p. 7, reports both the Islamic and Gregorian date. It reports that he was born on Rabi‘ al-Tani 17, 1347, correspondent to January 17, 1927. However, Rabi‘ al-Tani 17, 1347 corresponds to October 3, 1928 (and not January 17, 1927). I chose to privilege the mention of the Islamic date, in the presumption that it should be more accurate. 78 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, pp. 8-9.

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al-‘Uzmà al-Šayh ¢usayn al-¢illi, introductory studies (al-tawğih) to general culture (altaqafi al-‘amm). Having completed his hawza sudies in al-Nağaf, Bahr al-‘Ulum pursued the following academinc studies: a Bachelor in Arab Sciences and Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliyya al-Fiqh in al-Nağaf, University of Ba#dad; a Master in Islamic Šari‘a with a thesis on al-Iğtihad: Usuluhu wa Ahkamuhu at Ma‘had al-Dirasat al-Islamiyya (Center of Islamic Studies) at the University of Ba#dad (1969), and a Master in Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliya al-Ilahiyat at the Univerity of Tehran (1970). Finally, in 1980 he obtained a PhD in Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliyya Dar al-‘Ilm, University of al-Qahira. Works:79 al-Kindi al-Filusuf al-‘Arabi, a study on the historical aspect of al-Kindi’s philosophy (published for the first time in al-Nağaf in 1962, 280p); Adwa’ ‘alà Qanun al-Ahwal al-Šahsiyya al-‘Iraqi, a study on personal law in the perspective of the five Islamic madahib (published for the first time in al-Nağaf in 1964, 200p); ‡ahaya al-‘Aqqida, a historical study on narrative writing (published for the first time in al-Nağaf in 1966, 150p); Muwaqqaf ¢asima fi Sabil al-Tadhiya wa ’l-Fada’, a collection of stories (qisas) on the biography of the fedayeen for the Islamic faith (al-‘aqida) (published for the first time in Iraq in 1967, 130p); Bayna Yaday al-Rasul al-A‘zam, a presentation of the life of the Prophet through the study of the biography of some of his companions (published by Dar al-Zahra’, Bayrut, in three volumes: the first in 1972 (200p), the second in 1975 (175p), and the third in 1979 (260p); Min Madrasa al-Imam ‘Ali, a historical study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1973, 200p); Fi Rihab al-Sayyida Zaynab, a historical study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 220p); Fi Rihab A’imma Ahl al-Bayt (al-Imam ‘Ali), a historical-political study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1978, 300p); al-Šahada ‘alà al-Zawağ wa ’l-¥alaq wa ’l-Rağa‘a, a study on comparative law (published for the first time in 1977, 110p); al-Iğtihad, Usuluhu wa Ahkamuhu, his Master thesis, a study on usul al-fiqh and the sources (masadir) of šari‘a and iğtihad (published for the first time in 1977, 300p); ‘Uyub al-Irada fi ’l-Šari‘a al-Islamiyya, his PhD thesis, a study on comparative and positive law (published for the first time in 1984, 870p); ¢ağar ibn ‘Adi Lisan ¢aqq wa Ramz Fada’, a historical-political study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1982, 230p); al-¢ağğağ, Sayf al-Umawiyyin fi ’l-‘Iraq, a historical-political study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1986, 122p); Masdar al-Tašri‘ li-Nizam al¢ukm fi ’l-Islam, a collection of articles (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 205p); Dalil al-‘Aql bayna ’l-Silb wa ’l-Iğab, a study on usul (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 70p); al-Usra fi Fiqh al-Imam al-£adiq, a lesson (muhadara) on fiqh, sociology, and family law (ahkam) in Islam (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 50p); al-Aš‘ariyun fi Qum, a historical study (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 25p); Masdar al-Tašri‘ li-Nizam al-¢ukm fi ’l-Islam, a study on fiqh (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 30p); Muqawwamat al-Muğtami‘ al-Insani min @ilala Sura al-Nisa’, a study on social tafsir (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1977, 35p); Humum fi Dikr al-Mawlid al-Nabawi, a lesson (muhadara) on history and politics (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1982, 48p); £ira‘ al-¢aqq wa ’l-Batil bayna ’l-Ams wa ’l-Yawm, a lesson (muhadara) (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1982, 67p); Tawra al-Imam al-¢usayn wa Ab‘aduha, a lesson (muhadara) on religious guidance (tawğihiyya) (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1984, 62p); al-‘Ibada wa Ataruha fi Maf humayha al-Fardi wa ’lŠumuli, wa Ataruhuma fi £iya#a al-Šahsiyya al-Islamiyya, a lesson (muhadara) on religious 79 Ibidem, pp. 14-23.

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guidance (tawğihiyya) (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1984, 46p); al-¢araka alIslamiyya wa Mawqif al-Fard al-Muslim fi ’l-Waqt al-Rahin min Awlawiyyat al-‘Amal al-Islami, a lesson (muhadara) on religion and politics (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1984, 56p); Dawr al-Imam al-£adiq fi Masira al-Da‘wa al-Islamiyya, a study on history and religion (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1984, 87p); al-Ğihad, Turabiyya Islamiyya wa Dawruna min Mawqi‘ al-Mas’uliyya, a lesson (muhadara) on religion and politics (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1984, 60p); Dawr al-Kafa’at al-‘Iraqiyya, a study on politics and society (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1985, 36); al-Sunna al-Nabawiyya bayna ’l-Nazariyya wa ’l-Tatbiq, a lesson (muhadara) on history and religion (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1985, 65p); Dawr al-A’imma fi ’l-Masira alIslamiyya, a study on history and religion (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1985, 53); al-Muškila al-Tarbawiyya wa Ahamm Malamih ¢ululiha min Wağha al-Nazar al-Islamiyya, a lesson (muhadara) on history, religion and pedagogy (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1988, 62p); Qadiyyatuna wa Ma’sat al-¢ukm, a lesson (muhadara) on politics (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1988, 29p); al-Maf hum al-Islami li-’lTa‘awn bayna ’l-Muslimin fi Sabil Allah, a lesson (muhadara) on pedagogy and Islam (published for the first time in Bayrut in 1988, 41p); al-Ihtikar wa Ahkamuhu fi ’l-Šari‘a al-Islamiyya, a study on comparative law (published in the Lebanese review al-Muntaliq in 1982, 20p); Dirasa ‘an ¢ayat al-Šayh Muhammad ‘Ali al-Ya‘qubi (published in al-Nağaf in 1968, 100p); Dirasa ‘an ¢ayat al-Katib al-‘Iraqi al-Šayh Muhammad al-@alili (published in al-Nağaf in 1968, 80p); al-Dirasa al-‘Ilmiyya f i ’l-Nağaf al-Ašraf, a study on history (published in Bayrut, 100p); Nazariyya ¢udut al-‘Alam, a study in philosophy (published on the review al-Nağaf in 1965, 30p); al-¢asan wa ’l-¢usayn Imaman, a lesson (muhadara) on history (published in Bayrut in 1979, 60p); Nazra f i Ši‘r al-¢usayn ibn al-¢ağğağ, a study on literature (published on the review al-Hadi in Qom, 45p); al-Ši‘r al-¢urr, Tarihuhu wa Ğuduruhu, a study on literature (published on the review al-Nağaf in 1964, 30p); al-Ša‘ir al-¥umuh, a study on literature on al-Šarif al-Radi (appeared in Turatuna, a periodical published by Mu’assasa Al al-Bayt li-Ihiya’ al-Turat, number 5, first year, 1406/ 1985-1986, 51p); Ma‘a al-Mu’allifin wa ’l-Kuttab, a study on the life of some writers for whose works he had written a muqaddima. Studies on authors and works: ¢ayat Ibn al-Ğawzi, ‘Abd al-Rahman, published along with Ahbar al-Z.iraf wa ’l-Mutamağinin, 50p; ¢ayat al-Maqrizi, Ahmad ibn ‘Ali, published along with al-Nuqud al-Islamiyya, 80p; ¢ayat al-¢asan ibn Muhammad ibn ¢abib al-Nisaburi, published along with ‘Uqala’ al-Mağanin, (16p); ¢ayat Ibn £a‘ad al-Andalusi, published along with ¥abaqat al-Umam (al-Nağaf, 1963, 20p); ¢ayat al-Maqrizi, Ahmad ibn ‘Ali, published along with al-Nazza‘ wa ’l-Tahasim ma bayna Amina wa Hašim (alNağaf, 1965, 30p); ¢ayat Abu ’l-Yaman al-Qadi Mağir al-Din al-¢anbali, published along with al-Anis al-Ğalil bi-Tarih al-Quds wa ’l-@alil (al-Nağaf,l 1968, 27p); ¢ayat Baha’ alDin al-‘Amili, published along with al-Kaškul (Bayrut, 1983, 71p); ¢ayat Abi Mansur Ahmad ibn ‘Ali Abi ¥alib al-¥abarsi min ‘Ulama’ al-Qarn al-Sadis al-Hiğri, published along with al-Ihtiğağ (Bayrut, 1385/1965-66, 10p); ¢ayat al-Marhum al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah Šabbar, published along with al-Ğawhar al-Tamin f i Tafsir al-Qur’an al-Mabin (Bayrut, 1986, 46p); ¢ayat al-Marhum al-Ustad Ahmad Amin al-Katib al-‘Iraqi, published along with Ihtarna lak (Bayrut, Dar al-Zahra’ 1982, 50p); Ta‘rif ‘an Mağami‘ al-¢adit alNabawi, published along with the translation of Min Masnad Ahl al-Bayt (Bayrut, 1987, 30p); ¢ayat al-Imam al-Muğaddid al-Sayyid Mirza ¢asan al-Širazi, published along with Taqrirat fi Usul al-Fiqh; Muqaddima to Hak minna Dama’na ya ‘Iraq, a diwan written by

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al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-£adr, on the occasion of the death (šahada) of al-Sayyid Mahdi al-¢akim. Works edited by (muhaqqiqa): Iman Abi ¥alib, libro al-¢uğğa ‘alà al-Dahab ilà Iman Abi ¥alib by Fahhar ibn Ma‘ad al-Musawi (a work of the sixth century from the hiğra) (2nd ed., al-Nağaf 1965; 3rd ed., Bayrut 1987; al-Nuqud wa ’l-Islamiyya, a work better known with the title Šudur al-‘Uqud fi Dikr al-Nuqud by Taqi ’l-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Ali al-Maqrizi (d. 845/1441-42) (1st ed., al-Nağaf 1967; last ed., Bayrut 1988); Ahbar al-Z.iraf wa ’l-Mutamağinin by ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad al-Ğawzi (d. 597/1200-01) (2nd ed., Bayrut 1968); ‘Uqala’ al-Mağanin by al-¢asan ibn Muhammad ibn ¢abib al-Naysaburi (d. 406/1015-16) (2nd ed., al-Nağaf 1968); Našwa al-Salafa wa Mahall al-Idafa by Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Bišara al-@iqani (a work of the twelfth century from hiğra) (al-Nağaf 1970). Forthcoming (f i tariqihi li-’l-matba‘a): al-Mas’uliyya al-Risaliyya; ¢isad al-Ayyam, a collection of studies and articles in two volumes; al-Ahbariyya, Usuluha wa Tatawwuruha, a historical study on law (fiqh); al-Tafsir wa ’l-Mufassirun ‘inda ’l-Imamiyya, a lesson (muhadara); £ulh al-¢udaybiyya bayna ’l-Taktik wa ’l-Istratigiyya, a lesson (muhadara); Sira al-Nabi (s) wa A’imma Ahl al-Bayt bayna Sayf al-¢akim wa ‡amir al-Mu’arrih, a study on history; Tarih al-Fiqh al-Islami, Manba‘uhu wa Tatwiruhu, a study on the history of Islamic law (published on the review Risala al-Islam, Ba#dad); Buhut Fiqhiyya, a collection of studies on comparative law (among Islamic madhabs); Ma‘a al-Imam al-¢usayn f i ‘Ašra Muharram, a collection of twelve lessons (muhadara) held at Markaz Ahl al-Bayt al-Islami in London on the occasion of ‘Ašura’, Muharram 1407/1986; al-Mar’a alWa‘iyya Miftah al-Muğtama‘ al-Islami, a comparative lesson (muhadara) on women’s rights in Islam and in other religions; Lamahat min al-£ira‘ al-Siyasi f i ’l-Islam, al-‘Ahd alUmawi, a general history study. In manuscript (al-mahtuta): al-Tarih al-Siyasi li-’l-Dawla al-Fatimiyya, one volume; al-Ma‘z li-Din Allah al-Fatimi, a historical study; al-‘Aziz bi-’llah al-Fatimi, a historical study; al-Isma‘iliyya, Usuluha wa Tarihuha; al-Mitr fi ’l-Ši‘r al-‘Arabi; Tarih al-Kufa, Tatimma li-Tarih al-Kufa – li-’l-Baraqi –, a historical study; Tawhid al-Mufaddal Umm al-Ğahiz, a literary study; Diwan al-£ahib ibn ‘Abbad; Ibn al-Nadim wa ’l-Fihrist; Min Huna wa Hunak, a collection of articles on history, literature, and poetry; Min A‘lamina, a study on the life of some ‘ulama’ such as al-Šayh al-Mufid, al-Sayyid Murtadà, and al-Šayh al-¥usi; al-Farazdaq wa ’l-Mawqif al-‘Aqa’idi, a study on history and literature. Marriage and family: He married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-Širazi. They had a son, al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ibrahim, and a daughter, £adiqa, who married al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib ibn Muhsin al-¢akim.80 Activities: Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum worked as a professor of Arabic and fiqh at alĞami‘a al-‘Ilmiyya in al-Nağaf and as a professor of tafsir at Kulliya Usul al-Din in Ba#dad (from 1967 to 1969). Later, he worked as judge of personal law (al-ahwal al-šahsiyya) in Kuwait (from 1971 to 1977). Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum has had an intense political activity. At the beginning of his life, this was particularly linked to the activities of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970), for whose private office he worked between 1964 and 1970. More80 Interview with al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum (London, April 14, 2008). Fadil affirmed that Muhammad’s daughter married al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib al-¢akim, without specifying her name. However, “alMu’allif fi Sutur” reports that he had only a daughter and, on the other hand, Wiley reports that a daughter of Muhammad, £adiqa (aged 36), was killed in the March 1991 Intifada in Iraq (The Islamic Movement, p. 166); therefore it seems legitimate to assume that al-Sayyida £adiqa got married with al-Sayyid ‘Abd al£ahib al-¢akim.

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over, these activities were linked to those of al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr and a group of five persons led by al-Sayyid Mahdi al-¢akim that Baqir al-£adr organised in order to carry out his activities.81 As a consequence of his political activites, the Iraqi authorities issued an arrest warrant and Bahr al-‘Ulum decided to leave Iraq. Therefore, he went to Kuwait, and later to al-Qahira and Bayrut. At the end of the 1970s, he went to Tehran. Later he went again to Kuwait, where he remained until 1978. In that year, the Kuwait authorities suggested to him to leave the country because of the risk of being captured by the Iraqi regime.82 Muhammad went back to al-Qahira, where he remained until 1980. In that year, he moved to London. Once in London, Muhammad worked as a muğtahid for the Ši‘i centres and foundations there. In London, in 1982,83 Bahr al-‘Ulum established Markaz Ahl al-Bayt al-Islami84 with Mahdi al-¢akim ‘in order to continue his ğihad’. In 1988, following Mahdi’s assassination in Sudan, Muhammad directed the Foundation alone until its closure in 1993. Through this centre he carried out religious and political activites, particularly with the organisation of conferences and public lessons (muhadara) every Sunday night. Moreover, the Centre was used as a Friday mosque, and Muhammad used to lead the prayer. Again with the participation of al-Sayyid Mahdi al-¢akim, Bahr al-‘Ulum had also established Rabita Ahl al-Bayt al-‘Alamiyya al-Islamiyya.85 In London, Muhammad became a leading figure for the Ši‘i expatriate community of Iraq. He took part in several conferences in Great Britain, Europe and the United States. In particular, in March 1991 he was in the USA, where he held spechees in Congress, at the Council on Foreign Relations (New York), and at Harvard University.86 From 1992 Bahr al-‘Ulum focused his attention more and more on his political activities. In a meeting held in £alah al-Din (North Iraq) in October 1992 he was elected member of the triumvirate forming the Presidency of the Iraqi National Congress. This lead him to meet the British Prime Minister (March 1993), John Major; the National Security Adviser of the US Administration (April 1993), Anthony Lake, its Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, and its Vice-President, Albert Gore; and the Dutch Foreign Minister (April 1993).87 Following the fall of the regime of £addam ¢usayn, Muhammad was appointed as a member of the Iraqi Governing Council put together by the usa Administration after its seizure of the country (2003). Moreover, he was the first President of this Council (from July 13 to August 1, 2003). In August 2003, Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum resigned from his position following the assassination of Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim in al-Nağaf. However, later he went back to his position within the igc, and held again its presidency from March 1 to April 2004. Foundations and institutes:88 He participated in the foundation of several cultural institutes. Among them: Ğam‘iyya al-Rabita al-Adabiyya in al-Nağaf, of which he was president between 1967 and 1970; Ğam‘iyya Muntadà al-Našr, of which he was a member since 1958 and that had a paramount role in the Islamic and reformist Ši‘i movement in Iraq; Ğam‘iyya al-Kuttab wa ’l-Mu’allifin al-‘Iraqiyyin, of which he was a member since 81 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, p. 10. 82 Mallat, “Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum”, p. 343, reports that, more than following a suggestion by the Kuwaiti authorities, Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum in fact left Kuwait because he ‘was not feeling at ease in a Kuwait which was increasingly supportive of Iraqi policies in the region [i.e. repression of the ‘ulama’]’. 83 Mallat, “Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum”, p. 343. 84 Rahe, Jens Irakishe Schiiten Im Londoner Exil, pp. 55-58. 85 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, pp. 12-13. 86 Mallat, “Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum”, p. 344. 87 Ibidem. 88 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, p. 10.

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1960; Usra al-Adab al-Yaqaz in al-Nağaf, of which he was a founding member; Ğam‘iyya al-‘Atabat al-Muqaddasa, established in 1966 and of which he was a founding member; Mu’assasa al-Imam al-¢akim al-Taqafiyya in al-Nağaf, established in 1965 and of which he was a founding member; Kulliyya al-Fiqh in al-Nağaf, since 1960; Kulliyya Usul al-Din, University of Ba#dad, 1964; Ğami‘a al-Kufa al-Manhala, of which he was a founding member in 1966; Markaz Ahl al-Bayt al-Islami in London; Rabita Ahl al-Bayt al-‘Alamiyya al-Islamiyya in London.

al-¢akims The al-¢akim is a ¥abataba’i family. In his biography of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970), ‘Adnan Ibrahim al-Sarrağ reports that the family (usra) Al ¢akim traces its origins (tantasibu ‘ilà) back to al-Sayyid Ibrahim al-¥abataba’i, known as al-$amar (al-ma‘ruf bi-’l-$amar).89 He reports Muhsin al-¢akim’s lineage as such, Muhsin ibn Mahdi ibn £alih ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud ibn Ibrahim ibn ‘Ali ibn Murad90 ibn Asad Allah ibn Ğalal al-Din ibn ¢asan ibn Mağd al-Din ibn Qiwam al-Din ibn Isma‘il Abi ’l-Mukaram ibn ‘Abbad ibn Abi ’l-Mağd ‘Ali ibn ‘Abbad ibn ‘Ali ibn ¢amza ibn Ishaq ibn ¥ahir ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad Ibrahim ibn Isma‘il al-Dibağ ibn Ibrahim al-$amar ibn al-¢asan al-Mutannà ibn alImam Abi Muhammad al-¢asan ibn al-Imam ‘Ali91 (note added).

The šuhra (ma‘ruf bi) of the al-¢akims is quite old. It derives from the position of a member of the family, al-Sayyid (al-Amir) ‘Ali ibn Murad ibn Miršah Asad Allah al-¥abataba’i as doctor (hakim) at the court of Šah ‘Abbas I al£afawi (reg. 1588-1629).92 The eminence of this family in contemporary history is linked to the role and activities of Muhsin al-¢akim, marğa‘ al-taqlid of a quite large part of the Arab Ši‘as in the 60s of the last century. Moreover, Muhsin’s sons were among the most important leaders of the reformists and Islamic movements that opposed the Ba‘tist regime in Iraq.93 Undoubtedly relevant was al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, leader and founder of al-Mağlis al-A‘là li-’lTawra al-Islamiyya f i ’l-‘Iraq, an organisation that following the overthrow of £addam has become one of the most important party-movements of the Iraqi political scenario (following the Anglo-American invasion of Iran, the 89 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 21. He mentions that his source is al-¢ilu, ‘Amir, al-Nağaf al-Ašraf @awatir wa Dikrayat, Dimašq 1402/1982, p. 44. 90 The family trees of the al-¢akims and Bahr al-‘Ulums do converge on this figure. In this respect, there are some differences between the family trees of these two families as reported in al-Sarrağ, op. cit., and Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”. For the details refer to notes 3, 4, 5 and 6 at p. 30. 91 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 21. He mentions as his primary sources ¢irz al-Din, Muhammad, Ma‘arif alRiğal fi Tarağim al-‘Ulama’ wa ’l-Udaba’, al-Nağaf 1964, vol. 2, pp. 85-7; and al-Aškuri al-¢usayni, Ahmad, al-Imam al-¢akim al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¥abataba’i, al-Nağaf 1384/1965, p. 17. 92 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 21. He mentions that his primary source is al-Amini, Muhammad Hadi, Mu‘ğam Riğal al-Fikr wa ’l-Adab fi ’l-Nağaf @ilala Alf ‘Amm, al-Nağaf 1964, pp. 130-33. 93 Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 153-154.

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organisation changed its name in al-Mağlis al-A‘là al-Islami al-‘Iraqi and, moreover, following the assassination of Muhammad Baqir in 2003, it was directed by his brother ‘Abd al-‘Aziz until 2008, when it passed under the direction of ‘Abd al-‘Aziz’s son ‘Ammar). al-Sayyid Mahdi al-¢akim, another son of Muhsin, was a leader of the Alid and Ši‘i diaspora in Britain and co-founder of the first Ši‘i Islamic Centre in London under the direction of a Nağafi muğtahid. An inevitable consequence of his leadership of the already mentioned al-Da‘wa al-Islamiyya was that apparently Mahdi was among the first ‘ulama’ to go into exile, together with his friend and brother-in-law al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum.94 The choice made by Mahdi was in sharp contrast with the one undertaken by his brother Muhammad Baqir, who went into exile to Tehran and built a strong relationship with the Iranian revolutionary elites. Mahdi’s choice would however prove to be a winning one and it led to the a certain amount of “Westernisation” of the Ši‘i geographical framework.95 The preeminence of this family in Ši‘as’ history, particularly in the second half of the last century, is proved by numerous facts, as demonstrated by the following overview: – ‘Ali ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i, known as al-¢akim, was the special (viğe) doctor of Šah ‘Abbas I al-£afawi (1571-1629, reg. 1588-1629). – Having accepted the invitation of the Ši‘as of Bint Ğibayl (in return for two hundred Ottoman liras), Mahdi al-¢akim (d. 1312/1894-95) left al-Nağaf and settled in that region becoming one of its religious leaders. (It is worth mentioning that they had requested either him or al-Sayyid Isma‘il al-£adr (1258/1842-1337/1919)). – Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970) was the most important marğa‘ of the 1960s, and his marğa‘iyya represented a turning point for both the reformist movement within the hawza and the birth of the Ši‘i Islamic groups in Iraq. – During the regime of £addam an impressive number of members of this family were imprisoned and/or killed. In 1983, around ninety members of the family aged between nine and seventy-six years were reportedly arrested following the estab94 See the list of Known Da‘wa Party Initiators and Leading Members, 1958-1959, reported by Jaber, The Shi‘ite Movement in Iraq, pp. 97-98. 95 This phenomenon would reach its apex after the end of the war between Iraq and Iran (1980-88), when the situation of the Iraqi opposition changed radically, putting on a second level the previous preminent role played by the opposition movements based in Tehran (see Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 153-154). Moreover, I should point out that, according to my oral sources, Mahdi did not approve the doctrinal elaborations of al-Sayyid al-@umayni, or at least their adaptability to the Iraqi situation, marking a further difference with his brother Muhammad Baqir (interview with ‘Abd al-Hadi al¢akim and his sons in their house in London, December 2006). Here I should also underline that the choice to go to London made by Mahdi was probably a natural consequence of the Iraqi colonial history that saw the British as absolute protagonists. In this respect, his father, the marğa‘ Muhsin al-¢akim had already gone there in 1970 in order to receive medical treatments (Luizard, P.-J., “The Nature of the Confrontation Between the State and Marja‘ism: Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim and the Ba‘th”, in Jaber (ed.), pp. 90-100, p. 99). Muhsin’s choice was to be repeated by his successors, al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani.

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lishment of al-Mağlis al-A‘là.96 Later, in 1985, other ten members of the family were reportedly killed.97 This element is sustained by a list of 111 members of the family jailed or simply disappeared during the former regime provided to me by al-Duktur ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim (1939-) (he was himself jailed from 1983 until 1991).98 Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1358/1939-1424/2003) was among the founders of al-Mağlis al-A‘là (1982). Born as an umbrella organisation, al-Mağlis was soon monopolised by Muhammad Baqir, and became exclusive expression of the al-¢akim family. After the fall of £addam’s regime, this party-group has become one of the most important political players of the Middle East and a close ally of the usa in the region. Muhammad Sa‘id al-¢akim (1354/1936-) currently is a major marğa‘ of al-Nağaf and is considered by some sources as a possible successor of ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-) as the leading marğa‘ of the Ši‘as worldwide. Following his brother’s assassination (August 2003), ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (19502009) became the leader of al-Mağlis al-A‘là. In January and December 2005, he successfully participated in the Iraqi elections as Leader of al-I’tilaf al-‘Iraqi al-Muwahhid (United Iraqi Alliance). Son of ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009) and al-Sayyida ‘Aliya bint Muhammad Hadi al-£adr, in 2003 ‘Ammar al-¢akim (1971-) established Mu’assasa Šahid al-Mihrab (www.alhakimfd.org) an international organisation. Based in al-Nağaf with branches in New York and Geneva, it has 15 main offices, 80 local offices and around 500 educational, cultural and humanitarian centres all over Iraq. In 2007, it got the Special Consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. Currently, ‘Ammar is the leader of the United Iraqi Alliance, the president of alMağlis al-A‘là and the de facto commander of Munazzama Badr (Badr Organisation of Reconstruction and Development, former military wing of al-Mağlis al-A‘là, previously known as Badr Brigade). Samples of al-¢akims ’ biographies

al-Sayyid Muhsin ibn Mahdi ibn £alih ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud ibn Ibrahim ibn al-Amir ‘Ali al-¢akim (ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i)99 96 Luizard, “The Nature of the Confrontation Between the State and Marja‘ism”, p. 99. A source, presumably close to the al-¢akim family, reports that in that year Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al¢akim was imprisoned together with 71 male members of the family (Kazmi, Z., “Ayatollah Muhammad Taqi Al-Hakim: A Shi’a Muslim Religious Leader With a Mission to Modernise, His Life Mirrored the Persecution of His Faith by the Iraqi Government”, Obituary appeared on the The Guardian, May 2, 2002, http://www.guardian.co.uk/obituaries/story/0,3604, 708443,00.html). 97 Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 185. 98 The list was provided in Arabic, and was reportedly compiled by one of ‘Abd al-Hadi’s sons. It mentions several details of the figures listed, such as the members family relationships, the period they spent in jail, and, in some cases, the occasion in which they were jailed (in an important number of cases the 1991 Iraqi Intifada). The figures provided by this family are largely confirmed by several reports of Amnesty International (Amnesty International Report, New York 1987-90; 1994, and 2002; Iraq: Bambini Vittime Innocenti della Repressione Politica, Rome 1989; and Iraq: Human Rights Violations Since the Uprising, London, July 1991). Moreover, Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, note 65, p. 69, provides a brief list of members of this family killed by £addam. For an on-line reference, very well done is the list available at www.alhakeem-iraq.net/index.php?id=1 (accessed on January 21, 2011) which features eighteen members of the al-¢akims along with their biographies and pictures. 99 Biographical information, primary sources: al-Sarrağ, op. cit.; al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1986, vol. 9, p. 56; Tabarra’iyan, £afa’ al-Din, Ehiyagar-e ¢owze-ye Nağaf, Zendegi va Zamane-ye Ayatollah al-‘Ozmà Seyyed Mohsen ¢akim, Markaz-e Asnad-e Enqelab-e Eslami, Tehran 1387Š/2008; Golšan-e Abrar, pp. 717-726;

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Birth: Muhsin al-¢akim was born in al-Nağaf, on the day of ‘Ayd al-Fitr 1306/1889.100 Childhood: The sources report that when he was still a child ‘his father went back to Lebanon’, where he died in 1312/1895.101 At that time, Muhsin was six years old. Then, his bigger brother Mahmud, and, among the others, his brother-in-law al-Sayyid Ahmad al-¢akim, a well known ‘alim in Ba#dad, took care of him.102 Masters and studies: When he was nine years old, Muhsin started his studies with his brother Mahmud. With him he studied literature, logic and parts of fiqh and usul.103 Later, he studied with al-Šayh £adiq ibn ¢ağğ Mas‘ud al-Bahbahani and with al-Šayh £adiq al-Ğawahir. He was also a student of Ahund al-@urasani. He attended his lessons of dars al-hariğ for three years. In 1287Š/1908-1909, following the death of al-@urasani, he attended two series of the classes on usul of Aqa ‡iya’ al-Din al-‘Iraqi. Then, he attended the classes on fiqh of al-Šayh ‘Ali Baqir al-Ğawahiri. Later on, he studied with Mirza Muhammad ¢usayn al-Na’ini and with al-Sayyid Muhammad Sa‘id al-Hububi.104 Marriage and family: He had two wives and fourteen children, ten sons and four daughters. From the Iraqi wife, his cousin from the mother’s side (bint hala), he had Yusuf, Muhammad Rida, and three daughters. From the Lebanese wife,105 a member of al-¢ağğ ¢asan al-Bazi’s family, in Bint Ğibayl, he had a daughter and eight sons: Muhammad Mahdi, Muhammad Kazim, Muhammad Baqir, ‘Abd al-Hadi, ‘Abd al£ahib, ‘Ila’ al-Din, Muhammad ¢usayn, and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. Two of his sons, Mahdi and ‘Abd al-£ahib, respectively married a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum and a daughter of his son al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz married alSayyida ‘Aliya bint Muhammad al-Hadi al-£adr (and sister of ¢usayn al-£adr, 1945-). One of Muhsin’s daughters married an Alid from the Bahr al-‘Ulum family.106 Activities: Following the death of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Isfahani and of Ayatullah al‘Uzmà al-Buruğirdi, he became the most followed marğa‘ of the 1960s. His marğa‘iyya was particularly characterised by his involvement in the establishment of al-Da‘wa alIslamiyya and of Ğama‘a al-‘Ulama’, and by the strong stances of the Nağafi religious and  the website of Maktaba al-Imam al-¢akim al-‘Amma (http://alhakeemlib.org/WebPages/About. aspx?ld=1). 100 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 22, and al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1986, vol. 9, p. 56. The former mentions that his sources are: al-Amin, ibidem; al-Aškuri al-¢usayni, Ahmad, al-Imam al-¢akim al-Sayyid Muhsin al¥abataba’i, al-Nağaf 1384/1965, p. 17; and Al Faqih al-‘Amili, Ğami‘a al-Nağaf fi ‘Asriha al-¢adir, p. 11. He also reports that al-Zarkali sustains that, in fact, al-¢akim was born in Bint Ğibayl, Lebanon, and that he later moved to al-Nağaf for studying and finally settled there (al-Zirkili, @ayr al-Din, al-A‘lam: Qamus Tarağim li-Ašhar al-Riğal wa ’l-Nisa’ min al-‘Arab wa ’l-Musta‘ribin wa ’l-Mustašriqin, Bayrut 1980, vol. 2, p. 290). He points out that, ‘if they [the sources] were wrong in the determination of the birth place, then their affirmations would not be all the same hurried, otherwise the lack of signs about his [al-¢akim] presence in the south of Lebanon when he was a child could be explained only through the will to keep him into hiding (#a’iban)’. 101 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 23. He mentions as his primary source Al Faqih al-‘Amili, op. cit., pp. 10-12. 102 al-Sarrağ, ibidem, affirms that this information was provided by Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim during a conversation in Tehran, on June 26, 1986. 103 Golšan-e Abrar, p. 717. 104 Ibidem. 105 She was a sister of the mother of al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah (Tabarra’iyan, £afa’ alDin, Marğa‘-e ‘Asr Ayatollah al-‘Ozmà ¢akim be Revayat-e Tasvir, Markaz-e Asnad-e Enqelab-e Eslami, Tehran, Bahar 1389Š/June 2010, p. 293). 106 Interview with al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum (London, April 14, 2008). Fadil underlined that the wife of the other son of al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim – other than Mahdi – got married with one of his cousins (and therefore also cousin of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum). Furthermore, he pointed out that a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim married one of his father’s cousins.

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establishment against the Communist Party. In this respect, al-¢akim diffused a famous fatwà in which he equated the membership to this party to apostasy. During his marğa‘iyya, Muhsin founded and established numerous mosques, libraries, and schools. Death: He died on Rabi‘ al-Awwal 27, 1390/June 2, 1970.107 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn Sa‘id ibn ¢usayn ibn Mustafà al-¢akim108 Birth: Son of al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-¢akim (d. 1395/1975), Muhammad Taqi was born in alNağaf, in 1339/1921.109 Masters and studies: When he was young, he studied Arabic grammar, history, fiqh, logic (mantiq), rhetoric (bala#a), usul al-fiqh and philosophy (falsafa) with: his brother alSayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-¢akim (d. 1410/1989-90), al-Šayh Nur al-Din al-Ğaza’iri, al-Sayyid £adiq al-Sayyid [i.e. ibn] Yasin, al-Šayh ‘Ali Tamir, al-Sayyid Yusuf al-¢akim (d. 1411/1990-91), al-Sayyid ¢asan al-¢akim (d. 1394/1974), al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali al¢akim, al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, and al-Sayyid Musà al-Ğasani.110 When he reached the level to follow the lessons of baht al-hariğ, Muhammad Taqi started studying fiqh and usul with: Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim, al-Sayyid Abu ’lQasim al-@u’i (d. 1413/1992), al-Šayh ¢usayn al-¢illi (d. 1395/1975), and al-Sayyid Mirza ¢asan al-Buğnurdi (d. 1395/1975). Moreover, he studied philosophy (falsafa) with alŠayh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar and al-Sayyid Mirza ¢asan al-Buğnurdi.111 Disciples and teaching: From 1944 to 1958, he worked as a professor at Kulliyya Muntadà al-Našr, where he taught grammar (nahw), sarf, rethoric (bala#a), literature (adab), history, fiqh, and usul.112 From 1958 to 1979, Muhammad Taqi worked as a professor at Kulliyya al-Fiqh, teaching almost all the disciplines of its curriculum. Moreover, he worked as a professor at the hawza in al-Nağaf. There, he taught fiqh and usul of alsutuh al-‘aliya and, later on, those of baht al-hariğ.113 He was expert in fiqh and was particualry renowned for teaching al-Šayh Murtadà al-Ansari’s al-Makasib and al-Šayh Muhammad Kazim al-@urasani’s al-Kifaya.114 Furthermore, Muhammad Taqi was an 107 As I pointed out earlier in this chapter, interesting appears that, having become ill, al-¢akim went to London in order to receive medical treatment, a choice that was made also by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and ‘Ali al-Sistani. 108 Biographical information, primary sources: al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim wa ¢arakatuhu alIslahiyya fi ’l-Nağaf, Ma‘ad al-Dirasat al-‘Arabiyya wa ’l-Islamiyya, London 2003, particularly pp. 11-17; a biography available on the website www.14mason.com (at http://www.14masom.com/aalem-balad/13/13.htm, accessed on December 31, 2007); and an interview with ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim, son of Muhammad Taqi, in his house in London (December 2006). Secondary sources: Kazmi, Z., “Ayatollah Muhammad Taqi Al-Hakim: A Shi’a Muslim Religious Leader With a Mission to Modernise”, obituary appeared on The Guardian, May 2, 2002 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/obituaries/story/0,3604,708443,00. html); an article, dated April 30, 2007, entitled “al-Asala wa ’l-Tağdid fi Fikr al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim … al-Mihwar al-Tarihi” about the Second Conference in Memory of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, held at the Faculty of Law of the University of al-Kufa, available on the website of Al Belagh Media Center (http://www.belagh.com/news.asp?id=5&sld=3026). I have information about at least two other works written about Muhammad Taqi, however I did not have access to them: Makki, al-Duktur Muhammad Kazim, Min Tamarat al-Nağaf fi ’l-Fiqh wa ’l-Falsafa wa ’l-Usul, al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, Dar al-Zahra’, Bayrut 1991, and Zahid, al-Duktur ‘Abd al-Amir, al-Tanzir al-Manhaği ‘inda ’l-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001. 109 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 11; http://www.14masom.com/aalem-balad/13/13.htm; and “al-Asala wa ’l-Tağdid”. However, Kazmi, “Ayatollah Muhammad Taqi Al-Hakim”, reports that he was born in July 1924. 110 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 11. 111 Ibidem. 112 Ibidem, p. 12. 113 Ibidem. 114 Ibidem.

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expert in comparative law (in the sense of the different madhabs). Several of his students wrote commentaries (taqrir) on his lessons.115 In 1388/1968-69, he began teaching ‘ilm al-qawa‘id al-fiqhiyya, and his lessons were collected and commented upon by his students.116 Between 1967 and 1970, Muhammad Taqi worked also as a professor of comparative law at Ma‘had al-Dirasat al-Islamiyya al-‘Aliya, University of Ba#dad, ‘after that this University had admitted (‘adala) him as a professor in 1964’.117 During those years, Muhammad Taqi assisted as a tutor several students in their Master and PhD researches.118 Activities: He was one of the most important Ši‘i reformers of the last century. His activity was particularly linked to the major reforms in the hawza teaching system and curriculum that began in al-Nağaf with the establishment of Ğam‘iyya Muntadà al-Našr. It appears that Muhammad Taqi had an important role in establishing this society.119 In 1943, he was among the founding members of al-Mağma‘ al-Taqafi li-Muntadà alNašr.120 The most important project in which he was involved was Kulliyya al-Fiqh, established in al-Nağaf in 1958.121 It was characterised by its integration in the national educational system and for its courses in modern history, modern philosophy, psychology, sociology and English, in addition to the traditional courses in theology and Arabic grammar.122 From 1965 to 1970, Muhammad Taqi was its Dean.123 However, in 1970 he left this position, apparently to dedicate himself completely to his researches in comparative law.124 Muhammad Taqi was a figure particularly open to inter-religious dialogue. From 1964 to 1996, he was a member of Mağma‘ al-‘Ilmi al-‘Iraqi.125 This institute, to whom Muhammad Taqi was appointed with the sustain of al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Šabibi and of al-Duktur Mustafà Ğawad,126 counted among its members also some Christians. Reportedly, Muhammad Taqi had excellent relationships with them, as suggested by his friendship with Kurkis [or Gurgis] ‘Awwad (1908-1992) (an Iraqi historian) and with Father Yusuf ¢ubbi (a theologian).127 Moreover, he was a member of several institutes of Arabic language, such as Mağma‘ al-Lu#a al-‘Arabiyya in al-Qahira (1967), Dimašq (1973), and Jordan (1980).128 He was also a member of Mağma‘ al-¢adara al-Islamiyya alUrduni (1981).129 In 1981, al-Munazzama al-‘Arabiyya li-Mukafaha al-Ğarima of the Arab League (al-Ğama‘a al-Duwal al-‘Arabiyya) entrusted him with the establishment of the codes (mustalahat) for the sentences (‘uqubat) that it was to adopt later. However, this project was not completed because of some ‘specific circumstances’ (zuruf hassa).130 115 Ibidem. 116 Ibidem. 117 Ibidem, pp. 12-13. However, Kazmi, op. cit., reports 1964 as the starting year of this activity. 118 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 13. 119 Ibidem. See also Kazmi, op. cit. 120 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 12. 121 Ibidem. See also Kazmi, op. cit., and “al-Asala wa ’l-Tağdid”. As a consequence of the increasing struggle between £addam’s regime and the Ši‘i religious establishment, most of the institutes and centres founded with the participation of Muhammad Taqi were closed dawn. This was the case of Kulliyya al-Fiqh, closed after the 1991 Iraqi Intifada (see Kazmi, op. cit.). 122 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 12, and Kazmi, op. cit. 123 Ibidem. 124 Kazmi, op. cit. The year coincided with the death of al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim and, therefore, with the end of his marğa‘iyya, an element that might be linked to Muhammad Taqi’s choice to leave this position. 125 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 13, and Kazmi, op. cit. 126 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 13. 127 Kazmi, op. cit. 128 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 13, and Kazmi, op. cit. 129 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 13. 130 Ibidem, and “al-Asala wa ’l-Tağdid”.

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Moreover, Muhammad Taqi was involved in the dialogue between Sunnis and Ši‘as. He established relationships with scholars of al-Azhar, in al-Qahira, and met several prominent Sunni exponents, such as Mawlana al-Sayyid Abu ‘Alà al-Mawdudi.131 Muhammad Taqi took part in several conferences, both within and outside the Arab world. In particular, he participated in:132 a conference in Karachi, Pakistan, in 1957, organised on the occasion of the anniversary of the birth of Imam ‘Ali (Muhammad Taqi took part in this conference as representative of al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim); the conferences organised by Mağma‘ al-Lu#a al-‘Arabiyya al-Masri and by al-Mağma‘ al-‘Ilmi al‘Iraqi in Ba#dad (1965) and al-Qahira (1967); a conference on the issue of printing Arabic script organised by al-Munazzama al-‘Arabiyya li-’l-Taqafa wa ’l-‘Ulum in al-Qahira (1971); a seminar on law codes (mustalahat qanuniyya) organised by Ittihad al-Mağami‘ al-‘Arabiyya in Dimašq (1972); the conference for the inauguration of Ğam‘iyya al-Ğama‘at al-Islamiyya organised by the University of al-Qarawiyyin in Fas, Morocco (1974); and a seminar on Arabic grammar held in Madina al-Ğaza‘ir, Algeria (1975). Works: Published:133 Malik al-Aštar, 1st ed., al-$ari, al-Nağaf 1946, 2nd ed., al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001; Ša‘ir al-‘Aqida “al-Sayyid al¢amiri”, 1st ed., Dar al-¢adit, Ba#dad 1369/1949-50, 2nd ed., al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001; al-Usul al-‘Amma li-’l-Fiqh al-Muqaran, 1st ed., Dar al-Andalus, Bayrut 1963, 4th ed., al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001; al-Zawağ al-Mu’waqqat wa Dawruhu fi ¢all Muškilat al-Ğins, 1st ed., Dar al-Andalus, Bayrut 1963, republished by Mu’assasa al-Alfayn, Kuwait 1999; Fikra al-Taqrib bayna ’l-Madahib, Maktaba al-Manhal, Kuwait 1978; Manahiğ al-Baht f i ’l-Tarih, Maktaba alManhal, Kuwait 1978;134 Tarih al-Tašri‘ al-Islami, Ma‘had al-Dirasat al-‘Arabiyya wa ’lIslamiyya, London 1998; al-Tašayyu‘ fi Nadawat al-Qahira, Mu’assasa al-Imam ‘Ali and Markaz al-Irtibat bi-Samaha Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid al-Sistani, London 1999; Min Tağarib al-Usuliyyin fi ’l-Mağallat al-Lu#awiyya, Mu’assasa al-Alfayn, Kuwait 2000, republished by al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2002; ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abbas, Šahsiyyatuhu wa Ataruhu, 2 vols., Dar al-Hadi 2001; al-Qawa‘id al-‘Amma fi ’lFiqh al-Muqaran, 1st ed., al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001; al-Islam wa ¢urriya al-Tamalluk wa ’l-Mufaraqat al-Naši’a ‘an Hadihi al-¢urriyya, alMu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2001; al-Imam ‘Ali fi Manhağiyatihi wa Nahğihi, al-Mu’assasa al-Dawliyya li-’l-Dirasat wa ’l-Našr, Bayrut 2002. Reportedly, in 1952, he published a work on human rights in Islam.135 Unpublished: Zirara ibn A‘yan; Muškila al-Adab al-Nağafi; Abu Faras al-¢amadani; a commentary (ta‘liq) on al-Šayh Muhammad Kazim al-@urasani’s Kifaya al-Usul; Intiba‘ati ‘an Muhadarat al-Ustad al-Šayh ¢usayn al-¢illi; a commentary (ta‘liq) on al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim’s Mustamsik al-‘Urwa al-Wutqà. Muhammad Taqi wrote the introduction to several books, among them: al-Nass wa ’l-Iğtihad, by Imam Šaraf al-Din, Matba‘a al-Nağaf, al-Nağaf 1956; al-Kindi al-Ra’id alAwwal li-’l-Falsafa al-Islamiyya wa Mafhara al-Fikr al-‘Arabi, by al-Duktur al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, Matba‘a al-Nağaf, al-Nağaf 1962; Diwan al-Sayyid al¢amiri, edited by (tahqiq wa šarh) Šakir Hadi Šukr, Dar al-¢ayat, Bayrut 1966; al-Qiyas 131 Kazmi, op. cit. 132 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, pp. 13-14. 133 Ibidem, pp.14-16, and Kazmi, op. cit. 134 al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, p. 15, reports 1999 as publication year, while Kazmi, op. cit., reports 1998. 135 Kazmi, Z., op. cit.

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¢aqiqatuhu wa ¢ağğiyyatuhu, by al-Duktur al-Sayyid Mustafà Ğamal al-Din, al-Nu‘man, al-Nağaf 1972; al-‘Aql ‘inda ’l-Ši‘a al-Imamiyya, by al-Duktur Rušdi ‘Aliyan, Dar al-Salam, Ba#dad 1973. Marriage and family: When he died, Muhammad Taqi left his wife, Badriyya, three sons and four daughters.136 Prison: In 1983, Muhammad Taqi was imprisoned together with 71 male members of his family.137 The sources mention that, among the members of the family that were not released, six were killed. Reportedly, the killing happened under the eyes of Muhammad Taqi’s brother Muhammad ¢usayn, and the act was ment to be a warning for al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, who on November 17, 1982,138 had founded al-Mağlis al-A‘là. Released some days later, Muhammad Taqi was put under house arrest. In this period, he started suffering from the Parkinson’s disease.139 Death: Muhammad Taqi died on £afar 16, 1423/April 29, 2002. al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhsin ibn Mahdi ibn £alih ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud ibn Ibrahim ibn al-Amir ‘Ali al-¢akim (ibn Murad al-¥abataba’i)140 Birth: Fifth of the ten sons of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970),141 Muhammad Baqir was born in al-Nağaf on Ğumadà ’l-Awwal 20, 1358/July 8, 1939.142 Masters and studies: In 1375/1955-56, he began his studies of al-sutuh al-‘aliya. He studied with: his bigger brother Ayatullah al-Sayyid Yusuf al-¢akim, Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-¢akim, and Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al£adr.143 Having finished al-sutuh, al-¢akim studied the works of baht al-hariğ. He stud136 Ibidem. 137 Ibidem. This tragic event was confirmed by al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim, who told me that in 1985 other members of the family were killed, and among them three sons of Muhammad ¢usayn al-¢akim. 138 al-Ruhaimi, A., “The Da‘wa Islamic Party”, in Jabar (ed.), op. cit., pp. 149-161, p. 157, and http:// www.almejlis.org/page_8 (accessed on December 7, 2007). 139 Kazmi, op. cit. 140 Biographical information, primary sources: biography available on the website of al-Mağlis al-A‘là (http://www.almejlis.org/shaheed/page_21.html, accessed on September 22, 2010); al-Ğiyaši, Wafa’ Ğawad, Min al-Nağaf ilà al-Nağaf, Mu’assasa Turat al-Šahid al-¢akim, al-Nağaf 2006; al-¢aydari, Muhammad Muhammad (ed.), al-£adr fi Dakira al-¢akim ma‘a Šadarat min ¢ayat al-Šahid al-£adr, Dar Nur al-Šuruq, Ba#dad 2005, pp. 5-30; al-$arawi, al-Sayyid Muhammad, Talamida al-Imam al-Šahid al-£adr: Malamihuhum al-Nafsiyya wa Mawaqifuhum al-Iğtima‘iyya, Dar al-Hadi, Bayrut 2002, pp. 303-305; Qolizade, Mostafà, Šahid £adr: Bar Bolanday-e Andiše va Ğehad, Qom 1376Š/1998, p. 33; al-Muhri, al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir, Goftegu-i ba ¢oğğatoleslam Seyyed Mohammad Baqer Mohri, Yeki az Šagerdan-e Barğaste-ye Šahid-e Mazlum ¢adrat-e Ayatollah al-‘Ozmà Seyyed Mohammad Baqer £adr, Qom 1361Š/1983, p. 21; al-¢a’iri, al-Sayyid Kazim al-¢usayni, “Tarğama ¢ayat al-Sayyid al-Šahid”, in Idem (ed.), Mabahit al-Usul, Taqrir li-Abhat Samaha Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, Markaz al-Našr, Islamic Information Centre, Qom Rabi‘ al-Awwal 1407/1987, vol. 2, part. 1, pp. 11-168, p. 82. Secondary sources: Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, p. 78; Jabar, F. A., “The Genesis and Development of Marja‘ism”, in Idem (ed.), Ayatollahs, Sufis and Ideologues, op. cit.; al-Ruhaimi, op. cit.; Rahe, “Iraqi Shi‘is in Exile in London”, in Jabar (ed.), op. cit., pp. 211-219; a biography available on the website www.globalsecurity.org; and the biography of Muhammad Baqir’s brother ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, by Ma’ad Fayad, appeared in al-Šarq al-Awsat on June 24, 2007 (“Profile: Abdulaziz al Hakim”, http://aawsat.com/english/news. asp?section=3&id=9368). 141 al-Šarq al-Awsat. According to Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, p. 78, he was in fact the sixth son. 142 al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website; al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 21; Qolizade, op. cit., p. 33. 143 al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. One of his hawza-mates, Ayatullah Kazim al-¢usayni al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 82, describes al-¢akim’s studies with al-£adr in these terms, ‘son of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim, he studied al-Kifaya with [Muhammad Baqir] al-£adr, and continued [studying with him] baht al-hariğ, being present at a large part of baht al-fiqh and baht al-usul. He was arrested two times by the Ba‘t

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ied with: Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. In 1964, Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Šayh Murtadà Al Yasin recognised that he had reached the level of iğtihad (the exercise of independent judgement on issues of religious law) in fiqh, usul al-fiqh, and qur’anic sciences.144 Disciples and teaching: al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim taught al-sutuh al‘aliya, particularly Kifaya al-Usul, in the mosque of al-Hindi in al-Nağaf. Since 1964, from time to time he also taught qur’anic sciences at Kulliyya Usul al-Din in Ba#dad. He moreover taught in the Department of the Master (qism al-mağistir) in qur’anic sciences at the University al-Imam al-£adiq in Tehran and at the University of al-Madahib al-Islamiyya li-‘Ilm al-Usul.145 When he escaped to Iran, al-¢akim continued both his studies and teaching in the hawza, ‘trying to conciliate them with his engagement for the ğihad’.146 He taught baht al-hariğ, the parts (bab) on the sentences (al-qada’), ğihad, alamr bi-’l-ma‘ruf wa ’l-nahi ‘an al-munkar, and Wilaya al-Faqih. He took part in several scientific conferences organised by the Islamic Republic of Iran, where he presented contributions on qur’anic exegesis, law, history, economy, politics, sociology, and Islamic thought. Works: He published articles in several scientific and political reviews, and a very large number of researches and opuscules (kurrasat). His most important published works are: Dawr Ahl al-Bayt fi Bina’ al-Ğama‘a al-£aliha, in two volumes; Tafsir Sura al¢amd; al-Qisas al-Qur’ani; ‘Ulum al-Qur’an; al-Hadaf min Nuzul al-Qur’an; al-¢ukm al-Islami; al-Wahda al-Islamiyya; al-Mustašriqun wa Šubhatuhum hawla ’l-Qur’an, published in Iraq at the beginning of the 1970s; Tawra al-Imam al-¢usayn; al-Marğa‘iyya al-£aliha; alMuğtama‘ al-Insani fi ’l-Qur’an al-Karim; al-Imama fi ’l-Nazariyya al-Islamiyya; ¢iwarat; the qur’anic exegesis of several suras; et cetera. Moreover, he collaborated at the revision (murağa‘a) of al-£adr’s works Falsafatuna and Iqtisaduna.147 Activities: The activities of Muhammad Baqir were strictly linked with those of three eminent marğa‘s of the last century: his father, Muhsin al-¢akim; Muhammad Baqir al-£adr; and al-@umayni (1902-1989).148 Muhammad Baqir worked as an active in power in Iraq. The second time he was sentenced to life imprisonment. After a year and a half of prison, the government (dawla) granted him an amnesty. Later, he moved from Iraq to Syria. Currently he lives in Iran, where he has a political role as president of al-Mağlis al-A‘là’. Also interesting appears what reported by another of his hawza-mates, al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 21, who reports that, ‘¢oğğatoleslam va al-Moslemin Seyyed Mohammad Baqer al-¢akim studied feqh and osul under the tutorship of Ayatollah al-‘Ozmà al-£adr[…]. ¢oğğatoleslam al-¢akim was imprisoned two times in Iraq. The second time he was sentenced to life imprisonment. However, after a year and a half, the Iraqi regime of the Ba‘t freed him, even though it considered him always a very suspicious figure. Currently, ¢oğğatoleslam al-¢akim has become one of the most active ‘olama’ in Iraq […]. His main works are: alMustašrikun wa Šubhatuhum hawla ’l-Qur’an; al-Fiqh fi ’l-Qur’an; Abhat fi ’l-Šari‘a al-Islamiyya. Moreover, he wrote articles on Islamic reviews’. 144 al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. This biographical element underlines the relevance of the link between al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim and al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, as the latter was himself strictly linked to the Al Yasin family through marriage and master-disciple relations. 145 al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. 146 Ibidem. 147 Ibidem. According to this source, this element was pointed out by the very al-£adr in his “Introduction” to the second book, where he refers to him as al-‘add al-mafdi (the help for whom one sacrifies himself ). 148 Although the sources related to Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim mention Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i as among his masters, they do not refer to him as one of the most important marğa‘s of his age. This element should probably be explained in reason of al-¢akim’s activist and ideological affiliation to the doctrinal elaborations introduced by al-@umayni.

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member of the marğa‘iyya of his father, having political, social and administrative (mali) roles. In particular, he was among those in charge of carrying out the social activities of his father, travelling from town to town and meeting people (ğamahir). Apparently, he was in charge for nine years of the religious mission (ba‘ta diniyya) of his father for the hağğ – a mission that the sources affirm was established by al-¢akim for the first time in the history of the marğa‘iyya. He also represented his father in several official activities, such as the Islamic conferences held in Makka, in 1965, and in ‘Amman, on June 1967. Muhammad Baqir carried out these activities until his father’s death, on Rabi‘ al-Ahir 27, 1970. As a young ‘alim, and indeed throughout his life as a scholar, paramount was the relationship with al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. al-¢akim was among his supporters (mulazim) and friends, ‘as demonstrated by the fact that he [al-£adr] used to refer to Muhammad Baqir as ‘al-‘add al-mafdi’, in his letters’.149 Reportedly, he was chosen by al-£adr to be one of his three disciples – along with Kazim al-¢usayni al-¢a’iri and Mahmud al-Hašimi al-Šahrudi – part of a unit that was supposed to take on his role in the eventuality of his death.150 Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim’s activity is reported as an enduring social and political engagement (ğihad siyasi and ‘amal ğihadi). al-¢akim was among the promoters of the Islamic movement in Iraq. As a member of the Islamic movement, he took part in the organisation of the £afar/February 1977 Intifada.151 In 1980, he escaped (hağara) from Iraq as a consequence of the assassination of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. From the exile, Muhammad Baqir continued his struggle against £addam’s regime. This period was particularly characterised by his relationship with al-@umayni (19021989). The latter reportedly referred to al-¢akim as ‘al-ibn al-šuğğa‘ li-’l-Islam’, particularly in consideration of his role in the ğihad, for his wisdom and honesty, and for the misfortunes and calamities that befall him as a consequence of his opposition to £addam, such as the assassination of five of his brothers, seven cousins, and a large number of members of his family.152

Here the reference is to the events linked to the the establishment of al-Mağlis al-A‘là in Iran, of which al-¢akim became the president in 1986 (a role he held until his death in 2003). In this respect, Muhammad Baqir established an army unit (faylaq), known as the “Badr Brigade”, made up of Iraqi refugees in Iran that fought as a regular unit of the Iranian army during the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1988). Moreover, Muhammad Baqir sent divisions of this unit to Iraq during the 1991 Intifada, although apparently they simply diffused posters with the image of al-@umayni and al-@amini’i, but were not actually involved in any fight.153 Following the fall of £addam’s regime, Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim went back to Iraq, on May 10, 2003,154 settling down in al-Nağaf. Foundations and institutes: He was the president of al-Mağma‘ al-‘Alami li-’l-Taqrib bayna ’l-Madahib al-Islamiyya (The World Forum for Proximity of Islamic Schools of

149 150 151 152 154

al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. On al-£adr’s use of this nickname for al-¢akim, see also note 147 at p. 55. See the interpretation proposed by Jabar, “The Genesis and Development of Marja‘ism”, p. 84. Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, 78. al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. 153 Rahe, “Iraqi Shi‘is in exile in London”, p. 212. al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website and Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 353.

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Thought).155 Moreover, he was member of the board of trustees of Ğama‘a al-Madahib al-Islamiyya, and member and founder of Ahl al-Bayt University. He also worked as representative of the president of al-Mağma‘ al-‘Alami li-Ahl al-Bayt.156 He was active in the defence of human rights, particularly through the establishiment of Mu’assasa al-Šahid al-£adr and of various health care foundations.157 In this respect, al-Markaz al-Wata’iqi li-¢uquq al-Insan fi ’l-‘Iraq and some other organisations for human rights in Iraq, also diffused in several countries in the world, were established.158 As far as the cultural activity is concerned, Muhammad Baqir established the foundation Dar al-¢ikma. It takes care of training students in religious sciences, publishing books and opuscules (kurrasat), and organising qualification courses (dawrat ta’hiliyya).159 Moreover, again in this line, Markaz Dirasat Tarih al-‘Iraq al-¢adit was established. Finally, Muhammad Baqir took part, at least indirectly, to the Ši‘i institutional presence in London, establishing a branch of al-Mağlis al-A‘là there.160 Prison: Muhammad Baqir was arrested several times,161 the first in 1972. In 1977, he was arrested for a second time because of his role in the £afar 1977 Intifada. This time, he was sentenced to life imprisonment, reportedly without being allowed any process. However, on July 17, 1978, he was released as a consequence of a general amnesty. Death: He was killed by the explosion of a car bomb in al-Nağaf, together with dozens of people, on Rağab 1, 1424/August 29, 2003,162 at one of the gates of the mosque of Imam ‘Ali, while he was coming out from the Friday prayer.

al-£adrs The al-£adr is a Musawi family. Its members claim to be descendants of the seventh Imam, Musà al-Kazim. As it happens when we deal with the Alid family, the nisba “al-£adr” comes out from a series of continous differentiations from within main a major branch of the Musawi family (a process known as lineage segmentation among anthropologists).163 In the case of the al-£adrs, the nisba in the result of a family differentiation within the Al Šaraf al-Din, which in turn was the result of a seriers of differentiations which, going backwards, followed this order: Al Nur al-Din,164 then Al Abu ’l-¢asan, Al ‘Abd Al155 On this Forum, see its official website, http://www.taghrib.org/arabic/index.htm. 156 On this University, see its official website, http://www.ahlulbaitonline.com. 157 al-Mağlis al-A‘là’s website. 158 Ibidem. 159 Ibidem. 160 When in 1994 Jens-Uwe Rahe conducted his research on the presence of Ši‘i foundations and centres in London, he mentioned al-Mağlis al-A‘là among the five most important Ši‘i institutes of that city (“Iraqi Shi‘is in exile in London”, p. 213). 161 Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, p. 78, reports that Muhammad Baqir was arrested three times, in 1972, 1977, and 1979. 162 See Joffe, L., “Ayatollah Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim: Shiite Cleric who Headed the Largest Opposition Group in Iraq and Advocated a Form of Pluralism in his Society”, obituary appeared on The Guardian on August 30, 2003, http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2003/aug/30/guardianobituaries.iraq). 163 Fox, R., Kinship and Marriage: An Anthropological Perspective, ppbk. ed. reissued with a new Preface, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1983, pp. 122-125. 164 For an overview of the Nur al-Din family, see Salati, M., “Presence and Role of the Sadat in and from Ğabal ‘Amil”, in Scarcia Amoretti, B., Bottini, L. (eds.), “The Role of the Sadat/Ašraf in Muslim History and Civilization: Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Rome, 2-4/3/1998)”, Oriente Moderno, 18 (79), n.s., Rome 1999/2, pp 597-627, pp. 607-609.

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lah, Al al-¢usayn al-Qata‘i, and Al Abu Sabaha. As an exemplification of what I just pointed out, let us take into account the nisba of one of the most important contemporary members of the family, Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr, as reported by ‘Adil Ra’uf in his Marğa‘iyya al-Maydan Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr: Mašru‘uhu al-Ta#yiri wa Waqa’i‘ al-I#tiyal. It goes as follows: Muhammad ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad £adiq ibn al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn alSayyid Isma‘il (the figure that gave to the family the nisba al-£adr) ibn al-Sayyid £adr alDin Muhammad ibn al-Sayyid £alih ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din (forefather (ğadd) of the family Al Šaraf al-Din) ibn Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn al-Sayyid Nur al-Din ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Nur al-Din ibn al-¢usayn ibn Muhammad ibn al-¢usayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Tağ al-Din Abi ’l-¢asan ibn Muhammad Šams al-Din ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ğalal al-Din ibn Ahmad ibn ¢amza al-As#ar ibn Sa‘ad Allah ibn ¢amza al-Akbar ibn Abi ’l-Sa‘adat Muhammad ibn Abi Muhammad ‘Abd Allah (naqib al-talibiyyin of Ba#dad) ibn Abi ’l-¢art Muhammad ibn Abi ’l-¢asan ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Abi ¥ahir ibn Abi ’l-¢asan Muhammad al-Muhaddit ibn Abi ’l-¥ayyib ¥ahir ibn al-¢usayn alQut‘i ibn Musà Abi Sabaha ibn Ibrahim al-Murtadà ibn al-Imam Abi Ibrahim Musà ibn Ğa‘far al-Kazim.165

The al-£adrs have complex family links and a marked transnational character. This is evident in the biography of the most important contemporary “Iraqi” member of the family, Muhammad Baqir al-£adr,166 authored by one of his disciples, Kazim al-¢usayni al-¢a’iri. The biography begins in Ğabal ‘Amil167 (in today’s Lebanon) with the life and activities of Muhammad Baqir’s greatgrandfather, al-Sayyid £adr al-Din Šaraf al-Din. He is the bearer of a patronymic that, as I pointed out, changed in al-£adr when part of the family moved to the holy Ši‘i cities of the south-east frontiers of the Ottoman Empire (territories that correspond to today’s Iraq). 165 Ra’uf, ‘Adil, Marğa‘iyya al-Maydan, Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr: Mašru‘uhu al-Ta#yiri wa Waqa’i‘ al-I#tiyal, al-Markaz al-‘Iraqi li-’l-I‘lam wa ’l-Dirasat, Dimašq 1999, p. 73. Ra’uf mentions as primary source for the šağara ‘Abd al-Sitar Al Muhsin, Qabasat min ¢ayat Za‘im al-¢awza al-‘Ilmiyya Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adr, Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut, 1st ed. 1998, pp. 4-5. This šağara differs from the one reported by one of the “official” websites dedicated to the al-£adr family, http://alsadrsite. com/hasan.html (accessed on December 8, 2007). In this website we find a biography of al-Sayyid ¢asan (Abu Muhammad) ibn Hadi ibn Muhammad ‘Ali al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i Muhammad Šams al-Din, credited to Ayatullah al-Šayh Murtadà Al Yas (sic; it is to be intented as Al Yasin) ‘former President (Ra’is) of Ğama‘a al-‘Ulama’ fi ’l-Nağaf al-Ašraf, who wrote it in al-Kazimiyya’. The biography reports ¢asan’s nasab as such: al-Sayyid ¢asan (Abu Muhammad) ibn Hadi ibn Muhammad ‘Ali ibn £alih ibn Muhammad ibn Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn Nur al-Din al-Musawi al-‘Amili ibn ‘Ali ibn ¢usayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Abu ’l-¢asan ‘Abbas ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn ¢amza al-As#ar ibn Sa‘ad Allah ibn ¢amza al-Akbar ibn Muhammad Abu ’l-Sa‘adat ibn Abi ’l-¢art Muhammad ibn Abi ’l-¢asan ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥ahir ‘Abd Allah. Moreover, the family trees reported by Ra’uf and by http://alsadrsite.com/ hasan.html differ from the šağara of the al-£adr family available on the website www.revayatesadr.ir. 166 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., pp. 11-168. 167 In his study on the Sadat in Ğabal ‘Amil, Marco Salati, “Presence and Role of the Sadat in and from Ğabal ‘Amil”, p. 597, describes this place as, ‘known in medieval times as Ğabal Bani ‘Amilah after the name of Arab-Yemenite tribes that are said to have settled there around the 11th century, and also as Bilad Bišarah, is situated in present-day southern Lebanon; it has been and still is the home to a Twelver Shi‘i community traditionally considered to be among the most important culturally as well as one of the most ancient’.

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The al-£adr and Šaraf al-Din are very renowned among the Alids and the Ši‘i communities on the Middle East. They have been mainly settled in Ğabal ‘Amil, particularly the village of Šuhur, in the district of £ur (Tyre),168 where they originally settled coming from the village of Ğuba‘ (renowned for having been an eminent centre of learning in relation to the teaching activity of al-Šayh Zayn al-Din ibn ‘Ali al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (911/1506-966/1558), known as al-Šahid al-Tani); in al-Kazimiyya, today a district of Ba#dad, and in al-Nağaf (in today’s Iraq); and, secondarily, in Qom, Mašhad, and Tehran, in Iran. We have several accounts of the prominent role played by the al-£adrs throughout history. An Orientalist record of this prominence is represented by the writings of Gertrude Bell169 (1868-1926, Oriental Secretary at the High Commission of Great Britain in Iraq). In a letter sent to Florence Bell, dated March 14, 1920, she mentions that, It’s a problem here now to get into touch with the Shiahs, not the tribal people in the country; we’re on intimate terms with all of them, but the grimly devout citizens of the holy towns and more especially the leaders of religious opinion, the Mujtahids, who can loose and bind with a word by authority which rests on an intimate acquaintance with accumulated knowledge entirely irrelevant to human affairs and worthless in any branch of human activity. […] There’s a group of these worthies in Kadhimain, the holy city, 8 miles from Bagdad, bitterly pan-Islamic, anti-British ‘et tout le bataclan.’ Chief among them are a family called Sadr, possibly more distinguished for religious learning than any other family in the whole Shiah world. […] Saiyid Hassan’s son, Saiyid Muhammad, stood on the balcony to welcome us, black robed, black bearded and on his head the huge dark blue turban170 of the Mujtahid class171 (emphasis and notes added).

Visiting al-Kazimiyya, the Oriental Secretary was very much impressed by her meeting with al-Sayyid ¢asan al-£adr! Gertrude Bell’s memories cover several pages. However, I think it to be worth reporting a further passage of her letter, where she writes that, We talked of the Sadr family in all its branches, Persian, Syrian and Mesopotamian; and then of books and of collections of Arabic books in Cairo, London, Paris and Rome – he had all the library catalogues.172

This passage emphasises the cosmopolitanism and transnationality of the al£adr family, and indeed of all the families that claim an Alid descent. Moreover, it provides a clear example of their strong attention and interest for col168 This is the case, for example, of £alih Šaraf al-Din and of Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din. 169 On the life and activities of Gertrude Bell, see Lukitz, L., A Quest in the Middle East: Gertrude Bell and the Making of Modern Iraq, I.B. Tauris, London 2004. 170 As far as this element of the letter is concerned, see p. 32, in particular note 18. 171 Bell, G., The Letters of Gertrude Bell, selected and edited by Lady Bell, 2 vols., Ernet Benn, London 1927, vol. 2, pp. 483-484 (freely available online as part of the Project Gutenberg Australia at gutenberg.net.au/ebooks04/ 0400461h.html). 172 Ibidem, pp. 484-485.

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lecting books, for publishing, and for everything connected with knowledge and memory-keeping.173 The biographical record provided for the al-£adr family tells us the story of an uninterrupted bid for power and a central and active role into social and political history. This is clearly shown by the following overview of relevant cases: – a daughter of al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (906/1500-01–963/155556) married al-Šayh Zayn al-Din al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i, known as al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506-966/1558-1559). Moreover, al-Sayyid (Du al-Mağdayn) Nur al-Din ‘Ali al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (931/1524-25–999/1590-91) married a daughter of al-Šahid alTani. When al-Šahid al-Tani died, (Du al-Mağdayn) Nur al-Din ‘Ali married the former’s third wife (mother of al-Šayh al-¢asan ibn al-Šahid al-Tani, known as £ahib al-Ma‘alim (d. 1602)). With these inter-marriages we are at a turning point in the Ši‘i history in Ğabal ‘Amil and at the beginning of the migratory movement towards Iran innescated by the establishment of the Safavid dynasty (1501-1722). – Ğamal al-Din Šams al-Din (d. 1098/1687) worked in Golconda at the court of Abu ’l-¢asan, the last Sultan of the Qubtšah, who ruled ¢aydarabad, in the Deccan, from 1672 to 1678. – The family of £alih Šaraf al-Din (1710-1711–c.1803) in Ottoman Ğabal ‘Amil openly opposed the governatorate of Ahmad Paša; loosing his properties, and having his books and treasures burnt. However, this property loss did not last very long as, once in al-Nağaf, the family sharply reached a high social position and one of £alih’s sons, £adr al-Din Muhammad, married a daughter of the most important marğa‘ of that century, al-Šayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ (1156/1743-1227/1812). – Isma‘il al-£adr (1258/1842-1338/1920) was a disciple and companion of al-Muğaddid alŠirazi (d. 1312/1894), one of the most important scholars of his time and leader of the anti-colonial struggle pursued through the boycott of the concession of the monopoly on tobacco given by the Šah to a British company in 1891.174 According to the sources, the sons of al-Širazi even decided to entrust the property and rights deriving from šari‘a “taxes” inherited by their father to al-£adr. – Referred to as ‘Le Grand Sayyed’ in French colonial documents,175 ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (1873-1957) was a major figure of Ğabal ‘Amil’s religious and political history. He was a renowned muğtahid and, in 1920, the conferees of Wadi al-¢uğayr176 sent him to meet Faysal as official representative of Ğabal ‘Amil (together with fig173 Relevant appears that al-Sayyid al-Marğa‘ ¢usayn Isma‘il al-£adr is collecting in his library all the publications concerning the al-£adr family. This information was provided by the very ¢usayn who even asked for a copy of my Laurea thesis, in Italian, on Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (telephone conversation, April 2008). 174 On this historical event and its founding role, see Keddie, N. R., Religion and Rebellion in Iran: The Tobacco Protest of 1891-1892, Frank Cass, London 1966. 175 Chalabi, T., The Shi‘is of Jabal ‘Amil and the New Lebanon: Community and Nation-State, 1918-1943, Palgrave, New York 2006, p. 69. 176 Held on April 20, 1920 (whilst at the same time, at the San Remo Conference (April 19 to 26, 1920) in Italy, World War I winners were deciding on the fate of the Middle Eastern lands formerly ruled by the Ottoman Empire), the Wadi al-¢uğayr meeting was aimed at deciding whether the ‘Amilis would have sided with the Arab government in Dimašq and supported Faysal’s claims for an Arab state or welcomed the French Mandate on both Syria and Grand Lebanon. On this event, see “The Wadi Hujayr Conference and Its Repercussions”, in Chalabi, op. cit., pp. 77-84.

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ures such as al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Nur al-Din and al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin). In 1928, he established al-Ğa‘fariyya school177 in £ur, with the boys’ school officially opening in 1938 and the girls’ school in 1941. Muhammad Mahdi al-£adr (1296/1878-1879–1358/1939-1940) participated in the 1920 Iraqi revolt against the British. Following the establishment of Grand Liban, in 1920, members of the Šaraf al-Din family were among the first ‘Amilis to be capable of entering the new (French-mandated) administration.178 Under the French mandate in Lebanon, Muhammad Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1324/19061977) was nominated Mufti of £ur. He retained this position until his death in 1977. Muhammad Rida Šaraf al-Din (1327/1909-1389/1970) for a certain period was Mufti of £ur. In 1935, he launched the revue al-Diwan, in Ba#dad, whose director was his brother £adr al-Din (b. 1330/1911), who himself launched in 1944 a newspaper in the same city called al-Sa‘a. In 1945, another brother, Ğa‘far (b. 1338/1920), established the first revue of £ur, al-Ma‘had. In 1950 again £adr al-Din launched a literary revue in Bayrut, al-Alwah, followed in 1952 by a very shortly lived weekly called this too alSa‘a. In 1955, £adr al-Din tried a new adventure in £ur, this time calling it al-Nahğ.179 Nur al-Din Šaraf al-Din (1327/1909-1396/1976) was Qadi of £ur, before being nominated Qadi of £ayda’ (Sidon) in 1943. Dubbed ‘the Rasputin of Iraq’ for his influence on the regent Prince ‘Abd Allah (he ruled between 1939-1953, when Faysal II was still a minor)180 and described as an ‘ange gardien mais agent camouflé de l’imperialisme britannique’,181 Muhammad al-£adr (c. 1883–1955-56) was a main leader of al-Istiqlal (Independence; together with Muhammad al-@alisi,182 and al-Šayh Mirza Muhammad Rida al-Širazi), the most important “Iraqi” Arab nationalist party of his epoch. He was a major leader of the 1920 Uprising, and was for long president of the Senate183 and one of the very few Ši‘as

177 On this school, see “‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din et l’école ğa‘farite de Tyr”, in Mervin, S., Un réformisme chiite: Ulémas et lettrés du Ğabal ‘Amil (actuel Liban-Sud) de la fin dell’Empire ottoman à l’indépendance, Karthala, France 2000, pp. 186-189, and “The Ja‘fariyya School, Tyre”, in Chalabi, op. cit., pp. 151-152. 178 Chalabi, op. cit., p. 122. More generally, Chalabi points out that the ‘religious families’ of the Šaraf al-Dins, al-Amins, al-Faqihs, and al-Mu#niyyas were among the first ‘Amilis to enter the Lebanese administration. On the other hand, precisely the most eminent members of the Šaraf al-Dins, al-Amins, and al-Mu#niyyas rejected the nomination to the presidency of the newly established Ğa‘fari Court, followed to the recognition of the Ğa‘fari branch of Islam as a (Lebanese) sect which occurred on January 17, 1926. In fact, Chalabi consistenly explains this refusal as the consequence of a fatwà diffused a few years earlier, in March 1920, by Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad Taqi al-Širazi al-¢a’iri (1853-1920) that ‘excommunicated’ all Muslims which were to assume official positions in the British colonial administration and government in the lands of the former Ottoman Empire (Chalabi, op. cit., pp. 140-143). al-Širazi had previously ( January 1919) diffused another fatwà stating that a Muslim was not allowed to elect a non-Muslim to rule over him (Luizard, P.-J., La formation de l’Irak contemporain: Le rôle politique des ulémas chiites à la fin de la domination ottomane et au moment de la création de l’État irakien, cnrs Éditions, Paris 2002 (1991), p. 373 and p. 386). 179 For the primary sources related to these editorial activities, see Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 52. 180 Batatu, The Old Social Classes, p. 184. Interestingly enough, according to Ajami, F., The Vanished Imam: Musa Al Sadr and the Shia of Lebanon, I. B. Tauris, London 1986, p. 27, a few decades later the same label, ‘the Rasputin of Lebanon’ – obviously re-located –, was used by some Lebanese Christians for referring to al-Sayyid Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?). 181 The description was made by Yusuf Isma‘il, an Iraqi denationalised member of the French Communist party and is reported in Batatu, The Old Social Classes, p. 563. 182 On this figure and his enmity towards Muhammad al-£adr, see note 25 at pp. 23-24. 183 Batatu, The Old Social Classes, pp. 182-183.

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to held the position of prime minister in Iraq (from January to June 1948) before the fall of £addam in 2003. Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?) lead the Ši‘i renaissance in Lebanon. Known as ‘the vanished Imam’, he established a relevant part of the current Lebanese Ši‘i organisational bodies, among them al-Mağlis al-Islami al-Ši‘i al-A‘là fi Lubnan (Supreme Islamic Ši‘i Council in Lebanon, established in 1967) and the Amal movement. Two of his nieces married Muhammad al-@atami and Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni (d. 1995). Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999) was the most important marğa‘ living in Iraq, together with ‘Ali al-Sistani, during the 1990s. He established an underground movement that came out following the ovethrow of £addam’s regime under the name of al-Tayyar al-£adri and that since then, under the leadership of Muhammad’s son Muqtadà, has represented the most fierce Ši‘i opposition to the Anglo-American occupation of Iraq. ¢usayn al-£adr (1945-) has been a leader of the Iraqi opposition in exile and a Member of Parliament in the post-£addam era. ¢abib al-£adr (1951-) on July 2, 2010, was accredited as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Iraq to the Holy See, in Rome. ¢usayn al-£adr (1952-) is one of the most important marğa‘s in Iraq and a close ally of ‘Ali al-Sistani. Muhammad al-£adr (1951-), who holds a PhD in Pharmacology, was for seven years Deputy Foreign Minister for Arabic and African Affairs under the Presidency of Muhammad al-@atami, before becoming the President’s adviser (mošaver). Earlier in his long political career, he was political adviser (mošaver-e siyasi) of Prime Minister Muhammad ‘Ali Rağa’i (1980 to 1981) and was in charge of American and European policy planning (Mudir-e kolle siyasat-e Amrika va Urupa). During the Premiership of Mir ¢usayn Musavi he had served as Political Deputy of the Ministry of Interior (mo‘aven-e siyasi-ye vezarat-e kešvar). His daughter ¢awra’ married al-Sayyid Yasir ibn Ahmad al-@umayni, a grandson of Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989).184 Ğa‘far al-£adr (1390Š/1970-) in the March 2010 elections was elected as member of Iraq’s Parliament.185 He got the second highest number of preferences among the candidates of I’tilaf Dawla al-Qanun (State of Law Coalition) in the district (muhafaza) of Ba#dad186 and was even considered for the position of prime minister during an informal referendum held by al-Tayyar al-£adri.187

184 This information was provided by Muhammad al-£adr during an interview in his office at the Institute for Political and International Studies of the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Tehran, May 17, 2011). In an article appeared in Bahman 29, 1387Š/February 18, 2000, on Iran Doht (Issue No 2, dowre-ye ğadid), entitled “Az Tabar-e @omeyniha: @anevade-ye @omeyni ba Che Kasani Vaslat Kardand”, Muntağibi affirmed that Muhammad al-£adr also run as reformist candidate for the 8th presidential elections, an information denied by Muhammad and ¢awra’ al-£adr. The latter during an interview in her office at the Sadr Foundation in Tehran (April 14, 2010) pointed out that the Muhammad al-£adr that run for president was not even a member of the al-£adr family. 185 Arango, T., “Empowered Sadrists Organize New Ballot in Iraq”, The New York Times, March 31, 2010 (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/01/world/middleeast/01iraq.html?emc=tntemail1=y, accessed on April 1, 2010). 186 “al-‘Iraq: al-Na’ib Ğa‘far al-£adr Yubarriru Istiqalatahu bi-Tafašši al-Mahsubiyya wa ’l-Muhabat”, al-Rafidayn February 21, 2011 (alrafidayn.com/2009-05-26-22-07-53/30154-2011-02-20-05-30-06.html, accessed on February 20, 2011). 187 Arango, op. cit.

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– Muqtadà al-£adr (1974?-) is the leader of al-Tayyar al-£adri, one of the most important political groups in post-£addam Iraq. It won 39 seats in the March 2010 parliamentary elections. Moreover, he established the so-called Ğayš al-Mahdi (The Mahdi Army), a militia that between 2004 and 2008 opposed the Anglo-American occupation of Iraq. In 2008 the movement was partly reorganised under the name of al-Mumahhidun (Those Who Pave the Way) and started focusing on social and religious activities. Samples of al-£adrs ’ biographies al-Sayyid £alih ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim (Šaraf al-Din) ibn Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn Nur al-Din ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Nur al-Din ibn al-¢usayn ibn Muhammad ibn al-¢usayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Tağ al-Din Abu ’l-¢asan (al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i) ibn Muhammad Šams al-Din188 Birth: £alih was born in 1122/1710-1711,189 in Šuhur,190 a village situated in the district of £ur, in Ğabal ‘Amil. Life and activities: He was a muğtahid with a high position in his community. Šaraf al-Din had a farm (mazra‘a), called “Šud#iyya”, in the area of the village of Ma‘raka, in the district of £ur,191 where one of his sons, £adr al-Din, was born. £alih lived during the (Ottoman) governorship of Ahmad Paša (1735-1804), who was designated wali of the sanğaq of £ayda’ (Sidon) in 1775, ruling over Palestine and a significant part of Bilad al-Šam (Greater Syria) until 1804. In Ši‘i chronicles, Ahmad Paša is referred to as al-Ğazzar:192 he reportedly arrested and killed many Ši‘i scholars, closing down and destroy188 Biographical information, primary sources: al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 16; al-£adr, Fatima, Wağa‘ al-£adr wa Min Wara’ al-£adr Umm Ğa‘far, with Amal al-Baqši, Iğtihad, 1386Š/1427/2007, pp. 40-41; “al-Sira” of Musà al-£adr on the website http://alsadrsite.com/mosa.html (accessed on December 8, 2007); and the šağara of the family available on the website www.revayatesadr.ir. Secondary sources: Ajami, The Vanished Imam, pp. 33-35, and p. 40, and Chehabi, H. E., Tafreshi, M., “Musa Sadr and Iran”, in Chehabi, H. E. (ed.), Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the last 500 years, I.B. Tauris, Oxford 2006, pp. 137-161, p. 138. These secondary sources analyse the life of Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?). Although Chehabi and Tafreshi’s work is partly based on Ajami, their study presents several differences with the latter both in the dating and reconstruction of some events related to al-£adr’s ancestors. It is important to point out that, although these differences are manifest, Chehabi and Tafreshi never point them out. It is also worth recalling that Ajami’s main source for his reconstruction was Ğamal al-Din, Nağib, al-Ši‘a ‘alà al-Muftaraq, n. p., Bayrut 1967. 189 “al-Sira”. 190 Chehabi, Tafreshi, “Musa Sadr and Iran”, p. 138, and “al-Sira”. Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 33, reports that £alih was in fact born in the village of Ma‘raka. 191 Ibidem. 192 Some historians report that his nickname was al-saffah (butcher, brutal killer), and mention al-ğazzar as part of his name (this is the case of Gelvin, J. L., The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War, Cambridge University Press, 2nd ed., Cambridge 2007, p. 24). This information appears to be tricky, particularly when we consider that the nickname al-saffah was reportedly given at least to another Ahmad Paša, namely to Ahmad Ğamal Paša (1872-1922), a leading member of the Committee of Union and Progress who held, inter alia, the military governorship of Ottoman Syria during World War I (see Thompson, E., Colonial Citizens: Republican Rights, Paternal Privilege, and Gender in French Syria and Lebanon, Columbia University Press, New York 2000, p. 23). For what concerns the overall issue of the relationship between Ahmad Paša al-Ğazzar and the Ši‘as, the critics have started proposing revisionist historiographic readings of the events. A case in point is represented by Winter, S., “Cezzar and the Shiites”, The Shiites of Lebanon Under Ottoman Rule, 1516-1788, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2010, pp. 139-143. This scholar joins forces with Thomas Philipp in sustaining that, in fact, the Ottoman Governor did not act towards the Ši‘as differently from what had done his precedessors (for Philips’ interpretation of the events see his Acre: The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian City, 1730-1831, Columbia University Press, New York 2001, pp. 48-61).

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ing schools and libraries. This, in turn, apparently caused an economic and cultural collapse of the region and the subsequent migration of several scholars to the north of today’s Lebanon and to Iraq and Iran. These facts involved and affected also the Šaraf al-Dins. This appears to be one of the most difficult periods in the history of the ‘Amali Ši‘a, and the governatorate faced several anti-Ottoman revolts, particulalry from the Ši‘i component of the population.193 During one of these revolts, two sons of £alih194 were killed; among them the older, Hiba al-Din.195 The sources also report that his house, books and ‘treasures’ were burnt. £alih spent nine months in prison, in ‘Akka,196 and was even sentenced to death,197 before finding the way to escape to Iraq when his guards let him run away touched by his pietism.198 He settled in al-Nağaf,199 where, in 1197/1783, he was followed by his brother, Muhammad,200 his wife, and his sons, £adr al-Din Muhammad and Muhammad ‘Ali.201 In al-Nağaf, the £adr al-Dins soon reached a high social position as demonstrated by the fact that one of £alih’s sons, £adr al-Din Muhammad, married a daughter of al-Šayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ (1156/1743-1227-1812), by many regarded as the most important marğa‘ of his century. Marriage and family: He married a daugther of al-Šayh ‘Ali ibn Muhyi ’l-Din,202 a grandson (asbat) of Zayn al-Din al-‘Amili, known as al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506966/1558).203 Death: £alih died between 1217/1802-1803204 and 1218/1803-1804.205 al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir ibn ¢aydar ibn Isma‘il (al-£adr al-Isfahani) ibn £adr al-Din Muhammad ibn £alih ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim (Šaraf al-Din) ibn Zayn al‘Abidin ibn Nur al-Din ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Nur al-Din ibn al-¢usayn ibn Muhammad ibn al¢usayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Tağ al-Din Abu ’l-¢asan (al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i) ibn Muhammad Šams al-Din206 193 Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 33. 194 Ibidem. Ajami does not mention the name of any of Šaraf al-Din’s sons. On its part, “al-Sira” reports the information that only one son, Hiba al-Din, was killed. 195 “al-Sira”. 196 Ibidem. 197 Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 33. 198 Ibidem. 199 Chehabi, Tafreshi, op. cit., p. 138. 200 “al-Sira”. 201 Chehabi, Tafreshi, op. cit., p. 138. Their source is @osrušahi, Hadi, “Emam Musà £adr: @oršid-i Hamchenan Derahšan”, in Idem (ed.), Emam Musà £adr, Markaz-e Barrasiha-ye Eslami, Qom 1375Š/1997. 202 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 16. 203 For a brief biographical note on this figure, see Momen, op. cit., p. 320. 204 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 16. 205 Šağara at www.revayatesadr.ir. 206 Biographical information, primary sources: Šubbar, Muhammad Amin Ğawad, Muhammad Baqir al-£adr: al-Muwağaha wa ’l-Šahada, 2001; al-Nu‘mani, al-Šayh Muhammad Rida, al-Šahid al-£adr: Sanawat al-Mihna wa Ayyam al-¢isar, Mu’assasa Isma‘iliyan (al-matba‘a), 2nd ed., 1417Q/1997; al-¢a’iri, op. cit., pp. 31-168; Gamšidi, Doktor Muhammad ¢usayn, Zendegani-ye Siyasi-ye Šahid Seyyed Mohammad Baqer £adr (ba tekye bar Ta’tirgodari bar Enqelab-e Eslami-ye Iran), Mo‘avenat-e Pejuheši-ye Entešarat-e Pejuheškadeye Emam @omeyni va Enqelab-e Eslami, Tehran 1389Š/2010-2011; al-Ya‘qubi, Muhammad, al-Šahid al£adr al-Tani Kama A‘rifuhu, 1st ed., ‘Ašura’, al-Nağaf 1429/2008-2009; al-¢aydari, op. cit.; Qolizade, op. cit.; al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1986, vol. 9, pp. 184-185; al-Zaydi al-Mayahi, ‘Abbas, al-Safir al-@amis, Mumattiliyya al-Marğa‘ al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adr fi Bayrut, Bayrut 2001, p. 251; and the biography on his “official” website (www.mbsadr.com). Secondary sources: Mallat, The Renewal of Islamic Law, particularly pp. 7-14, and Idem, “Muhammad Baqer al-Sadr”, in Rahnema, A. (ed.), Pioneers of Islamic Revival, new up. ed., Zed Books, London 2005, pp. 251-272; Araki, M., “A Short Biography of Martyr Ayatullah al£adr”, in Baqir al-£adr, Muhammad, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence According to Shi‘i Law, translated by Arif Abdul Hussain and edited by Hamid Algar and Sa‘eed Bahmanpour, icas Press, London 2003, pp. 11-23; Mottahedeh, R. P., “Introduction”, in Baqir al-£adr, Muhammad, Lessons in Islamic Jurisprudence, translated by Roy Parviz Mottahedeh, Oneworld, Oxford 2003, pp. 28-33; Wiley, The Islamic Movement of

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Birth: Son of ¢aydar and Batul,207 Muhammad Baqir, known as “Abu Ğa‘far” from the name of his only son, was born in al-Kazimiyya,208 probably on Du ’l-Qa‘da 25, 1353/ May 1, 1935.209 Marriage and family: Muhammad Baqir married a daughter of his uncle on his father’s side (bint ‘amm), Fatima bint £adr al-Din al-£adr,210 known both as “Umm Maram”211 (from the name of her older daughter) and/or “Umm Ğa‘far”. The couple had five daughters: Maram, Nubu#, £aba, ¢awra’, Asma’;212 and a son: Ğa‘far. Maram married ¢usayn al-£adr (1975); Nubu# married Mustafà (1987), ¢awra’ married Mu’ammal (1992), and Asma’ married Muqtadà (1994), all sons of Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr; finally £aba, the youngest daughter, on Du ’l-¢iğğa 18, 1417/April 26, 1997, married al-Šayh Muhammad al-Nu‘mani (1971-1999).213 When he died, Muhammad Baqir reportedly left one son, Ğa‘far,214 three daughters,215 his wife, Fatima, and his mother, Batul. Iraqi Shi‘as, pp. 76-77; Martin, P., “Une grande figure de l’islamisme en Iraq”, in “Dossier: Aux sources de l’islamisme chiite: Muhammad Bâqer al-Sadr”, Les Cahiers de l’Orient, No. 8-9, Paris 1987-1988, pp. 117-135; Batatu, H., “Iraq’s Underground Shi‘a Movements: Characteristics, Causes and Prospects”, The Middle East Journal, vol. 35, 1981, pp. 578-594; Aziz, T., “Baqir al-Sadr’s Quest for the Marja’iya”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., pp. 140-148, and Idem, “The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in Shi’i Political Activism in Iraq from 1958 to 1980”, ijmes , No. 25, 1993, pp. 207-22. 207 Batul was born from the marriage between al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin and a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Hadi al-£adr. Her brothers were: Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Šayh Muhammad Rida, who was a marğa‘ in al-Nağaf, died in 1370/1950 and was buried in his family tomb; al-Šayh Radi, who was an important ‘alim in al-Kazimiyya; and Ayatullah al-Šayh Murtadà, who was a marğa‘ al-taqlid in al-Nağaf. The last figure is renowned for having diffused a fatwà, on April 3, 1960 (published in al-Fayha’ on April 23 of the same year), in which he declared that, ‘adherence to the Communist party or lending it support is one of the greatest sins which religion denounces’ (Batatu, The Old Social Classes, p. 954). Moreover, her four sisters married four sons of al-Sayyid Isma‘il al-£adr (1258/1842-1338/1920). The information provided in this note was taken from al-£adr, Fatima, Wağa‘ al-£adr wa min Wara’i al-£adr Umm Ğa‘far, and from an unpublished tapescript provided to me by Fatima bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (al-‘Amili) via ¢awra’ al-£adr. 208 However, Batatu, “Iraq’s underground Shi‘a movements”, p. 578, reports al-Nağaf and not al-Kazimiyya as his city of birth. 209 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 33; Qolizade, op. cit., p. 21. However, Mallat, The Renewal of Islamic Law, note 35, p.194, proposes a date between 1930 and 1934, indicating in 1931 the year with the highest propability. Martin, op. cit., p. 118, proposes three possible alternatives: 1932, 1933, 1935. Wiley, J. N., “‘Alima Bint al-Huda, Women’s Advocate”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., pp. 149-160, note 3, p. 159, suggests 1933, a date that was indicated to her by al-Sayyida ¢anan bint Isma‘il al-£adr, a niece of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. Aziz, “Baqir al-Sadr’s Quest for the Marja’iya”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., p. 141, proposes 1936. Finally, Batatu, “Iraq’s underground Shi‘a movements”, p. 578, and al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1986, vol. 9, p. 184, they both propose 1930. 210 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 85, and Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 25. Fatima is, inter alia, a sister of Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?). 211 This kunya is reported in al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 48. 212 The names of the daughters of the couple were given to the me by Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà ¢usayn al£adr in response to a small set of written questions submitted to him by e-mail (London, November 3, 2008). They were confirned by ¢awra’ al-£adr during an interview in her office in Tehran (April 14, 2010). 213 al-Zaydi al-Mayahi, op. cit., p. 251. This source, moreover, reports a biography of al-Nu‘mani (pp. 250-256). The information about who married who was provided to me by ¢awra’ al-£adr and by Fatima al-£adr during an interview at the Musa Sadr Foundation in Tehran (May 11, 2010). 214 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 85. 215 Wiley, The Islamic Movement, p. 77, reports that when al-£adr died, he left only three daughters. On the other hand, al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 85, writes that Muhammad Baqir and Fatima had five daughters. We might therefore assume that two daughters died before their father, an assumption contradicted by ¢awra’ al-£adr. During an interview on April 14, 2010, she told me that all the daughters of Muhammad Baqir were still alive. Moreover, Wiley, “‘Alima Bint al-Huda”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., note 34, p. 160, reports that two of al-£adr’s daughters married two sons of Muhammad [Muhammad]

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Childhood: When his father died, in 1356/1937, Muhammad Baqir was still very young. Moreover, in the same year, his sister Amina Bint al-Hudà (1937-1980) was born. According to al-¢a’iri,216 following the death of ¢aydar, the family was reduced to a relative poverty. The care and education of al-£adr were taken upon by his uncle on his mother’s side, al-Šayh Murtadà Al Yasin, and by his older brother, al-Sayyid Isma‘il al£adr. In 1365/1947, Isma‘il obtained a teaching position in al-Nağaf, and, therefore, the family (the mother, Baqir and Amina) moved to that city. Masters and studies: al-£adr attended Muntadà al-Našr. He read al-Mantiq and produced a risala on it.217 With his brother, Isma‘il, he studied ¢asan ibn al-Šahid al-Tani’s Ma’alim al-Usul.218 al-£adr studied with the two219 most important masters of that period,220 Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad Rida Al Yasin (d.1370/1950) (his uncle on his mother’s side) and Ayatullah al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i221 (1317/1899-1413/1992). In 1378/1958, he completed his tahsilat usuliyya with al-@u’i and, in 1379/1959, his tahsilat fiqhiyya.222 Disciples and teaching: On Ğumadà ’l-Taniya 12, 1378/December 24, 1958, he began teaching hariğ al-usul.223 In 1381/1961, when he was only twenty-six-year-old, he was already teaching hariğ al-fiqh.224 Works: In 1374/1955, al-£adr published his first book, Fadak fi ’l-Tarih. In 1959 and 1960,225 al-£adr’s published his most famous books, Falsafatuna and Iqtisaduna. It was particularly throguh his editorials in al-Adwa’ that he diffused his opinions. In 1962, al£adr published al-Fatawà al-Wadiha announcing his marğa‘iyya. Activities: al-£adr reportedly participated in the foundation of Madrasa al-‘Ulum alIslamiyya226 and, in 1964, of Kulliyya Usul al-Din. £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999): Mustafà (1965-1999) and Mu’ammal. The biographical information about the number of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr’s daughters is particularly relevant, as several sources report that Muqtadà al-£adr (another son of Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr) and ¢usayn al-£adr (a son of Muhammad Baqir’s brother) both married daughters of Muhammad Baqir. The link between the (£adiq) al-£adr and (Baqir) al-£adr branches of the family is, moreover, strengthened by their respective bonds with the Al Yasins: Muhammad Baqir’s mother was a daughter of ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin and Muhammad £adiq al-£adr married a daughter of Muhammad Rida Al Yasin (brother of Muhammad Baqir’s mother, Batul). 216 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 28. He reports that after just a month from the death of ¢aydar al-£adr, the family was unable to provide for its daily bread. 217 The sources even report that at the same age he had already read the books for al-sutuh al-‘aliya whithout the support of any master. 218 On the use of this work in the muqaddamat, see Mallat, The Renewal of Islamic Law, p. 40. In the 1970s this coursebook was substituted by Muhammad Baqir al-£adr’s al-Ma‘alim al-Ğadida fi ’l-Usul (Bayrut, 1385/1964). 219 Martin, op. cit., p. 120, mentions a further master of al-£adr, Ayatullah £adr al-Badkubi, reporting that, ‘c’est ce dernier [al-@u’i] qui lui délivre la licence d’ijtihâd […]. Il [Muhammad Baqir al-£adr] termine ses études sous la direction de l’ayatollah Sadr al-Bâdkûbi’. 220 Some scholars refer to al-@u’i as ‘al-£adr’s mentor’. 221 al-Khoei, “Abu ‘l-Qasim al-@u’i”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini, (eds.), op. cit., pp. 491-500; al-Jibouri, Y. T., “In Memory of his Late Holiness Ayatullah al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei”, Nur al-Islam, Bayrut, November/December 1992. 222 For a total period of study of seventeen/eighteen years for the entire tahsilat ‘ilmiyya (see al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 44). 223 Ibidem. 224 Ibidem. 225 It was 1960, the same year in which Ayatullah Murtadà Al Yasin diffused his fatwà declaring communism incompatible with Islam, and Ayatullah Muhsin al-¢akim gave out his fatwà, ‘qui excommunie les musulmans membres du pci’ (Martin, op. cit., pp. 123-124). 226 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 71.

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Prison: al-£adr was arrested a first time in 1971. On Rağab 1392227/August 1972, the authorities tried to imprison al-£adr again, but abandoned the idea because of his precarious health.228 On £afar 1397/January-February 1977, al-£adr was arrested again.229 On Rağab 16 or 17, 1399/June 12-13, 1979,230 Muhammad Baqir al-£adr was once again arrested. Released because of a public demonstration in his support,231 he was posed under house arrest for eight months232 (until March 1980). On April 1, 1980 the opposition organised an assassination attempt at ¥ariq ‘Aziz’s life during a discourse at the University of Ba#dad (at that time he was deputy Prime Minister). On April 5, 1980, the Iraqi security services arrested Muhammad Baqir al-£adr and his sister Amina. Death: Three days after his last imprisonment, on April 8, 1980, al-£adr’s body was brought to al-Nağaf and given to his uncle Muhammad £adiq al-£adr with the order to bury him secretly.233 List of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr’s disciples:234 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn ‘Abd Allah (TS p. 144) al-Šayh ¢asan ‘Abd al-Satir235 (TS p. 57; GH) al-Sayyid Fahr al-Din Abu ’l-¢asan (TS p. 233) al-Sayyid ‘Ammar Abu Ra#if TS p. 225) al-Šayh Sultan Fadil al-Af#ani (TS p. 103) al-Šayh ‘Ali al-‘Af i (TS p. 189) al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Fadl Af kari (TS p. 44) al-Šayh ‘Abbas Ahlaqi (TS p. 130) al-Sayyid Sağid ‘Ali (TS p. 101) al-Šayh Mirza Muhammad ‘Alim (TS p. 346) al-Šayh ¢asan Amhaz (TS p. 63) al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Amin236 (TS p. 219; GH) al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad al-Amin (TS p. 306) al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢asan al-Amin (TS p. 319) al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Latif al-Amin (TS p. 153) al-Šayh Yusuf ‘Amru (TS p. 356) al-Šayh Muhyi ’l-Din Amuzkar (TS p. 340) al-Šayh Muhammad Ibrahim al-Ansari (TS p. 292) al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-$ani al-Ardabili (TS p. 163) al-Šayh $ali al-Asadi (TS p. 227) al-Šayh Muhammad al-Asfahani (sic) (TS p. 286)

227 Some sources place these events in Ğumadà ’l-Taniya. 228 At that time he was in fact recovered in a hospital in al-Kufa (al-¢a’iri, op. cit., pp. 105-107; al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 24; Šubbar, op. cit., p. 277, this work mentions as its sources al-¢a’iri, Muhammad Baqir al¢akim, and al-Nu‘mani). 229 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., pp. 107-109; Šubbar, op. cit., p. 278. 230 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., pp. 109-110; Šubbar, op. cit., p. 280. 231 Apparently, on this occasion several supporters of al-£adr went to his house and organised a kind of intifada (Wiley, The Islamic Movement, p. 52). 232 al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, vol. 9, p. 187. 233 Reported by Aziz, “The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr”, p. 218. This information was confirmed by al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr. 234 The main primary source used for this list is al-$arawi, op. cit., above reported in parenthesis as TS. Other sources consulted were: al-Muhri, op. cit., reported as GH; al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 83, reported as TH; and Qolizade, op. cit., p. 33, reported as SS. 235 al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 28. 236 Ibidem.

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chapter 2 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65.

al-Šayh Muhammad Mahdi al-Asifi237 (TH) al-Šayh ‘Abd Allah ‘Assaf (TS p. 161) al-Šayh Muhammad ‘Assaf (TS p. 284) al-Šayh @alid Abu Darr al-‘Atiyya (TS p. 87) al-Šayh ‘Ali As#ar Awhadi (TS p. 196) al-Šayh ¢asan ‘Awwad (TS p. 49) al-Šayh Ahmad Ayyub (TS p. 27) al-Šayh Murtadà ‘Ayyad (TS p. 252) al-Šayh Mağid al-Badrawi (TS p. 245) al-Sayyid Iskandar ‘Ali al-Bakistani (TS p. 39) al-Šayh ¢usayn Baqir (TS p. 81) al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali al-Baqri (TS p. 334) al-Šayh ¢usayn Baširi (TS p. 85) al-Šayh Muhammad Rida Birri (TS p. 313) al-Šayh ‘Ali Akbar Burhan (TS p. 212) al-Šayh ¢asan Dabuq (TS p. 69) al-Šayh Yusuf Da‘muš (TS p. 360) al-Šayh ‘Ali Muhammad Diya (TS p. 185) al-Sayyid Muhammad Hašim Dast#ayb (TS p. 328) al-Sayyid Muhsin Fadl Allah (TS p. 249) al-Šayh Yusuf al-Faqih (TS p. 365) al-Šayh Muhammad Ğawad al-Faqih (TS p. 307) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Faqih (TS p. 139) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Rahim Farağ Allah (TS p. 151) al-Šayh £alih Farağ Allah (TS p. 109) al-Šayh Ğubbar Farağ Allah (TS p. 46) al-Šayh Šarif al-Ğabri (TS p. 107) al-Sayyid Rida Ğa‘far (TS p. 92) al-Sayyid Muhammad al-$arawi (TS p. 261) al-Šayh ¢asan al-Ğawahiri (TS p. 65) al-Šayh ¥alib Mustafà al-Ğawahiri (TS p. 117) al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Ğawhari (TS p. 290) al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah al-$urayfi (TS p. 165) al-Sayyid Ahmad al-$urayfi (TS p. 29) al-Sayyid Kazim al-¢usayni al-¢a’iri (TS p. 239) al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali al-¢a’iri (TS p. 333) al-Sayyid ‘Ali Akbar al-¢a’iri (TS p. 214) al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-¢a’iri (TS p. 322) al-Sayyid ‘Ali Rida al-¢a’iri al-Yazdi (TS p. 223) al-Šayh ‘Abbas al-¢akam (TS p. 125) al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (TS p. 303) al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (TS p. 141) al-Sayyid Nağib @alaf (TS p. 348) al-Šayh ¥alib al-@alil (TS p. 121) 237 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 50.

an overview of alids ’ family history 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108.

al-Šayh Asad Allah al-¢araši (TS p. 36) al-Šayh Murtadà ¢asan (TS p. 254) al-Sayyid Šamim al-¢asan (TS p. 105) al-Sayyid Mahmud al-Hašimi (TS p. 336) al-Šayh ¢asan Z.ahir al-¢assani (TS p. 60) al-Šayh Zuhayr al-¢assun (TS p. 99) al-Šayh Isma‘il al-@atib (TS p. 34) al-Sayyid Mahmud al-¢atib238 (SS) al-Šayh Adib ¢aydar (TS p. 32) al-Sayyid Di Ša’n ¢aydar (TS p. 89) al-Sayyid Kamal al-¢aydari (TS p. 243) al-Sayyid Muhammad al-¢aydari (TS p. 282) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Rasul ¢iğazi (TS p. 159) al-Šayh Ğalil Ibrahim (TS p. 47) al-Šayh Mirza $ulam Rida ‘Irfaniyan (TS p. 229) al-Šayh Muhammad Baqir al-Irwani (TS p. 301) al-Sayyid Nur al-Din al-Iškivari (TS p. 350) al-Šayh ‘Ali Iškivari239 (GH) al-Šayh ‘Ali Islami (TS p. 221) al-Šayh Zuhayr Kanğ (TS p. 96) al-Šayh ‘Ali Kurani (TS p. 216) al-Šayh ¢usayn Ma‘an (TS p. 79) al-Šayh Fahad Mahdi (TS p. 236) al-Šayh ¢asan Malik (TS p. 51) al-Šayh Muhammad Miqdad (TS p. 288) al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-Mubraqa‘ (TS p. 311) al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Musawi al-Muhri (TS p. 298) al-Šayh Muhammad Murad (TS p. 280) al-Sayyid Muhammad Murtadà (TS p. 266) al-Sayyid Ibrahim Murtadà (TS p. 25) al-Sayyid ‘Abbas al-Musawi (TS p. 127) al-Sayyid ‘Abbas al-Musawi (TS p. 131)240 al-Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad al-Musawi (TS p. 206) al-Sayyid Yasin al-Musawi (TS p. 352) al-Šayh ‘Ali As#ar al-Muslimi (TS p. 194) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-‘Al al-Muzaffar (TS p. 143) al-Šayh ‘Ali ‘Abbas Nabahan (TS p. 187) al-Šayh ‘Af if al-Nablusi241 (TS p. 175; GH) al-Šayh Muhsin ‘Ali al-Nağaf i (TS p. 247) al-Šayh Manzur ¢usayn al-Nağafi (TS p. 342) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-$ani al-‘Ardabili al-Nağafi (TS p. 163) al-Sayyid ¢asan Rida al-Nağaf i (TS p. 67) al-Šayh Muhammad Baqir al-Nasiri (TS p. 295)

238 Ibidem, p. 34. 239 al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 28. 240 This figure and the previous one probably are just homonyms. 241 Ibidem, p. 28.

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chapter 2 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151.

al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Nu‘mani (TS p. 315) al-Šayh Sa‘id al-Nu‘mani242 (TH) al-Sayyid Fadil al-Nuri (TS p. 231) al-Šayh Ibrahim Qasir (TS p. 22) al-Sayyid ‘Izz al-Din al-Qubanği (TS p. 173) al-Sayyid £adr al-Din al-Qubanği (TS p. 115) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Rasul al-Qummi (TS p. 170) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Hadi Al Radi (TS p. 134) al-Sayyid ¥alib al-Rifa‘i (TS p. 119) al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-Sabqi (TS p. 317) al-Sayyid Muhammad al-£adr (TS p. 276) al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-£adr (TS p. 83) al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Šahrudi (TS p. 136) al-Šayh ‘Ali Šahrur (TS p. 181) al-Šayh Muhammad Hašim al-£alahi (TS p. 326) al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğa‘far Šams al-Din (TS p. 308) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Amir Šams al-Din (TS p. 157) al-Šayh ‘Ali Šams al-Din (TS p. 204) al-Sayyid ‘Ali Šaraf al-Din (TS p. 201) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Amir al-Sa‘udi (TS p. 155) al-Sayyid ‘Abbas al-Šawki (TS p. 123) al-Šayh ‘Ali Ğa‘fari al-Širazi243 (GH) al-Šayh ¢usayn Sulayman (TS p. 75) al-Šayh ¢usayn Surur (TS p. 71) al-Šayh ‘Ali Surur (TS p. 178) al-Šayh Muhammad Surur (TS p. 258) al-Šayh Muhammad Nağib Suwaydan (TS p. 324) al-Šayh ‘Ali ¥ahini (TS p. 192) al-Šayh Muhammad ¥ahini (TS p. 271) al-Šayh Muhammad ‘Ali al-Tashiri (TS p. 330) al-Šayh Ya‘qub Tawassuli (TS p. 354) al-Šayh ¢asan ¥irad (TS p. 54) al-Šayh £ubhi al-¥ufayli (TS p. 111) al-Šayh Ahmad al-‘Usayli (TS p. 31) al-Šayh Muhammad ‘Usayran (TS p. 274) al-Šayh Musà al-Yahfuf i (TS p. 344) al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahim al-Yasari (TS p. 150) al-Šayh ‘Ali Yasin (TS p. 208) al-Šayh Muhammad Yazbik (TS p. 268) al-Šayh Akram Yazbik (TS p. 41) al-Šayh ¢usayn Zayn al-Din (TS p. 77) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Man‘am al-Zayn (TS p. 147) al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢alim al-Zuhayri (TS p. 168)

242 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 81.

243 al-Muhri, op. cit., p. 28.

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al-Sayyida Amina (Bint al-Hudà) bint ¢aydar (al-£adr) ibn Isma‘il (al-£adr al-Isfahani) ibn £adr al-Din Muhammad ibn £alih ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim (Šaraf al-Din) ibn Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn Nur al-Din ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Nur al-Din ibn al-¢usayn ibn Muhammad ibn al-¢usayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Tağ al-Din Abu ’l-¢asan (al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i) ibn Muhammad Šams al-Din244 Birth: Amina, known as “Bint al-Hudà”, was born in al-Kazimiyya on Muharram 19, 1356/April 1, 1937.245 She was the eleventh of the fourteen children of al-Sayyid ¢aydar al-£adr and Batul Al Yasin (only three of them survived infancy). Her birth came three years after the birth of her brother Muhammad Baqir and six years after the birth of Isma‘il.246 Marriage and family: She did not marry.247 Masters and studies: Although it was traditionally unusual of al-Nağaf to have women studying in the hawza, especially fiqh and usul, Bint al-Hudà reportedly overstepped this obstacle studying fiqh and usul with her two brothers and reaching a level very close to mastering them (fatra qariba qubil al-ihtiğaz).248 She also studied the principles of ‘ilm al-kalam (theology).249 Works: Bint al-Hudà is considered an important Arab Muslim woman writer. She wrote in a range of different fields, from novel to politics. Her pseudonym, “Bint alHudà” derives from the title of one of her juvenile works that apparently she wrote before being twenty years old.250 Most of Bint al-Hudà’s written production was published in a three-volume collection entitled al-Mağmu‘a al-Qasasiyya al-Kamila.251 The collection comprises: 1st volume: two romances, al-Fadila Tantasiru and Imra’atan wa Rağul, and a collection of ten novels, Laytani Kuntu A‘lamu;252 2nd volume: a collection 244 Biographical information, primary sources: al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 30; al-Nu‘mani, al-Šayh Muhammad Rida, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, Siratuha wa Masiratuha, published by the author, Mu’assasa Isma‘iliyan, Qom 1420Q/1378Š/1999-2000 (pp. 25-87 of this biography are availabe on line at www.mbsadr.com/arabic/pages/translib. php?npage=beho&nid=11; accessed on 27 May, 2011); al-Nuri, al-Sayyid Fadil, Uswa al-‘Amilin: Fi Rihab al-Imam al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr wa ’l-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, Mu’assasa al-‘Arif li-’l-Matbu‘at, Bayrut 1429/2008, particularly pp. 283-324; Kazim Muhammad, ‘Arif, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà: al-Sira wa ’l-Masira, Dar al-Murtadà, Bayrut 1425/2004; “Amina al-£adr «Bint al-Hudà»”, a biography available on the website of IRIB World Service-Iran Arabic Radio (arabic.irib.ir/index.php?option=com_baramej &view=Itemd=26&id=2027, accessed on May 26, 2011); a biography on the website http://alsadrsite. com/amina.html (accessed on December 20, 2006; at the time of the last access, on 27 May, 2011, the website was no longer operating); a biography available at http://geocities.com/sader12/ (accessed on December 20, 2006; at the time of the last access, on 27 May, 2011, the website was no longer operating); an interview with Ğawad al-@u’i in his house in Qom (February 2008). Secondary sources: Wiley, “‘Alima Bint al-Huda”, pp. 149-160, and Eadem, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, p. 82; and Mallat, Ch., “Le féminisme islamique de Bint al-Houdâ”, Maghreb Machrek, No. 116, 1987, pp. 45-58. 245 al-Nuri, op. cit., p. 283. 246 Ibidem. 247 Ibidem, p. 287. 248 al-Nu‘mani, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, p. 28. 249 Wiley, “‘Alima Bint al-Huda”, p. 152. 250 Ibidem. 251 At the beginning of the 1980s, the Lebanese Dar al-Ta‘aruf li-’l-Matbu‘at published Bint al-Hudà’s collected works in three volumes, Bint al-Hudà al-Mağmu‘a al-Qasasiyya al-Kamila. Moreover, a biography by Ğa‘far ¢usayn Nizar, ‘Adra’ al-‘Aqida wa ’l-Mabda’: al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, again published by Dar alTa‘aruf li-’l-Matbu‘at, Lebanon 1405/1985, reports a list of the articles published by Bint al-Hudà on the review al-Adwa’. The collected works were translated into Persian by Mahdi Sarhaddi and published in Tehran in Winter 1386Š/2007-2008, in two volumes, by the Imam Moussa Sadr Cultural & Research Institute under the title Tavallod-e Dubare: Mağmu‘e-ye Dastanha and Bar Bolandiha-ye Makke: @aterat va Maqalat. 252 They are: Laytani Kuntu A‘lamu, £afqa @asira, Ahir Hadiyya, al-Ayyam al-Ahira I, al-Ayyam al-Ahira II, al-Faqa al-Maliyya, Fatra al-Rukud, al-Infitah min Ğadid, al-Sa‘at al-Ahira, and Mu#amara.

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of novels, £ira‘ min Waqi‘ al-¢ayat, a romance, Liqa’ fi ’l-Mustašfà, a further collection of novels, al-@ala al-Da’i‘a, the diary of her pilgrimage to Mecca, Dikrayat ‘alà Tilal Makka, and two poems; 3rd volume: a romance, al-Bahita ‘an al-¢aqiqa, an historical essay, Batula al-Mar’a al-Muslima, another collection of articles, al-Mar’a ma‘a al-Nabi, and a collection of articles, Kalima wa Da‘wa. The articles had previously appeared in a rubric of the (monthly?) magazine (mağalla) al-Adwa’.253 The magazine was established by Ğama‘a al-‘Ulama’, and Amina was a regular contributor to it. She used to sign her articles as “A¢”, in accordance with the initials of her name and of that of her father.254 She was also a member of its editorial board. Disciples and teaching: Amina reportedly educated hundreds of young girls, female scholars, and ‘alimat. Activities: Known to be an erudite scholar, she was a wise, devoted and God-fearing ‘alima. Bint al-Hudà’s main activity was linked to education. She was responsible for four madrasas for girls in al-Kazimiyya, al-Nağaf and Kut.255 The schools in al-Kazimiyya were established with the economic support of al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al@u’i256 and were called “al-Zahra’”,257 the main label usually used to refer to Fatima, one of the Prophet’s daughters. Bint al-Hudà held this responsibility for seven years, until 1972, when the government nationalised private schools and she resigned in protest. Pilgrimage: In 1978, Bint al-Hudà performed a ‘umra together with her mother and other members of her family, among them al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Nu‘mani.258 al-Nu‘mani reports that Bint al-Hudà was ‘al-muršida al-diniyya li-’l-nisa‘ fi ’l-hağğ’.259 Prison: In 1980, the Ba‘tist Iraqi regime imprisoned Bint al-Hudà soon after having arrested her brother Muhammad Baqir, reportedly in order to avoid the reoccurrence of what had happened during a previous detention when she had gone to an unspecified mosque urging the community of believers to intervene and oppose the arrest and, indeed, obtaining Muhammad Baqir’s release. Death: She was assassinated by the Iraqi security services in 1980, together with her brother Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. According to Aziz, Amina’s body was never given back to her family. He even reports that, according to one of Sadr’s cousins, the family of Sadr still hopes that the regime has spared the life of Amina al-Sadr, but the Islamic movement always refers to her as a martyr.260

However, al-Nu‘mani reports that on the night of April 9, 1980, at around 9 or 10 the police cut the electricity of al-Nağaf and a group of members of the secutity services 253 The editor of the journal was al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah (1935-2010), who reportedly acquired this position after having been recruited by al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr to write the editorial page of the journal (Aziz, T., “Fadlallah and the Remaking of the Marja‘iya”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., pp. 205-215, p. 206). Arguably, also relevant was Fadl Allah’s family relation with Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim, provided that, as pointed out earlier in al-¢akim’s biography, one of Muhsin’s two wives was a sister of Fadl Allah’s mother (see note 105 at p. 50). 254 al-Nuri, op. cit., pp. 285-286. 255 As far as Bint al-Hudà’s engagement in the madrasas is concerned, there is some incongruence between the information reported by al-¢a’iri and Wiley. ¢a’iri mentions that it lasted seven years while Wiley affirms that it lasted ten. Moreover, the former reports that the cities interested by this engagement were three, while the latter only two, al-Kazimiyya and al-Nağaf. 256 Interview with Ğawad al-@u’i. 257 al-Nuri, op. cit., pp. 285-286. 258 al-Nu‘mani, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, p. 50. 259 Ibidem, p. 28. 260 Aziz, “The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr”, note 66, p. 221.

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went to the house of al-Sayyid Muhammad £aqid al-£adr and told him to follow them to the cemetery of Wadi al-Salam. Once there, they showed him the death bodies of Muhammad Baqir and Amina telling him to bury them in secret.261

al-@u’is The nasab of the al-@u’i family is as follows: Abu ’l-Qasim ibn ‘Ali Akbar ibn Hašim ibn Tağ al-Din ibn ‘Ali Akbar ibn Qasim ibn Wali ibn ‘Ali ibn Rahma Allah ibn ‘Ali ibn Wali ibn £adiq ibn @an ibn Tağ al-Din ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn ¢asan ibn Murtadà ibn Mihrab ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud ibn Ahmad ibn ¢usayn ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad al-‘Abid ibn al-Imam Musà al-Kazim ibn al-Imam Ğa‘far al-£adiq ibn al-Imam Muhammad al-Baqir ibn al-Imam ‘Ali Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn al-Imam al-¢usayn ibn al-Imam ‘Ali Amir al-Mu’minin wa Fatima al-Zahra’ bint Rasul Allah Muhammad.262

The nisba “al-@u’i” tells us that this family has an Iranian origin. Ayatullah al‘Uzmà Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i was indeed born in @u’i, an old city in Iranian Azerbaijan. The family comes from a region whose primary language is Azerì, an element clearly shown by the relevant presence of Turkish poetry in Abu ’l-Qasim’s literary production. I included this family within the Alid Nağafi religious establishment because of its remarkable influence on the contemporary history of al-Nağaf and because the family completely loosened its ties with the city of @u’i263 – although not those with Iran. The al-@u’i family seems to have reached a historical relevance, and indeed visibility, for the first time only in the very last century, with the figure of alMarğa‘ Abu ’l-Qasim. All my efforts to find a previous record of this family proved to be ineffective. Samples of al-@u’is’ biographies al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim ibn ‘Ali Akbar ibn Hašim al-Musawi al-@u’i264 261 al-Nu‘mani, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, pp. 154-155, and Idem, al-Šahid al-£adr, pp. 326-327. 262 This nasab was provided to me by al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i, following an interview in his house in Qom (February 2008). It mentions as sources the following books: Kitab al-Nasab by al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-¢usayni, 1998; Kamil Mazarat Ahl al-Bayt fi ’l-‘Iraq by al-Sayyid Qasim al-¢usayni al-Ğalali; and Kitab Mašahir al-Madfunin fi ’l-£ahn al-‘Alawi al-Šarif by Kazim ‘Abud al-Fatlawi. 263 This element was confirmed by the very members of this family (interview with al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i in his house in Qom, February 2008, and telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i, February 6, 2011). 264 Biographical information, primary sources: autobiographical entry in al-@u’i, Abu ’l-Qasim, Mu‘ğam Riğal al-¢adit wa Tafsil ¥abaqat al-Ruwat, 24 vols., Matba‘a al-Adab, al-Nağaf 1981, vol. 22, pp. 2226; al-Mawsim, Mağalla Fasliyya Musawwara Tu‘nà bi-’l-Atar wa ’l-Turat, No. 17, Year 1414Q/1994, Holland; al-Wasiti, Ahmad, Sira wa ¢ayat al-Imam al-@u’i, Dar al-Hadi li-’l-¥aba‘a wa ’l-Našr wa ’l-Tawzi‘, Bayrut 1998; al-Amin, ‘Abd al-¢asan, ¢umada, al-Duktur ¥urad, al-Imam Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i Za‘im al-¢awza al‘Ilmiyya, Dar al-Nur li-’l-¥iba‘a wa ’l-Našr, London 2004; al-Bahadli, ‘Ali al-Šayh Ahmad, Wamadat min ¢ayat al-Imam al-@u’i, Dar al-Qari’, 3rd ed., Bayrut 1993; Nafahat min Sira al-Imam Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, a video on the life and activities of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i produced by the Khoei Foundation in London; al-Jibouri, Y. T., “In Memory of His Late Holiness Ayatullah al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei”, Nur al-Islam, Bayrut, November/December 1992; a biography available on the website of the Khoei Foundation in New

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Birth: Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-Musawi al-@u’i was born in @u’i, in Azerbaijan (Iran), on Rağab 15, 1317/November 19, 1899. Childhood: When he was thirteen, in 1911, Abu ’l-Qasim moved to al-Nağaf. There he reached his father, al-Sayyid ‘Ali Akbar al-Musawi, who had emigrated a year earlier apparently because of his involvement into the events of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911).265 Master and studies: When he was in @u’i, Abu ’l-Qasim attended the Namazi266 School. In al-Nağaf, in 1911, he started his studies in the local hawza. He studied Arabic grammar, syntax, rhetoric, logic, and kalam (theology). Moreover, he studied usul and fiqh under the guidance of his main master and mentor, Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Šayh Muhammad ¢usayn al-Na’ini (1273/1856-57–1355/1936-37, a strong sustainer of the Constitutional Revolution). In 1918,267 al-@u’i reached the level of iğtihad (the exercise of independent judgement on issues of religious law). In particular, al-@u’i received two iğazas in hadit, one from al-Na’ini and the other from al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din al-‘Amili (d. 1377/1957).268 In addition to al-Na’ini, al-@u’i studied with other renowned masters of his time, among them: Ayatullah al-Šayh Fath Allah al-Namazi alŠirazi, known as Šayh al-Šari‘a (1266/1849-1339/1920);269 Ayatullah al-Šayh Mahdi alMazandarani (d. 1342/1923-24); Ayatullah al-Šayh ‡iya’ al-Din al-‘Iraqi al-Nağafi (1278/1861-1361/1942);270 Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad ¢usayn al-$arawi (1296/1878– 1361/1942-43). Moreover, for brief periods, he studied with: Ayatullah al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Badkubi’i (1293/1876-77–1358/1939-40); Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad Ğawad alBala#i (1282/1865-66–1352/1933-34), a specialist in kalam and tafsir; and Ayatullah alSayyid Mirza ‘Ali Aqa al-Qadi (1285/1868-69–1366/1946-47). Disciples and teaching: He taught muqaddamat, sutuh and, finally, baht al-hariğ for over fifty years (teaching the last one from 1352/1933-34 until 1410/1989-90). Reportedly, al-@u’i gave his lessons in Arabic, despite the fact that he originally came from a region where the main languages are Azerì and Persian (we know that he wrote several poems in both languages). His lessons were attended by a medium of 150 students.271 York (http://al-khoei.org/khoei.asp, accessed on July 30, 2007) and a video available on the same website about the life and role of al-@u’i as recalled by al-Šayh Fadil al-Sahlani; al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 491-500; Khoei, Y. A., “Grand Ayatollah Abu al-Qassim alKho’i: Political Thought and Positions”, in Jabar (ed.), op. cit., pp. 223-230; an interview with al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani in his office at the Khoei Foundation in London, on April 7, 2008; an interview with al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali in London, on April 2008; an interview with al-Sayyid Nasir al-Batat at the Khoei Foundation in London, 2006. Secondary sources: Sachedina, “Al-Khu’i and the Twelver Shi‘ites”, pp. 3-22. 265 Sachedina, “Al-Khu’i and the Twelver Shi‘ites”, p. 3. The years of Abu ’l-Qasim’s childhood were full of critical historical events, such as the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911), the First World War (1914-1918), the uprising in al-Nağaf against the British occupation of the territories of the Ottoman Empire that were to became Iraq (1920; Arabic sources refer to this event as a revolution), and the end of the Ottoman Empire (1922). Arguably, these events left a mark in the intellectual development of the young al-@u’i, however we do not have any information about his direct involvement in any of them (alKhoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 491). 266 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 491. 267 Sachedina, “Al-Khu’i and the Twelver Shi‘ites”, p. 3. 268 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 497. 269 For a brief biographical note on this figure, see Momen, op. cit., p. 321. 270 Ibidem, p. 315. 271 See http://al-khoei.org/khoei.asp. These figures might seem exaggerated, but some studies about the hawza of al-Nağaf have shown that, for example, the number of students in this city between the end of the xix and the beginning of the xx century was between eight thousand and ten thousand. Interesting appears the analysis of these numbers proposed by Yitzhak Nakash (op. cit., pp. 241-242) in

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Among his students we find a relevant number of very important figures of the contemporary Ši‘i religious establishment, such as:272 al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani, al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, al-Sayyid Musà al-£adr, al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Karim al-Musawi al-Ardabili, al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, al-Sayyid £ahib al-¢akim, al-Šayh Muhammad Mahdi Šams al-Din, alSayyid Muhyi ’l-Din al-$urayfi, al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Ruhani, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Bihišti, al-Šayh Mirza ‘Ali al-$arawi, al-Šayh Mirza Ğawad al-Tabrizi, al-Šayh al-Wahid al@urasani, al-Šayh ‘Ali al-Falsafi, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Makki, al-Šayh Muhammad Ishaq Fayyad, al-Šayh Muhammad Asif al-Muhsini, al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Fadli, al-Sayyid ‘Ali Nasir, al-Šayh ‘Abd Allah al-@unayzi, and al-Sayyid Ğawad al-Šahrudi. Marriage and family: He had two wives. From the first wife, he had Ğamal al-Din, ‘Abbas, Ibrahim,273 ‘Ali, and Fahriyya. From the second wife, Fatima, he had Muhammad Taqi, ‘Abd al-Mağid, and ‘Abd al-Sahib, and two daughters, Umm Muhammad, who married al-Šayh Ğa‘far al-Na’ini, and Umm Zaynab, who married al-Sayyid Mahmud al-Milani (brother of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani). Activities: Following the death of al-Marğa‘ al-‘Ala Ayatullah al-Sayyid Abu ’l-¢asan al-Isfahani (d. 1945), al-@u’i, at that time forthy-year-old, began to be regarded as a marğa‘.274 In the early 1960s, we register a certain activism of al-@u’i. This is suggested by some fatwàs he signed, as the one directed to the Šah (1962)275 as a warning against the increase of the role of the Baha’is and of the ‘Zionists’ in the Iranian governement and administration.276 In the same period, al-@u’i was among the signatories of some fatwàs diffused by Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhsin al-¢akim (d. 1970) against communism and against the attacks perpetrated by the Iraqi government against the Kurds of north Iraq (starting from the death of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Buruğirdi (d. 1963), Muhsin al-¢akim had become the main marğa‘ for the Ši‘as, until his death, in 1970, when his place was taken by al-@u’i). Furthermore, al@u’i diffused a fatwà in support of the Palestinian cause277 and of the Algerian resistance against the French occupation.278 Quite controversial and very much obscure appears the role played by al-@u’i in the events linked to the exile of al-Sayyid Ruh Allah al-@umayni in Iraq, apparently favoured by the intervention of Muhsin al-¢akim. The light of the aggregating role played by important muğtahids. This number was however drastically reduced to around four hundred students in the years following the beginning of the First Gulf War (198087) (interviews with al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali and al-Sayyid Nasir al-Batat). Moreover, following the 1991 Iraqi Intifada, reportedly the teaching in the hawza of al-Nağaf virtually disappeared. On the other hand, Sachedina, “Al-Khu’i and the Twelver Shi‘ites”, note 3, p. 21, reports that already during a visit to the cities of Karbala’ and al-Nağaf he made in May 1996, some students were gradually going back to attending the private lessons of some scholars. 272 For a list of 101 eminent disciples of al-@u’i, see al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, pp. 498-500. 273 Ibrahim had two sons, ¢asan and ¢usayn (telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i, February 7, 2011). According to ¢aydar, Ibrahim was in fact born from Abu ’l-Qasim’s second wife. Moreover, he told me that as far as he knew, Abu ’l-Qasim also had another son from his second wife named ‘Abd al-Sahib, but that this son died when he was four of five years old. 274 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 491. 275 I have not been able to find a copy of this fatwà. However, its existence and dating was confirmed by al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani during my interviews. 276 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, pp. 491-492. 277 Reportedly, this fatwà was diffused in relation with the 1967 war between Israel and the Arab countries, and it was intended as a support for the Muslim cause (interview with al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani). 278 The existence of this fatwà is sustained by Abu ’l-Qasim’s grandson Yusuf al-@u’i, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 492.

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sources report that when the Šah indirectly threatened al-@umayni with death, al-@u’i joined in the appeal directed to the Šah by Ayatullah al-Sayyid Mahmud al-¢usayni alŠahrudi to avoid taking such an action.279 Moreover, when al-@umayni arrived in alNağaf, al-@u’i went to pay a visit to him, a visit that was, then, reciprocated by al@umayni. When the Islamic Revolution erupted (1978-1979), al-@u’i demonstrated some scepticism toward it, a deduction made more on the basis of the relevance of his silence than on actual documentary evidences. On the other hand, when Iraq invaded Iran and the eight-year war started, he avoided yielding to the pressing requests of the Iraqi governement for public support, paying his attitude with the imprisonment and death of a great number of his disciples and collaborators.280 This was particularly the case when, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (1990) and the consequent Second Gulf War (1991), there was a popular uprising in both the south and north of Iraq. In this occasion, al-@u’i diffused a fatwà prohibiting the Iraqi soldiers to take possession of the goods they had stolen in Kuwait.281 Moreover, he took an active political stance and diffused two statements (March 5 and 8, 1991)282 in which he appointed a committee in charge of taking care of the public order.283 Foundations and institutes: Together with teaching, the most important activity undertaken by al-@u’i during his twenty-years long marğa‘iyya284 was his commitment towards social activities.285 He established an endless number of institutes and centres: hospitals, orphanages, mosques, educational centres, schools, universities, et cetera. Among the most important: Al-Akhund; Dar al-¢ikma; Madina al-‘Ilm, in Qom (in Iran), a structure with an accommodation capability of up to 500 families; Al-Sayyid al-Khoei Center in Bangkok (Thailand); Al-Sayyid al-Khoei Center in Dhakka 279 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 492. However, mainstream Ši‘i sources sustain that al@umayni was in fact saved by the action taken in Qom by Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad Kazim Šari‘at-Madari to recognise him as a muğtahid, a status that according to the Iranian constitution guaranteed immunity to its holder. 280 al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 494. This element is demonstrated, for example, by the assassination in 1981 of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-Ğalali, one of the most close collaborators of al-@u’i and member of a family at the centre of the informal power structure set by him (and linked to him by marriage and work bonds: Abu ’l-Qasim’s son Ibrahim married a daughter of Muhammad Taqi al-Ğalali, and Muhammad Taqi’s son Qasim married a daughter of Abu ’l-Qasim; moreover, Qasim alĞalali was for a brief period in charge of religious affairs at the Khoei Foundation in London). 281 The Khoei Foundation in London even diffused a statement in which it condemned the invasion of Kuwait on behalf of Abu ’l-Qasim (interview with Fadil al-Milani in his office at the Foundation in London, April 2008). 282 The text of this bayan is reported in its entirety in al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim wa ¢arakatuhu al-Islahiyya fi ’l-Nağaf, p. 41, where also the text of the fatwà is reported (p. 42). 283 For a list of the members of this commette, see the Text of the statement diffused by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i on Ša‘ban 21, 1411/March 8, 1991 and list of the members of the Committee later on in this chapter. 284 al-@u’i operated during a historical period that witnessed a sharp increase in the finances of a very large number of Iraqi and Gulf Ši‘as as a consequence of the boom in the oil industry. In Iraq, for example, from 1972 to 1974 the oil revenue passed from 575 million dollars to 5700 million dollars. In 1977, the country disposed of seven refineries with a refining capacity of 184000 barrils per day (Luizard, La question irakienne, pp. 94-96). This caused an impressive increase in the money provided to the hawza system by the Ši‘as (through the principle of the hums). al-@u’i was the marğa‘ who was capable of collecting the largest part of these finances, sometimes even provided directly to him as private donations (and later shared among his family). 285 A large part of the money linked to the hums and administered by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i were used to maintain the hawza students affiliated with him. The sources suggest the al-@u’i had an annual average of a thousand dependants.

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(Bangladesh); the Ahlul-Bayt University in Islamabad (Pakistan); the Imam al-Khoei Orphanage in Bayrut (Lebanon); the School for Boys Imam al-Sadiq in London (Great Britain); the School for Girls Imam al-Sadiq in London; the School al-Imam in New York (usa); a publishing house in Karachi (Pakistan), specialised in translation and distribution; the Cultural Institute [Madina al-‘Ilm] in Bombai (India), still unfinished, it was intended to be one of the biggest Ši‘i centres in the world. Works: al-@u’i authored more than 37 works and treatises. Most of them were published during his lifetime: Ağwad al-Taqrirat, a work of ‘ilm al-usul; Nafahat al-I‘ğaz; Mu‘ğam Riğal al-¢adit wa Tafsil ¥abaqat al-Ruwat; Manasik al-¢ağğ; al-Bayan fi Tafsir alQur’an, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, Qom 1375Q/1955-1956;286 Minhağ al-£alihin, 2 vols., Minhağ al-£alihin: al-‘Ibadat, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, 29th ed., Qom 2000; Minhağ al£alihin: al-Mu‘amalat, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, 29th ed., Qom 2000, this volume, reprinted more than 28 times,287 is composed by Minhağ al-£alihin (pp. 1-384) and by Takmila Minhağ al-£alihin (pp. 385-548); Mabani bi-Takmila al-Minhağ: al-Qisas wa ’l-Diyat, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, 1422/2001, and Mabani bi-Takmila al-Minhağ: al-Qida’ wa ’l-¢udud, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, 1422/2001, they are the basis on which al-@u’i developed his risala ‘amaliyya, al-Masa’il al-Muntahaba; al-Masa’il al-Šar‘iyya: Istifta’at, 2 vols., Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, 4th ed., Qom 2000; al-Masa’il al-Muntahaba: al-‘Ibadat wa ’l-Mu’amalat. Fatawà Marğa‘ al-Muslimin Za’im al-¢awza al-‘Ilmiyya al-Sayyid Abu ’lQasim al-Musawi al-@u’i, Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i, Qom 1412/1991-1992, his risala ‘amaliyya (reprinted more than 30 times, this work has been translated into several languages, among them Turkish, Urdu, and Thai; moreover, abridged versions of his Minhağ al-£alihin have been published in Arabic, Urdu, Persian, English, Turkish, Thai, Malese, Indonesian, and Gujarati); Mabani al-Istinbat, a work of ‘ilm al-usul; Šarh ‘Urwà al-Wutqà, a work of fiqh; Risala fi ’l-Libas al-Maškuk; Ta‘liqat al-‘Urwà al-Wutqà, a commentary on the famous work by Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad Kazim alYazdi (c. 1247/1831-1337/1919). His activity as a scholar was particularly significant in the fields of ‘ilm al-riğal and tafsir, apart from kalam, fiqh, astronomy, mathematics and philosophy. His unfinished work of tasfir, al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, is considered by many his major contribution to Islamic sciences.288 Moreover, important is his work of ‘ilm al-riğal in 24 volumes, Mu‘ğam Riğal al-¢adit, written throughout his entire life, it currently represents the reference for teaching this science in the hawza. Prison: During the 1991 Intifada, Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i was arrested and taken to Ba#dad together with some members of his family. There, he was forced to appear on TV with £addam. He was soon released, on March 20, 1991,289 and confined under house arrest. Death: He died in al-Nağaf, on £afar 8, 1412/August 8, 1992. 286 This work is available in an already mentioned English translation made by Abdulaziz A. Sachedina: al-Musawi al-Khu’i, Abu al-Qasim, The Prolegomena to the Qur’an. 287 Some sources affirm that this work was reprinted more that 78 times (see the official website of the Khoei Foundation in New York). 288 al-@u’i, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., p. 491. Moreover, this was the opinion expressed by al-Šayh al-Duktur ‘Abbas al-Muhağarani, librarian of the Khoei Foundation in London and philosopher escaped from Iran to London after having been jailed for a while following the Iranian Islamic Revolution (interview at the Khoei Foundation in London, summer 2006). 289 http://al-khoei.org/khoei.asp.

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al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn Abi ’l-Qasim ibn ‘Ali Akbar ibn Hašim al-Musawi al@u’i290 Birth: al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi was born in al-Nağaf on May 5, 1958.291 Masters and studies: He studied in the madrasa Dar al-¢ikma292 (established by Muhsin al-¢akim and directed by his son Muhammad Taqi). There, he studied in particular with al-‘Alim al-Šahid Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib al-¢akim. Muhammad Taqi obtained several šahadas and iğazas, from his father and other illustrious ayatullahs. Among them: an iğaza bi-’l-iğtihad wa ’l-riwaya293 given by Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Bihišti and an iğaza li-’l-tasaddi li-’l-šu’un al-šar‘iyya294 given by Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani. Marriage and family: He married a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Rida al-@alhali. When he died, Muhammad Taqi left his wife and five children, two sons, Ğawad and ‘Ali, and three daughters, Fa’iza, Fatima, and Zahra’.295 Works:296 Muhammad Taqi wrote various works, both published and not. Among them: Kitab al-Nikah, in two volumes, it is a commentary (taqrir) on the studies of his father on this subject; Kitab al-Musaqat, in a single volume, again a commentary (taqrir) on the studies of his father on this subject; Kitab al-Mudaraba, in a single volume, it is a commentary (taqrir) of the studies of his father on this subject; al-Šurut aw al-Iltizamat al-¥aba‘iyya fi ’l-‘Uqud, in three volumes, it is a comparative study.297 Foundations and institutes: Muhammad Taqi played an important role in the establishment of the Khoei foundations throughout the world.298 His official biography has an entire sections entitled al-‘Amal al-Mu’assasati.299 Among the numerous branches of this foundation, absolutely relevant is the case of the Khoei Foundation in London, opened officially with a letter signed on March 14, 1989300 by its first Secretary General, Muhammad Taqi. Activities: The life and activities of Muhammad Taqi were mainly focused on his role in the organisation and management of the social affairs of his father’s marğa‘iyya (a role that he played particularly after his brother Ğamal al-Din moved to Syria). The muqaddima to Muhammad Taqi’s al-Šurut aw al-Iltizamat al-¥aba‘iyya fi ’l-‘Uqud defines this role as a real political programme (bayan siyasi). As responsible for his father’s office, and later General Secretary of the Khoei Foundation, he visited several countries, among them: India, Pakistan, Thailand, Malaysia, Great Britain, and the usa. Moreover, Muhammad Taqi made the pilgrimage to Makka and al-Madina.301 Muhammad 290 Biographical information, primary sources: al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, Mu’assasa Ihya’ Atar al-Imam al-@u’i, 2nd ed., Qom 1422Q/2002, and several interviews with members of his family and of the Khoei Foundation in London between 2005 and 2008. 291 al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, p. 17. 292 Ibidem, p. 19. 293 Ibidem, pp. 25-27. The source reports the entire text of the iğaza. 294 Ibidem, pp. 27-28. The source reports the entire text of the iğaza. 295 Ibidem, p. 40. The names of Muhammad Taqi’s daughters were provided by ¢aydar al-@u’i (telephone interview, February 6, 2011). 296 al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, p. 21. 297 Ibidem, p. 21. 298 All my sources, both oral ($anim Ğawad, Yusuf al-@u’i, £ahib al-@u’i, al-Ğalali, etc.) and documental (Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i al-@ayriyya 1991-2001, directed by ‘Ali Karaği-Zade and Rida RahmanBur, Al-Khoei Foundation, London 2000) sustain the historical relevance of his role. 299 al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, pp. 35-37. 300 Ibidem, p. 37. 301 Ibidem, p. 34.

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Taqi played an important role in the 1991 Intifada,302 particularly as the informal chief of the commettee of eight plus two members established by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i in order to manage public order. Death: Muhammad Taqi payed his role in the Intifada with his alleged assassination, three years later, on July 22, 1994303 (he was then thirty-six-year old). He died, together with his brother-in-law (sihr), al-Sayyid Muhammad Amin al-@alhali, his six-year old nephew Muhammad al-@alhali, and their driver, in a car crash ascribed to the Iraqi secret services.304 al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Mağid ibn Abi ’l-Qasim ibn ‘Ali Akbar ibn Hašim al-Musawi al-@u’i305 Birth: Son of Ayatullah Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, ‘Abd al-Mağid was born in al-Nağaf, on Rabi‘ al-Awwal 15, 1382/August 16, 1962. Masters and studies: In 1395/1975-1976,306 he started his religious studies in al-Nağaf, where he studied (qara’a) literature (al-‘ulum al-adabiyya), logic, and some works of fiqh. When he completed his muqaddamat, he entered the stage of al-sutuh al-‘aliya studying under several masters, among them: al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida al-@alhali, al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al £adiq, his brother Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994), and al-Šayh Baqir al-Irwani. Then, when he completed al-sutuh al-‘aliya, in 1404/1983-1984, he started his studies (hadara) of baht al-hariğ with his father al-Imam al-@u’i, until his departure (hiğra) from al-Nağaf (1991). Marriage and family: In 1983,307 ‘Abd al-Mağid married a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Bihišti.308 They had four children, three sons: ¢aydar (who married a member of the al-¢akim family), Abu ’l-Qasim, and Muhammad; and a daughter, ¢awra’, who married al-Sayyid Mahmud al-Faqih al-Imani (ibn ‘ammatiha), son of Fahriyya al-@u’i and al-Sayyid Ğalal al-Din al-Imani. Activities: In the 1980s, during his life in al-Nağaf, ‘Abd al-Mağid worked mainly with his borther Muhammad Taqi for the office of their father’s marğa‘iyya.309 When the 302 Ibidem, pp. 32-33. 303 Ibidem, pp. 38-40. 304 The news of his death was largely covered by the international press: al-¢ayat (£afar 15, 1415, No. 11479), Keyhan Hava’i ( July 27, 1994), Le Monde ( July 25, 1994), al-Šarq al-Awsat ( July 23, 1994), al-Anba’ ( July 23, 1994), Al-Qabas ( July 23, 1994), The Guardian ( July 28, 1994), and The Independent ( July 23, 1994, No. 2421; this newspaper sustained the thesis of the assassination). 305 Biographical information, primary sources: Masira Tadhiya wa Ğihad, Mu’assasa al-@u’i al@ayriyya, 2nd ed., London 2004 (in particular, pp. 15-17); an account on ‘Abd al-Mağid’s life and death written by his son ¢aydar and posted on the latter’s blog on July 4, 2007, entitled “The Untold Story” (http://eyeraki.blogspot.com/2007/07/untold-story.html, accessed on April 10, 2009); and a telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i (February 7, 2011). Secondary sources: “Shia Leader Murdered in Najaf ”, BBC, April 10, 2003 (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/2936887.stm); Wood, M., “Abdul Majod al-Khoei: Wise and Moderate Shia Cleric Murdered Before He Could Contribute to the Rebuilding of Iraq”, obituary appeared on The Guardian, April 12, 2003 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,935242,00.html, accessed on December 13, 2007). A further secondary source on the life of ‘Abd alMağid is represented by John and Linda Walbridge, “Son of an Ayatollah: Abd al-Majid al-Khu’i (Iraqi religious leader in Great Britain)”, in Trix, F. et al. (eds.), Muslim Voices and Lives in the Contemporary World, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008; I did not have acces to this essay. 306 Masira Tadhiya wa Ğihad, pp. 15-17. 307 “The Untold Story”. 308 “The Untold Story” and telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i. ¢aydar mentioned that ‘Ali al-Bihišti (d. 2003) was one of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i’s best friends and that he had five sons: Muğtabà, Muhsin, Ğa‘far, ‘Abbas, and ¢usayn. He also added that the first two, Muğtabà and Muhsin, are both ‘ulama’, while the other three are all businessmen. Moreover, ¢aydar pointed out that ‘Ali al-Bihišti also had another daughter, ¢amida, and that she married al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Sabzawari, son of Ayatullah ‘Abd al-‘Alà al-Sabzawari (1910-1993). 309 Masira Tadhiya wa Ğihad, pp. 15-17.

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1991 Intifada erupted, ‘Abd al-Mağid, who at that time was 29, ‘took part in the uprising and was regularly transporting weapons and fighters between Najaf and its sister city Kerbala’.310 During the Intifada, he tried to get in contact with the Allied forces in Iraq and to meet General Norman Schwartzkopf, but the meeting did not take place. However, because in the meanwhile the Republican Guards had surrounded Najaf and it was impossible for him to go back […], he went to London via Saudi Arabia where he was later re-united with his family.311

Once there, he gave a tremendous imput to the activities of the Foundation, particularly since 1994, when, following his brother’s death, he became its secretary general; a role that he covered until his own assassination in al-Nağaf in 2003, passing it on to his brother £ahib. In London, he became a leader of the Iraqi opposition and a successful businessman.312 He built strong contacts with the Jordanian Royal family, most notably becaming friends with the late King ¢usayn and his brother, Prince ¢asan.313 When the usa decided to invade Iraq (the invasion occurred in March 2003), he made several visits to Washington dc, particularly under the invitation of the u.s. Department of State,314 and had numerous meetings with the cia and officials at the Pentagon.315 Death: Following the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, at the beginning of April 2003 (between 4 and 5)316 Abd al-Mağid went back to al-Nağaf from London (via Bahrain), bringing with him ‘almost $700,000 in cash’,317 money provided to him by the usa. He was assassinated318 there on April 10, 2003, in the Shrine of Imam ‘Ali.

Alids ’ Biography as a literary genre Waiting for a chance to conduct on-the-field documentary and archive researches in Iraq319 – an unavoidable element for a historical research whose results would be durable –, I reconstructed the biographies of around 160 members of the chosen families. In this respect we do not dispose of critical works, and actually conflicting data do remain. Moreover these biographies were functional to comprehend the image of the single figures, and of their families in general, that the sources intend to project and vehiculate. The data I analysed disclosed a model of biography markedly classical, although it is often presented through the use of modern or electronic editing devices 310 “The Untold Story”. 311 Ibidem. 312 Ibidem. 313 Ibidem. 314 Telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i. 315 “The Untold Story”. 316 Ibidem. 317 Ibidem. 318 On April 5, 2004, Iraqi officials issued a warrant for the arrest of Muqtadà al-£adr, considered by many sources to have been the inspirator of the assassination (an accusation rejected by al-£adr). The account provided by ‘Abd al-Mağid’s son in “The Untold Story” provides a detailed list of figures (33 persons) who were, in his opinion, directly or indirectly involved in the assassination of his father. The list includes al-Sayyid Riyad al-Nuri, a close collaborator of Muqtadà al-£adr. 319 The information we receive from Iraq appears in fact quite discouraging. Many sources report that an important number of public archives and libraries have been lost or damaged. Báez, F., La destrucción cultural de Iraq, Presentación de Noam Chomsky, Flor del viento – Octaedro, Spain 2004, pp. 7782, reports that the precious manuscripts of Maktaba al-Awqaf al-Markaziyya were stolen, and that among the manuscripts disappeared there was a collection of 589 exemplars which belonged to ¢asan al-£adr.

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and formats. This element emerged from the analysis of all kinds of sources, independently from their inherent differences. Although the model is continuously adapted to the exigencies of the historical moment in which the protagonist of the biography or its author do operate, it remains constantly linked to a canvas of general and private situations that the protagonist of the biography goes through. The main duty of the historian towards Alids’ biographies is to distinguish between the objective historical data provided by the prosopographic and oral sources and the image that the biographies want to project and vehiculate. Therefore, in this chapter I point out relevant elements of continuity and discontinuity in the “ideal” biography of an illustrious Alid. A basic list of the recurrent topoi that the biographies do present, along with references to sample cases offered by my data,320 includes: 1. The protagonist has a marvellous or marvel-attended birth.321 This is the case of Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999), whose birth date coincided with that of the Prophet Muhammad; of Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1979); and of Muhsin al-¢akim (1306/1889-1390/1970), who was born on ‘Ayd al-Fitr. 2. He was born in an illustrious family (and illustrious by definition). Exemplificative is the “Muqaddima”, where we read that the Bahr al-‘Ulum’s family, throughout the passing of time, was never left without muğtahids, faqihs, clever politicians, social leaders, great literary figures, distinguished poets, and uncommon geniuses.322

3. He faces the loss of the father during his childhood. This topos is well represented in the biographies of Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (1281/1864-1377/1957), 320 To the best of my knowledge, it seems that the idea that the biographies of prominent Alids – and Ši‘i scholars – are written according to specific topoi has never been thoroughly articulated academically before. However, this idea is largely implicit in the production of many scholars, and this is the case of McChesney. In his essay on the life and activities of Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum, McChesney, op. cit., pp. 163-164, wrote that, ‘the biographical information the primary sources contain may be roughly classified thematically as follows: 1) his marvelous or marvel-attended birth, 2) his pious childhood in which various signs of holiness appear, 3) his education and assembling of credentials (the ijaza theme), 4) the performance of saintly marvels (karamat), 5) proof of the superiority of his intellectual prowess and thus his religion through victorious debate with people of other religious and, on occasion, their conversion, and 6) the marvelous or marvel-attended death’. 321 Exemplary of this topos is the recent “revelation” – and consequent harsh controversy – about the marvellous birth of the current Rahbar (Leader) of the Islamic Republic, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-@amini’i, disclosed by the friday prayer leader of Qom, Ayatullah Muhammad Sa‘idi in April 2011. According to Sa‘idi, as al-@amini’i was about to come out from the body of his mother, the future Guide reportedly pronounced the words ‘Ya ‘Ali’ (i.e. called the name of ‘Ali, the first Imam), receiving by the midwife who was helping his mother give birth the response ‘Ali negahdaret!’ (May ‘Ali protect you!) (see the report by Esfandiari, G., “Khamenei Was No Ordinary Baby, Clerics Says”, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, www.rferl.org/content/persian_letters_khamenei_was_no_ordinary_baby/3558131.html, accessed on April 15, 2011; the video of the friday prayer leader’s sermon, entitled “Ya ‘Ali Goftan-e ‘Ali @amene’i Hengam-e Tavallod”, is available on youtube at www.youtube.com/watch?v=3w_VocORRPg, accessed on April 15, 2011). 322 See the previous section about the Bahr al-‘Ulums’ family history.

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Muhammad £alih Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910-1911), Muhsin al-¢akim (1306/1889-1390/1970), £alih Šaraf al-Din (1710-1803), Muhammad (al-Tani) Šaraf al-Din (1713-1801), Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980),323 Amina (Bint al-Hudà) al-£adr (1937-1980), the sons of Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994), and those of his brother ‘Abd al-Mağid (1962-2003). Indeed, this is also the case of the Prophet and of some of the Imams. We know that Muslim historiography depicts Muhammad as born in a prestigious clan, but as someone who lost his father before he was even born and his mother at a very early age.324 A similar fate was reserved for the ninth and tenth Imams, Muhammad alTaqi and ‘Ali al-Hadi, both orphaned in their early childhood. 4. The illustrious Alid-‘alim and his family face economic difficulties, or extreme poverty. Poverty appears to be transversal and common in three of the families I analysed. A partial exception is represented by the Bahr al-‘Ulums, whose members, both ‘ulama’ and not, are often depicted as reaching important administrative positions. This poverty is often underlined through another topos, the impossibility for the protagonist of leaving any inheritance to his family.325 These topoi appear to be particularly linked to the lives of the first Imam, ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib, and of her wife Fatima bint Muhammad. At least according to the modern representations of their biographies, these two figures represent the highest examples of abstinence from wordly desires and pleasures and of dedication to forbearance and to simplicity in life. For example, a modern Ši‘i scholar, al-Sayyid Ğa‘far Šahidi, affirms that notwithstanding the general economic amelioration of the early Muslim community’s lifestyle which followed the several military victories obtained once this moved to al-Madina, Però la casa della figlia del Profeta fu, come prima, semplice e priva di fronzoli; Alì e Fatima scelsero come propria bandiera la devozione, la moderazione, la sobrietà, la generosità e persino la fame e l’astinenza dal cibo […] la famiglia del Profeta viveva an323 If this topos is proved to be actually based on truthful life experiences, it might imply psychoanalytic lectures on the role of the figures that do intervene in the psychic constellation of the young man as substitute images of the father’s role (see Freud, S., Totem e tabù, in Opere vol. 7, Boringhieri, Turin 1975; and Idem, L’uomo Mosè e la religione monoteistica: tre saggi, in Opere, vol. 11, Boringhieri, Turin 1979). I refer to the role of guide that, once it is interiorised, produces the super-ego of the subject, and that, ‘diventa il veicolo della tradizione di tutti i giudici di valore imperituri che per questa via si sono trasmessi di generazione in generazione’ (Freud, S., Introduzione alla psicoanalisi (nuova serie di lezioni), in Opere vol. 11, Boringhieri, Turin 1979, p. 179). In the case of a figure such as Baqir al-£adr, for example, this would be the role of his uncle on the mother’s side Murtadà Al Yasin and of his bigger brother Isma‘il. Moreover, the loss of the father, real or ‘image of the model’, would have a reiterative function of the collective will of the community of which our protagonist is a member. 324 Rodinson, M., Mahomet, Éditions du Seuil, Paris 1994, pp. 60-93. 325 It is important to mention that this topos, and indeed several others of those listed (in this respect, see note 340 at p. 88), is present also in the lives of eminent non-Alid ‘ulama’. The already mentioned biography of Ayatullah al-Šayh Mahdi al-@alisi (1861-1925) exemplifies this matter. There, in a passage describing the piousness of the ayatullah, we read that, ‘son âme quitta ce monde, exempte de toute faute, bonne, pure et juste, ne laissant derrière lui aucune fortune personnelle, et aucun des livres religieux qu’il avait hérités de son père. […] À sa mort, il a laissé seize tomans qui étaient dans sa poche, des meubles sans valeur et des ustensiles de maison’ (Luizard, La vie de l’ayatollah Mahdî al-Khâlisî, pp. 44-45).

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cora nella difficoltà, fino al punto che sua figlia non aveva nulla per coprirsi eccetto un mantello.326

Even more significant is a passage, reported from al-Mağlisi, in which Fatima talks to her father affirming that, Padre! Salman si è stupito per il mio velo rattoppato. Per Dio, da cinque anni vivo a casa di Alì. Abbiamo soltanto un tappetino di cuoio di pecora per coprire il pavimento e dormirci su.327

What is of particular interest here, however, is the link between poverty and (lack of ) inheritance often reported by the sources, which recalls the issue of the oasis of Fadak. Accoding to Ši‘i traditions, following to the death of her father, the Prophet Muhammad, Fatima and her family were unjustly deprived of the legitimate inheritance of the ownership of this oasis.328 5. He is precocious in learning the traditional Islamic sciences. My data provide infinite cases.329 It would not be exaggerated to affirm that this element is almost always present. Exemplificative is the late Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992), about whom the sources report that he reached the level of iğtihad (the exercise of independent judgement on issues of religious law) when he was just nineteen years old. This topos appears to be present in Ši‘i Islam since its birth and is probably related to the historical events linked to the succession within the line of the twelve Imams. I refer here to the lives of the ninth and tenth 326 Šahidi, Ğa‘far, Fatima Zahra, la figlia prediletta del Profeta Muhammad, translation by Kazem Dakeri of Zendegani-ye Fateme Zahra’, Irfan Edizioni, Setteville di Guidonia (Rome) 2007, pp. 61-62. This work appears of particular interest because the Italian translation was published with the economic support of the Cultural Institute of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Rome, and as part of a wider project aimed at translating works of the modern scholastic Ši‘i production in European languages. Therefore, the topoi it proposes can be safely assumed to be considered scientifically historical and based on credible primary sources by the IRI, although still revolutionary for the same very reasons. 327 Ibidem, p. 63. 328 Ibidem, in particular pp. 57-106. 329 The researches carried out by Louër on the al-Širazis and al-Mudarrisis do indicate that this element is of particular importance in the biographies of the members of these families. The most eminent of them in the second half of last century, Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Širazi (19262001), is reported to have reached the level of iğtihad when he was only twenty years of age, and announced his controversial marğa‘iyya when he was thirty-three years old (Louër, Transnational Shia Politics, pp. 90-91). Again, born from the marriage between a sister of Muhammad al-Širazi and a member of the al-Mudarrisi family, the two brothers al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi (1945-) and al-Sayyid Hadi al-Mudarrisi (1946-) both claimed to have reached the level of iğtihad when they were in their twenties (ibidem, p. 93). Numerous elements of Louër’s research on the al-Širazis and al-Mudarrisis clearly indicate that the list of recurrent topoi discussed in this chapter relevantly applies to them (and this is as well the case of the one discussed in the last chapter, at pp. 157-159). Arguably the two most evident topoi we find in the biographies of these two families are the “genealogical factor” (i.e. to be born in an illustrious Alid family, and illustrious by definition) and the natural capacity in innovating the scientific tradition of Ši‘i Islam. Useful are Louër’s observation that, on the one hand, Muhammad al-Širazi ‘used the symbolic capital which his prestigious ancestry granted him in order to substantiate his claim to supreme religious authority’ (ibidem, p. 92) and that, on the other hand, his followers ‘tend to speak about him as an unknown genius who was attacked by his contemporaries because he revolutionalized Shia thought. […] After his death in December 2001, […] the idea that Mohammed al-Shirazi was the “mujaddid” of the fifteenth Hegirian century has been introduced’ (ibidem, p. 95). For an overview on the political activities of the al-Širazis and al-Mudarrisis, in addition to Louër, see Ibrahim, F., The Shi‘is of Saudi Arabia, SAQI, London 2006, in particular pp. 73-85. For a political biography of Muhammad al-Širazi, see al-Katib, Ahmad, al-Širazi: al-Marğa‘iyya fi Muwağiha Tahdiyat al-Tatawwur, Dar al-¢ikma, London 2002.

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Imams, Muhammad al-Taqi (d. 835) and his son ‘Ali al-Hadi (d. 868), who were both orphaned in their early childhood and acceded to the Imamate when they were just seven-year old, posing to Ši‘i scholars obvious problems of legitimacy, in that they had to theoretically justify the possibility of having a “baby” Imam.330 This issue also seems to respond more properly to a pre-established model quite diffused in Ši‘i hagiography, that presents its most illustrious members as becoming muğtahids immediately after they reach maturity. 6. The protagonist marries someone within his own prestigious family, the daughter of a great master of his age, or the daughter of a rich merchant or landowner. This appears to be one of the most relevant issues at stake and it will be analysed at length in the third chapter. 7. He studies with the best masters of his age, with whom he deepens the vast knowledge acquired as a child with his father or, as an alternative, with his bigger brother or the uncle. Cases in point are Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1979), Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1318/1900-1901), ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1422/2001), Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1315/1898), Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1347/1928-), Musà Bahr al-‘Ulum (1327/1909-1909), Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (1281/1864-1377/1957), ‘Ali Bahr al‘Ulum (1314/1897-1898–1380/1960), Muhsin Bahr al-‘Ulum (1218/1803-1804– 1318/1900) – he started the studies with both his father and his uncle! –, ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (1282/1866-1355/1936), Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1261/18451326/1908), £adr al-Din Muhammad Šaraf al-Din (1193/1779-1263/1847), Isma‘il al-£adr al-Isfahani (1258/1842-12, 1338/1920), £adr al-Din Šaraf al-Din (d. 1373/1953-1954), Isma‘il al-£adr (1340/1921-1388/1969), Muhammad Baqir al£adr (1935-1980), Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999), ¢usayn al-£adr, Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994), Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim, Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970), Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1939-2003), ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009), and several others. Master-disciple relations in a community strongly based on knowledge and its possession are, without doubt, relevant and, indeed, in the case of the Alids these appear to be strictly linked to their marriage policy. 8. He demonstrates a huge expertise in fiqh and usul, and has a natural capacity in innovating the scientific tradition of Ši‘i Islam without betraying it. As underlined in the previous point, the issue of learning traditional Islamic sciences is a relevant one. Even in the biographies of the members of the families that do not pursue an education within the hawza ‘ilmiyya, my sources do underline their knowledge of the basic principles of its two most important sci330 Momen, op. cit., pp. 42-44. The parallels between the lives of Alids and those of early members of the Ahl al-Bayt is not simply an intuition of mine, but is proposed by the primary sources. In his biography of Bint al-Hudà, in order to “justify” the choice of the protagonist of not getting married, al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Nu‘mani, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, p. 34, writes that this is not strange for the Ahl alBayt (laysa hada #ariban ‘alà Ahl al-Bayt) as proved by the fact that the choice was made also by Sakina, daughter of Imam al-¢usayn, who abstained from marrying (‘azafat ‘an al-zawağ) because she considered that the whole engagement with God would be better for her (al-isti#raq ma‘a Allah #alaba ‘alayha).

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ences, fiqh and usul. This is true even in the case of Bint al-Hudà (1937-1980) who, despite it was traditionally unusual of al-Nağaf to have women studying in the hawza ‘ilmiyya, studied fiqh and usul with her two brothers and reached a level very close to mastering them. Furthermore, my data show a strong insistence on the continuous innovation of the Ši‘i scholastic tradition undertaken by these figures. This element is underlined by the relevant occurrence of the honorific al-muğaddid (the re-newer), particularly in the biographical repertoires. The idea of innovation is moreover strengthened by the recurrence of the term islah (reform), often to the extent of a revolution (tawra), particularly in connection with the society the Alid is part of (al-islah al-iğtima‘i) and in connection with the very teaching system of the Ši‘i scholastic tradition (al-islah al-hawzawi).331 9. He stands out of the other muğtahids of his age, that are specialised in a single field of study, by mastering several of them. This topos is always associated to the greatest scholars, such as Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1979), Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980), Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999), Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-), Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (18991992), etc. This element is particularly recurrent in the biographies of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family (at least as reported by the author of the “Muqaddima”). 10. He travels a lot, mostly ‘in search of knowledge’ and in order to attend the lessons of the most important masters of his age. Even if the inclination towards travelling is innate in Islam, for both Ši‘as and Sunnis, this appears to be particularly important in the case of the Alids. Their biographies comprise with a certain constancy a section specifically dedicated to the journeys they made, as shown by Ğamal al-Din al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (d. 1098/1687), Muhammad Šaraf al-Din al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (1049/1639-1640– 1139/1726-1727), Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1979), Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994), Muhsin al-¢akim (d. 1970), Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-), Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), Ğa‘far al-£adr (1970-), Ğawad al-@u’i (1980-), etc. In the case of Muhsin al-¢akim, the biography reconstructed in al-Imam Muhsin al-¢akim 1889-1970 has a section about his journeys that covers eight of the twenty-one pages dedicated to his entire life. 11. Among his several travels, the protagonist performs the duty of the pilgrimage, both in the sense of going to Makka and al-Madina, and/or to Mašhad.332 The pilgrimage to Makka and al-Madina is mentioned almost always in contemporary sources (Amina Bint al-Hudà, Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, ‘Abd al-Mağid 331 With respect to the importance of the idea of islah, exemplificative are the autobiography of alSayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din as reported in his Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin fi Silsila Al Šaraf al-Din: Tarih Ağiyal fi Tarih Riğal, Kitab Nasab wa Tarih wa Tarağim (revised and completed by al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah Šaraf alDin, 2 vols, al-Dar al-Islamiyya, Bayrut 1411/1991) and the Introduction to this work by al-Ustad Muhammad ‘Ali Qasim, in particular pp. K-F dedicated to al-Islah wa ’l-Tawra (Reform and Revolution). 332 Major pilgrimage centres are the very al-Nağaf and Karbala’, in today’s Iraq. However, in the case of the families we take into consideration, they are by definition “Nağafi” and, therefore, the hağğ to these two cities is somehow part of their everyday life.

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al-@u’i, Musà al-£adr, Rabab al-£adr, Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, etc.) and quite often in those modern (Muhammad Mahdi al-¥abataba’i). Indeed most of the few pictures featured by their biographies concerns precisely their pilgrimage. Several members of these families are reported to having been group-leaders, and this is also the case of women, as exemplified again by Bint al-Hudà, described as a ‘religious guide for women in the pilgrimage’ and praised on the basis that, it is well known that the responsibilities of the pilgrimage and his rules are among the most difficult and extensive of all the religious precepts.333

The hağğ to Mašhad is also very much mentioned, and this is particularly the case of the biographies of the Bahr al-‘Ulums. The “Muqaddima” even reports that some members of this family actually died en route towards or coming back from this trip. This element both points out the difficulties of travelling in pre-modern times and recalls the case of Fatima “Ma‘suma”, sister of Imam ‘Ali al-Rida (d. 818), who died in Qom on her way towards Marv, where she was going in order to join his brother.334 12. The protagonist becomes a religious and/or political leader of his community, always within the framework of the local hawza ‘ilmiyya. This topos appears to be one of the most recurrent. My families claim to be, and indeed have largely been, the most important representatives and leaders of their communities; both within the framework of the local and regional religious establishment and, with relevant differences, within the framework of the national or very recently international political arena. 13. As a respected and knowledgeable scholar, the protagonist builds a large group of disciples and eminent scholars. The endless lists of disciples of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr available at pp. 67-70 provides a clear example. Its occurrence is demonstrated by other cases, such as: Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1155/1742-1212/1979), Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1318/1900-1901), Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970), Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992), £adr al-Din Muhammad Šaraf al-Din (1779-1847), and Isma‘il al-£adr al-Isfahani (1258/ 1842-12, 1338/1920). 14. The regime in power oppresses the protagonist and his family and, normally, the entire community the family is member of. The struggle between £addam ¢usayn’s regime and the members of these families is an evidence of the oppression they suffered. This is particularly proved by the important number of members of these families killed during the more than two decades £addam held almost absolute power in Iraq. Moreover, it is paralleled by the case of the struggle between the last Iranian Šah and a very famous Alid, Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989). An interesting aspect linked to the persecution suffered by the Alids is the concealment of some of its members during their 333 al-Nu‘mani, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, p. 28.

334 Momen, op. cit., p. 41.

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childhood in order to guarantee their safety, as exemplified by the lives of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970) and £ahib al-@u’i. In the first case, the sources report that he was born either in al-Nağaf or south Lebanon. One of the sources, al-Sarrağ, affirms that we have to assume that al-¢akim was born in al-Nağaf because we do not have information about his childhood in Lebanon, adding that, the lack of signs about his presence in the south of Lebanon when he was a child, could be in fact explained only through the will to keep him hiding (#a’iban).335

We encounter a similar case with £ahib al-@u’i, the current Secretary General of the Khoei Founation. His existence was for long kept secret because of the fear he could be killed by £addam’s regime, and was finally publically revealed following the death of his brother ‘Abd al-Mağid, when £ahib became the new Secretary General of the foundation. 15. The illustrious Alid-‘alim is often subjected to imprisonment because he has become famous and admired and, therefore, feared of by the regime. This is sadly exemplified by the long lists of members of the Bahr al-‘Ulum and al-¢akim families arrested or killed by the regime of £addam ¢usayn. In this respect, however, the most important case is that of Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), reportedly imprisoned by ‘Ammar al-$addafi in 1978 and still in jail after more than thirty years. On the other hand, this is again the case of many Imams. Ši‘i traditions report that in particular Ğa‘far al-£adiq (d. 765), Musà al-Kazim (d. 799), ‘Ali al-Hadi (d. 868), and ¢asan al-‘Askari (d. 873) were all subjected to imprisonment, particularly through house arrests.336 Ši‘i writers have accused the ‘Abbasids of being jealous of the popular affection held by the Imams, and reported their death as a consequence of poisoning perpetrated by the various caliphs for this very reason.337 16. The now senior religious figure is released or escapes from jail in extraordinary circumstances (while the young members of his family perish there). This case is exemplified by the biographies of Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim (1921-2002), Mahdi al-¢akim (1935-1988), Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1939-2003), ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009), ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim (1939-), Taqi £alih Šaraf al-Din, Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980), and several others. Once again, this element recalls the life of the Imams. Ši‘i tradition reports that Musà al-Kazim (d. 799) was released from prison and avoided to be killed by Harun al-Rašid as the result of a dream made by the Caliph.338 Moreover, the Caliph al-Mu335 See the biography of Muhsin al-¢akim at pp. 50-51. 336 Momen, op. cit., p. 40. 337 Relevant is the case of Musà al-Kazim. He was appointed by Harun al-Rašid to be his heir-apparent, but died in mysterious circumstances soon after his appointment. Ši‘i sources accuse the Caliph for his death, suggesting that he had changed his mind as a consequence of the jealousy for the particular affection demonstrated by the people towards the Imam (Momen, op. cit., pp. 41-42). 338 For a brief account of the lives of these Imams, see Amir-Moezzi, M. A., Christian, J., Qu’est-ce que le shi‘isme?, Fayard, Paris 2004, pp. 68-72, and Momen, op. cit., pp. 38-44.

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tawakkil tried to kill ‘Ali al-Hadi (d. 868) during his long imprisonment in Samarra’, but his attempt was frustrated by a miracle.339 17. He finally dies having been poisoned or killed by the regime in power (and therefore martyred), and/or already knowing it because of the announcement made by the manifestation of the divine in the course of a dream. As far as the topos of the martyrdom of the eminent ‘alim is concerned, we have several cases of assassination and poisoning. This is the case of al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (906/1500-01–963/1555-56) with whom our recorded history of the al-£adr family actually begins. This element recalls once again the life of several Imams. Indeed, Ši‘i traditions have largely tended to report that all the Imams, with the obvious exception of the twelfth, were martyred, mostly by poisoning (al-¢asan, ‘Ali Zayn al-‘Abidin, Muhammad Baqir, Ğa‘far al-£adiq, Musà al-Kazim, Muhammad Taqi, ‘Ali al-Hadi, and ¢asan al-‘Askari).340 The case of the death of the eminent ‘alim announced by the apparition in a dream of the divine, then, is interestingly exemplified by two passages written by al-¢a’iri’s mentioned biography of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. In the first passage, al-¢a’iri writes that, During the night I had a dream and saw one of the prophets who was attending a lesson of al-£adr. Later on, I had the honour of meeting al-£adr in his house, at that time situated in al-¢urnaq street, and, therefore, I told him about the dream. He replied that, ‘the interpretation of this dream is that I will not be able to bring to an end the mission (risala) that I had intended to do, and that one of my disciples will come and complete it after me’. He made this discourse when none would have thought that the events were going to lead him towards martyrdom.

In another passage of this biography, the author reports that, Following the return of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid al-¢akim from London [where he had gone towards the end of his life in order to receive medical treatment], al-£adr told me that one day he had a dream about Ayatullah al-¢akim in the haram of [the Shrine of] Imam ‘Ali, and this before he actually got ill. al-£adr underlined that this had been the last dream he had had about al-Sayyid al-¢akim, and that he did not have any other dream about him until al-Sayyid al-¢akim’s death. Some days later, al-Sayyid al-¢akim got ill, and his illness got worse, so that they had to bring him to London in order to 339 Momen, op. cit., p. 44. 340 This element is particularly true for modern and contemporary Ši‘i historiography (Momen, op. cit., pp. 28-44). When we consider that some sources report that ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib did die because the sword he was wounded with was poisoned, we see that all the Imams – with the obvious exception of al-¢usayn and al-Mahdi – were killed by poisoning. It is moreover worth mentioning that, as pointed out earlier in note 325 at p. 82 concerning the topos of the economic difficulties or extreme poverty experienced by the illustrious Alid-‘alim and by his family, the topos of the poisoning or martyrdom of the relevant Alid by the regime in power is present also in the lives of eminent non-Alid ‘ulama’. Once again useful is the the case of Ayatullah al-Šayh Mahdi al-@alisi (1861-1925). According to the biography written by his son Muhammad, Ayatullah al-@alisi died because he was poisoned by an agent of the British consulate in Mašhad, an element Muhammad mentiones innumerous times in his work. In this respect, it is difficult to not share the considerations of Luizard, La vie de l’ayatollah Mahdî al-Khâlisî, p. 8, when he observes that, ‘on serait tenté de dire que, à l’image de certains des plus grands Imams chiites infaillibles, un tel personnage [i.e. Mahdi al-@alisi] ne pouvait pas mourir de mort naturelle’.

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be treated; but he did not recover. When al-Sayyid al-¢akim came back from London, while he was coming down from the steps of the plane at Ba#dad’s Airport, al-£adr [went there and] tried to see him in order to verify whether his dream had been just a fantasy, without any value, and hoping that al-Sayyid al-¢akim had recovered from his illness and was safe and sound, or not. However, al-£adr was not able to see him until some times later, when al-¢akim died because of his illness.341

18. Following his death, the illustrious Alid is buried in the family grave, near the Imams. The sources do not refrain from indicating that the tombs of the illustrious families analysed here are in the very places where the Imams have presumably been buried. This is particularly the case of the al-£adrs, whose primary sources often point out that its members are buried in family grave of the Šaraf al-Dins342 in al-Kazimiyya, where the tomb of Imam Musà (d. 799) is located. They usually use expressions such as ‘he was buried near the tomb of his grand-father (ğadduhu)’,343 meaning the very Imam Musà. Similar is the case of a very large part of the biographies of the Bahr al-‘Ulums as reported in the “Muqaddima”. According to this source, the members of this family have been either buried in the family grave (maqbara al-usra),344 sometimes reported to be located close to the maqbara (grave, tomb) of al-Šayh al-¥usi, in al-Nağaf,345 or in the maqbara of the Al Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-¥abataba’is in Karbala’,346 sometimes referred to as the maqbara of the Al Bahr al-‘Ulums and £ahib al-Riyads.347 In order to widen the perspective on the use of the above listed topoi in building the ideal biography of an illustrious Alid-‘alim, let us take a look at some 341 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 53. Abu Ğa‘far Muhammad ibn ¢asan al-¥usi (955-1067), known as al-Šayh al-¥a’ifa, is one of the most important scholars of the Ši‘i tradition. He is buried in al-Nağaf. On this figure, see the brief biographical entry in Momen, op. cit., p. 321. 342 The prosopographic sources sometimes refer to this tomb as the family tomb of the Al £adrs. In one of my interviews with al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr she affirmed that, in fact, there is only one family tomb. 343 This is the case of the biography of Isma‘il al-£adr al-Isfahani. The reference to the Imams as their grandfathers on part of the sayyids is present in numerous sources. Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, p. 197, reports that in the case they happened to be poor, the sayyids of the Ši‘i tribes of Ottoman Mesopotamia had the right to a share in their tribe’s revenues: this share was called ‘haqq ğaddi’, the right of my grandfather. Again, describing the situation of the sayyids in south Lebanon at the end of the 1960s, Waddah Šarara, Transformation d’une manifestation religieuse dand un village du Liban-sud (Ashura), a publication of the Research Centre of the University of Lebanon, Bayrut 1968, p. 53, reported in Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 62, writes that, ‘les siyad […] ne participent que dans une faible mesure à l’activité économique, se considèrent come des “justes”, comme le sel de la terre, vivant leur parenté comme le témoignage de l’injustice flagrante de ce monde, invoquant fréquemment leur “grand-père”’ (parentheses not added). 344 Among the others, al-Sayyid Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1322/1904-1905), al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al‘Ulum (1302/1884-1885–1335/1916-1917), and al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir Bahr al-‘Ulum (1313/1895-1896– 1350/1931-1932). 345 Among the others, al-Sayyid Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (1248/1832-1833–1319/1901-1902) is reported as having been buried near his father and grandfather close to the maqbara of al-Šayh al-¥usi. This element was underlined also by my oral sources within the Bahr al-‘Ulum family. In this respect, see the biography of al-Sayyid ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum at pp. 40-42. 346 Among the others, al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1283/1866-1867–1351/1932-1933). 347 Among the others, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn ibn al-Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (died sometimes after 1330/1911-1912).

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examples taken from the lives of three eminent contemporary figures that are not members of the four families taken into account in this research: al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah (1960-), Ayatullah al-Sayyid Ruh Allah al-@umayni (19021989), and Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-). As a first case, we can consider the biography of al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah (current Secretary General of the Lebanese party-movement ¢izbullah) as reconstructed by Nicholas Noe348 and Aurélie Daher.349 Reading them we learn that Nasr Allah is the son of ‘an impoverished fruit and vegetable salesman’ and that, ‘despite being only 15 years old, Nasrallah was appointed the head of Amal for Bazouriyeh in apparent recognition of his maturity’.Then, we are told that, ‘with some money given him by his father and friends, Nasrallah left Lebanon for Iraq […]. By the time he arrived in Najaf, he was penniless and had nowhere to stay’.350

Moreover, we learn that al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah was sent by al-Sayyid Muhammad Mansur al-$arawi,351 his Lebanese mentor who teaches ‘au nom de sayyid Mûsâ Sadr’,352 to study with al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. The last information is an indispensable biographical element in order to substantiate Nasr Allah’s credentials as an activist and involved Alid-‘alim and is taken from the contemporary canvas of relevant figures, indeed two of the most important. 348 Blanford, N., “Introduction”, in Noe, N. (ed.), Voice of Hezbollah, The Statements of Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah, Verso, London 2007, pp. 1-13. 349 Daher, A., “Hasan Nasrallah, éléments de biographie”, in Mervin, S. (ed.), Le Hezbollah, état des lieux, Sindbad, France 2008, pp. 251-271. al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah’s biography presents several points of interest in that it is based on elements that Daher correctly defines ‘d’une pauvreté inexplicable’ and that are moreover ‘des reprises, parfois littérales, les uns des autres’ (pp. 251-252). This paucity of biographical information is unusual, although we face a similar situation with the biography of another young and eminent ‘alim, al-Sayyid Muqtadà al-£adr. It is interesting, in this respect, that I was not capable of finding a single biography of Nasr Allah neither is Lebanon nor in Syria, where I particularly conducted field researches in May 2010 and also referred to the local offices of Dar Almanar for Art Production & Distribution (the Media producer of al-Manar, the official tv station of ¢izbullah) in both Bayrut and Sayyidna Zaynab (Dimašq). There, I was told that they had in fact produced a dvd about the life of the current Secretary General of the Party of God but that this had been soon sold out, an information denied by the cathalogue distributed by Dar Almanar which features dvds dedicated to the biographies of al-Sayyid Ruh Allah al-@umayni, al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, al-Sayyid ‘Abbas alMusawi, al-Sayyid Musà al-£adr, and al-Šayh Ra#ib ¢arb and several dvds with the most famous speeches of al-Sayyid Nasr Allah, but not a single dvd on his life. The only exception to this scenario is represented by a 48-page book for children I found at the 24th Tehran International Book Fair (4-14 May 2011) authored by Lana ¢usayn Balluq and entitled al-Faris al-‘Arabi: Sira ¢ayat al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah min al-Wilada ¢attà al-Qiyada (Dar al-Mahağa al-Bayda’, Bayrut n.d., and by Kaluri, Rašid Ğa‘far-Pur, Azadtarin Mard-e Ğahan, Bar Rasi-ye Zendegi-ye Mobarez-e Mahbub va Qahreman-e ‘Arab: Seyyed ¢asan Nasr Allah, Markaz-e Asnad-e Enqelab-e Eslami, Tehran Mehr 1389Š/September-October 2010. I did not have access to the latter. 350 Noe (ed.), op. cit., pp. 2-3. This information reported also by Daher, op. cit., p. 257, who writes that, ‘en décembre 1976, il part étudier la religion à Najaf, après avoir réussi à récolter auprès de son père et de quelques amis de la famille la modeste somme qui doit couvrir les frais de son voyage’, adding that, ‘Arrivé à Najaf parfaitement désargenté, Nasrallah se dirige vers le domicile de la seule personne qu’il connaît dans la ville, le cheikh ‘Alî Karîm. […] Celui-ci le présente à un des étudiants de Muhammad Bâqir al-Sadr, ‘Abbâs al-Mûsawî’. 351 Noe (ed.), op. cit., pp. 3-4. 352 Daher, op. cit., p. 257.

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Another case is offered by the biography of the late Ayatullah al-Sayyid Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989). Ervand Abrahamian353 tells us that al@umayni was born in a humble family. Although he lost his father while he was still in his childhood, Ruh Allah was capable of pursuing a successful career as ‘alim with the only help of his innate skills. Later, he spent his life between study, teaching, and the opposition against the tyrannical regime of his age, the Šah. Finally, he died, loved by the community of Ši‘i believers, and leaving to the only child that survived him a single material property, a rug for the canonical prayer. We find almost all the mentioned topoi in a single figure, indisputably the image of a great man and scholar! A last example concerns an anecdote linked to the life of Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani as reported by one of my oral sources, $anim Ğawad. We were discussing a question I had raised to him concerning my perception that alSistani was not really known before his actual raise to the position of successor of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i as marğa‘ for the majority of the Ši‘as in the world. Ğawad agreed on my remark and told me that this was actually proven by what had happened to al-Sistani during the 1991 Iraqi Intifada. Reportedly, al-Sistani was jailed in connection with those events. Later he was released through an order given by the very director of the jail, he himself a Ši‘i (!), when he found out the religious relevance of al-Sistani and his closeness to Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i,354 an element that at that time was unknown even in Iraq.355 What is important here is not the validity of my observation, but the automatic release of al-Sistani once his importance becomes unveiled: the senior illustrious figure got out of jail, while his young fellows perished there. On the other hand, as far as the above mentioned topoi and the model biography are concerned, I found interesting elements of discontinuity in strictly contemporary biographies that diverge from the traditional canvas. It will be this aspect that I will put at the centre of the attention in the following pages. Continuity vs discontinuity The data I collected through my oral sources and my fieldwork experience show a strong identity interiorisation of the above listed topoi. In an im-

353 Abrahamian, E., Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic, London 1993, pp. 5-12. In Persian, see his biography as diffused by the Islamic Republic, Zendeginame-ye Emam @omeyni, Mo’assase-ye Chap va Našr-e ‘Uruğ, Tehran n.d. 354 I was told this anecdote by $anim Ğawad during an interview at the Khoei Foundation in London, April 2008. 355 This episode recalls an event linked to the life of al-@umayni (1902-1989) that I mentioned earlier in this chapter (p. 76, in particular note 279). Having been imprisoned by the regime of the Šah for his political speeches, he was reportedly released when some senior ayatullahs made publicly known that they considered him to be a marğa‘.

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portant number of cases we actually deal with a phenomenon of superposition between the model proposed and the factual reality. The form becomes substance and those delineated above seem to represent “simple” elements of continuity in the overall situation of the typical life of a sayyid-‘alim, instead of topoi of a pre-established model. The main role of a historian is to explore the peculiarities and significance of its subject study (in our case the role of the Ahl al-Bayt in contemporary Muslim societies) on the background of factual elements of continuity or discontinuity.356 Indeed, it is possible to notice several elements of discontinuity and contradiction in relation to these topoi within the data I collected. With some exceptions, however, these elements go more in the sense of variants or better adaptations of this model, more than proper U-turns in the perception of what the model in itself should be. Probably, we find one of the most interesting elements of discontinuity in the mention, presence, and role of women. This discontinuity appears of paramount interest, at least in consideration of the increasing attention to gender studies between scholars of Islam, and I will address it in a specific chapter, the following, dedicated to Alid women and marriage alliances. A first important discontinuity that appears in the biographical topoi is Alids’ education and training as muğtahids.357 All the families concerned were involved in the reform process that led to the establishment of modern schools and universities in Iraq. A case in point is Kulliyya al-Fiqh. Established in 1958 by the Association Muntadà al-Našr, in 1974 it was integrated into the University of Ba#dad. It offered a modernised version of the curriculum traditionally taught in the hawza ‘ilmiyya, in addition to modern courses of sociology, psychology, literary criticism, and English. However, in 1991 it was closed down, most probably as a consequence of the local Intifada. Also interesting appear the extracurricular lectures done by the ‘ulama’ in those days. Many sources do indicate that in the second half of the last century they had access to an important number of extra-curricula books, most often through translations into Arabic and Persian. This is certainly the case of the students that attended Kulliyya al-Fiqh, as demonstrated by Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, who read works by Karl Marx and other contemporary philosophers, and writers such as Victor Hugo and Goethe. An Appendix to the first edition of al-£adr’s Falsafatuna, written by Muhammad Rida al-Ğa‘fari, reveals the sources used for this work: Marx, Engels, Stalin, Mao Tse Tung, Plekhanov, Henri Lefebvre, Roger Garaudy, Georges Plittzer, Georges Hanna, Taqi Arani.358 356 Bausani, A., “Cinquant’anni di Islamistica”, in Gli studi sul Vicino Oriente in Italia dal 1921 al 1970. II. L’Oriente islamico, ipo, Rome 1971, pp. 1-26. 357 On the curriculum of the hawza see Mallat, The Renewal of Islamic Law, pp. 35-49, in particular p. 36. 358 Baqir al-£adr, Muhammad, Falsafatuna, al-Nağaf 1959, pp. 348-49.

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Although the reason for this revelation is unknown, it openly tells us that numerous important Marxist writers were available and read in the very “capital” of Ši‘i Islam: al-Nağaf.359 The discontinuity in Alids’ education is particularly revealed by al-Duktur Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-) and by Ayatullah alSayyid Muhammad Muhammad £aqid al-£adr (1943-1999). Both had a binary education: traditional, linked to the system of the hawza ‘ilmiyya, and modern, provided by the national systems. Muhammad Muhammad £aqid al-£adr. Among his masters we find some dukturs, that is to say people that obtained a PhD and therefore studied mainly outside the hawza ‘ilmiyya, such as ¢atim al-Ku‘bi (Professor of Psychology) and Fadil al-¢usayn (Professor of History).360 Moreover, his studies comprised subjects such as psychology and English. From 1960 to 1964, £aqid al-£adr attended Kulliyya al-Fiqh, among whose staff was his renowned cousin Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. As far as the al-£adrs are concerned, we have several cases of members of this family that studied or taught both in the hawza and the national educational system: Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?),361 Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, Amina Bint al-Hudà (1937-1980), Ğa‘far al-£adr (1390Š/1970-), and several others. Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum. He had a complete binary education, obtained a PhD at the University of al-Qahira and became a muğtahid. Moreover, he obtained his formal education studying in the two most renowned public universities of the Middle East, the University of Tehran (Master degree) and the University of al-Qahira (PhD). This element is described by his very biography, where it is reported that, when he finished the traditional studies in the scientific school of al-Nağaf, he turned his attention to the following accademic studies: the Baccalaureate in Arabic sciences and Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliyya al-Fiqh in al-Nağaf, University of Ba#dad; […], he completed his thesis at the Centre for Islamic Studies at the University of Ba#dad in 1969, and the Master in Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliyya al-Ilahiyat of the University of Tehran in 359 On the presence of communist and socialist ideas in al-Nağaf at least since the 1920s and 1930s of the last century, see Naef, S., “Shi‘i-Shuyu‘i or: How to Become a Communist in a Holy City”, in Ende, W., Brunner, R. (eds.), The Twelver Shia in Modern Times: Religious Culture and Political History, Brill, Leiden 2001, pp. 255-267, and Batatu, “Appendix One B. The Bolsheviks and the ‘Ulama’ of the Holy Cities”, in The Old Social Classes, pp. 1141-1147. Naef ’s essay is of particular interest because it was written on the basis of the biographies and/or autobiographies of three figures members of the Ši‘i religious establishment and, moreover, one of them is al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih Bahr al-‘Ulum, a member of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family already introduced at p. 36 (see also note 34 on the same page), in the overview of eminent figures of this family. Born in 1328/1910-1911, Bahr al-‘Ulum broke very soon with his family tradition and became a celebrated poet and a major Iraqi literary figure of the last century. In addition to what mentioned at p. 36, two other elements of his life help us to understand the strength and dept of his break with the family tradition: in order to earn a living he decided to get employed as a worker in a cigarette factory in Ba#dad and as a consequence of his involvement in political and labour movements he was arrested several times, the first in 1928. 360 al-Asadi, Muhtar, al-Šahid al-£adr bayna Azma al-Ta’rih wa Dimma al-Mu’arrihin, published by the author, Stara Press, 1418/1997, p. 28. 361 Chehabi, Tafreshi, op. cit., p. 139.

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1970. He earned, finally, a PhD in Islamic Šari‘a at Kulliyya Dar al-‘Ilm, University of alQahira, in 1980.362

Another demonstration of the innovative actitude of the Alids as far as the religious curriculum of studies is concerned is represented by Musà al-£adr. Reportedly, he was the first muğtahid to enrol at the School of Political Economics at the University of Tehran.363 The validity of the experience of Kulliyya al-Fiqh is further demonstrated by the case of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994) and of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim (1939-), who both studied there. The latter, having obtained his bachelor, later spent more than 8 years in prison (1983-1991), where, according to what he told me, he made his hawza studies together with other members of the family – obviously in secret. When he got out of jail, he moved to London where he studied šari‘i sciences at the Faculty of Law for 8 years (1993-2001), finally obtaining a PhD. The tendency to attain a binary education appears even more accentuated in the new generation of Alids. Cases in point are al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i (1980-), a grandson of the most important marğa‘ of the last century, and alSayyid Ğa‘far al-£adr (1970-), the only surviving son of Muhammad Baqir al£adr, considered the most important reform-minded Ši‘i scholar of the last century. Muhammad Taqi obtained a bachelor’s degree in Islamic Theology at the International College of Islamic Sciences (2007), Faculty of Islamic Law of London, and a Master degree in Islamic Theology at the University of alAzhar (2010) (at its ‘Amman’s branch, in Jordan). Finally, he currently pursues his traditional hawza studies in Qom, where he attends the courses of baht alhariğ. Having spent several years at the hawza in Qom, in 2008 Ğa‘far enrolled in a Master course in Political Science at the American University in Bayrut. With the purpose of widening the understanding of the above described phenomenon, I suggest to take into consideration a last case of an eminent contemporary Alid, ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Sayyid Muhammad al-@atami. The two times President of the Islamic Republic of Iran owns a bachelor’s degree in philosophy, obtained at the University of Isfahan, and for a brief period was enrolled in a Master course in Science of Education, at the University of Tehran (a course that apparently he never completed).364

362 “al-Mu’allif fi Sutur”, p. 9. 363 Norton, A. R., “Musa al-Sadr”, in Rahnema, op. cit., 184-207, p. 195. 364 For a brief biography of Muhammad al-@atami, see Buchta, W., Who Rules Iran? The Structure of Power in the Islamic Republic, A Joint Publication of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, USA 2000, p. 30. Moreover, see al-@atami’s profile on the official website of the International Institute for Dialogue Among Cultures and Civilizations (www.dialogue.ir/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=23<emid=45, accessed on September 10, 2010). As far as Iran is concerned, the tendency to studying modern disciplines is evident in the biographies of several Ši‘i scholars (see Fisher, M. M. J., Iran: From Religious Dispute to Revolution, Harvard University Press, 1980, pp. xix-xxvi, in particular p. xx).

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One of the most recurrent elements in Alid sources is the economic hardship faced by their community. This claim appears to be likely true when we consider the economic difficulties and discriminations faced by Ši‘i communities throughout their history as a minority in a largely Sunni environment. However, my sources unintentionally indicate that Alids and the Ši‘i communities they lived in were also protagonists of sectarian attitudes. This element was probably intensified by the fact that these communities and their ‘ulama’ lived in an environment markedly religious and characterised by elements such as dream premonitions, the perceived presence of the divine,365 and the exaltation of suffering.366 The issue of poverty is particularly marked in the case of the al-£adr family. The biographies of its members abound in the mention of the economic difficulties they have been facing. Most times the sources report the very words of the protagonists in sustain of their claims. An example is offered by al-Sayyid Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), who told his biographer, Fouad Ajami, that, ‘I was twenty five years of age then [when his father died]. I don’t remember ever seeing a Persian carpet in my father’s home’367 (emphasis added). Interesting is also what told by al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980) to his biographer Kazim al-¢usayni al-¢a’iri. Muhammad Baqir affirmed that, ‘[when my father died] we did not even have the money to nourish ourselves’.368 The situation of indigence claimed by both primary and oral sources is, in fact, at least contradicted by several elements offered by very sources. Let us take into account the already mentioned case of al-Sayyid £alih Šaraf al-Din (1710-1711–c.1803). The sources report that following an anti-Ottoman revolt, apparently caused by the sectarian policy of Ahmad Paša, referred to as “alĞazzar”369 in Ši‘i chronicles, the house, the books, and the treasures of Šaraf al-Din were burned.370 What is important to point out here is that the sources 365 Useful is a passage in al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 52, where he reports that, ‘al-£adr told me that when he studied ‘ilm he had every day the honour of spending an hour at al-haram al-šarif, a time that he used to think about issues linked to ‘ilm and that he was inspired by ‘Ali. However, some time later he stopped doing so without telling it to anyone. A woman from the al-£adr family, maybe his mother, the doubt is mine, not of al-£adr, saw ‘Ali in a dream, and he asked her (I report the meaning): ‘Why al-Baqir interrupted his studies with us?’. 366 In Ši‘ism suffering in not necessarily perceived as inevitable and necessary, at least when we consider the relevance of the institution of taqiyya in this branch of Islam. The exaltation of suffering has indeed lead to extreme consequences, as happened with the “sanctification” of martyrdom witnessed during the Iranian-Islamic Revolution. However, the post-revolutionary period has demonstrated that this was in fact largely a consequence, and not a premise, of a specific historical moment, the Iraqi invasion of Iraq and the general war in defence of Islamic identity, and not an improbable and natural internal evolution of the Ši‘i theology. 367 Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 34. 368 al-¢a’iri, op. cit., p. 28. 369 For an overview of this figure and of the overall issue of the relationship between Ahmad Paša al-Ğazzar and the Ši‘as, see note 192 at p. 63. 370 It is interesting to mention that a similar event, again concerning Ahmad Paša’s governatorate, is mentioned by al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin as incipit for his autobiographical entry in A‘yan al-Ši‘a. The ‘Amili scholar recalls how he was incredibly fortunate to re-trace the lost manuscript of his family’s ge-

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actually report that £alih had at least a good amount of worldly possessions. We know that he was a land tenant and that his properties were situated near the village of Ma‘raka, in the district of £ur (Tyre). Moreover, when the family escaped to al-Nağaf, one of his sons married a daughter of al-Šayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ (1156/1743-1227/1812), one of the most important marğa‘s of Ši‘as’ history and, presumably, collector of a considerable amount of religious taxes. Furthermore, as I already pointed out, the al-£adr family counts among his members: Muhammad al-£adr (c. 1883–1955-56), president of the Iraqi Senate Chamber during the Hashemite Monarchy and one of the very few Ši‘i prime ministers of the history of pre-2003 Iraq; several marğa‘s; Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?), the leader of the Lebanese Ši‘i renaissance and of large part of its organisational and economic bodies; and wives of figures as alSayyid Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni (d. 1995), al-Sayyid Muhammad al@atami (1943-),371 and al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009). Finally, it is useful to take a look at some of the data available for the Imam Sadr Foundation in Lebanon,372 established by Musà al-£adr. Based in £ur, but with a branch also in Bayrut, it is currently chaired by his sister al-Sayyida Rubab al£adr. The final audited balance of the Foundation’s financial statements373 for 2005 shows that the annual expenditure in that year totalled usd 4,559,000. In the same year, its kindergarten had 336 students, the School Program 176, the Special Education Section 69, the Nursing School 107, the Social Work Branch 44, the Intensive Vocational Programs 169. Again in 2005, the Orphanage Care Program took care of 260 cases, the Socio-Medical Centres provided health services to 38,498 patients, the Mobile Clinics to 2,213 patients, the School Health Program provided health and awareness services to 1,200 patients, the Health Awareness Program reached out to 683 community members and held 19 sessions in different areas of South Lebanon, and the medical comnealogy through an unknown Palestinian. The latter had gained possession of the book and pretended to be its legitimate owner and a member of the al-Amin family (and therefore a descendant of the family of the Prophet). al-Amin argues that probably the manuscript had ended up in the Palestinian’s hands because ‘peut-être faisait-il partie des trésors du Ğabal ‘Amil qui ont été pillés lors de l’attaque d’al-Ğazzar’ (al-Amin, M. Autobiographie d’un clerc chiite du Ğabal ‘Amil (1867-1952), tiré de: Les notables chiites (A‘yan al-Ši‘a), translated and annotated by Sabrina Mervin et Haïtham al-Amin, Institute Français de Damas (Ifpo), Dimašq 1998, p. 36). 371 It is important to mention that the al-@umaynis and al-@atamis are themselves linked by marriage, as proved by the marriage celebrated in 1983 between al-Duktur Muhammad Rida al-@atami (younger brother of Muhammad, he served as Deputy Minister of Health and later Deputy Speaker of the Majlis under his brother’s Presidency; in 2000 he was moreover elected Secretary General of the Iranian Islamic Participation Front) and Zahra’ Ešraqi (born from the marriage between Ayatullah Šihab alDin Ešraqi and al-Sayyida £adiqa bint Ruh Allah al-@umayni). See Javedanfar, M., “Can the Khomeinis Challenge Khamenei?”, Tehran Bureau – pbs , January 4, 2010 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2010/01/can-the-khomeinis-challenge-khamenei.html?utm_source=feedburner& utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Tehranbureau+%28tehran+bureau%29) and Muhammad Rida’s profile on the bbc website (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3052292.stm, accessed on September 10, 2010). 372 www.imamsadrfoundation.org.lb. 373 The following data are taken from three brochures distributed by the Musa Sadr Foundation: Imam Sadr Foundation: Together Towards a Better Future, 2006; Imam Sadr Foundation: Together Towards a Better Future, 2007; and Imam Sadr Foundation: Together Towards a Brighter Future, 2009, pp. 17-18.

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ponent of the Rehabilitation and Reintegration of Former Detainees Program provided 1,394 freed detainees and members of their families with 2,923 psycho-social and medical services. The data about 2006 indicate that the Foundation provided 52,401 medical services, excluding mobile clinics and School Health provision. In that year the employees were 195 full-time and more than 200 part-time, with care and educational services provided to more than 1,100 students. In 2008, the financial resources reached usd 7,000,000 and the medico-social services offered by the Foundation were provided to a total of 58,000 persons with an amount of 87,000 services provided. During a personal visit at the Foundation in May 2010, I could verify that the activities of the Foundation have not only maintained these standards but perhaps even increased them, and this notwithstanding the huge damages caused in South Lebanon by the summer 2006 war Israel launched against ¢izbullah, which caused the cessation of the Foundation’s activities for more than 45 days. Taking into consideration the economic status of these families, then, exemplificative of the difficulty of truly understanding the reliability of the sources is the case of the Bahr al-‘Ulums. According to Litvak, at the beginning of the twentieth century this family was impoverished and had lost a large part of its status374 (an information confirmed by my primary sources). The sources point out that following the death of al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al‘Ulum (1211/1797), his family underwent a progressive impoverishment.375 On the other hand, and partly in contradiction with this scenario, we know that a member of this family, al-Sayyid Rida, son of Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum, is linked to a quite interesting episode (presented more in detail in the section about this family’s history). According to an event reported by Said Amir Arjomand, prince Muhammad ‘Ali Mirza, one of the five sons of the Qajar Šah Fath ‘Ali and Governor of the Province of Kermanšah, bought from al-Sayyid Rida one of the doors of Paradise, ordering that it was to be ‘wrapped up with him in his shroud’.376 This episode should probably be understood within the framework of the tradition that considers the ‘ulama’, especially the ‘ulama’-Alids, capable of intercession (šafa‘a) in the journey towards Paradise. For what is of concern here, it tells us that after the death of Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum this family was still kept in high consideration by the ruling elite, and, what is more important, that it made profit of this situation. Although I do not dispose of precise economic data about the Bahr al-‘Ulums, when we consider that this family, and all those taken into account, has had the ability of keeping relevant positions in both the hawza ‘ilmiyya and the state administration for several decades, if not centuries, and through different regions of the Middle East, and today in Europe, the issue of poverty, if not to be rejected in its entirety, 374 Litvak, op. cit., p. 36. 375 al-Amin, A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1951-, vol. 44, p. 347, and vol. 43 p. 133. 376 Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, p. 219.

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should be at least put in the right perspective of the actual financial expectations and standards of the members of an Ahl al-Bayt family. Some of the elements linked to the economic difficulties faced by Ši‘i communities are moreover at least relativised, when not largely contradicted, by their historical records at least since the establishment of the Safavid dynasty in Iran (1501-1722). At that time Ši‘i Islam became the state religion of a major country (and with the Qajar dynasty the religion of the majority of its inhabitants), where not by chance several Alid-‘ulama’ went to live and work,377 and where three of the families taken into account find their historically traceable roots. I recall that it is in Iranian Azerbaijan that the city of @u’i is placed. It is in Isfahan, in the very cultural hearth of Iran, that the Bahr al-‘Ulums partly built their prestige before moving for good to al-Nağaf. And it is precisely in Safavid Iran that the šuhra (ma‘ruf bi) “al-¢akim” was born, deriving from the prestigious activity carried out by a member of this family, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al¥abataba‘i, doctor (hakim) at the court of the Safavid Šah ‘Abbas I al-£afawi (reg. 1588-1629). Finally, evident are the already mentioned cases of Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-), member of the igc after the fall of £addam, and of his son Ibrahim, two times minister of oil. A clear case in point are also the fact that at least three of these families had direct contacts with the last Pahlavi Šah Muhammad Rida (as demonstrated by Musà al-£adr, the al-¢akim family, and Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i), and I have already showed that currently all these families are leader in the political scenario of post-£addam Iraq. What described above suggests that more than a continuous and a priori enmity of any kind of regime throughout history towards the Alids, it seems more proper to affirm that we are in presence of an enduring struggle for social and political prominence and power on the part of these families, with consequent moments of high prominence and heavy losses.378 My data show numerous cases of successful outcomes in this struggle that do somehow pay back for the heavy fatalities Alids have faced. If the Alid families taken into accout suffered poverty, it looks much more as an exception than a permanent situation. 377 See Hourani, A., “From Jabal ‘Amil to Persia”, bsoas , 49:1, 1986, pp. 133-40. The study has had numerous supporters and critics, among them: Newman, A., “The Myth of the Clerical Migration to Safavid Iran: Arab Shi‘ite Opposition to ‘Ali al-Karaki and Safawid Shi‘ism”, Die Welt des Islams, 33:1, 1993, pp. 66-112; Stewart, D., “Notes on the migration of Amili Scholars to Safavid Iran”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 55:2, 1996, pp. 81-103; Abisaab, R.J., “The ‘Ulama of Jabal ‘Amil in Safavid Iran, 1501-1736: Marginality, Migration and Social Change”, Iranian Studies, 27:1-4, 1994, pp. 103-122. 378 Some scholars of Ši‘i Islam have openly cast doubts on the actual persecution suffered by Ši‘i Muslims throughout history. The most relevant are: Abu Husayn, A.-R., “The Shiites in Lebanon and the Ottomans in the 16th and 17th Centuries”, in Convegno sul Tema la Shi‘a nell’Impero Ottomano (Roma, 15 aprile 1991), Accademia Nazionale Dei Lincei, Fondazione Leone Castani, Rome 1993, pp. 107-119, in particular p. 118; Newman, “The Myth of the Clerical Migration”; and Abisaab, R. J. “History and Self-Image: The ‘Amili Ulema in Syria and Iran (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Centuries”, in Chehabi (ed.), op. cit., pp. 62-95, in particular pp. 63-64.

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An interesting element of discontinuity in contemporary biographies is represented by the enlargement of, and partial swift in, the Ši‘as’ “geographical framework”. We can take as exemplificative the case of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994). The sources tell us that he made several journeys. He went to Makka for the hağğ (pilgrimage) and, in his capacity as Secretary General of the Khoei Foundation, visited, among the others, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Malaysia, Great Britain, and the USA. I already pointed out that the inclination towards travelling seems to be innate in the Alids, but what is relevant here is not the huge number of places visited, but their “quality”. Some of them were outside and moreover to the west of the traditional Islamic geographical framework (Dar al-Islam). Muhammad Taqi’s journeys to the United States and Great Britain represent a significant change in the cultural perspective of the Alids, especially when we consider that it is precisely in the latter that a consistent part of the al-@u’i family currently lives on a permanent basis. This element is strengthened by the fact that this family has heavily invested in the creation of charitable foundations in these countries. (However, I should also point out that it is towards the east, in India, that the al-@u’is tried to pursue the most ambitious project, still unfinished, with the creation of a local Madina al-‘Ilm.) In respect to what described above, moreover, it is important to point out that a further change in perspective appears in consideration of the basic reasons for the journeys made by our Alid-‘alim. As remarked earlier on in the list of recurrent topoi, traditionally the most important reason for these journeys was the search of knowledge. However, in the case of Taqi al-@u’i, this reason was clearly substituted by what we can somehow call “travels of business” (although apparently for charitable reasons). Most of his travels were reportedly made in order to establish new foundations and use the unprecedent amount of money collected by his father as marğa‘ (for an approximate idea of this amount, see the diagram “Acquisition and Administrative Expenses for the Centres and Branches Affiliated with the Khoei Foundation”, later on in this chapter). An element strictly interconnected with both the new Ši‘i geographical framework and Alid’s emigration is Alids’ “immigration”, in the sense of a migration towards the city that seems to represent more effectively their identity: al-Nağaf. Again useful is the account provided by Litvak, who writes that, As was the case with the increase of the entire ‘ulama’ population in the shrine cities during the nineteenth century, the growth in the mujtahids’ ranks was mainly due to migration from Iran. […] Being an immigrant without the support of a family network in the shrine cities, then, was not an obstacle to the attainment of high status. […] During that period members of the native Bahr al-‘Ulum family did not enjoy the same sta-

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tus inside or outside Najaf. It is very likely, therefore, that family connections in their home towns helped the immigrant mujtahids to consolidate networks of patronage and leadership status in Iran.379

This passage points out that, during the nineteenth century, the most prominent muğtahids of al-Nağaf and Karbala’, that is to say Murtadà al-Ansari, Mirza ¢asan al-Širazi, Fadil al-Šarabiyani, Ahund al-@urasani, and Kazim alYazdi, where all immigrants.380 My data show that this tendency continues uninterrupted, as demonstrated by the case of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (and of his disciple ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani). However, my data also show that in the last century there was an increase in the ideological separation between Arab and Iranian Alid families. This was probably linked to the ethnic – and not necessarily sectarian – policy of £addam in Iraq and to the nationalistic and racist-supremacist cultural trend witnessed by the world in the twentieth century, in particular with the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. This element seems to be particularly suggested by the struggle between two of the Alid families I analyse here, the al-£adrs and al-@u’is. The latter has been accused of being Iranian (in the sense of having double standards as far as the Iraqi National and Arab interests are concerned; a theory strongly sustained by the former regime of £addam ¢usayn). This accusation was also directed against al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani. Moreover, both accusations were particularly raised (and used) by al-Sayyid Muqtadà al-£adr against Iranian ‘ulama’ resident in Iraq. What is new and at the same time paradoxical here is that a group that claims by definition a religious and universalistic role, the Alids, shows a markedly nationalistic and ethnic attitude. However, this accusations and stances should be also understood, at least partly, as time-serving, an element sustained by the fact that the very Muqtadà is currently largely supported by the Islamic Republic and actually resides for long periods in Tehran.381 Taking again into account the biography of Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i as proposed by al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, we find out that one of its sections is entitled al-‘Amal al-Mu’assasati.382 This appears to be a substantially new element, in that it is not present in the repertoires and implies a different accent on the elements considered to be worth underlying in the proposition of the life and activities of the sayyid-‘alim model. In order to fully appreciate the novelty of this element, it becomes essential to broaden the overall perspective. Several historians have pointed out that Ši‘i Muslims have had the tendency to converge and settle in proximity to places characterised by the presence of sanctuaries and tombs of members of the Family of the 379 Litvak, op. cit., pp. 99-100. 380 Ibidem, pp. 99-100. 381 Information provided by al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i during an interview in his house in Qom, March 2008. 382 al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, p. 35.

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Prophet Muhammad (Ahl al-Bayt) or other venerable figures.383 A case in point are Dimašq in Syria (particularly around the Shrine of Sayyida Zaynab); Istanbul in Turkey; Ba#dad (particularly al-Kazimiyya), al-Nağaf, al-Kufa, Karbala’, and Samarra’ in Iraq; Qom, Mašhad, Isfahan, Širaz, and Zahedan in Iran; Lankaran in Azerbaijan; Nurata, Samarqand, and Buhara in Uzbekistan; Herat, Mazar-e Šarif, and Qandahar in Afghanistan; Parachinar, Mianwali, Pišawar, Faisalabad, Lahore, Quetta, and Karachi in Pakistan; Lucknow, Bombay, and ¢yderabad, in India. Moreover, these places are interconnected through several and different links, characterised by different aspects of Ši‘i Islam: institutional, governmental, strictly religious, secular, etc. These links do interlace and superimpose in several ways, and some of them have deep historical roots, at least from an ideological point of view. This is unquestionably the case of the Alids. In order to exemplify the perspective traced above, let us consider the case of an Alid family whose activities provide a good idea of a transnational network, the al-Širazis.384 The members of this family have historically been based in Iran and Karbala’ (Iraq). Together with the Alid family of the al-Mudarrisi, the al-Širazis established an Islamic movement, largely known as the Širaziyyin, that in the 1960s matched the activities of al-Da‘wa and, from the 1970s, sustained the ideas expressed by al-@umayni (1902-1989) in his Wilaya al-Faqih: al¢ukuma al-Islamiyya. At the beginning, their activities were linked, or at least favoured by, the very Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992) and his emerging marğa‘iyya.385 Their activities were carried out particularly through the establishment in 1968 of ¢araka al-Risaliyyin al-¥ala’i‘ (Movement of Vanguards’ Missionaries), a movement that established branches in Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Lebanon, and Africa. In 1980, following the Iranian Islamic Revolution, this movement changed its name in Munazzama al-‘Amal al-Islami, announcing as a main goal the overthrough of £addam’s regime and the establishment of an Islamic state in Iraq. In the very last decades, members of the al-Širazis have concentrated their transnational activities towards the western coast of the Persian Gulf, while in Iraq they have for quite some time been relegated to a secondary level by the four families taken into account.386 Currently, members of the al-Širazis and al-Mudarrisis appear to live and be active chiefly in Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, the usa, and London. 383 I am perfectly aware that at least in some, if not in most, of these cases the process may well have gone the other way around. Moreover, a Ši‘i presence is not always or necessarily linked to holy or sacred places, as demonstrated, for what concerns us here, by the case of Madina al-£adr in Ba#dad. 384 On this family, see also note 375 at p. 83. 385 This information was provided by al-Sayyid ‘Imad ibn Ğamal al-Din al-@u’i during an interview in his house in London (April 2008), and it is substantiated by the fact that ‘Imad married a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Ibrahim ibn ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Širazi. 386 Reportedly, this was due to the al-Širazis’ choice to oppose the process of institutionalisation of the marğa‘iyya linked to the city of al-Nağaf.

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What I described above, and large part of the data I collected, do indicate that the idea of a “Ši‘i International” proposed by Mallat in 1993 is very much sound and scholarly serious.387 Moreover, my data suggest that the framework of informal links and interconnections pointed out by this scholar are actually largely based on and structured around a very solid and effective historical network of Alid family links.388 I do not find inappropriate to label this network an Alid International.389 My sources suggest that it is precisely in the activities of this network that scholars should look for the actual explanation of the removal of the regime of £addam ¢usayn in 2003, instead of in what all of them label “transnational clerics”. The phenomenon of the Alid International, in the very last decades, has been linked to the Alid diaspora in Britain. A German researcher, Jens-Uwe Rahe, analysed the activities of the Ši‘i foundations in London in the early 90s of the last century.390 Although he partly missed the very aspect I point out here, his description of the situation of these foundations between 1991 and 1994 indirectly shows that the ideological and organisational direction of the Londonese Ši‘i foundations was in the hands of ‘ulama’ members of the Alid families of the religious establishment I chose to analyse. In this respect, Rahe wrote that, Offering Islamic education, prayer facilities, libraries and different kinds of social services, they were registered, in accordance with British law, as charitable organisa387 In 1993, in The Renewal of Islamic Law, Mallat arguably wrote for the first time about the existence of a Ši‘i International. He intended it as the web of connections based on the internationalisation of the system of the hawza ‘ilmiyya, defined as a community centred around study and structured on a knowledge-oriented base, and on social and interpersonal relationships, besides a specific organisation of the social sphere. 388 The Alid diaspora poses several unanswered questions. We do not know whether it has been mainly driven by a conscious effort intended at conquering new spaces and supporters to its cause or has been driven by the persecutions that its members maintain they have suffered since the very beginning of their existence as a group. All my Alid oral sources in London asserted the truthfulness of the latter, pointing out their very presence in London as a proof of the severe repression imposed on them by the former Iraqi regime of £addam. Several scholars have analysed this last phenomenon, and the forced expulsion of Iraqi-Iranian students of the hawza ‘ilmiyya of al-Nağaf during the 1970s and 1980s appears useful to understand the wider perspective of the struggle between £addam and the Ši‘i religious establishment, an issue particularly described by Ali Babakhan (L’Iraq: 1970-1990: Déportations des Chiites, Babakhan, Paris 1994; Idem, “Des Irakiens en Iran depuis la révolution Islamique”, cemoti , 22, 1996, pp. 191-208; Idem, “La déportation des Kurdes faylis vers l’Iran”, transalted by P.-J. Luizard, Monde Arabe Maghreb-Machrek, 163, 1999, pp. 175-178; and Idem, “The Deportation of Shi‘is During the Iran-Iraq War: Causes and Consequences”, in Jabar (ed.), op. cit., pp. 183-210). 389 The perspective offered in this section is partly based on the hypothesis formulated by Scarcia Amoretti about the possibility of the existence of a plan at the basis of Alid’s migration, aimed at paralleling a process of economic integration finalised at guaranting the perpetuation of the religious, cultural, and economic influence of the Alid as a group (see “Presentation”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., p. 290). For understanding the relevance of charitable foundations in contemporary Ši‘i Islam, important appears the analysis made by Buchta for post-revolutionary Iran (see Who Rules Iran?, particularly “A State Within a State: The Revolutionary Foundations”, pp. 73-77). 390 Rahe, Jens Irakishe Schiiten Im Londoner Exil, and Idem, “Iraqi Shi‘is in exile in London”, in Jabar (ed.), op. cit., pp. 211-219. Rahe’s research was conducted with respect to the issue of the so-called “British Islam” and carried out from a political science perspective. Therefore it almost completely missed the historical significance of the role played by the Alids as members of the Ahl al-Bayt.

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tions. In most cases they were – and still are – led by ‘ulama of a prominent family background such as Hakim, Bahr al-‘Ulum, al-Kho’i and Sadr, which provides them with religious authority and legitimacy.391

The issues raised above are strictly linked to the question of the larger Ši‘as’ diaspora in Europe. As an addition to what pointed out by Rahe, I should mention that my on-the-field research in London (particularly between 2005 and 2007) disclosed the presence of at least 38 foundations and Ši‘i associations. Although some were of a very modest entity, this element undoubtedly shows that in the last decades there has been a tremendous change in the perspective of the Ši‘as’ geographical framework, a phenomenon still largely unexplored by the critics.392 Established in 1989 by the Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al@u’i,393 but fully operational only since 1992, the Khoei Foundation is registered in Britain as a charity and has an observatory status within the Ecomomic and Social Council of the United Nations (ecosoc).394 It is the most important non-governmental Itna‘ašari Ši‘i Islamic Institute in Europe, the United States and Canada. The Foundation finances its activities through investments in Africa of money collected during the marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i395 (see the diagram “Acquisition and Administrative Expenses for the Centres and Branches Affiliated with the Khoei Foundation”). Its establishment appears as a relevant discontinuity in the role played by traditional Ši‘i institutions. This element is proven by the consideration that it both markedly changed the Ši‘i traditional geographical framework and it played an important political role from one of the major European capitals, London. A role furthermore played by a formal and institutionalised entity, and not by a pious and penniless ‘alim sitting on the ground in his unfurnished small house, as proposed by the photos of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i usually vehiculat391 Rahe, “Iraqi Shi‘is in Exile in London”, p. 213. 392 For a case study on the adaptation and integration of Ši‘i Muslims in non-Muslim Western societies, see Walbridge, L. S., Without Forgetting the Imam: Lebanese Shi‘ism in an American Community, Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1997. 393 According to my oral sources, the establishment of the Khoei Foundation in Europe and the USA was an idea of Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (interview with £ahib al-@u’i, Khoei Foundation in London, April 2008). 394 Interesting appears that the same status was also accorded to Mu’assasa Šahid al-Mihrab (Al-Hakim Foundation), established in 2003 by the al-¢akim family; to the Imam Sadr Foundation, established by the al-£adr family; and to the Alulbayt (AS) Foundation, established in 1983 and currently linked to the al-Sistani family, and whose London branch is directed by a member of the Bahr al-‘Ulum family. 395 Interview with $anim Ğawad, Khoei Foundation in London, April 2008. The significance of the funds collected by al-@u’i was largely confirmed by my oral sources within the Foundation. This was explained through the impressive economic boom witnessed by many Ši‘as in the Persian Gulf as a consequence of the proceeds coming from oil. al-@u’i invested almost all its assets outside Iraq with the aim of avoiding their appropriation by the Iraqi regime. If this last element clearly proves once more the truthfulness of the struggle between the marğa‘iyya and the Ba‘tist state, on the other hand it also largely contradicts the claimed discrimination of the Ši‘as as such, in that it demonstrates the increase in their incomes in connection with the oil industry.

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ed by the media or by the relevant biographical literature (an image quite traditional once again taken from canvas of the traditional model of Ši‘i scholar). More important is that this political role was played through the collaboration between a Nağafi Alid-‘alim, ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i, and the progressist Prime Minister of a European Monarchy, Tony Blair. The activities of the Khoei Foundation and the marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i are linked to the issue of the institutionalisation – according to many observers a de facto increasing “vaticanisation” – of the Ši‘i religious establishment linked to the system of the hawza ‘ilmiyya. Very clear are the words used in a pamphlet diffused by the Khoei Foundation in 1992 on occasion of the official inauguration of the London branch, entitled Concepts and Projects. It states that, Al-Khoei Foundation was established under the supervision and guidance of Imam AlKhoei who provides it with strength and legitimacy. He saw in this foundation the continuation of the charitable and educational functions historically associated with the office of Marja’iyyah. Imam al-Khoei recognized that the modern age necessitated the formalization of the functions of the executive office of the Marja’iyyah and required its gradual integration into existing structures of nation states and international bodies396 (emphasis added).

As I have already mentioned, the Foundation has branches and institutes linked to it in several cities and countries around the world:397 New York, London, Paris, Bayrut, al-Nağaf, Qom, Mašhad, Swanzi, Montreal, Bombay, Islamabad, Karachi, and Thailand. The most important branch is the one in London, as indicated by the fact that it has been always directed by a member of the al-@u’i family.398 In order to have an “inner” idea of the history of the Foundation and of its role, I suggest to take into account what I was told by Ayatullah al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani (1944-),399 in charge of the Foundation Regilious Affairs. 396 The data available through a document I found in the archive of the Khoei Foundation, listing the buildings destroyed by the Iraqi regime during the 1991 Intifada, indicate that “my” Nağafi families had a remarkable number of centres connected or directly administered by them. As for the al-¢akim family, this element was confirmed by al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim during an interview in his house in London (December 2006). 397 The Khoei Foundation has several branches, some largely independent. While the London branch has always been directed by the sons of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (Muhammad Taqi, ‘Abd al-Mağid, and Sahib), this has never been the case for the New York branch. The direction of the USA branch by al-Šayh al-Sahlani, who is at the same time the official representative of ‘Ali al-Sistani for North America, has generated some confusion about the political position of both the Foundation and the al-@u’i family. 398 According to $anim Ğawad, in the intentions of the al-@u’i family the most important branch should have been the one in New York (interview at the Khoei Foundation in London, April 2008). This element is partly proved by the fact that the branch of the Foundation in New York was the first to be established, and was inaugurated at the presence of important Nağafi muğtahids, among them Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum. Later, the family focused its activities on London, reportedly because of the larger freedom and better attention provided by the British authorities, an element proved by the large coverage the events of the 1991 Iraqi Intifada received by the British media. 399 Interview at the Khoei Foundation in London, April 8, 2008.

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al-Milani claimed to have been at the very heart of the decision to establish the Khoei Foundation taken by al-@u’i. He told me that when he moved to London, at the beginnings of the 80s of the last century, he immediately understood the necessities of the Ši‘as’ British community. He realised that there was the necessity of establishing a Ši‘i foundation in order to defend the interests of Ši‘i Muslims in Great Britain, and everywhere else they live. This was particularly true in crucial moments, such as ‘when, in the 80s, sixteen Kuwaiti Ši‘as were killed by the Saudi Arabia state’, an event immediately and strongly condemned by the Foundation. This role of denouncers was particularly pronounced in 1991, when £addam ¢usayn attacked the Shrines in Karbala’ and al-Nağaf as a retaliation against the Iraqi Intifada. In that occasion the Foundation organised several protests and public demonstrations, together with a petition that was sent to the British Prime Minister (at that time John Major, premier between 1990 and 1997). A further role of the Foundation has been the organisation of conferences and seminars, together with the support for associations that defend humans rights, particularly Human Rights Watch. Then, we find activities more strictly ‘theological’. The Foundation takes care of answering any religious doubt that may raise in relation with the principles of Ši‘i Islam or any other activity that ‘tries to dilute the all idea of Ši‘ism’, particularly through the organisation of seminars and contacts with the media. As far as the economic activities of the Foundation are concerned, it receives the hums (a Ši‘i canonical “tax”) from the believers in every place in the world they are. al-Milani stressed that the believers are required to give the fifth part on their net annual income to their ‘supreme leader’, or, as an alternative, directly to charitable activities, but with the previous agreement of the local representative of the marğa‘. al-Milani underlined that all these activities have been conducted in strict observance of the British legislation on charities. According to him, the birth of the Khoei Foundation was directly linked to the will of organising the Ši‘as’ diaspora in Europe and the States. A decisive influence was played the several Ši‘i migrations linked to the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990), the Iranian Islamic Revolution (1979), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (1979-1989), and the First and Second Gulf Wars (1980-88 and 1991). On the other hand, the Foundation’s inception was undoubtedly linked to dynamics internal to Iraqi history. Particularly Luizard400 underlined that Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i encouraged the establishment of the Khoei Foundation, longa manus of the hawza of al-Nağaf in Great Britain, because of the impossibility of an adequate functioning of his marğa‘iyya activities in Iraq as a consequence of the heavy repression and control of £addam’s regime. Looked at from these two different perspectives, al-Milani (external-oriented) versus Luizard (internal-oriented), we have two different explanations. In the case of 400 Luizard, La question irakienne, note 1, p. 413.

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what sustained by Luizard, the birth of the Foundation may perhaps be explained by the will of the hawza of al-Nağaf, and from my perspective of the Nağafi Alid families members of the religious establishment, of exporting its network and organisational framework to a place considered more safe and with the aim of improving its efficacy and role. As I already pointed out earlier, when we consider the wider perspective of the leading role played by the members of the families taken into account in the Ši‘as’ dispora in London, it is possible to theorise a conscious will on the part of these families to export their social and political power in order to safeguard and even increase it, provided the better financial possibilities they have displayed on-the-field. This hypothesis seems to be proved by the reported struggle between the Iranian post-revolutionary regime and the circles linked to the Khoei Foundation.401 In an analysis made by Buchta on the enemies of the Islamic Republic within the Ši‘as’ camp, he pointed out that the most important within the international religious establishment were the very Khoei Foundation and ‘Ali al-Sistani.402 The Foundation’s opposition to the Iranian state elites is proved by its sustain to the Lebanese al-Mağlis al-Islami al-Ši‘i and by its links with the Jordanian Monarchy.403 The struggle of the Foundation against the Iranian power establishment may be explained through the prism of the clash between the Nağafi Alid religious establishment and a revolution that, unlike what might be thought of, has markedly diminished the actual relevance of the Alids as a group, particularly those not directly involved in the revolutionary events, and has arguably popularised a new “democratised” version of Ši‘i Islam that largely perceives Alids as an ideal model, but not as the actual administers of a worldly power. Again interesting appears the active role played by the Foundation in the rise of ‘Ali al-Sistani as successor of al-@u’i as main marğa‘ for the Ši‘as worldwide. This seems to be suggested by an issue of al-Nur (a magazine published by the Foundation) dated 1992.404 In the first page, the reader finds a conversation between Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and ‘Ali al-Sistani supplied with a photo of the event. This picture, together with the conversation, was published when al-Sistani was still largely unknown and, in my opinion, looks very 401 This element was confirmed by an interview with al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i in his house in Qom, February 2008. 402 Buchta, Who Rules Iran?, in particular the chapter “The Nonviolent, Clerical ‘Semi-Opposition’”, pp. 86-101. Buchta, ibidem, p. 90, pointed out that a major point of strength of al-Sistani was his control of the Khoei Foundation, that, he sustained, was a collector of al-Sistani’s hums for an amount of several billion dollars. 403 Ibidem, p. 90. The conflictuality of the relationship between al-@umayni (1902-1989) and Abu ’lQasim al-@u’i has been sustained by several scholars (see Mallat, The Renewal of Islamic Law, p. 53). It appears to be proved by the fact that following the Islamic Revolution al-@u’i’s assets in Iran were frozen. However, after some years they were eventually freed (interview with members of the Khoei Foundation in Qom, March 2008). 404 al-Nur, Šahriyya Islamiyya, Issue No. 18, November 1992, Al-Khoei Foundation, London, and Issue No. 33, November 1994.

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much as his international presentation made through the widely listened megaphone of the Foundation.405 What is relevant and discontinuous here is the role played by a formal institution in its sustain to a marğa‘ through a magazine published in the capital of an important European city, London. Several scholars have written of a unity of vision between the Khoei Foundation and al-Sistani, and singled out as a proof that the Foundation is a collector for al-Sistani in Great Britain.406 This is partly true. However, the unity of vision is at least problematised by al-Sistani’s choice not to indicate the Foundation as the official collector in this country, reportedly because he considers it too much politicised.407 My oral sources suggest that the support of the Khoei Foundation for al-Sistani should be explained as a choice for the lesser evil. As I have already mentioned, the other contenders were members of the families taken into account by my research and, therefore, direct contenders for the Ši‘i leadership. The choice of al-Sistani might be perhaps explained as a compromise between the Khoei Foundation, the Iranian regime, the other marğa‘s, and the Lebanese ¢izbullah, all interested in a figure affiliated to the “quietist”408 stream of the marğa‘iyya.

405 This interpretation of the Issue of al-Nur was confirmed by $anim Ğawad during an interview at the Khoei Foundation in London (April 2008). Of course, I do not report this element as a definitive prove of my interpretation, but as a possible sustain to its validity. 406 This is the case of Buchta, Who Rules Iran?, p. 90. 407 Several interviews with $anim Ğawad at the Khoei Foundation in London. The disagreements between the al-@u’i family and al-Sistani’s group are particularly proved by the rebukes between ¢aydar al-@u’i and ‘Ali al-Sistani, as reported by the very ¢aydar in his blog. In one occasion Ayatullah ‘Ali al-Sistani reproached him for following into the steps of his father’s political activities (see “Sistani Becomes Militant”, dated May 25, 2008, at http://eyeraki.blogspot.com/2008/05/sistani-becomes-militant.html, accessed on September 10, 2010). 408 The term “quietist” here indicates a retirement from the political activity and the acceptation of a separation between this and the religious leadership, and does not refer to a specific form of Christian mysticism linked to François de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon (1651-1715) and Jeanne Marie Bouvier de la Motte Guyon (1968-1717), as it usually indicates in English.

Total

465.808

–

44.000

–

344.000

–

4.014.705

–

1.164.500

77.560

6.895.463

1990

798.176

1.622.315

39.225

–

77.655

–

6.651.564

8.115

878.065

123.516

1.779.477

1991

711.040

550.530

50.000

671.090

–

1.600.000

4.509.150

–

735.696

96.492

3.176.547

1992

7.817.501 13.006.036 11.978.108 12.100.545

42.605

General grants

–

Paris

–

–

Karachi

¢awza grants

–

Islamabad

12.000

2.325.000

Bombay

Thailand

461.538

Montreal

Swanzi

4.757.716

London

New York

218.642

–

1989

Centre/ year

6.301.305

883.127

10.000

60.000

77.589

–

400.000

490.000

882.706

715.000

20.331

2.762.552

1993

3.239.173

72.686

17.013

51.360

40.872

–

–

315.000

–

957.000

14.609

1.770.633

1994

3.266.655

84.095

3.957

50.077

33.928

–

–

100.000

3.077

1.397.909

15.189

1.578.423

1995

3.239.607

66.398

16.752

21.792

19.682

–

–

–

–

1.449.597

14.184

1.651.202

1996

3.524.600

144.084

108.035

39.288

40.000

–

–

–

–

1.512.845

15.676

1.664.672

1997

4.358.125

220.390

117.190

51.000

85.000

–

177.000

105.000

50.000

1.762.250

12.325

1.777.970

1998

6.375.053

143.963

78.652

35.000

20.000

–

40.000

–

150.000

4.171.155

11.545

1.724.738

1999

Acquisition and Administrative Expenses for the Centres and Branches Affiliated with the Khoei Foundation (in us dollars) Total

419.877

1.705.436

3.725.777

2.558.594

512.742

1.008.161

421.655

2.217.000

4.169.265 79.375.973

93.405

34.150

59.000

20.000

–

–

– 18.510.419

150.000

1.847.140 21.349.143

18.450

1.946.850 26.947.169

2000

108 chapter 2

an overview of alids ’ family history

109

In order to offer a wider perspective of the phenomenon of the Ši‘i foundations in Europe, it is useful to mention a case that involved the Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-¢akims (in this respect, also the al-£adr family has played a significant role in the Ši‘as’ diaspora, as demonstrated by the case of al-Ma‘had al-Islami, in London, founded and directed by al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-£adr).409 Both families were involved in the establishment of Markaz Ahl al-Bayt alIslami, in London.410 This Islamic centre, founded by Muhammad Bahr al‘Ulum (1928-) and Mahdi al-¢akim (1935-1988) in 1983, appears to have been the first case of a Ši‘i institute established by Nağafi Alid-muğtahids. It probably served as a forerunner in the institutionalised organisation of the Iraqi Ši‘as’ presence in London, a city that following the Iraqi Intifada of 1991 became the centre of the Iraqi opposition in exile. Muhammad and Mahdi were close friends, hawza-mates, and were linked by marriage alliances. Following Mahdi’s assassination in al-@artum (Sudan), in 1988, Bahr al-‘Ulum carried on the activities of the Centre alone until the early 1990s, when it was closed down as a result of Muhammad’s focus on politics. The discontinuity in the Ši‘i geographical framework that I have pointed out so far is especially confirmed by the impressive network of disciples and representatives established by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992). Again interesting appears what I was told by al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Fadil al-Milani.411 He pointed out that in order to understand the activity of Abu ’l-Qasim and of his students, ‘that were spreading everywhere in the Ši‘i world’ during the First Gulf War (1980-1988), it is important to bear in mind that they were perfectly aware of the existence of an alliance between the ‘enemies of Ši‘i Islam’, that had resulted in the outbreak of the war between Iraq and Iran.412 This alliance was strongly based on £addam ¢usayn’s hatred for anything that was Persian and not Arab. In order to sustain his point of view, al-Milani reported a phrase attributed to £addam who apparently affirmed that if he had found out that in one of his fingers there were traces of Persian blood, he would have cut it immediately.413 On the other hand, Abu ’l-Qasim and his disciples were perfectly aware of the fact that the great majority of the soldiers involved in the war were actually Ši‘as. They thought that the war did not have any justification and had to be stopped immediately by resorting to any available means. At the same time, Abu ’l-Qasim was enough smart to 409 See Rahe, Jens Irakishe Schiiten Im Londoner Exil, pp. 58-60. 410 Ibidem, pp. 55-58. 411 Interview at the Khoei Foundation in London, April 8, 2008. 412 This thesis has been sustained and underlined also by other oral sources, as it is the case with alSayyid Basil al-£adr (interview in his house in London, April 2008). 413 I should point out that I heard this quotation several times during my research, but it was almost every time attributed to a different person. I guess it has become a kind of catchphrase Iraqi people use in order to underline the brutality of certain figures.

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avoid both to be used by the Iranian authorities and to condemn what had happened in Iran,414 a stance that would have indirectly favoured the Iraqi regime. In the very same way, Abu ’l-Qasim was very balanced when, in 1991, Iraq invaded Kuwait. He diffused a fatwà that prohibited to take possession of the goods the Iraqi soldiers had stolen during the occupation of the country. Referring again to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, al-Milani recalled a statement diffused by the Khoei Foundation in which it condemned the invasion on behalf of Abu ’l-Qasim. This brief reference to what sustained by al-Milani provides several elements of interest. It is important to underline that the statement attributed to Abu ’l-Qasim had actually been written by members of the Foundation, while al-@u’i was kept completely in the dark about it.415 However, Abu ’lQasim indeed took a strong political stance, when, following the Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, he diffused some statements between 5 and 8 March 1991416 in which he appointed some of the members of his family and some of his closest disciples as members of a committee in charge of taking care of public order (see the following text as translated by Mallat). This represents again both an element of continuity and discontinuity: discontinuity when looked at through the prism of the quietist and pious scholar usually proposed to the general public, but absolutely in continuity with the actual leading social and political role carried out by the members of these families, and the Ši‘i religious establishment at large, throughout Middle Eastern modern and contemporary history. What is of absolute relevance here is that almost

414 Both the critics and the media have unquestionably assumed that Abu ’l-Qasim was against the Islamic Revolution and for a quietist role of the marğa‘iyya. This element is probably due to the role played by the Khoei Foundation in London, that has always supported this stance. However, this aspect of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i’s thought appears to have been at the best misunderstood. My data suggest that in fact Abu ’l-Qasim might have been in favour of the instauration of an Islamic state in Iran, differing from al-@umayni as far as the modalities of reaching it and, arguably, its defining characteristics were concerned (interview with al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali, London, April 2008). The large majority of al@u’i’s disciples I met during my field-research affirmed to be in favour of the velayat-e faqih, even pointing out that it would have been absurd or untruth to tell me otherwise. This was, inter alia, the case of al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali, who also insisted that there was not a single evidence of the claimed disagreements between al-@u’i and al-@umayni. Moreover, al-Sayyid ‘Imad al-@u’i told me that following the triumph of the Islamic revolution, a representative of the Islamic Republic went to Abu ’l-Qasim’s house in al-Kufa with the aim of obtaining a public statement of support from ‘Imad’s grandfather. Abu ’l-Qasim told him that the situation in Iraq did not allow him to do that, but also affirmed that he welcomed with enormous delight the Revolution, adding that it was ‘a miracle’. However, in that occasion, al-@u’i also underlined that the point was whether the Iranian authorities would have been capable of dealing with it or not (interview with al-Sayyid ‘Imad al-@u’i in his house in London, April 2008; it is worth mentioning that ‘Imad affirmed that he was present at the meeting and heard his grandfather’s words personally). 415 This hypothesis was confirmed several times by the very Yusuf al-@u’i, who told me that he was among the authors of the statement (several informal conversations at the Khoei Foundation in London, between 2005 and 2008). 416 A copy of the bayan is reported in al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, p. 41, while the text of the fatwà is reported in the same work at p. 42. According to Yusuf al-@u’i, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., p. 495, the fatwà was intented to urge ‘people to mantain order and respect public and private property’.

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all the members appointed by al-@u’i were Alids, and, moreover, they were members either of his family or of families with whom its members had intermarried. Text of the statement417 diffused by Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i on Ša‘ban 21, 1411/March 8, 1991 and list of the members of the Committee The difficult days which we live in require the protection of order and the restoration of security… I have therefore found that the general interest requires the appointment of a higher committee which would supervise the matters [of general interest]. The opinion of this committee will be our opinion, and the decisions issued by this committee will be our decision. We have chosen a number of respected ‘ulama, whose name follows [to form the committee]418 (parenthesis in the original). Members of the Committee: – al-Sayyid Muhyi ’l-Din al-$urayfi (a muğtahid, disciple of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, from Bahrain); – Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida al-Musawi al-@alhali; – al-Sayyid Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (1934-35–1991); – Ayatullah al-Sayyid ‘Izz al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum (1933-34–1991?); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida al-@irsan (a muğtahid, disciple of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and member of an eminent Alid Nağafi family); – al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Sabzawari; – al-Šayh Muhammad Rida Šabib (member of a prominent Iraqi family); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994); Additional members of the Committee: – al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih; – al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rasul al-@irsan.

The Alids between group and family identity An interesting element that emerges from my data is that the four Alid families I chose to analyse have played, in part, different and complementary roles in contemporary history. These roles represent in an interesting way the different souls of Ši‘i contemporary society. Oversimplifying, we can say the al£adrs somehow played the role of the national activists and militants, supporter of the “Arabicity” of Ši‘i Islam (in both Iraq and Lebanon). The al-¢akims played the role of the militant too, but with a marked disposition

417 According to Arjomand, S.A., After Khomeini: Iran Under His Successors, Oxford University Press, New York 2009, p. 236, more than a statement it was a ‘decree’ intended at appointing a ‘shi‘ite shadow cabinet for Iraq’, and the decree/edict was made public by Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah on March 18, 1991. 418 Translation taken by Mallat, The Middle East into the 21st Century, pp. 96-97.

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for openly and strongly supporting the revolutionary elites of Republican Iran and for the ideas professed by Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989). The Bahr al-‘Ulums, on their part, played the role of the liberals and bureaucrats,419 or however intermediary both within the community (as in the case of their role of representatives of the Nağafi marğa‘iyya and the tribes of South Iraq)420 and with respect to the external world421 (as is the case of the colonial powers). Finally, the al-@u’is played the role of the modernisers (versus revolutionaries; the sources claim that members of this family sustained the Iranian constitutional movement at the beginning of the last century and we know that they gave a strong imprint to the institutionalisation – read modernisation – of the marğa‘iyya along with a strong participation in the establishment of a constitutional and democratic Islamic state in Iraq). All the families, however, have been united by the role of custodians, guarantees and revivers of a long historical tradition and culture that goes back to the very Family of the Prophet and the very beginnings of Islam. What is important, from the perspective of the history of Islam, is that there has been a process of strengthening of their roles and position in the last two centuries. This tendency seems to be particularly linked to the increase of the role played by the charitable organisations through which these families have operated in the last decades (an element whose roots will be partly discussed in the last chapter).422 A further remarkable aspect of what I described above is linked to the new elements brought by the Alid diaspora. In order to fully appreciate the relevance of this issue, I propose to consider what was written by Scarcia Amoretti about acculturation in Ši‘i Islam (an aspect that will be analysed in detail in the fourth chapter). She wrote that, Acculturazione, invece, può forse essere definito il fenomeno […] dell’integrazione, ai limiti del mimetismo, delle comunità e dei gruppi imamiti in particolari contesti, soprattutto marginali dal punto di vista politico ed economico. Risvolto e contrappunto di ciò è il permanere di una coscienza della propria identità che tende a manifestarsi ogniqualvolta le circostanze risultino favorevoli, dove la manifestazione avviene però

419 The attribution of this role to this family was pointed out by several of my interviewees, but not by the members of the family. 420 This information was provided to me by $anim Ğawad in relation to the role played by the Bahr al-‘Ulum family in connection with the marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (Khoei Foundation, London, April 2008). It was confirmed by another oral source, al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum, an important and well informed member of this family (Alulbayt Foundation in London, April 2008). 421 This element seems somehow proved by the role played by ‘Izz al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum, ‘Ala’ al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum, and Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum as emissaries of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i. 422 Charitable foundations (waqfs) are a traditional characteristic of Muslim societies. However, they seem to have amplified their scope in contemporary societies. This element appears to be linked to the possibilities offered by waqfs as oppositional, or at least complementary, power centres in relation to modern national states. This element has been consistently described for Iran by Buchta, Who Rules Iran?, pp. 73-77. Moreover, the direct administration or central role played by Alids in these foundations might have even increased in contemporary history.

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nella piena osservanza dei moduli dominanti, per quanto concerne, per esempio, sia il curriculum di preparazione teologico-giuridica, sia l’espressione delle eventuali rivendicazioni che il gruppo minoritatio intende sostenere.423

The conclusions driven by Scarcia Amoretti were based on the analysis of a framework in which there was a situation of a Sunni majoritary environment versus a Ši‘i minority status. My data suggest that this situation can be assumed to be partly similar to the one we find with the Alids’ diaspora in London. In that city, they have not only established hawzas whose curricula of theological and juridical training are perfectly integrated and recognised by the British educational system, but, moreover, they have established foundations whose nature is both largely linked to the traditional system of waqfs and again perfectly integrated in the British legal system concerning charities. Both elements are in full compliance with the British dominant models.424 423 Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Conclusioni”, in Convegno sul Tema la Shi‘a nell’Impero Ottomano, pp. 217-224, pp. 222-223. 424 Interesting appears a particular aspect of the political struggle carried out by the Khoei Foundation in the 1990s against £addam’s regime. $anim Ğawad told me that in order to let the Western media and public sustain the Foundation’s political struggle against £addam, its members used the “carrot” of an ecologist struggle against the Iraqi regime, accusing it of destroying the eco-system of the Marshlands in South Iraq. This issue was considered to be much more appealing and in line with the trendy causes sustained by the British public. Ğawad has been for many years the Director of the Cultural & Human Rights Office of the Foundation in London. Therefore, he was directly involved in this struggle and should be considered particularly reliable in this respect. Moreover, the fact that the ecologist struggle was almost completely abandoned by the Foundation after the fall of £addam’s regime helps in sustaining Ğawad’s “confidence”.

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Chapter 3 AL I D WOMEN BETWEEN PROTAG O NIS M GENEALOGICAL PRE S T IG E , AND MARRIAGE STRAT E G Y he issue of the social and juridical status of women in the history of the Islamic civilisation has received an increasing interest in the last three decades. In search of women’s history in Islam a few scholars have turned towards biographical collections,1 and a minor attention has been directed at women of the Ahl al-Bayt.2 In the last case we still have very scarce data. This chapter therefore fills a gap in the relevant literature concerning Alid women. Moreover, it reveals an increase in women’s activism.3 Their role appears to be far more reaching than the one represented by the model of the “unnamed wife”, largely described by the critics. We find cases of evident protagonism in three of the families taken into account (the exception being represented by the al-@u’is).

T

al-£adrs. At least from the end of the 1960s, women of the al-£adr family have played important roles and been increasingly active in public life. Let us see the matter from the perspective of the end of the eighteen century. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the sources tell us that al-Sayyid £alih Šaraf alDin (1710-1711–c.1803) lived during the governorship of Ahmad Paša al-Ğazzar. The Governatorate faced several anti-Ottoman revolts, particulalry from the 1 Paramount are: Roded, op. cit.; Aguilar, V., “Mujeres y repertorios biográficos”, in Ávila, L., Marín, M. (eds.), Estudios onomásticos-biográficos de al-Andalus: Biografías y género biográfico en el occidente islámico, vol. 8, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (csic), Madrid 1997, pp. 127-139; various volumes of the series Estudios onomásticos-biográficos de al-Andalus, in particular Marín, M., Mujeres en al-Andalus, vol. 11, csic, Madrid 2000; various contributions in Viguera, M. J. (ed), La mujer en al-Andalus: Reflejos históricos de su actividad y categorías, Editoriales Andaluzas Unidas, Sevilla 1989, in particular Ávila, M. L., “Las mujeres “sabias” en al-Andalus”, pp. 139-184; and Lutfi, H., “Al-Sakhawi’s Kitab al-nisa’ as a Source for the Social and Economic History of the Muslim Women During the Fifeteenth Century A.D”, The Muslim World, 71:2, 1981, pp. 104-124. 2 This is the concern of Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Women’s Names in Early Islamic Pro-Shiite Texts on the Genealogies of the Talibiyyin”, in “Medieval Prosopography”, special issue, Arab-Islamic Medieval Culture, ed. by M. Marín, vol. 23, 2002, pp. 141-165. Also important is Cortese, D., Calderini, S., Women and the Fatimids in the World of Islam, Edinburg University Press, Edinburg 2006. The “Introduction” to this work (pp. 1-5) offers a brief overview of the historiography on women’s studies in Islam and an orientative list of some of its protagonists: Nadia Abbott, Fatima Mernissi, Rifaat Hassan, Barbara Stowasser, Elizabeth Fernea, Nikki Keddie, Leila Ahmed, Fadwa Malti-Douglas, Nadia El-Cheikh, Husayn al-Hamdani, Hady Roger Idris, Yaacov Lev, Heinz Halm, and Nuriman ‘Abd al-Karim Ahmad. 3 This chapter should be read in the optic of the wider issue of gender studies in the Middle East. It should moreover be understood as an objection to the main tendency to consider gendered history, ‘as a topic of ‘special interest’, delegated not to those historians who are interested in general history, but to those who specialize in women and gender’, as opportunely denounced by Kia, M., Najmabadi, A., Shakhsari, S., “Women, Gender, and Sexuality in Historiography of Modern Iran”, in Atabaki, T. (ed.), Iran in the 20th Century: Historiography and Political Culture, I.B. Tauris, London 2009, pp. 177-197, p. 179.

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Ši‘i component of the population. During a revolt, two of £alih’s sons were killed. He himself was arrested and sentenced to death,4 spending nine months in a prison in ‘Akka. However, his guards finally let him escape, deeply touched by his piety. Several generations later, an attempt at arresting his descendant al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980) made by the ruling authorities (£addam) was reportedly brough to a halt by the outcry caused by the spread of the news among Ši‘i believers. They reached Muhammad’s house and opposed the arrest. The main difference between what occurred to £alih and to his descendant lies in that the outcry over the intended arrest of the contemporary sayyid-‘alim was set in motion by a sayyida-‘alima, Amina Bint al-Hudà (1937-1980, Baqir al-£adr’s sister). She had successfully gone to a mosque urging the believers to intervene and oppose her borther’s imprisonment. A significative difference. We find several striking elements in Bint al-Hudà’s biography. She did not marry, despite the numerous suitors who reportedly proposed to her family. She became an ‘alima, despite it was (reportedly) traditionally unusual of alNağaf to have women studying in the hawza, especially fiqh (religious jurisprudence), usul (principles of jurisprudence), and the principles of ‘ilm alkalam (theology).5 She is considered to be an important female Arab Muslim contemporary writer. She wrote in a range of different fields, from novel to politics. In particular, she was a regular contributor to a magazine, al-Adwa’, established by Ğama‘a al-‘Ulama’ (The Society of ‘Ulama’).6 She was a member of the magazine’s editorial board, along with figures such as al-Sayyid alMarğa‘ Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah (1935-2010); a muğtahid later to become renowned for his “pro-women” religious pronouncements.7 She educated hundreds of girls, female scholars, and ‘alimat (female religious scholars), in particular through the direction of madrasas (religious colleges) for girls established with the economic support of al-Sayyid al-Marğa‘ Abu ’l-Qasim al@u’i. In this respect, she might arguably be counted among his disciples. In 1980, she was imprisoned by the Ba‘tist regime along with her brother Muhammad Baqir. Reportedly, her arrest was a direct consequence of what had happened in the previously mentioned episode concering the failed attempt to imprison her borther. Precisely together with her brother she was killed a few days after her arrest. 4 Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 33. 5 Wiley, “‘Alima Bint al-Huda”, p. 152. 6 On this society, see Jabar’s chapter “The Formation of the Jama‘at al-‘Ulama in Najaf, 1960”, in his The Shi‘ite Movement in Iraq, pp. 110-127, where he describes it as, ‘an organized body [formed] to combat communism and reassert Shi‘ite values and Islamic tenets’ (p. 110). 7 For a glimpse at Fadl Allah’s views on women in the proper context of Lebanon’s peculiar Ši‘i social and political milieu, see the numerous references in Deeb, L., An Enchanted Modern: Gender and Public Piety in Shi‘i Lebanon, Princeton University Press, Princeton 2006. For an analysis of his views on the “historical”, de-dogmatised – and therefore modern and “humanised” – Fatima, see Rosiny, S., “The Tragedy of “Fatima al-Zahra” in the Debate of two Shiite Theologians in Lebanon”, in Brunner, Ende (eds.), op. cit., pp. 207-219. For a primary source on Fadl Allah’s views on (Muslim) women, see Fadl Allah, Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn, Dunya al-Mar’a. ¢awarathu: Siham ¢amiyya. A‘addathu: Minà Balibal, Dar al-Malak, 6th ed., Bayrut 1425/2005.

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Academic circles8 and the general media9 noticed a few evident aspects of Bint al-Hudà’s active role in society. However, the social and cultural role that women of the al-£adr family have been playing in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon, at least since the 1960s, has gone unnoticed. al-£adr women have: – published memoirs which brake the centuries long absence of alternative female voices and perspectives about the life of the members of the Ahl al-Bayt; – been active as chairpersons of charitable foundations; – produced influential Islamic “feminist” fiction, articles in periodicals, and critical essays; – and, as pointed out earlier, women of the al-£adr family have been indirectly influential as wives of prominent men such as al-Sayyid Muhammad al-@atami (two times President of Iran, he married Zohre, daughter of al-Sayyida Mansura al-£adr and of ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Duktur10 al-Šayh ‘Ali Akbar £adiqi), al-Sayyid Ahmad al@umayni (son of the Father of the Islamic Revolution, he married Fatima, daughter of al-Sayyida £adiqa al-£adr and of al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i),11 al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (he married al-Sayyida ‘Aliya al-£adr), and al-Sayyid £adiq al-¥abatba’i (1322Š/1943-, a nephew of Musà al-£adr and brother-in-law of Ahmad al-@umayni, he was Speaker of the first post-revolutionary temporary government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and married Fatima (1946-), daughter of al-Sayyida ¥ahira al-£adr and of al-Sayyid Mahdi al-£adr).

With Wağa‘ al-£adr wa min wara’i al-£adr Umm Ğa‘far,12 a recollection of the memoirs of al-Sayyida Fatima al-£adr (Muhmmad Baqir al-£adr’s wife and a sister of Musà and Rubab al-£adr) edited by her friend Amal al-Baqši, we have the “voice” of a woman who takes an active role in narrating the important events of her personal and family life. Arguably, this is first case of a female perspective on what we could call “an Alid life”. 8 Her life and thought have been briefly addressed in two articles by Mallat (1987), “Le féminisme islamique de Bint al-Houdâ”, and by Wiley (2001), “Alima Bint al-Huda, Women’s Advocate”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit. Mallat’s essay is largely based on information provided by his contacts within the former Iraqi opposition to the regime of £addam ¢usayn in London and on his researches on al-Hudà’s brother Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. His essay is a description of al-Hudà’s literary production, that he discusses as part of the Islamic revolutionary movement that led to the Islamic revolution in Iran (1978-9). Wiley uses as primary sources Bint al-Hudà’ s biography authored by Nizar, Ğa‘far ¢usayn, ‘Adra’ al-‘Aqida wa ’l-Mabda’: al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, the collection of her works, al-Mağmu‘a al-Qasasiyya al-Kamila, and information provided to him by al-Sayyid ¢usayn Muhammad Hadi al-£adr and his wife al-Sayyida ¢anan al-£adr. Apparently, he was not aware of the article on Bint al-Hudà previously published by Mallat. 9 Exemplificative is a video produced by bbc Persian on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the Iraq-Iran war, on September 2010. On the background of the historical rivalry between the two countries concerning their borders, the video refers to the execution of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr and of his sister Bint al-Hudà describing it as a turning point in the events leading to the war, in an escalation began with the return to Iran of Ayatullah al-@umayni, the failed attempt on ¥ariq ‘Aziz’s life by al-Da‘wa, the killing of the two al-£adrs, the consequent appeal by al-@umayni to the Iraqi population to expel £addam, and the war (www.bbc.co.uk/persian/iran/2010/09/100919_150_iraq_iran_war_begins.html). 10 ‘Ali Akbar £adiqi is referred to as “doktor” in the written sources. In fact, his daughter Zohre told me that although her father was one of the first ‘alim to pursue a binary education in Iran and had indeed studied for a PhD and even submitted a thesis, for reasons that she did not want to mention the defence session was never held (interview at the Beh Afarin-e Farda Foundation in Tehran, May 15, 2011). 11 Moreover, ¢awra’ bint Muhammad ibn Rida al-£adr married Yasir ibn Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al@umayni. 12 al-£adr, Fatima, op. cit.

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Important is moreover the public engagement of another member of the family, al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr (Fatima’s niece). She is the Chairperson of the Tehran-based Mo’assase-ye Farhangi, Tahqiqati-ye Emam Musà £adr, a foundation dedicated to the study and diffusion of the exemplary life and activities of her father, Musà al-£adr, and of other members of the family.13 Even more significant appears the public role of ¢awra’s aunt al-Sayyida Rubab al-£adr (Šaraf al-Din), a sister of Fatima and Musà. In her 60s, Rubab holds a Master’s degree in Philosophy (2009) and is currently enrolled in a PhD programme with a thesis on the philosophical aspects of Musà al-£adr’s thought. She speaks Farsi, Arabic, and English, and is the Chairperson and Managing Director of the previously mentioned Imam Sadr Foundation. This is a community based, non-governmental organisation affiliated to numerous international networks, such as the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ecosoc) and the Lebanese Women League. The Foundation mainly consists of six vocational schools and an orphanage. As signalled more diffusely in the second chapter, in 2006 it declared to employ 195 full-time and more than 200 part-time staff, providing care and educational services to more than 1,100 students. Its financial resources in 2008 had reached usd 7,000,000, offering medico-social services to a total of 58,000 persons with an amount of 87,000 services provided. al-¢akims. Useful is the previously mentioned list of members of this family killed or imprisoned during £addam’s regime provided to me by al-Duktur alSayyid ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim (1939-).14 Going through it, we find the explicit presence of an important number of women. Three of them are mentioned by their first name: Fadila, Zaynab, and Fatima. The name of the other women is not reported. However, the list mentiones their relations with other members of the family (most of them present in the list). We find two mothers, one wife, three sisters, and two daughters. Of particular interest is that three of them are reported as al-šahida (the martyr). An important aspect is that most of these women are not identified as mothers and appear to be just “themselves”,15 an element that contradicts what has so far emerged from the study of early Alid sources.16 13 This element is suggested by the Persian translation and publication of Bint al-Hudà’s work. It was commissioned by the Foundation and published in two volumes under the titles Tavallod-e Dubare and Bar Bolandiha-ye Makke, both translated by Mahdi Sarhaddi, Mo’assase-ye Farhangi, Tahqiqati-ye Emam Musà £adr, Tehran 1386Š/2007-2008. 14 See the section about the history of the al-¢akim family at pp. 47-49. 15 The reference is to the true image of the Muslim woman proposed by ‘Ali Šari‘ati in Fateme, Fatemeast (1350Š/1971). There, he re-defines the “historical” image of Fatima describing her not as daughter of Muhammad, wife of ‘Ali, or mother of al-¢asan, al-¢usayn, and Zaynab, but as truly “herself ”. In this respect, see Sullivan, Z. T., “Eluding the Feminist, Overthrowing the Modern? Transformations in Twentieth-Century Iran”, in Abu-Lughod, L. (ed.), Remaking Women: Feminism and Modernity in the Middle East, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1998, pp. 215-242, pp. 216-220. 16 For an analysis of the early sources on Alid women, see Scarcia Amoretti, “Women’s Names in Early Islamic Pro-Shi‘ite Texts”, pp. 141-165.

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It is also important to mention that a son of ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim told me that in an undetermined period between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century his family had a “Lebanese” muğtahida17 among its members.18 This case, added to the one of Amina al-£adr (19371980), provides an interesting framework for enquiry.19 Bahr al-‘Ulums. Useful is the list of members of this family killed or imprisoned by the former Iraqi regime in connection with the 1991 Intifada. Among them, we find al-Sayyida £adiqa, daughter of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-), who was reportedly killed by the Iraqi secret services near the Shrine of Imam ‘Ali in al-Nağaf.20 Modernity, acculturation, discontinuity Alid women’s active role observed in the very recent history of the Nağafi religious establishment, in particular the public engamenet of a sayyida-‘alima in political affairs, looks like a novelty only when it is analysed in the light of the collective biography of the Alids I reconstructed (a classic biography where, therefore, women’s names are kept on a second level and normally not mentioned), but not in a broader perspective. When we consider the events of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911),21 the important role played by women in the politics of the French mandate in Syria and Lebanon,22 or, more relevantly, Litvak’s observations about the situation in al-Nağaf and Karbala’ between 1791 and 1904, we see that these societies were indeed predominantly male-ruled but women could nonetheless study and reach high ranks of learning.23 Even more significant is that the events related to Bint al-Hudà’s role in voicing her opposition to the regime’s intention 17 Female religious scholar (‘alima) who achieved the necessary competence to obtain the permission (iğaza) to exercise iğtihad (the independent judgement on issues of religious law). 18 ‘Abd al-Hadi’s son apparently did not remember her name, although he said that one of her sons currently lives in Lebanon (interview with ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim in his house in London, December 2006). 19 Paramount appear in this respect the recent works of ‘ilm al-tarağim dedicated to women, such as Rayahin al-Šari‘a dar Tarğama Danešmandan-e Banovan-e Ši‘e by Šeyh Dabih Allah Mahallati (6 vols., 7th ed., Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, Tehran 1385Š/2006-2007). These works follow what can be now considered an established pattern. We find the presence of this pattern at least since the 1920s, when we have, although on a different level, the dictionary of contemporary women published by £adiqe Dowlatabadi (1882-1962) in 1923 (on Dowlatabadi see Sullivan, op. cit., pp. 228-231). 20 Wiley, The Islamic Movement of Iraqi Shi‘as, p. 166. 21 See Bayat-Philip, M., “Women and Revolution in Iran, 1905-1911”, in Beck, L., Keddie, N. (eds.), Women in the Muslim World, Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1978, pp. 295-308; Parvin Paidar’s chapter on “Women and the Era of Constitutionalism” in her Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1997, pp. 50-77; and, from the peculiar perspective of women’s passive but foundational role in building discourses and narratives of “Iranianess” and nationhood during the Revolution, see Najmabadi, A., The Story of the Daughters of Quchan: Gender and National Memory in Iranian History, illustrated edition, Syracuse University Press, New York 1998. 22 See Thompson, E., Colonial Citizens: Republican Rights, Paternal Privilegies, and Gender in French Syria and Lebanon, Columbia University Press, New York 2000. 23 Litvak, op. cit., p. 2.

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to put his brother under arrest, Rubab’s role in carrying on her brother’s charitable activities, and ¢awra’s efforts to keep alive the remembrance of her father’s disappearance, they all recall the very beginnings of Alids’ history, namely the death of the third Imam, al-¢usayn (d. 680). They seem to re-propose the different acts and roles played by al-¢usayn and his sister Zaynab in connection to what has been described as the ‘Karbala’ paradigm’:24 men are directly involved in the battlefield and killed in defence of justice and honour, while women are the memory keepers and narrators of the injustice suffered by their family (and by the whole world) – with the difference that in the case of Bint al-Hudà even Yazid’s pitilessness pales into insignificance when compared to £addam’s brutality. Once more, on the one hand, we face the dilemma of whether we deal with a mythicised reconstruction25 of the past or with the simple actual influence of the model proposed by Ši‘i Islam on the personality of these women and, on the other, we face the issue of explaining the reasons for the presence of such a model in the recent biographical production. Useful in decoding what described above appears what I was told by al-Sayyida Rubab al-£adr during an interview in her office in Bayrut (May 27, 2010): When we look at the history of the Ahl al-Bayt, we see that within the Ahl al-Bayt both men and women played an active role (fa‘al budand). The message (resale) that had been given to the Ahl al-Bayt was divided: a direction (mudiriyat) was given to men and another direction was given to women. In this respect, when we look at the life of the Prophet Muhammad we see that his wife, @adiğa, played a very important role in the spread of Islam (našr-e Eslam). When @adiğa married the Prophet she offered him an economic, human, and spiritual support. If the Prophet Muhammad had not had an economic support he could have not realised anything. Therefore, @adiğa had a very important role, although unfortunately people have not written books about that. […] Then, when we look at Fatima Zahra’, we know that she was not simply the daughter of the Prophet but was known as “the mother of her father”. She held an important position as far as women were concerned, both from a cultural (‘elmi) point of view and an intellectual point of view (fekri), and indeed also from a social point of view (eğtemahi). Perhaps, when we look at the history of Islam we see that she was the first nurse (parastar), the first to help people during war or the problems they had. For all the problems that concerned women, people used to refer to Zahra’. She played an extremely important role of guidance both alongside the Prophet and Amir ol-Mo’menin, ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib. As a matter of fact, Zahra’ represents a complete school (madrese-ye vaqe’i) [of thought]. […] Then, we can take as an example Zaynab. The message (resale)

24 For an analysis of the “Karbala’ paradigm”, see Aghaie, K. S., The Martyrs of Karbala, Shii Symbols & Rituals in Modern Iran, University of Washington Press, Seattle 2004, in particular pp. 113-130, and Idem (ed.), The Women of Karbala, Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shi‘i Islam, University of Texas Press, Austin 2005. 25 This element recalls Alessandro Bausani’s idea of Islam as a peculiar and interesting laboratory for the study of the historisation of myth (“Note sul «pazzo sacro» nell’islam”, in Il “pazzo sacro” nell’islam, saggi di storia estetica, letteraria e religiosa, ed. by Maurizio Pistoso, Luni, Milan 2000, pp. 21-34, p. 21).

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of Imam al-¢useyn was registered by Zaynab. […] When on ‘Ašura’ the entire family of al-¢usayn was killed, Zaynab had the ability of put things back together and to reindicate the path to follow.

Tradition, purity, marriage The data I possess, or better their shortage, indicate that when we look at the history of the Islamic civilisation through Alids’ eyes we see that women’s life has been largely “veiled”. However, it is not hazardous to state that women have always played an essential role, at least in consideration of Alids’ marriage alliances and the exaltation of the continuity of their descent. For someone concerned with the role of elite women in the family institution in Islam, there is the awareness that starting from the ‘Abbasids the role of the sisters of powerful men has paradoxically had more visibility – although not in a continous way – in comparison to that of their daughters and wives (but, of course, most of the sisters are also daughters and wives). This element appears to be valid also for the contemporary history of the Alids. In the case of their traditional genealogical literature, however, my data show that a specific visibility was either given to mothers26 or to sisters and wives.27 Significant is a šağara available on a website dedicated to Muhammad Baqir al-£adr. This mentions the names of the daughters and sisters of the al-£adr family alongside those of the male members, although only from those women born from around the 1950s onwards.28 It moreover mentiones several important marriages, largely endogamic and reported starting from the beginnings of the last century, with a few cases of quite older marriages linked to the creation of master-disciples bonds. In this chapter the interest is directed more towards wives and marriages due to the will to understand whether there have been cases of acculturation on the perception of what a family is, and, provided this is the case, whether or not this could be explained on the basis of an approaching pattern towards a (Romantic/Victorian) conjugal family model. For these very reasons, if I had assumed a different perspective the chapter would have offered a less interesting analysis. A very large part of the information on Alid marriages I provide here is new and unpublished (although not necessarily unknown to the direct circles we deal with). My analysis of Alids’ marriage strategy should be intended as a qualitative research in that I discuss data that are indeed significant, but not necessarily comprehensive. I will show that besides the political and power-oriented use of genealogy elucidated in the two previous chapters, the 26 This is the case of the al-£adrs/Šaraf al-Dins as portrayed in Šaraf al-Din, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn, Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin fi Silsila Al Šaraf al-Din. 27 This is the case of the Bahr al-‘Ulums as portrayed in the “Muqaddima”. 28 http://www.mbsadr.com/arabic/pages/tree_sadr.php (accessed on September 14, 2010).

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genealogical data I collected suggest that this use is linked to a conscious endogamic marriage strategy pursued both within the specific branch of the family and within the families of the social and religious elites of their communities at once. Due to an unbalanced mention of marriages in my sources, I will use as a main reference the Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-£adrs, making general references to the other two families, primarily the al-@u’is and secondarily the al-¢akims. In order to provide evidences of Alids’ political and social use of marriages, we need to address some key questions: What are the main types of marriages we encounter? Assuming they are endogamic, do they follow the established pattern of the first cousin (ibn ‘amm/bint ‘amm)? How do our sources treat the issue of endogamic marriages? Is there any reticence to openly speak about it? Do the contemporary oral sources bring elements that can be considered new or different? Are the predominant logics for marriage strategies to be searched for in dynamics internal or external to the Family? The results of my enquiry do indicate that the Ahl al-Bayt is a social class, lobby, corporation, clan, club, cult, or something else? Endogamy My data indicate that in the case of Alid members of the religious establishment we deal with a markedly endogamic tendency. We can analyse this issue through two main patterns: – endogamy within the same family, – endogamy within the Ahl al-Bayt.

Given the very definition of the families taken into account as Alid families members of the religious establishment, in many cases these two patterns do overlap and, moreover, to a significant degree do involve ‘ulama’. This is exemplified by al-Sayyid Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1334/1915-1916). He married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ¥ahir, that is to say someone within the Alid group. Muhammad ¥ahir was, on his part, the son-in-law (sihr) of al-Šayh al-Murtadà al-Ansari, a prestigious member of the religious establishment. The couple had two daughters who both married members of the Bahr al‘Ulum family, al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum and alSayyid Mirza ‘Ali ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum, that is to say a case of endogamy within the same family. The reader should moreover bear in mind that, for example, the Bahr al‘Ulums and al-¢akims are both sub-branches of the al-¥abataba’i family. Therefore, we should properly consider marriages within this three families (Bahr al-‘Ulums, al-¢akims, and al-¥abataba’is) as intra-family endogamic marriages. For practical reasons, in the following pages I will keep separate lists for the Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-¢akims. On the other hand, I will consid-

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er marriages between the al-£adrs and Šaraf al-Dins as marriages within the same family. Intra-family endogamic marriages Bahr al-‘Ulums. Taking into account information that cover a time-span between 1806 and current days, we face an endless list of figures involved, and numerous cases of bint ‘amm marriages (i.e. the daughter of the uncle on the father’s side): – al-Sayyid Muhsin ibn ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (1218/1803-1804–1318/1900) married his cousin (ibna ‘amm) the daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum, known as £ahib alBurhan; – al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1219/1804-1805) married two women. From the first wife he had two daughters, one married her cousin (ibn ‘amm) al-Sayyid Hašim ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (£ahib al-Burhan) (1255/ 1840-1284/1867-1868). From the second wife he again had two daughters, and both married within the family, with al-Sayyid ¢asan ibn Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (1282/ 1866-1355/1936) (ibn ‘amm) and al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (£ahib alBurhan). – al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (1221/1806-1306/1888) had five daughters. Two of them married two cousin (ibn ‘amm), al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1291/1874-1875) and al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1325/1907-1908); – al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (1224/1809-1298/1881), known as £ahib al-Burhan, had nine daughters. Among the seven I have data about, two married the sons (ibn ‘amm) of ‘Ali’s brother ¢usayn: al-Sayyid Muhsin and al-Sayyid Ibrahim ibn ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (1248/1832-1833–1319/1901-1902); and a third also married a cousin (ibn ‘amm), al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al‘Ulum, known as £ahib Bul#a al-Faqih (1261/1845-1326/1908); – al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1261/1845-1326/1908) married three women, among them his cousin (ibna ‘amm) the daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum, known as £ahib al-Burhan. From the other two wives, he had three daughters. All of them married within the family, with al-Sayyid Hadi, al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali, and al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum; – a daughter of al-Sayyid ¢asan ibn Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (1282/1866-1355/1936) – who had himself married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1219/1804-1805), a marriage mentioned earlier in the list – married her cousin (ibn ‘amm) al-Sayyid Rida ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1320/1902-1903); – al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1334/1915-1916) had two daughters. Both married within the family, with al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910-1911) and al-Sayyid Mirza ‘Ali ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1324/1906-1907) (ibn ‘amm); – al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1345/1926) had three daughters. Two of them married two sons (ibn ‘amm) of his brother al-Sayyid ¢asan, al-Sayyid Muhammad £adiq ibn ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1315/1898) and al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1318/1900-1901);

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– al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Naqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1287/1870-1871–1355/1936) married two women, one of them was his cousin (bint ‘amm) the daughter of alSayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, known as £ahib al-Bul#a (1261/1845-1326/1908). Two of the three daughters he had from the second marriage married al-Sayyid Mirza ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1311/1893-1894–1949) (ibn ‘amm) and al-Duktur alSayyid Baqir ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum; – al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1290/1873-1361/1942) married two women. I only have data about one of them, and she was his cousin (ibna ‘amm) the daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum; – al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhsin Bahr al-‘Ulum (1302/1884-1885–1335/1916) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum; – from the marriage between al-Sayyid Mirza ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1311/1893-1894– 1949) and a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Naqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1287/1870-1871–1355/1936) four daughters were born. One of the two I have data about married within the family, with her cousin (ibn ‘amm) al-Sayyid ‘Izz al-Din ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1352/1933-1934–1991?); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1313/1895-1896) married his cousin (bint ‘amm) the daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali Naqi ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1294/1877); – al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1314/1897-1898–1380/1960) had three daughters. Two of them married within the family, with al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Musà Bahr al-‘Ulum (1353/1934-1935–1991) and with al-Ustad al-Sayyid Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (ibn ‘amm); – al-Sayyid Rida ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1320/1902-1903) married two women, one of them was his cousin (ibna ‘amm) the daughter of al-Sayyid ¢asan Bahr al-‘Ulum. One of the daughters born from the first wife married al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1347/1928-29 or 1348/1929-1930–1422/2001) (moreover, al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Taqi also married a second woman whose name is not mentioned by the sources); – al-Sayyid Hadi ibn ‘Ali Naqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1322/1904-1905) married a cousin (ibna ‘amm), a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, known as £ahib al-Bul#a. Their daughter married al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhsin Bahr al-‘Ulum; – a daughter of al-Sayyid ‡iya’ al-Din ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1322/19041905) married al-Duktur al-Sayyid ‘Abbas ibn Mirza ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum; – from the marriage between al-Sayyid Mirza ‘Ali ibn ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1324/1906-1907) and a daughter of al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (£ahib al-Bul#a) two daughters were born. The only one I have data about married her cousin (ibn ‘amm) al-Sayyid Nur al-Din ibn ‡iya’ al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum; – al-Sayyid Musà ibn Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1327/1908-1909) married a cousin (ibna ‘amm), a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Abbas Bahr al-‘Ulum. They had five daughters, of the three I have data about, one married within the family, with al-Ustad al-Sayyid ‘Ubud ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum; – al-Sayyid Šams al-Din ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum; – from the marriage between al-Sayyid Muhammad £alih ibn Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910-1911) and a daughter of al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (£ahib al-Bul#a) two daughters were born. One of them married al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum.

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al-£adrs (patrilineal): – Three daughters of al-Sayyid Muhammad (Abu Ğa‘far) ibn Muhammad al-Tani –

– – – – – – – – – – –

Šaraf al-Din (d. c. 1279/1862-1863) married three of their ibn ‘amms, one of them was al-Sayyid Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1846-1916). al-Sayyid Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1846-1916) married five women. Two of them were members of his family: one was al-Sayyida Zahra’ (c. 1270/1853-1854– 1337/1919), a daughter of Hadi (al-£adr) ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Šaraf al-Din (b. c. 1270/ 1853-1854); while the other was a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Abu Ğa‘far ibn Isma‘il (d. c. 1279/1862-1863, ‘amm abihi); al-Sayyida ¥ahira bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (1310Š/1931-1932-) married al-Sayyid Mahdi al-£adr al-‘Amili (d. 1364Š/1985-1986); al-Sayyid Yusuf ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1341/1922-1923) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1312/1895-1379/ 1959);29 al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn £adr al-Din Šaraf al-Din (b. 1358/1939) married a cousin (bint ‘amm), a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1327/1909); al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (1935-1980) married al-Sayyida Fatima bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (bint ‘amm); al-Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999) married a daughter alSayyid Muhammad Ğa‘far al-£adr (bint ‘amm); al-Sayyida Rubab bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (1944-) married al-Sayyid ¢usayn Šaraf alDin; al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad al-Hadi al-£adr (1945-) married al-Sayyida Hanan bint Isma‘il al-£adr; al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1952-) married al-Sayyida Maram bint Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (bint ‘amm); al-Sayyid Mustafà ibn Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1964-1999) on July 13, 1968, married al-Sayyida Nubu# bint Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (known as Umm Ahmad); al-Sayyid Mu’ammal ibn Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1971-1999) married al-Sayyida ¢awra’ bint Muhammad Baqir al-£adr (known as Umm ‘Ali); al-Sayyid Muqtadà ibn Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1974?-) married alSayyida Asma’ bint Muhammad Baqir al-£adr.

al-£adrs (matrilineal): – al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1296/1878-1879–1358/1939-1940)

married the first daughter of Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin (d. 1351/1932). al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn had married a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Hadi al-£adr;

29 The author of Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin does not mention Yusuf ’s marriage in his short biographical entry. However, in a footnote of the biography he mentions that the mother of Yusuf ’s sons was ‘karima ‘ammihi al-marhum al-Sayyid Muhammad’ (vol. 2, p. 425). Provided that Yusuf ’s father, ‘Abd al-¢usayn, had only one brother, Muhammad, and that he was indeed dead (al-marhum) when al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah Šaraf al-Din was completing Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin, it is safe to assume that Yusuf married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1312/1895-1379/1959).

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– al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1301/1883-1884–1361/1942-1943) married the second daughter of Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin (d. 1351/1932). al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn had married a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Hadi al-£adr; – al-Sayyid ¢aydar ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1309/1891-1356/1937) married Batul, born from the marriage between Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin and a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Hadi al-£adr; – al-Sayyida Fatima al-£adr (1946-) married al-Sayyid £adiq al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i (ibn hala, son of al-Sayyida £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr al-‘Amili and of al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i (1298/1910-1920–1376/1997-1998); and a nephew of Musà al-£adr and brother-in-law of Ahmad al-@umayni); – al-Sayyida ¢awra’ bint Musà al-£adr (1962-) married al-Šayh Mahdi Fayruzan (ibn hal), son of al-Sayyida Zahra’ al-£adr (1318Š-, sister of Musà and Rubab al-£adr) and of al-Šayh Iskandar Fayruzan, a wealthy merchant of Qom. Mahdi is a General Director (mudir ‘amel) at Šahr-e Ketab,30 Iran’s leading book retailer and publishing house; – al-Sayyida Maliha bint Musà al-£adr on August 26, 1971, married al-Sayyid Qusay Šaraf al-Din (ibn ‘amma), son of al-Sayyida Rubab al-£adr and of al-Sayyid ¢usayn Šaraf al-Din; – al-Sayyida ¢awra’ bint Muhammad ibn Rida al-£adr (1363Š/1984-1985-) married alSayyid Yasir ibn Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni, son of al-Sayyida Fatima £adr alDin al-£adr and of al-Sayyid Ahmad al-@umayni;

These marriages indicate that a preferential pattern is again the one linked to the scheme bint ‘amm, as demonstrated by the marriages of the three daughters of al-Sayyid Muhammad (Abu Ğa‘far) Šaraf al-Din (d. 1279/1862-1863 circa), and by the marriages of ¢usayn al-£adr (1952-), of Muhammad Baqir al£adr (1935-1980), and of Muhammad Muhammad £aqid al-£adr (1943-1999). al-¢akims. I do not dispose of data concering intra-family endogamic marriages of the al-¢akims. However, it is precisely this family that several of my oral sources depict as having the strongest endogamic tendency,31 endogamy that they point out as being specifically intended at maintaining properties within the family. My data about the al-¢akims are nevertheless useful in helping to show how it is possible to derive marriage information from prosopographic sources. These report that when the father of Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970) died, the responsibility of his cure and education passed to both his older brother Mahmud and to his brother-in-law al-Sayyid Ahmad al¢akim.32 This information concerns three men (Muhsin, Mahmud, and Ahmad), and we apparently do not have a direct mention of women. However, it tells us that the link between Muhsin and Ahmad is represented by a woman (Muhsin’s sister), it tells us that this woman married an Alid (al-Sayyid Ah30 On Šahr-e Ketab see its official websites, www.bookcity.org and www.bookcity.co.ir. 31 Several interviews with $anim Ğawad at the Khoei Foundation in London between 2006 and 2008. 32 al-Sarrağ, op. cit., p. 23, reports that this information was provided to him by Muhammad Baqir al¢akim, a son of Muhsin, during a conversation held in Tehran on June 26, 1986.

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mad), it tells us that this Alid was a member of her very family (al-¢akim) and, therefore, it tells us that Muhsin’s sister did marry in accordance with the intra-family endogamic pattern. al-@u’is (matrilineal): – The only daughter of ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i, ¢awra’ (1985-), married her cousin (ibn ‘ammatiha) al-Sayyid Mahmud al-Faqih al-Imani, son of al-Sayyida Fahriyya al-@u’i (‘Abd al-Mağid’s half-sister) and of al-Ayatullah al-Sayyid Ğalal al-Din al-Faqih alImani (1311Š/1932-1386Š/2008).

Looking for an explanation to the relevance of endogamic marriages revealed by the previous data, a first answer comes from anthropology. Scholars have pointed out that extension and dispersion are characteritics of kinship, as every new marriage increases both ascendants and colaterals.33 Endogamic marriages both limit this tendency and consolidate kinship (and genealogy) socially. A marriage between first cousins produces the effect that in the third generation of their children’s kinship there will only be six ascendants, instead of the eight they would have had if their parents had married outside the family. This would consequently consolidate the lineage.34 Moreover, should endogamic marriages among first cousins be repeated over and over the number of collateral descendants would be very limited, and the kinship remain very close (and closed). Bestard puts it very clearly, Todo matrimonio cercano tiene el efecto negativo de no crear nuevos parientes, pero entraña asimismo un efecto positivo al consolidar los que ya se tenían, atrayendo hacia el centro de la relación de parentesco a los colaterales que, de otro modo, se irían dispersando.35

As we have seen, this is the case of at least two of the families taken into account. The marriage pattern bint ‘amm (first cousin on the father’s side) has been traditionally diffused among Middle Eastern populations,36 and we find its traces also in other regions of the Islamic world, even in al-Andalus.37 Also known is the relevance of the marriage among cousins in al-Nağaf. In his auto-biographical entry in A‘yan al-Ši‘a, al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin al-‘Amili (1867-1952) dedicates a brief section to “Some customs of the inhabitants of al-Nağaf ” (Ba‘d ‘Adat al-Nağafiyyin). This section describes his life in that city 33 Bestard, J., Parentesco y modernidad, Paidós, Barcelona 1998, pp. 119-121. 34 Ibidem. 35 Ibidem, p. 119. 36 See Eickelman, D. F., The Middle East and Central Asia: An Anthropological Approach, Upper Saddle River, N.J. Prentice Hall, 4th ed., 2001, pp. 163-166. 37 On the presence of the pattern bint ‘amm in al-Andalus, see Guichard, P., Al-Andalus: estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente, Barcelona 1976, pp. 64, 99, 102, and 219-220. On role of endogamy in the marriage strategies and family policy of the Umayyads (and Nasrids) in al-Andalus, see Marín, Mujeres en al-Andalus, pp. 539-543 and p. 555.

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between 1308/1891 and 1319/1901, and it is particularly concerned with women. There, he reports that, Les Nağafites ont en matière de mariage des coutumes que je trouve bonnes, pour la plupart. Ils marient leurs filles à un cousin [fa-hum yuzawwiğun al-qaraba], sans lui montrer du dédain, s’il est pauvre alors qu’ils sont riches. Par ailleur, à un prétendant étranger, ils préfèrent le cousin.38

It is important to note that when we consider it from the perspective of the history of Ši‘i Islam, and in particular the history of the family of the Prophet, we find the presence of the marriage pattern bint ‘amm since the very beginnings of Islam – an element once again in line with what I pointed out in the Second Chapter. This is shown by the cases of Zaynab bint ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib and of Imam al-Baqir. The former, the female heroine of Karbala’, married ‘Abd Allah ibn Ğa‘far ibn Abi ¥alib,39 while the latter, had a specially prestigious genealogy in that both his maternal and paternal grandfathers, al-¢asan and al-¢usayn, were the prophet’s grandsons. His full name was Muhmmad b. ‘Ali b. al-¢usayn b. ‘Ali b. Abi ¥alib and his kunya was Abu Ja‘far. His mother was Fatima Umm ‘Abd Allah, a daughter of al-¢asan b. ‘Ali.40

That is, his father had married in accordance with the bint ‘amm pattern. Moreover, useful in explaining this endogamic tendency appear some aspects of the Islamic legal system. As pointed out by Theodore P. Wright Jr. (in his case for the sayyids of India and Pakistan), Muslims’ preferential patterns have traditionally been first cousins in order to maintain “purity of blood” and to keep land within the family since daughters supposedly according to šari‘ah have a fixed share of inheritance which would be lost to the family if they married out.41

It should be also born in mind that this share in the Ğa‘fari school of law is larger than in Sunni ones.42 The specificities of the Ši‘i school are particularly important in that although it maintains the 2 to 1 inheritance ratio established by al-Qur’an for male/female shares,

38 The French translation is taken from al-Amin, M., Autobiographie d’un clerc chiite, p. 139. For the original in Arabic, see A‘yan al-Ši‘a, 1983, vol. 10, pp. 359-360. 39 Muhammad Kazim, al-Qazwini, Zendegani-ye ¢adrat-e Zeynab az Veladat ta Šahadat, Persian translation of Zaynab al-Kubrà min al-Mahad ilà al-Mahad (translated by Muhammad Iskandari), £iyam, Tehran 1387Š/2008-2009, pp. 55-57. 40 Lalani, A. R., Early Shi‘i Thought, The Teachings of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir, new ppbk. ed., I.B. Tauris, London 2004, p. 37. 41 “The Changing Role of the Sadat in India and Pakistan”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 649-659, p. 653. 42 Coulson, N. J., Conflicts and Tensions in Islamic Jurisprudence, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1969, pp. 31-33. For an analysis of these specificities with respect to the Iranian society, see Keddie, N. R., Paidar, P., “Sexuality and Shi’i Social Protest in Iran”, in Keddie, N. R., Women in the Middle East: Past and Present, Princeton University Press, Princeton 2007, pp. 297-323, particularly pp. 300-308.

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unlike under Sunni law more distant male relatives on the paternal side had no special claims on inheritance and did not water down the rights of closer female heirs.43

A further important explanation for Nağafi Alids’ preference for the intrafamily marriage, and genealogy at large, is offered by its link with Alids’ bid for political and social prominence. This element appears to be strongly connected with baraka (God’s blessing), charisma, and charismatic leadership.44 I will address it in the following chapter. Here, it is however important to mention that anthropologists have shown that one of the connotations of baraka is that it can be to some extent transmitted genealogically.45 In this respect, it is evident that women can play a paramount role in its transmission. When we address the question of how my sources treat the issue of engogamic marriages, we find out that both my prosopographic and oral sources show ambivalent attitudes. In some cases they manifest a strong reticence to speak about it. In other cases they apparently do not show any particular problem to openly mention them. Sometimes, they even point them out as a symbol of family prestige. Exemplificative is al-Marğa‘ ¢usayn al-£adr (1952-). Answering to a set of written questions I submitted to him (autumn 2008), on the one hand he replied that he was married with Maram, the oldest daughter of Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, and that Maram’s sisters were: Nubu#, Saba, ¢awra’, and Asma’; but, on the other, added that, ‘according to the tradition of religious families, normally marriages are not publicly mentioned’ and that, in the case of his wife’s sisters, ‘who married who concerns our private life’.46 I encountered openness to speak about endogamic marriages especially during my interviews with ¢awra’ al-£adr, Ğawad al-@u’i, and ¢aydar al-@u’i. Finally, a further aspect of intra-family endogamic marriages, characteristic of some patrilineal lineages, concerns what anthropologists call levirate. This consists in marrying a widowed woman to her dead husbands’ brother, in accordance with the principle that in patrilineal societies, ‘once the lineage has obtained a woman it hangs onto her’.47 This is an element never openly mentioned by the written sources. However, my interviews revealed at least one case. When al-Sayyid Šarif ibn Yusuf Šaraf al-Din (1881-1917) died, he report43 Tucker, E. J., Women, Family, and Gender in Islamic Law, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2008, p. 139. This aspect of the Ğa‘fari school of law was pointed out as paramount by ¢awra’ al-£adr. She told me that in the past, in Lebanon, some women used to convert to Ši‘i Islam precisely with the aim of gaining more inheritance (interview in her office in Tehran, April 14, 2010). 44 For an interesting analysis of the link between baraka and charismatic leadership in a Muslim context, see Jacobsen, F. F., Hadrami Arabs in Present-day Indonesia, Routledge, London 2009, pp. 95-113. 45 Jacobsen, op. cit., p. 107. 46 The questions were submitted via $anim Ğawad (London, November 2, 2008). 47 Fox, op. cit., 117.

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edly asked his younger brother ‘Abd al-¢usayn (1873-1957) to promise that he would have taken care of Šarif ’s four children and, therefore, marry his wife. The latter respected his brother’s will, and indeed the women had some other children from the second marriage, both males and females. Here I should mention that, on the other hand, even though according to my data in the case of the Alids we have a unilineal descent group,48 we witness a strong balancing of the patrilineal tendency. When we take into account all the rights and obligations that the male and female members of the Family can hold in group membership and property we see that the picture becomes blurred. Indeed, sisters are both recognised as being important for the purpose of reproducing and continuing the lineage and are moreover given privileged roles in both economic and lineage affairs. The last element is characteristic of cognatic lineages. It should be born in mind that when Alid daughters/sisters are “given” to someone outside the Ahl al-Bayt descent, wife-givers consider themselves superior to wife-takers. To put the all issue of patriliny in the right perspective, We must always look carefully at all the rights and obligations that people can hold in property, group membership and in each other, and see how these are distributed. Very often, the lines of division become blurred when this is done, but at least we escape the fallacy that having said of a system that it is ‘patrilineal’ we have disposed the most important question about it. We have, in fact, only just begun.49

Endogamy within the Ahl al-Bayt Bahr al-‘Ulums. When we take into consideration the case of members of this family who married in accordance with this pattern, we face again a long list (a list that distinctly features members of the £ahib al-Riyads, al-¢akims, al-Širazis, and al-Qazwinis): – A daughter of al-Sayyid Murtadà ibn Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi al¥abataba’i (d. 1204/1789-1780) married al-Sayyid Ahmad al-Qazwini (d. 1199/17841785, “initiator” (ğadd) of the Alid branch of the al-Qazwinis); – a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i Bahr al-‘Ulum (1742-1797) married al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Muğahid ibn ‘Ali al-¥abataba’i £ahib alRiyad50 (d. 1242/1826-1827); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida ibn Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1189/1775-1776– 1253/1837) married a daughter of al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Aqa al-Yazdi. He had three 48 It is worth mentioning, however, that some of my interviews in London revealed that, at least among the Ašraf of Pakistan, there is a tendency to believe that only the children of parents that are both sayyids should be considered rightful members of the Ahl al-Bayt. 49 Fox, op. cit., p. 155. 50 The £ahib al-Riyads are part of the ¥abataba’i family which in the 18th century moved from alNağaf to Karbala’. Among them, particularly renowned is al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¥abataba’i £ahib al-Riyad (17481815). In this respect, see Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, pp. 180-184. It is worth mentioning that although I included the marriages between the £ahib al-Riyads and Bahr al-‘Ulums in this section, the author of the “Muqaddima” refers to these marriages as marriages within the same Alid family, the al-¥abataba’is.

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daughters, one married within the family; another married al-Sayyid ‘Ali Naqi, hafid (grandson) of al-Sayyid al-Muğahid al-¥abataba’i, son of £ahib al-Riyad; and the third married al-Sayyid Mirza Dawud ibn ¢uğğat al-Islam Mirza Asad Allah al-Buruğirdi; al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1221/1806-1306/1888) had five daughters, four of them married within the Bahr al-‘Ulum family and the remaining one married al-Sayyid Aqa Mir al-Rašti; al-Sayyid ‘Ali Naqi ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1294/1877) had two daughters, one married al-¢uğğa al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¥abataba’i Al £ahib alRiyad; al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1298/1881) had nine daughters. Among the seven I have data about, three married within the Bahr al-‘Ulum family; two married members of the £ahib al-Riyads, al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi ibn Mirza Abu ’l-Qasim al-¥abataba’i Al £ahib al-Riyad and al-Sayyid Mirza Ğa‘far al¥abataba’i Al £ahib al-Riyad; and the remaining two married al-Sayyid Hadi ibn Ğawad al-Rufa‘i al-Kalidar51 and al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-Bazzaz al-Karbala’i; al-Sayyid ¢asan ibn Muhammad Taqi Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1298/1880-1881) married a daughter of al-¢uğğa al-Sayyid Mirza Ğa‘far al-¥abataba’i Al £ahib al-Riyad (notice that, as mentioned in the previous entry, the latter had married a daughter of alSayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1298/1881)); al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1219/1804-1805) married two women. From the first wife he had two daughters, one married al¢uğğa al-Sayyid Mirza Abu ’l-Qasim al-¥abataba’i Al £ahib al-Riyad; al-Sayyid Ğawad ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1320/1902-1903) married the full sister (šaqiqa) of al-¢uğğa al-Sayyid Mirza ‘Ali Taqi al-¥abataba’i £ahib al-Riyad; al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1330/1911-1912) married a daughter of al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Ibrahim al-Qazwini, known as £ahib al‡awabit; al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1334/1915-1916) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ¥ahir, son-in-law (sihr) of al-Šayh al-Murtadà al-Ansari; a daughter of al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn Muhammad Baqir Bahr al-‘Ulum (1281/18641377/1957) married al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Yazdi al-¥abataba’i, a son of Ayatullah Muhammad Kazim al-Yazdi al-¥abataba’i (1247/1831-1337/1919);52 a daughter of al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhsin Bahr al-‘Ulum (1302/1884-1885–1335/1916) married al-Ustad al-Sayyid Ğawad ibn Muhammad al-‘Amili al-Nağafi; al-Sayyid Mirza ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1311/1893-1894–1949) had four daughters. Of the two I have data about, one married within the Bahr al-‘Ulum family and the other married al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhsin al-¢akim (1935-1988);

51 As indicated by the “family name” (kalidar, keeper of a mausoleum enclosing the tomb of an Imam), members of the al-Kalidars were for several generations responsible for the administration of the Shrine of Imam ‘Ali in al-Nağaf. They were forced to leave this position as a consequence of a dispute over their collaboration with the former regime of £addam put forward by Muqtadà al-£adr (interview with al-Sayyid Radwan Al Kalidar, London). The family has close relationships with the al-@u’is, and the very Radwan worked for a while at the Khoei Foundation in London. 52 On this figure, who following the death of al-Šayh Mulla Muhammad Kazim al-Ahund al-@urasani (1255/1839-1329/1911) became the most important marğa‘ of his time (and is particularly celebrated for his opposition to the Constitutional Movement in Iran), see the short biographical entries in Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, p. 513, and Momen, op. cit., p. 323.

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– al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1314/1897-1898–1380/1960) married a cousin (ibna hal), a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¥abataba’i £ahib alRiyad. They had three daughters, two married within the Bahr al-‘Ulum family while one apparently married a member of the £ahib al-Riyad family;53 – al-Sayyid Musà ibn Ğa‘far Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1327/1908-1909) had five daughters. Of the three I have data about, one married al-Sayyid Muhammad Ibrahim nağl [i. e. scion/son of] Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà Mirza ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Širazi. (While of the other two, one married within the family and the other married a prominent scholar, alUstad Nasir ibn al-Šayh Muhammad al-Bahmadani al-$arawi); – al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1347/1928) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn al-Širazi; – al-Sayyida £adiqa Bahr al-‘Ulum, a daughter of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1347/1928), married al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib ibn Muhsin al¢akim (1363/1943-44–1403/1983); – al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ğawad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1349/1930-1931) married a daughter of al-¢uğğa al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-¥abataba’i Al £ahib al-Riyad; – al-Sayyid ‘Ala’ al-Din ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1350/1931-1932–1991?) married an Alid woman member of the al-Mudarrisi al-Yazdi family.

An exemplificative case of the multiple Alid correlations listed above is represented by Ayatullah al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1347/1928-). He married a member of an eminent Alid family, the al-Širazis, and was the best friend of Mahdi al-¢akim (son of the most important marğa‘ of that time in Iraq, Muhsin al-¢akim), who had, on his part, married a daughter of al-Sayyid Mirza ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1311/1893-1894–1949). Moreover, his daughter, £adiqa, married al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib al-¢akim (1363/1943-44–1403/1983), a brother of his friend Mahdi.54 al-@u’is: – al-Sayyid ‘Imad ibn Ğamal al-Din al-@u’i (1945-) married a daughter of Ayatullah alSayyid Muhammad Ibrahim ibn ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Širazi; – al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994) married a daughter of Ayatullah alSayyid Rida al-@alhali; – al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i (1962-2003) married a daughter of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Bihišti; – al-Sayyid Ibrahim ibn Abi ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1964-1991?) married a daughter of al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-Ğalali (one of the most close collaborators of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i and his representative, wakil, in the city of al-Qasim, in Iraq); – a daughter of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, known as Umm Zaynab, married al-Sayyid Mahmud ibn ‘Abbas al-¢usayni al-Milani (a brother of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani). 53 Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum in his “Muqaddima” reports that the third daughter married alSayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¥abataba’i £ahib al-Riyad (pp. 183-184). In fact, this is a clear contradiction, provided that, according to the very “Muqaddima”, al-Sayyid ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1897-1898–1960) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¥abataba’i £ahib al-Riyad and that, moreover, the latter is described as being dead (al-ma#fur lahu) at the time Muhammad £adiq was wrinting the “Muqaddima”. 54 In this respect, refer to what I pointed out earlier at p. 45 note 80.

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– al-Sayyida Fahriyya bint Abi ’l-Qasim al-@u’i married al-Sayyid Ğalal al-Din al-Faqih al-Imani (1311Š/1932-1386Š/2008); – a granddaughter of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i married al-Sayyid Qasim ibn Muhammad Taqi al-Ğalali; – al-Sayyid Ğawad ibn Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1980-) married al-Sayyida Asma’ bint Muhammad Amin al-@alhali (moreover, we know that her father was married with a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Izz al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum; therefore, Ğawad is linked through marriage with both the al-@alhalis and the Bahr al-‘Ulums. Furthermore, the link between the al-@alhalis and the al-@u’is is strengthened by the fact that Ğawad’s father, Muhammad Taqi, married a sister of Muhammad Amin al-@alhali and daughter of Muhammad Rida al-@alhali, a figure very close to Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, who named him as member of the commission in charge of administering public order in the aftermath of the 1991 Iraqi Intifada); – al-Sayyid ¢asan ibn Ibrahim ibn Abi ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1985-) married al-Sayyida Ula bint £adiq ibn Yusuf al-¢akim; – al-Sayyid ¢aydar ibn ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i (1987-) married al-Sayyida Zahra’ bint £alih ibn Mahdi ibn ¢asan al-¢akim.55

These data show that the members of the al-@u’i family married ‘ulama’, but also non-‘ulama’, within the highest echelons of the Nağafi Alid religious establishment. This was a direct consequence of the twenty-year marğa‘iyya of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, and a proof of its significance. When we consider the marriages of the al-@u’is, we deal in particular with three other Alid families: the al-@alhalis, the al-Ğalalis, and the al-Milanis. The interest for these families is justified not only by their inter-marriage policy towards the al-@u’is, that is to say in terms of the study of the dynamics internal to the Ahl al-Bayt, but also by the fact that these dynamics help explaining why al-Sayyid Qasim al-Ğalali was responsible for religious affairs at the Khoei Foundation between the late 2004 and the early 2007, why this role has been largely held by al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani and, arguably, why the role of “official representative” of the Nağafi marğa‘iyya of alSayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani in Great Britain has been entrusted to al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali (1959-).56 al-£adrs (patrilineal): – al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din (1049/1639-1139/1726) married two 55 In a telephone interview, al-Sayyid ¢aydar al-@u’i (February 7, 2011) underlined that his wife is related to the late Ayatullah Muhsin al-¢akim (1889-1970) both through her grand-grandfather, al-Sayyid ¢asan al-¢akim, who was a cousin of Muhsin, and through her mother, whose grandmother was a daughter of Muhsin al-¢akim. 56 It is not a coincidence that when in 2004 Luizard, La question irakienne, p. 185, mentioned the names of the families that fought harder to defend the marğa‘iyya based in al-Nağaf under £addam’s rule, along with my four families he listed two of these Alid families, reporting that, ‘les familles religieuses alHakim, al-Sadr, Khoï, Bahr al-Ouloum, Khulkhali et Milani ont payé un lourd tribut à leur volonté de maintenir à tout prix la marja‘iyya à Najaf. La répression a été qu’on peut considérer que la marja‘iyya des chiites est aujourd’hui largement repliée à Qom, en Iran’.

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women. The first was a daughter of al-Sayyid Mulla Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhammad Mu’min known as al-Muhaqqiq al-Sabziwari (d. 1090/1679);57 al-Sayyid Ğa‘far ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1338/1920) married al-Sayyida Zahra’ Darwiš As‘ad; al-Sayyid £adr al-Din ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1229/1882-1373/1954) married two women. The second, al-Sayyida £afiyya, known as Bi Bi £afiyya, was a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-¥abataba’i al-Qummi (1282/1865-1366/1947)58 and sister of Ayatullah al-Sayyid ¢asan al-¥abataba’i al-Qummi (b. 1329/1911);59 al-Sayyida £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (1303Š/1924-1925-1383Š/2004-2005) married al-Sayyid Ayatullah Muhammad Baqir al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i (1298/1910-1920– 1376/1997-1998); al-Sayyida Fatima bint Rida al-£adr married al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Šubayri alZanğani, a son of Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid Musà al-Šubayri al-Zanğani (1928-); al-Sayyida ‘Aliya bint Muhammad Hadi ibn ‘Ali al-£adr (1350Š/1971-1972-) married alSayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009); two daughters of al-Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1943-1999) married al-Sayyid ‡iya’ and al-Sayyid Sultan al-Kalantar, two sons of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Kalantar;60 al-Sayyid Murtadà ibn Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr (1969-) married a sister of al-Sayyid Riyad al-Nuri.61

al-£adrs (matrilineal): – two sons of al-Sayyida £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr (1303Š/1924-1925-1383Š/20042005) married two granddaughters of al-Sayyid Ruh Allah al-@umayni (1902-1989): al-Muhandis al-Sayyid Murtadà al-¥abataba’i (1950-) married Ferešte A‘rabi (a daughter of al-Sayyida Faride bint Ruh Allah al-@umayni and of al-Šayh Muhammad

57 Among the most prominent ‘ulama’ of the late Safavid period, together with Mulla Muhammad Taqi al-Mağlisi (d. 1070/1659 father of the famous Muhammad Baqir al-Mağlisi), al-Sabziwari was connected with the ¢ekmat-e Elahi circle, and was appointed Šayh al-Islam of Isfahan (Momen, op. cit., p. 113). The circle comprised both orthodox Ši‘i ‘ulama’ and prominent members of the Safavid state, such as ‘Abbas II and his Grand Vazir al-Sayyid ¢usayn Sultan al-‘Ulama’ (d. 1064/1645) (ibidem). 58 On Ayatullah al-¥abataba’i al-Qummi, who following the death of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Abu ’l-¢asan al-Isfahani (1284/1867-1365/1946) took for a very brief period the role of main marğa‘ of his time, see the biographical entry in Momen, op. cit., pp. 318-319. 59 On this figure, who following the death of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Hadi al-¢usayni al-Milani (1313/1895-1395/1975) became the main marğa‘ in Mašhad, see the short biographical entry in Momen, op. cit., p. 318. 60 The al-Kalantars are related by marriage also with Ayatullah al-‘Uzmà al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani. A WikiLeaks cable released on 05 May, 2010, reports a conversation between a member of the U.S. Embassy in Ba#dad and al-Sayyid ‘Imad al-Kalantar. The cable describes ‘Imad as ‘son of a respected Najafi Ayatollah, nephew to Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, related by marriage to Moqtada al-Sadr, and bearing a faint resemblance to the actor Robert De Niro, […], whose two brothers are reportedly married to sisters of Moqtada al-Sadr’ (“Blueblood Shia Cleric Comments on “Backward” Sadrists and Sistani’s Fears and Frustrations”, cable 08Baghdad293, available at: wikileaks.stasi.fi/cable/2008/01/08BAGHDAD293. html, accessed on April 10, 2011). My oral sources confirmed the link with al-Sistani. One of them pointed out that Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Kalantar married a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Mahdi alŠirazi, whose other daughter got married to al-Sistani. 61 al-Sayyid Riyad al-Nuri was in charge of the office of al-Tayyar al-£adri in al-Nağaf until his assassination on April 10, 2008. Remarkably, al-Nuri’s murder was carried out on the anniversary of the assassination of ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i, (d. on April 10, 2003).

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¢asan A‘rabifard); and al-Duktur al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn al-¥abataba’i married Leyli Buruğirdi (a daughter of al-Sayyida Zahra’ bint Ruh Allah al-@umayni); born from the marriage between al-Sayyida £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr and alSayyid Ayatullah Muhammad Baqir al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i, al-Sayyida al-Duktura Fatima (al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i) (1333Š/1954-1955-) – sister of the previously mentioned al-Sayyid Murtadà and al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn al-¥abataba’i – married al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni; Zohre £adiqi (1329Š/1950-1951-), a daughter of al-Sayyida Mansura bint £adr al-Din al-£adr and, married al-Sayyid Muhammad al-@atami (1943-); born from the marriage between al-Sayyida al-Duktura Fatima bint £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr and al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al@umayni married al-Sayyida Šima bint ¢uğğat al-Islam Ğawad ibn ‘Abd al-Rida alŠahrastani (1333Š/1954-1955-)62 – she also is a granddaughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani (1930-), who read her marriage contract –; born from the marriage between al-Sayyida al-Duktura Fatima bint £adiqa bint £adr al-Din al-£adr and al-Sayyid Ahmad ibn Ruh Allah al-@umayni, al-Sayyid ¢asan al@umayni married al-Sayyida Neda al-Buğnurdi.

al-¢akims:63 – al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Muhsin al-¢akim (1935-1988) married a daughter of al-Sayyid Mirza ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1311/1893-1894-1949); – al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib ibn Muhsin al-¢akim (1363/1943-44–1403/1983) married al-Sayyida £adiqa Bahr al-‘Ulum, a daughter of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1347/1928); – al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim (1950-2009) married al-Sayyida ‘Aliya al-£adr (1350Š/ 1971-1972-), a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Hadi ibn ‘Ali al-£adr. – al-Sayyida Ula bint £adiq ibn Yusuf al-¢akim married al-Sayyid ¢asan ibn Ibrahim ibn Abi ’l-Qasim al-@u’i; – al-Sayyida Zahra’ bint £alih ibn Mahdi al-¢akim married al-Sayyid ¢aydar ibn ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i (1987-).

Non-endogamic marriages My data indicate that outside the preferred pattern of endogamic marriage Alids still observe a throughout marriage strategy. This appears to involve families or figures that are (non-Ahl al-Bayt) members of the religious establishment and, secondarily, the wealthy of their communities.

62 al-Sayyid Ğawad al-Šahrastani married a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Sistani. They had five daughters and one son (al-Sayyid Hadi). The four daughters I have data about all married Alid members of the Ši‘i religious establishment. They married: al-Sayyid Muğtabà al-Faqih al-Imani (a grandson of al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i), al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-Ardabili (son of ‘Abd al-Karim al-Musawi al-Ardabili), al-Sayyid Muhammad al-¢aydariyya (son of ‘Ali-Rida al-¢aydariyya), and al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-@umayni. 63 These marriages concern members of the Bahr al-‘Ulums, al-£adrs, and al-@u’is. Therefore, they have already been reported in the marriage lists related to these families.

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Marriages with non-Ahl al-Bayt members of the religious establishment As pointed out earlier, the century-long marriage alliances between Alid and non-Alid families is particularly exemplified by the al-£adrs and Bahr al‘Ulums. al-£adrs: – al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad Abu ’l-¢asan al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (906/1500-01–963/1555-56) married a daughter of al-Šayh Šams al-Din Muhammad ibn Makki al-‘Amili al-Šami (d. 938/1531-1532). The latter was one of the masters of al-Šayh Zayn al-Din ibn ‘Ali al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i, known as al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506966/1558-1559;64 the third most important ‘Amili scholar, following in the line of Šams al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Makki, known as al-Šahid al-Awwal (1333-1384), and Nur al-Din al-Karaki al-‘Amili (c. 1465-1534); – a daughter of al-Sayyid ¢usayn ibn Muhammad al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (906/ 1500-01–963/1555-56) married al-Šayh Zayn al-Din ibn ‘Ali al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i, known as al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506-966/1558-1559); – al-Sayyid Du ’l-Mağdayn Nur al-Din ‘Ali ibn ¢usayn al-Musawi al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i (931/1524-25–999/1590-91) married a daughter of al-Šayh Zayn al-Din ibn ‘Ali al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506-966/1558-1559). Moreover, when al-Šayh Zayn alDin al-‘Amili al-Ğuba‘i died, Nur al-Din also married al-Šahid al-Tani’s third wife; – after the death of his first wife (a daughter of al-Sayyid Mulla Muhammad Baqir al-Sabziwari (d. 1090/1679), she died in 1089/1678-79), al-Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din (1049/1639-1139/1726) married a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad ibn ¢asan al-¢urr al-‘Amili, known as £ahib al-Wasa’il (1033/1623-1624– 1104/1693). The latter was the fifth most prominent ‘Amili scholar, following in the line of al-Šahid al-Awwal (1333-1384), Nur al-Din al-Karaki al-‘Amili (circa 1465-1534), al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506-966/1558-1559), and Baha’ al-Din al-‘Amili, known as alŠayh al-Baha’i (1547-1621); – al-Sayyid £alih ibn Muhammad Šaraf al-Din (1122/1710-1711–c. 1803) married a daugther of al-Šayh ‘Ali ibn Muhyi ’l-Din ibn ‘Ali ibn ¢asan ibn Zayn al-Din al-‘Amili, a grandson of (min asbat) al-Šahid al-Tani (911/1506-966/1558-1559); – al-Sayyid £adr al-Din Muhammad Šaraf al-Din (1779-1847) married a daughter of alŠayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ (1156/1743-1227/1812); – al-Sayyid Ğawad ibn Isma‘il Šaraf al-Din (1807-1880) married a daughter of al-Šayh al¢ağğ Darwiš ibn al-¢ağğ ‘Ali ibn al-¢ağğ Faris, from the eminent family known as Bayt al-¢ağğ; – al-Sayyid Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1846-1916) married five women, one was a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad ibn Sulayman ibn ‘Ali ibn al-¢ağğ ibn al-Zayn al@alil, from the famous family of the al-Zayns;65 64 On this scholar, see Salati, M., “Ricerche sullo sciismo nell’impero ottomano: il viaggio di Zayn alDîn al-Shahîd al-Thânî a Istambul al tempo di Solimano il Magnifico (952/1545)”, Oriente Moderno, n.s., year 9 (70), 1-3, 1990, pp. 29-40. 65 The al-Zayn family claims descent from a Medinese tribe, the al-@azrağ. Chalabi, op. cit., pp. 23-26,

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– a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Hadi al-£adr married Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn Al Yasin (d. 1351/1932), a grandson of Ayatullah al-Šayh Muhammad ¢asan Al Yasin (d. 1308/1890-1891), who reportedly became the main religious figure of Ba#dad and its surroundings after the death of al-Šayh Murtadà al-Ansari (1214/17991281/1864); – a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (1290/1873-1377/1957) married alŠayh ‘Abd Allah al-Subayti (b. 1896), an ‘Amili mujtahid;66 – al-Sayyid Šarif Šaraf al-Din (1881-1917) married a daughter of al-Šayh al-¢ağğ ‘Ali alZayn, famous for having obtained from the Ottoman government the authorisation for publishing the most important Arabic journal (mağalla) of the Ši‘i reformist movement of the early decades of the last century, al-‘Irfan67 (the journal, whose first number appeared on February 1909 was to be owned and directed by ‘Ali’s son al-Šayh Ahmad ‘Arif al-Zayn (1884-1960).68 al-Šayh Ahmad was himself linked by marriage with both the ‘Usayrans, through his wife, and the Kašif al-$ita’s, through the marriage between one of his cousins and al-Šayh Muhammad ¢usayn Kašif al$ita’ (1877-1954));69 – al-Sayyid £adr al-Din ibn Isma‘il al-£adr (1299/1882-1373/1954) married two women, the first was a member of the al-Yasin family and moreover was ibna halatihi (daughter of the aunt on the mother’s side); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1324/1906) married a daughter of ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn £adiq (1862-1942, a major mujtahid of the early decades of the last century in Ğabal ‘Amil, particularly renowned for his poetical compositions, he was based in al-Nabatiyya and was a strict ally of ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din in the bid for the religious leadership of Ğabal ‘Amil – particularly against the alliance represented by al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin (1867-1952) and al-Šayh ¢usayn Mu#niyya (1863-1864–1940). He built the first husayniyya of Ğabal ‘Amil, where he was buried);70 considers them as among the so-called wuğaha’, a group of notable families emerged in Ottoman Ğabal ‘Amil at the end of the nineteenth century and, initially, not linked with ‘Amili traditional political power-groups. This mercantile family had some ‘ulama’ among its members, the most famous being al-Šayh Ahmad ibn ‘Arif al-Zayn (1883-1960). Chalabi distinguishes the al-@alil from the al-Zayn family, although she underlines that the former ‘are originally said to be of a branch of the [al-]Zayn family’ (ibidem, p. 25). The scholar includes the al-@alils also among the wuğaha’, pointing out that they were pro-Faysal sympathisers and, moreover, used to held administrative positions in £ur. The most famous members of this family were al-Šayh al-¢ağğ ‘Abd Allah Yahyà and al-Šayh al-¢ağğ Isma‘il al-@alil. 66 Mervin, Un réformisme chitte, p. 259 and p. 265, traces a direct link between this marriage and al-Subayti’s position against al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin’s efforts at reforming the rites for ‘Ašura’ during the early decades of the last century. On this matter, see also Ende, W., “The Flagellations of Muharram and the Shi‘ite ‘Ulama’”, Der Islam, 55:1, March 1978, pp. 19-36, p. 23. 67 On this journal, see Mervin, S., “Le Liban-Sud entre deux générations de réformistes”, Revue des mondes musulman et de la Méditerranée [En ligne], 95-98, April 2002, pp. 257-266 (available online at http://remmm.revues.org/index235.html, accessed on December 31, 2010); Naef, S., “La presse en tant que moteur du renouveau culturel et littéraire: la revue chiite libanese al-‘Irfan”, Études asiatiques, revue de la société Suisse-Asie, L.2 1996, pp. 385-397; Eadem, “Auf klärung in einem schiitischen Umfeld: die libanesische Zeitschrift al-Irfan”, Die Welt des Orients, 36/3, November 1996, pp. 365-378; and Khalidi, T., “Shaykh Ahmad ‘Arif al-Zayn and al-‘Irfan”, in Buheiry, M. (eds.), Intellectual Life in the Arab East, 1890-1930, American University of Beirut, 1981, pp. 110-124. 68 On this figure, see the numerous references in Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, particularly his biographical note at pp. 434-435. 69 Ibidem, p. 107 note 234. 70 Ibidem, pp. 429-430.

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– al-Sayyid Muhammad £adiq ibn Muhammad Mahdi al-£adr (1324/1906-1907–1985) married a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad Rida Al Yasin; – al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1327/1909) married a daughter of ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn £adiq (in line with what had done his brother Ğawad); – al-Sayyid £adr al-Din ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (b. 1330/1911) married a daughter of ¢uğğat al-Islam al-Šayh ‘Abd al-¢usayn £adiq (in line with what had done his brothers Ğawad and Muhammad Rida); – al-Sayyid Musà al-£adr (1928-1978?) married Parvin al-@alili (1317Š/1938-1939-), a daughter of Ayatullah al-Šayh ‘Aziz Allah al-@alili (d. 1346Š/1967-1968, son of Mirza ¢usayn al-@alili al-¥ihrani (d. 1326/1908), one of the prominent muğtahids in alNağaf who shared the religious leadership of the Ši‘as following the death of alSayyid ¢asan al-Širazi (d. 1895) and a major supporter of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution).

Bahr al-‘Ulums: – al-Sayyid Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i (d. 1201/1786-1787) married a daughter of al-Mawlà Muhammad Taqi ibn Maqsud ‘Ali al-Mağlisi al-Awwal (c. 1003/1594-1070/1659) (her brother, Muhammad Baqir al-Mağlisi (1038/1628-1110/1699 or 1111/1700), was nominated Šayh al-Islam of Isfahan and is redarged as the leading Ši‘i scholar of his time);71 – a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i (d. 1201/1786-1787) married Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhammad Akmal al-Wahid al-Bahbahani (1118/1706-c. 1207/1792).72 The latter is a major figure of Ši‘as’ cultural history and is unanimously considered the main responsible for the Usulis victory over the Ahbaris occurred in the 18th century, victory that opened the way to the extensive use of iğtihad that has since characterised this branch of Islam; – al-Sayyid Rida ibn Muhammad al-¢asani al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i married a daughter of Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhammad Akmal al-Wahid al-Bahbahani (1118/1706c. 1207/1792); – al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida ibn Muhammad Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (1189/1775-1776– 1253/1837) had three daughters, one of them married al-Šayh Muhammad ¢asan alNağafi, known as £ahib al-Ğawahir (c. 1202/1787-1266/1850),73 who was a leading scholar during his lifetime – and is now anachronistically referred to as a marğa‘ altaqlid in contemporary sources – and is considered the master of most part of the following generation of ‘ulama’; – one of the two daughters of al-Sayyid Šams al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1328/1910) married al-Ustad Muhammad Baqir al-Chalabi; – a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1315/1898) married alUstad ‘Abd al-$ifar (ibn al-Šayh Mir Ahmad al-Ğawahiri); – al-Sayyid $iyat al-Din ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1331/1912-1913-?) married a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad ¢asan Al al-Šayh Radi (the Al al-Šayh Radis being 71 On this figure, see Momen, op. cit., pp. 316-317. 72 Ibidem, p. 312. 73 Ibidem, p. 318. Two eminent families of religious scholars, the £ahib al-Ğawahirs and al-Ğawahirs trace their descend from al-Šayh Muhammad ¢asan al-Nağaf i (Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, pp. 180-184).

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an eminent family of ‘ulama’ in al-Nağaf and among the protagonists of the ğihad against the British occupation of Ottoman Mesopotamia between 1915 and 1920, particularly with al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Rida and al-Šayh Ğa‘far);74 – al-Sayyid Musà Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1327/1908-1909) had five daughters. Of the three I have data about, all married prominent scholars, two sayyids (a Bahr al-‘Ulum and an al-Širazi) and al-Ustad Nasir ibn al-Šayh Muhammad al-Bahmadani al-$arawi; – al-Sayyid Muhammad Ğawad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1353/1934-1935-1991) married a daughter of al-Šayh Ğa‘far al-Na’ini (and granddaughter of al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al@u’i).

As I have underlined several times, we know that the Bahr al-‘Ulums have long been linked through marriage with a major Iraqi non-Alid family member of the local Ši‘i religious establishment, the Kašif al-$ita’s.75 An interesting account of the relationship between these families is offered by Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum.76 In an interview made in 2006, Fadil told me that this ‘special relationship’ started two hundred years ago and was still very much in place, and indeed the most important, during his mother’s life. As a proof, he mentioned her insistence in that the Bahr al-‘Ulums had to marry only members of this family. It is interesting to point out that the link between these two families was born with their very “birth”, in the eighteen century. At that time, al-Šayh Ğa‘far ibn @idr al-Nağafi (1156/17431227/1812), a major figure of Ši’a’s cultural history, wrote a work of fiqh entitled Kašif al-$ita’ ‘an Ma‘ayib ‘Aduw al-‘Ulama’.77 Ğa‘far’s master was al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i (1155/1742-1212/ 1797), known as Bahr al-‘Ulum, recognised as the leading figure of the local religious establishment of that time (and is now referred to in the sources as a marğa‘). When Muhammad Mahdi died, al-Šayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ took his master’s role  as marğa‘. Moreover, al-Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i’s rise to prominence had started with another marriage alliance, the one between him and the renowned al-Wahid al-Bahbahani (1118/1706-c. 1207/1792).78 The latter was Muhammad Mahdi’s son74 Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, p. 182, and several pages between pp. 326-411. 75 For a glance at the biographies of several members of this family, see Momen, op. cit., p. 310. An element that appears of particular interest when we do associate the Bahr al-‘Ulums and the Kašif al$ita’s is that both families are very much depicted as being ‘bureaucrats’ by an important number of my oral sources. Perhaps, the special link between them could be explained precisely in this perspective. The ‘bureauocrats’ and “available-for-collaboration” role attributed to the Kašif al-$ita’s might find a support in the alleged historical record of collaboration of some of the members of this family with the regime of £addam ¢usayn. My oral sources told me that when £addam tried to organise a conference on Islam in Ba#dad, he failed to find the support of the most important Iraqi Ši‘i ‘ulama’, with the only exception of the Kašif al-$ita’s. The Bahr al-‘Ulums have been particualry linked through marriage also to another family of the religious establishment, the al-Ğawahiris (Litvak, op. cit., p. 30). 76 Here I should recall that the information provided by Fadil is particularly reliable because he is a Bahr al-‘Ulum from both is father and mother’s side (his mother was a daughter of Muhammad ‘Ali ibn ‘Ali Naqi al-¥abataba’i Bahr al-‘Ulum). 77 On this work, see the very brief entry in al-¥ihrani, A#a Buzurg, al-Dari‘a ‘ilà Tasanif al-Ši‘a, 26 vols., Dar al-Adwa’, 2rd ed., Bayrut 1406/1986, vol. 17, p. 238. 78 On this figure, see the brief biographical note in Momen, op. cit., p. 312.

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in-law79 and was himself linked through marriage-disciple alliance with alSayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ‘Ali al-Isfahani al-¥abataba’i, known as £ahib alRiyad (1161/1748/1231/1815),80 who had married a daughter of al-Bahbahani and is the initiator of the £ahib al-Riyad branch of the al-¥abataba’i family. As we have already seen, al-Sayyid ‘Ali was linked through several marriages with the Bahr al-‘Ulums and was himself linked to Muhammad Mahdi, provided that his son Muhammad al-Muğahid (d. 1242/1826-1827) married Muhammad Mahdi’s daughter. When al-Bahbahani died, Bahr al-‘Ulum was recognised as his successor. Here I should mention that, on the other hand, Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum affirmed that he personally thought of the marriage preference between his family and the Kašif al-$ita’s as a legacy of the past. However, his should be probably considered the opinion of an Iraqi expatriate in London, and not necessarily a current perception of the very conservative Nağafi religious establishment – at least as far as family and social relationships are concerned. It is moreover interesting that, in another interview made a year and a half later, Fadil in fact even denied the existence of this marriage preference, saying that it was basically wrong and caused by a false perception of the inhabitants of al-Nağaf that were used to seeing members of the two families walking around together, particularly because of the proximity of the two family houses. Recalled of what he had stated in his previous interview (and what had been described in Litvak’s study), Fadil told me that probably his current perception of the issue was related to the fact that his own sister had actually married a Kašif al-$ita’ but the relation between the two families had recently deteriorated and she was getting divorced. In this case, it is very difficult to distinguish between the cause and the consequence, but what matters is that the existence of a privileged marriage policy is admitted from the inside and, moreover, that the role of women in carrying it out, or even determine it, is without any doubt relevant. What described above indicates that the pattern of endogamic marriages coexists with the marriage with non-Ahl al-Bayt members of the religious es79 In his “Muqaddima”, p. 12, Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum reports that, ‘among his [Muhammad Mahdi al-Buruğirdi al-¥abataba’i] disciples there was al-Wahid al-Bahbahani – who was his son-in-law on the part of his daughter (sihr ‘alà ibnatihi) – the full sister (šaqiqa, sister on the paternal and maternal side) of al-Sayyid Murtadà – and mother of al-Sayyid Muhammad bint (sic) al-‘Allama al-Mawlà Muhammad £alih (d. 1081/1670-1671), commentator (šarih) of al-Kulayni’s al-Kafi, sister of al-‘Allama al-Mawlà Aqa Hadi al-Mazandarani (d. 1135/1722-1733), daughter of al-Fadila [bint] al-Mawlà al-Mağlisi al-Awwal Muhammad Taqi, and, therefore, sister of al-Mawlà Muhammad Baqir al-Mağlisi al-Tani, author of al-Bihar. For these reasons, in his works, al-Sayyid [Muhammad Mahdi] Bahr al-‘Ulum used to refer to Muhammad Taqi al-Mağlisi al-Awwal [c. 1003/1594-1070/1659] as his grandfather and to Muhammad Baqir al-Mağlisi al-Tani [1038/1628-1110/1699 or 1111/1700] as his maternal uncle’. This source reports again this information with almost the same words at p. 26. When to this alliance we add the one resulting from the marriage between al-Sayyid £adr al-Din Muhammad Šaraf al-Din (1779-1847) and a daughter of the very alŠayh Ğa‘far Kašif al-$ita’ we really have an intriguing picture. 80 On this figure, see the brief biographical note in Momen, op. cit., p. 322.

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tablishment. The members of the four families analysed appear to see themselves as Alids, members of the wider Ahl al-Bayt descent, and members of the local and international religious establishment. In this respect, my data seem to confirm what observed by Litvak in connection with the relationship between ‘ulama’ and sayyids, in that, The two groups, ‘ulama’ and Sayyids, were not necessarily at odds with each other. Sayyid Ibrahim b. Isma‘il Al Kamuna, for instance, used to transfer a share of the funds donated to the shrines to Murtada Ansari and subsequently to Mahdi Al Kashif al-Ghita’. Both distributors of the Oudh Bequest gave considerable monthly allowances to the custodian families throughout their tenure in office. Sayyid ‘Ali [ibn Muhammad Rida (d. 1298/1881)] Bahr al-‘Ulum’s daughter even married the custodian Sayyid Jawad al-Rufa‘i [Ğawad al-Rufa‘i al-Kalidar],81 indicating the integration of at least some ‘ulama’ families with the local elite82 (note added).

More generally, my data appear also to partially corroborate Mervin’s findings about the Ši‘i ‘Amili ‘ulama’ at the end of the Ottoman Empire, about whom she observed that, ‘ce groupe assurait sa reproduction et sa cohésion par l’endogamie’.83 More generally, my data show that when we look at the pattern of marriages between Alids and non-Ahl al-Bayt members of the religious establishment, particularly represented by master-disciple alliances, there seems to be a partly opposing tendency in Alids’ choice: – On the one hand we have numerous data about relevant century-long marriage alliances between Alid and non-Alid families, an element exemplified by the cases of the marriage alliance between the Bahr al-‘Ulums and Kašif al-$ita’s, and between the al-£adrs and al-Yasins.84 – However, on the other hand, when we analyse the data related to the last century, particularly its second half, we notice that the endogamic marriage strategy between Nağafi Alids and members of the Ši‘i religious establishment seems to have been preferably directed towards Ahl al-Bayt families.

Probably the predominant logics for Alids’ marriage strategy should be searched for in dynamics internal to the specific family, in the sense of a preference for intra-Alid marriages but absolutely not discriminating in the case that the main members of the religious establishment of the specific period, or the wealthy people around, are not Alids.

81 According to Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum, “Muqaddima”, p. 137, ‘Ali’s daughter did in fact marry the son of Ğawad, Hadi. 82 Litvak, op. cit., p. 158. 83 Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 61. 84 The importance of this alliance is evident in the simple observation that the official website dedicated to Muhammad Baqir al-£adr dedicates an important section to the story of this family. The section is directly accessible from the home page (www.mbsadr.com/arabic/, the website was launched in July 2009). This element, moreover, is present also in al-£adr, Fatima (with Amal al-Baqši), op. cit., in particular pp. 145-158.

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Marriages with the wealthy Part of my data suggest that interest-oriented marriages have not been linked only to the strict milieu of the ‘ulama’ – whose lists arguably are more noticeable in light of the specificity of my sources. A further characteristic of the Nağafi Alids seems to be the establishment of marriage links with rich or powerful figures. This element is proved by several cases. Bahr al-‘Ulums: – al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1325/1907-1908) married a woman from an important Nağafi family (bayt mu‘alla);

– al-Sayyid ‡iya’ al-Din Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1322/1904-1905) married a daughter of the Wali Quli @an, leader of Lorestan;

– al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1345/1926) married a daughter of al-Šayh

Sattar, the leader (za‘im) of the Al ‘Abbas, a branch (far‘) of the Banu ’l-¢asan in alHindiyya85 (the latter had moreover married his other daughter to al-Sayyid Hadi ibn £alih al-Qazwini). The sources mention that as a consequence of this marriage, Muhammad became the proprietor of a large part of al-Šayh Sitar’s lands and orchards, which the latter provided as a tribute-honour for his daughter (takriman ilà bintihi); – al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1330/1911-1912–1355/1936) married a member of the Al ‘Abbas (on the Al ‘Abbas see the previous entry); – the sources report that al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1330/1912-1913) worked in the commerce of grain (hubub) and the administration of the arable ‘lands related to his marriage’ (plus the ones his father al-Sayyid Ğa‘far possessed in some villages in Iran). Therefore, it can be safely argued that he married a girl from a rich family.

al-£adrs: – In Ğabal ‘Amil at the end of the Ottomam Empire, women of the Šaraf al-Dins married members of the al-A‘sad and al-Bazzi families, two major families of local zu‘ama’ (traditional political leaders in charge of collecting taxes for the Sublime Porte);86 – al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din (1317/1899-1372/1953) married a daughter of Sa‘id al-¢ağğ Yusuf ¢alawa (d. 1357/1938-1939, a prominent personality of £ur);87 – al-Sayyida Zahra’ al-£adr (1318Š-, a sister, inter alia, of Musà and Rubab al-£adr) married al-Šayh Iskandar Fayruzan, a wealthy merchant of Qom; 85 The Banu ’l-¢asan were a tribal confederation settled on west of al-Hindiyya, between al-Kufa and Karbala’, whose main tribes were the Tarawin, the Ğamil, the Ğarrah, and the Šabba (Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, pp. 72-73). 86 On these two families – also allied between themselves – and on the link between zu‘ama’ and ‘ulama’ in Ottoman Ğabal ‘Amil, see Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, pp. 49-53. Mervin points out that the mother of Kamil al-A‘sad (d. 1924), the most eminent and controversial member of this family, and the wife of al-¢ağğ Sulayman Bazzi were both members of the Šaraf al-Din family. 87 Šaraf al-Din, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn, Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin, vol. 2, p. 350.

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– al-Sayyida Hudà al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i, a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn alSultani al-¥abataba’i (a son of al-Sayyida £adiqa al-£adr and al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Sultani al-¥abataba’i) and of Layli al-Buruğirdi (a daughter of al-Sayyida Zahra’ al-@umayni and al-Šayh Mahmud al-Buruğirdi) married a son of Doktor Muhsin Reda’i (1333Š/1954-). Muhsin is a former Chief Commander of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards and he currently is the Secretary of the Expediency Discernment Council.

al-@u’is: – al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992) reportedly had the intention of marring the daughter of a rich merchant – but in the process he felt obliged to opt for another choice (described in the section on polygyny).

al-¢akims: – a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim (1939-2003) married a member of the ¢amudi family.88 Polygyny A last type of marriage revealed by my data is represented by polygyny. In fact, the prosopographic sources do not specify whether the multiple wives they attribute to a specific figure are cases of polygyny (a form of marriage in which a man has two or more wives at the same time) or diachronic marriages. Therefore, this is one of the major cases in which the collaboration of oral sources is paramount. In this respect, the cases related to the al-@u’is and al-£adrs were verified as polygynous marriages, while for the other two families the doubt remains. al-¢akims: – al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn £alih al-¢akim (al-¥abataba’i) (nineteenth century) married two women, a daughter of al-‘Allama Ğa‘far ibn al-Šayh ‘Abd al-Nabi al-Kazimi (author of Takmila al-Riğal) and a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad Amin Šarara al‘Amili;

88 Ajami, F., The Foreigner’s Gift: The Americans, the Arabs, and the Iraqis in Iraq, with a new Introduction by the Author, Free Press, New York 2007, pp. 237-239, reports that she married an elder brother of al-Šayh Humam Baqir al-¢amudi (1952-). al-Šayh Humam Baqir is a religious scholar member of al-Mağlis al-A‘là. He was member of the Iraqi National Council (2004-2005), was elected as member of the Iraqi National Assembly (2005-2006), served as Chairperson of the Constituion drafting committee (2005), has since 2006 been member of the Iraqi parliament, and been serving as Chairman of the Commeettee for Foreign Relation of the Iraqi parliament and Chairman of the Constitution review committee (on alŠayh Humam al-¢amudi, see his official website, http://hamoudi.org/arabic/). Speaking about al-Šayh Humam Baqir, Ajami mentions that the former told him that his brother too was a religious scholar (and at the same time an engineer). The al-¢amudi family reportedly is a newcomer to the religious establishment and has traditionally been part of the highest echelons of the Ši‘i merchant class of Ba#dad, as indicated by the fact that a grandfather of the al-¢amudi brothers had been head of the city’s chamber of commerce.

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– al-Sayyid Muhsin ibn Mahdi al-¢akim (al-¥abataba’i) (1899-1970) had two wives, one was Iraqi and was his cousin on the mother’s side (bint hala), while the other was a Lebanese and a member of al-¢ağğ ¢asan al-Bazzi’s family in Bint Ğibayl.

al-@u’is: – al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Ali Akbar al-Musawi al-@u’i (1285/1868-1371/1952) had two wives;

– al-Sayyid Abu ’l-Qasim ibn ‘Ali Akbar al-Musawi al-@u’i (1899-1992) had two wives (the name of the second was Fatima).

Bahr al-‘Ulums: – al-Sayyid ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1221/1806-1306/1888) married two women, the – – – – – – –

šaqiqa (full sister) of the poet al-Šayh ‘Abbas al-Mulla ‘Ali al-Ba#dadi and the daughter of al-¢ağğ ¢asan Dahil; al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi ibn Muhammad Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1219/1804-1805) married two women, a daughter of al-¢uğğa al-Sayyid Mir ‘Ali al-¥abataba’i and a daughter of al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Matar al-‘Allaq al-Nağafi; al-Sayyid ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (1290/1873-1361/942) married two women: a cousin (ibna ‘ammihi), a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi; and another woman (zawğa uhrà); al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1261/1845-1326/1908) married three women, one was a cousin (ibna ‘ammihi), a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali £ahib al-Burhan; al-Sayyid ‘Abbas ibn Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1302/1884-1343/1925) married two women: a daughter of al-Sayyid Ahmad, grandson (sabt) of al-Šayh al-Ansari; and an Egyptian lady; al-Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali Bahr al-‘Ulum (1287/1870-1871-1355/1936) married two women: a cousin (bint ‘ammihi), a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad £ahib al-Bul#a; and a daughter of al-Sayyid Mirza al-¥aliqani al-Nağafi; al-Sayyid Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum (b. 1320/1902-1903) married two women: a cousin (ibna ‘ammihi), a daughter of al-Sayyid ¢asan; and an Arab woman (zawğa ‘arabiyya); al-Sayyid ¢usayn Bahr al-‘Ulum (d. 1422/2001) married two women, one was a daughter of al-Sayyid Rida Bahr al-‘Ulum.

al-£adrs: – al-Sayyid Yusuf ibn Ğawad Šaraf al-Din (1846-1916) married five women: al-Sayyida Zahra’ (c. 1270/1853-1854–1337/1919), a daughter of al-Hadi (al-£adr) ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Šaraf al-Din (b. c. 1270/1853-1854); a daughter of al-Šayh Muhammad ibn Sulayman ibn ‘Ali ibn al-¢ağğ ibn Zayn @alil; a daughter of al-Sayyid Muhammad Abu Ğa‘far ibn Isma‘il (d. c. 1279/1862-1863, ‘amm abihi); a daughter of al-Sayyid ‘Ali Ahmad (d. 1328/1910); and a member of a family of noble descent (min qawmi nuğaba’a) known as Bayt ¢amza; – al-Sayyid £adr al-Din Šaraf al-Din (d. 1373/1953-1954) had two wives; the second, £afiyya, was a daughter of Ayatullah al-Sayyid ¢usayn al-¥abataba’i al-Qummi (1282/1865-1366/1947).

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The case of polygyny obviously again overlaps the previous ones. Its presence might be linked to the several advantages it offers in terms of family alliances, in that a single eminent figure – such as an important muğtahid or marğa‘ – can profit to a large extent of the possibility of marrying different women in order to enhance his (acquired) power. My oral sources suggest that, at least in the early decades of the last century, its explanation should be also looked for in domestic life necessities. This is particularly true of Alid males who temporarily resided in, or once and for all moved to, a “foreign” place, as indicated for example by the case of £adr al-Din Šaraf al-Din (d. 1373/1953-1954). Let us address the case of the al-@u’is. In an interview with ‘Imad ibn Ğamal al-Din al-@u’i in his house in London (April 10, 2008), he told me that in the case of his grandfather, Abu ’lQasim, the choice to take a second wife was particularly linked to the positive experience made by the latter’s brother, ‘Abd Allah. When Abu ’l-Qasim and his wife became old, he felt the necessity of bringing a young woman at home, in order to help the first wife to carry on her house-keeping duties. Therefore, he started looking for a bride. According to what I was told by ‘Imad, at the beginning Abu ’l-Qasim had decided to marry the daughter of a rich Iranian merchant who resided in al-Nağaf and had made a proposal in this sense. However, Abu ’l-Qasim’s first wife strongly opposed this decision. Consequently, al-@u’i opted for a different choice, and decided to marry a young Iranian girl brought directly from Iran and not member of a wealthy family. Notwithstanding this different choice, reportedly the two women did not find a viable modus vivendi, and Abu ’l-Qasim kept two separate families, and houses, in al-Nağaf, dividing the already little time he dedicated to his private life between the two. This reportedly created a resentment particularly on the part of the sons of the second marriage, that came out in its strength when Abu ’l-Qasim died and the children of the two marriages had to divide his very considerable inheritance. In this “struggle” the sons (and daughters) of the second wife ended up being the “winners”: they reportedly took a larger part of the inheritance and, what’s more important, the control of the Khoei Foundation. Finally, it is important to point out that the polygynous tendency can be, once again, traced back to the life of the Imams (and the Prophet Muhammad). Widely known is the case of al-¢asan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi ¥alib (d. 669). He bears the controversial epithet mitlaq (‘ready to divorce on insubstantial grounds’),89 and according to some sources married around ninety women. 89 Madelung, W., The Succession to Muhammad, A Study of The Early Caliphate, Cambridge University Press, New York 2004, pp. 380-387, p. 382. On the role of polygyny in the marriage strategies of the Imams, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Genealogical Prestige and Matrimonial Policy Among the Ahl al-Bayt: Status Quaestionis”, in de Felipe, H., Savant, S. (eds.), Genealogy and Knowledge in Muslim Societies: Understanding the Past, Edingurg University Press, Edinburg 2012 (forthcoming).

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Madelung, on the basis of a consistent analysis of the primary sources, “justified” al-¢asan’s apparently untenable behaviour in light of a conscious family marriage strategy and attributed the decision of undertaking a relevant number of these marriages to al-¢asan’s father, ‘Ali.90 Marriage, charisma, purity, and feminism: ‘Ali’s children as children of Fatima When we deal with Alids, two factors appear to be paramount: biography and marriage. In general, we know that women played a prominent role in the marriages policies of European noble families.91 As we have seen, this is also the case of Alid women, the noble descent par excellence within the Islamic civilisation. As a way of a conclusion, and provided that marriage (and gender) models are a key signal of acculturation, some relevant question can be loosely addressed: Has the role of Alid women changed in post-Ottoman Middle East and constitutional Iran? To what extent Western-defined modernity has influenced Alids, and in particular Alid women? What are the current models for Alid women? When we address the issue of women’s role in Islam, we can consider two main angles: law (fiqh) and ethics. Here our framework of enquiry is historical-social, and I therefore privilege an ethics-based perspective. As we are considering a Ši‘i context, unavoidable points of reference are Doctor ‘Ali Šari‘ati, Ayatollah Ostad Motahhari, and al-Sayyid al-Marğa‘ Muhammad Fadl Allah. They all tried to propose models of women in line with the radical changes witnessed in Muslim societies during the last century. The model proposed by Šari‘ati arguably was more idealised and distant from the historicallybound ones portrayed by Motahhari and Fadl Allah, and indeed it posed the most serious challenges to the traditional position of women in Islam, and therefore is to Šari‘ati’s ideas that I will refer.92 Let us take a quick look at the exemplary family93 described by Šari‘ati in his own (translated) words: All of them were gathered in a family. All lived in a small room – a family, each of whose members is a symbol, a model. Being Hasan-like means having patience and peace. Being Husayn-like means participating in spiritual and religious struggle in the way of 90 Madelung, op. cit., pp. 380-387. 91 For a wider perspective on the similarities between the marriage strategy of the Alids and of the European nobility, see Mauriello, R., “Genealogical Prestige and Marriage Strategy Among the Ahl alBayt: The Case of the al-Sadrs in Recent Times”, in de Felipe, Savant (eds.), op. cit. 92 For a brief but effective perspective on this issue, from the point of view of the discussion of the Ši‘i concepts of sexuality as drawn from the analysis of five major Iranian actors (Šari‘ati, Motahhari, al@umayni, Zahra’ Rahnavard, and the Moğahedin-e @alq), see Paidar, Keddie, “Sexuality and Shi‘i Protest in Iran”, op. cit., pp. 297-323. On Fadl Allah’s views on women and Islam see note 7 at p. 116. 93 On the definition of ‘Ali’s children as children of Fatima, see Šari‘ati, ‘A., Fatima Is Fatima, translated by Laleh Bakhtiar in Shariati on Shariati and the Muslim Woman, ABC International Group, Inc., usa 1996, p. 212.

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God (jihad) and martyrdom. Being Zaynab-like means bearing the heavy social mission of justice and truth. Being Fatima-like means being a real woman. Being Ali-like means being virtuous.’ […] ‘[Fatima] made a home which is unique in history, beyond human scale and standards. For everyone, whether Muslim or not, admits that her home was a paradigm of the human situation – a home in which Ali was the father, Fatima was the mother, Hasan and Husayn the sons and Zaynab the daughter. All of them were elevated symbols. All of them were gathered in one family – not dispersed throughout history in order to be collected and introduced separately. They were one generation inside one house.94

Here Šari‘ati is unquestionably proposing a monogamic conjugal family, very much in line with mainstream (Victorian/Romantic) Euro-American definitions of family, but somehow aliene to the Muslim tradition, and in fact unquestionably acculturated95 (hybridised, according to the currently politically-correct terminology). Šari‘ati in fact appears to be unaware of the fact that for the nuclear or conjugal family the rule that always seems to operate is exogamy (the prohibition of marriage within the group),96 he forgets the numerous other members of the Family (particularly the children born from ‘Ali’s other-than-Fatima women), he forgets the controversial number of wives taken in particular by al-¢asan, he largely forgets that the most important family for Muslims worldwide is that of the Prophet Muhammad – and therefore underestimates models such as ‘A’iša,97 @adiğa, etc. –, and much more. Provided that my female sources are mainly represented by women of the al-£adrs, what follows will largely refer to this family. It is hard to imagine that the debate raised by Šari‘ati’s works on Muslim women, particularly his idea

94 Ibidem, pp. 67-69. 95 Another major case of the idea of Fatima and ‘Ali as the best models for the modern Muslim couple (depicted in a revised version more in line with current concepts of family, but arguably contradictory when compared with factual historical data about the Muslims’ early community) is represented by Fadl Allah. According to what reported by Rosiny, op. cit., p. 216, Fadl Allah wrote that, ‘the Prophet made al-Zahra’ prepare the dough and bread, and he made ‘Ali clean the house and prepare the firewood: This clearly shows that sharing the housework is nothing despicable for the male’. 96 Fox, op. cit., p. 53. 97 The case of ‘A’iša bint Abi Bakr is of particular interest. Ši‘i sources have traditionally been very disrespectful of the favorite wife of the Prophet Muhammad, the only virgin he ever married and in whose arms he reportedly died. This hate is linked to ‘A’iša’s role in opposing ‘Ali’s bid for the leadership of the Muslim community, resulted in the former’s defeat in the so-called Battle of the Camel (36/656) – the major battle of the first “civil war” erupted within the Muslim community. This event was largely exploited by Ši‘i sources to sustain the thesis that women belonged in their houses rather than in public life (a reading of the events that, in fact, at least in this point was shared also by Sunni souces). It was moreover interpreted as a major cause of the split occurred in Muhammad’s household following his death. For a throughout description of ‘A’iša’s historical persona and of the gender-political conflicting interpretations of her role in opposing ‘Ali’, see Spellberg, D. A., Politics, Gender, and the Islamic Past: The Legacy of ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr, Columbia University Press, New York 1994, in particular pp. 102-149. It is of interest to mention that my interviews with female members of the al-£adr family revealed more nuanced and fairly positive interpretations of ‘A’iša’s role as a woman in Islamic history, particularly in light of her having been among the Prophet’s favoured wives – obviously still after @adiğa and Umm Salama, at least according to their (Ši‘i) interpretation.

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of Fatima as the best female model,98 did not influence Alid women. They consider Fatima a direct ancestor, at least ideologically. We also know that the prayer for Šari‘ati’s funeral (tašyi‘) in Dimašq was lead by Musà al-£adr,99 and in this respect my fieldwork in Tehran revealed that the two families are still very close. Moreover, ¢awra’ al-£adr told me that she had read Fateme, Fateme-ast when she was very young, in France; although she pointed out that she now considers the book old. Similar experiences were referred by Rubab and, particularly, Fatima (1946-), who recounted how before the Revolution she used to organise and be part of women’s reading groups in Germany and how discussions about Šari‘ati’s works were paramount in their sessions. On the other hand, when I asked ¢awra’ al-£adr about her own role-model in consideration of both Fatima as narrated by Šari‘ati and the role played by her cousin Bint al-Hudà as narrated by the written sources, she replied that she considered all the ma‘sumin (those immune from sin, i.e. the twelve Imams plus the Prophet Muhammad and his daughter Fatima) as a point of reference, but that the most important model for her had always been her father.100 She even added that when she works sometimes she even forgets that she is a woman (and she told me this while her husband was present!). However, this was not the case of Rubab and Fatima, who both pointed to the ma‘sumin as ideals of behavior. Important is also an interview I had with ¢awra’ al-£adr in 2010. She recalled the ‘actual circumstances’ of the polygynous marriages of her grandfather, al-Sayyid £adr al-Din ibn Isma‘il Šaraf al-Din al-Musawi al-‘Amili (d. 1373/19531954). She related that after his first marriage, in Iraq, his wife fell ill and, consequently, various members of the family insisted that he needed a second wife who could effectively take care of his house and children. al-Sayyid £adr al-Din for a while resisted the idea of a second marriage affirming that he 98 Šari‘ati mentions four highest women in the history of humanity: Maryam, Asiya, @adiğa, and Fatima (Bakhtiar, op. cit., p. 185). This quartet is sometimes identified with the qur’anic expression ‘women of the worlds’ (3: 42) and linked to a tradition sustaining that, ‘there are many perfect men, but there are no perfect women except Maryam and Asiya the wife of pharaoh and Khadija bint Khuwaylid and Fatima bint Muhammad’ (Spellberg, op. cit., pp. 168-174). Although Šari‘ati specifies that, ‘the value of Mary lies with Jesus Christ whom she delivered and nourished. The value of Asiyah, the wife of Pharaoh, lies with Moses, whom she nourished and befriended. The value of Khadija lies with Muhammad whom she befriended and with Fatima to whom she gave birth and who she nourished’, he does not develop in any of his writings the other three figures (with the only partial exception of @adiğa, praised but not thoroughly “personalised” or “humanised” by him) nor does he build a larger social framework for their lives and personalities. He in fact mentions other Muslim women in his writings, such us the wives and daughters of the Prophet. However, Šari‘ati unquestionably has a plan only for one of them, Fatima, and that plan he presents as the plan of God. Fatima in her youth is the daughter, admirer, and ‘nurse’ of her father, and later becomes the link between prophecy and history as wife of ‘Ali and mother of al-¢asan, al-¢usayn, and Zaynab (Bakhtiar, op. cit., pp. 175-185, especially pp. 183-185). 99 Farrohiyan, M., “Šari‘ati va Emam £adr, Hamrahi dar ‘Eyn-e Tafavot”, @ordad 29, 1389Š/June 19, 2010 (www.yaranesadr.ir/farsi/1389/03/1601/, accessed on October 12, 2010). 100 However, this element might again be read as an influence of Šari‘ati’s adherence to the description of Fatima as ‘mother of her father’.

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did not want to offend his wife (adiyat kardan). Nonetheless, he was finally convinced of the opportunity of taking a second wife. However, he then decided to leave Iraq and move to Iran, precisely in order to spare his first wife the sorrowful experience of witnessing the presence of a second woman in their house.101 This story appears particularly noteworthy when we consider that ¢awra’s grandmother was precisely £adr al-Din’s second wife. In my opinion, this episode suggests the relevant extent to which the idea of monogamous marriage has entered within the al-£adr family and is now considered almost the only acceptable marriage; and this notwithstanding the “religious manuals” (tawdih al-masa’il) written by the marğa‘s of the family that continue to mention polygyny as a perfectly Islamic (and acceptable) practice. Moreover, ¢awra’s tale also likely represented a means to showing the modernity of her family. Hopefully, the data and readings presented in this chapter helped in shedding some light on women’s understandings of modernity and gender roles in an élitarian Muslim context. They suggest that female role models play a prominent part in Alid women’s life. Marriage has always been the best mean to secure alliances (as shown by the multiple links between the al-£adrs and al@umaynis), and women still cover this unavoidable role. In this respect, in the last decades their names have started to be mentioned again in the relevant literature102 and, what is more important, the women mentioned are very active in public life. Particularly the information about the al-£adr family suggests that Alid women have been struggling to balance their position as both bearers of the memory (and privileges) of their noble family and possible role models for young generations of Muslim women eager to reconcile modernity with their religious and historical identity. The role performed by these women emerges as an apparently strange balance between two traditional Ši‘i models: Zaynab, sister of Imam al-¢usayn and active keeper of the memory of his sacrifice,103 and Fatima, the model woman (olgu-ye zanan), wife of Imam ‘Ali, daughter of the Prophet and transmitter of the noble blood of the Family. In fact, the data seem to indicate that some of these women have been effective in modernising these roles and have even improved their own privileges, contributing to the enhancement of their elite status and of that of the descent of the family of the Prophet Muhammad in contemporary society. 101 ¢awra’ added that the first wife actually died soon after his departure for Iran. 102 It is important to mention that ¢awra’ al-£adr told me that they are preparing a šağara of the al£adr family which deliberately features the names of the female members. When I affirm that names of women involved in marriages begin to be mentioned again, I refer to the fact that, although in biographical repertoires these are usually not mentioned, we have almost all the names or laqabs of the women that married the Imams and of their daughters and their marriages, where decisive appears the Alid “element” even when this is represented by a woman. 103 For an analysis of Zaynab, see Hyder, S. A., “Sayyedeh Zaynab, The Conqueror of Damascus and Beyond”, in Aghaie (ed.), op. cit., pp. 161-181.

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Researchers of Islamic history generally affirm that when we deal Muslim societies we face a dichotomy. One the hand, we have the “free” Muslim woman of the desert or the countryside, largely described as being allowed the wearing of a “light” hiğab (Islamic modesty dress code). On the other hand, we have the women of the harem or the members of important families. For them wearing the hiğab largely represents a symbol of power-in-distance. This latter model was particularly attacked by Šari‘ati. He defended and praised the free and participatory role of, girls who do not have the economic means to pursue education and those who work hard in their father’s or husband’s houses […]. Such a girl is the woman of the tribe or the farm who helps her husband, who shares in production ([…]) who brings in an income as well as doing the household work.104

Moreover, he objected to the well-established fathers and wealthy husbands who condemn their daughters or wives and who do so because they are women. They keep them from an education and from self-completion in the name of religion and faith. There are many women in Islam who reached the level of authorized theologians, established centers of learning and wrote important texts on science and ethics and spirituality.105

However, when we take into account historical factual elements, we see that in modern Muslim societies numerous women members of the élites were in fact the forerunners of women’s emancipation, as indicated by the cases of Zarrin-Tağ Qazwini (1815-1851, better known as ¥ahira Qurra al-‘Ayn), Hudà Ša‘rawi (1879-1947), Nazira Zayn al-Din (1908-1976), and Binazir Buhtu (19532007). This arguably also seems to be the path taken by women of the al-£adrs: Bint al-Hudà, Fatima, Rubab, ¢awra’, etc. My data suggest that some women of the al-£adr family have moved from “female Islamism”106 to more incisive forms of feminist interpretations of Islam. This element is particularly shown by the move from the ideal women model proposed by Bint alHudà in her novels to the one described and indeed lived by ¢awra’, Rubab, and Fatima al-£adr. These women seem to support a new model of gender relations within the family: a nuclear family,107 where polygyny is virtually impossible,108 women can (supposedly) seek divorce without encountering 104 Bakhtiar, op. cit., p. 138. 105 Ibidem. 106 The term “female Islamism” for Bint al-Hudà’a activities and vision was proposed by Mallat in his previously mentioned article “Le féminisme islamique de Bint al-Houdâ”. 107 Interviews with ¢awra’, Rubab, and Fatima al-£adr. 108 ¢awra’, Rubab, and Fatima al-£adr, they all ruled out polygyny on the basis of the principle that this practice is permitted by al-Qur’an only on condition that the husband is capable of applying ‘edalat va re‘ayat’ (justice and faireness) in dealing with his different wives, a condition that they assume is impossible to be fulfilled by a human being. This principle has somehow become classical, and it is the same raised in contemporary Islam by figures such as Muhammad ‘Abduh and Sayyid Qutb. It is worth

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serious problems,109 they usually have higher university degrees in respect with their husbands, women are increasingly involved in social activities in public and are chairpersons of centers where they have male dependants,110 they are relevantly unbound to scientific domesticity111 (and arguably domesticity as a whole), their sons study in the United States or in Euro-American universities in the Middle East, they affirm (openly admit?) to wear the hiğab (Islamic veil) as a form of respect for the Muslim tradition but do not agree with traditional qu’ranic interpretations that sustain its wearing as compulsory,112 etc. As a matter of fact, the cultural gap between on the one hand Fatima bint £adr al-Din al-£adr al-‘Amili, who had fourteen children – losing eleven of them during their infancy –, apparently did not attend higher public or private schools, and was asked the permission to marry one of her daughters within her first week of life,113 and on the other hand Rubab who directs a multibillionaire foundation – which in £ur (Tyre) is largely known under her name, and not the name of her borther, as I could note during a visit in May 2010 – and who arguably acts as family Chief of both the al-£adr and Šaraf al-Din families, actually pointing out the “superiority” of her family in respect with the one of her husband when needed, and is moreover completing a PhD at the age of 67, seem to be worlds apart. What I described so far, in particular in this chapter, raises a wider general issue: the enquiry into the definition of the Alids, and the Ahl al-Bayt in general. The data about their marriage strategy, characterised by a marked endogamic tendency, allows me to advance the hypothesis that in the case of the Family of the Prophet we deal with an “ethnic group”, either we define it in cultural terms or we apply a classical definition of ethnicity (one based on strictly material and physical elements). We will discuss this hypothesis in the following last chapter. mentioning that, for example, Rubab pointed out how she completely refutes polygyny, never admitting it (abadan). 109 This point was particularly stressed by Fatima al-£adr. 110 This is in particular the case of ¢awra’, whose main assistant is Mehdi Farrohiyan, member of the Research Committee of the Foundation. 111 On the issue of women’s domesticity in contemporary Muslim societies, see the contributions of Afsaneh Najmabadi (concerning Iran) and of Omnia Shakry (concerning Egypt) in Abu-Lughod (ed.), op. cit., and the editor’s Introduction to the volume, “Feminist Longings and Postcolonial Conditions”, pp. 3-31, in particular pp. 8-9, 12-13, and 20. 112 This is the case of Fatima, ¢awra’, and Rubab al-£adr. 113 I refer here to an episode recounted by Fatima in Wağa‘ al-£adr, op. cit., p. 250-251, where she reports that when her first daughter was born, al-Sayyid Isma‘il al-£adr, her brother-in-law, went to her house and, after having pronounced the traditional religious spells for the occasion in his niece’s ears (qara’a ‘alayha al-ma‘udat), asked his brother, Muhammad Baqir, that the new born be considered engaged since that very moment (mahğuza lana mundu al-an) with his son al-Sayyid ¢usayn, who at that time was himself twelve-year old. The two did later indeed marry each other.

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Chapter 4 NO STALGIA OF AN “ET H N IC G RO U P” ? AL IDS BETWEEN GLOBA L IS AT IO N AND IDENT IT Y n the previous chapters I have showed how in the second half of the last century Alid members of the religious establishment emerged as the main representatives and leaders of the Ši‘i communities worldwide. I also revealed how the emergence of a strong Euro-American defined modernity affected Alids’ lives. In this respect, a central issue of this period was the spread of globalisation. The purpose of this last chapter is to show the interconnection between Alids’ rise to prominence and this phenomenon. Alids seem to emerge as one of the first, if not the first, example of globalisation. Their leading role appears to be based on the prominence of the cultural aspect of their identity, strengthened by economic factors linked to their organisational characteristics. These elements will allow me to try to offer a working definition for the Alids. This definition will be provided through an analytical perspective centred around the concept of ethnic identity. I will argue that in the case of Nağafi Alid families members of the Ši‘i religious establishment their group identity, based mainly on their nur1 (light) and organised around the

I

1 More precisely, we should speak of nur Muhammadi. This concept is particularly linked to the figure of Šam‘un al-£afa’. He is one of the twelve apostoles (re-named Peter by Jesus), and his “surname” means both “rock” and “purity”, that is to say Šam‘un the Pure. This figure has a special place in Ši‘i Islam, that considers him as Jesus’ Imam, his legatee (wasi) and the bearer of the inner (batin) meaning of the sacred message and its esoteric exeges (ta‘wil). Šam‘un somehow playes towards Jesus the same role played by ‘Ali towards Muhammad, and by the other eleven Imams. This deposit bore by the Imams is seen as a “Muhammadian light” (nur Muhammadi) that passes from one Imam to the other (see Dictionnaire du Coran, sous la direction de Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Robert Laffont, Paris 2007, pp. 294, p. 797, and p. 836). Particularly significant is a passage in Sura al-Nur (24:34-35), hereafter reported in the (Italian) effective translation proposed by Bausani: ‘E Noi v’abbiam rivelato Segni chiarissimi, un esempio tratto da generazioni passate, un mònito ai timorati di Dio. Dio è la Luce dei cieli e della terra, e si rassomiglia la Sua Luce a una Nicchia, in cui è una Lampada, e la Lampada è in un Cristallo, e il Cristallo è come una Stella lucente, e arde la Lampada dell’olio di un albero benedetto, un Olivo né orientale né occidentale, il cui olio per poco non brilla anche se non lo tocchi fuoco. È luce su luce; e Iddio guida alla Sua Luce chi Egli vuole, e Dio narra parabole agli uomini, e Dio è su tte le cose sapiente’ (Il Corano, introduzione, traduzione e commento di Alessadnro Bausani, BUR Pantheon, 3rd ed., Milan 2001, p. 256). Sayyids, popularly believed to carry the divine light and its baraka, might see themselves as bearers of the or even actual ‘segni chiarissimi’ and the light emanating from God. A further element of interest in this verse is that the oil from which the lamp burns comes from an olive that is neither Oriental nor Occidental, a possible incipit for the ecumenic valence and super partes role of the sayyids. Also worth reporting are some popular views diffused among Iranian Ši‘as associated to the ritual for ‘Ašura’. Commenting on an elegy about the birth of Zaynab, daughter of ‘Ali and Fatima, Faegheh Shirazi, “Images of Women in Popular Shi‘i Culture in Iran”, in Aghaie (ed.), op. cit., pp. 93-118, p. 108, writes that, ‘the illuminated radiant face was apparently commonly held to be a feature of Fatemeh, and she passed it on to Hosayn, her son. […] [T]he poet suggests the same idea regarding Zaynab’s radiant face, the light, popularly called nur-e Mohammadi, is shared by both Sunni and Shi‘is. Legends refer to the Prophet who was born with a radiant light around his head, thus identifying him as a chosen one or a prophet – the

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collective memory necessary to preserve its possession and tahara2 (purity), appears to be primary.3 Globalisation, history, anthropology: a framework for enquiry For globalisation4 I refer to what Steger defines as a multidimensional set of social processes that create, multiply, stretch, and intensify worldwide social interdependencies and exchanges while at the same time fostering in people a growing awareness of deepening connections between the local and the distant,5

or, as put more succinctly by Hobsbawm, as ‘the world as a single unit of interconnected activities unhampered by local boundaries’.6 I am mainly interested in aspects of what has been defined as “ethnic-cultural globalisation”.7 This considers identity the central element lying at the core of the phenomenon, in alternative to “liberal globalisation”,8 that considers market economy as paramount. The issue of defining the Sadat is a much more complex one. To the best of my knowledge, none has ever tried to propose a substantial working defone gifted with the light of God. This sacred illumination was then believed to have been inherited by his descendants though Fatemeh al-Zahra’. It is finally important to mention that Fatima has a pivotal role, particularly in Ši‘i cosmology, in protecting his father’s divine nur from pollution and contamination and in passing it to the Imams (for a general overview on this aspect, see Thurlkill, M. F., Chosen Among Women, Mary and Fatima in Medieval Christianity and Shi‘ite Islam, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame (Indiana) 2007, pp. 41-43 and pp. 57-62). 2 Ši‘i traditions report that the Prophet once took his grandsons, al-¢asan and al-¢usayn, together with their parents, ‘Ali and Fatima, under his mantle to underline that they were pure of any stain or sin, making them knwon as the “Five of the Mantle” (Ahl al-Kisa’, in Arabic, or Panğ Tan-e Al-e ‘Aba, in Persian; for a reference see Amir-Moezzi, Christian, op. cit., p. 49). The idea of purity (tahara in Arabic, pak in Persian) of the Ahl al-Bayt is linked to al-Qur’an. In 33:33, God says, ‘stay at home, and do not flaunt your finery as they used to in the pagan past; keep up the prayer, give the prescribed alms, and obey God and His Messenger. God wishes to keep uncleanness away from you, people of the [Prophet’s] House, and to purify you thoroughly’ (Abdel Halim, M.A.S., The Qur’an, A New Translation, Oxford Uiversity Press, Oxford 2008, p. 268; parentheses not added). On the use of the term tahara in al-Qur’an, see “Pureté rituelle”, Dictionnaire du Coran, pp. 713-714. This element is usually stressed in biographical works. For example, ‘Abd al-Rahim Abadari in his biography of Musà al-£adr, telling the story of his mother, £afiyya, writes that, ‘“Bi Bi £afiyya”, al-Sayyid Musà’s mother, is a member of the pure (pak) family of the Prophet Muhammad’ (Emam Musà £adr, Omid-e Mahruman, Ğavane-ye Rošd, Tehran 1381Š/2002-2003, p. 29) 3 This element interestingly reflects what shown by Butaud and Piétri, op. cit., p. 11, when they observe that for the Euopean noblesse, ‘la mémoire des ancêtres avait valeur identitaire’. 4 I make use of the terms linked to globalisation in accordance with the definitions proposed by Steger, M. B., Globalisation: a Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2003, pp. 7-8: globality, ‘a social condition characterized by the existence of global economic, political, cultural, and environmental interconnections and flows that make many of the currently existing borders and boundaries irrelevant’; globalisation, ‘a set of social processes that are thought to transform our present social condition into one of globality’. 5 Ibidem, p. 13. 6 Hobsbawm, E. J., Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism, Abacus, London 2008, p. 2. 7 On the relevance of the concept of ethnicity in regard to globalisation, see Beck, U., Power in the Global Age: A New Global Political Economy, Polity, 2006, particularly pp. 192-194, and Short, J. R., Kim, Y.H., Globalization and the City, Longman 1999, particularly, pp. 85-87. 8 On the strict link between globalisation and liberism, see Meyer, Th., Hinchman, L., The Theory of Social Democracy, Polity, 2007, particularly pp. 172-173.

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inition for the Sadat. Depending on the personal cultural-ideological approach of the specific scholar, the Sadat have been generally described in Marxist terms, that is to say as a social class;9 as an elite, sometimes organised in separate clans;10 as a caste;11 and in sociological (Weberian) terms, as a grossomodo internal hierarchy of the ‘ulama’ enjoying a specific status.12 According to Mervin, scholars somehow do agree on the assumption that at the centre of predominantly Ši‘i societies lie the ‘ulama’,13 which are moreover divided into several other hierarchies and groups. Among the 9 This is the case of Batatu, The Old Social Classes, pp 153-210. The limitations of considering the sayyids as a social class are evident in the simple observation that they have very different incomes and do different jobs, and that, in spite of this, they can share a colletive identity and common intents. In fact, Batatu himself was aware of these limitations, as evident by several passages of his work (in particular pp. 153-160 and 193-194), where he, for example, writes that, ‘it should be remembered that the sadah did not constitute one economic class with identical fundamental interests, but a stratum of men from differing income groups, performing, even when belonging to one and the same income group, differing social functions. For another thing, the sadah, who were landed and affluent, were themselves divided not only ethnically but also on a sectarian basis, and the Kurds and Shi‘i Arabs among them were not, on the whole, as closely associated with state power as the Arab Sunnis, but stood pretty much on their own two feet, and were, therefore, more capable of independent political behavior’. However, in line with his theorethical approach, aimed at testing the viability of a class approach in order to reveal ‘historical relations or social features that would otherwise remain beyond vision or, […], whether such an approach, when applied to a post-World War I Arab society, is capable of yielding new insights or valuable results’ (p. xxi), Batatu de facto coherently pursued his hypothesis that, for what is of concern here, the sayyids were a class or at least a status group; hypothesis that appears to be at least in part contradicted by the results of my enquiry. 10 This seems to be the case of Litvak. Mainly interested in studying the ‘ulama’, he does not provide a working definition for the sayyids. When he writes about the Bahr al-‘Ulums he often refers to them as the ‘Bahr al-‘Ulum clan’. On the other hand, he uses the same term also for non-Alid families, such as the ‘Kašif al-$ita’ clan’. In this respect, at least according to anthropology, it is not correct to use the term “clan” for the Sadat, because if indeed clans ‘are descent groups whose members claim to be descended – on one principle or another – from a common ancestor’ (Fox, op. cit., 90), however, ‘they differ from lineages as the word is usually used in that members may not be able to state their exact links to each other’ (ibidem) and, moreover, their claim to a common descent from a common ancestor works ‘even if they cannot demonstrate exactly how this descent came about’ (ibidem). The difference is a technical one. However, according to my data, in the case of the Sadat we should speak ‘of a very large lineage with great depth and span’, a definition Fox (ibidem, pp. 123-125) reserves to the Chinese tradition of keeping fairly exact genealogies of their descent. 11 “Caste” is the term used by Luizard, La formation de l’Irak contemporain, pp. 93-94, for referring on one hand to the role of the Sunni sayyids of the ‘grandes villes de Mésopotamie’ of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the xix century, in particular in relation to their common reaction to the efforts of the Sublime Porte at curtailing their relative independence from the state, and, on the other hand, to the role of the Ši‘i sayyids as political leaders of several Ši‘i tribes, particularly in the Marshlands (ibidem, pp. 196198). Again, Wright Jr., T. P., “The Changing Role of the Sadat in India and Pakistan”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 649-659, p. 653, argues that in India and Pakistan the Sadat acted in terms of ‘quasi-castes’. The definition “caste religieuse” was used by Temimi, A., “Role des Sadat/Ašraf dans l’empire ottoman: quelques considerations”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 639-647, p. 644, for describing their role in the Ottoman Empire. 12 This is the case of Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 61. The term “status” has also been widely used by Morimoto, K., “The Earliest ‘Alid Genealogy for the Safavids: New Evidence for the Pre-dynastic Claim to Sayyid Status”, Iranian Studies, vol. 43, number 4, September 2010, pp. 447-469. Finally, again with respect to Safavid Iran, Newman wrote of the Sadat in terms of ‘a distinct class’ (Newman, A., “The Role of the Sadat in Safavid Iran: Confrontation or Accomodation?”, in Scarcia Amoretti, B., Bottini, L. (eds.), op. cit., pp. 577-596, p. 577). 13 According to Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 61, they actually form a proper stand, that is to say a proper status group. On this concept, see Weber, M., Economy and Society, 2 vols., University of California Press, Berkeley 1978, vol. 1, pp. 305-307. In this regard, the sayyids might well be described as a “corporation”, a concept that has occasionally been associated with genealogy.

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most important, if not the most, lies the distinction between šayhs and sayyids.14 I propose to add a further perspective and to analyse the Alids as an “ethnic group”, on the basis of elements emerging from factual, prosopographic, and oral sources. The collective identity link deriving from being a sayyid, enhanced by the belonging to a family of the religious establishment, appears to be so strong that it does not seem exaggerated to consider the Ahl al-Bayt as a (really and) truly ethnic group. Making use of a relational definition of ethnicity, as the one advanced by Kozakaï,15 we can see that such a definition appears to be consistent with the behaviour of the Alids. I do not necessarily assume that the Ahl al-Bayt is “objectively” an ethnic group, but, rather, that its modus operandi and internal relationships do fit a plausible and viable scientific definition of ethnicity and, above all, that the sayyids member of families of the religous establishment seem to act and perceive their historical identity in terms and modalities that conform to such a definition. Alids and identity, characteristics of a religious ethnic group During my interviews with members of Alid families on the role of the sayyids in contemporary society, I noticed that they were implicitly proposing some elements as characteristicts of the “Sayyidness”. Moreover, I found out that some scholars of the pre-modern era16 had occasionally singled out some of the same elements as being characteristics of the Sadat, although they had never addressed them as part of a coherent and unitary model. Consequently, I cross-checked and integrated these elements with the prosopographic sources I had collected, looking for recurrent characteristics associated with the sayyids. I found out that the same recurrent elements are indeed still present. Therefore, I propose to assume that they are at the core of the Alids as a group. Seen in this perspective, the enhanced role Alids have in contemporary Muslim communities appears to be based on the emergence 14 This distinction bears important implications. However, it is still not clear how old it is and how it had been used and perceived in Middle Eastern societies. A case in point is the use, or misuse, that some scholars make of it. For example, Momen, op. cit., refers to ¢asan al-Mudarrisi both as a sayyid (op. cit., p. 251) and as a šayh (ibidem, fig. n. 58). It is worth mentioning that the distinction between šayhs and sayyids is not just confined to Ši‘i communities and appears to be important also in predominantly Sunni ones. A case in point are the researches conducted on Hadrami (Yemeni) Arab migrations by Frode F. Jacobsen, op. cit. In his anthropological-historical analysis of their contemporary migration to Indonesia, he reports that, ‘although knowledge of the traditional stratification in Hadramawt [in Yemen] varies significantly between individual informants, Hadrami people in all locations [both in the homeland and abroad] are aware of which families are sayyids and sada and which are not’ (ibidem, p. 63). 15 Kozakaï, T., L’étranger, l’identité: Essai sur l’intégration culturelle, Payot, Paris 2000. On the necessity of ri-formulating the idea of ethnicity and of ethnic identity see also Fabietti, U., L’identità etnica: Storia e critica di un concetto equivoco, 2nd ed., Carocci, Rome 1998. 16 In this respect, see most of the contributions in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit.

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and reinterpretation of a pre-modern identity model, although this appears to have been affected by the profound changes that took place in last century. In the Second chapter, I pointed out several recurrent topoi presented in the written prosopographic sources. Here I propose a further list of characteristics of the sayyids as a group. The lists differ in that the following one is partly the result of a personal interpretation of some specific characteristics I derived from my oral sources and personal on-the-field experience, and these characteristics are not restricted to biographical topoi drawn from elements present in the biographical written material. Moreover, these characteristics are more relevant in dealing with the issue I analyse in this chapter: modernity, globalisation, and group identity-building. Schematising, the sayyids as a group possess the following characteristics: – possession of baraka (God’s blessing)17 and atar18 (signs of baraka); – marked tendency towards endogamy, both within the group of sayyids and the specific family; – tendency and marked adaptability to diaspora and migration;19

17 The issue of possessing baraka has been pointed out in several works on different Ši‘i communities, among them: Bilad al-Šam, Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 62; Iran, Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, p. 219; Lebanon, Peters, E., “Aspects of Rank and Status among Muslims in a Lebanese Village”, in Pitt-Rivers, J. (ed.), Mediterranean Countrymen, Mouton, Paris-La Haye, 1963, pp. 159-202, pp. 169170; and Morocco, Sebti, A., “Cherifisme, symbole et histoire”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 629-638, pp. 629-633. Baraka is so strong that it can even protect the sayyids from being murdered. This is suggested, for example, by a television series on the life of the Azeri poet Šahryar, produced by irib and directed by Kamal Tabrizi, broadcasted in Iran in 2008 (the serial is currently distributed by sorush). In one of the episodes, al-Sayyid Šahriyar, son of an Alid ‘alim, avoids to be killed by two emissaries sent by a rival in love because, just before being stabbed, one of the two sees a paper fallen from the poet’s bag; it is a poetry written by Šahriyar for Imam al-¢usayn and, despite the luti (ruffian “on demand”) is supposedly illiterate, he miraculously reads it in a few seconds and understands that the man they are killing is a descendant of the Family of the Prophet: the two leave Šahryar on the ground beaten up but alive. 18 Examples of such signs are certain physical features normally associated with them. Salati, “The Presence and Role of Sadat”, note 32, p. 605, reports how, in his researches in Syria, he observed that people, ‘often associate blue eyes and fair hair with siyadah’. During my researches in Iran, I noticed similar beliefs. Sayyids are considered to be highly educated, to look beautiful and handsome, to be trustful, and to have a skin lighter than normal people. Iranians even sustain that their sacredness is clear from their shining, an element probably linked to the already mentioned nur Muhammadi, a main attribute of the Ahl al-Bayt. Again in Iran, on days such as Eid-e Qadir, when according to Ši‘i Muslims Muhammad chose ‘Ali as his successor (see Vaglieri, V., “Ghadir Khum”, in ei 2, iv, p. 311; for a Ši’i “academic” account see, Jafri, S.H.M, The Origins and Early Development of Shi‘a Islam, Oxford University Press, Pakistan 2002, pp. 19-23), or on the occasion of the birth anniversary of the eighth Imam, al-Rida, sayyids, both men and women, give something to “normal” people, mainly money or small things, directly from their hands: in this way, these things are believed to bring holiness and good luck to the lives of the people that receive them. 19 The Arabic term for migration is hiğra, a word that inevitably recalls the hiğra of the Prophet Muhammad from Makka to al-Madina, starting point for the chronology of Islamic history. For a reference to the relation between Alids and migration, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “The Migration of the Ahl al-Bayt to Bukhara in Genealogies’ Books. Preliminary Remarks”, in Ancient and Medieval Culture of Bukhara Oasis, Materials of the Conference Based on Joint Uzbek-Italian Researches in Archaeology and Islamic Studies (Bukhara, September 26-27, 2003), The Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan-Rome University “La Sapienza”, Department of Oriental Studies, Samarkand-Rome 2006, pp. 74-85; and Morimoto, K., “A Preliminary Study on the Diffusion of the Niqaba al-¥alibiyin: Towards an Understanding of the Early Dispersal of Sayyids”, in Kuroki, H. (ed.), The Influence of Human Mobility in Muslim Societies, Kegan Paul, London 2003, pp. 3-42.

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– avant-garde role, real or presumed, in the conversion of new regions to Islam towards migration;20 – economic independence towards state entities;21 – combination and coexistence of cosmopolitanism and regionalism22 (probably the main characteristic of globality); – centrality of their role as scholars, markedly in the field of genealogy (‘ilm al-riğal)23 and science;24 – centrality of their role as guardians of shrines;25 – ecumenical valence,26 particularly with respect to the Islamic umma, of their role 20 Interesting is the hypothesis advanced by Alessandro Bausani on the central role played by the Muslim elites in the conversions to Islam during the Middle Ages (i.e. a top to down conversion). If proved to be true, a further step would be to verify the hypothesis of the central role of the Alids, the Muslim elite par excellence, in this phenomenon. Important appears the description by Nakash of the conversion of the “Iraqi” tribes of the south of the country from Sunnism to Ši‘ism occurred in the second half of the nineteenth century. Nakash, op. cit., p. 41, affirms that, ‘their influence over the tribesmen rendered the sayyids a catalyst of conversion and most valuable to the emissaries who came to propagate Shi‘i Islam among the tribes’ (emphasis added). 21 It is worth remembering that sayyids have historically enjoyed some specific economic prerogatives that they seem, at least partly, to continue to enjoy even in countries of new migration (particularly Great Britain, USA, Germany, and France). They are endowed to receive half of the money given by the faithful as hums, a canonical “tax” made of two parts, one allotted for the Imam (sahm al-Imam), the other for the descendents of Hašim ibn ‘Abd Manaf, grandfather of the Prophet, through his male members (sahm al-Sada), in the case that they are orphans, poor or travellers (see Sachedina, A., “al-Khums: The Fifth in the Imami Shi‘i Legal System”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 39:4, 1980, pp. 275-289). Interesting is what pointed out in the case of countries where Alids did migrate several centuries ago, such as India, for which Wright Jr., op. cit., p. 653, reports that, ‘all of the Ašraf, like feudal nobility in Europe, tried to avoid occupations requiring manual labor and Syeds incurred a reputation by the British period for sloth’ (emphasis added). 22 Exemplar is the case of Musà al-£adr and the role he played in different times in Iran and Lebanon, in both cases within the framework of a markedly local “national” identity. Also significant is the fact that during a visit at the house of al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i in Qom (February 2008), I noticed how he kept two flags on his fireplace, one Iraqi and the other Iranian. Therefore, I raised with him the issue of national versus supranational identities, and I asked whether he felt more Iraqi or Iranian. The answer was that he did not think in terms on national identities and that he felt both Iraqi and Iranian, adding that he had moreover been living for many years in Great Britain and had feelings also towards that country. He moreover added that this sentiment was absolutely normal in his family, and indeed shared also by his wife. 23 For an explanation of the reasons and interests of the Sadat in genealogy, see Morimoto, K., “The Formation and Development of the Science of Talibid Genealogies in the 10th & 11th Century Middle East”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 541-570, particularly pp. 541-42, and Idem, “Writing of Sayyid/Sharif Genealogies: Different Types, Different Functions”, paper presented at the International Seminar on Religious and Political Uses of Genealogies in Islamic Societies, Universidad de Alcalà, November 6-9 2008. For an introduction to the study of Twelvers’s riğal, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “L’introduzione al Qâmûs ar-Riğâl di Tustarî: per una guida alla lettura dei testi prosopografici imamiti”, Cahiers d’onomastique arabe, ed. du cnrs, Paris 1979, pp. 37-49. 24 See Capezzone, L., “The Alids, Scientific Knowledge and Historiographic Concerns, with Special Reference to Astronomy”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 429-439. 25 Interesting is the case of the Al Kalidar family. It was in charge of the Shrine of Imam ‘Ali in alNağaf for several generations (interview with al-Sayyid Radwan Al Kalidar, London). This position is currently held by al-Sayyid Muhammad Rida al-$urayfi (Ajami, The Foreigner’s Gift, pp. 10-11). Moreover, see what reported by Salati, “Presence and Role of the Sadat”, note 9 at p. 599, and the importance of the killidarship in Iraq as pointed out by Batatu, The Old Social Classes, pp. 161-162. 26 Interesting appear the visits paid by several sayyids to the Vatican City and the popes at least since the second half of the last century. Among the several: in 1963, Musà al-£adr attended the “enthronement” of Pope Paul VI (Chehabi, Tafreshi, op. cit., p. 154); in February 2007 and November 2008, al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i visited Pope Benedict XVI (al-Nur/An-Noor Magazine, mulhaq hass, Rabi‘ al-Awwal-Rabi‘ alTani 1428h/April–May 2007); and in 2005 a delegation of the Khoei Foundation attended the funeral of John Paul II, among the others there was al-Sayyid Qasim al-Ğalali.

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of super partes, as in the case of smoothing the differences between Ši‘as and Sunnis;27 – consequent centrality of their role as intermediaries within the community of believers, and community and the exterior; – marked tendency towards voluntary acculturation and doctrinal innovation.

Even though the blood relation, generally considered essential in the definition of ethnic group,28 is present in the sayyids,29 I consider consistent the argument sustained by Kozakaï that, ‘la filiation ethnique ne saurait dériver de données biologiques, mais c’est la mémoire collective qui donne le jour à ce lien identitaire et affectif.’30 For the filiation to be effective, it is fundamental to have the necessity and the desire to memorise, even create if necessary, one’s own lineage. Filiation and ethnicity are phenomena strictly interconnected with collective memory and its history remembered, recovered, or invented. Family ties between community members are, however, just one of the elements that are generally considered paramount in the definition of collective identity. A further element, perhaps the most important, is the presumption of the existence of an essential substance that is considered to remain immutable despite the continuous flow of time.31 This element is functional in providing the community, or the ethnic group, with the priority and the status of a “subject” as a supra-individual entity, to the detriment of the “real” members that compose it.32 This seems to be the case, in my opinion, of the sayyids. They consider themselves, and are traditionally perceived by their communities, as being direct descendants of the prophet Muhammad, through his cousin and son-in-law ‘Ali and his daughter Fatima, and the infallible Imams.33 This provides them with the evocative perception of being 27 See Murtadà, M. £., “Sul ruolo storico dei Sadat tra sunnismo e sciismo. L’esempio dei Murtada e dei ¢amzah”, in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit., pp. 571-575, and Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Presentation”, in ibidem, pp. 287-296, p. 291. Particulalry interesting is the role played by ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf alDin and Musà al-£adr in the process of taqrib (rapprochement between different branches of Islam) which involved the Nusayris (today largely called ‘Alawis) starting with the early decades of the last century. In this respect, I recall that in 1973 Musà al-£adr, at that time head of al-Mağlis al-Islami al-Ši‘i al-A‘là fi Lubnan (Supreme Islamic Ši‘i Council in Lebanon), diffused a fatwà recognising the Nusayris as a branch of Ši‘i Islam (Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 174). As for the role of ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din, see Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, pp. 321-329. 28 In fact, it was Weber, Économie et Société, 2 vols., Plon Pocket, Paris 1995 (1922), p. 134, who himself pointed out that the myth of blood continuity is produced through a subjective interpretation of different objective factors, such as biological, linguistic, religious or of another nature. 29 Interesting is what narrated by Cockburn, Muqtada al-Sadr and the Fall of Iraq, Faber and Faber, London 2008, pp. 3-5, when he recalls that having been stopped on his road to al-Nağaf by members of the £adriyyin, he and his driver were released when the latter objected that he was a sayyid, having as a remark the affirmation that, ‘if you are from a sayyid’s family you are a cousin of Muqtada’s’ (emphasis added). 30 Kozakaï, op. cit., p. 71. 31 Ibidem, p. 57. 32 This is particularly true when we consider that as the real members of a community or ethnic group continuously renew themselves, it would be illogic to speak of each member’s identity in a narrow sense (see Kozakaï, op. cit.). 33 In my opinion, it is not by chance that the most audacious interpretations of the Ši‘i scholastic tradition have been carried out, in contemporary history, by sayyid-‘ulama’. This is particularly the case

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members of a “saint” family34 as manifested, for example, in the popular belief that they posses baraka, a substance immaterial by definition, and that they are capable of transmitting it. As I have already mentioned, anthropologists have shown that baraka can have a strong valence in terms of charismatic religious (and political) leadership. In the case of Muqtadà al-£adr, for example, he publicly claims the possetion of the “Alid genealogical factor” through the appellation Ğayš al-Mahdi used for his militias. This is a direct reminder of the occultation of the twelfth Imam and of the proximity of his return, with an intention to turn to his own advantage the mythic image of his ancestor.35 The claim of Muqtadà to be recognised as a peer by the Nağafi religious establishment although he is still too young to be regarded as a senior ‘alim was correctly pointed out by several analysts. However this should be properly explained through the canvas of imageries traditionally used by Ši‘i scholars: Muqtadà simply claims for himself towards the mass believers specific analogies with the great historical figures of the Ši‘i collective memory, an element that was almost completely neglected in the critical works on this figure.36 A confirmation to the conscious use made by some Alids of charisma (and of their possession of baraka) in their bid for social power comes from a concern raised by al-Sayyid al-Marğa‘ Muhammad Fadl Allah. At least according to Talib Aziz, Fadl Allah was particularly preoccupied by the use of charismatic leadership in the Islamic movement that lead to the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran. According to him, he [Fadl Allah] wanted the Islamic movement to surpass the appeal of the leader-hero and to focus on the message. He went so far to give examples of cases where this phenomenon had occurred: Nasser of Egypt, Musa al-Sadr of Lebanon, and Khomeini in Iran.37

A third element at the core of the concept of ethnic identity, as for the others relativised and deconstructed by Kozakaï, is the continuity of the cultural

of Ruh Allah al-@umayni, Muhammad Baqir al-£adr, Muhammad Muhammad £adiq al-£adr, and Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah. It can be argued that these promiment members of the Ahl al-Bayt might believe to be potential bearers of the capacity reserved to the Imams of interpreting al-Qur’an in an infallible way. 34 The evocative association between genealogy and Ahl al-Bayt is beyond dispute. ‘Ali’s family has an undisputed role in Muslim’s imaginary. In this respect, Renard, J., Islam and the Heroic Image: Themes in Literature and the Visual Arts, Mercer University Press, 1999, particularly pp. 94-119. 35 In an interview given in 2008 to ¢iwar Maftuh, a successful programme of the satellite channel alJazeera, Muqtadà criticised the reference to his armed followers as Ğayš al-Mahdi. He pointed out that according to his view all the believers were members of Ğayš Imam al-Mahdi. In the same interview, he also underlined that his activities were “simply” in line with those carried out by his ancestors, the two martyrs (his father and his father-in-law) and the ma‘sumin (available at www.youtube.com/watch?v= fPUfv9ECcds, accessed on September 25, 2010). 36 As an example, see those authored by Cockburn, P., Muqtada: Muqtada Al-Sadr, the Shia Revival, and the Struggle for Iraq, Scribner Book Company, 2008, and Idem, Muqtada Al-Sadr and the Fall of Iraq. 37 Aziz, T., “Fadlallah and the Remaking of the Marja‘iya”, in Walbridge (ed.), op. cit., pp. 205-215, in particular pp. 206-207.

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content of a community.38 In the case of the sayyids, whether they are members of families of ‘ulama’ or not, it is evident that their identification with the family of the Prophet provides them with an undisputable ideological and cultural tool. Their members socialise according to long established values and norms, historically elaborated by Ši‘i scholars accordingly with the qur’anic message and the Sunna. For the members of families with a tradition as ‘ulama’, the identification between sacred message and its exclusive interpretation by the muğtahids – particularly since the victory of the Usuli school of law – provides a powerful element of cultural identity through their perception of being custodians, transmitters, and interpreters of the divine revelation, a characteristic at the beginning only reserved to the Imams.39 These mechanisms, and the established tradition of not allowing the believers to follow the legal interpretations of a dead scholar, allow the sayyids’ community to articulate alternative visions of the world, sometimes markedly different from those articulated by their ancestors, and provides the new generations with a powerful tool to overcome both generational conflicts and the theoretical contradiction of considering identity an un-evolving and a-historical element. Here I should discuss a further element at the core of my definition of ethnic identity as re-interpreted by Kozakaï: acculturation. This is one of the main vehicles for the identity assimilation of new elements. Acculturation is usually perceived as negative and is linked to domination or to an asymmetric power relationship. But, although asymmetric relations are not alien to the process of acculturation, it is superficial to consider this process simply as a cultural imposition.40 The alienation syndrome often found in cases of acculturation does, actually, manifest itself only in presence of the hope or the illusion of having the possibility of becoming a member of the group to which one aspires. Cultural domination is based on the complicity between dominant and dominated. Well then, this is not the case, in my opinion, when we deal with the Alid families I analyse here. If we find elements of acculturation, looking from the right perspective these are not the fruit of a sort of passive complicity but, rather, of an utilitaristic pragmatism that historically characterises both Ši‘i Islam and the Alids. Therefore, the relational model of ethnicity is useful to reveal a further element necessary to “read” the behaviour and role of sayyids. The concept of voluntary acculturation is a tool quite helpful in order to analyse the role and modalities of the Alid migration41 and its interaction with globalisation. As far as contemporary his38 Kozakaï, op. cit., p. 77. 39 In this respect, see the bibliography mentioned in note 32 at p. 26. 40 Kozakaï, op. cit., p. 180. 41 This characteristic is quite important. It is considered to be, for example, the basis for the “Ši‘itisation” of Iran initiated in the xvi century by the Safavids (see the already mentioned essays of Hourani, Newman, and Abisaab).

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tory is concerned, starting from the 1970s, Alids’ migration – partly linked to the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990), the Iranian Islamic Revolution (1979), the Iraq-Iran war (1980-88), and the Second Gulf War (1990-91) – has been in the first place “cultural” and elitist, in the sense that among the emigrants the presence of members of the religious establishment was relevant. As a matter of fact, cultural integrations do happen particularly in emigration territories producing the phenomenon of voluntary acculturation, conscious – and here we find a link with the fourth point of the following definition of globalisation used in this research – as much as it is functional to strengthen the group/ethnicity and it is produced and carried out precisely by those traditional in charge of legitimising it. Therefore, from the perspective of a dynamic acculturation42 as linked to the one of voluntary acculturation we can see that the emerging dynamics are very much different from those usually associated to acculturation phenomena. Even though the traditional elements associated with the definition of ethnic identity (namely the biological continuity, the permanence of an ethnic substratum, and the permanence of some essential cultural elements) reasonably fit the common “features” of the sayyids, I prefer to acknowledge the impossibility of recognising these three principles as objectives as denounced by Kozakaï – despite the awareness that they may be perceived as valid at least by some members of this community43 –, and I recognise as true the lack of a proper content, either material or ideal, at the basis of an ethnic or community identity, because of the inevitable and objective changes to which the single members of a specific community from one part and the adaptation of its cultural heritage to the cultural and ideological conditions on the other are subjected. On the other hand, the recent history of the families members of the religious establishment I took into account does prove with factual evidences that their subjective perception of continuity in their collective identify is persistent. It is worth mentioning that the suitability of integrating notions of antrophology in our quest for a working definition of the Alids as a group appears to be indicated also by the very lineage system revealed by my data. I already referred to the issue of segmentation observed in the genealogy of the families taken into accout. We saw as the nisba “al-£adr” actually comes out from a series differentiations within main branches of the al-Musawis, and as a sub-lineage of the Al Šaraf al-Dins, Al Nur al-Dins, Al Abu ’l-¢asans, Al ‘Abd Allahs, Al al-¢usayn al-Qata‘is, and Al Abu Sabahas. In this respect, my data suggest that in the case of the Alids this segmentation appears to be similar to the one observed by antrophologists in the Chinese lineage system, in that some lineages split into sub-lineages without any no42 Kozakaï, op. cit., pp. 141-181. 43 Interview with al-Sayyid al-Duktur Fadil al-Milani at the Khoei Foundation in London, April 2008.

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tion of seniority.44 Indeed, with the Alids we witness an “equal and opposite” system, in that the lineages splitting off from the main branches often are the rich and powerful ones, the ones which can afford to assert their distinctiveness.45 Moreover, my data suggest that the dynamic we face with Alid genealogy is a merging segmentary series of lineages, in that ‘one can go on tracing the relationships between lineages back until one reaches the founder’.46 Interactions between sayyids and globalisation In order to propose a framework of reference for the analysis of globalisation, Steger47 provides four main characteristics: 1. ‘First, globalization involves the creation of new and the multiplication of existing social networks and activities that increasingly overcome traditional political, economic, cultural, and geographical boundaries’. 2. ‘The second quality of globalization is reflected in the expansion and stretching of social relations, activities, and interdependencies’.48 3. ‘Third, globalization involves the intensification and acceleration of social exchanges and activities. […] [It] means that local happenings are shaped by events occurring far away, and vice versa’.49 4. ‘Fourth, the creation, expansion, and intensification of social interconnections and interdependencies do not occur merely on an objective, material level. […] [G]lobalization processes also involve the subjective plane of human consciousness’.50

Considering these four characteristics and the previous list of the characteristics of the sayyids’ group, I will focus my attention on those elements more directly linked to globalisation. Scholars have noticed the strength and width of the family networks and activities of some Ši‘i families. As far as the Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-¢akims are concerned, a historical event that connects them together and, at the same time, with globalisation is the previously mentioned establishment of the Ahl al-Bayt Foundation in London by Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum (1928-) and Mahdi al-¢akim (1935-1988) in the 1980s. This foundation appears to have been the first born directly from the idea and managed by members of Alid Nağafi families and, moreover, by two muğtahids. It smoothed the way for the organisation of the Iraqi Ši‘a’s presence in London, a city that was soon to become the hub of the Iraqi opposition after 1991, but whose organisational origins are clearly precedent. 44 Fox, op. cit., p. 125-126. 45 This phenomenon has been observed by anthropologists in south-eastern China, and it is the opposite of the principle of seniority, common in Central Africa (ibidem). 46 Fox, op. cit., p. 126. 47 Steger, op. cit., p. 9. 48 Ibidem, p. 11. 49 Ibidem. 50 Ibidem, p. 12

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On the other hand, an aspect that seems to not have attracted any significant attention by the critics is the integration of traditional Islamic economic characteristic, or better privileges, directly or indirectly accorded to Alids and their apparently successful implantation in non-traditionally Muslim contexts. During my on-the-field researches in London, I could observe that hums (a religious “tax” paid by Ši‘i Muslim believers to their chosen marğa‘) is donated to them even in Great Britain as well as zakat (a religious “tax” paid Muslim believers for charitable purposes) given to representatives of the Khoei Foundation and of ‘Ali al-Sistani, all of them sayyids. Another demonstration of the strength and width of Alids’ family networks and activities is offered by Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i (1958-1994). As I already mentioned in his biography, Muhammad Taqi’s death in a car crash apparently organised by the Iraqi secret services, was reported in several newspapers all over the world: al-¢ayat (£afar 15, 1415/July 24, 1994), Keyhan Hava’i ( July 27, 1994), Le Monde ( July 25, 1994), al-Šarq al-Awsat ( July 23, 1994), al-Anba’ ( July 23, 1994), al-Qabas ( July 23, 1994), The Guardian ( July 28, 1994) and The Independent ( July 23, 1994). Moreover, on that occasion the family received condolences messages from ¢asan ibn ¥alal, al-Rafiq ‘Abd Allah al-Ahmar, al-Šayh Muhammad Mahdi al-Asafi, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani, al-Sayyid Murtadà al-‘Askari, al-Sayyid Muhammad ¢usayn Fadl Allah, alSayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim, Butrus Gali (at that time un Secretary General), and several others.51 The same case, moreover, happened with the death of Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim. In that occasion, the family received an impressive amount of condolences, published in a 372-page book collection,52 from figures such as President George W. Bush, Yassir ‘Arafat, and Cardinal Angelo Sodano (Vatican Secretary of State). Moreover, the establishment of links between some Alids and British and North American institutions,53 and the establishment of personal relationship between them and influent figures of the Euro-American academic establishment,54 simply strenghten the perception of the Alids creation of new and the multiplication of existing social networks and activities. 51 al-Šahid al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-@u’i, pp. 121-148. 52 al-Šibi, al-Šayh Abu Ğihad, ‘Uruğ min Mihrab al-Amir: Asda’ wa In‘ikasat Ğarima I#tiyal al-Marğa‘ alDini Šahid al-Mihrab Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-¢akim wa ’l-£afwa alladina Istašhadu Ma‘ahu, al-ğuz’ al-awwal, Mu’assasa Turat al-Šahid al-¢akim, 2004. 53 Particularly under the Administration of George W. Bush. Cases in point are the receptions in Washington of al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-¢akim and of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum. On these meetings, Katzman, K., “Iraq’s Opposition Movements”, CSR Report, Federation of America Scientists, March 26, 1998 (http://www.fas.org/irp/crs/crs-iraq-op.htm; accessed on April 4, 2008). 54 Relevant is in this perspective the case of the Centre for Islamic Shi‘a Studies in London (http://shiastudies.org.uk), established in 2010 by al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum. Its external Advisory Board comprises Charles Tripp (SOAS), Roy Mottahedeh (Harvard), Andrew Newman (Edinburg), Robert Gleave (Exter), Peter Sluglett (Utah), Sajjad Rizvi (Exter), and Mara Leichtman (Michigan). Moreover, the personal relationship between Alids and influent figures of the Euro-American academic establishment is exemplified by the friendship between al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, the al-£adr family and Chibli Mallat (for several years at the head of the Department of Islamic Law at soas),

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Relevant for this first element in the definition of globalisation appear the activities provided by the Khoei Foundation in London. Among the several, the Foundation proposes yoga courses, a clear sign of the influence of the cultural fashions and trends of London, or maybe better of those that can be both integrated in the activities of a Ši‘i foundation and be perceived as modern and acceptable by the West. Again with reference to this foundation, relevant appears the adaptation of the traditional model of the waqf (unalienable religious endowment)55 to the British legislation concerning charities, or, on the same level, the presence of this Foundation at the UN with the status of an ngo. As for the expansion and stretching of the “traditional” family networks of the above mentioned families, this is proved by their new settlement in Europe and the usa.56 From the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon) and from Arabic, Persian and Turkish, some member of these Alid families have moved to England, France, Denmark, Germany, and the States, and have learned and produced works in English, French and German. Members of the al-£adrs57 lived, and some still live, in London, as proved by the cases of Basil and ¢usayn al-£adr. For the Bahr al-‘Ulums, a case in point are Muhammad and Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum. To these two, I should add the relevant element that asked for their šağara (genealogical tree), members of this family told me that the oldest copy is in the usa!58 The case of the al-@u’is should be as clear as the wa-

by the one between al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali and Charles Tripp, and by the claimed friendship between al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Mağid al-@u’i and John and Linda Walbridge (on this last case, see their “Son of an Ayatollah: Abd al-Majid al-Khu’i” in Trix, Walbridge (eds.), op. cit.). 55 Interesting is the case of the Khoei Foundation. In accordance with its statutes, the mutawallis of the awqaf (pl. of waqf) must be Ayatullah al-@u’i’s sons; if none are alive, then his son’s sons, and if none are alive then his daughter’s sons, etc. The Foundation is essentially composed of one organisational Founation and four different waqfiyat (for Iraq, Iran, Pakistan [Quetta] and Kuwait). The mutawalli of the awqaf in Kuwait becomes the General Secretary of the Foundation (headquartered in London), which is overseen by a board of the Foundation’s branches in New York, India, Pakistan [Islamabad] and Montreal plus five others (two ‘ulama’ and three non-‘ulama’). Each waq f has different criteria (eg. in Iraq the mutawalli must be resident in the country, while in Iran they must be two members of the al-@u’i family, etc.). On the other hand, the Foundation in London, being an organisational body and not a waqf, has its own statutes. On the overall, it is possible to say that while the physical ownership of the Foundation is to be entrusted to a member of the al-@u’i family, its “spiritual” ownership, the patron of the Foundation is represented by the main marğa‘ chosen by the Ši‘i believers worldwide (telephone interview with ¢aydar al-@u’i, February 7, 2011, and personal communication received on April 5, 2011). 56 Historically, however, a new role for the European capital cities was envisaged also by other Alids in their capacity as marğa‘s. We know that al-@umayni (1902-1989), constrained to leave Iraq, found refuge in France, and that it was from the very neighbourhoods of Paris that he went back to Iran for good on an AirFrance plane. Moreover, it has been convincingly argued by several scholars that it was mostly because of the easy access to modern communication technologies he had there that al-@umayni was capable of attracting the international media attention on his figure. Muhammad ¢usayn al-Buruğirdi also, in the 1950s, sent his official representatives to Hamburg and Washington. He had even thought of sending a representative to Italy, in the person of Musà al-£adr, however the latter reportedly declined the proposal (Chehabi, Tafreshi, op. cit., p. 151). 57 Ibidem, pp. 139-40. 58 Several interviews with al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum.

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ter. For the al-¢akims, the cases of the lives of Mahdi and ‘Abd al-Hadi al¢akim (1939-) should help in proving my hypothesis. As for the influence of far away events on the local and their intensification and acceleration, in my opinion this is evident in the elucidation of two capital events of the recent decades: the central role played by the al-@u’is in the “election” of al-Sistani as marğa‘ from London, that it to say from outside the Dar al-Islam (and the implications of trying to re-define the spaces between centre/distant and periphery/local),59 and the overthrow of the regime of £addam ¢usayn again largely carried out from the same city. As for the fourth point, human consciousness and identity are strictly interconnected,60 and in this respect the mentioned cases of sayyids that carried out studies in Europe and the usa or in Middle Eastern universities directly controlled by Western institutions (Ğawad al-@u’i, Ğa‘far al-£adr, Basil al£adr, Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum, Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum, Fadil al-Milani, etc.) help in providing a minimal framework for enquiry. In this respect, an element often associated with globalisation is hybridisation, the mixing of different cultural forms and styles facilitated by global economic and cultural exchanges.61 The following brief overview of sample cases arguably helps in sustaining my hypotesis: the use by Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, Fadil al-Milani and several other muğtahids of the title of al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah; the use of the iPod in Qom by the grandsons, and would be muğtahids, of Ayatullah Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i that I noticed during an interview in March 2008 – more profane but in my opinion more far reaching –; the impressive presence of almost all the members of the four families on facebook, and their almost daily use of it; the memory I recalled from al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali’s first steps of the Khoei Foundation, when, “armed” with a meter, he and alSayyid al-Duktur Fadil al-Milani – two eminent ayatullahs – made frequent visits to ikea in order to buy the furniture for the Foundation;62 the creation of a blog by ¢aydar al-@u’i; the workshops organised by the Sadr Foundation in Tyre; the passage from manuscript to the Internet of the science of ‘ilm alriğal; and many other elements all point to important forms of hybridisation and suggest the coming of quite interesting novelties.

59 On the relevance of the role of the members of the Ahl al-Bayt in the definition of the categories of centre and periphery in the Islamic civilisation, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Definire il ‘centro’. Qualche osservazione sul possibile ruolo dell’Ahl al-Bayt”, paper presented at the 23rd Congress of the European Union of Arabists and Islamicists, Sassari 28 September-1 October 2006 (to appear in 2012 in the conference proceedings by Peeters Publishers, Louvain, in the series Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta). 60 Tamari, S., “Biography, Autobiography, and Identity in Early Modern Damascus”, in Fay, M. A. (ed.), Auto/Biography and the Construction of Identity and Community in the Middle East, Palgrave, New York 2001, pp. 37-49, particularly pp. 37-38. 61 Steger, op. cit., p. 5. 62 Interview with al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali (London, April 2008).

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According to what stated in the introduction to this chapter, in carrying out my research, as a historian I had a committed interest in searching for possible elements of discontinuity in the exploration of the peculiarities of the role of the Ahl al-Bayt in contemporary history. Once again with reference to what described by the relevant works of Litvak and Mervin, in recent years Alids’ roles appear to be in contrast with the ones performed in the past, at least to some degree. Litvak pointed out that during the period he analysed, despite a sayyid lineage had a certain importance, it was not a necessary nor a sufficient condition for attaining a high status.63 As an example, he pointed out that Murtadà al-Ansari, Zayn al-‘Abidin al-Mazandarani, ‘Ali and ¢usayn al-@alili, and Ahund al-@urasani64 were all prominent figures but none of them was an Alid. He even added that these muğtahids had a status higher than some eminent Alid families such as the Bahr al-‘Ulums, the al-¥abataba’is, and the alŠahrastanis.65 Although in principle the assumption that being a sayyid is still not a condicio sine qua non for the attainment of a prominent status within the Ši‘i ‘ulama’ establishment – and in fact within the Middle Eastern Ši‘i communities at large – after only a century the situation has sharply changed. Not only the three families taken as illustrative by this scholar (Bahr al-‘Ulums, al¥abataba’is, al-Šahrastanis) are still prominent, but they have even sthrengthened their status and some members of their families are currently at the centre of the religious and political events.66 At least in this respect, I do agree with Ajami when he says that what allowed “Iranian” Musà al-£adr to play a prominent role in the Arab-Lebanese national dimension was that ‘hasab and nasab were more important than birthplace’.67 Moreover, when we look at the six main masters of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i (1899-1992), who essentially studied in the first decades of the last century, we find out that only one of them was an Alid.68 This picture is in contrast with what we find out taking into consideration the case of Muhammad Taqi, one of Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i’s son: the sources report that he had three masters, all of them were Alids: al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-£ahib al-¢akim, al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Bihišti, and al-Sayyid ‘Ali al-¢usayni al-Sistani. The reality, or at least the model, has changed sharply. Another example of change goes in the sense of a strengthening in the role and status of Alid families members of the ‘ulama’ versus Alid families that are 63 Litvak, op. cit., p. 101. 64 Ibidem. 65 Ibidem. 66 I recall once more that members of the Bahr al-‘Ulums and al-Šahrastanis have been ministers of oil in post-£addam Iraq and that a member of the al-Šahrastanis, al-Sayyid Ğawad al-Šahrastani, has been for many years Senior Representative of ‘Ali al-Sistani for the countries at east of Iraq and for Africa. 67 Ajami, The Vanished Imam, p. 35 68 They were: al-Šayh Muhammad ¢usayn al-Na’ini (1273/1856-57-1355/1936-37), al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn Šaraf al-Din al-‘Amili (d. 1377/1957), al-Šayh Fadl Allah (d. 1339/1920), al-Šayh Mahdi al-Mazandarani (d. 1342/1923-24), al-Šayh ‡iya’ al-Din al-‘Iraqi (1278/1861-62–1361/1942-43), and al-Šayh Muhammad ¢usayn al-$arawi (1296/1878-1361/1942-43). See al-Khoei, “Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i”, p. 497.

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not members of the ‘ulama’, an element suggested by the use of the turban. Currently, sayyids-‘ulama’ distinguish themselves by the use of a black turban, a sign of their noble descent. However, in the past the use of a distinctive turban, green or black, apparently was a characteristic of any sayyid and was not linked to a religious training in the hawza.69 Today, on the contrary, the black turban is attributed to and used exclusively by the sayyids-‘ulama’. A further interesting aspect of discontinuity is offered by the fact that several historians have reported that sayyids in the past had a ‘shameless’ attitude as far as manual work − and indeed work in general – was concerned; an attitude caused by the fact that they were not necessarily required to do it.70 In most cases, the families I took into account in fact show a strong inclination towards work, particularly into the field of the natural sciences and the publishing industry.71 I found: engineers,72 chemists,73 pharmacists,74 and matematicians.75 This element seems to be paralled by some cases observed in Pakistan, where the party Tahrik-e Nefad-e Feqh-e Ğa‘fariyye is reportedly leadered by ‘sayyeds dotés d’un haut niveau d’études (médecins, ingénieurs agricoles)’.76 This phenomenon is largely unkown to the critics, and therefore we do not know its extent. However, in my opinion, it would be possible to hypothesise a separation of tasks, and fields, with a part of the family that specialises in the traditional religious training, an education all the same provided to all the members of the family, and the other that concentrates on the natural sciences, often with remarkable results.77 Useful in this regard is the opinion expressed by al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum, who told me that, 69 Mervin, Un réformisme chiite, p. 62. 70 See what found out by Mervin, ibidem, on Ğabal ‘Amil in the period between the end of the Ottoman Empire and Lebanon’s independence. 71 For example, al-Sayyid Mahdi ibn Hadi Bahr al-‘Ulum established and is the director of Dar alZahra’, a small publishing house in Bayrut. Moreover, the husband of al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr (1962-), al-Šayh Mahdi Fayruzan, is a general director (mudir ‘amel) at Šahr-e Ketab, Iran’s leading book retailer and publishing house. ¢awra’ herself had largely concentrated the activities of the foundation she chairs towards publishing. 72 For example, Ibrahim Bahr al-‘Ulum holds a PhD in Engineering of Petroleum from MIT and alSayyid ‘Imad ibn Ğamal al-Din al-@u’i holds a bachelor in Engineering from Ba#dad University. 73 For example, Basil al-£adr helds a PhD in Chemistry from MIT, where he was also a Fellow. 74 For example, a son of ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim was a PhD student in Pharmacology at the University of London when I met him in London in December 2005 and, although he largely sees himself as a politician, Muhammad al-£adr (1951-) holds a PhD in Pharmacology. 75 For example, this is the case of Layla al-@atami (1354Š/1975-), a daughter of Muhammad al-@atami. She holds a PhD in Mathematics (Tehran University, 2003) and currently lives in the USA where she is a postdoctoral associate at the Department of Mathematics of Northeastern University (Boston, ma). Perhaps worth mentioning is that also Pedram Safari, Layla’s husband, who however is not a sayyid, holds a PhD in Mathematics (Columbia University, 2000) and is since 2006 affiliated to Harvard University. 76 Roy, O., “L’impact de la revolution iranienne au Moyen-Orient”, in Mervin (ed.), op. cit., pp. 29-42, pp. 34-35. 77 Relevant is the number of PhDs I found among the members of the four families. If my hypothesis should prove to be viable it would reflect once again what shown by Butaud, Piétri, op. cit., p. 11. They pointed out that the prestige of the Euopean noblesse depended not only on blood, but also on the public and ecclesiastic (i.e. religious) positions held by its members.

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excellence of part of the family in the study and the field of religion, the most important, has as a natural and obvious consequence a vocation towards excellence of the other members of the family in purely scientific fields.78

Emergence of a pre-modern identity According to the researches carried out by Morimoto,79 we know that the “model”80 for the works of ¥alibid genealogies was produced starting from a period between the 10th and 11th century, with its mature point in the early years of the 15th century with al-Sayyid Ğamal al-Din Ahmad … ibn ‘Inaba (748/1347-828/1424) and his ‘Umda al-¥alib fi Ansab Al Abi ¥alib (between 812/1409/1410 and 814/1411-1412).81 The overall majority of the scholars that produced it were of ¥alibid origin and, moreover, the genealogists of that period were closely related to each other, providing for a common scientific and cultural tradition.82 This group was closely linked, partly through what has been described as travels fi talab al-‘ilm (in pursuit of knowledge),83 but in my opinion looks much more like a conscious “pursuit of a common identity”, that resulted in an extremely coherent identity model, reproduced and transmitted through a specific and finely elaborated literary science.84 A confirmation of my hypotesis can be found in the words of Morimoto when he affirms that, ‘monopoly in the possession of a wide-area network opened the way for a science of Talibid genealogies to act as the sole “norm”’.85 Taking into consideration what appears to be the case of pre-Islamic Arabia, where genealogies, at that time exclusively orally transmitted, were the main framework of people’s identity,86 it can be argued that a similar pattern 78 Interview with the author, London, April 2008. 79 Morimoto, “The Formation and Development of the Science of Talibid Genealogies”, particularly pp. 544-552. 80 Morimoto writes of the works of ¥alibid genealogies in terms of a ‘framework’, a term commonly intended to indicate a “structure” or set of ideas, rules, or beliefs from which something is developed. However, my research experience suggests that the word “model”, to be intended as something which people want to copy because it is successful or has good qualities, is more appropriate in providing the implied sense of imitation and reproduction associated with such a successful model. 81 On this work and its author, see Scarcia Amoretti, B., “Sulla ‘Umdat at-¥alib fi ansab al Abi ¥alib, e il suo autore Ğamal al-din Ahmad … ibn ‘Inaba”, Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli, n.s., vol. 13, 1963, pp. 287-294; Eadem, “Ibn ‘Inaba”, in Encyclopédie de l’Islam, 2éme ed., Leyde, Brill 1971, vol. 3, p. 831 (English ed., vol. 3, p. 807); and Eadem, “Di ansab e d’altro: due osservazioni a margine”, in Bernardini, M. (ed.), “La civiltà timuride come fenomeno internazionale”, Oriente Moderno, special issue, n.s., 15 (76), 1996 (1997), pp. 33-43. 82 This differs from what we know about European history, where ‘à l’époque médiévale, les généalogistes sont rarement historiens de leur propre famille, mais beaucoup plus souvent, […], au services des rois et des seigneurs. […] Même à la fin du Moyen Âge, il est exceptionnel, en France, qu’une personne s’implique personnellement dans la rédaction de sa propre généalogie’ (Butaud, Piétri, op. cit., pp. 145-146). 83 Morimoto, “The Formation and Development”, p. 551. 84 On the role of biographical dictionaries in presenting models for the believers, see Khalidi, T., “Islamic Biographical Dictionaries: A Preliminary Assessment”, Muslim World, vol. 43, 1983, pp. 53-65. 85 Morimoto, “The Formation and Development”, p. 556. 86 Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies, Allen & Unwin, vol. 1, London 1967, pp. 40-54 and 57-60. It is important to point out that this does not mean that genealogy had the status and characteristic of what we call now a science. In this regard, interesting appears the thesis advanced by Szombathy, Z., The Roots of Ara-

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was re-elaborated and used by the Ahl al-Bayt in order to define a normative identity that, enhanced by the belief to possess a “noble” descent, became to constitute their primary identity.87 This identity norm was defined according to a genealogical memory that was, moreover, perceived and used as a valid reason for their bid for social prominence and political power.88 Considering written and orally transmitted genealogies as the main framework for the sayyids’ identity model, we can come to the conclusion that they base their primary identity on a pre-modern model elaborated between the 10th and the 14th century. I propose to take into consideration an inner Alid perspective about the quality of the role that sayyids have been playing in contemporary society, that of Ayatullah al-Sayyid Fadil al-Milani. I posed directly to him this question. He answered that the evidence of the facts that I had previously cited to him (that is to say the enumeration of illustrious cases of Alids with prominent roles in contemporary history) showed a clear tendency in this direction. He pointed out, however, that this was not ‘pre-planned’, but was the result of two major causes. The first was of a so to speak ‘genetic’ character. According to alMilani, in some way, at the very heart of Ši‘i Muslims lies something that let the sayyids recall to their memory the descendents of the Prophet. Whether they are ¢usaynids, ¢asanids or ¥abataba’is, they arouse ‘a sort of loyalty and emotional approach’ based on the fact that the blood of the Prophet Muhammad flows in their veins. This element operates at an unconscious level. Clearly, this element is more evident in some countries than in others. Iraq is one of the cases where this form of respect for the Prophet continues. There, for example, when there is a dispute between two or more people or groups, there is the tendency to refer to the decisions of a sayyid in order to resolve the controversy. The role played by sayyids today has not been planned in the past, it is a kind of automatic reaction. The second cause to take into consideration is that in whatever kind of competition those who ofbic Genealogy. A Study in Historical Anthropology, The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, Piliscsaba 2003, p. 12, who argues that, ‘the Arabic science of genealogy as we know it today is a scholarly creation that first emerged in late Omayyad and early Abbasid times, and there is no reason to regard it as the record of an earlier, living Bedouin tradition’. 87 On the strict relation between biography, particularly autobiography – in my case to be intended as collective biographies of the community –, and identity in the Middle East, see the various contributions to Fay (ed.), op. cit., particularly the “Introduction” (pp. 1-5), and Abi-Mershed, O., “The Transmission of Knowledge and the Education of the ‘Ulama in Late Sixteenth-Century Maghrib: A Study of the Biographical Dictionary of Muhammad ibn Maryam”, pp. 19-36. 88 Interesting is the analysis proposed by Buchta on the political implications of being or not a sayyid in discussing the political weight of Muhammad al-@atami. Through a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in the political careers and liberal tendencies of al-@atami and Abu ’l-¢asan Bani£adr, Buchta, “Conclusion: Is Bani-Sadr’s Past Khatami’s Future?”, in Who Rules Iran?, pp. 199-207, sustains that among the essential elements that distinguish the role of the former, characterising him in a way markedly positive, lies both his being a member of the ‘clergy’ and, above all, his being the descendant of a sayyid family.

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fer the best are selected. This does not go to the detriment of the specific competences of the single, but it is the result of a natural concurrence in which the best come to the light. As an example, al-Milani mentioned the case of his religious training in the hawza: at the first levels there were just a few Alids among his teachers, while when he reached baht al-hariğ (the last and highest level of religious training in the hawza) the Alid teachers were indisputably the best! In order to provide some conclusions to what described in this chapter, we can say that analysed through the spectrum of Nağafi Alid families members of the religious establishment, the Ahl al-Bayt appears to be strongly globalised. Their identity is linked to a model that was basically elaborated in the pre-modern era. This model repeats and re-adapts itself to the ever changing general historical and political conditions. The model is based on a set of fixed memory patterns, and its strength lies in its adaptability to different contexts89 and to the ever changing concept of “modernity” both in terms of technology and cultural ideologies. However, it always pursues its inner scope: to find the material means for the group to continue its pursue of social prominence and political power. Using the theoretical framework of “cultural identity”, the phenomena of globalisation and the increase in the role of the sayyids appear strictly interconnected. An essential feature of this process, and the strength of the Alids, lies in their putting themselves centre stage as intermediaries of the ever increasing process of international exchanges and communications, continuously adapting their communal identity to the external world. Once again, more than my analysis, defining is what affirmed by the protagonists of this research. In the words of al-Sayyida Rubab al-£adr: You see, it is true that God has made (hal karde) the Ašraf part of the Ahl al-Bayt. However, God posed the condition that their ethics be the ethics of the Ahl al-Bayt. That the actions (a‘malešan) be the actions of the Ahl al-Bayt. Their relations (raftarešan) with others, their behaviour (sulukiyatešan); their heart, their feelings (ehsasešan) [be those of the Ahl al-Bayt]. That is to say, the humanity (ensani) they have must be that of the Ahl al-Bayt. Under these conditions, they can be Ašraf. They can be descentants (nasl) of the Prophet. However, if someone is among the descendants of the Prophet, but he/she spends his/her days in the streets without amounting to anything, he/she isn’t an Ašraf. To be an Ašraf means to have responsabilities. He/She has huge responsabilities, and he/she must take them on himself/herself (hevz kardan).90

Alidism is a culture and a history. You truly are an Alid only when you know, remember, and embrace them both. In conclusion, once again we find an in89 Of particular interest is, in this respect, the case of Asiya as described by the contributions of Syed Farid Alatas and Theodore P. Wright Jr in Scarcia Amoretti, Bottini (eds.), op. cit. 90 Interview at her Office in Bayrut (May 27, 2010).

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teresting similarity with what described by Butaud and Piétri for the European noblesse between the xii and xviii centuries, in that, ‘On constate ainsi qu’un passé glorieux, des ancêtres glorieux ne sont que peu de chose si leur gloire n’est pas renouvelée, actualisée, au moment où elle est énoncée’.91 91 Butaud, Piétri, op. cit., p. 130.

BIBLIOGRAPH Y Primary Sources Prosopographic sources The prosopographic sources used can be divided into three types: a) classical repertoires and biographical muqaddimas; b) single-figure biographies and modern repertoires; c) videotapes, cd-roms, dvds, and online sources. It is in accordance with this division that they are listed in the bibliography. a) Classical repertoires and biographical muqaddimas. I use the term “classical” to refer to the sources in this section because they have both the characteristics of “Arabic Biographical Writing” delineated by Young1 and they could be easily added to the lists of main traditional biographical works on the life of Ši‘i ‘ulama’ drawn by Momen2 and Arioli3 (and in fact also to the lists of classical Muslim biographical collections mentioned by Roded4 and Ephrat5 concerning Sunni ‘ulama’). al-Amin al-‘Amili, al-Sayyid Muhsin, Autobiographie d’un clerc chiite du Ğabal ‘Amil (18671952), tiré de: Les notables chiites (A‘yan al-Ši‘a), translated and annotated by Sabrina Mervin et Haïtham al-Amin, Institute Français de Damas (Ifpo), Dimašq 1998. — A‘yan al-Ši‘a, vols. 1-54, Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut, 1951-. — A‘yan al-Ši‘a, vols. 1-11, Dar al-Ta‘aruf li-’l-Matbu‘at, Bayrut 1403/1983. — A‘yan al-Ši‘a, vols. 1-11, Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut 1986. Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad £adiq, “Muqaddima”, in Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad Mahdi (ta’lif ); Bahr al-‘Ulum, Muhammad £adiq and Bahr al-‘Ulum, ¢usayn (haqqaqahu wa ‘allaqa ‘alayhi), Riğal al-Sayyid Bahr al-‘Ulum al-Ma‘ruf bi-’l-Fawa’id al-Riğaliyya, 4 vols., Maktaba al-£adiq, Tehran 1984 (1st ed., 3 vols., al-Nağaf 1965-1967). al-Bahrani, al-Šayh Yusuf ibn Ahmad, Lu’lu’a al-Bahrayn, 2nd ed., Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut 1406/1986 (al-Nağaf 1966). al-¢illi, Ahmad ‘Ali Mağid, “Tarğama £ahib al-Maktaba”, in Idem (ed.), Fihris Maktaba al-‘Allama al-Sayyid Muhammad £adiq Bahr al-‘Ulum, Mu’assasa Turat al-Ši‘a, Qom 1389Š/2010, pp. 17-37. 1 In Young, M.J.L. et al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Arabic literature, 4 vols., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1983-1992, vol. 3, pp. 168-187. Cogent is the description provided by Robinson, Ch. F., Islamic Historiography, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2003, p. 66: ‘I have already suggested that whereas biography is about exemplary or otherwise distinctive individuals, prosopography compiles and organizes those items of biographical data that mark an individual’s belonging to a group. Biographies accentuate the individual; prosopographies make individuals members’. 2 Moomen, op. cit., p. 175. 3 “Introduzione allo studio del ‘ilm al-riğal imamita: le fonti”, Cahiers d’onomastique arabe, ed. du cnrs, Paris 1979, pp. 51-89. 4 Roded, op. cit. See, in particular, the section “The Biographical Genre: Origin, Development, and Purpose”, pp. 4-6. 5 A Learned Society in a Period of Transition: The Sunni ‘Ulama’ of Eleventh Century Baghdad, State University of New York Press, Albany 2000.

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al-@u’i, Abu ’l-Qasim, Mu‘ğam Riğal al-¢adit wa Tafsil ¥abaqat al-Ruwat, 24 vols., Matba‘a al-Adab, al-Nağaf 1981. al-¢urr al-‘Amili, Muhammad, Kitab Amal al-Amil fi Dikr ‘Ulama’ Ğabal ‘Amil, 2 vols., Bayrut 1983. al-@wansari al-Isfahani al-Musawi, Muhammad Baqir, Rawdat al-Ğannat fi Ahwal al-‘Ulama’ wa ’l-Sadat, al-Dar al-Islamiyya, 8 vols., 2nd ed., Bayrut 1991. al-£adr, al-¢asan al-Kazimi al-‘Amili, Takmila Amal al-Amil, Bayrut 1986 (1981). Šaraf al-Din, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-¢usayn, Bu#ya al-Ra#ibin fi Silsila Al Šaraf al-Din: Tarih Ağyal fi Tarih Riğal, Kitab Nasab wa Tarih wa Tarağim (History of the Šaraf al-Din Family), revised and completed by al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah Šaraf al-Din, 2 vols., al-Dar al-Islamiyya, Bayrut 1411/1991. al-¥ihrani, A#a Buzurg, al-Dari‘a ilà Tasanif al-Ši‘a, 26 vols., Dar al-Adwa’, 2nd ed., Bayrut 1406/1983. — ¥abaqat A‘lam al-Ši‘a, 17 vols., Dar Ihiya’ al-Turat al-‘Arabi, 1st ed., Bayrut 1430/2009. b) Single-figure biographies and modern repertoires The most interesting biographical and auto-biographical sources related to contemporary history are represented by monographs concerning single-character biographies, particularly in consideration of the amount of works published. These monographs are largely organised according to the concept of prosopography in that they present the character as being part of a group and organise his/her biography setting him/her into a long established line of ancestors, both from within his/her family and that of his/her mentor-masters. I use the label “modern” to refer to these sources because they differ, at least formally, from the classical repertoires – although they still have the previously mentioned general characteristics delineated by Young. These works are often the fruit of the collaboration of several scholars, in contrast to the classical repertoires that usually were the major life effort of a single ‘alim. They are provided with photos and pictures of the characters presented, have a good number of explicative notes, and, in same cases, are organised according to literary escamotages and stylistic variations within the classical biographical Islamic genre. An interesting element of the works covered by this category is the presence of numerous colour photos supplied with clear captions. These works manifest their modernity, and Anglo-Saxon influence, already from their typographic appearance. They have colourful covers, the table of contents is placed at the beginning of the book, there are footnotes and documents proposed in support of what the different authors sustain, and, last but not least, we encounter contributions written in English – and sometimes in England or in other European countries. In most cases the documents presented are in fact newspaper articles literally photocopied and then higgledy-piggledy stuck in the book. The novelties are however evident and relevant. In some cases the strength of the European influence is surprising. In al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà, Siratuha wa Masiratuha the author, al-Šayh Muhammad Rida al-Nu‘mani, reports the dates of a very few events of Bint al-Hudà’s life. This is perfectly in line with the tradition. What is noticeable, however, is that in fourteen out of fourteen cases the dates he mentiones are all reported in accordance with the Gregorian (Christian) calendar: six out of the fourteen are reported with a double (Gregorian/Islamic) date and the other eight are reported exclusively in the Gregorian calendar!

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The use of the possibilities offered by contemporary editorship and media in singlecharacter biographies and modern repertoires appears in fact to be a form of imitation or better mimesis that works more properly on the level of the structure than on the actual contents that the author intend to convey and, therefore, his finalities. The main function of the biographical text arguably is the will to vehiculate a prototype, a model, even if sometimes this is done through the use of means alien to the Islamic tradition. This element is especially suggested by the relevant number of single-character biographies I collected in comparison with the classical biographical repertoires. Therefore, despite the clear emergence of modernising tendencies, in the Second Chapter I have organised the few biographies included as samples in a “traditional” way. My approach directed at mending what can easily be labelled “pseudo-modern sources” can help in disclosing the continuity (tawhid) of substance, when not of form,6 of the phenomenon Islam;7 and in our case of the genealogical-based plea for power and social prominence put forward by the Alids. AA.VV., al-Sayyid Muhammad Taqi al-¢akim wa ¢arakatuhu al-Islahiyya fi ’l-Nağaf, Ma‘had al-Dirasat al-‘Arabiyya wa ’l-Islamiyya, London 1424/2003. AA.VV., Muhammad Baqir al-£adr: Dirasat fi ¢ayatihi wa Fikrihi, Dar al-Islam, Mu’assasa al-‘Arif li-’l-Matbu‘at, Bayrut & London 1996. AA.VV., Yadname-ye ¢adrat-e Ayatollah al-‘Ozmà Aqa-ye ¢ağğ Seyyed Abu ’l-Qasem @u’i, Mo’assase-ye @eyriyye Ayatollah ‘Ozmà al-@u’i, Qom 1372Š/1993-1994. AA.VV., Golšan-e Abrar: @olase-i az Zendegi-ye Osveha-ye ‘Elm va ‘Amal, 2 vols., Našr-e Ma‘ruf, Qom 1379Š/2001. Abadari, ‘Abd al-Rahim, Emam Musà £adr, Omid-e Mahruman, Ğavane-ye Rošd, Tehran 1381Š/2002-2003. al-Amin, ‘Abd al-¢asan, ¢umada, al-Duktur ¥urad, al-Imam Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i Za‘im al-¢awza al-‘Ilmiyya, Dar al-Nur li-’l-¥iba‘a wa ’l-Našr, London 1425/2004. ‘Arif Kazim Muhammad, al-Šahida Bint al-Hudà: al-Sira wa ’l-Masira, Dar al-Murtadà, Bayrut 1425/2004. al-Asadi, Muhtar, al-Šahid al-£adr bayna Azma al-Ta’rih wa Dimma al-Mu’arrihin, published by the author, Stara Press, 1418Q/1997. — al-£adr al-Tani, al-Šahid wa ’l-Šahid, Mu’assasa al-A‘raf, London 1420/1999. al-Bahadli, ‘Ali al-Šayh Ahmad, Wamadat min ¢ayat al-Imam al-@u’i, Dar al-Qari’, 3rd ed., Bayrut 1993. Bahr al-‘Ulum, al-Sayyid Muhammad, ¢isar al-Ayyam, Dar al-Zahra’, Bayrut 1412/1991. Balluq, Lana ¢usayn, al-Faris al-‘Arabi: Sira ¢ayat al-Sayyid ¢asan Nasr Allah min alWilada ¢attà al-Qiyada, Dar al-Mahağğa al-Bayda’, Bayrut n.d. Gamšidi, al-Duktur Muhammad ¢usayn, Zendegani-ye Siyasi-ye Šahid Seyyed Mohammad Baqer £adr (ba tekye bar Ta’tirgodari bar Enqelab-e Eslami-ye Iran), Mo‘avenat-e Pejuheši-ye Entešarat-e Pejuheškade-ye Emam @omeyni va Enqelab-e Eslami, Tehran 1389Š/2011. 6 Throughout its history, the Islamic civilisation has shown a substantial unity. This element is notably proved by the continuity in the use of specific Arabic code-words (see Lewis, B., The Political Language of Islam, The University of Chicago Press, 1988, particularly pp. 8-9). 7 See Bausani, A., “Cinquant’anni di Islamistica”, in Gli studi sul Vicino Oriente in Italia dal 1921 al 1970. II. L’Oriente islamico, ipo, Rome 1971, pp. 1-26, p. 17.

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Magazines al-Mawsim, Mağalla Fasliyya Musawwara Tu‘nà bi-’l-Atar wa ’l-Turat, Holland: – No. 17, Year 1414/1994, ‘Adad @ass ‘an al-Imam al-@u’i; – No. 35-36, Year 1419/1998; – No. 47-48, Year 1422/2001, ‘Adad @ass ‘an al-Nağaf al-Ašraf. c) Videotapes, cd-roms, dvds, and on-line sources These sources differ from the previous ones because they are linked to modern technologies: the Internet (websites, blogs, on-line newspapers), mobile phones, video and audio recorders, etc. In some cases, the sayyids taken into account do master themselves the technical means for producing these sources, as indicated by the cases of the “webmasters” al-Sayyid ¢uğğat al-Islam Qasim ibn Muhammad Taqi al-¢usayni alĞalali and al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Fadil ibn ‘Abbas al-¢usayni al-Milani. Videotapes, cd-roms, and dvd s Emam Musà £adr, directed by Muhammad ¢usayn Mahmudiyan, Mo’assase-ye Farhangi-ye Revayat-e Fath, Tehran 1382-1383Š/2003-2004–2004-2005. ¢ayat al-Sayyid al-Šahid Muhammad al-£adr, Maktab al-Sayyid al-Šahid al-£adr fi Qum and Maktab Qanat al-‘Iraqiyya f i ¥ihran, Qom 2008. Mostanad-e Sire-ye ‘Amali-ye Emam Ruh Allah, soruš, Tehran n.d. Mu’assasa al-Imam al-@u’i al-@ayriyya 1991-2001, directed by ‘Ali Karaği-Zade and Rida Rahman-Bur, Al-Khoei Foundation, London 2000. Nafahat min Sira al-Imam Abu ’l-Qasim al-@u’i, Al-Khoei Foundation, London n.d. Šahid al-‘Iraq: al-£adr al-Awwal, directed by Ayman Za#ib, Dar al-Manar li-’l-Intağ alFanni wa ’l-Tawzi‘, Bayrut n.d. Šarh-e £adr: Seyr-i dar Sire va Andiše-ye Emam Musà £adr, produced by the Mo’assase-ye Farhangi Narm-Afzari Arman, Mašhad, for the Mo’assase-ye Farhangi, Tahqiqati-ye Emam Musà £adr, Tehran n.d. al-Sayyid al-Mu#ayyab, directed by Ayman Za#ib, Dar al-Manar li-’l-Intağ al-Fanni wa ’l-Tawzi‘, Bayrut 2005. Zendeginame-ye Emam @omeyni, produced by the Mo’assase-ye Chap va Našr-e ‘Oruğ for the Mo’assase-ye Tanzim va Našr-e Atar-e Emam @omeyni, Tehran n.d. Online sources www.bahralolomibrahim.com www.bahrululoom.org http://alsadrsite.com/ (this website changed its url several times, the most recent at the time of writing was http://www.alsadr.20m.com) http://imamsadr.com/New/Home/index.php http://imamsadr.ir www.imamsadr.net www.imam-moussa.com www.revayatesadr.ir www.imamsadrfoundation.org

bibliography www.shiitecouncil.com www.alsader.com www.alsader.org www.mbsadr.com http://alsadrsite.com/amina.html http://geocities.com/sader12/ www.alsadronline.net www.husseinalsader.net, www.husseinalsader.org, www.husseinalsader.com www.alsadrain.com www.tvalsalam.tv www.afwajamal.com www.islamicdawaparty.com www.pc-sader.com www.alhakeem.com www.al-hakim.com www.alhakeem-iraq.net www.alhakimf.org www.almejlis.org www.isci-iraq.com www.alsedigah.com www.alkhayriairaq.com www.belagh.com www.majlis-mc.com http://alhakeemlib.org www.alforattv.net. www.al-hakim.com www.14masom.com www.al-khoei.us www.alkhoei.net www.alkhoei.org Arabic.al-khoei.org http://al-khoei.org/khoei.asp http://eyeraki.blogspot.com/ najafalashraf.blogspot.com www.shiastudies.org.uk http://www.ebaa.net/khaber/archev/khaber025/khaber25.htm www.almilani.org www.almilani.com www.sistani.org www.khatami.ir www.imamreza.net/arb/imamreza.php?id=1790 www.aldibaji.org/press_desc.aspx?pageID=19 www.alhaeri.org www.s-shirazi.ir s-alshirazi.com www.r-shirazi.com

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imamshirazi.com www.alshirazi.net http://alshirazi.info alshirazi.tv annabaa.org alshirazionline.org http://mr-alshirazi.com www.salaamtv.org www.alanwar.tv www.modarresi.org www.almodarresi.com www.al-hodaonline.com http://arabic.bayyanat.org.lb Oral Sources Ahmad al-Katib. al-Sayyid al-Duktur ‘Abd al-Hadi al-¢akim. al-Sayyid al-Duktur Basil al-£adr. al-Sayyid Fadil Bahr al-‘Ulum. al-Sayyid al-Duktur Ayatullah Fadil al-Milani. al-Sayyida Fatima al-£adr. $anim Ğawad. al-Sayyid Ğawad al-@u’i. al-Sayyid ¢aydar al-@u’i. al-Sayyida ¢awra’ al-£adr. al-Sayyid ¢usayn Šaraf al-Din. al-Sayyid Ibrahim Šaraf al-Din. al-Sayyid ‘Imad al-@u’i. al-Sayyid Mahdi Bahr al-‘Ulum. al-Sayyid al-Duktur Muhammad al-£adr. al-Sayyid Nasir al-Batat. al-Sayyid Qasim al-Ğalali. al-Sayyid Radwan Al al-Kalidar. al-Sayyida Rubab al-£adr. Zohre £adiqi. al-Sayyid £ahib al-@u’i. al-Sayyid Sa‘id al-@alhali. al-Sayyid Yusuf al-@u’i. Secondary Sources This bibliography does not aim at being exhsaustive but only indicative. It is largely divided in accordance with the disciplinary perspective behind the historiographical production. The main aim is to offer coherent reading pathways and to indicate my intervention in the specific ongoing debate where I bring in my “partisan” sources.

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* Periodico iscritto alla Cancelleria del Tribunale di Roma in data 7 marzo 2006 n. 121/06 Raffaele Torella, Direttore responsabile Periodico già registrato in data 30 aprile 1958 n. 6299