Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland: Allies and Abortion Provision 9781350278912, 9781350278943, 9781350278936

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
Acknowledgements
List of Contributors
1 Introduction Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer
Theme 3 Allied organizations/activities
2 London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC) Cara Sanquest
3 Repeal and Irish partnerships Danielle Roberts
4 The meaning and impact of international solidarity for abortion rights in NI Emilie Weiderud and Katie Gillum
5 From the underground to the avant-garde: A conversation on contributions of the Irish feminist diaspora to reproductive justice in NI Anne Rossiter and Helena Walsh
6 Rally for Choice Elaine Crory, Emma Wallace and Fionnghuala Ni Roibeaird
7 Art, Alliance for Choice and activism Emma Campbell
8 The trade union movement influence on abortion law changes in NI and the Republic of Ireland Nóirín MacNamara and Naomi Connor
9 The student movement Rachel Powell and Hamsavani Rajeswaren
10 The women’s sector Anne McVicker and Helen Crickard
11 Medical Students for Choice (MSFC) Jill McManus
12 Reflecting on how the LGBTQ+ movement engaged with the pro-choice movement to support and champion the journey to decriminalization Danielle Mackle, Alexa Moore and Danielle Roberts
13 Faith and abortion Kellie Turtle and Fiona Bloomer
14 Whispered conversations: Disability and abortion Rachel Powell, Jakki Hanlon and Fiona McMahon
15 NI Life and Times Survey (NILT) Ann Marie Gray
Theme 4 Abortion provision
16 Midwives Breedagh Hughes
17 The human cost of NI’s abortion law: An abortion fund story Mara Clarke
18 Putting abortion pills and knowledge into women’s hands in NI Susan Yanow
19 From abortion ship to telemedicine: Women on Waves and Women on Web in Northern Ireland Hazal Atay
20 MSI clinic escorts Natalie Biernat and Saoirse Johnston
21 The role of abortion pills in decriminalization Goretti Horgan
22 Doctors for choice Leanne Morgan, Laura McLaughlin, Jayne Kavanagh and Siobhan Kirk
23 Conclusion Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer
Glossary
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland Allies and Abortion Provision Edited by Fiona Bloomer and Emma Campbell

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2022 Copyright © Fiona Bloomer and Emma Campbell, 2022 Fiona Bloomer and Emma Campbell have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editors of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. vii constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design: When They Put Their Hands Out Like Scales, Abortion Journeys 17, 2012 Cover image © Emma Campbell All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: HB: 978-1-3502-7891-2 ePDF: 978-1-3502-7893-6 ­ eBook: 978-1-3502-7892-9 Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

Contents Acknowledgements List of Contributors 1 Introduction  Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer

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Theme 3  Allied organizations/activities 2­ London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC)  Cara Sanquest ­3 Repeal and Irish partnerships  Danielle Roberts ­4 The meaning and impact of international solidarity for abortion rights in NI  Emilie Weiderud and Katie Gillum ­5 From the underground to the avant-garde: A conversation on contributions of the Irish feminist diaspora to reproductive justice in NI  Anne Rossiter and Helena Walsh ­6 Rally for Choice  Elaine Crory, Emma Wallace and Fionnghuala Ni Roibeaird ­7 Art, Alliance for Choice and activism  Emma Campbell ­8 The trade union movement influence on abortion law changes in NI and the Republic of Ireland  Nóirín MacNamara and Naomi Connor ­9 The student movement  Rachel Powell and Hamsavani Rajeswaren ­10 The women’s sector  Anne McVicker and Helen Crickard ­11 Medical Students for Choice (MSFC)  Jill McManus ­12 Reflecting on how the LGBTQ+ movement engaged with the pro-choice movement to support and champion the journey to decriminalization  Danielle Mackle, Alexa Moore and Danielle Roberts ­13 Faith and abortion  Kellie Turtle and Fiona Bloomer ­14 Whispered conversations: Disability and abortion  Rachel Powell, Jakki Hanlon and Fiona McMahon ­15 NI Life and Times Survey (NILT)  Ann Marie Gray

9 17 29

41 51 59

71 83 97 107

115 125 135 147

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Contents

Theme 4  Abortion provision 16 Midwives Breedagh Hughes ­17 The human cost of NI’s abortion law: An abortion fund story  Mara Clarke ­18 Putting abortion pills and knowledge into women’s hands in NI  Susan Yanow ­19 From abortion ship to telemedicine: Women on Waves and Women on Web in Northern Ireland  Hazal Atay ­20 MSI clinic escorts  Natalie Biernat and Saoirse Johnston ­21 The role of abortion pills in decriminalization  Goretti Horgan ­22 Doctors for choice  Leanne Morgan, Laura McLaughlin, Jayne Kavanagh and Siobhan Kirk 2­ 3 Conclusion  Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer

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Glossary Bibliography Index

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167 179 185 195 209 217 225

233 251

Acknowledgements We would never be able to include everyone we wanted to in a volume spanning decades, therefore we would like to acknowledge some important contributors to the movement towards change, such as Dawn Purvis, Clare Bailey, Paula Bradshaw and Gerry Carroll, the team at BPAS and MSI and more, their work continues to be key to reproductive rights in Northern Ireland (NI). We would take five volumes just to name all the volunteers – those fighting for change for decades up to those more recently involved. We know thousands of people have signed petitions and donated money, people have made cakes, made art, jogged, swam, sang karaoke, held burlesque nights and marches for choice. We are grateful to people who canvassed for Repeal, who paid for other people’s bus seats to rallies, who made banners, who spoke to a mercurial public, who submitted their personal experiences as evidence to committees, spoke to journalists and lit candles in memory of Savita. We want to give our heartfelt thanks to peer reviewers: Judith Cross, Mairead Enright, Nóirín MacNamara, Maeve O’Brien, Kellie O’Dowd, Catherine O’Rourke, Claire Pierson, Jennifer Thomson, Rosa Thomson, Kellie Turtle, Ann Rossiter, Naomi Connor, Rachel Powell and Danielle Roberts, all of whom brought a great deal of generosity and expertise to the project. We are grateful to the anonymous reviewers of the book proposal who were so encouraging about the project and also to the anonymous reviewer of the draft manuscript. We both also want to thank all the people who supported our late nights and focus, our partners (Stephen, Mo), children (George, Martha; Luca) and the parents who stepped in when necessary. We also thank Alliance for Choice (AfC) for supporting the book so wholeheartedly from the beginning. Ulster University has been steadfast in its support for us both to continue our research and writing on this important topic and recognizing the impact of the work that Ulster University continues to do alongside AfC. We would also like to thank each other because we have worked so well together and have been able to trust one another’s writing and editing, complement each other’s organizing, understand our motivations and most of all friendship. Not everyone expects a late-night ping-pong of an idea to become a reality!

­Contributors Hazal Atay is a doctoral candidate in Political Science and Marie SkłodowskaCurie Fellow at Sciences Po Paris, France. Her research interests focus on feminist theory, biopolitics and social movements. Hazal also works as an Outreach Coordinator at Women on Web, a Canadian NGO providing help and information on safe medical abortion. Natalie Biernat has BSc Hons in Psychology and Social Work, and currently works as a Child and Family social worker. She has a background of working in the disability field and has worked and volunteered for Alliance for Choice and Marie Stopes International (MSI). Fiona Bloomer is Senior Lecturer in the School of Applied Social and Policy Sciences, Ulster University, UK. Her research focuses on abortion policy. She has written extensively on this subject, including co-author of the book Reimagining Global Abortion Politics (2018). She has been research advisor to Alliance for Choice since 2008 and is a member of the Northern Ireland Abortion and Contraceptive Taskgroup (NIACT). Emma Campbell is completing her PhD on photography as an activist tool for the abortion rights movement, at Ulster University. Emma is also a member of the Turner Prize-winning Array Collective, exhibiting internationally. An activist with several NI groups and current co-convenor of Alliance for Choice, she comments frequently on abortion in NI, most recently in a joint article on Abortion Doula work in NI for the BMJ Sexual and Reproductive Health journal. Mara Clarke is the founder of Abortion Support Network (ASN), a charity helping residents in European countries with restrictive abortion laws. Through ASN, Mara helps people in Ireland, Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man, Malta, Gibraltar and, in partnership with the Abortion Without Borders/Aborcja Bez Granic initiative, Poland. Mara believes ‘I can’t afford an abortion’ should never be the only reason someone becomes a parent and can’t wait until the amazing groups campaigning for abortion law reform make ASN and other abortion funds and practical support organizations obsolete.

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Naomi Connor is Co-convener of Alliance for Choice Belfast and a long-time trade unionist delivering education and learning programmes. As a woman who had to travel to England to access her own abortion care, she has personal experience of the trauma of forced travel on women and pregnant people seeking abortion healthcare. Helen Crickard is co-founder of Reclaim the Agenda and is the current coordinator in post. Prior to this Helen was self-employed as a joiner and a founder member of Lawrence Street Workshops, an independent workshop for the creative industries. She spent ten years with WOMEN’STEC in a strategic role to remove the barriers for women’s participation in non-traditional employment and a short spell with Women’s Information NI as a health co-ordinator. Currently, Helen is Chair of Forward South Partnership Board (FSP) a charity working to regenerate and sustain a healthy and prosperous South Belfast and Chair of Trademark, anti-sectarian unit of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) dedicated to challenging inequality through community and workplace interventions, education and research on a range of themes including peace building, community relations and political economy. Elaine Crory works at the Women’s Resource and Development Agency (WRDA) on peacebuilding projects and work on tackling sexual harassment and violence and teaches history and politics classes to adult learners. She has been active with Rally for Choice and Alliance for Choice as well as Belfast Feminist Network and is co-organizer of Reclaim the Night Belfast. Katie Gillum is Executive Director of the International Network for the Reduction of Abortion Discrimination and Stigma (inroads). She was a founding member of the Abortion Rights Campaign in Ireland and was co-convener of the campaign in 2013–14. She produced the award-winning film, Women Have Abortions Every Day, developed the LiveLine Personal Pathway storytelling practice, and created the Sentiment Gatherer and Explorer tools to encourage understanding of individual and community experiences of associations with, and feelings about, abortion. Ann Marie Gray is Professor of Social Policy in the School of Applied Social and Policy Sciences. She is also co-director of the ARK project (www.ark. ac.uk), a joint Ulster University/Queen’s University research centre which uses a multi-method approach to help researchers, policymakers and practitioners understand society and politics and encourage critical and positive policy debate. Her research interests and publications are in the areas of social care,

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devolution and social policy and gender and social policy. Publications include two co-authored books Transforming Adult Social Care: Contemporary Policy and Practice (2013) and Delivering Social Welfare: Governance and Service Provision in the UK (2016). Jakki Hanlon is a graduate of the Transitional Justice Institute at Ulster University, where she studied for an LLM in Gender, Conflict and Human Rights. She received the Findlater Award in Social Studies for work completed as part of her degree. Her research interests are gender, disability and reproductive rights. Goretti Horgan is Policy Director at ARK and lectures in Social Policy at Ulster University. Her research interests focus on reproductive justice: specifically, child and family poverty and abortion rights. Her most recent publication (with Linda Moore) is ‘The Gendered Harms of Criminalisation: Buying abortion pills on the internet in Northern Ireland’ in Mason and Booth (eds, forthcoming), The Routledge Handbook of Women’s Experiences of Criminal Justice. Breedagh Hughes is the former Northern Ireland Director of the Royal College of Midwives, the trade union and professional organization for midwives in the UK. She has campaigned for free, safe, legal and local access to abortion services for women in Northern Ireland since 1998. She holds a master’s degree in Human Rights Law and has been quoted extensively in general print and broadcast media as well as professional journals. She has given evidence to government committees, courts, including the UK Supreme Court, and has lectured to a wide variety of healthcare professionals on clinical and legal aspects of abortion. Saoirse Johnston is a youth worker with extensive practice in cross-community youth work and peacebuilding. She is a graduate from QUB, UU and OU with a focus on social sciences, who has worked for Alliance for Choice (AfC) and is a member of Belfast Feminist Network. Her pro-choice activism spans from volunteering as a clinic escort for Maire Stopes Northern Ireland to advocacy, fundraising, and organizational and structural support within AfC. Jayne Kavanagh is Associate Professor (Teaching) at UCL Medical School and a sexual and reproductive health speciality doctor in London. She is clinical education lead of the RCOG’s Making Abortion Safe programme, co-director of the charity Abortion Talk and co-chairs Doctors for Choice UK.

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Siobhan Kirk is Associate Specialist in Gynaecology and Clinical Lead for Sexual and Reproductive Health in Belfast HSC Trust. She is Fellow of both the Royal College of Obstetricians and the Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Health. She is a British Menopause Society specialist and trainer, is on the RCOG and FSRH NI committees, and the NI Abortion and Contraception Taskgroup. She is passionate about improving women’s health, and her main interests are menopause, intrauterine contraception and, more recently, abortion care. Danielle Mackle is Lecturer in Social Work at Queen’s University Belfast. Her research interests focus on human rights and social justice as well as the quality of life and well-being of minority communities. Nóirín MacNamara is Data Analyst in Technological University Dublin. Her research interests focus on feminist theory, psychoanalytic theory and reproductive justice and politics. She has published on feminist political theory and reproductive justice and politics. Laura McLaughlin is Consultant Obstetrician and Gynaecologist and Trust Service Lead for Abortion Care at the Ulster Hospital, Dundonald. She is Co-Chair for Doctors for Choice NI (DFCNI) and the Northern Ireland Representative for the British Society for Abortion Care Providers (BSACP). She is a member of the Northern Ireland Abortion and Contraceptive Taskgroup (NIACT) and the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (RCOG) Abortion Taskforce. Fiona McMahon has been involved in pro-choice activism since the early 1990s and with Alliance for Choice since 1995. She has taken different roles and has been more active at certain times than others over this period. She was worked in area of community development, disability and carer rights, coproduced research and volunteer/project management for the past twentyfive years. Jill McManus is a junior doctor working in Northern Ireland. She completed a Master’s of Public Health in Global Health at Queen’s University Belfast in 2019 and graduated from Medicine in 2021. During her time at Queen’s, she was involved in Medical Students for Choice QUB, Project Choice QUBSU and Doctors for Choice UK. Jill’s interests in medicine include community healthcare, women’s health and public health.

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Anne McVicker joined WRDA as Director in January 2014 and has a wealth of experience acquired over the past thirty-five years in delivering community development, skills building, strategic planning and peacebuilding activities within the Women’s Sector. She has held a wide variety of roles, from working as a Welfare Rights and Housing Worker to aiding in the establishment of Shankill Women’s Centre. Anne has brought her extensive knowledge, skills, governance and leadership experience to her membership of various boards and committees. She has a degree in law and has been championing women’s rights throughout her career, prioritizing the most vulnerable and disadvantaged. Alexa Moore is an activist and is a founder and former director of TransgenderNI, a trans-led human rights organization based in Belfast. She has been involved in trans and pro-choice movements since 2016, and has worked extensively on regional, national and international gender affirming healthcare policy and human rights development. She is currently working on a freelance basis, focused on policy development, public affairs work and progressing human rights in Northern Ireland. Leanne Morgan is an obstetrician and gynaecologist in Belfast. She is a founder member and Co-Chair of Doctors for Choice NI. She established the Northern Ireland Abortion and Contraception Taskgroup (NIACT) which published its report on ‘Sexual and Reproductive Health in NI’ in 2021. Fionnghuala Nic Roibeaird is a research coordinator with Fóram na nÓg. She is due to commence her PhD studentship in October 2021 on Community Regeneration and Language Revitalisation in West Belfast. Her research interests focus on decolonization, feminism and intersectionality. ­ amsavani Rajeswaren is a passionate social justice activist and a board H member of Alliance for Choice. Previously, she served two terms as Vice President for Equality and Diversity at Queen’s Students’ Union. An awardwinning activist, Hamsavani’s work focuses on platforming minority groups on a local and national level, leading on conversations of anti-racism, decolonization, intersectionality, reproductive justice and feminism. She is currently living and working in her home country, Singapore, but still is keenly connected to the Irish feminist movement and student movement. Rachel Powell is the Women’s Sector Lobbyist with the Women’s Resource and Development Agency and the Chair of the Women’s Policy Group NI. Rachel previously held positions as a Human Rights Officer with the Human Rights

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Consortium, as well as Vice President for Equality and Diversity and Vice President Postgraduate at Queen’s University Belfast Student’s Union. Rachel created Project Choice at QUBSU and has a history of activism in feminism, disability rights and LGBTQ+ rights. She has a BA in Politics, Philosophy and Economics, an MA in Conflict Transformation and Social Justice from QUB and a Postgraduate Professional Diploma in Gender and Transition from Ulster University Transitional Justice Institute. Danielle Roberts is the Senior Policy Development Officer at Here NI, a Belfastbased charity that supports and advocates for lesbian and bisexual women and their families. A feminist activist, Danielle is Co-Chair of Reclaim the Agenda, co-organizer of Reclaim the Night Belfast, a member of Belfast Feminist Network and Partnership Liaison with Alliance for Choice Belfast. She represents Alliance for Choice Belfast on the Abortion Rights Campaign Steering Group, and previously was on the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Steering Group and Together for Yes Campaign Platform. Her doctoral research at Ulster University explores barriers to women’s political participation. Anne Rossiter, an Irish emigre based in London, has been a campaigner for Irish women’s reproductive rights for almost half a century. She is an occasional writer, having published on the issue in journals, books and magazines across the world as part of her campaigning work. Her book, Ireland’s Hidden Diaspora: The Abortion Trail and the Making of a LondonIrish Underground, 1980–2000, detailing support of Irish abortion seekers in London, was published in 2009. Her most recent work has been with the feminist performance art group, Speaking of IMELDA (Ireland Making England the Legal Destination for Abortion). Cara Sanquest is co-founder of London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign, a grassroots campaign with the aim of bringing people in London together to campaign for free, safe and legal abortion across the island of Ireland. ­ ellie Turtle is PhD Researcher at Ulster University. Working within the K discipline of social policy, her research examines the development of progressive faith discourse on abortion in Northern Ireland and its impact on abortion law and policy. Kellie holds an MA from Queen’s University Belfast in Gender and Society. She is also an experienced organizer and campaigner with the feminist movement in Northern Ireland and has worked in community development and human rights education.

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Emma Wallace is an activist and co-organizer of Rally for Choice. Helena Walsh is an Irish Live Artist and lecturer at the University of the Arts, London. Her practice explores the relations between gender, national identity and cultural histories. Helena has performed widely in galleries, museums, theatres and public sites. She completed her PhD at the Department of Drama, Queen Mary University, which focused on Live Art and femininity in an Irish context. In 2013, Helena co-founded the pro-choice direct-action feminist performance group Speaking of IMELDA. Alongside her creative and activist work, Helena has published on contemporary performance practice and reproductive rights campaigns on the island of Ireland. www.helenawalsh.com. Emilie Weiderud is Policy Advisor for Act Church of Sweden in global health, specifically Sexual, Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). There she engages in global advocacy on SRHR vis-a-vis and alongside ecumenical networks, civil society and governments. Emilie has worked in sexual politics for secular feminist organizations, such as the Swedish member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation and during many years in Northern Ireland in grassroots feminist civil society, including the abortion rights movement. She holds an academic background in social anthropology and public health from Queen’s University Belfast and Karolinska Institutet in Stockholm. Susan Yanow is a co-founder of Women Help Women, an international organization that provides medication abortion services, and is the spokesperson for SASS – Self-Managed Abortion; Safe and Supported in the United States. She has provided training in self-managed abortion in Indonesia, Ireland, NI, Tanzania, Thailand and Turkey. She consults to the Later Abortion Initiative at Ibis Reproductive Health and coordinates EASE – Expanding Abortion Services in the South. She has published several articles on how abortion pills are a tool of liberation, feminist autonomy and empowerment.

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Introduction Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer

Why a second volume? When abortion was decriminalized for Northern Ireland (NI) in October 2019, it became one of the few countries in the world ending criminal penalties; the other jurisdictions include Canada, Cuba, most of Australia and New Zealand (Centre for Reproductive Rights, 2021). This second volume includes accounts from grassroots activists, NGOs, policymakers and providers amongst academic perspectives. It contextualizes contemporary activism historically, globally and intersectionally. Our aim is to reach an audience beyond academics: activists, writers, healthcare providers and more from all over the world, where we know similar struggles continue. The writing of the chapters happened during COVID-19 lockdowns, whilst authors were juggling increased responsibilities. We are in awe of their work and thankful for their time and efforts. We cannot capture every story, so encourage those with personal reflections to go to the book website DecrimAbortionNI.com where we will have space to share additional historical artefacts for researchers.

Context The campaign to decriminalize abortion in NI knew that ‘Structural support of organizations and systems were important, but personal connections were what made a difference’ (Weiderud and Gillum, this volume). Across the island of Ireland, grassroots campaigners built strong solidarity, it was solidified through friendships and social events as well as the core activism

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

and lobbying. This volume also deals with essential solidarity from student campaigners, international partners, LGBTQ+, race and disability campaigns, abortion providers, artists and trade unions across the whole island and diaspora. Changes in public attitudes to social issues often precede the laws that enshrine progress, and they are brought only with a broad base of support; this volume demonstrates the growth of this base for abortion in NI. For further details on the timeline for abortion law change in NI, the UK, Ireland and globally, refer to volume 1.

Structure of the book The idea for this book emerged in December 2019, with an initial list of 15 chapters that soon increased to over 30, leading to two volumes of the book being developed. Volume 1 is organized into two themes: Law; and Campaigning and Activism. Volume 2 is organized into two themes: Allied Organizations/ Activities; and Abortion Provision. We encourage readers to appreciate the different voices, modes of reflection and analysis at play. We endeavoured to retain the richness of approaches to portray an authentic account of the campaigns and their impact.

Volume 2 The Allied Organizations/Activities section opens with Cara Sanquest’s account of the London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC) in its endeavours to bring about legal change in Ireland, North and South. LIARC’s energetic, creative and committed diaspora helped legal change at home. Roberts’s chapter follows, situating the fight for legal change within an all-Ireland context, focusing on the solidarity and sisterhood that have developed in the last decade between activist organizations on both the Repeal campaign and decriminalization. Weiderud and Gillum provide insider–outsider perspectives on solidarity, from a transnational feminist and decolonializing perspective, reflecting on their experiences of activism on the island of Ireland and internationally. They identify how international solidarity bolstered campaigners in isolation: from sharing knowledge, access to funds, personal support, community care, selfreflection and shared experiences. An intergenerational perspective on solidarity is provided in conversation between Rossiter and Walsh, in their consideration

Introduction

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of how the Irish diaspora raised awareness and provided support. Reflecting over a fifty-year period, they recount how activism has changed and remained the same, and how art has helped engagement on a taboo subject. Crory, Wallace and Nic Roibeaird relate the story of Rally for Choice as an organization in counterpoint to anti-abortion rallies, providing colourful, noisy mass demonstrations of pro-choice solidarity, from a strong intersectional value base. The authors also reflect on the challenges within rally organizing. As shown in volume 1, activism goes beyond protesting and political campaigning. Campbell illustrates how Alliance for Choice (AfC) used art to challenge abortion stigma and sustain movement building. It is significant that this chapter only focuses on visual arts that AfC was directly engaged in. A whole book is needed to include all AfC’s creative partner projects over the last decade alone. The battle to change abortion access in NI needed crucial allies such as the trade union sector. Connor and MacNamara illustrate how long unions such as Unite have campaigned alongside activists. The first ever study on abortion as a workplace issue partnered academics, activists and unions to provide solid evidence to base continued campaigning towards decriminalization. Connor and MacNamara illustrate how this informed workplace interventions to challenge abortion stigma. The student movement’s vital role in decriminalization is considered by Powell and Rajeswaren who describe in vivid detail the personal costs to student activists and their determination to keep battling that was awe inspiring. In this same vein two women’s sector legends, McVicker and Crickard offer personal reflections on how the sector provided support on cross-cutting reproductive justice issues from the height of the troubles to recent times. Under a veil of secrecy, information was shared to support access to abortion. Crickard had her workplace raided in 2017, on International Women’s Day, in an attempt to discredit her as a ‘backstreet abortionist’. She documents how she went public with the stressful targeting by police. In McManus’s chapter we learn of the context of the setting up Medical Students for Choice and their developing events and research. The significant barriers faced internally and externally to the organization as a result of stigma and institutional abortion hostility are documented. The allyship and symmetry in the growth between the LBGTQ+ and prochoice movements in the last decade is explored by Mackle, Moore and Roberts. They illustrate the working, learning and solidarity with each other, adopting an intersectional approach.

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

Too often faith and abortion are equated with anti-abortion sentiment: this is ably batted away by Turtle and Bloomer in their reporting on AfC’s engagement with faith communities and the primary research which bolstered the establishment of Faith Voices for Reproductive Justice in 2021. It created safe spaces for faith leaders to consider the needs of their community regarding abortion, supported by a panel of international experts. Powell, Hanlon and McMahon present thought-provoking insight into the taboo subjects of abortion and disability. They push the reader to think about how these interconnected issues are often relegated to whispered conversations lacking nuance about the lived reality of women with disabilities and their reproductive lives. The authors argue that a reproductive justice framing is needed to fully understand the situation. We conclude this section with Ann Marie Gray’s consideration of the reciprocal relationship between policy and public attitudes of abortion, including an insightful critique of misuse of polling methods. We consider abortion provision in the last section of volume 2. We begin with a campaigning stalwart, Breedagh Hughes, who provides a personal perspective on the role of midwives in the abortion debate and details the personal challenges faced whilst advocating for a change to the law. Hughes also highlights the damage caused by anti-abortion policy and its brutal legacy on provision. Clarke explains the role of Abortion Support Network (ASN), who funded Northern/Irish abortions since their inception, highlighting the cases ASN was able and unable to support. The chapter acknowledges that whilst the stories may be harrowing, there is also joy in working with volunteers, those who donate funds and being able to utter the four magic words, ‘we can help you’. Yanow (Women Help Women) and Atay (Women on Web) document online abortion pill providers; firstly, Yanow outlines how self-managed abortion has shifted paradigms and power dynamics that have controlled policy and provision of care. Shifts which allowed their organizations to provide abortions in highly restricted contexts such as NI, reducing the need to travel, partnering with organizations such as AfC and providing training to enable local volunteers to support access. Atay documents her organization’s campaigns and related activities to provide access to abortion in NI and globally. Biernat and Johnston take us back to 2012 when Marie Stopes International opened in Belfast, offering early medical abortions. Both authors volunteered as clinic escorts, and as Johnston details, incurred significant personal stress in

Introduction

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doing so, having been targeted by clinic protestors. Significantly this chapter identifies failures in the justice system in addressing harassment. In Horgan’s chapter we hear the first-hand experience of women who risked criminalization by self-managing their abortion as well as the impact of those who were arrested for online pills on the wider public debate: the failure to commission services in the months following decriminalization means many in NI still self-manage their abortion. In the penultimate chapter Morgan, McLaughlin, Kavanagh and Kirk consider the role of health professionals in the abortion debate. They set out the challenges faced under a hostile political environment and what prompted them to set up Doctors for Choice NI in June 2019. Through engagement with academics, they tell their story leading up to decriminalization and immediately afterwards when they conscientiously committed to providing abortion services under the new regulations. The conclusion reflects on key lessons, especially challenges faced, barriers overcome and the solidarity along the way. We wish we had more space to allow each account more depth. Indeed, as the reader shall see many of the chapters warrant their own publication. We are privileged to offer this window into the vast efforts by many people and organizations over many years that delivered decriminalization.

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Theme 3

Allied organizations/activities

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London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC) Cara Sanquest

London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC) brought London diaspora together to advocate for free, safe, legal and local abortion, building a nonhierarchical grassroots feminist movement of Irish and Northern Irish people to lift the blockage on abortion in all of Ireland. At our height between 2016 and 2019, we had around 1,000 people involved. We had six working groups, with around 25 people who met every few weeks and did all they could to push abortion rights to the top of the agenda in London. LIARC was built on the shoulders of previous activists in Ireland, North and South; generations of abortion activists in England who gave Irish women a bed to sleep in when they were exiled for healthcare, from the Irish Women’s Abortion Support Group in the 1980s, the Abortion Support Network set up in 2009, and Speaking of IMELDA (Clarke, this volume; Walsh and Rossiter, this volume; Weiderud and Gillum, this volume) and the inhumane experiences of tens of thousands forced to travel. LIARC supported groups globally and in the UK as part of a network of Irish people abroad, bound together by shared anger that our friends, sisters, cousins and mothers did not have the same bodily autonomy we had by virtue of living abroad. As a co-founder of LIARC I was lucky enough to see it build and grow into a high-functioning, determined and vibrant campaign, my chapter is only one perspective. This overview is of key campaign moments for LIARC, alongside many others, in changing the law on abortion in Northern Ireland (NI). No members of LIARC are named for fear of omission – so many contributed a huge amount. The campaign was messy, busy, run with no money, by volunteers who turned a well of anger into action which helped create the conditions needed for legal and political change (Campbell, volume 1). Everyone involved with LIARC should be proud.

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

One of the first events occurred on 24  September 2016, in solidarity with the March for Choice in Dublin. Seventy-seven women marched to the Irish embassy, with their suitcases as performance protest, to represent the seventyseven Irish women who travelled weekly to England for abortion. Hundreds came to watch, sharing photographs and videos picked up globally and in the Irish media. A Citizens Assembly on abortion was imminent in Dublin (Roberts, this volume) – the spark had been lit for solidarity in London. The Irish embassy demonstration illustrated a huge appetite by Irish diaspora to support the fight, feeling the injustice of having more rights than loved ones at home. We held an open meeting inviting interested people to plan what we should do next. We booked a room to hold 30 people but overnight 300 people signed up – we would need a bigger room, kindly provided by Ruth Fletcher at Queen Mary University. It was so popular that we set up a waiting list, everyone arrived excited to be there. It was the night of the American presidential election: speaker, Caoilfhionn Gallagher QC, noted with delight the room full of ‘nasty women’. The meeting had five speakers with different expertise, and then people divided into groups of interest – communications, protests, fundraising, lobbying and law. We asked each group to brainstorm ideas on changing the law then present back to the room. It was organized chaos with hundreds of strangers fizzing with ideas to channel their anger towards tangible change, and the ideas presented that night shaped our activity for the coming years. More meetings and socials followed, and our six working groups met every two weeks in borrowed office space in corporate offices in London. It was an exciting time, those involved were relieved to find others as angry as they were and wanted to be part of the fight, even from London (LIARC, 2016a). ‘Repeal the 8th London’ quickly changed its name to ‘London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign’ in recognition of fighting not just to repeal the 8th Amendment but decriminalization in NI. In the months that followed we were a hive of activity. The policy group made a written submission to the Citizens Assembly (LIARC, 2016a). The communications group launched a simple but effective social media campaign targeting diaspora who were travelling home for Christmas. It trended multiple times on Twitter and gained coverage in Marie Claire, The Irish Post, Broadsheet and The Metro (LIARC, 2016b). We wanted those returning for Christmas to show support for women travelling in the other direction by ‘checking in’ at transport hubs using the hashtag #choice4xmas. ‘The #choice4xmas campaign will run from December 16th. We’re asking ex-pats to check-in on social media at airports and ferry ports, with the suggested text: “Travelling home to Ireland & thinking of

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the 11 women a day who travel to Britain for an abortion #choice4xmas #repealthe8th”.’ In 2017 our activities included highlighting the impact of Brexit on abortion travel, and the UK’s role in calling for human rights-compliant abortion laws when Taoiseach Enda Kenny met Prime Minister Theresa May. We continued with open meetings, which again drew large crowds of diaspora eager to help. Room for Rebellion, a sister group, began running simultaneous club nights in Dublin and London (‘political parties’) to raise funds for campaigns (Lanigan, 2018). On International Women’s Day 2017, Strike for Repeal brought Dublin to a standstill, LIARC organized a solidarity action at the Irish embassy attended by hundreds of people – others were held in Oxford, Cambridge, Melbourne, Berlin and Lyon. That month, LIARC’s application to the St Patrick’s Day Parade in London was accepted and planning got underway to be the first pro-choice group to officially march. Our theme ‘In Awe of Mná’ was inspired by Emmet Kirwan’s poem Heartbreak (2017): From Ireland’s first abortionist, St. Brigid, to tireless suffragette, Hanna SheehySkeffington, to revolutionary nationalist, Constance Markievicz, to the Irish women of today who strive for a fairer society, our vibrant entry will showcase a timeline of inspiring Irish women.

Sandwiched between construction companies, hauliers, tractors and traditional cultural groups, some members were nervous about how we would be received. The response was overwhelming: some cheered us on with tears in their eyes, one of us had a five-pound note pressed into our hand by an older person as we chanted ‘Hey Hey, Ho Ho, the 8th Amendment’s got to go!’ (O’Connor, 2017) and the London Fire Brigade Emerald Society invited us to the pub! In the years that followed we continued with a loud and colourful appearance at each subsequent St Patrick’s Day Parade in London. LIARC’s cultural mission continued hand in hand with fundraising. In March 2017, for instance, we held a comedy fundraiser at the London Irish Centre, with Tiffany Stevenson at the helm. Stevenson had been trying to raise abortion rights with audiences for years and spoke of her abortion at age seventeen in advance of the sell-out gig (Stevenson, 2017). She facilitated our star-studded line up of Sara Pascoe, Aisling Bea, Eleanor Tiernan, Catherine Bohart, Eleanor Tiernan, Gráinne Maguire, Jarlath Regan and more. We sold a huge amount of ‘Repeal’ jumpers and raised thousands for ASN, Coalition to Repeal The Eighth and ARC. Guests were greeted with ‘My Body My Choice’ arranged in flowers, kindly donated by Worm, Irish florists in London.

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

We also took every opportunity to raise awareness and lobby for change, including meetings at the Irish embassy in London to discuss the impact of Brexit on Irish abortion travel. This led to attending the Global Irish Civic Forum in Dublin Castle hosted by the Department of Foreign Affairs, alongside 220 attendees from sixteen countries, representing more than 150 organizations dedicated to supporting Irish communities around the world. Following this, we were added to the Global Irish Diaspora Directory, an important recognition. As the Citizen’s Assembly in Ireland began its work we sought to keep abortion in the public domain and find ways to lobby politicians. Members of LIARC started contacting their local MPs, as constituents who wanted to discuss abortion rights in NI. We had motions of support passed in trades union and political party branches and travelled to Birmingham to speak at a counter protest to the March for Life. The UK’s general election was on 8 June 2017, two days later the Conservative coalition with the DUP was announced, to save a minority government. With UK Google searches of DUP jumping over 100-fold in the wake of this news, the opportunity to highlight abortion in NI to Britons was clear. LIARC held a protest outside Parliament on 10 June. On 14 June, the UK Supreme Court ruled that charging women from NI for abortion in England was discrimination but was justified. Stella Creasy MP tabled an amendment to the Queen’s Speech, supported by over 100 MPs from different parties, which led to a government concession to provide funding to women from NI who travelled to England for abortion (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1). LIARC members were invited by Creasy to meet with Ministers on implementing the scheme over that summer, and by 23 October 2017, the scheme was announced by the UK government. LIARC Campaign coordinated a joint statement from Abortion Support Network, Alliance for Choice, Amnesty International UK, the Family Planning Association, the British Pregnancy Advisory Service (bpas), Marie Stopes UK and Stella Creasy MP welcoming the announcement (LIARC, 2017a). The funding scheme was launched in March 2018 (UK Government, 2018), and although LIARC recognized that travel was not a long-term solution, we celebrated this progress after decades of inaction by Westminster. The campaign to repeal the eighth amendment was snowballing, and LIARC’s focus was on fundraising to secure a ‘Yes’ victory in the referendum. Fundraising was our core strength, we also organized pub quizzes to fundraise for ‘A and B’ a mother and daughter, to bring a legal challenge about lack of NHS funding for abortion services for women from NI to the European Court of Human Rights. Our fundraising group secured a partnership with Workers Beer Company

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which enabled us to recruit volunteers to work the bars and have their wages donated to the campaigns. When Leo Varadkar visited Theresa May in Downing Street on 25 September 2017, LIARC waited outside Downing Street with our 24ft banner and echoes of ‘No more women on the boat, now it’s time to call a vote’. On 30 September 2017, the group organized a performance protest at the Irish embassy in solidarity with the March for Choice in Dublin, with one chalk mark to represent each woman or girl who travelled to access abortions, later inviting supporters and passers-by to join in and help to create a ‘tally’ of the 205,704 women and girls. The protest was covered by The Irish Times, the Evening Standard, The Guardian, Buzzfeed, Australian SBS and Marie Claire (LIARC, 2017b). Despite being less than a year old we had been able to make significant achievements and in October 2017 we were jointly awarded the Liberty Long Walk to Freedom Award, alongside the FPA, AfC, Humanists UK and Caoilfhionn Gallagher QC. In December 2017, our members participated in evidence-gathering session of the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly Review of Cross-jurisdictional Implications of Abortion Policy in the BIPA jurisdictions which would ultimately recommend the liberalization of abortion laws. Our thoughts turned again to Christmas and harnessing Irish people abroad travelling home to see their friends and families – possibly the last large gathering before the 8th referendum. We sold 250 luggage tags in the first forty-eight hours of a new campaign which said, ‘HEALTHCARE NOT AIRFARE #Reapealthe8th #TrustWomen’ gaining coverage in the New York Times, Dazed, Buzzfeed and Bustle (LIARC, 2017b) and in total sold 2,500 tags to people all over the world through Etsy, with our members packing and posting them on their lunch breaks from work or late into the night. Funds raised from these were sent to Termination for Medical Reasons whose campaign was building towards the referendum. The luggage tags sparked conversation for Irish people travelling home, created visibility for abortion at travel hubs and were delivered alongside workshops in London called ‘Ho ho ho(w) to talk to your family about Repeal this Christmas!’ and a social media campaign called #Choice4Xmas which included key facts and ‘conversation starters’ to prompt people when they were at home. Just before Christmas, with the help of a small grant from X minus Y, the group hosted NOT AT HOME, Winner of ‘Best Production Award’ at Dublin Fringe Festival 2017, created by Grace Dyas (THEATREclub) and Emma Fraser (Nine Crows) for a two-day run at Platform, Southwark. We invited journalists, politicians and anyone interested in abortion in London.

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

In February 2018, in preparation for the forthcoming referendum, LIARC launched #HomeToVote, a campaign to encourage Irish people all over the world to come home to vote ‘Yes’. This digital platform provided information on voting eligibility and enabled people to arrange travel from England in groups. We also hosted letter-writing workshop in Shoreditch to show people how they could write to their local newspapers back at home to show support for changing the law, something our members had great success with, getting letters published in The Southern Star, The Kerryman, Donegal Democrat and Tullamore Tribune. The events calendar leading up the referendum was hectic, as it was for every pro-choice group. On 29 April 2018, the group organized a photo call at Hermitage Riverside Memorial Garden in Wapping and produced vox pops on Irish people talking about travelling home to vote yes, which were released in the run up to the referendum. On 30 April, the group organized a fundraiser in the newly opened Nuala bar in Shoreditch where Emmet Kirwan and Nicola Coughlan performed and co-director of Yes Equality, Gráinne Healy and Denise Charlton, head of fundraising from Together for Yes, gave updates on the campaign in Ireland. On 4 May, there were two fundraisers in one night – a film screening was organized in King’s Cross and a spoken word event, Dear Diary, in Shoreditch. On 8 May, there was an information evening at Amnesty International ‘to discuss the issue in an accessible way that will enable you to convince your loved ones that voting YES to Remove the eighth Amendment is the right thing to do for everyone’. On 17  May, there was a final rally at Hermitage Bank; crowd footage was taken at sunset by drone as everyone spelled out YES using the light from their phones with footage released the next day in The Huffington Post – exactly one week before the referendum – to encourage as many people as possible to get out and vote Yes (Huffington Post, 2018). On the 24th of May, as the media moratorium in Ireland kicked in in the run up to the vote and press coverage of issues of the referendum went black, #HomeToVote came into its own. LIARC had been diligently sourcing stories of people flying home to vote – from Japan and New York, people who were cutting their honeymoons short in time for polls closing, and people donating money so others could buy flights. Many members of the group had travelled home at this stage, and we congregated at Dublin airport with much of the Together for Yes team and a small army of journalists and camera crews to welcome people home. I knew a lot of people were going to come home to vote, but nothing prepared me for the photos of groups of people in Stansted airport waiting for their flights, draped in Repeal jumpers and badges. Dublin airport was awash with Repeal jumpers and t-shirts, and I watched parents wearing ‘Yes’ badges collecting their

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children at the airport, all looking forward to voting ‘Yes’ together the next day. One journalist asked me if I knew when any planes with ‘No’ voters were arriving and told me that someone had told them there would be a flight from Lourdes, I had no idea if he was joking or not. One LIARC member brought Taytos to the airport and greeted people in Repeal jumpers with a taste of home. Some people cried when they arrived, some people danced – one girl literally started dancing while we all cheered. It was so hopeful, but the reality of it all came crashing down when one woman came through the terminal, who through her tears upon seeing a gaggle of welcome home vote ‘Yes’ signs introduced herself as Ruth Bowie, founder of TFMR who had been sent to England for an abortion many years ago, had since moved to England and was now returning for polling day. On 25 May, the results of the referendum rolled in, our members took in the brilliant news in Ireland, and in London where they had gathered to watch the results in a pub in Homerton. In Dublin, some members of LIARC gathered around a laptop in a quiet room where national tallies were being counted to respond to a flurry of texts and emails from Stella Creasy who was ready for the next move. With a huge positive vote confirmed, Creasy secured an emergency debate on abortion in NI in Parliament the next week (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1) and we met her in London a few days after the referendum. LIARC then coordinated a joint statement from FPA NI, Amnesty International, AfC and BPAS calling for the decriminalization of abortion in NI. Stormont had not been sitting since January 2017, and with many welcoming Ireland’s referendum result, the hypocrisy of Westminster’s acquiescence had reached fever pitch – now was a clear opportunity to act. In the following months, the fundraising continued, solely focused on NI. In October 2018, Creasy secured a game-changing amendment in legislation which made the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (SOSNI) accountable for human rights compliance in NI, namely CEDAW in relation to abortion, additionally requiring the SOSNI to report to Parliament every three months. This undermined the argument that abortion was devolved and represented an acceptance by Parliament that abortion in NI was their responsibility. We had been lobbying MPs and calling on supporters to speak up for decriminalization in the North AND to vote for it – now they were one step closer. LIARC made a submission to the Women and Equalities Committee’s Inquiry into Abortion in NI which was cited in their final report calling for change to the law (LIARC, 2018a) and marched in the St Patrick’s Day Parade for the third time. Actors Bronagh Waugh and Siobhan McSweeney marched alongside a group of cross-party politicians including Stella Creasy MP, Lord Alf Dubs, Sian

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

Berry, Diana Johnson MP and more. The group also focused on highlighting the position of the SNP in supporting abortion rights reform in Parliament (LIARC, 2018b). We were growing increasingly frustrated at the lack of progress from Westminster. With a team of three Irish women lawyers in London, Janet Farell, Fiona Murphy and Caoilfhionn Gallagher QC, we decided to begin legal action against the SOSNI. We had a comedy fundraiser planned on 5 July, again with Tiffany Stevenson at the helm. This time we sold out the Bloomsbury Theatre which has a capacity of 500 and were lucky enough to have performances from Rob Delaney, Nish Kumar, Katherine Ryan, Sara Pascoe, Sindhu Vee, Alison Spittle, Eleanor Tiernan, Athena Kublengu and Tara Flynn. We launched the crowdfund with the title ‘SEE YOU IN COURT’ and asked all of the acts and the audience to chant the same, using the videos on social media. We raised over £10,000 to fund the case in 36 hours. Two weeks later, our legal case became redundant after an amendment by Creasy MP secured the decriminalization of abortion in NI through parliament (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1). LIARC celebrated in a pub, slightly shellshocked that from midnight that night, abortion in NI had been decriminalized. We worked hard on submitting to the Northern Ireland Office Consultation ‘A new legal framework for abortion services in Northern Ireland – Implementation of the legal duty under section 9 of the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019’ which informed the abortion regulations in place now. However, at the time of writing, abortion services have not been commissioned. The SOSNI has taken powers to direct devolved institutions to commission abortion services. LIARC understood the fight is far from over – but the legal change by Parliament was a huge milestone for abortion rights in NI. I recently came across the phrase, ‘A movement is only composed of people moving’ – to me LIARC summed this up. There was no handbook for how to contribute to law change on abortion, let  alone for diaspora communities, fighting for change across three jurisdictions. We were volunteers, coming together whenever we could, to do whatever we could, to bring about change. We created space for people to come together, make noise, come up with ways to have their voices heard and raised over £60,000 for groups in Ireland and NI. We brought coalitions of organizations across the UK together around a single demand for abortion law reform and organized protests which helped to highlight injustice to new audiences. At the time of writing, we are archiving our work so we can share what we learnt with others.

­3

Repeal and Irish partnerships Danielle Roberts

Introduction This chapter discuss Alliance for Choice (AfC) relationships across the (Northern) Irish border and with the Irish diaspora. It will draw on the author’s knowledge and experiences as an activist embedded in these groups and their campaigns. The chapter will be a chronological account of key events and activities, with an overview of the relationship between the Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC) and AfC, centring around the referendum campaign to Repeal the 8th amendment in the Republic of ireland and conclude with ongoing joint working. The author in her role with AfC was a member of the ARC and Coalition to Repeal the 8th steering groups and subsequently the Together for Yes Campaign Platform Group, as well as working with London Irish Abortion Rights Campaign and Scottish Irish Abortion Rights Campaign. There is a rich history of cross-border partnership on abortion and contraception, exemplified in 1971 when the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement travelled from Dublin to Belfast by train bringing back condoms and contraceptive jelly, which were illegal in Ireland. The group included activists from both sides of the border (Minihan, 2014), they also shared information and practical help, canvassed against the introduction of the 8th amendment to the constitution (which equated the right to life of the foetus with the mother) and marched for decades. This cross-border participation flourished once again in 2012 when ARC, a grassroots feminist group which campaigns for free safe and legal abortion in Ireland, was established (Campbell and Clancy, 2018). ARC maintains regional groups across Ireland who have been vital to the island-wide success of campaigns. This means AfC is involved in collective decision-making in the steering group on the same basis as other regional groups, with often daily, communication between activists.

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

AfC was also a member of umbrella group, Coalition to Repeal the 8th Steering group, from at least 2015. ARC and the Coalition to Repeal the 8th formed the Together for Yes Campaign (TFY), with NWCI for the referendum.

2012–15 An annual flagship event for ARC is their March for Choice, held in Dublin each year on the Saturday closest to Safe Abortion Day on 28 September. Growing from dozens at the first march in 2012, the annual event had tens of thousands participating at the height of the Repeal campaign. AfC organized buses to attend the march each year, and the rally platformed activists from both AfC Belfast and Derry during this period and beyond, both on the day of the event and in the press releases and communications in the build-up. 2012 was sadly the year Savita Halappanavar died in Galway, from a septic miscarriage after being denied an abortion (BBC, 2012). Her death prompted an outpouring of grief across Ireland and beyond, and the anniversary of her death continues to be observed annually in Belfast. During this time abortion seekers and activists in NI and RoI were working in similar circumstances. In both jurisdictions it was illegal to procure your own abortion, or to help someone to procure an abortion, stemming from the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act which predated partition. Despite being eligible for NHS treatment generally, abortion seekers in NI could not access funded treatment in Great Britain and had to pay privately just as those from RoI. Clinics in Great Britain even had discounted rates for those travelling from the island of Ireland. Activists shared information on accessing abortion, and ASN helped many who travelled with funding and accommodation; however, travel is often not an option for people (Clarke, this volume). For those stranded in Ireland, safe but illegal abortion pills from WoW and WHW were a safety net (Yanow and Atay, this volume). During the years 2012– 15 there were increasing seizures of abortion pills by customs in RoI (Aodha, 2018), though not in NI. This led to a clandestine network of people organizing abortion pill deliveries: by post disguised as something else; via people travelling from the RoI to collect packages; or to RoI to deliver packages. Packages were typically passed between activists before getting to the abortion seeker. This was illegal on both sides of the border. Activists staked their liberty for the bodily autonomy of people they didn’t know and rarely met.

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2­ 016 In January 2016 news that a woman was to be prosecuted in Belfast for managing her own abortion with pills ignited a protest and solidarity letter organized by AfC and AfC Derry. Solidarity protests were held in Dublin and Galway. Similar protests followed across the island following her conviction, with the anger and frustration palpable. The 2016  March for Choice theme was ‘Rise and Repeal’, a nod to the centenary of the 1916 Easter Rising, the growing activism and push for a referendum on the 8th amendment. By the end of 2016 the Citizens Assembly (a group of 100 demographically representative citizens) which had been charged by the government to consider repeal of the 8th amendment had begun to receive evidence. AfC made a submission to the Citizens Assembly, working closely with ARC to ensure we echoed their concerns. 2016 also saw the creation of an all-island Students for Choice taskforce. Formed by the USI VP for Equality and Citizenship Síona Ní Chatháil. The taskforce was island wide from its inception. It’s name Students for Choice, not Students for Repeal, recognized that repeal would not be the answer for all USI members (see Powell and Rajeswaren, this volume).

2017 In 2017 the Citizens Assembly recommended sweeping changes to the law (Palese, 2018). Their recommendations were considered by a Joint Oireachtas Committee who decided that a referendum be held on the 8th Amendment (Houses of the Oireachtas, 2017). The Citizens Assembly and the following institutional bureaucracy were seen as a delaying tactic by activists. Strike for Repeal, including activists from ARC, MERJ, AfC and many other organizations, called for a one-day strike on International Women’s Day in 2017. Activists were encouraged to strike and to attend rallies all over the island, with the largest planned for Dublin (Campbell and Clancy, 2018). At lunchtime Strike for Repeal stopped traffic in Dublin City Centre while in Belfast a solidarity rally was held outside City Hall. International campaigner Angela Davis expressed solidarity with the strikers, en route to a lecture she was giving at the venue, with many of the strikers later joining the audience. Meanwhile, PSNI were orchestrating raids on activists’ homes

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

and workplaces searching for ‘abortion pills and instruments’ (McVicker and Crickard, this volume). It also transpired that Belfast City Council staff received a safety warning that the rally had been incorrectly linked with dissident republicans (Bell, 2017). In July 2017 the Coalition to Repeal the 8th held their annual conference, on the theme of Building for a Referendum. Speakers provided an overview of what a referendum could mean, as well as hosting workshops on different ways of ‘doing’ activism, this included information sharing on the situation in NI and other countries. Attendees included activists who opposed the original introduction of the 8th amendment, medical professionals and a new crop of pro-choice activists, all with the goal of repealing the 8th amendment. In the summer of 2017 Taoiseach Leo Varadkar announced his intention to hold a referendum in 2018; however, there was still no date announced by the end of 2017. The ARC March for Choice that year was under the banner ‘Time to Act!’. In 2017 AfC had made strides at Westminster with the support of LIARC, pro-choice activists in the Irish diaspora (Sanquest, this volume). LIARC activist, Sarah Fox, initially raised the issue of abortion access in NI with her MP, Stella Creasy, which led to the introduction of funding for treatment for those who travel. At the London Festival of Choice in Autumn 2017, AfC presented alongside activists from LIARC, Lawyers for Choice and ASN on the law in NI, the campaign to change it, and the lived experiences of those living under it. LIARC played an important role in the pro-choice struggles both North and South, and in winter 2017 LIARC, AfC and others were recognized with Liberty’s ‘Long Walk to Freedom’ award.

2018 Finally, after decades of campaigning and organizing, 2018 promised a referendum on the 8th Amendment. On International Women’s Day that year, while the Dáil debated the terms of the referendum bill, the Coalition to Repeal the 8th held a ‘Votes for Repeal’ march with a rally outside the building. The intention was to urge TDs to vote in favour of progressing to a referendum. A solidarity rally was organized in Belfast by AfC which took place outside Belfast City Hall. Amongst others, long-time feminist activist Helen Crickard addressed the crowd – this was the anniversary of the raid on her workshop looking for ‘abortion pills and instruments’. As the assembled group sent messages of

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solidarity and took part in chants, a crowd of anti-choice protesters arrived and attempted to infiltrate the rally. Stewards prevented this from happening. The anti-choice group stood close to the speakers, notably the PSNI did not intervene, even when the anti-choice group stepped onto the road. Despite this, the rally was a huge show of support for the repeal of the 8th amendment, and by the end of March a referendum date was announced – the 25th of May. In preparation for the referendum, while there were established groups in place, often with overlapping members, it was acknowledged that a referendum campaign would be a very different beast. After lengthy internal discussions, which AfC contributed to, ARC joined with the Coalition to Repeal the 8th and the NWCI to form Together for Yes (TFY). AfC was a ‘campaign platform’ member of the TFY campaign. As part of TFY, AfC was involved in strategic decision-making, fundraising, education and contributed significantly to canvassing in the border counties; however, AfC was also in the position of being in a different legal jurisdiction so had a simultaneous insider/outsider position. Most AfC activists were not eligible to vote in the referendum, regardless of their citizenship; for some it was not their constitution that would potentially change. AfC’s solidarity manifested as practical support rather than messaging and strategy. On several occasions the AfC representatives to the campaign platform group raised issues with messaging, particularly around the lack of trans-inclusive language, the erasure of migrants and people of colour, the reliance on ‘experts’ such as doctors and lawyers, and sensationalizing abortion pills. These concerns were largely ignored by marketeers in TFY, and as the referendum drew closer canvassing guidance emphasized the abortions needed by ‘vulnerable women and girls’, so-called hard cases. Externally a united front was presented, while internally there were vehement disagreements. AfC sent copious amounts of evidence, for instance, on the safety of abortion pills from reputable sources; however, the ‘danger’ of abortion pills bought online and the risk of people ‘bleeding out’ at home was the public message from TFY. Compromises made during the referendum campaign, informed by polling and political strategists, however, were not necessarily followed when canvassing. AfC Belfast canvassed in Drogheda, Dundalk, Fingal, Dublin, Graystones, Cavan and Monaghan with AfC Derry canvassing throughout Donegal. Through financial support from trade unions and crowdfunding, AfC raised thousands of pounds to hire buses and reimburse petrol so that everyone who wanted to canvass wouldn’t face a financial barrier. AfC also used the funding to provide food and refreshments and even sunscreen cream for canvassers. The first

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

canvassing trip was to the launch of Drogheda Together for Yes. Several trips would be made to Drogheda over the course of the campaign. Some canvassing trips, like Fingal, were a carful; others, like Cavan, were a bus load; some, like Monaghan, were a full coach and several carloads of canvassers. AFC bolstered local groups by helping them cover hundreds of houses in a day that would have taken weeks and added to the ranks of larger ones by raising visibility in hightraffic areas. Another Irish diaspora group, the Scottish Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (SIARC), which has groups in Edinburgh and Glasgow, hosted an event in the Scottish parliament in May 2018 to raise awareness of abortion law across the UK and Ireland. AfC travelled to Edinburgh to represent the TFY campaign, as well as highlight the situation in NI. The event led to direct political lobbying and engagement which AfC would not have attained otherwise, including questions raised in the Scottish parliament. At the beginning of May the annual workers’ rights May Day march took place in Belfast. AfC organized for stewards of the march to wear TFY highvisibility vests, and the speakers at the rally wore ‘Yes’ stickers. There were placards throughout the parade supporting abortion rights and on buses of the larger Trade Unions. Support for TFY was evident across the parade and rally, building on the message that abortion is a workplace issue (Connor and MacNamara, volume 1). On 25  May, referendum day, AfC activists helped with ‘Get out the Vote’ efforts in Drogheda, Monaghan, Dublin, Dundalk and more, holding posters, leafleting high footfall areas and administering ‘I voted yes’ stickers. As the exit polls were coming in AfC activists were travelling home, hearing the news that yes was going to win. The next day AfC took over Lavery’s in Belfast, with longstanding activists and newly joined canvassers alike watching the results come in county by county. There was an air of celebration, as well as a bittersweet awareness that NI was now out of step. As the results were announced crowds gathered at Dublin Castle, including some AfC activists. A homemade sign saying ‘The North Is Next’ was passed to Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O’Neil, leader and deputy leader of Sinn Féin (SF; an all-island party). The focus was now on NI, #thenorthisnext trended, AfC trebled its social media overnight, merchandise orders were at unprecedented levels and a tidal wave of global media ensued. Just a few weeks after the referendum hundreds of activists from the South joined AfC as part of the ‘Processions’ March. The North Is Next was a common message, the solidarity was abundantly clear – we got on buses for them, and

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they did the same for us. People we had canvassed beside now marched behind the AfC banner. This gathering of pro-choice activists from around the island was also an opportunity to shortcut some of the steps within the network of providing abortion pills. As discussions around implementing new abortion provision continued, prochoice activists in the South were clear that provision should be extended to NI, with ARC encouraging people to raise this point with their TDs and welcoming a commitment from then Health Minister Simon Harris that provision would be for everyone on the island of Ireland. With the assistance of SF, AfC attended a meeting with Harris along with representatives from the FPA NI, the Royal College of Midwives and Amnesty International, to raise the issue of abortion access for people from NI, several weeks later. While the meeting was relatively positive, at the time of writing almost two years later there has been no explicit provision made for those in NI. This meeting highlighted a lack of knowledge on the abortion law in NI by Dáil politicians, for example, it was suggested people could be prescribed pills to take at home in NI which at the time was illegal. It also highlighted a lack of awareness of the impact of barriers in the yet-to-be enacted Irish legislation such as the mandatory three-day waiting period between the first and second consultations. Ultimately the meeting concluded with a holding message, NI couldn’t be considered until the law for RoI was in place. The theme of the March for Choice in 2018 was ‘Free Safe Legal’. It was at a time when draft legislation on abortion provision was being discussed in the South, but no services were in place. Harris attended the March for Choice, posing for selfies with activists at the same time as others were chanting ‘Leo, Simon Legislate! Pregnant People Cannot Wait!’. AfC was invited to lead the regional groups at the march and co-chairs Emma Campbell and Kellie O’Dowd were key speakers, in recognition of the ongoing solidarity and to give visibility to the campaign in NI. In November 2018 the Centre for Reproductive Rights and NWCI hosted a conference in Dublin on the next steps in abortion rights in Europe; this conference began AFC’s relationship with pro-choice activists in Malta. On the same day as this conference concluded the Dáil were debating the draft abortion provision legislation. ARC organized a rally outside the parliament gates which was attended by Irish pro-choice activists and many of the international attendees of the conference. AfC spoke at the rally, highlighting the circumstances of abortion seekers in NI and adding their voice to calls for removal of the three-day wait. The legislation passed, without addressing the barriers identified by ARC, and services began in January 2019.

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2019 AfC was listed among the Irish Times ‘50 people to watch in 2019: Ireland’s hottest young talent’ (The Irish Times, 2019) but still had no access to abortion. Initially, the free phone number for the booking line for RoI abortion services was not available to those in NI. After this was raised a new number was introduced; however, people calling in from NI faced a €450 treatment charge as well as making two visits, three days apart. As in previous years, International Women’s Day in Belfast was utilized as an opportunity to raise awareness of the need for abortion law reform. Under the banner of ‘Women Rise Up; the Time is Now’ those marching were joined by ARC activists from many of the groups AfC canvassed with, as well as the costumed Galway Pro-choice suffragettes and Time-Travellers for Choice adding some spectacle to the day. The Coalition to Repeal the 8th wound up in 2019, having achieved its aim. Its last large event was a conference in March 2019 called ‘Post Repeal Ireland; What’s Next?’. This conference included speakers from NI: Emma Campbell, cochair of AfC; academic Claire Pierson; and Dawn Purvis, former director of the MSI Belfast Clinic, delivering presentations on the situation and developments. There was also a workshop on how to support activists in NI entitled ‘The North Is Next’. The Conference also heard from Malta, Kenya and Poland, yet another example of solidarity amongst pro-choice activists as a global issue. Work with the Irish diaspora also continued. LIARC remained an important ally in lobbying Westminster for change, responding to the draft domestic abuse bill consultation and consultation on abortion framework in NI as well as encouraging their members to write to their MP asking them to support the measures in the NI (Executive Formation and Exercise of Functions) Act 2018 and the NI (Executive Formation, etc.) Act 2019 concerning abortion in NI (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1). Likewise, SIARC were calling on Scottish MPs to support the amendments, a tough ask of the SNP who traditionally abstain from votes impacting other jurisdictions citing respect for devolution. SIARC also organized a Twitter takeover by AfC to raise awareness, and LIARC held a huge Stand up for Choice fundraising comedy gig in aid of AfC. At the gig, LIARC announced their intention to take the UK government to court over failure to implement CEDAW, an action which ultimately was superseded by political events (Sanquest, this volume). Meanwhile in Ireland provision was in place, with almost every county having medical professionals who would provide abortions. However, anti-choice

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harassment and activity, from graffiti to letters and ‘protests’ outside provider doorways, occurred. This prompted ARC to call on AfC for guidance, to draw on their experience of organizing and recruiting clinic escorts for MSI Belfast (Biernat and Johnston, this volume), to support ARC activists considering undertaking a similar role. The theme of the March for Choice in 2019 was ‘No One Left Behind’, aimed at highlighting the barriers in the existing Irish legislation while simultaneously showing solidarity with those elsewhere where abortion was restricted or unavailable. Again, AfC led the regional groups at the front of the march, with the rally hearing from two activists from AfC Derry. There had been discussions about holding the 2019 march in Belfast; ultimately it was decided to hold the event in Dublin mainly due to coordination of public transport links and the unknown impact Brexit may have on cross-border travel. At the Rally for Choice a few weeks later, buses of ARC activists as well as student and trade union representatives from Ireland travelled to Belfast to join the march (Crory et al., this volume). The year 2019 was momentous for pro-choice activists in NI, as on 21 October abortion was decriminalized (Campbell, volume 1). To mark the day AfC had a press conference in Belfast followed by a rally at Stormont, where some MLAs were attempting to derail decriminalization. ARC representatives attended both events joining chants and celebrations. Relationships with regional groups are enduring. Drogheda ARC held a fundraising clothes swap for AfC, and Leitrim ARC hosted a conference in December 2019 focusing who was left behind one year on from the signing of the legislation; the panel included a representative from AfC sharing developments in NI. While both jurisdictions have made remarkable progress in the past decade, neither has achieved adequate abortion provision.

2020 The year 2020 saw the passage of Abortion Regulations in NI (Enright, volume 1; Morgan et al., this volume) and a global pandemic. Shortly before COVID-19 restrictions Leitrim ARC and AfC both attended and spoke at the Gibraltar for Yes rally calling for a yes vote in the planned referendum there (Gulraj, 2020). The learnings from the TfY campaign, both what worked and what needed to be improved, were shared with Gibraltar for Yes activists. While there were plans for more in-person support, this was impossible with the pandemic, though remote communication continued.

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The beginning of the pandemic was a very difficult time for pro-choice activists and abortion seekers. While abortion had been decriminalized, there was no provision in NI and travel to England was almost impossible, with overnight freight ferry the only option for a few weeks. Abortion pills from WoW and WHW experienced a disruption in the supply chain, and it became increasingly difficult to deliver them. Just as NI activists had stepped up when customs cracked down on abortion pills in RoI, this time activists in RoI were scrambling to help put pills into the hands of those who needed them. The 2020 March for Choice was an online event rather than a physical march due to COVID-19 restrictions, with several online activities, being the most co-created March for Choice yet (AfC 2020). The theme was Care at Home; this reflected the fact that people across the island were still having to travel for abortion care, despite legal change and a global pandemic. In NI provision was patchy as the Department of Health had not commissioned services, and the NI Office insisted that funded treatment in England discharged their human rights obligations. In RoI some counties still had no abortion provider and those who had a failed EMA or with a diagnosis that did not meet the ‘fatal’ requirements in the legislation were faced with having to travel. As part of the events AfC provided materials for a children’s activity pack and a reading of the children’s book A Is for Activist, as part of the familyfriendly focus of the march. The Care at Home theme also covered self-managed abortions at home, with AfC hosting a workshop on the theme. In lieu of the many placard-making sessions that would normally take place across the island, there was a zoom ‘colouring for #CareAtHome’ session with the images provided by Shannon Patterson of AfC Derry. There were two panel discussions as part of the events, one which heard from providers from the UK and Ireland and the other a roundtable of pro-choice activists from Malta, Gibraltar, Spain and Andorra. While different from thousands of people descending on Dublin chanting and marching, the 2020 Virtual March for Choice was a much-needed space for socializing, sharing knowledge and beginning to galvanize for the anticipated three-year review of the legislation.

­2021 and beyond The year 2021 is the three-year anniversary of the Referendum to Repeal the 8th, it should also be the year the legislation is reviewed. As of summer 2021, NI has limited abortion provision, with home use and telemedicine not provided for

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as elsewhere in Great Britain and RoI. The manufacture and supply of abortion pills has recovered, with AfC developing an abortion doula service to provide support to those self-managing their abortion. In another example of knowledge sharing, one of the AfC doulas provides training to ARC volunteers to offer similar support. International Women’s Day 2021 again was an opportunity for cross-border and international solidarity. ARC hosted an online panel on the state of trans healthcare on the island, with AFC organizing a speaker from Transgender NI. AfC hosted several events in the Reclaim the Agenda programme, including an international online event with speakers from Gibraltar, Malawi, Ireland and Hawaii. Despite the pandemic, international practical support, information sharing and solidarity continue to be passed across the border, and beyond, for example, AfC and ARC activists worked with the successful Gibraltar for Yes referendum campaign.

Conclusion It would be impossible to include everything in a single chapter. This account does not mention events held in solidarity with AfC by Irish diaspora groups in Birmingham, Manchester and Newcastle, or that the Berlin-Ireland Pro-Choice Solidarity Group organized demonstrations and fundraisers in aid of AfC as well as ARC. Nor does it speak about the artist group Speak of IMELDA (Rossiter and Walsh, this volume), or the Room for Rebellion fundraising nights held simultaneously in Dublin, Belfast and London. It doesn’t mention every joint statement, St Patrick’s Day action or consultation response. This chapter draws on one activist’s recollection of a very eventful few years; it is inevitable that somethings have, unintentionally, been left out. The chapter’s purpose has been to communicate the depth of relationship between pro-choice activists on the island of Ireland. A relationship built on solidarity, trust and selflessness; in giving time over to organizing, in risking prosecution, in freely sharing skills and knowledge, in being there for each other when needed with no requirements or expectations.

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­4

The meaning and impact of international solidarity for abortion rights in NI Emilie Weiderud and Katie Gillum

Introduction In July 2019 as the UK Parliament voted to reform NI’s abortion law, it did so on the back of decades of work by activists. Organizers of AfC and others kept abortion rights alive in the political arena and in the cultural imagination until change was possible. Throughout the past fifty years, NI received plenty of international attention related to the Troubles. In contrast, the attention that NI’s lack of abortion access got was extremely limited. A challenge for NI activists was that abortion fell between cracks of responsibility and political focus, sometimes out of ignorance, often by design. International attention to, and solidarity with, the Northern Irish abortion rights cause evolved and grew over time through connection to activists, civil society organizations, multilateral systems, academia, political representatives, faith actors, journalists, artists and providers. The authors of this chapter, one Swede and one American, both were part of the small community that early on engaged with NI’s abortion rights and maintained that work of solidarity after they left. This chapter explores several actors and activities – including policy, academic and activist events – that happened inside and outside of NI and helped keep the momentum moving towards reproductive justice. ‘We felt all alone, and in many ways, we were’, an activist reflected, because the community was very thin. However, through dedication and tireless effort, they not only worked to bring an end to the decades of the bind that criminalization created for NI residents but also to create lasting and meaningful solidarity relationships between themselves and fellow activists and communities across the globe and just down the road. This chapter includes a document analysis and

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complementary interviews with Belfast-based activists from AfC and focuses on events and actors that moved the needle forward, particularly from 1996 and 2019. This is not an exhaustive timeline, nor the full breadth of the events and actors. Instead, the aim is to explore the role of international solidarity in the struggle for NI’s abortion rights and what activists central to the movement and successful decriminalization experienced as acts of solidarity.

The meaning of solidarity The meaning of solidarity is not a given, universal or value-free concept and means different things depending on political ideology and place (Sternjø, 2011; Scholz, 2014). According to Gaztambide-Fernández (2012), solidarity is an overused term within social movements and across academic disciplines, and its meanings are often multiple. However, some traits are recurring: solidarity always entails relationships, a sense of duty to what is right and action between those in relationship. Solidarity is important for feminist movement building, and Scholz (2014) states that it indeed can be an effective way to bring about change but that transnational feminists must be especially sensitive to the local reality of those receiving the acts of solidarity. Furthermore, bell hooks (1984) has said that a community of interests, shared beliefs and goals around which to unite is needed to ‘experience’ solidarity. Herein lies something central: it is not possible to externally state what constitutes solidarity. Rather, it must be experienced by those upon which the act is done to/with/for and indeed sensitive to the localized context. When this sensitivity to context is not at play, international solidarity can bring its own problems. In their exploration, Landy et  al. (2014) highlighted that ‘refusal to engage [in internal politics] can limit the actions … and lead to a superficial understanding of solidarity’ and instead can harbour ‘power imbalance between the activist [doing solidarity] and subjects of solidarity’. To further explore this aspect of power, Walia (2012) speaks of moving beyond the politics of solidarity towards a practice of decolonization. In it she defines tangible, real solidarity to include self-education about the context one wants to support and always organizing with consent and guidance from those that know it. Decolonizing solidarity is interesting for a place like NI that is very much caught in between countries and contexts. Even what is deemed international or what is deemed national is intertwined with its social and political ties to

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the United Kingdom and Ireland. What is experienced as solidarity, and what is experienced as interference or furthering a colonial legacy, varies even among the very activists doing this work. All these aspects of community, power, selfreflection, consent and ensuring an experience of solidarity are crucial aspects to keep in mind when exploring the meaning and impact of solidarity in the Northern Irish struggle for abortion rights.

The slow unveiling of NI abortion rights ‘across the pond’ The attention to abortion rights outside, and inside, NI was limited to the people encountering the blocks to abortions they needed and an activist and supporter community that numbered closer to the hundreds. Laying the foundation was the everyday activism by AfC (O”Dowd et al., Campbell, volume 1). This was a lonely road, both nationally and internationally, as abortion rights had often been ignored. Decades of confusion and gaslighting about Northern Irish access to abortion as well as lack of priority due to the political conflict in NI remained as obstacles for Northern Irish activists. This, paired with the stigma around abortion that stretch well beyond NI, enabled an air of silence (Bloomer et al., 2018). In July 2019 as the UK Parliament voted to decriminalize NI’s abortion law (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1), it did so on the back of decades of work by activists on the ground and the many women who publicly or anonymously had stepped forward to share their story of the consequences of lack of access to abortion and being forced to travel (Campbell, Topley, and McKay, volume 1). One AfC activist stated, ‘we always had to campaign in three different legal systems. Ireland, our own and the UK.’ The ability of AfC to speak many different languages as well as translating back to its local community speaks volumes but was also a challenge (Enright, volume 1). Furthermore, the lack of understanding of NI’s situation led to additional difficulties. The confusion around NI’s relationship, and difference, to the UK and Ireland was present within both human rights communities and even among sexual rights advocates (O’Sullivan, 2019). To get access to and raise awareness of the context in NI, solidarity by UK-based groups was crucial. Doctors for Choice UK, ASN and the LIARC were some of the crucial organizations (Crockett, 2019) that helped bring attention to the Northern Irish context. Whether UK parliamentary engagement constitutes international solidarity at all is not given. In the interviews one activist said, ‘that’s not solidarity, that’s

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doing your fucking job’, in terms of political representatives engaging on the issue. The work and the attention brought to NI by people across the pond is, however, noteworthy. Merge Berer with the International Campaign for Women’s Right to Safe Abortion (ICWRSA) and Mara Clarke with ASN in England were some of the key individuals. Likewise, the support from the likes of Máiréad Enright, Ruth Fletcher, Fiona De Londras and Sheelagh McGuinness in England was crucial in terms of explaining the political and judicial reality of NI, particularly when engaging with Members of Parliament. These people with access to platforms and decision-makers in the political and judicial system in London were essential as confusion and lack of awareness of the particularities of NI existed among decision-makers. For decades, when it came to bringing the issue of abortion access to Westminster, any attempt was met with ‘indifference’ (Thomson, volume 1). A general sense circulates among activists that not amending the law in line with the rest of the UK had been discussed as part of the 1998 Northern Irish peace agreement, thus bodily autonomy being sacrificed to maintain peace. Another AfC interviewee stated that while there were early supporters in the Labour Party, ‘part of the problem was that nobody knew, people assumed that the 1967 Act applied [and] it felt like we were on our own, which was probably right actually’.

Leveraging the international frameworks or ‘We had not much else to use’ As there was such a standstill in the national reform efforts, it was time for NI’s abortion rights activists to learn yet another language and culture and turn to international human rights processes. Some NI abortion activists had been working in the women’s sector on peacebuilding and violence against women using the Beijing Platform for Action, the prior United Nations Millennium Development Goals and Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). ‘There had been a growing awareness, especially coming out of the conflict … in the UN system’ and the possibilities it held. Several activists attended CEDAW training and attended the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW): their first ‘tiny steps’ in the global arena. In 2010, AfC, FPA NI and NIWEP made a submission to the CEDAW Committee to request an inquiry under the CEDAW Optional Protocol (Cross et al., volume 1). Investing well over a year to compile the report and getting

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hands-on support from individuals within International Planned Parenthood in the United States as they drafted their request. Reporting to the UN system takes resources and does not always offer immediate feedback. After six years of waiting the CEDAW committee conducted an inquiry into NI and rapporteurs came to meet activists. One activist stated that when they arrived, they were ‘confused as [NI looks like] a liberal democracy [but] it only took [them] meeting two people to realize the situation’. During the visit, thirteen women spoke to rapporteurs about their experience. ‘They were being made to feel that they were an important part of something’ and truly being heard, and some decided to tell their story public after speaking to the rapporteurs. The result of the inquiry found the UK to be subjecting those seeking abortion to torture or cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment (NIACT, 2021). This was a significant milestone for the movement: ‘we were always considered scrappy activists, but this gave us legitimacy.’ In the end it helped to set the Northern Irish cause within a human rights framework, also helping activists to dream beyond merely extending the 1967 Act and the work is now being used across the world, thus becoming an act of solidarity and inspiration to others.

Using the mic: ‘We would talk to anyone to get our message out there’ At the time of decriminalization in 2019, NI’s fight for abortion rights was covered in international publications like Elle magazine (Whitmore, 2019), the New York Times (Yeginsu, 2019) and other major publications. Prior to this, AfC describes the attention from the media over the years as a steady, but small, stream. In the beginning, AfC said that they ‘talked to anyone to get our message out there’. As time went on, the interest and the coverage of abortion rights increased substantially, and by 2015, two or three journalists got in touch every week. The Northern Irish situation and how it differed from the rest of the UK and Ireland was not evident even for those from the UK and Ireland. The press work was educational in the sense that AfC activists needed to help journalists understand the importance of not re-stigmatizing or sensationalizing the issue. Sometimes, journalists asked to conduct interviews with a specific type of abortion seeker, with demands that the story contained experiences of drama, trauma and travel. One activist mentioned that, at times, there was a desire to respond sarcastically, ‘hang on, I have one [person like that] here in the cupboard, can you hold on a second?’

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Exposure to the outside world on the lack of abortion rights in NI, whether through journalism or academic work, was crucial to the success, but activists needed to do this work with care. Coming into a context and asking people to set up or give interviews, and to retell their stories repeatedly can also be taxing to small organizations and ‘what people did not always realize is that we were six people and a dog’. Journalists that came in prepared and had done their basic research on the context stood a larger chance of being experienced by activists as acting in support and solidarity to the cause.

Passing the mic: ‘It is crucial to listen to activist’ While the small number of local activists worked tirelessly (but often feeling very tired) many larger human rights organizations did not take to the abortion rights cause initially (Cross et  al., volume 1). Though the local branch had joined the work earlier, it wasn’t until 2016 that human rights organizations such as Amnesty International eventually joined the cause (Cross et  al., volume 1). Solidarity within the reproductive health professional community also came through in 2016 as the International Federation of Professional Abortion and Contraception Associates shared a statement of solidarity (FIAPAC, 2016). Individuals with large platforms also offered their support to NI. For instance, in 2017 Dr Angela Davis visited for International Women’s Day, and one activist stated that ‘it makes a difference when someone like Angela Davis speaks from her platform; it is a reinforcement of the importance of your work, you know you are speaking truth to power, it makes a difference. You get your cup filled.’ As crucial as these experiences were, activists also shared instances when others used their platforms in ways that did not feel supportive. ‘Bad solidarity’ is not really done in partnership. This happened within the activist community but also in the political sphere. For instance, local and regional politicians often said they wanted to help but, in the end, more or less ‘hijacked’ the issue for their own agenda. Some awareness-raising efforts, taken against the will of local activists, caused problems in drawing attention to lines of access to pills and information, jeopardizing that access and the safety of the local people doing that work. The commonality of these examples of bad solidarity is when the activists or the cause were instrumentalized and co-opted. Moreover, it occurred when people acted on local activists’ behalf without proper consultation or consent nor giving credit where credit was due.

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Solidarity in practice: ‘That’s solidarity right there, people you can phone at midnight … to get out of jail’ For decades, the London–Ireland underground networks helped hundreds of abortion seekers to safe abortions (Rossiter, 2009). That ‘abortion corridor’ is a kind of solidarity that was described as always having been there. This support was very much held by the Irish and Northern Irish diaspora. Ann Rossiter in London, who ‘set people up in her kitchen before anyone else did’, started the line of those providing more hands-on support to enable access to those that needed abortions. This practical support was continued by other local as well as global organizations, such as Abortion Support Network, Women Help Women and Women on Web (Clarke, Yanow and Atay, this volume). All are organizations working to ensure abortion access with the intention of reaching the most marginalized. As one activist noted, ‘it would be harder if those three … did not exist.’ In terms of solidarity, it was described that all three operated under different practices of solidarity, ranging from the more partner orientated in ASN and WHW, to more external public impact and campaigns of WoW, but in all three of them, ‘there were people available to call for support at any time’. Other practical support was offered by organizations and networks like the International Campaign raising awareness and supporting crowdfunding for judicial review of abortion-related prosecution and Doctors for Choice and Catholics for Choice offering training or using their platforms to amplify the issue. Financial resources are incredibly important as solidarity. The day-to-day functioning of organizing and campaigning is usually done on the slimmest of budgets by volunteer activists even though their opposition has significant coffers and paid workers. One of the most notable moments for this sort of financial and resources support was when in 2011 the Quaker-led Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust funded AfC to develop training materials and localizing international best practice. This offered the community the ability to concentrate on abortion activism. Even small streams of funding mattered – ‘the tiny things, 150 quid from the little organizations and someone thinking of the work that you do, off their own bat, that was great as well’, one activist said. In a similar vein, LIARC crowdfunded over 17,500 British pounds to bring the UK government to court on its lack of upholding abortion rights (Crockett, 2019). Another important hands-on act of solidarity came from inroads, the International Network for the Reduction of Abortion Discrimination and Stigma, a global network of advocates, scholars, health providers and donors with the shared goal of shifting

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the conversation on abortion and to bust abortion stigma (inroads, 2021) and led by one of our authors. The network gave several small grants, travel support and contracts to AfC and NI-based groups between 2014 and 2020 as well as holding global gatherings for advocates and providers offering opportunities to meet activists in very similar situations across the globe.

Finding mutual solidarity in a global community: ‘Campaigning can be really fucking lonely’ International gatherings, like those inroads created, were an essential source of support for abortion rights activists in NI. The global gatherings were designed by and for activists and enabled exchange of ideas, methodologies, strategies and emotional support from the relationships forged. Meeting fellow grassroots activists and feeling connected to a larger community struggling with such similar issues in other contexts was, as one activist put it, ‘nourishing’ and it ‘filled me up … with the feeling that this was so important’. AfC attended inroads Global Member Gatherings and other summits in 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2020 leading important conversations, joining the gathering staff and creating global connections between NI and the globe, for instance, through activist and artist Emma Campbell’s Passport Butterfly Project (Campbell, 2016). Another vital source of support was the global academic community, especially the Unfinished Revolution: for Abortion and Reproductive Justice conferences. In 2014, the first in the series was held in Canada, gathering academics, activists and artists with an aim ‘to shine a light on areas of the world that need improved access to abortion services’ (Lowe, 2017). AfC went to the first conference, which provided an opportunity to meet the larger global community of activists and academic activists. which was important both politically and personally. Activists stated that it was ‘the first time I felt I was not alone’ and that ‘it took us from amateurs to professionals’ and it ‘made me stop apologizing for what I was doing’. AfC and Ulster University then offered to host the next conference in 2016, and the world’s abortion rights community turned its eyes to NI. Along with the nearly 150 activists and scholars who attended, several organizations (Liverpool-Ireland Abortion Corridor project, WHW, and inroads) sponsored attendees and organized side events bringing more collaboration and training to Belfast and NI more broadly. The participation in this conference was a sign

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that the wider global community had started to pay attention and led to further international collaborations. International solidarity can be forged through shared experience as well as adversity. A stronger connection to Sweden, a country with free safe and legal abortion, was forged through one of our authors inviting AfC and ARC to share at a film and arts festival, highlighting the 40th anniversary of abortion legislation in Sweden. The conference was prematurely ended when masked men interrupted the film festival throwing a smoke bomb into the premises (Sexuality Policy Watch, 2015), showing that abortion stigma can take many forms in many contexts and that activists from NI could share their hard-won experience in dealing with adversity and threats of violence with a context such as Sweden that was comparatively unprepared. One of the most crucial sources of solidarity, according to activist interviews, was found closer to home, with the abortion rights groups in Ireland and the UK. Particularly the close ties to the ARC in Ireland were a mutually enriching relationship (Roberts, this volume). The close bond between the activist communities enabled activists to amplify together. When AfC was included in the Ireland ARC steering group in 2012 (Campbell and Clancy, 2018; Roberts, this volume) it further connected NI to the wider global community. One activist recalled that ‘we were included from the start [and] learnt solidarity from Ireland’. AfC activists were vital to the running of ARC and were active members of the Steering Committee and the strategic All-Ireland world that the ARC committed to at its inception. Whether it was creating art activism, supporting each other’s media campaigns and sharing events, marching in each other’s marches, including elements of the political situation of their Irish neighbours in UN shadow reports and annual strategies, or canvassing doorto-door before the referendum, they joined in action and amplified each other’s messages and helped keep external actors and decision-makers accountable. Despite and sometimes due to the two contexts getting confused with one another the activists also used that to their advantage. In 2018 when Ireland repealed the 8th amendment to its constitution legalizing abortion ARC were swift to turn the attention to its neighbour under the banner ‘now’ for the north and ‘the north is next’. Activists thus used the momentum of the referendum and reminded the world that the fight for reproductive rights on the whole of the island was not yet won (ARC 2019). In the post-repeal setting, things changed, and it became possible to dream ‘that change should happen here too’.

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Conclusion: the meaning of solidarity for NI abortion activists In accordance with some theories on solidarity (Sternjø, 2011; Scholz, 2014) it is clear when looking at the case of NI that solidarity is not easily defined, a given concept nor something that there is necessarily a shared understanding of inside and outside of NI. What was expressed and defined as solidarity differed by people within the movement. Moreover, the extent as to how much activists expected international solidarity differed, from some stating there was always an international outlook to others emphasizing localized solutions. It is also evident that solidarity took many different forms. It could be continual as well as isolated, one-off, instances. It could also be practical or symbolic. One thing that came through the interviewees was that solidarity was not always systematic or organizational but personal. Structural support of organizations and systems was important, but personal connections were what made a difference. Whether that was people of power and influence directing the attention in the right way, listening and using their resources or mandate to move the cause forward or offering one-on-one support to people in leadership. Nonetheless, a few things arise as important when looking at solidarity in NI. Some lessons on what solidarity can be, can be learnt from examining solidarity’s absence in certain relationships and events. The traits they had in common were the actions that were uninformed, non-consensual and where credit to the people on the ground was not given. It was evident that when consent and counsel was not present, activists could end up feeling disempowered. This echoes that which Landy et  al. (2014) expressed as a risk where acts of solidarity instead create power imbalance. Furthermore Walia’s (2012) lens of decolonizing solidarity seems appropriate for NI that was and is caught between countries, contexts and constituencies. The lack of curiosity to understand the realities of NI did impact and generate disempowerment. The two authors’ experiences working in European and global sexual and reproductive rights work laid bare a serious lack of awareness from those – who ought to be better informed – within the sexual rights community on the nature of the Northern Irish context. It was indeed like NI was a forgotten place, limited to generalizations about sectarian violence and confusion with the RoI. Therefore, the importance of self-education (Walia 2012) seeking counsel and guidance first from those doing the work was deemed as being acts of solidarity that moved closer to a decolonized practice of solidarity and what helps create sustainable, empowered movements.

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What the activists interviewed for this chapter deemed most important for the Northern Irish context were actions and actors that practiced aspects of community care, self-reflection, relationship, consent, as well as having shared experience through shared or similar efforts. It seems that transnational feminism was indeed important (Scholz, 2014). Especially from the global abortion rights movement where there were, as stated by bell hooks (1984) that shared community, shared beliefs and goals. Activists repeatedly highlighted other activists within the field across the world. Whether they were in the academic world, doing practical support through abortion access organizations or providing direct judicial support or working for reproductive rights in other contexts. Being connected to an international community both helped professionalize the movement and reduce the feelings of isolation, especially as Northern Irish activists had often been isolated and sidelined both inside and outside of NI. What, in the end, seemed to matter and be remembered most were not just the big acts or the public-facing actions but the connection with people. They showed that abortion rights in NI mattered, that peoples’ stories mattered, that the cause was worthy of visits and backup, worthy of funds, worthy of human rights language and worthy of attention, outrage and care. Finally, what was remembered as true solidarity was when people made themselves available to the activists on the ground and offered the help they were asking for, not that which served their own agendas, interests, mandate and headlines. In the end ‘solidarity is many things … but making people on the ground feel like they are being listened to and listening to what we need’ was what mattered most.

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­5

From the underground to the avant-garde: A conversation on contributions of the Irish feminist diaspora to reproductive justice in NI Anne Rossiter and Helena Walsh

Introduction This chapter takes the form of an intergenerational dialogue between Ann Rossiter (AR), a pro-choice campaigner since the early 1970s, and Helena Walsh (HW), an activist and performance artist since the 1990s, both London-based Irish immigrants. The chapter charts contributions of the London-Irish feminist diaspora to reproductive rights campaigns on the island of Ireland, focusing on NI. Our reflections are drawn from our personal experiences as campaigners, and we open with a consideration of the utility – or futility – of picking over the legacy of earlier reproductive rights activity to determine if it provides a ‘usable’ past (Lerner, 1979). In the process, we contrast the strategies and tools deployed by second-wave feminist activists from the 1980s with those of a younger generation of feminist agitators, well versed in the world of cyberspace, who came of age in a ‘post-conflict’ NI and the Celtic Tiger era of the Republic. Comparing the muted and often underground activities of earlier groups with the high-profile and frequently spectacular nature of those who followed later, we point to the commonalities in the ways in which the diverse groups acted to normalize abortion and defiantly resist the shaming of abortion seekers. Following on from reflections on legacy, Ann reviews her involvement in the Irish Women’s Abortion Support Group (IWASG), an activist voluntary group supporting those travelling from Ireland, North and South, from 1980 to 2000, for safe and legal terminations. She assesses the impact of the Irish Abortion Solidarity Campaign (Iasc), an exclusively campaigning group (1990–2008), and mulls over the trials of her one-woman show, Making a Holy Show of Myself: An Abortion

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Monologue, which she initiated in 2010 and hasn’t yet abandoned. Continuing in this vein, Helena reviews the work of the direct-action feminist performance group, Speaking of IMELDA (Ireland Making England the Legal Destination for Abortion) founded by herself and Treasa O’Brien in 2013. Speaking of IMELDA staged several performative interventions, continuing the tradition of inserting the voices of the London-Irish feminist diaspora into the debate and expressing solidarity with activists on the island of Ireland. AR: From the very beginning of Speaking of IMELDA, you, and co-founder, Treasa O’Brien, were keen to establish bloodlines, to call on the traditions of Irish feminism in Britain. Can you sketch out why you felt it was important for an avant-garde performance art group to retrieve histories of feminist activism? HW: Firstly, we wanted to mobilize solidarity with reproductive rights activists on the island of Ireland from our base in London. We were fed up bemoaning the negative impact of anti-choice laws, as emphasized by the death of Savita Halappanavar in 2012. We were aware that as younger feminists, and more recently arrived Irish diaspora in London, we were by no means inventing the wheel. Inspired by your book, we sought to reach out to long-standing campaigners to gain advice. We were delighted that you not only were happy to advise us but also that you became a member of Speaking of IMELDA. From the outset, IMELDA highlighted IWASG in our work and publicity material. We also did so by wearing red clothing in reference to the red skirt that IWASG members sometimes wore to be identifiable to those waiting to be picked up at stations and airports, as previously referenced in the work of Siobhan Clancy (2012). Equally, IWASG used the girl’s name Imelda as a code word for abortion. We reclaimed this in our title, turning it into the acronym Ireland Making England the Legal Destination for Abortion. Our reference to past lineages of feminist reproductive rights activists highlights the historic feminist networks operating across the Irish Sea. This allows insight into the history of the struggle, alongside the innovative ways found to navigate the hardships endured. We were also mindful that referring to past activism resists the silencing of feminist histories. For this reason, this conversation with yourself is not only a pleasure but also relevant as it offers insight from the perspective of a life-long campaigner involved at a grassroots level. HW: Ann, you joined IWASG in the early 1980s and remained a member until the group was phased out at the turn of the century. Can you explain what motivated you to join? AR: I emigrated to Britain in 1961 from rural Ireland and settled in London. Like most young Irish women then, I hadn’t learnt, or even heard about sex,

Contributions of the Irish Feminist Diaspora but once in London I engaged in sexual relationships and ended up with an unwanted pregnancy. This was hardly surprising, since contraception was generally denied to the unmarried at the time. My search for an abortion was fraught with difficulty in the days before the 1967 British Abortion Act decriminalized terminations in certain circumstances. I was one of the estimated 80,000–110,000 women who had illegal abortions each year in England and Wales in the 1960s (Paintin, 1998, p. 13). Lucky for me, I was not one of the indeterminate number of women who died each year in the same period from complications, mainly severe blood loss and infection, although I came very close to it. Utterly shocked by the experience, in time I became a lifelong campaigner for safe and legal abortion. IWASG stemmed from a meeting of Irish feminists in a North London women’s centre at the beginning of the 1980s and was propelled by an everincreasing number of requests for help from abortion seekers from both sides of the Irish border. With the help of the Spanish Women’s Abortion Support Group (SWASG), also formed in response to the high volume of requests from Spain, and two British organizations: Release, the drug takers’ advice and support agency, and Women’s Health, IWASG got off the ground. In time, many of the services offered by IWASG mirrored those now provided by ASN but on a much smaller scale and less structured. Unlike ASN, IWASG’s twenty-year odyssey was pursued without the benefit of the internet, mobile phones, credit cards and cheap flights, the nuts and bolts of which have been excavated in a history of the group (Rossiter, 2009). HW: Can you give a flavour of how the IWASG fundraised and publicized its existence? AR: As a penniless, voluntary organization, fundraising for the purpose of helping abortion seekers financially was a central preoccupation of IWASG, conducted through sponsored swims, diets, runs, musical and dance (mainly céilí) benefits, as well as donating wages earned by pulling pints at musical festivals for the Workers’ Beer Company at venues like Glastonbury. Publicizing IWASG’s existence involved ‘postering’, graffitiing, stickering and leafleting of the group’s existence in Ireland itself and in socalled ‘Irish areas’ of London like Holloway, Kilburn and Willesden in the hope that information would be passed across ‘the water’. There were also strong connections with pro-choice groups in Ireland. We also participated in feminist meetings, conferences, symposia, panel discussions, seminars and workshops, an example being IWASG’s contribution to the 1987 International Tribunal on Abortion in Belfast (NI Abortion Law Reform Association, 1989). There were also pickets, demonstrations, banner, poster and flyer-designing sessions, publications, videos, Irish studies courses,

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland media and academic interviews. Propagation of our existence and raison d’etre included coverage in feminist journals, newspapers, newsletters and events appeared in the weekly listings’ magazine, Time Out. HW: What other groups were active in supporting the campaigns for reproductive rights in Ireland and what are the moments you remember from your long years of campaigning? AR: The process of marginalizing or even silencing of dissenting voices among the Irish in Britain whether through the long reach of the Catholic Church in Irish community affairs, the repressive effects of the Prevention of Terrorism Acts (PTA), 1974, 1976, or a general feeling of battle fatigue, led to frustration among some IWASG members, myself among them. Therefore, a campaigning group, the Irish Abortion Solidarity Campaign (Iasc), was set up in 1990 by a few of us within Women Against Fundamentalism (WAF) which had been formed in London in 1989 at the height of the furore over Salman Rushdie’s novel, The Satanic Verses, and the Iranian Ayatollah Khomeini’s issuing of a death sentence by fatwa on the novelist (Sahgal and Yuval Davis, 1992). Naming the repression and denial of abortion rights in Ireland, north and south, as part and parcel of Christian fundamentalism, was an important development for WAF where Islamic fundamentalism had hitherto been the focus. Crucially, the relationship with WAF extended our international presence. A collection of essays edited by two WAF members entitled Refusing Holy Orders was widely read and carried a chapter on women and Catholic fundamentalism in the RoI (Rossiter, 1992).

Iasc’s focus on NI was considerable, through its membership of Voice for Choice (VfC), of which it was a founding member. VfC was conceived as a national coalition of pro-choice campaigning organizations and providers of abortion, including the BPAS and Marie Stopes International (MSI), as well as the Family Planning Association. The group worked alongside the All Party Parliamentary Pro-Choice and Sexual Health Group to campaign for reform of the 1967 Act and to extend the amended act to NI. Extension of the amended act was Iasc’s main concern, and one of its projects was a survey of Northern Irish abortion seekers attending British abortion clinics in 2000/2001, authored by myself and Mary Sexton (Rossiter and Sexton, 2001). A launch took place in the House of Lords in London, and at Stormont, the seat of government in NI, sponsored by the Progressive Unionist Party and the Women’s Coalition, the feminist party. HW: I was born in September 1979, the year and the month that Pope John Paul II visited Ireland drawing crowds of up to two million worshippers.

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Notably, the month before, Queen Elizabeth’s cousin Lord Mountbatten was killed by an IRA bomb while boating in Sligo. Apart from negotiating religious conservatism, IWASG in the early days was operating at a politically fraught time given the Troubles in NI. How troubling were the Troubles? How did IWASG navigate this tense political climate? AR: When IWASG came into being in London in the early 1980s, the political landscape in relation to Ireland was ‘difficult’ to put it mildly. NI was still ‘beyond the Pale’, still seen as an embarrassing and dangerously troublesome provincial outpost of the UK, engaged in ‘tribal warfare’ of a religious nature which had a lack of relevance for British politics, society and the wider culture. The rise of loyalist paramilitary groups, the deployment of British military forces totalling 250,000 over the period 1969 to 2000, was troubling for the Irish population in Britain acutely aware of the consequences. The mobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), whose bombing campaign extended to the streets of England where there were 115 deaths and 2,134 injuries in 488 incidents (McGladdery, 2006, p. 3), confirmed their worst fears.

The enactment of the PTA in 1974 in Britain provided police with extensive powers of interrogation and detention directed at the Irish immigrant population. A total of 55,000 people were interviewed by mid-1980 and 6,932 were detained between 1974 and 1990 (Dawson et al., 2017, p. 3). There was also scrutiny at air and seaports, which was unnerving, particularly for abortion seekers from NI with the added hassle of leaving and returning to their homes through road or street blocks. This situation resulted in many Irish people ‘keeping their heads down’ for the duration as historical, but dormant, anti-Irish prejudices, welled to the surface. AR: Among the many traumas of the Troubles were the prisoners, male and female, incarcerated in Northern Irish and British jails. They became a major focus of attention and protest worldwide with the Irish female body being viewed as a site of struggle and resistance, especially following the hunger strike of female Republican prisoners in Armagh Gaol in 1980, their ‘No Wash’ or ‘Dirty Protest’ (D’Arcy, 1981), and opposition to strip searching (Corcoran, 2006). Can you elaborate on how this impacted on feminist artists like yourself and how you foreground and create meaning with the body in performance in the contemporary period? HW: The radical use of the female body in feminist performance art to challenge gendered norms and express the realities of lived experience has always inspired me. Since the 1960s, body art and performance art practices were utilized by women artists to challenge patriarchal norms

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland and merge the personal with the political, relevant, of course, to the second-wave feminist movement. Embodiment in performance can make visible the impact of gendered norms that are hidden or difficult to put into words – sometimes due to a lack of discourse. For instance, as you’ve mentioned, sex education was basically non-existent when you grew up in Ireland. Indeed, in its early legislation the postcolonial Irish state was preoccupied with restricting reproductive autonomy and silencing discourses concerning sex. The resultant policies limited women to duties of childcare and the home, alongside banning the sale and advertisement of contraception, not fully lifted until 1993. Within Irish nationalist discourse – the female body has been framed as symbolic of the nation with the Virgin Mary and Mother Ireland as the leading figureheads. Female live artists in an Irish context in subversively playing with idealized versions of womanhood have challenged the rigid policing of reproductive bodies (Phillips, 2015; Walsh, 2020a). Yet, the control of female reproductive bodies was also a key preoccupation in the North, as emphasized by restricted abortion access, which was supported by political parties across the divide, with Westminster reluctant to press the case. Within the hunger-strikes and the dirty protests, the body was deployed as a weapon to challenge injustice. Similarly, the female body in performance can be mobilized as a weapon to destabilize patriarchal logic. I’ve used menstrual blood in my performances and as part of my research, I explored how the presence of menstrual blood in the cells of the female dirty protesters caused discomfort both in Republican ranks and to the Catholic hierarchy, who tried to frame the protestors as ‘girls’ rather than women (Weinstein, 2006). The female body (and its bodily fluids) can be harnessed in performance to trouble patriarchal discourses that frame women as passive, helpless and in need of authoritarian control, alongside breaking the silencing surrounding sex and reproduction. AR: To reach such a level of artistic skill and confidence to venture into cultural ‘choppy waters’ would have been mostly unthinkable for a teenager of the 1950s, like me. What moved you to become an artist, and, in time, a live artist, an unusual occupation for a young woman from a working-class rural family? HW: I grew up in a rural extended family environment on the outskirts of a small village in the southeast of Ireland. I was enabled to follow an artistic path due to having supportive parents and a wonderfully encouraging art teacher in my secondary school. Significantly, I came of college age during the Celtic Tiger era when government grants opened up third-level education to people from backgrounds like mine. I enrolled in a BA in

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Fine Art at Limerick School of Art and Design (LSAD) in 1997. At LSAD I discovered feminist performance practice and became involved with multiple performance groups. I often think about the irony that I first engaged with feminist performance practice at LSAD given that the main campus on Clare Street was a Magdalen Laundry until 1994. In 2003, I moved to London, continuing my practice and education from there. I often perform in Ireland and have undertaken collaborative feminist art projects there. HW: Prior to your involvement in Speaking of IMELDA you used performance to advocate for reproductive rights? Can you tell me more about your onewoman show Making a Holy Show of Myself? AR: It was born out of frustration. I decided to launch Making a Holy Show of Myself, an Abortion Monologue, in 2010 at a time when comedy acts tackling difficult subjects were not the order of the day, as they are now (Watters, 2018). Although not a complete flop, I can’t say it was a smash hit, since not being a seasoned performer I found it difficult to know how to pitch to different audiences. Half of those present at a counterculture festival in Cork City walked out, while those at an event at the Irish Cultural Centre in Hammersmith stared at me impassively. By way of compensation and consolation, gigs at the Edinburgh Fringe festival, Trinity College Dublin and an Abortion Support Network fundraiser in London, as well as AfC events in Derry and Belfast, audiences were encouraging – and kind.

Searching for inspiration for the show, I looked at how traditional representations of the Irish mother (‘dutiful, self-sacrificing paragon, devoted to God and family, provider of selfless love and good dinners’, according to the writer, Aine McCarthy, 2004, p. 97) were faring in modern times. Irish mothers feature prominently in abortion-seeker lore, an oft-heard declaration at my kitchen table being: ‘My mother is the one person I can’t tell; she’d kill me if she knew.’ A portrayal of Northern Irish motherhood by the writer and activist, Margaret Ward, summoned up many iconic images I still retain from ‘the bad old days’ of the Troubles. Margaret recalls: ‘young mothers with pushchairs angrily confronting armed soldiers on the small streets of Derry and Belfast; women wrapped only in blankets, leading marches that called for political status for prisoners; women in Union Jack dresses and babies with “proud to be prod” bibs, peace women, anxious to stretch out the hand of friendship to those on “the other side”; mothers mourning children blown up by bombs, killed by plastic bullets or by sectarian assassins’ (Ward, 2004, p. 228). For me, such memories are still too raw to find their way into any creative endeavour other

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than darkest tragedy. Possibilities for humour I found in theatrical productions by the Charabanc Theatre Company formed in Belfast in 1983 and its successor, DubbelJoint. The plays by Marie Jones, Christina Reid, Anne Devlin and Frank McGuinness gave a powerful sense of the sharp, dry Ulsterwomen’s wit and mothers’ legendary resilience (Foley, 2003). Dark tragedies centred on Irish motherhood failed to find an empathetic response from me. Much more ‘my cup of tea’ was Colm Toibin’s treatment of Mary, mother of Jesus, in his novella, The Testament of Mary (Toibin, 2013). He depicts Mary as a woman down but not beaten. Although elderly, she is feisty and intolerant of intrusion, especially by the encircling gospel-writing Evangelists intent on seeking her support for their deification of Jesus, something she strongly rejects. Certainly not Mary as we have known her: the blue and white Madonna with upturned eyes towards her son in heaven in the role of Mediatrix of all Graces. HW: The Testament of Mary reminds me of when the IMELDA’s ambushed then British Secretary of State for Health, Mr Hunt, at his advice surgery in a Sainsbury’s supermarket on 24 May 2014. We planned this action at a meeting outside the Barbican Centre in London as two of our members were attending the stage adaptation of Toibin’s book, in which Fiona Shaw played Mary. Audience members encounter her on stage, resembling the iconic depictions of the Virgin Mary, sat statuesque in a blue cloak amidst candles and holding a red apple. Apples were also involved in our encounter with Mr Hunt, who we approached at his checkout advice surgery situated by the tills. Like Eve’s escaped from Eden, we handed him apples that had legal advice that highlighted how he could tweak secondary legislation to allow women and pregnant people in NI to be able to access abortion on the NHS for free, rather than amassing considerable hospital fees, alongside the costs of travel and accommodation. Leaving Hunt with the remains of our half-eaten apples as staff pulled down the store shutters, we chanted ‘It’s time to upset the patriarchal apple cart’ (Bodkin, 2014). AR: What kind of personae did IMELDA imbue its characters with? HW: The IMELDA has adopted many roles, using performance in a brazen and outspoken way. We playfully parodied various constructions of femininity and also used everyday objects in inventive ways, for example, within our ‘Knickers for Choice Campaign (see Walsh, 2020). Both cheeky and brash: we unapologetically advocated for reproductive rights on the island of Ireland. Refusing to succumb to the imagery of subjugated, oppressed womanhood, IMELDA imbued its characters with a disarmingly

Contributions of the Irish Feminist Diaspora subversive power. This enabled us to draw audiences into a performative engagement where we could advocate for reproductive rights from an empowered position. IMELDA also posed as many different characters to demonstrate our solidarity with reproductive rights activists in NI. We were also lucky to count within our rank’s activists from NI, from backgrounds across the political divide, who informed these actions. In 2016 – with our Northern Irish radical Sorcha Fhionntain, we visited the British Passport Office and the Northern Irish Executive to ask what use a Northern Irish passport was to those needing an abortion. On setting her passport in flames Sorcha concluded it was ‘neither use nor ornament’. In 2016 we performed the Game of Shame in Parliament Square in response to the prosecution of a woman in NI for buying the abortion pill, declaring ‘The game is up, enough is enough – stop gambling with women’s lives, our bodies our choice!’ In July 2016 Anna Carnegie and myself attended the 1st Rally for Choice in Belfast (Crory et al., this volume). Dressed as super shero’s replete with capes and underwear as outer wear we stuck stickers on marchers, honouring them as ‘Sheros for choice’. In June 2017, following the Westminster General Election, in which the DUP took centre-stage, we supported Tina McCloskey in organizing a protest outside Downing Street. Showing solidarity with AfC we proclaimed ‘We will not be DUP-ed.’ HW: The strategies deployed by IMELDA are, of course, set within a much broader, longer campaign in which a multiplicity of forms of activism across different fields were needed to achieve change. You, as a lifelong campaigner for reproductive rights on the island of Ireland, yet based in London, have been part of the development of Irish feminist diasporic activism on this issue. How would you evaluate the contribution of the Irish pro-choice diaspora on this issue? AR: In this chapter, condensing almost half a century’s worth of work from IWASG to IMELDA shouldered by a myriad émigré Irish females and others has proved a poignant experience. Evaluating the émigré contribution, beginning with the arrival of IWASG on the London scene in the Dark Ages before cyberspace, communication between the two islands was, difficult, but by no means impossible. However, the part played by social media was titanic and that was manifest in the swift propagation of IMELDA videos on the internet. It was also manifest in the stellar work of LIARC (Sanquest) and ASN (Clarke) discussed in this volume. Whether social media was the silver bullet, or just one player among many, will undoubtedly do the rounds for years as scholars mull over the revolution in social attitudes that has taken place on both sides of the border during less than a half century.

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For the record, I would describe the contribution made by IWASG to this transformation as a ‘subversive philanthropy’, a ‘hands on’ practical support of abortion seekers, but with a twist. Iasc’s main input was making connections in wider British feminist circles, especially with abortion providers and advocates. Making a Holy Show of Myself was my solo stab at delving into another medium by treading the boards, straining to be funny about something far from funny, and with nobody having my back. That felt like being in the stocks. But fortuitously, along came a bunch of ‘wimmin in red’ called IMELDA, very avantgarde, very savvy about performance, spectacle and cyberspace – and having each other’s back. HW: Of course, it would be difficult to boil down half a century’s worth of action here. What is striking though is the phenomenal and diverse amount of work undertaken by activists, from offering practical aid to advocating for abortion rights. Recent campaigns have also taken advantage of social media to reach wider audiences and amplify a pro-choice message, which was not available to the groups you discuss. I remember when IMELDA staged a performance based on the telephone calls taken by IWASG at ‘What do Women Need?’, the second annual conference of the Coalition to Repeal the 8th Amendment in Dublin in September 2015. It was particularly poignant to have you, as a former member of IWASG, answering the phonelines. Afterwards, a younger activist reflected how the performance made her understand the difficulties faced by abortion seekers in the 1980s as access to telephones was not widespread and, of course, there was the risk of criminalization for seeking an abortion abroad up until 1992. The performance highlighted to younger audiences both the difficulties faced by abortion seekers and the innovative ways feminists navigated these. Although IMELDA also spoke at conferences, developed content for publication and used social media to share recorded footage of our live actions, we were largely focused on utilizing direct-action performance to agitate for an end to anti-choice laws. We often harnessed humour and mischief-making to popularize the issue of abortion and to call out the hypocrisies of those in power. However, it also strikes me that all of the diasporic Irish feminist groups we’ve discussed here, in one way or another, have utilized their positioning abroad to undermine the power structures that perpetuate the systematic containment of female sexuality and restrict reproductive autonomy on the island of Ireland.

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Rally for Choice Elaine Crory, Emma Wallace and Fionnghuala Ni Roibeaird

This chapter will outline the activities of Rally for Choice (RfC) between 2016 and 2019 as experienced by three central activists. Synonymous with the large, colourful marches on the streets of Belfast between 2016 and 2019, RfC was formed in 2011 to counter-protest the so-called ‘Rally for Life’, organized by anti-abortion group Precious Life, which took place every July in either Dublin or Belfast. Until 2015 RfC was a single-woman operation run by Suzanne Lee, who remained involved until 2016. Over the course of eight years, RfC developed significantly from a static counter-protest to a ‘regrettably vulgar … pumped up street party’ as described by the Democratic Unionist Party’s Nelson McCausland (2017).

The 2016 rally With the 2016 Rally for Life due to take place in Belfast in July RfC began preparations in late May for the counter-demonstration. We noted the Parades Commission (an independent statutory body that had to approve all marches in NI) had yet to be notified about Rally for Life, thus inspired by activists Diana King, Kitty O’Kane and Collette Devlin who handed themselves in for police questioning after admitting to providing abortion pills to women (O’Brien, volume 1), we decided to organize a march through Belfast City Centre (Horgan, this volume). With the help of Naomi Connor and Kerry Fleck in the trade union movement we submitted our application. This step to organize a march was a risk. Up until now, there was a strong belief that if we were to organize a march, as opposed to a static protest, Precious Life would organize a much larger counter-demonstration. This could constitute a setback of any political

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discussion of reproductive choice for years. This fear was compounded by Precious Life pushing ahead to organize their march. Our understanding was that the Parades Commission operated on a first-come-first-serve basis and that our early application would reduce the Rally for Life to a static rally. We were mistaken. Rather, both marches were approved and we made history as the first non-sectarian march to be deemed contentious in NI. We knew a lot rested on this rally, and we were under pressure to draw in a huge crowd. We took inspiration from Basque feminists who were utilizing social media and art to transform society. We mirrored their activism as we embarked on a campaign of agitation and propaganda, i.e. agit-prop. We put on a small online fundraiser to collect £1,000 to go towards the cost of materials. We knew that Belfast was a pro-choice city, yet this was not reflected on its walls. Between posters, stickers and spray paint, we decorated Belfast to advertise the rally. We produced a video and other digital media to stress the importance of the action. On the day our rally was a success, outnumbering Precious Life’s. Most importantly, it democratized the issue by proving that we could hold a successful rally and invite people to participate without fear of jeopardizing the campaigning that had gone on thus far. This was crucial for the 2017 Rally. It is important to note at this stage that political circumstances in the North mean organizing a rally is complicated, requiring Parades Commission permission to march, and permission from whichever public body owns the location of the speeches. In addition we had to counteract a hostile response from the Chamber of Commerce who sought to block the rally for fear of impacting on trade in the city centre. Organization tasks also included sourcing speakers, a sound system, transport for protestors further afield and so on, all of which was done by a small group of activists, with invaluable help from Worker’s Solidarity Movement, Parents for Choice and Need Abortion Ireland, as well as Emma Gallen and Emma Campbell from AfC. The background to the decision to move to a rally in 2016 should be understood in context; the Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC), who were gaining significant cultural ground, consistently voted to hold the annual March for Choice in Dublin rather than other cities. At the same time, anti-choice campaigners were acutely aware that the ground beneath them was shifting, and they were increasing ‘pro-life’ rallies across Ireland. Activists in RfC were concerned that the lack of a pro-choice rally in the North would be interpreted as signalling that most people here were content with the laws as they stood.

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Building Rally for Choice: 2017 In 2016, we were testing the waters, in 2017 we were conjuring a tsunami. The year 2017 witnessed a growth in confidence in RfC with more sophisticated branding, direction and support, taking five months as opposed to the previous six weeks to plan for and recruit organizers. The organization was diverse, comprised of queers, migrants, students and mothers, we were very clear that we were a revolutionary feminist organization and we aimed to make our rally irresistible. There was a concern that AfC was becoming more specialized on lobbying, and that a mass movement would be needed in order to win reproductive rights in the North. A number of those involved in RfC were activists with AfC and becoming frustrated with the funnelling of activists to the public stall in Belfast each Saturday, irrespective of the ideas or skills they may have brought to the table. In 2017, the idea of organizing a rally in Belfast was brought to an AfC meeting; however, as the dates were two weeks away from the March for Choice, AfC felt this was divisive. As a result, there was a degree of acrimony in the decision to hold a rally at that time, and while much of that was mended in later years, RfC saw ourselves as split from AfC at that time; albeit the difference centred around approaches rather than end goals. Preparation for the 2017 Rally entailed multiple fundraisers, hundreds of t-shirts being printed and sold, and buses from across the island arranged to bring allies to Belfast on the day. We ramped up our agit-prop and used multiple means of communication to promote intersectional feminist radicalism, reflective of our members. Just as some suffragettes used the vote as a tool to elevate women’s position in society, we used abortion to make it clear that real choice included not having to choose between heating your house or feeding your kids. We sought to highlight how our society thrives and depends upon a democratic deficit and how this minimizes real choice. Crucially, we felt our radicalism would help AfC, stood next to us they would appear as moderates who those on the fence may be more likely to engage with. We felt that if we continued to push the discussion towards revolutionary activity that this could only benefit the mainstream political movement. To this end, the group began to hold open weekly meetings, encouraging new membership. Core 2016 organizers, Seanín Ní Connalláin, Claire Donaldson and Fiona Ferguson, stayed, while the membership increased rapidly, attracting many new activists. Early meetings discussed issues beyond the rally itself, as the group was keen to foster the skills of the new members rather than to simply delegate.

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This approach had mixed success, but the dynamic informed how the group intended to work. The 2017 rally produced an incredible buzz and an atmosphere in Belfast City Centre. One organizer, Ellie Evans, was being harassed by the PSNI over her ‘Fuck the DUP’ placard at Pride earlier that year. We stood in solidarity with her by reproducing that same message at the rally. Organizers were contacted by the police on the eve of the rally, warning that anyone displaying similar signs would be prosecuted. Undeterred on the day, ten Rally for Choice activists posed with each letter on the back of their t-shirts; F-U-C-K-T-H-E-D-U-P. Police again warned organizers of prosecutions and some attendees were told to remove their placards, but no arrests were made. Additionally, we stopped the march outside Ashers, the bakery ran by homophobes, to set off rainbow smoke (BBC News, 2018). Two samba bands provided the soundtrack throughout the parade with approximately 3,000 people in attendance. Photo-journalists clamoured to capture the atmosphere and the banner, which included the sub-heading ‘every misogynist’s worst nightmare’. In the context of the litany of issues that the rally wanted to address, there was also something magical in the atmosphere. This did not escape Nelson McCausland, who seemed upset in the Belfast Telegraph where he worried that it was ‘crude’ and ‘regrettably vulgar’. Lamenting a ‘sad day for Belfast’, he wrote One of the speakers was a young woman from the Rally for Choice committee, who said that they were ‘revolutionary feminists’. Her agenda was much broader than abortion and she said that ‘winning abortion rights is just one step on the road’. (McCausland, 2017)

His upset is evidence that the message has been received loud and clear; there is more to autonomy than abortion rights, and we want it all. With significantly more time at hand and buoyed by success, the vision that the group proposed from this point was far broader than the name ‘Rally for Choice’ could portray. Eager to connect itself with wider social movements, the group produced a video some months in advance of the 2017 rally (Rally for Choice Ireland, 2017a). In that video, as in the press release that accompanied the announcement (Rally for Choice Ireland, 2017b), wider issues were addressed, from a lack of funding for mental health and cuts to disability benefits and welfare, to language rights and LGBTQ+ rights – all of which were set against the RHI financial scandal in the North and the confidence and supply agreement of the DUP with the

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Conservatives in Westminster (Creasy, Sanquest and Campbell, volume 1). We deliberately connected reproductive rights and the police crackdowns on pro-choice activists with other human rights concerns. These issues were expanded upon in a following video, underlined with the phrase ‘we have had enough’. Finishing with a call to solidarity from Rosa Thompson: ‘We all have the same enemy, and it’s time we came together against them. They’ve already picked their side, and it’s about time we picked ours.’ Although McCausland was keen to differentiate between the approach of RfC and that of other speakers, including Goretti Horgan from AfC Derry and Naomi Connor from AfC Belfast, his failure to mention Emily Waszak from Migrants and Ethnic Minorities for Reproductive Justice (MERJ), Faolan Hook from Gender Jam and a number of activists from regional ARC groups in the South misrepresented RfC’s intersectionality. It was a different group with a different approach, but shared goals. In fact, the average attendee had no idea that there were multiple pro-choice groups, and the rally was not organized by AfC. In many ways, this shows the success of one of RfC’s main goals; to allow the general public to demonstrate where they stood on this issue, without requiring them to become organizers themselves.

Policing the tone The official campaign to repeal the 8th Amendment in Ireland, Together for Yes, was focused on words like ‘care’ and ‘compassion’, wary of mentioning autonomy or even using ‘abortion rights’ (Bardon and Carswell, 2018). Whilst reticence is understandable for a referendum campaign hinging on popular vote (Usherwood, 2015), in the North we had no referendum, and there was a feeling that we should be unafraid to demand bodily autonomy. Indeed, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar called the movement to repeal the 8th a ‘quiet revolution’ (RTE News, 2018), ignoring the noisy, grassroots activism (Heffernan, 2018). Immediately after the referendum result, a Belfast Telegraph op-ed was at pains to remind campaigners: ‘the victory of the Yes campaign in the Republic should not be a case for undiluted celebrations. Whatever one’s viewpoint, the proposed change in the law means that lives of unborn babies will be lost’ (Belfast Telegraph, 2018), a perception we must dismantle in coming years, as stigma can have an impact not only on how services are delivered (Mullally, 2016), but on those fearful of ostracization.

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2­ 018 Behind the scenes in 2017, RfC was splintering even as its most successful rally showed a united front, a slow collapse that began before the Rally and completed early in 2018. Factions had formed, friendships forged and then broken, and issues raised had been handled poorly internally. The seriousness of the rift in RfC was such that it seemed irrevocably broken, and meetings intended to heal the damage done seemed, if anything, to deepen it. Despite these problems, RfC activists were involved in a number of solidarity acts for the Irish Repeal referendum including Strike for Repeal, a day of activism intended to force the Irish government to set a date for the vote (Strike4Repeal, 2017). Many also travelled to canvass in the South with AfC in the weeks and days before the May referendum. We learned an antichoice march was planned for Belfast in July 2018, intending to underline their claim that the people in the North were happy with their draconian lot; that the North was definitely not next. Remaining RfC activists including Nic Roibeaird, Crory, Wallace and Thompson, decided to hold a static counter-protest, outside Belfast City Hall, that the anti-choice march would be required to pass. This was co-organized with AfC with enormous assistance from Danielle Roberts and drew massive support. The anti-choice march moved at the last moment to the then-mothballed Stormont, leaving the city centre ringing with the sound of determined pro-choice activists. Attendees heard from Roberts, Crory, Naomhán O’Connor from Gender Jam and Erin Darcy, who ran the popular In Her Shoes page, among others (Monaghan, 2018). Just a few weeks after the vote to repeal the 8th, it felt as though the North really could be next.

The North Is Next By 2019 momentum had snowballed, many political parties had changed their stance on abortion as they faced the inevitable (Pierson, volume 1). Moreover, AfC’s approach of pursuing change through Westminster was bearing fruit, as the cause had been taken up by Labour MP Stella Creasy who, in 2017, had won funded treatment for pregnant people from the North in NHS hospitals in Britain (Elgot and McDonald, 2017). Remaining RfC organizers, along with AfC activists like Kellie Turtle and Naomi Connor, Helen Crickard from Reclaim the Agenda and a number of members from AfC Derry, had announced a rally in Belfast for September 2019. The RfC goal was, as always, to increase pressure

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and demonstrate the breadth of public support for change. It is a measure of the ground covered in the intervening years that, in this instance, the anti-choice groups organized a rally to oppose our march on the same day, rather than the reverse. Before the RfC rally could take place, however, everything changed. Northern Ireland’s Assembly had collapsed in January 2017, and, in July 2019, a vote took place in Westminster stating that if Stormont was not revived by 22nd October 2019, both equal marriage and abortion rights must be legislated for by the end of March 2020 (Creasy, Sanquest, Campbell, Thomson and Enright, volume 1). Immediately the anti-choice movement began to argue that this change was ‘imposed’ on us against our will. In many ways, showing the strength of feeling to the contrary became more important than ever. The RfC group modelled the 2019 rally on their 2017 approach; despite having less time to prepare, events such as Chuckles for Choice, and a familyfriendly event where musician Dani Carragher worked with children to write a protest song, saw strong support. By the time the rally arrived, the feeling was that it would be huge, despite the news being dominated by pictures of a large anti-choice protest at Stormont the previous evening. Announcing the infamous Bernadette Devlin McAliskey as a speaker was a huge draw, and as the crowds gathered in Writer’s Square in a cloud of purple smoke, the feeling was a mixture of victory and exhaustion. The RfC march passed Custom House Square, where anti-choice protesters gathered before their march, but despite the preparations of the PSNI, there were no altercations. Turning down Waring Street from High Street, the PSNI stopped the RfC march, allowing antichoice protestors coming from St. Anne’s Cathedral to pass, some threw salt and holy water in our direction. It seemed unfair that we should be the ones forced to wait, despite the careful negotiations we had in advance, but we were not downhearted. We returned to Writer’s Square to the sound of Saint Sister singing Dreams by the Cranberries and gathered for speeches. Turtle urged us all to hold hands with the person on either side of us, stressing that we are all connected to someone who has had an abortion. Hamsavani Rajeswaren spoke for the student movement and about the centring of white voices, Faolan Hook spoke again for trans and non-binary folks’ bodily autonomy, Ivanka Petrova drew attention to the plight of the migrant community. Finally, Bernadette Devin McAliskey spoke to a rapt crowd, reiterating the point of the movement ‘the right of women to own and control their own bodies, that is the interface on which we stand’. She reminded us, also, that the fight never ends; ‘In those heady days that look like victory, be careful, because you’re never over the winning line’ (Rally for Choice Ireland, 2019).

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Conclusion It is unclear at this point if there is a life ahead for Rally for Choice. Some members left in 2017 followed by further departures in 2018 and 2019. Each has their own perspective on both why they left and the future of Rally for Choice; it is evident that there remains the need for an organization which will continue the focus of dismantling hetero-patriarchy, capitalism, racism and more. RfC as it existed has its place within the historical process of challenging the stigmatization of abortion and cross-cutting issues, which we excelled at in demonstrating in Belfast City Centre – that another world was possible. As we look ahead to the future, the Health Minister’s blockage to implementation means we still have to achieve free, safe, legal and local access to abortion for everyone that needs it. Whilst mass public gatherings are not feasible currently due to COVID-19 we know that the ethos of the organization remains pertinent and, if necessary, we will take to the streets again.

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Art, Alliance for Choice and activism Emma Campbell

This chapter illustrates how art is a tool for disrupting stigmatizing discourse around abortion and movement building for Alliance for Choice (AfC). Several interventions into abortion stigma in Northern Ireland (NI) were created by activists from the movement, some of which will be explored here. The focus will be art with explicit collaboration or implicit involvement of AfC; there is not adequate space to cover every artistic engagement, even in the visual arts. The focus illuminates visual arts projects that generated potential change for AfC. There will be a brief contextualization of art as a tool of reproductive justice in Ireland, North and South, then an examination of the importance of AfC’s creative projects including: ‘When they put their hands out like scales,’ ‘My Body My Life’, ‘An Appropriate Hobby’ and ‘As Others See Us.’ The work, some of it mine, will be framed as socially engaged art (Helguera, 2011), a nebulous but significant categorization of art used to increase public engagement with a particular social issue via engaged and dialogical practice. What SEA (socially engaged art) creates is ‘emancipated’; that is, its participants walk away feeling enriched, perhaps even claiming some ownership of the experience or ability to reproduce it with others (Helguera, 2011, p.13).

Socially engaged art as an abortion rights tool across Ireland The genre may vary, but whether it is visual art, performance, theatre, radio, music or dance, it is easy to demonstrate that the arts offer potential dialogue with a greater range of audiences and hold more nuanced space than the polemic discourse of traditional media, or adversarial politics. Like other aspects of grassroots organizing, the arts and creative actions are not isolated independent strands of action, but an interdependent thread running through

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the rich tapestry of the overall movement towards bodily autonomy. Many artists made key work for abortion rights in RoI and NI, most of whom who had developed strong relationships with grassroots activists (Campbell and Clancy, 2018). It is worth mentioning some of the artists either fully embedded in the pro choice community or acting alongside such as; Speaking of IMELDA, Maser, Jesse Jones and Sarah Browne, Siobhán Clancy, Home|Work, REPEAL merchandise, Lisa Keogh, Treasa O’Brien, I’m a Life by Isobel Anderson, Now for the North by Anna Leckey, Amanda Coogan, Tara Flynn and the Artists’ Campaign to Repeal the 8th. We tend to forget that work within the art community is also ‘effective’ and reaches people who will reach many others. Artists alone can’t change the world, but then, neither can anyone else, alone. (Lippard, 1984, p.17)

Lippard describes the goal of activist artists as a combination of theoretical and practical social engagement and action, using fine art practices, multimedia and embracing an expansive approach, rather than a finessing one (1984, p. 2). Most of the artistic projects embrace an ethos of participatory production (Kester, 2013) or collaboration (Lippard, 1984), facilitation of dialogue and authenticity in the reflection of affected peoples (Azoulay, 2008), as well as the power of the collective voice and disrupting norms (Butler, 2015). The projects all generated empathy and evoke lived experience and intended to open dialogical space. A connected knowledge is grounded in our capacity to identify with other people. It is through empathy that we can learn not simply to suppress selfinterest through identification with some putatively universal perspective, or through the irresistible compulsion of logical argument, but to literally redefine self: to both know and feel our connectedness with others (Kester, 2005, p. 153). Rather than Kester’s aspiration of a discursive connectedness, Lippard’s focuses on modes of collective working. Her assertions of cooperative consciousness raising are important; the addition of Kester’s empathetic approach is vital. For the work produced with AfC the connected knowing of Kester functions alongside Lippard’s definition of what activist art is or should strive to be, which is The feminist (and socialist) value system insists upon cultural workers supporting and responding to their constituencies. The three models of such interaction are: (1) group and/or public ritual; (2) public consciousness-raising and interaction through visual images, environments, and performances; and (3) cooperative/collaborative/collective or anonymous art making. (My emphasis, Lippard 1984, p.17)

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Often the environmental context within which a piece of art is engaged with can disrupt the original community context and cause friction with the intent of empathy. Activist-art too far removed from its context can become a fetishized art of objectification; an othering which is undesirable for the represented ‘constituencies’ and artists involved. Therefore, Kester’s goal of connectedness is something which AfC consider central to any creative production they were involved in including the spaces the pieces inhabit and the players in each work. Even the Carnival for Sexual Rights and Freedom (O’Dowd et  al., volume 1; Mackle et  al., this volume) co-organized by AfC, Belfast Feminist Network; ICTU Youth Committee and The Rainbow Project in 2011, at a time when activities where still low profile, sought to engender connectedness and platform the voices of actors, artists, singers and comedians who were directly impacted by the lack of legislation for same-sex marriage and abortion rights in Northern Ireland. Events were held in community spaces more typical for political works, theatre spaces, artist-led spaces, workshops and more and embraced both ‘subversion on one hand and empowerment on the other’ (Lippard, 1984, p. 15). Art-activism works best when it can affect an emotionally resonant response which can shift paradigms in culture (The Centre for Artistic Activism, 2018). Therefore, the range engaged with by AfC, in tandem with the group’s core activist practices, has ensured that the intentions honour the people most deeply impacted (Campbell and Clancy, 2018). AfC’s efforts towards transformation and empowerment through artistic engagement demonstrate the potential shift in attitudes and behaviours when community voices are combined with the activist/artist voice and experienced in way that embraces the method and the narrative subject (Frostig, 2011). Both Schmidt Campbell and Martin (2006) and Ariel Azoulay (2008) expound the expression of citizenship through visual activist/art practice, positioning cultural production about rights and purpose as the embodiment of ‘good’ citizenship, or upholding the public side of the civil contract.

When they put their hands out like scales (WTPTHOLS) In 2010 I began a Masters of Fine Art in photography in which I had committed to producing a body of work on the lack of abortion access in NI. After a brief discussion with the Family Planning Association NI, I quickly changed tack and sought out a grassroots group that organized around the issue of abortion. AfC had recently been demoralized in 2008 with the Westminster Labour/DUP deal

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(Teggart and Rowan, volume 1, O’Dowd et al., volume 1) that ensured the 1967 Abortion Act was not extended to NI. Yet despite this, the three women and one of their children I met for the first time at the meeting were bright, sharp, committed and patiently answered all my incredulous questions. It was apparent that if I showed my commitment to abortion access, they would be willing to take me under their wings. I joined at a time when AfC was planning to mark the 150 years of 1861 Offences Against the Person Act, which included several protests but also the arts events of the Carnival for Sexual Rights and Freedom mentioned above. With the project I was undertaking, I had already made a few journeys to England on the bus and met Mara Clarke and Ann Rossiter of the Abortion Support Group to photograph them and learn about their incredible solidarity work. The Carnival saw Ann return to Belfast to perform her Making a Holy Show of Myself comedy soliloquy and at a panel on a different night she urged other cultural producers to connect with both myself and AfC to make abortion-led content. I mention this as the first photographic work and film I made about abortion that was used in this festival even in its incomplete form, and I was called upon to photograph some of the events, which is a relationship still steadfast today. A portfolio session at the Irish photo festival in 2011 led to the Copper House Gallery (a commercial gallery in Dublin) breaking the mould and offering to put on ‘When they put their hands out like scales’. The publicly funded galleries I showed were supportive but nervous, and curators from other European countries were incredulous and found it hard to understand the concept of abortion being banned in NI. This exhibition was important for visual arts and abortion in Ireland, important for me as an artist and key for AfC in Belfast as we were invited to be part of the Steering Group for a new organization called the Abortion Rights Campaign in Ireland. For visual arts in Ireland, there had been little directly on this topic since the 1990s; ‘Sounding the Depths’, a 1992 collaborative installation by Pauline Cummins and Louise Walsh, and Untitled by Sheelagh Honan in 1994, as described by Chan (2018:1) are notable and brave exceptions at a time when the country had recently witnessed a referendum fall in favour of a continued ban on abortion access. Chan’s discussion on the work produced draws out how the selected artists problematize silence; silence as a strength, out of duty and being broken in ways that call attention to the difficulties that silence provokes. Cummins and Walsh used the sounds of water and laughter to defy the body’s silencing but remained at a threshold of articulation to recognize how language must be reclaimed and reshaped, rather than have the body consigned beyond words (Chan, 2018, p. 14).

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Highlighting the problem of asking the marginalized to platform themselves, Chan uses Luce Irigary and Drucilla Cornell to frame a ‘dereliction’ and JeanFrancois Lyotard’s ‘differend’ apparent in the lack of nuanced language available to narrativize abortion, within a law and culture defined by patriarchy (Chan, 2018, p. 9). Often, artworks about abortion in Ireland play with themes of secrecy, silence, safety, solace and sensuality. The photographs and film at the core of the work produced in WTPTHOLS as a member of AfC and as an artist would exemplify that strain of invisibility versus visibility: acknowledgement without denouement. Copper House Gallery hosted a few accompanying events, co-facilitated and organized by Siobhán Clancy, artist and then steering group member of ARC. Siobhán, who has since become a long-time collaborator, was eager to ensure that AfC Belfast had a say in what became the primary grassroots group in the campaign to ‘Repeal the 8th’ in Ireland. This meant not only were AfC an official member of the ARC steering group, but also that the importance of art as an activist tool was always one part of their central strategy, namely the Creative and Direct-Action sub-group. The images were used in Speakouts (peer sharing groups for people who have had abortions), to create a safe and contemplative space that echoed the lived experience. In 2014, an expanded version of the work, this time alongside collage prints made using the archives of Women on Web, was exhibited in Belfast’s artist-run Platform Arts. AfC held one of their monthly activist meetings amidst the exhibition, one abortion workshop, one public lecture by Dr Fiona Bloomer and even had their own lonely protestor, who visited repeatedly, even lodging an official complaint with the Ulster University vice chancellor. The work was also part of a PhD residency in Berlin, as part of the EGFK European Society for Art and Research programme, where the OKK gallery in Wedding, Berlin, helped AfC Belfast forge relationships between the Berlin-Ireland Abortion solidarity movement and other Polish solidarity activist groups in Germany. This relationship saw regular solidarity protests for grassroots activity in Belfast and ensured, through the generosity of the group, a regular donation of money raised by their solidarity actions. If both Kester and Lippard’s aspirations for effective dialogical and activist art are considered, as well as Helguera’s enriched emancipation and participation, in many ways the content of the work itself ought to offer something to the community it is working from within or on behalf of, as well as the spaces of participation have acted as sites of empathetic engagement and transformative knowledge. An Appropriate Hobby was a mixed media project that spanned four years and two seismic changes for abortion on the island of Ireland. It

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was imagined as a way of addressing the invisibility of women and potentially pregnant people in the narrative around abortion in Ireland, North and South, and as a way of trying to exemplify the movement responsible for the shift in public discourse and ultimately laws and access. Both colour photography and the laws against abortion in Ireland were first formed in 1861, an era of emerging modernity that also saw the growing suffragette movement … This project will aim to show that despite the enduring restrictions on abortion, feminism has also endured against state misogyny and violence. Activists are invited to have their portrait modified and included in this artwork online; this work will be used by the researcher for abortion rights campaigning and for publication as part of a PhD thesis (Campbell, 2020).

In the Civil Contract of Photography, Azoulay (2008, p. 51) discusses the extent of sexual violence towards women, concerned that it is not viewed as the international scourge it is but remains pervasive. Instead, interpersonal and state violence against women often must be countered inside and from within countries and communities where women are understood to have won superficial status as legal equals but remain without the realization of these rights. The abandonment of women, which did not cease with their belated entry into the body politic, forced them to develop practices, norms and skills of their own for governing their abandoned bodies (Azoulay, 2008, p.62), as happened in underground abortion services (Enright, volume 1) in the island of Ireland. An Appropriate Hobby aimed to not only capture the struggle for reproductive rights, but also honour the movement. Importantly, like the other projects, this work could not be imagined or realized as a lone artist; activism, organizing and movement building are inherently group projects. Typically developed in collaboration with others, arts activism reflects a democratic paradigm, eliciting multiple viewpoints that challenge dominant discourse. (Frostig, 2011, p. 50)

S­ ocially engaged activist art finds innovative presentations of ideas developed in participation with the directly affected communities, often in a utilization of public space, leading to the recognition that these innovations are about contesting power and control (Frostig, 2011, p. 51). In the twenty-first century, public space can span urban and digital realms, or both concurrently, but importantly it will endeavour to galvanize citizen dissent towards social change. An Appropriate Hobby acknowledges the power of collective action and the power to destabilize stigma with visibility. It reflects the digital world of activism

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more readily than many of the other projects and reflects something of the nature of solidarity that was to be a key strength in the Irish movement towards reproductive liberty. As acknowledged by Butler (2015), city streets are no longer the only option for people to assemble, now we have online social networking producing effective solidarity in the audio visual domain.

My Body My Life Alliance for Choice is a member of the My Body My Life consortium which is an abortion storytelling exhibition originally inspired by stories gathered and submitted by collaborating organizations (AfC, BPAS, ARC), participating university research projects including the Open University and Ulster University. My Body My Life has a website, booklet and short films on YouTube; the artistic element of My Body My Life that will be discussed here is the travelling exhibition designed by The Liminal Space. My Body My Life is an installation where abortion stories are printed on different items of white clothing, displayed hanging on racks, evoking a shop. Visitors to the exhibition can ‘browse’ through the clothing and contribute their own stories to tags. Two video booths, like changing rooms, show actors relaying stories of abortion. Visitors appreciated the exhibition format, using terms such as: ‘unique’, ‘accessible,’ ‘educational’ and ‘creative’. The layout of the exhibition is incredible. You stand reading labels on a rack of clothes of incredibly difficult stories. Drives home the decision to have an abortion isn’t like picking a top off a rack of clothes, regardless of the myths that are spread. (exhibition feedback)

The philosophy behind the exhibition was that of a nuanced space of socially engaged art; not adversarial but experiential. This was twofold: the stories displayed were clearly authentic, based on real people’s experiences of abortion; and visitors to the exhibition were not passive but actively engaged with the items and the issues. The travelling exhibition is therefore a prime example of art to increase public engagement with an issue like abortion. Considering Lippard’s definition of what activist art should strive to be, My Body My Life can be categorized as public consciousness-raising and interaction through visual images (Lippard, 1984). During 2017 and 2018 My Body My Life showed in six locations in the UK, including Belfast. As the exhibition travelled, people

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contributed their abortion stories to the exhibition. By the time of the final public exhibition in London 2018, My Body My Life had achieved over 1,200 exhibition visitors and over 140 stories submitted. Attendees praised the nature of the stories, describing them as ‘realistic human voices’, ‘powerful’ and ‘unfiltered’. They were emotive. Respondents described in their comments how the exhibition elicited feelings of ‘sadness’, ‘empathy’, and ‘anger’ and ‘frustration’ about what the women had to endure. For example: I thought it was really good that there were a range of experiences and narratives presented – outside of the normal narrative typically shown on TV/film etc. of it being a really difficult and painful experience.

My Body My Life thus invokes empathy and connectedness with others (Kester, 2005) and was designed to demonstrate that abortions are common, and that anyone who has had an abortion is not alone, breaking down internalized abortion stigma. One of the visitors who had experienced an abortion later submitted her story to the website: ‘I am grateful to the exhibition and this portal which has helped me heal. It made me feel I am not the only one. It made me feel connected to strangers who have had this experience and I am ever grateful to you for this.’ Other written responses repeated how the exhibition raised visitor awareness about the incidence of abortion and the range of circumstances leading to an abortion. In Belfast, written comments on what the exhibition made attendees think and/or feel, elaborated on the power of the exhibition to challenge judgements against abortion. Data from feedback forms collected from visitor/participants in Belfast show that 74 per cent agreed the exhibition would encourage them to discuss abortion, and written comments included commentaries on societal norms against abortion: I don’t know how the stigma can be reduced or society normalised. I suppose the exhibition is a start, but prejudice is so deeply engrained that I despair.

The exhibition may well have had the greatest impact in Belfast in December 2017, where it was utilized by AfC as a focus for other activities, and embedded in alignment with the range of practices mentioned by Lippard: The real work includes the yearlong organising and workshops that led up to it, as well as film and documentation that may follow … Tactics, or strategies of communication and distribution, enter into the creative process, as do activities usually considered separate from it, such as community work, meetings, graphic design, postering. (1984, p. 2)

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It continues to be a tool for AfC de-stigmatization activities with workshops being run at which participants discuss stories from the accompanying booklet and design their own items for the exhibition when it returns to Belfast.

As Others See Us The final work included is by Array Collective, a Belfast-based collective of which I am a member. Array respond to contemporary sociopolitical issues that directly impact the members and their communities, through art interventions, performances and visual art (Array Studios, 2016). Array’s 2019 installation in London’s Jerwood exhibition, ‘Collaborate’ As Others See Us, centred on three fictional characters drawn from the pre-Christian myths and folklore of ancient Ireland, ‘The Sacred Cow’, ‘The Long Shadow’ and ‘The Morrigan’. We produced three films, as well as an in situ archive, character banners, Irish-language translations and documents, which drew on the experience of Irish Diaspora in England and North/Irish identity, LGBTQ+ rights in NI and women’s rights focusing on reproductive rights. The ‘Morrigan’ character was imagined as a virgin youth, a pregnant woman and an old crone, and like her mythological inspiration, she shapeshifted from one to the other with increasingly animalistic and grotesque features, finally dragging herself to the walls of Westminster buildings, weeping and begging for recognition of equitable reproductive rights. Audiences in London experienced a film of the Morrigan as well as the archive section which included activist ephemera and historical archives of the abortion rights movement in NI (Thomson, 2020). In many ways the presentation of this work in a ‘white cube’ formal gallery space was a negotiation and crystallization of much of the work Array had already done with organizations like AfC, at protests, workshops and as volunteers. What was different for Array in the Collaborate! Jerwood show was that an English art audience are assumed to be supportive of LGBTQ+ rights, of abortion, even of the Irish as a just-tolerated migrant community; however, this was an invitation to engage with the cause and effect of colonialism in Ireland that had contributed to a contemporary lack of social progress. It asked an English attendee to end the ignorance towards NI and its complexities. Not only did it ask for empathy, but it required an acknowledgement of British state abandonment (Azoulay, 2008) and the ‘othering’ of NI and its people, even as they travelled every day to access rights, jobs and healthcare. Array’s work fully embraces the empathetic

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participation of Kester, the Lippard models of art-activist practice, the enriched emancipation and participation of Helguera’s socially engaged art and Butler’s attentive interdependence and demands for a more liveable life. In December 2019, Array hosted a symposium at Jerwood Arts that expanded on their exhibition, opening the discussion to like-minded artists and activists from different generations to directly respond to the issues raised in the work, exploring the tensions and possible resolutions. The symposium included contributions from Speaking of IMELDA (Walsh and Rossiter, this volume), Mal O’Hara, an LGBT Green Party NI MLA, Electra La Cunt, a Belfast drag performer and artist, Irish writer Una Mullaly and Jane Wells from London Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (Thomson, 2020). The symposium tackled the dire social circumstances that remain for many queer youths, the mental health epidemic and underfunding of care, the shifting identities that trouble progress and performing activism from the IMELDAs. However, the question for Array remained, until recently, if anyone outside of NI understood the nuances of our intentions. Perhaps the invitation for their work on these issues to be nominated for and then momentously to be the first artists from NI to ever win the Turner Prize in 2021 was a stirring of the British consciousness only time will tell, but they are aware the work is now operating in a forever altered political and even artistic landscape since the advent of equal marriage, decriminalization and the COVID-19 pandemic.

­Conclusion Though the restrictions of this volume cannot allow inclusion of all artistic and creative projects undertaken by AfC, the few covered in this chapter allow us to understand what visual arts practice can bring to social movements. The exhibition is an excellent way of showing the range of emotions and experiences – and therefore makes it harder to justify an anti-choice belief. It is a unique, interesting, and powerful way of illustrating this. (My Body My Life exhibition feedback comment)

The work included here is just a fragment of innovative creativity utilized by activist-artists for socially engaged art, which is developed from within an affected community and shown in dialogical and participatory ways (Kester, 2005; Helguera, 2011). A movement requires multiple modes, and the abortion rights movement in NI is no different.

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What is demonstrably clear is that the visual arts continue to be a strand of active engagement, education, change and movement building for AfC in NI and beyond (Campbell and Clancy, 2018). The visual arts also aided solidarity building and offered space for a more nuanced understanding and empathy for the subject of abortion rights in NI. Beyond NI, art can spark interest in ways that court case hearings and policy documents might not, as art aims to revisit narratives in less didactic ways. Each project offered a form of collaboration or participation in a way that was generating dialogue as opposed to diatribe (Lippard, 1984; Kester, 2005). The art often allowed breathing room for complexity and acknowledgement rather than political purism, and occasionally offered some light in a long dark tunnel. Special thanks to Lesley Hoggart of Open University who contributed to the My Body My Life section.

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The trade union movement influence on abortion law changes in NI and the Republic of Ireland Nóirín MacNamara and Naomi Connor

Introduction In this chapter we combine the story of how and why abortion came to be seen as a workplace issue in NI (Naomi, NC) with literature on the evolving norms across the trade union movement in the Global North (Nóirín, NMN). We conclude that combining, the research study and training programme on Abortion as a Workplace Issue, is of significant value to worker rights as they provide the substance for an expanded meaning of the ‘labouring body’ (Franzway, 2001) in trade unionism.

Feminist frames and trade unionism (NMN) Political and discursive alliances

Across the Global North, women’s participation in the labour force, and in labour politics, has been constrained by the sexual politics of everyday life and the traditionally masculine politics of trade unionism. Advancing feminist politics has involved deconstructing and reworking masculine and heterosexual norms; working with differences amongst women and with minority groups in society; and accommodating the need for tactical unity, required for the effectiveness and very survival of trade unions (Franzway and Fonow, 2011, p. 28). Political alliances between trade unions and women’s organizations can be hugely beneficial although there are tensions. As Naomi outlines below,

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for a long time abortion was the ‘third rail’, both in Irish politics and within alliances between trade unions and women’s groups, particularly in the RoI. As outlined in Theme 2, Campaigning and Activism (Volume 1), feminists have spent decades challenging and ultimately shifting key discourses on abortion in NI. Arguably this shift in wider public discourses on abortion – away from abstract debates and instead focusing on the multiple harms that the lack of access has had on pregnant people and their families – was a necessary precondition for discussions about abortion as a workplace issue by trade unions. Alongside the ‘political alliance’ between key women’s groups and trade unions, a ‘discursive alliance’ (Franzway and Fonow, 2011) was formed. The ‘Trust Women’ campaign by AfC positioned abortion as a human rights and healthcare issue which aligned with the democratic and social justice ideals of trade unionism. As Nancy Fraser notes, feminist work has always involved the naming of our realities using terms such as sexism, marital rape, sexual harassment, and the second shift, to recast the parameters of experiences and specify the harms that result (1990, p. 67). Whereas in the past within trade unionism, the principle of solidarity has meant solidarity with the needs of the worker, defined as a ‘male breadwinner’; recent decades have seen the principle of solidarity evolve to encompass the needs of workers broadly defined, with at least some focus on how, in addition to class-race, ethnicity, sexuality and gender all play a role in mediating our experiences of working life. Redefining ‘the worker’

Until very recently, across all sectors, the ideal worker has been someone who behaves as if they have a stay-at-home partner who does all the care work that households require. Feminists have worked to reframe the worker from someone who is produced and maintained by invisible labour at home, to someone who has needs, interests and responsibilities that extend well beyond the workplace. Such recognition is uneven though. Instead of enabling a more egalitarian load between men and women at home and at work, it has often translated into women taking a part-time role at work (Department of Economy, 2018). Recognising that care work is work, is not the same as interrogating and reconstructing who does the majority of care work and in whose interests. Globalization and neoliberal policies have also had an impact on the construction of the family. The privatization of public goods and the stress on individualism has meant that families are increasingly reliant on insecure and

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poorly paid work. Furthermore, cuts to public services hit women the hardest (UN, 2019). Franzway and Fonow (2011) identify three levels of work for women in patriarchal societies with a gendered division of labour. These are paid work; care work in families, households and communities (the second shift); and the material work necessary to reproduce the self. They argue that women’s capacity to work is dependent on ‘the labouring body’, defined as the ‘the body which requires care in order to work’ (Franzway, 2001, p. 32). They propose that the ‘reproduction of heterosexual men’s working bodies is partly undertaken by women as their second shift, whereas the bodily practices of the laboring body to produce women’s working bodies are placed firmly in the hands of women themselves’ (2011, p. 36). Women must achieve a body that is able to work and that conforms with the norms of femininity particular to their workplace. The ‘labouring body’ (Franzway, 2001) encounters additional barriers to work when a pregnancy is unsupportable by the pregnant person (Macleod, 2015). In addition to having to ready themselves for paid work, people who need an abortion must also manage the pregnancy, source access to an abortion and then obtain an abortion, often without alerting their employer to that process. This added stress and work is particularly present in jurisdictions with restrictive legislation. For the most part it is actively hidden from employers and colleagues (Bloomer et al., 2017b). The ‘labouring body’ is thus gendered in specific ways. We propose that one of these ways relates to how the healthcare needs of people who can get pregnant, particularly the need for abortions, are stigmatized in a way that most men’s healthcare needs are not.

Putting abortion on the table (NC) As Nóirín outlined above, the trade union movement has been criticized for reinforcing the patriarchal norms of acquiescent women and sidelining what they deemed as ‘women’s issues’. However, despite this, women no longer dwell in the shadows of the labour movement. Their stubborn persistence in challenging stigma and continued discrimination, particularly in relation to pregnancy and reproductive justice, means that the modern trade union movement is a pivotal vehicle for change on abortion rights. The study Abortion as a Workplace Issue provided genuine groundbreaking research, to address this stigmatization and discrimination. As Patricia McKeown, Regional Secretary for Unison in NI, commented:

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland The responses to this survey tell us that denying women choice impacts hugely on their working lives. As trade unions it reinforces our work to support women workers and our call to reform the outdated and punitive laws on abortion in NI. (AfC, 2017)

The study identified that the vast majority of women and pregnant people do not inform their employer that they require time off for abortion care (Bloomer et  al., 2017b). As someone who worked for a trade union and who has had an abortion, I can vouch for that on a personal level as I didn’t even consider informing my pro-choice employer and instead told them my absence was due to a minor ailment. Trade unions and exceptional trade unionists have long been allies in the struggles for reproductive rights, freedoms and access, including abortion rights, but that does not make such work straightforward. The ‘abortion debate’, as it is irksomely referred to, is one that trade unions were not immune from. While many trade unions had reached a policy position through their democratic mechanisms over recent decades1, it was still something they grappled with as an issue that may divide the membership and, in some instances, was best avoided on a public platform. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s in NI, abortion did make its way into some trade union discussions, driven by those involved in women’s rights movements and organizations and who were dedicated trade unionists. As Lynda Walker reflects: The NI Women’s Rights Movement held one of its first meetings in Transport House (Amalgamated Transport and General Workers Union) where a Women’s Charter was agreed; this contained a number of demands including the call for a parity of rights with women in Britain. Eileen Evason notes how this was not straight forward in that some people wanted the specific demand for a Women’s Right to Choose, whilst others felt that the call for the 1967 Act would receive more support (Evason, 1991, p. 21). A ‘Women’s Right to Choose’ did appear in a later version of the charter without reference to parity. There were some who were totally opposed to the demand going into the charter and they left the organisation. Whilst few unions at that time publicly campaigned on the issue of abortion, they did support the NI Women’s Rights Movement in kind, ICTU regional conference 2016 approved the motion ‘Calling for an end to the criminalisation of local women who take abortion pills’. Unite UK Policy Conference 2018 approved motions ‘Calling for the full decriminalisation of abortion in NI’ and ‘Calling on the Government of the RoI following repeal of the 8th amendment to fast track the legislation’. For a long time, unions based solely in the RoI found it very difficult to support reform, given the highly restrictive legislative context until 2018.

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for example giving donations, and providing the use of meeting rooms. In 2008 a civil society open letter, to the UK Prime Minister, asserting that the political parties did not speak for the majority in relation to abortion, was signed by the leaders of all the main trade unions in the North. (Walker, personal correspondence, 2020)

Members of UNITE Trade Union and activists later travelled to Westminster in October 2008 to present a petition to 10 Downing Street, home of the prime minister, urging him to listen to the views of the people and support extensions of the 1967 Act to NI. The request fell on deaf ears (O’Dowd et al., volume 1). I became much more involved in abortion rights campaigning in 2013. At that time, I recall discussing the need to revisit the issue of abortion in a trade union context with a very senior trade union official. I was promptly told that while he completely agreed with me, ‘not to go there’. It comes as no surprise to me that at that time trade unionists could inhabit a contentious space between and within polarized opinion, but that it was conditional on how far and how public you went with that opinion in particular circumstances. Even though thousands of women were travelling to access abortion care each year on the island of Ireland, abortion was deemed by some as the place ‘not to go’ for fear of dividing trade union membership. The AfC ‘Trust Women’ campaign of 2016, however, renewed public discourse on abortion politics and provided a good opportunity to revisit the issue of abortion. Fiona Bloomer, with her indubitably gentle determination, alongside a coalition of the not so gentle, but just as indubitable trade unionists Patricia McKeown, Anne Speed, Denise Walker, Clare Moore, Geraldine Alexander, Taryn Trainor and Mandy La Combre among others, put it firmly on the trade union agenda. Unite the Union, AfC and Fiona held the initial discussions, and were later joined by GMB, Unison, Mandate and CWU Ireland representatives. Together we co-designed the first ever research study worldwide on abortion as a workplace issue (Bloomer et al., 2017b).

The research study (NMN) The purpose of the study was to provide an evidence base on union members’ views on abortion; their views on how it affects them as workers; and their views on legislative reform in the RoI and NI. As Naomi outlines, the study was led

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by Dr Fiona Bloomer (Ulster University), it was funded by the five trade unions listed above and ethical approval was provided by Ulster University. A mixed-methods research design was used combining an online survey and an online discussion forum (focus groups) (MacNamara et  al., 2020). Respondents who completed the online survey were invited to take part in the online discussion forum if they had had direct experience with abortion. Participants in the online focus groups discussed a series of open-ended questions relating to their views on abortion; their experiences of abortion as a workplace issue; and their views on abortion as a trade union issue and on legislative reform. Limitations of the study included the fact that participants were self-selecting and thus the findings may not have been representative, although they were like other similar surveys (Gray, this volume). The small number of transgender respondents, three in total, precluded any detailed statistical analysis of their responses (Bloomer et al., 2017b). Survey respondents were largely supportive of better access to abortion with 77 per cent in favour of access when a woman’s life is at risk, 62 per cent when a woman’s health is at risk and 51 per cent when a woman asks for an abortion. Eighty per cent agreed/strongly agreed that women’s health should be the priority in any legal reform, 76 per cent agreed/strongly agreed that the criminal punishment for abortion should be removed and only 17 per cent agreed/ strongly agreed that the law should remain as is. In the survey, 597 respondents (20 per cent) stated that they had had direct experience of abortion. Of these, 42 per cent stated that the person concerned had struggled to pay the costs of the abortion. Respondents reported varied experiences where the person concerned had needed time off after the abortion. Of these 23 per cent were unable to take it as they could not lose wages, 11 per cent got sick pay, 10 per cent used unpaid leave and 28 per cent used annual leave. Seventy-three per cent of these respondents stated that the person concerned had not disclosed the abortion to anyone in the workplace. Almost all stated that the person concerned had not used their union representative as a resource, and very few had been supported by colleagues (15 per cent) and managers (7 per cent). In the focus groups the issue of pregnant people’s socio-economic situation was foregrounded. One participant noted that if you have resources, you can travel and access an abortion and no one will know but if you do not have access to resources you ‘could end up trapped in an unwanted pregnancy and have to turn to friends, family, money lenders for finance’ (40s/female/RoI).

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The stigma associated with abortion was cited as a key reason for the lack of disclosure to employers and colleagues. One participant discussed feeling comfortable accessing support after a miscarriage but not feeling able to tell their employer about their abortion. Another felt unable to discuss it with their employer because of the complexity of their situation due to fatal foetal abnormality. I was very low and could not face the several questions disclosing the information would entail. I also understood there would be judgement so I wasn’t in a strong enough position to have to explain my actions, nor did I feel I should justify them as it wasn’t anyone’s business. (30s/female/NI)

Several participants stated that their specific work environments, such as working for a religious order, for a small family-run business or under a manager who was anti-choice, had inhibited disclosure in the workplace. There were mixed views on whether abortion was a workplace issue that needed to be considered by trade unions. In support of a clear public/private divide one participant stated that trade unions needed to be ‘neutral’, and that women’s groups were using the labour movement to ‘push for their abortion agenda’. He was of the view that trade unions had ‘no business intervening in the family life of its membership’ (30s/male/RoI). Some participants worried that the trade union would lose members if they took a clear position on abortion, or that it would alienate people who are strongly anti-choice. Some stated that prior to the forum they had not considered abortion to be a workplace issue but having had the discussion they could see there was a role there in terms of opening conversations. from the education and information and just normalising the discussion I do think unions have an important role to play. (40s/female/RoI)

Overall, findings indicated that most survey participants were in favour of better access to abortion services. However, as this research demonstrates, without opening conversations about abortion, destigmatization and a clear shift in public discourse (including within organizations such as trade unions), workers will continue to suffer in silence, afraid of the stigma and discrimination they may face by speaking about their abortion.

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Opening up conversations (NC) The report on Abortion as a Workplace Issue was published in October 2017. Fiona led the dissemination of the report findings, co-presenting with members of the steering group and her co-authors. In the month preceding the RoI abortion referendum (May 2018), Fiona attended trade union launch events in Dublin, Cork, Waterford, Galway and Sligo to engage with union members and generate discussion on the study findings. Media coverage of these events further extended their reach and prompted discussions on abortion and the workplace. Trade union leaders believe that these discussions significantly contributed to the overwhelmingly positive vote to overturn the 8th amendment. The vote signalled a visible shaking off of the stereotypical image of a morally conservative society, dominated by a Catholic ethos. Post-repeal, legislating for abortion rights and access also seemed more achievable in NI. Emma Campbell, Kellie O’Dowd, Fiona and I decided to develop a specific AfC training programme on Abortion as a Workplace Issue in February 2019. Drawing extensively upon the research findings we produced training materials including group exercises and real-life case studies. We delivered workshops to trade union executive committees, to representatives and members of Unite, Unison, NIPSA and to others through ICTU. The initial workshops proved worthwhile as even those active representatives involved in societal campaigning issues and who were very much pro-choice expressed how they had not thought about abortion as a workplace issue when it so obviously was. This spoke volumes about the stigma in which we are all entrenched and the ‘othering’ of abortion as a healthcare issue. Workplace policy and some support (even a statutory minimum) existed within a maternity framework, but not a single reference to abortion healthcare did, even though one in three UK pregnant people seek abortion(s) at some point in their lifetime (Goold, 2017). Change rooms

Having been involved in trade union organizing and education for some years I have developed a mantra of ‘start where people are at, not where you think they should be’ and it has never been more apt than when I began delivering abortion workshops to representatives and members who I had no prior knowledge of, never mind their opinions on such a stigmatized issue. I use the word ‘stigma’ and not ‘sensitive’ because oftentimes mainstream abortion ‘stigma’ is dressed up

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as ‘sensitive’, which has the effect of heightening the ‘softly softly’ approach when talking about abortion. When I began campaigning in earnest in 2013, the very word ‘abortion’ was spoken in whispers and many people were uncomfortable using it. When I refer to ‘starting where people are at’, it is not with any intent of sounding patronizing. It would be arrogant to assume that everyone holds the same opinion in relation to abortion and reproductive rights and discusses it with as much fervour and interest as those of us who are keenly involved. People have busy lives and other issues in which they are also involved. This, coupled with living in a place where abstinence is passed off as fitting sex education, doesn’t make it easy to walk into a room and start talking about abortion to a group of strangers. Nevertheless, trade unions have the benefit of enabling activists to connect with members and ultimately a wider audience. With the assistance of those allies within trade union circles mentioned previously and others such as Greg Sachno and Susan Fitzpatrick from UNITE, we entered those rooms. Despite preparing the materials and discussing them with my ‘abortion nerd’ sisters, I was unusually nervous about delivering the initial sessions. I can remember one of the first sessions being introduced by the tutor in a well-equipped brightly lit room, where everyone was already familiar with each other. In other circumstances, it would have been a decent environment for education on most topics, but when I said ‘Hi everyone. My name is Naomi from AfC – I am here today to talk to you about abortion and the workplace’, I wasn’t sure the feeling was mutual. The body language from some participants didn’t bode well. At those first few sessions, I set about relating the context of abortion in NI, the legislation and the need for change. Engagement from the participants was initially limited, and it was only when I placed the discussion in a personal and then a trade union context that it really opened up. I didn’t think I would get anywhere with too many facts and figures, as necessary as they are, but when I set the issue of abortion within a pregnancy context, it was sometimes hard to stop people talking. I began by asking them if they could recall people in their own families and communities who were shunned or treated differently because of pregnancies, if they knew of people who had been born ‘a few months early’ and not long after couples had been married. I also asked them if they knew of anyone who was believed to have ‘taken the boat to England’ or if they knew of anyone who became aware later in life that another family member who they assumed to be a sister turned out to be their mother. That was the point in those first sessions where

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the engagement shifted completely, and most participants became fully engaged and very vocal on the issue of pregnancy stigma. Many of the participants began to recall incidents in their own lives and within their own communities that related directly to the questions posed. They genuinely identified and connected with the issue of pregnancy and abortion at a personal level. They brought it in to the room rather than me importing it from my own perspective. When I then followed this discussion with the research findings and the personal stories of women and pregnant people who had had abortions or been refused abortions, it was apparent there was a tangible and positive shift towards a fuller understanding of abortion in and beyond the workplace. I believe we owe such a debt of gratitude to those women and people who have shared their stories in recent times, in particular the ‘In Her Shoes’ project. As Topley (volume 1) has demonstrated, In Her Shoes was absolutely key in shifting the public discourse on abortion in recent years. After those sessions, participants often approached me, with few exceptions, to explain that their understanding of abortion within and beyond the workplace had changed significantly. I no longer consider these sessions as simply ‘training sessions’. I prefer to see them as ‘change rooms’ and spaces where we can move into a public space where not everyone is pro-choice, but neither is everyone ‘anti-choice’. Those are the rooms and spaces we need to be in if we are to be genuine agents for change. Below are some comments from the ‘change room’ participants: I work as a manager in human resources and deal frequently with staffing matters. Having completed the session, I was genuinely surprised by the information presented and realise it will have impacted the people I have managed and will continue to manage. There is a clear need to have this information considered when it comes to employer policies within organisations. (Male 51) When the girl came in and told us she was going to talk about abortion I dreaded it. It is not the kind of thing you want to talk about. But by the end it I changed my mind. I didn’t realise how hard it was for women and what they had to do. (Female 56) I always thought I was pro-life but after the class I am definitely pro-choice. I really think that things have to change, and politicians need to change the law. There must be people in my family and in my work who have needed help and had to do things in secret. (Female 29)

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The sterling work of allies in the trade union movement and relationship building with organizations such as AfC have meant that motions on abortion have been repeatedly revisited at union conferences and events and widely discussed. It was however the focused research and findings of Abortion as a Workplace Issue that enabled the education to continue beyond the conferences and events. We are now in change rooms, talking to people outside the already committed prochoice audiences across NI.

Concluding discussion: shifting the feminist frame further (NC and NMN) A recurring theme throughout this process was the need to tackle the stigma and silences that surround abortion. Of survey respondents who had direct experience of abortion, just under half of the persons concerned had struggled to pay costs; almost three quarters had not disclosed the abortion to anyone in the workplace; and the vast majority had not sought support from their union representative (Bloomer at al., 2017b). Given that pregnancy ends through birth, miscarriage or abortion, there is an acute need to ensure that those women whose pregnancy ends by way of abortion have access to rights, as those who continue their pregnancies rightfully do. This means access to paid time off, no discrimination in the workplace and the ability to advise their employer of the reason for their absence, should they choose to do so. If workers who require abortion healthcare are to be treated without the weight of stigma and discrimination, abortion must be included within the framework of statutory non-discrimination rights for pregnant people. There is much work to be done by trade unions, and in continued alliance with pro-choice civic society. Tackling norm perceptions can only serve to broaden the labour movement base and strengthen its role in advocating for all workers. Modelling the ideal worker on a masculine, unencumbered norm means that workers with care responsibilities, often women, do three ‘levels of work’ (paid work/the second shift/reproduction of one’s own labouring body) (Franzway and Fonow, 2011). However, as this research demonstrates, those same norms also stigmatize people who have abortions. Factoring in abortion within the context of ‘the labouring body’ (which needs to be maintained and be available to work) highlights the importance of further recognizing the way healthcare needs differ among workers, how their acceptability or not is shaped by wider social and cultural norms, and the necessity to de-stigmatize abortion healthcare.­

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The student movement Rachel Powell and Hamsavani Rajeswaren

Introduction We will give an overview of abortion decriminalization in Northern Ireland (NI) from the perspective of the student movement through interviews with activists, a review of union policies and archival materials, to reveal the shifts in student attitudes over decades. The shifting focus from calling for the extension of the 1967 Act to full decriminalization; moving from abortion as a criminal law issue to healthcare and reproductive justice; making abortion a student issue for all unions and rejection of the ‘orange and green’ dichotomy in NI discourse will be discussed. We will explore how the student movement effectively campaigned on abortion decriminalization and focusing on student mobilization on an allIreland and UK-wide basis. The resourcefulness of the student movement in overcoming exclusion by groups in Great Britain and Ireland and the challenges of being members of both UK and Irish national student unions without full agency is dealt with. We write as women with intersectional experience of elected student office campaigning for abortion decriminalization in NI.

Historical context The vibrant student movement builds on brave student activists in preceding decades when abortion stigma was at its worst, such as Trish Hegarty, former Vice President Education and Welfare in QUBSU, and Una Gillespie from St. Mary’s University College, a former Union of Students Ireland (USI) Women’s Rights Officer.

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They created the NI Women’s Committee to unite women from Students’ Unions across the North, with the slogan ‘Right to Choose’, and produced a pioneering Welfare Manual with information on abortion for students.

­2000s and 2010s: Making abortion a student issue In the 2000s, anti-choice SU policies or positions of neutrality were the norm. In the late 2000s and early 2010s, activists fought to remove abortion stigma and recognize it as a student issue. Aisling Gallagher (Queen’s University Belfast; 2011–14) and Sarah Wright (student councillor; 2009–16, student welfare and NUS-USI Welfare Officer 2012–14) were two key activists from this period known for their tireless campaigning. I remember … the crippling isolation and loneliness of it all. I think about being 20 years old, barely making it to class, severely mentally unwell and spending all of my energy arguing about abortion … The overriding memories are those student council meetings, where men in elected positions would use their power to try and have me banned from conferences and speaking out about why access to abortion was something we had to take a stand on. (Aisling)

Pro-choice activism often impacts mental well-being, particularly if done in isolation. Although Aisling was a student only a few years ago, the shift in abortion campaigning from 2011 to 2020 was monumental: I pissed a lot of people off. This was my red line, and I wouldn’t support people who didn’t loudly defend a woman’s right to choose. In those days that lost me a lot of people. ‘In those days’ makes it sound like it was a long time ago, but I can’t even begin to describe how different the student movement in Northern Ireland was on these issues in 2011/2012 compared to now. It wasn’t normal to be a pro-choice activist, and it certainly wasn’t normal to be posting about it on social media […] Treasa Harkin passed a motion to make the students’ union pro-choice … it was her ‘goodbye present’ to the union. And I remember how thrilled we all were when it passed. Looking back, it seems like that’s when it just began. Some of the religious groups, DUP and other fairly right-wing activists made a concerted effort to get their candidates elected onto the student council with the sole aim of overturning this policy. And at the beginning of the year, they wrote and passed a motion of ‘neutrality’ on abortion, stating that due to differing opinions and the sensitive nature of the topic, the union refrained from taking a side.

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­ eyond Queen’s, students in NI are also members of three national students’ B unions: NUS (National Union of Students UK), USI (Union of Students Ireland) and NUS-USI (the NI national students’ union). NUS-USI is a member of both NUS and USI, and students in NI have membership of the three national bodies, mirroring the country’s identity. NUS-USI has over 200,000 members from higher and further educational institutions in NI, and all bodies have elected student representatives in full-time positions. Aisling highlights their support and significant policy shifts at a national level: When I got involved in NUS, I made friends and allies who I’m still very close to today. Kelley Temple was the NUS Women’s Officer at the time and she … gave me platforms to speak to women students across the UK about abortion in Ireland when that wasn’t really done. No one knew about what happened in Ireland and most of the UK did not care. I talked about abortion at NUS conference and embarrassed the Queen’s union by telling a conference hall about our policy. It came to a head at the annual USI Congress, where I was told that I’d have to vote in line with student union policy. I told them that I’d been elected on my own mandate, and we’d never had this stipulation before. The president kept his eye on me … I voted in favour of reaffirming a policy relating to something pro-choice, and he kicked me off the delegation … When we were back at student council the following month, he tried to get me ‘punished’ – there was a secret ballot within the council about banning me from going to USI for one year, or for two … they won – and I was banned from going back to USI.

This example shows how aggressively activists were treated for speaking out which stigmatized being a pro-choice activist. In April and May 2012, NUS-USI reaffirmed its pro-choice position, and QUBSU passed a motion to extend the 1967 Act to Northern Ireland. We had a pro-choice union and national union. What we didn’t have yet were grassroots support and votes to keep it that way […] At the start of the next academic year … anti-choice posters littered the campus with the text ‘NUS-USI Supports Abortion. Were YOU asked? VOTE NO.’ As Welfare Officer for NUS-USI at the time, I recall canvassing at the MBC (Medical Biology Centre) and anti-choice student councillors screaming ‘murderer’ and ‘baby killer’ in my face. Whilst the Queen’s student body chose to remain affiliated to our pro-choice national union, anti-choice students mobilised at a Precious Life Boot Camp hosted at QUBSU dedicated to changing SU policy and increasing their presence on campus and on Student Council. By December, the Union’s policy on abortion was now one of neutrality and despite

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland a dedicated pro-choice effort this remained until 2014. As a result of neutrality, QUBSU was unable to stop distressing and graphic anti-choice imagery and misinformation from being displayed and distributed across campus. (Sarah)

Sarah also reflected on the harsh actions taken against Aisling at the USI congress and the strategic campaigning by pro-choice activists to stem the backlash: Aisling was cruelly sanctioned for refusing to support QUBSU neutrality at USI Congress in 2013, it became clear just how impactful our Union policies could be nationally, the level of support we had from within the student movement but also how vital it was to fight for a pro-choice union. In May 2014, a referendum on abortion policy was proposed by pro-choice students at QUBSU council but was defeated by one vote. We had discussed getting the required 600 signatures to call a referendum and bypass QUBSU council, but this was abandoned. The groundwork hadn’t been done … we had to be more strategic. Both the motion supporting the Amnesty My Body My Rights campaign in April 2015 and Extend 67 in March 2016 were proposed and passed in the middle of the second semester. We founded QUBSU Left Unity to bring together left wing, green and socialist students to contest council elections. We had six key principles … we could not risk anti-choice mobilisation so ‘abortion’ did not appear anywhere on our literature, despite … the intention to pass pro-choice policy. We also occupied the position of Speaker of council, so that should there ever be a tied vote we would have the casting vote.

This intersectional campaigning was necessary to offset the anti-choice cohort. Left-wing students worked collaboratively on a range of issues to ensure hardfought wins could not be easily overturned. Sarah explains how collaborative policymaking became the norm at QUBSU due to the work of pro-choice students: Along with QUB Pro-Choice Society, QUB Feminist Society and Amnesty QUB, we drafted a fully referenced, trans inclusive policy motion. We agreed that referencing medical, legal, and financial issues and steering clear of discussions of feminism and bodily autonomy to ensure it passed. By March 2016, QUBSU once again reaffirmed our support for the extension of the 1967 Act to Northern Ireland – this took four years to be back to where we were in May 2012. Now though, we had a grassroots movement on campus, and abortion became a key issue in student officer elections every year.

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Abortion decriminalisation was proposed and passed by QUBSU student council in April 2017. A year later, a fully resourced Project Choice campaign was launched and led by the Vice President Equality and Diversity Rachel Powell.

The efforts pro-choice students made to destigmatize abortion and maintain as a student issue like housing were incredible. Whilst students were punished for being actively pro-choice, students like Sarah and Aisling prevailed as nothing short of resourceful and relentless. Pro-choice students at Queen’s were consistently supported by AfC, Belfast Feminist Network and NUS-USI in relation to abortion decriminalisation, liberation, and reproductive justice. We learned how to develop and champion evidence-based policy. We considered the barriers facing trans students, disabled students, student carers, migrant students, for example. Throughout, student activists were cognisant that abortion access was and is a class issue. (Sarah)

2010s: Danielle Roberts Parallel to the important work being done in QUBSU, Danielle Roberts, a prochoice activist who began her involvement in the student movement in 2015, was a key driver of the pro-choice policies in Ulster University Students’ Union (UUSU); she said she first became active in UUSU council in 2015, the union had no policy on abortion, not even a ‘neutral’ stance. I brought a motion in November 2015 which called for limited reform, as given the climate of the council it was unlikely anything else would pass … There was a lengthy debate, with many people opposing the motion. The vote was carried out by secret ballot. The following academic year November 2016 I brought a more ambitious motion, supporting decriminalisation. This time there were fewer speakers against the motion and more in favour, and the motion passed with an even stronger majority. The person who spoke previously about abortion not being needed because of contraception approached me at the pre meeting pizza. I was expecting a heads up of a speech against. In fact, the councillor told me that their position had changed over the past year and that they would be supporting the motion, apologising for their previous speech and thanking me for my work. To see this change in around a year was huge. The wording of the motion did not specifically address the 8th amendment referendum. This meant that SU officers were not able to support a Yes vote in an

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland official capacity. This came to light after a complaint from an unknown student and a review of the policy wording.

The changes in attitudes within the student council in the space of a year, even painful debates, led to valuable conversations that built the movement. Danielle was a student in QUB prior to UU for postgraduate studies. Her work in UUSU was parallel to Aisling’s work in QUBSU. She reflected how much things in QUBSU and UUSU have grown: I remember when Aisling … was sanctioned by QUBSU which had a neutral stance at the time. Since then, QUBSU has moved to becoming pro-choice and onto supporting decriminalisation. Medical Students for Choice at QUB has also been successful … From symbolic actions such as the suitcase photo call, giving information to students, and holding information events on abortion access and intersectional issues like trans rights, Project Choice has grown and grown. UUSU has extended both policies when they were due to lapse, however no one has proposed an updated one which would better reflect the climate and law now. In 2019 my body my rights policy was allowed to lapse. The careful wording of the first motion, including the amendment, proved very useful. One student officer queried how UUSU could march in the Rally for Choice in 2019. This policy made it clear that the union would support the rally as pro-choice activism, but individual officers, and students, would not be compelled to.

This policy work has allowed students after to radically organize with more students in pro-choice activism, and powerfully reshaped the framing of the pro-choice conversation within the student movement. These policies protect pro-choice student officers and students in activism. Danielle recalls from her involvement in NUS, USI and NUS-USI how pro-choice student activists used those platforms to increase pro-choice solidarity. Olivia Potter-Hughes used her role as NUS-USI President to champion prochoice activism. Wearing a #trustwomen t-shirt to give her presidential election speech, and an AfC jumper when she gave her final speech after two terms. Students for Choice was formed by Síona Cahill when she was VP Equality and Citizenship in USI. She was very specific in naming the group ‘Students for Choice’ rather than ‘Students for Repeal’, in order to acknowledge students in NI where Repeal wouldn’t have the same impact. I was an advisor to the taskforce. NUS-USI conference has hosted workshops from AfC for all attendees, and activist roundtable workshops with Students for Choice in the run up to the referendum.

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Danielle driving pro-choice policies allowed officers and students to engage in radical work since abortion policy as a central student issue is symbolic of this change: A few weeks before the referendum, I was awarded the UUSU Student Champion of the Year award. I accepted the award with a Yes badge on my cocktail dress. I spoke about how proud I was of the achievements we had made as an SU. I finished by calling for the Repeal of the 8th Amendment, and the room broke out into cheers and applause. The difference from just a few years earlier where some people tentatively spoke about abortion being ok in some circumstances was huge.

Sabbatical officers: Pro-choice constitutions and project choice: Rachel Powell Rachel Powell was elected as Vice President Equality and Diversity in QUBSU from 2017/18 and created the SU-funded and supported the ‘Project Choice’ campaign. Hamsavani Rajeswaren was elected as the Vice President Equality and Diversity from 2018 to 2020 and is on the board of AfC. When I ran for election in 2017, I knew that it was essential that I ran on a prochoice manifesto. Although several VP Equality and Diversity Officers before me has been pro-choice, never had a person included this on their manifesto … During the campaign I was followed by male students stating that ‘she supports killing babies’. Despite this, I was elected with over 2,500 first preference votes and took this as a sign of support for my pro-choice campaigning … In August 2018, the QUBSU Sabbatical Team was invited to a talk with An Taoiseach Leo Varadkar … Jessica Elder (VP Welfare) and I immediately contacted the USI Students for Choice taskforce to state that we wanted to use this as a lobbying issue for the upcoming Repeal campaign. We borrowed Repeal jumpers from taskforce members, as they were so hard to come by at the time and planned our question. We were invited to the Great Hall and immediately rushed to get the front row seats on stage with An Taoiseach … The moment we got on stage, we removed our red jackets and revealed our Repeal jumpers and the cameras started clicking. My heart has never beat as fast in my life, as the Taoiseach came in and looked at our jumpers in shock. I then asked him about all-island issues, and that abortion was one where women and pregnant people from across the island were being shipped overseas to access abortions and would he supporting holding a referendum before the summer months to ensure all students have the ability to vote. Little did I know, that while we were sitting on stage for the next

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Developing Project Choice: I put out a call for students to apply to be a Choice Ambassador and received over 60 applications. I hosted the first meeting, giving an overview of the campaign and why it was crucial to have one led by the SU, as it provided creator funding, resourcing and protection from anti-choice societies, and detailed the aims for the year. We created a number of ambassador positions and held elections for these positions. These included LGBT+ rep, trans rep, postgraduate rep, male rep, international rep, faculty reps, RoI and GB reps, social media reps and more, as the aim was to enable students to use their own academic backgrounds and diverse personal experiences and backgrounds to inform the direction of the campaign. Through this, I worked closely with Rachel Watters (Deputy Chair) and Jill McManus (Secretary) to organise a range of information events, demonstrations, training workshops, fundraising events, movie screenings and more … Right-wing, Christian SU councillors brought forward a motion to condemn my work on Project Choice and stated that I was not representing all students and that my campaign branding ‘glamorised abortion’. It was a proud moment to see dozens of women councillors stand up to defend our work, as only men spoke against us. We managed to shut down the motion … As a sabbatical team, we decided it was necessary to have a student-wide referendum to have our policies adopted to the constitution to protect them further, and over 90 per cent of students voted in favour of this. The anti-choice student societies would continue to try and fight us in the years that followed, but a momentous attitudinal shift had happened, and abortion was firmly a student issue thanks to the endless work of the activists that laid the groundwork before us.

Project Choice enabled a wide range of societies at QUBSU to collectively campaign. Membership included students from the Pro-Choice Society, Feminist Society, Medical Students for Choice, Amnesty at QUB, LGBT+ Society and much more. We worked collectively on an All-Ireland level and UK-wide level. This included working on the Repeal campaign through the USI Student for Choice taskforce, attending canvassing and activism training in Dublin and canvassing towns in border areas ahead of the referendum. We used the trilateral agreement, between NUS, USI and NUS-USI, to our advantage and found creative approaches to lobbying, after the NI Assembly collapse in January 2017 left no MLAs to lobby.

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The 2018 NUS National Conference was significant. Factional NUS politics led to filibustering to prevent a motion on the decriminalization of sex work being debated. Unfortunately, our motion preceded this one and prevented the NI motion being covered; despite this being the only motion across the entire conference related to NI. As a result, the NUS-USI delegates walked out in protest, meaning the conference was unable to continue with our entire delegation absent. We were furious that internal factional divisions within NUS were leading to the issues related to NI being dismissed and decided to occupy the stage until our motion and calls to action were met. If we were not going to be heard, then we were shutting down the conference. The motion written by Rachel Watters was read out by Rachel Powell, who was denied a microphone. Eventually, the NUS National Officers began to negotiate, after the NUS President Shakira Martin screamed at activists for their occupation. Hamsavani Rajeswaren was able to get NUS officers to meet our demands. When they asked what it would take for us to end the occupation, Rachel Powell demanded solidarity in action through the creation of a Home to Vote fund that would require NUS financial assistance for Irish students in UK universities travelling home to vote in the repeal referendum. It was agreed that an emergency meeting of the National Executive Council would be held ASAP to agree to this motion due to the time-sensitive nature of our demands. Following this, NUS Women’s’ Officer Hareem Ghani and Rachel Watters worked with NUS-USI President Olivia Potter Hughes to use the funds secured by the NUS Women’s Campaign to help students travel home from university to cast their votes in the referendum.

Legacies: Project Choice and Building outward from the Student Movement: Hamsavani Rajeswaren Hamsavani Rajeswaren was twice elected as Vice President Equality and Diversity in QUBSU. The visibility of the work done by Project Choice prior to her election created a space for Hamsavani to run an unapologetically prochoice manifesto and develop Project Choice. Her aim was to further build the bridge between the student movement and AfC. My interest and work in pro-choice activism and reproductive justice stemmed from seeing the dire need for conversations here to have intersectionality;

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland abortion rights are an issue that affect so many different groups of people in a myriad of ways, and for me the fact we weren’t talking about that more was not good enough. As a movement we need to seek to engage with the most vulnerable, invisible and marginalised communities, and where possible extend our platforms and uplift their voices. In the final year of my degree, I had gotten involved in Project Choice when Rachel Powell first set it up. During our Choice and Consent Week campaign, I penned a blog post about how the abortion laws in NI affected international students uniquely. No-one had really looked into this before, and not many activists within the student movement or beyond in the wider feminist activist had truly realised the barriers international students faced. So many had reached out to me after that blog post to tell me how deeply concerned they were that this has not been covered widely before – it was a huge wake-up call for me in my activism because I knew that many folk within the pro-choice movement were not tuned into the barriers faced by migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, people of colour, and especially Black women, in accessing reproductive healthcare. While I knew I had big shoes to fill, especially post Repeal, I knew the direction I wanted to take our campaigning in. We needed to leverage the attention we had gotten that year during the NUS National Conference occupation, which resulted in the #HomeToVote fund. We needed to keep momentum up and remind the UK student movement that we still had a long way to go in our fights- from decriminalisation in NI to actually introducing truly free, safe, legal and local access all across Ireland.

Over the next two years, Hamsavani continued Project Choice, building links with AfC, creating spaces for issues faced by the migrant, refugee and asylum seeker community, as well as racism in reproductive healthcare. In July 2019, MPs in Westminster voted historically to decriminalize abortion in NI by 21 October 2019, unless devolution was restored (Sanquest, this volume), a huge win for activists in NI. As we neared the date it became increasingly apparent we would make it to the deadline without Stormont being restored. Pro-choice student activists knew this would result in a kickback: a heightened presence of anti-choice groups and a threat to QUBSU’s pro-choice policy. At the same time Hamsavani’s visibility as an activist, and a board member of AfC, coupled with her work around Project Choice had gained traction. In September 2019, prior to the 21  October limit, Hamsavani spoke as a student movement speaker at the Rally for Choice. In her speech, she highlighted the hope that change was near, but to remember the work is not over, that there are persisting inequalities in the healthcare system that produce barriers to abortion access, especially for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers; she said:

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I marched today for every international student who gave up their bodily autonomy for an education; every migrant, refugee or asylum seeker that has been denied reproductive justice in exchange for a chance at a better life; and for the disabled, queer and trans people of colour who find their existence and struggles silenced and erased in the fight for abortion rights. The North is Now has to be more than a slogan. The student movement, trade unions and feminist movements across this island must commit to ensuring that no one is left behind in the fight for reproductive justice. In the fight for a pro-choice revolution, we must demand intersectionality not only on our placards, but also in our organising spaces. We urgently need access to abortion care that is free, safe and legal, for EVERYONE across this island. The fight is not over till then. The pro-choice revolution leaves no one behind.

21  October 2019 was a day of delirious joy; decades of grassroots activism had culminated in a massive win. Activists knew a long road still lay ahead of them, but decriminalization was the first big hurdle to get through. Hamsavani recounts what an emotional day it was, and how it led to tumultuous reactions within QUBSU: Waking up that morning knowing after midnight on the 21st no pregnant person seeking an abortion was a criminal, was the most surreal thing. Just like that, things were about to change, and for the better! I felt hope I had never felt before. I was speaking at the AfC press conference that morning before we would head up to Stormont … the DUP were performing a pointless stunt of attempting to recall the assembly in a last-ditch attempt to stop abortion reform in NI. As I read out my speech that morning, I felt tears well up in my eyes, and I choked up, I knew we had a lot of work to do still, but I knew the fear of criminalisation and a huge part of the stigma perpetuated would be gone. I remember listening to the speeches the other speakers at the press conference read out, some extremely personal, I was so emotional, angry that so much suffering and pain had happened to so many pregnant people, but relieved it ended here. I was so incredibly grateful to have been a part of this, I knew while I got to stand together with so many wonderful activists and lead in chants against anti-choicers outside Stormont, this victory wasn’t mine; it was the people’s. It was decades of grassroots activists’ tireless contributions, the generations of feminists who fought to create the spaces that allowed me to fight the battles we fought and continue to fight, and this was a day to remember them, and that the movement we have today was built carefully over decades.

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The visibility of Hamsavani’s work with AfC and the close relationship Project Choice had with AfC ruffled feathers amongst the anti-choice student community. The QUB Pro-Life Society had been openly criticizing the SU’s welcoming of abortion law reform in NI, and it became increasingly apparent a group of student representatives were organizing against the right to choose. In December 2019, a motion tabled to the QUBSU Student Council aimed to neutralize the union’s pro-choice policy position. If the motion passed, Project Choice’s existence was threatened alongside the work to build a proudly prochoice organizing space. The student council meeting was one of the biggest turnouts of non-voting students present. Both Project Choice and the Pro-Life Society rallied students to come to the meeting for the debate on the motion. Hamsavani recalls the tense evening: The debate was long and bordered on toxic. Project Choice had organised a meeting of all the pro-choice activists who had votes on council to organise and devise a strategy to focus the debate on the issue of how positions of neutrality only serve the side of oppressors. We knew the debate would get ugly if we got into the semantics of why abortion access was vital, and the motion was not about that. The policy submitted intended to silence and stifle the vibrant prochoice organising space that had been built into the fabric of the SU over the years. After a long, tense debate, ballots were cast by paper vote, and results were announced the next day. I was relieved to hear the motion fell: QUBSU remained proudly pro-choice. Out of 53 votes cast, 20 were in favour, 32 were against and one was an abstention. We knew that while we won, it was still a close margin, and we knew this would not be the end of the pro-life organising against us.

Following the neutrality motion falling, Hamsavani began promoting the NIO abortion consultation through her work in QUBSU in Project Choice and on her personal media. Her tweets were taken out of context, and the QUB pro-life society doxed her on Facebook and vilified her to the student body. As she began receiving an onslaught of abuse online, Hamsavani recalls the familiar attempts to remove her from her role: After the pro-life society posted about me, multiple letters of complaint against me were submitted to the university and students’ union. I was also inundated on my social media pages by messages from anti-choicers, many of which contained racialised language against me and questioned the legitimacy of my activism, and my ability to be in a position representing Equality and Diversity. This only became more stressful when the various chaplains wrote to the union about the pro-choice policy stance making students feel alienated and

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unwelcome in the SU. There was a general hostility towards me across campus from pro-life society members, I was even once told that my wearing pro-choice merch such as my Repeal jumper, was threatening and made pro-life students feel unwelcome in the SU. I was spat on one night on my way home while walking past student accommodation, by a student who called me ‘baby killer’ and a ‘vile, evil, witch’. During Student Council I was held to account during the presentation of my officer report, and a vote was called to impeach me for having submitted my reports late. The motion was put forward by the same group of students who had been questioning the legitimacy to QUBSU’s pro-choice work and Project Choice’s existence and put forward the neutrality motion. I was hyper-aware of the double standard in holding me to account for late submissions when other team members had done the same. The speeches made in favour of the motion to move to an impeachment process that night made it clear this was a racialised attack on me as the only vocally pro-choice, woman of colour who had ever existed in this space. Thankfully the vote fell, but the emotional distress it caused me to have been attacked and vilified the way I had been was immense.

QUBSU’s continued work in supporting pro-choice activism and remaining proudly pro-choice has been no easy feat. Activists within Project Choice updated reproductive justice policies in May 2020 that did eventually pass but was a clear sign that pro-choice organizing had to remain strong and visible, as there continued to be narratives that needed to be countered on the topic. This fight still lives on through the dedicated and relentless activism of Project Choice student activists to this day, and we couldn’t be prouder of this legacy. Hamsavani ended her term in June 2020 and reflects on leading the prochoice student movement: Being an officer during a time we got to see through decriminalisation of abortion and fight for better access to abortion services throughout a pandemic in 2020 has been one of the most valuable and eye-opening experiences for me. I am proud of the work I have done in QUBSU, in ensuring that our conversations on abortion access remain intersectional and internationalist and extending to wider conversations of reproductive justice. While it may have been often at the cost of being the target of a witch-hunt, I am proud that we have remained strongly pro-choice. 21st October will always be a very special day, and one of the proudest moments of my time in the student movement.

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The women’s sector Anne McVicker and Helen Crickard

The feminist movement in NI has its foundations in grassroots activism in working-class communities, where women have always organized to improve the conditions of their lives. This includes the powerful legacy of women trade union leaders, civil rights leaders, housing activists, sexual violence advocates who took on the combined might of the state and paramilitaries to provide safety for women, community development workers, peace activists and many more. With deep feminist roots and much overlap between community organizing and public campaigns on women’s rights and equality issues, this broad-based, progressive women’s movement continues to shape feminist discourse and practice in the north of Ireland today. However, the issue of abortion has not always been visible in the work of grassroots women’s groups and women’s centres. The challenge of mobilizing women from different religious and political backgrounds, living in areas that were most severely impacted by violence and economic inequality, led to an unwillingness to talk openly about abortion while at the same time providing practical support. This chapter offers reflections from two stalwarts of the grassroots women’s movement, with insights into the role played by women’s centres since their proliferation in the 1980s, the transition to a more visible advocacy role on reproductive rights, and the importance of new collective platform, Reclaim the Agenda, in engaging the women’s sector in the pro-choice movement.

Women’s centres and abortion in the formal women’s sector: Anne McVicker The emergence of women’s centres in the 1980s was an uncoordinated and grassroots response to quite shocking levels of gender inequality and the dearth of personal support, advice, education, health and childcare services across NI,

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the impact of which was particularly felt by those women living in disadvantaged and rural communities. Despite the political unrest and the raging ‘troubles’, women and women’s groups started to organize and have up to the present day been ‘doing it for themselves’ based on the premise that if they did not provide these services it would not happen! Seven women’s centres were established in greater Belfast alone as well as in Derry, Magherafelt, Craigavon and other areas throughout this decade. They relied on local council funding and philanthropic support with little financial stability and a lack of sustainable, long-term funding continues to be a major challenge. Although there were many commonalities between the centres in the services and activities provided, it is important to note that women are not a homogeneous group and so considerable diversity emerged between the centres. No formal network or working partnership existed until the establishment of the Women’s Support Network in 1992. To the outsider each woman’s centre appeared to operate alone in its community, providing much-needed services on shoestring budgets staffed by ACE (government employment scheme) workers and volunteers with little interest or knowledge in macro politics but this was far from the reality. The centres operated informal networks under the radar meeting up to share their lived experiences and support each other through some very turbulent times. The women’s sector was doing what is now called community relations work long before this phrase had been defined! Although the 1970s had brought some significant changes in the advancement of women’s equality with the introduction of Equal Pay, Sex Discrimination and Matrimonial legislation and the establishment of the Equal Opportunities Commission, equality was still very much a pipe dream for women at that time. The reality of women’s lives, particularly those living in disadvantaged and rural communities, was grim as socio-economic rights were trumped by sectarian politics dominated by men who had no intention of sharing power and were under no enforceable obligation to. It was this void in terms of women’s representation and participation in decision-making that led to the emergence of women’s centres. I started working in north Belfast in 1984 carrying out a welfare benefits takeup campaign in the Bone (Catholic) and Lower Oldpark (Protestant) areas. I was invited into homes by women and witnessed elevated levels of poverty, domestic abuse and violence against women and children. This was equally prevalent in both communities, yet perceptions existed that each had it harder than the other community.

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My work in the Lower Shankill area was building the capacity of the tenants’ association to better engage with the Housing Executive and other statutory bodies in the improvement of housing stock and local communities. It was unsurprising that women made up most members of the association as it was the same women who actively campaigned for improved housing conditions and better facilities to meet the needs of the whole community. There are many similar examples of women’s activism in other Catholic and Protestant areas where women played crucial roles in keeping families and communities going while their partners were imprisoned, on the run or had been killed in the conflict. The women I worked with wanted more, they soon found their voices and they were not going away even after they achieved some great improvements in the Shankill landscape. They wanted access to education and training, leading to real employment, accessible and affordable childcare, advice and support services, opportunities and services for girls and young women, and they wanted a safe place of their own to house all this activity. This was realized when the Housing Executive approved a unit fronting the Shankill Road for a nominal rent. The centre, called the Hummingbird, became the home for the newly established Lower Shankill Women’s Group in 1988 and it thrived. Through the Workers Educational Association and Women’s Education Project, the forerunner of the Women’s Resource and Development Agency (WRDA), and Ulster People’s College, the women explored their own histories and participated in a diverse range of education and training. Many women secured employment and enrolment in programmes in further education colleges and universities. This was an awakening process for many women leading to engagement with groups and organizations across communities that built a sense of sisterhood and the beginning of a process which would eventually produce a shared agenda for women’s centres. Throughout the late 1970s and 1980s women’s centres worked together and supported each other in a number of issues. For example, the proposed closure of the Royal Maternity Hospital saw women from the Shankill cross the community divide and take part in meetings and protests to keep the maternity hospital open even though they were condemned by some in their own community. Shankill women supported Falls Women’s Centre when Belfast City Council (BCC) suspended their funding and in turn had their own funding withdrawn by BCC. Both Shankill and Falls came out in support of Ballybeen Women’s Centre when Castlereagh Council withdrew funding and there are many more examples of cross-community working between women’s centres.

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Abortion was the unspoken word within women’s centres as it remained controversial across all political and religious divides. There was no agreed position within other feminist organizations (Walker, volume 1), most notably the NI Women’s Coalition who had some senior members that were known to take an anti-choice stance. However, within the women’s centres there was an informal practice that supported women who needed abortions. Donations would be sought and given from other centres to the women’s centre where an individual had come for help to access a procedure in England. In those days the costs of travelling for an abortion were higher and overnight accommodation had to be factored in on top of the cost of the procedure. All this support, advice and fundraising was kept under the radar across all women’s centres regardless of their political and community identity. In a submission of evidence to the UK Women and Equality Committee’s 2018 inquiry into abortion law in NI, the WRDA quoted an ex-manager of a women’s centre who reflected on this experience of the informal support network: We helped many women in dire circumstances to travel to England. If someone needed the money we would call around all our networks and gather it together for her. If she needed her children looked after we would sort that out. Some of these women had nothing, no one else to turn to. They might have come from very violent relationships and getting the chance to have an abortion was literally a lifeline for them. Some were under threat from paramilitaries. We just got on with it and made sure we could get them there, working alongside the Family Planning Association who made the arrangements. You have to remember this was the 1980s, the early 90s. The violence was at a peak. Nobody was talking about things like abortion that affected women’s lives. Women’s rights weren’t anywhere on the agenda until well after the Good Friday Agreement. There was no prospect of the law changing at the height of The Troubles so it was up to us in the women’s sector to help women in any practical way we could. (Turtle, 2018)

Ceasefires, peace talks priorities and funding kept abortion as an unspoken word until AfC gained momentum in 2010. To this day I am unaware of any women’s centre that has a pro-choice policy in place due to the continued culture of silence and fear of alienating service users or generating backlash from community gatekeepers. WRDA was the first organization in the formal women’s sector to adopt a pro-choice position and advocate openly for changes to abortion law. In 2019 this position was revised and strengthened, moving from a generalized statement of pro-choice intent to a specific commitment to

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support the decriminalization of abortion, equality of access for all abortion seekers, comprehensive relationship and sexuality education and a social welfare system that supports families and doesn’t restrict women’s choices by driving them into poverty. As an organization that works for the social and economic equality of all women, this reproductive justice approach reflects the value base of WRDA and has resonated well with its member organizations. The freedom WRDA has had to be more visible in their advocacy on abortion is partly to do with being based in a neutral area of South Belfast, close to Queen’s University and possibly less likely to face a backlash in a student community. Since adopting the policy they have received no complaints or withdrawals from their membership. The further engagement of women’s centres in pro-choice and reproductive justice work and supporting their adoption of abortion polices remains a key priority for the women’s sector.

Activist reflections and the role of Reclaim the Agenda – Helen Crickard My first encounter with a woman-only space was the Women’s Centre in Belfast City Centre who had opened their doors in 1979 in Donegal Street and offered a walk-in advice service. It was busy with women calling from all over the north under the guise of shopping in the town. I could devote an entire book to the stories and situations that they encountered, including domestic violence and sexual abuse, financial stress, depression, accessing education and health services, prescription medication and abortion. It is striking to acknowledge how big a role that first women’s centre had in women’s lives throughout their duration in the city during some of the most violent times in our history. It was here that a young woman rang the centre to ask about getting an abortion for her sister. She was fifteen years old, pregnant because of rape and terrified knowing her parents would insist on her having the baby as abortion would not be considered an option. There were no legal terminations, no abortion pills, no internet, no information available anywhere and absolutely no way of accessing an abortion in NI. It was also illegal to give any information on accessing an abortion but there was a network of women who volunteered to help, provide telephone numbers of clinics, addresses of places to stay and on occasion they gathered resources to give financial support. In 1979 to travel to England by plane was expensive, and the main mode of transport was the boat and the overnight bus. The cost for the clinic, food and accommodation

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could easily add up to £1000. Even access to a private telephone line to phone an abortion clinic was difficult with many women only able to use a public telephone box that charged a premium rate to phone England. In the summer that this young girl reached out for help there had been three British soldiers murdered, two prison officers murdered, six RUC officers murdered, two Catholics and one Protestant murdered, not to mention the numerous bomb scares that closed the city down. Tensions were high and many families lived in fear for their safety at home, going to work or church and socializing in the pubs. It was a dangerous time for everyone, and people from NI were not welcome in England. Anyone with a Northern Irish accent was perceived to be a terrorist, and travelling for an abortion must have been a terrible experience for that fifteen-year-old and many others like her. While feminist groups and an informal network of women supported abortion access, the wider public conversation on the issue was dominated by the churches. Their version of morality was fed directly into schools where metal badges with tiny feet representing the foetus were handed out to school children to ensure we all knew abortion was murdering babies. During the conflict in NI the women’s movement was always told to wait until we had peace and then issues affecting women would be addressed, something that turned out to be a lie. As we moved away from the conflict, and I became involved with the NI Women’s Coalition (NIWC) I did see a window opening to have a discussion on abortion rights. Sadly, the NIWC failed in moving this forward perhaps because some members personally did not agree with abortion or due to the fear of losing precious votes was too great a challenge to take on at such a crucial time in the peace process. I am forever grateful for the women who did not stop campaigning for the extension of the 1967 Abortion Act. The protests outside the Family Planning Association and other reproductive health clinics totally cemented my determination to do what I could to change the law here. Over the years there were increasing conversations about abortion taking place in many spaces within the women’s movement and I wanted this issue to come to the fore more than anything. Reclaim the Agenda (RTA) formed in 2011, initially to bring the women’s centres together to celebrate 100 years of International Women’s Day and provide greater unity among women’s organizations that were being divided and set in competition with each other. Many grassroots women’s organizations, including the women’s centres, felt that their transition into a formalized sector had pulled them away from their radical feminist roots. Some were disillusioned with the larger sector organizations that seemed more concerned with acquiring

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funding than fighting for equality for women. RTA quickly became a platform for bringing back a collective feminist challenge to the status quo, and it had the full support of the women’s centres. We set out our key themes, and it was a proud achievement to have as our core aim ‘a health service that meets our particular needs’. That is exactly where abortion sits in healthcare, as a decision that a woman makes with her GP and not for the church and the state to interfere with. While this aim did not explicitly mention reproductive rights, RTA recognized it was important to create safe spaces for conversations on abortion framed as a healthcare issue. RTA welcomed AfC and worked in partnership with them to have the difficult conversations that allowed women’s centres to discuss abortion in a safe environment where no-one would be labelled as murderers. Before long, RTA was publicly advocating for the right to free, safe and legal abortion services in NI with the full support of our members. As the lead organizers of the annual International Women’s Day rally and festival of events, we have repeatedly put abortion front and centre. The rally has seen speakers from AfC and the Repeal the 8th campaign take the stage, and we hosted a pro-choice bloc as part of the UK-wide Processions event to mark 100 years of women’s suffrage in 2018. In recent years, it became clear that travelling to England wasn’t such a big problem if you had money and many women with financial resources had abortions and never told anyone such was the shame and stigma. By the 2000s you could organize everything on your mobile phone, and abortion became most accessible to those who could afford it, who were over eighteen and who were safe and able to travel. RTA addressed this inequality in our 2016 ‘Time to Commit’ campaign document for the grassroots women’s movement. This was co-created with 100 representatives from women’s centres, local women’s groups, trade unions, women’s training centres, domestic abuse service providers and others at the Women at the Cutting Edge conference. The document made three core demands of government, one of which was ‘commit to eliminating the disadvantage women experience due to pregnancy and caring responsibilities’. It went on to specify that one of the actions towards achieving this should be ‘[e]nd the criminalisation of women seeking abortions and ensure all women can have equal access to choices when facing unwanted pregnancies’ (Women’s Resource and Development Agency, 2017). When abortion pills became available online women had more options but would be criminalized for choosing them. Pills ordered from safe and reputable sites were being held at customs, forcing women to reorder and take the pills later in their pregnancy. What women in the rest of the UK had legal access to,

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we were still being punished, judged and criminalized for ordering online. This needed to change, and I was totally supportive of ordering pills online for women who would need them so that they could access them early in a pregnancy without facing unnecessary time delays. On International Women’s Day 2017 while I was in Belfast City Hall listening to Professor Angela Davis deliver a lecture on the rights of women, how abortion is fundamental healthcare, how women should be in control of our own bodies and how criminalizing women for abortion is an abuse of our human rights, the Police Service of NI (PSNI) was raiding my workshop. Officers arrived with a warrant to search for ‘all devices that connect to the internet and confiscate’ and ‘any instruments that could be used to perform an abortion’ and I am grateful to my partner who held them to account, ensuring that they could only search my space in the shared workshop and not violate the privacy of other members. They left with nothing but my telephone number. The PSNI did not contact me further. I rang them, they made no attempt to ask me for an interview only that they would be in contact and stated that the search was in relation to a parcel they intercepted. I was so angry at the suggestion I was some sort of back street abortionist, and I could be criminalized for buying a pill that is listed by the World Health Organization as safe. It was not acceptable to me that I should wait for another call, left hanging on a cliff edge. I had to take control of the situation, and with the support of the women’s movement, I went public with an interview with community television channel Northern Visions TV to highlight the tactics of the PSNI which to me felt like bullying. I believed I was being targeted because I was a woman who was vocal in demanding equality for women, I was working to unite the women’s movement to support and campaign for women voices and amplify our campaigns. This could be seen as an attempt to silence me and discredit me as a ‘backstreet abortionist’, something I was not going to accept and felt duty bound to challenge. I did not and do not want a spotlight on me, but I had to put a spotlight on the criminalization of women for accessing abortion and how the law was being used to supress women. The wider media responded with various interviews and articles reporting the way women in NI were being treated compared to our sisters in the rest of the UK. I received messages of support from all over the world and numerous vile messages that were very unsettling and caused me considerable stress. I also had women contact me who were desperate to have an abortion but fearful of being imprisoned. I was grateful that I was able to signpost them to a safe and secure service to support them. Those experiences counteracted the online abuse

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I received. There was a movement that supported me throughout my journey, one that embraced diversity and inclusion. It was my duty to maximize my experience for the campaign and speak out. Following the media attention, the PSNI contacted me and said they would not be taking any further action, which was welcome, but I was left wondering if an apology would be asking too much! To my knowledge, customs did continue to intercept packages, but the PSNI did not carry out any more raids in relation to ordering abortion pills online. When I heard that abortion services were to be provided here in NI, I was on the steps of WRDA with two colleagues and we jumped and cheered and cried. Could we have achieved full reproductive rights for women in NI? We would not allow ourselves to believe this until it was actually happening. We knew our binary political system would not be in any hurry to provide abortion as part of reproductive healthcare and while we punched the air in triumph, we knew the hard work was not over. I will continue to do whatever I can to advance the implementation of abortion services and continue to have the difficult conversations based on respect and human rights.

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Medical Students for Choice (MSFC) Jill McManus

Many thanks to Drs Kyle Headen, Pollyanna Cohen, Catriona Rennison, Molly McGowan, Charles McGreevy and the other student leaders of Medical Students for Choice QUB who supported the writing of this chapter. This chapter will introduce Medical Students for Choice and, using interviews, detail its growth and development in NI as well as its contribution to the movement towards decriminalization of abortion provision. The interviews of MSFC members will detail not only the contributions of students towards a greater understanding of abortion as healthcare among the wider student body, but also the progression towards the acceptance of abortion within medical education. Medical Students for Choice (MSFC) is an international organization, founded in the United States, with the aim of providing education on abortion across all medical schools in order to destigmatize abortion care during medical education (Wear et  al., 2003). It was initially started by a group of medical students studying in the University of California, San Francisco, concerned with a lack of training and education around reproductive healthcare and in response to attacks being made on abortion providers. Currently, the organization has student chapters in twenty-seven countries, across North and South America, Europe and sub-Saharan Africa (Medical Students for Choice, 2021). A chapter of MSFC was founded in Queen’s University Belfast medical school in 2014 by a group of students keen to promote education particularly around abortion and contraception. Their main priorities as MSFC Student Leaders were around the destigmatization of abortion and reform of the QUB medical curriculum for the sexual and reproductive healthcare teaching to include education on abortion care, as shown by their first event, on international women’s health, featuring a panel including Professor Jim Dornan and Dr Fiona Bloomer (Medical Students for Choice QUB, 2014). As detailed elsewhere in

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this book, abortion access in NI was almost completely criminalized and in 2014 only sixteen legal abortions occurred in HSC hospitals (Department of Health NI, 2016a). These were only to a tiny number of women and pregnant people and only if they met the extreme criteria of death or long-term illness if the pregnancy continued. Because of this, abortion was not a part of the Queen’s University Belfast medical curriculum, as either part of Obstetrics and Gynaecology or Sexual and Reproductive Health education. One of the founding members, and former board member of MSFC, was Dr Kyle Headen, who went to school and completed undergraduate education in England, where there was a more liberal attitude towards abortion. He described his shock to find abortion was a ‘taboo subject’, when he began his medical education at QUB in 2012. What particularly bothered him about this environment was the spreading of misinformation by anti-abortion protestors outside the Marie Stopes clinic in Belfast (McDonald, 2014) and the taboo nature of the subject led to this misinformation going unquestioned. After attending a Medical Students for Choice conference led by MSFC Ireland in 2013, he was provided with a sense of community and this inspired him ‘to organize and set up a chapter in QUB, to combine a passion for activism and accessible reproductive healthcare’. This sense of community was often important for students advocating access to abortion care, particularly those in remote and stigmatized environments, and it was the aim of Medical Students for Choice to provide that connection with like-minded passionate student activists. The student chapter began with sending students to the International Federation of Abortion and Contraception Professionals (FIAPAC) conference in Ljubljana, Slovenia (FIAPAC, 2014), to learn about the highlights of abortion care across Europe and the world, as well as providing the opportunity to meet fellow members of MSFC from other European chapters. The founding student leaders were fortunate to have contacts and support in doctors working in reproductive healthcare, staff from the Belfast Marie Stopes clinics, academics and activist organizations. The right for students to organize and hold events was supported by becoming a ratified society within the Queen’s University Belfast Students’ Union. The ratification of MSFC QUB by the SU provided the society with funding to allow students to host events, advertise and gain new members, as well as showing the support of the SU for this new society. Their first event was on women’s health globally, featuring Professor Jim Dornan, Grainne Teggart from Amnesty International, Dr Fiona Bloomer from Ulster University and Dr Mark Benson, at the time a PhD student at QUB. Other events were

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varied; some around obstetric emergencies, led by Dr Samina Dornan, another a lecture on ethics and law with a former QUB lecturer Dr Melissa McCullough, and an abortion myth-busting conference with a variety of lectures and handson workshops in February 2016. The organizing of these events was not without controversy; their first event was picketed by Susan-Anne White, an anti-LGBT and anti-abortion activist and unsuccessful candidate for the 2015 General Election. On her blog, she wrote about the 2016 MSFC QUB Conference, saying the students attending the event were being ‘trained to kill’ (The Truth Shall Set You Free, 2016). This accusation led to various issues, as the student leaders of MSFC QUB found themselves with difficulties in getting space within the medical school to host events without faculty involvement, alongside additional issues with perceived stigma around educating on abortion, even in an extracurricular capacity. If not for the support of MSFC the international organization, the society would have been unable to hold such educational events as the cost of hiring equipment and paying for room hire is prohibitive for a new student society. If not for these initial events, students at QUB would not have had any opportunity to have educational and hands-on experience in how abortion procedures work, and Medical Students for Choice filled this important gap in sexual and reproductive health education at QUB. As well as the educational aims, MSFC QUB also took part in local activism efforts, with members participating in professional media training with Catholics for Choice, and hosting regular events with AfC, including ‘So You Want to Talk About Abortion?’ workshops. MSFC QUB also regularly had members attend the Abortion Rights Campaign March for Choice in Dublin. When Project Choice QUBSU was set up in 2017 by QUBSU Vice President for Equality and Diversity, Rachel Powell, members of MSFC QUB regularly attended Project Choice meetings and events and supported the USI Students for Choice campaign, set up for the campaign to Repeal the 8th Amendment. My own involvement was key to linking the different organizations together, and in February 2017 I wrote on the AfC Blog: The [FIAPAC] conference provided me with confidence and support in my choice to be a Medical Student for Choice. I felt empowered to talk about the issue, I felt like I can be a powerful advocate for change in NI. I was so inspired hearing from Patricia Lohr, that as an abortion provider, you really can change women’ s lives in a very short time. I also know that currently, women are not supported by the healthcare system in NI. Abortion must become legal here, if we are to consider our society a just and moral one. We must begin to meet

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European Standards of Care; we must change legislation that restricts access to healthcare and most importantly, we must trust women to make their own choice. (McManus, 2017)

­ reliminary research was conducted by the founding members of Medical P Students for Choice QUB to ascertain if the desire for expanded reproductive health teaching, including teaching on abortion, was desired by the medical student body at large. They conducted surveys at events in the academic year 2014/15 (Headen, Henderson and Ross, 2015), where attendees were encouraged to respond with their thoughts on whether the QUB medical curriculum should be expanded regarding reproductive health. The majority of students (70 per cent) wanted to see education on medical and surgical abortion and aftercare included within the QUB curriculum, as well as desiring further education on emergency contraception and contraception (69 per cent) reconciling personal views with medico-legal and ethical obligations (70 per cent) and reproductive healthcare for adolescents and underserved groups (68 per cent). Only 3 per cent of respondents stated that they believed that issues around abortion, contraception and pregnancy options were adequately taught within the curriculum in 2014/15 (Headen, Henderson and Ross, 2015). Given the promising results, Drs Kyle Headen, Chloe Henderson and Charlotte Ross sought further qualitative research about the opinions of medical students at QUB and compare with students in University College London, where attitudes to abortion are more liberal and their curriculum includes teaching on abortion and conscientious objection, both from a clinical and an ethical and legal perspective. However, MSFC QUB committee were unable to proceed with this research due to ethics approval only being provided after they had graduated. Despite this setback preventing further research from students at QUB, the survey evidence compiled by Drs Headen, Henderson and Ross is corroborated by feedback surveys led by Dr Jayne Kavanagh from University College London, where teaching on abortion is included in the sexual and reproductive health curriculum. A survey of fifth-year medical students, with 146 questionnaires returned, of which 101 were completed fully, found similar results; 103 out of 107 students rated abortion teaching as ‘important’ whether they were prochoice or pro-life. The UCL reproductive health teaching curriculum makes use of role-plays and a guest speaker, who has had an abortion. Eight free-text comments described this teaching as ‘excellent’; 57 per cent of respondents believed the amount of teaching was ‘about right’ and 39 per cent requested

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more of this teaching. It is worth noting that this is in a setting where 83 per cent of students identified themselves as pro-choice, and results may be different in an environment where students have more conservative views regarding abortion care (Cohen et al., 2019). Despite the positive feedback from UCL students around abortion teaching, reproductive health teaching is not standardized across UK medical schools. Research was conducted at University College London to ascertain how abortion care is taught across the thirty-three UK medical schools. Staff at medical schools who were clinical leads in sexual health or obstetrics and gynaecology and educational leads in ethics and laws were contacted with surveys. Results of the survey found that twelve out of the thirty-two sexual health lead surveys were completed and thirteen of the thirty-three ethics and law lead surveys were completed. All respondents taught about conscientious objection and the UK law, and over 50 per cent of respondents taught about consultations around abortion care, what medical and surgical abortions involve and the risks and complications of abortion procedures. However, barriers to teaching around abortion were cited by both ethics and law and clinical respondents; around teaching time, difficulty accessing clinical placement teaching and even the perception of abortion as a ‘sensitive issue’ (Rennison et al., 2019). Rennison et al. (2019) discuss the framing of abortion in medical education as being flawed; conscientious objection is always taught; however, the positive impact of conscientious commitment to providing abortion care is not a fundamental aspect of reproductive health education across medical schools. This reflects that ‘opting in’ to provide abortion care is not framed as a valuable asset for the workforce or as a positive provision of care for patients. The potential unconscious biases within medical schools are exacerbated by a lack of comprehensive guidance on what should be taught. Fewer than 20 per cent of schools included role-playing and visiting speakers in their education, when this can provide valuable experiences for students in understanding the patient journey and experience of seeking abortion care. Many educators who responded to surveys felt positively about further guidance, which provides those creating that guidance with the opportunity to develop truly patientcentred, comprehensive teaching around abortion care for the future workforce of the UK. Since 2016, Medical Students for Choice QUB has attempted to branch out in events being run, to include the care of underserved groups, working with other organizations including The Rainbow Project, AfC and Transgender NI. MSFC events have included talks around healthcare for the transgender community,

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sexual health and the LGBT+ community, workshops about medical abortion and workshops on female genital mutilation. Students with many interests would attend, including those interested in global health, obstetrics and gynaecology and general practice. These educational events have not been without pushback from local anti-abortion organizations and student societies. The QUB Pro-Life Society protested outside the Medical Biology Centre at an event in October 2019, and two members came into the event. The intimidation felt by students at the event led to Queen’s security being called to move the protest to a public area and to sit in on the event to de-escalate the situation. Student leaders of Medical Students for Choice QUB have historically had many different reasons for getting involved in student activism and education. One of the student leaders, Dr Molly McGowan, discussed having come from a secondary school environment where sex education was based around religious teachings, which she firmly believed was not in line with the reality of the lives of young people, whether they are religious themselves or not. She described being shown ‘graphic’ images of terminations of pregnancy, a frequent tactic of anti-abortion teaching and the stigma she felt at making a pro-choice argument in ethical discussions. On joining medical school, both her and another student, Dr Charles McGreevy, described a desire to join a student society which would teach about abortion care, where the medical school would not, and which would debunk the myths pushed on many young people from NI, to develop a more well-informed group of future doctors. When I came to QUB, I was really excited to find that there was a society called Medical Students for Choice where pro-choice teaching and discussion was actively encouraged. It was the first society that I joined, and I stuck with it over the course of four years in various roles. I hoped that my background might help me reach out to other students who had a similar education experience to me and debunk some of the myths that were so heavily emphasised in the religious education system. (McGowan, personal correspondence, 2020)

A student leader, who wished to remain anonymous, spoke of their experience in needing to access abortion care and travelling for this care, speaking of their many reasons for not being able to continue a pregnancy, including financial worries, health concerns and needing an operation, and mental ill-health. The sense of isolation and fear in dealing with an unintended pregnancy personally galvanized this student’s desire to be part of a society questioning harmful ‘norm’ that abortion was too sensitive to discuss within a medical school. They strongly

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believe that people should not travel for essential healthcare and advocate for the value of using our voices as medical students and future doctors in speaking up for the needs of our patients and amplifying the voices of the people that are not listened to. I have not once regretted my decision. The only thing I wish were different were the circumstances. I wish I, and the 1,052 other people (per year) seeking terminations, didn’t have to make the unfamiliar, stressful, expensive journey to have a procedure that, in more ways than one, saved my life, and when denied, has cost the lives of many people with uteruses. (Anonymous student leader, personal correspondence, 2020)

The student leaders spoke of the importance of abortion not only being included in postgraduate medical training but being introduced to healthcare students at the undergraduate level in university, which has been highlighted by the General Medical Council Outcomes for Graduates. All three student leaders spoke of the need for medical students to equip themselves with knowledge in order to adequately care for the patients who will come under our care in the future. They also spoke of the value of ‘normalizing’ and de-stigmatizing abortion as a procedure; that it should be seen as routine gynaecological healthcare, particularly given that 1 in 3 women will need access to this during their lifetimes, as well as other people who can become pregnant. Molly, in particular, highlighted the need for other healthcare professionals to be included in this education, particularly our colleagues in nursing, physicians associates and pharmacy. The future of abortion care in medical education and in healthcare generally is much brighter now than when Medical Students for Choice was founded in QUB. The QUB medical school curriculum committed to including clinical education on abortion care from September 2019 and, since September 2018, has included ethics and law education around abortion, led by Dr Helen Reid in General Practice teaching. The role of Medical Students for Choice QUB is still clear though, in providing a leading voice from medical students and educating on marginalized groups and their vital access to reproductive healthcare. I see the future of abortion care in NI being accessible and available to all. I hope to see a lot of caring and compassionate abortion providers running the service. I also hope to see the medical schools here in NI provide comprehensive teaching, and we all work to de-stigmatise this integral part of our healthcare service. I would love for us to set the precedent for abortion care in the UK. (McGreevy, personal correspondence, 2020)

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Medical Students for Choice QUB has enriched my experience at university greatly. The criminalization of abortion in NI was an issue I always held close to me and being a student leader with MSFC QUB allowed me to get involved in wider campaigns with QUBSU, Repeal and AfC. This has provided me with the opportunity to educate, campaign and discover my voice as a student activist, which has given so much value to my life. Being a small part of the decriminalization of abortion in NI is historic, and the future medical students at QUB will benefit from this achievement.

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Reflecting on how the LGBTQ+ movement engaged with the pro-choice movement to support and champion the journey to decriminalization Danielle Mackle, Alexa Moore and Danielle Roberts

Introduction This chapter will explore and reflect on how two New Social Movements (NSM) – the LGBTQ+ movement and the pro-choice movement – engaged with each other as collectives to support and champion the journey to decriminalization of abortion in Northern Ireland. This chapter will discuss the LGBTQ+ and pro-choice movements, particularly Alliance for Choice (AfC) as NSMs, the LGBTQ+ involvement in pro-choice activism and the link between reproductive justice and bodily autonomy from feminist and trans perspectives. The 21st of October 2019 was a historic day in Northern Ireland; same-sex marriage became legal, and abortion was decriminalized. Both came in the wake of the referenda in the RoI which saw same-sex marriage and abortion legalized in 2015 and 2018. The issues of reproductive and sexuality rights have long been intertwined, the British Laws of the 1861 Offences Against the Person’s Act criminalized people across their colonies, the most persistent of which are those that made both abortion and sex between men illegal. Having a shared legacy of state oppression gives these movements a particular affinity that exists even today across the globe. It is also a helpful framework from which to understand the push from NI LGBTQ+ and Abortion Rights activists for Westminster to remove its colonial legislation from NI. This chapter will discuss the concept of collectivities, the LGBTQ+ involvement in pro-choice activism, the link between reproductive justice and

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bodily autonomy from feminist and trans perspectives and will offer a reflection on what these movements may look to focus on in the future.

­Collectivities among New Social Movements Both the LGBTQ+ and the pro-choice movement could be considered NSMs. Several theorists who define the concept of NSMs: Zald and Ash (1966) highlight that they are a purposeful, collective attempt to change individuals or societal institutions and structures, to enact social reform. Jenkins and Form (2005) define social movements as organized efforts by the collective to bring about social change, and Tarrow (1998, p. 4) highlights the importance of the collective, noting that social movements are ‘based on collective challenges, based on common purposes and social solidarities, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents and authorities’. These definitions of NSMs demonstrate that the common goal of the collective is the driving force behind change and reform. There is no doubt that both the pro-choice and LGBTQ+ movements have affected legislative, policy and social change through a range of collective actions including campaigns, lobbying governments, peaceful protests, etc., with a shared purpose. A growing body of research in recent years considers the meaning and notion of collective capabilities (Evans, 2002; Ballet et al., 2007; Murphy, 2014). Collective capabilities are those unattainable to an individual unless as part of a collective (Ibrahim, 2006). In the 2015 equal marriage referendum in the RoI, the collective campaigned, lobbied and protested for the right of same-sex couples to marry their partner. Social scientist Evans (2002) suggests that what a person’s potential in life depends on collective capabilities, suggesting it is rare for an individual to be able to change legislation, policy or practice solely through their own singular efforts. To highlight this, he (2002, p. 56) considers the less privileged, stating that attaining choices often requires ‘organized collectivities such as unions, political parties, village councils, women’s groups, etc. who are fundamental to people’s capabilities to choose the lives they have reason to value’. Such collectivities meet to share ideas and pull together resources to pursue the qualities in life they personally value, ‘even in the face of powerful opposition’ (Evans, 2002, p. 56). This form of group participation allows individuals to collate resources towards common goals; the African American civil rights movement in the United States, 1954–68, fought for freedom from discrimination; equal opportunity in employment, education and housing, the right to vote and equal access to

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public facilities (Tyson and Williams, 1998). Evans (2002, p. 57) considers that this ‘dense, diverse, organised collective action is necessary to exploit the opportunities created by elections and civil rights and complement the dispersed efforts of groups and individuals’. Not only have the pro-choice and LGBTQ+ movement worked individually to gain legislative, policy and social reform but they have also come together in solidarity with one another in NI. This support has been attending and supporting each other’s rallies and protests, co-signing statements ensuring that there is no hierarchy of rights, and participation in each other’s festivals such as International Women’s Day and LGBTQ+ Awareness Week with events tailored to both audiences. The following section will offer a more in-depth discussion of how the LGBTQ+ sector engaged with the pro-choice movement.

Engagement with LGBTQ+ sector This section will discuss recent engagements and overlaps between the LGBTQ+ sector and pro-choice activists, mainly AfC Belfast. It will demonstrate the relationships and reciprocal solidarity shown, then give a brief overview of attempts made by AfC to ensure its use of language is inclusive of LGBTQ+ people, and how this position evolved. AfC’s membership includes many LGBTQ+ people, from steering group to stall volunteers and more casual supporters. Likewise, many LGBTQ+ sector organizations have a pro-choice stance in relation to abortion, including The Rainbow Project, Here NI, Cara-Friend and TransgenderNI. A common quest for bodily autonomy and human rights links the two groups, with contemporary political opponents often opposing both abortion law reform and LGBTQ+ rights as detailed elsewhere in this volume. Firstly, considering AfC’s engagement with the LGBTQ+ sector there are many examples of joint working. LGBTQ+ Awareness Week is an annual festival of events and activities that takes place in May around the International Day to end Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia. AfC hosted several events over the years such as panels on reproductive justice including representation from LGBTQ+ speakers. AfC has also marked Trans, Lesbian and Bisexual days of visibility with social media. Another of the key events in the NI LGBTQ+ calendar is the Belfast Pride Festival, which in 2020 went digital due to the COVID-19 pandemic. AfC hosted an event for Belfast Pride and took part in a panel discussion organized by Here

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NI (a lesbian and bisexual women’s charity in NI). While there was no physical parade in 2020, AfC submitted a video for the online parade. This continues a long history not only of participating in the parade as a walking group and providing stewards, but also of hosting events as part of the wider programme. AfC usually marches in a ‘feminist bloc’ alongside groups like Belfast Feminist Network, Reclaim the Night and Reclaim the Agenda. The mutual support between LGBTQ+ and pro-choice struggles was illustrated at the 2019 Belfast Pride Awards, whereby in a popular vote AfC was awarded the ‘Activism of the Year’ award for the successful campaign to decriminalize abortion, which would not come into force until a few months later (and which is discussed at length elsewhere in this volume). As well as participation in annual events, there are stand-alone examples of solidarity between the NSMs, becoming more frequent over time as the campaigns for marriage equality and the decriminalization of abortion gained momentum. In 2011, on the 150-year anniversary of the Offences Against the Person Act, an ad hoc coalition called ‘free to choose’ organized The Carnival for Sexual Rights and Freedom (O’Dowd et al., volume 1; Campbell, this volume). With representatives from The Rainbow Project, AfC, Belfast Feminist Network and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions Youth Committee, The Carnival was a weekend of events exploring the legacy of this legislation for both LGBTQ+ rights and reproductive rights, including discussions on the overlap between struggles. There were frequent collaborations between the pro-choice and LGBTQ+ sectors. For example, at an event as part of the 2013 Humans Right Festival organized by Belfast Feminist Network called ‘The anatomy of the women’s rights’ heard from both AfC and Here NI, amongst others. Similarly in 2016 the Rainbow Project and AfC both spoke at Eurovision themed ‘EUvision; making your mind up’. This event, organized by the Human Rights Consortium, discussed the potential impact of Brexit on Human Right, specifically workers, abortion seekers and the LGBTQ+ community. As well as sharing platform there were also calls for practical support, for example, in calls to AfC members to steward the 2017 Love Equality march, and LGBTQ+ activists showing support for women accessing the MSI Clinic in Belfast in 2014 by singing a pro-choice song. As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, the repeal in the legislation in NI came in the wake of the referendum in the RoI at the end of May 2018 with a landslide ‘yes’ vote to repeal Ireland’s strict abortion law (Roberts, this volume). Consequently, a week later was a particularly busy time for AfC activists. The vote to repeal the 8th amendment in Ireland invigorated pro-choice activists

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in the North and prompted unprecedented correspondence with AfC about how to get involved. An information session was held in the Black Box venue in the morning of 2 June 2018. The reason for holding the session on a Saturday morning rather than later in the day was because there was already a day of activity planned relating to LGBTQ+ causes and AfC wanted to support them. Immediately after the information session attendees were encouraged to attend the Trans Pride rally in Writer’s Square, just around the corner. AfC, alongside Belfast Feminist Network and Reclaim the Night, were present at Trans Pride in solidarity with the struggle for Trans rights, which was acknowledged by the organizers of the event from the platform, who thanked the groups for their support and inclusion. By 2018 many self-proclaimed feminists in the UK had shared transphobic comments on social media or written columns in national newspapers. AfC, alongside other feminist groups in NI and the broader women’s sector in the province, reject this perversion of feminism. Organizations such as the Women’s Resource and Development Agency are explicitly trans inclusive, as is Here NI, the women’s organization in the LGBTQ+ Sector, Reclaim the Night and Rally for Choice have both platformed trans rights activists. After the Trans Pride Rally, attendees joined the March for Marriage Equality organized by the Love Equality Coalition. The Love Equality March on 2 June 2018 attracted around 5,000 people. AfC was invited to the front of the march, just behind the Love Equality coalition representatives. This was a clear sign of solidarity and recognition between the two movements. The rally heard from Ailbhe Smith, one of the co-conveners of the Together for Yes campaign in the RoI, who drew parallels between the fight for Marriage Equality and Abortion Rights. Many attendees wore tee shirts and badges of both movements. Laura Silver (journalist) attended all three events held on 2  July and spoke to organizers and attendees, and spoke of the clear solidarity between movements, with quotes from participants stating support for both movements. Stella Creasy and Conor McGinn, the MPs responsible for the amendments that brought the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation and Exercise of Functions) Act 2018, both refused to allow abortion without equal marriage and vice versa, resulting in a stronger lobbying force in Westminster, with overlap on the NGOs and individuals involved in the campaigns. The 2018 Act required the NI Secretary of State to report on any updates on both issues periodically, and the 2019 Act would require the introduction of same-sex marriage and abortion regulations. Provided the NI Assembly did not return by 21  October 2019, both issues would be provided for through Westminster (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1; Sanquest, this volume).

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Days before the October deadline, there was a flurry of activity at Stormont. There were rumours there was a deal to allow Equal Marriage to pass provided abortion did not, the veracity of this rumour is unknown; however, activists responded. It was as important in NI as it was in Westminster that one issue was not sacrificed for political gain on the other. In order to demonstrate this solidarity, on 18 October 2019 there were mutual solidarity statements made by the Love Equality Coalition, AfC and An Dream Dearg, an Irish-language rights campaign. There was a clear message that human rights issues and campaigners could not be played against each other but were a united front. This follows a history of public endorsement between the campaigns. In 2018 the Rainbow Project and other members of the Love Equality Coalition co-signed a letter to the then Prime Minister Theresa May calling for action at Westminster as well as attendance at each other’s rallies. Further engagement between the LGBTQ+ and pro-choice movements includes AfC providing a lengthy response to proposed changes on the Gender Recognition Act. Following guidance from the Belfast Trans Resource Centre, AfC encouraged its supporters to respond to the consultation through its ‘Sunday night sofa activism’ series. Likewise, AfC promoted the consultations on Equal Marriage regulations and encouraged responses. Turning to abortion provision regulations, AfC has emphasized the need for abortion provision to be available for everyone who needs it, promoting the use of more inclusive language that makes trans men and non-binary people visible alongside women as people who may need an abortion. AfC highlighted this directly with the Northern Ireland Office officials overseeing the drafting of the regulations; however, the resulting document refers only to ‘pregnant women’. The note on language is an important one. While most people who access abortion care are women, non-binary and trans people also need access. The law, regulations and guidelines should reflect this. AfC currently uses the phrase ‘women and pregnant people’ to highlight that not everyone who gets pregnant is a woman, the organization also uses ‘people who can get pregnant’ or ‘abortion seekers’ on occasion as gender-neutral terms. This moves on from the popular hashtag used by AfC #TrustWomen, which was emblazoned on postcards, tee shirts and badges. While it is important to highlight that abortion restrictions are ultimately rooted in misogyny, and that the majority of those seeking abortion are women, this must not be done at the expense of our trans siblings. Previously, publications from AfC used ‘women*’, with the asterisk leading to an explanation that women also included everyone who could get pregnant. After much internal discussion and consultation with

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trans activists both inside and outside of the organization it was decided that an asterisk was not sufficient. Relegating someone’s identity to an asterisk and a footnote is othering and diminishes that identity. ‘Women*’ suggests that trans and non-binary people are subset of women. Instead, the wording ‘women and people who can get pregnant’ highlight the disproportionate impact on women of abortion restrictions, as well as acknowledging that those of other genders and none also need abortions. Lesbians need access to abortions. Bisexuals need access to abortions. Trans people need abortions. Everyone needs access to abortions.

Linking reproductive justice and bodily autonomy from feminist and trans perspectives The laws, medical frameworks and ‘reasonable concerns’ restricting abortion access are very familiar to trans people who attempt to claim autonomy over their bodies and identities. The interconnectedness of trans and feminist issues around bodily autonomy has pushed many in trans communities further into both movements. In the build-up to the Repeal campaign, trans men and nonbinary folks were making their voices heard in groups such as the Abortion Rights Campaign. The platforming of trans voices and the inclusion of their experiences within this movement were incredibly powerful and meaningful for many. It was also materially important: trans men and non-binary people experience unique barriers to accessing abortion, and their ability to speak about this through mainstream campaigns made these barriers more likely to be addressed. To a degree, this meaningful inclusion in the movement was lost in the Together for Yes campaign. Many radical demands of the movement for bodily autonomy were lost, in a similar move made by the YesEquality campaign in 2018, attempting to appeal to ‘Middle Ireland’. This isn’t to diminish the achievements of T4Y, nor is it to say that a more inclusive, radical campaign would have succeeded. It’s telling, though, that the default position for wider appeal was exclusion, rather than using the opportunity of a national campaign to platform communities with intersecting experiences showing meaningful solidarity. The result of that – combined with ferocious defence of patriarchal structures by the political class – was abortion provision that is unfit for purpose for many, not just trans individuals. Trans people and allies in the pro-choice movement in NI wanted to do things differently. While LGBTQ+ and feminist movements had begun developing close

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ties, for example, through the Free to Choose manifesto adopted in 2011, trans communities particularly had still been left behind, with the aforementioned manifesto containing no reference to bodily autonomy or abortion access for trans individuals. Following Repeal, there was a will to push the trans and feminist movements forward together in NI, where legal rights and service provision lagged far behind those in RoI. The feminist movement in NI was stacked with people willing to learn from the successes and mistakes of Repeal, activists wanting to be intersectional in their work, and people doing proactive work to make that happen. It wasn’t perfect – neither is the LGBTQ+ movement – but the groundwork was there for good collaborative work. In the years following, that relationship solidified. Organizations including TransgenderNI and GenderJam participated in Reclaim the Night and Rally for Choice protests, while working with AfC to improve trans inclusion within pro-choice activism and ensure the LGBTQ+ sector is outspoken on reproductive justice. These movements are meant to be together: the institutionalized patriarchy within our state, legislation and policies, and our political class, affects cis women as well as trans people of all genders similarly. Access to abortion is restricted, with unnecessary hoops to jump through and seemingly insurmountable obstacles to reform, in a similar way that access to gender affirming care is, being held behind years of waiting lists and invasive psychiatric assessments. Over-medicalization, gatekeeping and denial of basic care are used by the state across our communities to degrade and harm us, to subjugate our place in society and maintain the power of the medical and political establishment over our bodies. Bodily autonomy and reproductive justice are issues central to both our movements and the fight for such must be led together. NI shows that this can be done: our relationship is constantly improving, we learn from each other and address issues as comrades in a shared struggle. We’ve used it as an opportunity to educate on why pro-choice movements need to be trans-inclusive and to platform trans men and non-binary people discussing their feelings and experiences on pregnancy/abortion. We’ve raised awareness of the diverse bodies, identities and experiences of those who can get pregnant and may need access to abortion care, both within and beyond pro-choice movements. There has been continuous solidarity expressed between pro-choice and LGBTQ+ rights groups; indeed as already noted, AfC received the ‘Campaign of the Year’ award at the 2019 Belfast Pride awards. Further demonstrations of mutual support included attending and supporting each other’s rallies and protests, co-signing statements ensuring that there is no hierarchy of rights, and a crossing

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into each other’s festivals such as International Women’s Day and LGBTQ+ Awareness Week with events tailored to both audiences. Many pro-choice activists are LGBTQ+ rights activists, and vice versa, and the strength in solidarity is clearly demonstrated in NI, where both movements continually try to support and learn from each other as NSMs. There’s always more work to be done – intersectionality and inclusion is not a tick-box exercise, nor is it a job that can ever be finished – but we should be proud of our progress. Feminist, LGBTQ+ and trans-specific groups in the North have never been stronger, more visible or more needed: the only way forward is together.

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Faith and abortion Kellie Turtle and Fiona Bloomer

The aim of this chapter is threefold – firstly it will consider the wider context of faith and abortion, then secondly moving on to shed light on the efforts of AfC in engaging with faith communities. The third element of the chapter is to present groundbreaking research on faith and abortion in NI conducted by Ulster University and AfC. In this chapter we present interim findings from a study carried out in 2019–20 that explored the views of people of faith who recognize abortion is part of a woman’s life. This was the first study of its kind in NI asking religious people to discuss permissive or nuanced beliefs about abortion and how they came to hold views that deviate from the dominant religious discourse.

Background There is a pervasive assumption that people of faith do not hold pro-choice views. This is particularly evident in NI where conservative religious beliefs dominate the public discourse and safe spaces to express alternative views or have nuanced conversations on abortion are not common. Few religious leaders publicly demonstrate pro-choice perspectives, and the political discourse is polarized with extensive use of religious language and imagery by those who oppose abortion (Bloomer et al., 2018). The reality, however, for people of faith is much more complex than this, in NI as it is globally. Demographic reporting on people who have abortions demonstrates that holding religious beliefs or identifying with a faith tradition does not stop people from accessing abortion healthcare. In the United States, while some Christian denominations such as Evangelical Protestants are under-represented amongst abortion seekers, two thirds of people obtaining abortions indicate a religious affiliation (Jerman et al.,

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2016). Globally the trend is the same with high rates of induced abortion in Muslim and Buddhist-majority countries, Catholic countries in South America and Asia, and Christian communities in African nations such as Uganda and Zimbabwe (Whittaker, 2002; Hessini, 2008; Chiweshe, 2016). Despite the influence of religion on restrictive law and policy, religious people continue to have abortions and there is conflicting evidence as to whether religion is a significant factor in personal abortion decision-making (Loll et al., 2020). However, research on the experience of abortion stigma has found that women who identify as religious are much more likely to experience feelings of internalized stigma, or self-judgement, than their non-religious peers. They are also more likely to fear negative reactions from their family and friends (Cockrill and Nack, 2013). It is also notable that those with strongly held religious beliefs from Christian denominations experienced abortion stigma at greater levels than those who described their religious belief as moderate, leading the researchers to remark, ‘[h]ighly religious Christian women have abortions; our research suggests that these women are at the greatest risk for stigma’ (Cockrill et al., 2013, p. 86). The implications of this finding for religious communities should prompt faith leaders to question the extent to which they can carry out their pastoral duties effectively while maintaining either staunch opposition or silence on the issue of abortion. The source of abortion stigma for religious women could be unsupportive religious communities, negative social discourse or personal conflict about the abortion decision (Kero, 2014). Some researchers have found that the narratives of abortion experienced by people of faith emphasize a sense that they have sinned and are reliant on the forgiveness of God, despite not regretting the decision (Pop,  2019). This has been described as an example of ‘socially sanctioned’ language that is adopted due to the lack of an abortion-affirming alternative from within religious communities. A study of Christian women in Zimbabwe highlights the prevalence of negative morality framing in their own religious narratives and connects this to ‘the limited range of social discourses available to women to make sense of their abortion decision’ (Chiweshe, 2016, p. 208). However, there is also evidence of empowering religious narratives practised by people of faith, with examples in research of religious people employing situational ethics that affirm their abortion decision (Whittaker, 2002). Religion has also been observed to be a tool for managing abortion stigma whereby religious people conduct an independent theological analysis of their lived experience and come to conclusions that are very different to the dominant religious discourse (Frohwirth et al., 2018).

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In addition to the research on abortion-experienced individuals, there is evidence that people of faith generally have diverse and nuanced attitudes towards abortion that are not consistent with the presumed dichotomy of ‘pro-life’ or ‘pro-choice’. Whilst research has consistently associated religiosity and religious affiliation with more restrictive views on abortion, this relationship is by no means a simple one. There is evidence that a wide range of intervening variables have an influence on the abortion attitudes of religious people, including level of education, gender, age, political affiliation and worldview (Emerson, 1996). Studies demonstrate that people’s views on abortion are context dependent and vary widely when a range of scenarios are presented to them (Jozkowski et al., 2018). Abortion attitude studies conducted in NI show that a high level of complexity exists for people here, including those who identify with a religious denomination (Bloomer et al., 2017a; Gray, this volume).

Previous work by Alliance for Choice As evidenced in O’Dowd et  al. (volume 1) and Campbell (volume 1) the recent shift in attitudes towards abortion has been brought about due to the public advocacy work of AfC and others. The increase in people telling their abortion stories, the changing media lens towards cantering the experience of the pregnant person and the broadening of political debate to include more rights-based discourse have all been significant. AfC believes that this diversity of narratives exists everywhere across society, including within faith contexts. However, the dominance of anti-abortion rhetoric in some faith communities and silence in many others has meant that abortion remains a taboo subject. Religiously motivated organizations in NI have imported the tactics and messaging of the American anti-abortion movement associated with the religious right and conservative Catholic and evangelical traditions. However, the mainline Protestant denominations in the United States have long been associated with liberal stances on abortion and at one time even facilitated the largest abortion support fund in the country through the Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion (Davis, 2005). Unfortunately, the discourse and activism of this alternative religious approach to reproductive rights has never made it to our shores on any significant scale. Not only that, but AfC has also observed that those with progressive religious views on any aspect of women’s lives or position in society are often drowned out or ignored. Recognizing how insurmountable a challenge it might be for those working within a religious framework in NI to

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initiate alternative conversations about abortion, AfC committed to reach out and create safe spaces for this to happen. In 2018 AfC produced a leaflet that aimed to open conversations on the complexity of abortion and faith, co-designed through focus groups with people. who were actively involved in faith communities, had not previously voiced support for a pro-choice position but were known to be socially liberal on other issues. The content dealt with key aspects of Christian doctrine that are often used to support anti-choice views. It also demonstrated alternative perspectives from faith leaders. Since publication, this leaflet has been distributed to the public at various events and through the AfC stall and has also been used as the basis for churchbased workshops which employed a mixture of personal testimony, theological reflection, information on abortion law and policy and group discussion. This work confirmed to AfC the need for further intervention, to support those who are pro-choice or undecided and, moreover, to facilitate more nuanced ways to engage on the issue. In parallel the academic team at Ulster University had been conducting workshops which identified the need for safe spaces for people of faith with pro-choice views to discuss abortion. These workshops had been held at public festivals such as the Human Rights Festival and the Imagine Festival. The festival workshops aimed to engage with people of faith on abortion, drawing on research on the political discourse in NI, which was heavily imbued with religiosity (Pierson and Bloomer, 2018). Having established relationships with liberal and progressive faith leaders across the different Christian denominations, AfC and Ulster University designed a joint project to develop this work further. To address the issue of abortion and support more directly, open and honest conversations amongst faith leaders, it was crucial to collect evidence from members of religious communities. The next step would be to create a safe, supportive space for liberal and progressive faith leaders to listen to the experiences of their congregants as expressed through the research, to explore and share their own views, and to build solidarity with each other.

Abortion and faith in NI research In late 2019 we conducted a survey of members of liberal faith groups, to explore their views on abortion, and abortion and faith. Ethical approval for the study was provided by Ulster University. This small-scale study was the first of its kind in NI, specifically targeting those who may be ‘open-minded’ on abortion.

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Following the survey, a series of online focus groups were held with participants, which will be reported on in later publications. In total seventy-five individuals took part in the study, 93 per cent of whom stated that they belonged to a particular religion. Of these 23 per cent stated that their faith group was Catholic; 63 per cent stated their faith group was Protestant, with half of these Presbyterian and the remainder split between other denominations. Small numbers belonged to other faiths such as Jewish and Buddhist. In terms of engagement with their faith or measures of religiosity, most respondents indicated they were regular attendees at church, and that religion was important to them and that they read scripture/faith texts/prayers on a regular basis. With respect to respondents’ views on abortion, the vast majority, 81 per cent, agreed that abortion should be available when a woman’s life is at risk; 4 per cent were unsure and 12 per cent disagreed with this statement. There was less support for availability of abortion ‘when a woman asks for it’; 48 per cent agreed this should be the case; 8 per cent were unsure; 44 per cent disagreed. In cases of rape and threat to health around 60 per cent agreed abortion should be provided: with 36 per cent disagreeing and the remainder unsure. These findings are broadly similar to other surveys in recent years, indicating that access to abortion amongst people of faith was often conditional to particular circumstances. The vast majority of respondents (81 per cent) did not agree that with the statement ‘a woman should be arrested and prosecuted for having an abortion’; 8 per cent were unsure and the remaining 11 per cent thought that she should be prosecuted for having an abortion. Again, these findings are broadly similar other surveys in recent years. We were particularly interested in whether abortion was discussed within faith groups and with faith leaders (‘faith leader’ refers to any person in a leadership role in a faith group). The results indicate there was a variable response to these questions. For instance, 48 per cent found it easy to talk about abortion with their faith leader; 36 per cent did not. Over half, 56 per cent, found it easy to talk about abortion with others in their faith group; 34 per cent did not find this easy. 32 per cent stated that their faith leader had been reluctant to talk about abortion and faith from a range of perspectives. Participants’ comments on the survey about the intersection of faith perspectives on abortion and their own views indicated a strong sense of disconnect for many between church teachings and their own perspective: Our church is keen not to take a specific stance but hopes for those attending the church to teach their views through reading the bible and praying.

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Some congregations have very fixed views and, in my opinion, abuse their authority when preaching to endorse political movements. Catholics believe life begins at conception, but they have treated women badly over centuries, so I do not think they have the moral high ground. I attend a church because it is convenient, but I don’t agree with a lot of opinions they have, particularly regarding women and gay people. As a denomination the Methodist church supports choice in a number of circumstances. However, a number of leaders have stated strongly that they are against it and claimed the church is too. I’ve done my own research into the church’s position and what I hear from the pulpit does not match the wider church’s statements. More outspoken Christians tend to take a negative view on abortion. Often though, these views are not really thought through or informed from a faith perspective.

Faith leader engagement In parallel with the study, the project facilitators started the process of planning the faith leader engagement and reaching out to potential participants. Around twenty faith leaders from Christian churches and faith-based organizations were invited to participate in two residential meetings; one to be held in March and the other in June 2020. About half were ordained clergy, some were involved in public theology, and all had demonstrated leadership in advocating on issues relating to inclusion, equality or conflict transformation. It is important to note that we did not seek to engage with senior leaders in hierarchical church structures or known gatekeepers in religious institutions. It was more important for this project to seek out the marginal, subversive voices within faith communities and create safe space for them to be heard. Fear of recriminations from institutional leadership would have been a barrier to participation, particularly for clergy members whose jobs and livelihoods depend on the support of both their congregations and superiors. In addition to the local participants in the residentials, AfC and Ulster University worked with international colleagues with expertise in reproductive rights, theology and church policy. We were joined at the March residential by South African theologians Selina Palm from Stellenbosch University and Charlene Van Der Walt from the University of KwaZulu Natal, Emilie Weiderud, Policy Advisor for the Church of Sweden and Miriam Duignan, Communications Director for the Wijngaards Institute for Catholic Research. This brought an important external perspective that enriched the discussion beyond the local dynamics and enabled shared learning.

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The first residential took place in a retreat centre with fourteen participants and the programme included the following elements: 1. Invitation to the space and establishing boundaries of containment for creating a ‘brave’ space to have challenging conversations. 2. Introduction to values clarification and abortion stigma led by Kellie Turtle using exercises and resources created by the National Network of Abortion Funds and IPAS. 3. Unpacking the theology, led by theologians Selina Palm and Charlene Van Der Walt, exploring the intersection between theology, gender equality, sexual health and rights. Exercise in using the liberation theology framework of ‘see–judge–act’ to guide how we engage theologically with social issues. 4. Unpacking the research, including presentation of the findings by Fiona Bloomer followed by discussion of the implications for faith leaders, particularly pastoral duties. 5. Planning a way forward, led by Emilie Weiderud and Miriam Duignan, discussing how to make progress in church policy through outlining their experiences of creating change from within. Participants reflected on how to build on the work done during this residential and what support they need to take it forward. Participant feedback demonstrated that the residential had been very positively received: I expected honest dialogue and spaces for storytelling and engagement, and this was realised above and beyond my expectations. I found myself feeling strongly connected to the people in the room even despite being strangers and the divisiveness of the issue. This is a testament to the type of methodologies that were used to spark conversation. For me, it modelled the possibility of having these conversations very differently to how the mass media portrays them.

Participants identified a range of things that they would do differently because of the residential: Stop believing that abortion is a thing of (personal) sin and shame and start looking for other theological understand or discussions on the topic. Engage more constructively on social media and with better information, to ask questions, challenge certitudes, bring human dimension to blanket moralising/theologising. I enter actively into conversations with people to clarify their values on this issue in ways that are gentler and start with their life experience not with abstract

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claims. I have the experience of the residential as a sign of hope for change … I support other women to speak up about their experiences safely. I think I would speak up more. Maintaining a ‘respectful, thoughtful silence’ seems less of an option now.

It was clear to the facilitators of this project that the engagement session achieved more than we had even hoped for. We were deeply humbled by how willingly the participants came on a journey with us, with openness, honesty, challenge, grace and compassion. As the faith leaders engaged with the findings of the research study and the personal abortion stories presented to them, they expressed their commitment to addressing abortion stigma and shame. There now exists in NI a group of religious leaders who are committed to challenging that within their own communities. Due to COVID-19 restrictions the June residential was postponed to October when two days of meetings took place in Belfast, with some participants joining online. Amid this project, a significant milestone was reached when local church Harbour Faith Community publicly posted a statement on abortion on the day that the new abortion regulations for NI came into effect. Their social media post directly addressed stigma and called out ‘judgemental finger pointing and virtue signalling from the church’, highlighting the potential harm this can cause people who have personal experience of abortion (Harbour Faith Community, 2020). It is notable that the post explicitly states, ‘we want people to know that there is more than just one Christian response to the issue’, and briefly highlights some areas of theological disagreement (Harbour Faith Community, 2020). While not explicitly advocating for abortion rights, this statement represents a significant gesture intended to diversify and destigmatize religious discourse. In March 2021 the Corrymeela Community hosted a discussion on faith and abortion as part of their Theology in Conversation series and committed to be actively involved in facilitating spaces to continue the nuanced faith conversations started by this project. Some of the participants have also gone on to establish a group called Faith Voices for Reproductive Justice that launched in May 2021 and held its first conference at Corrymeela in September of the same year.

­Conclusion As law, policy and public opinion on abortion steadily liberalize in NI, conservative attitudes remain dominant in religious communities and churches. Abortion scholars have determined that religious people have abortions and

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hold nuanced views on abortion and research in NI suggests that holds true here. However, the lack of spaces for discussion of these diverse views or dialogue with pro-choice advocates has left religious people with abortion experience at higher risk of stigmatization and could mean that faith communities feel left behind by the recent policy changes. The dominance of socially conservative voices seeking to represent people of faith in public spaces makes it challenging for alternative voices to be heard. Therefore, it was necessary for AfC to reach out to faith leaders and support constructive, destigmatizing conversations on abortion and reproductive justice. It was important to underpin this engagement with Ulster University’s groundbreaking research, the first of its kind conducted among people of faith in NI. As we consider the many years of activism, scholarship and leadership covered in this volume, work with faith communities is a relatively recent development. While NI has much catching up to do in terms of the broadening of official religious discourse on abortion, the work outlined in this chapter is at least ensuring the lived experience and personal narratives of religious people who reject abortion stigma and condemnation are given a platform. If we are to move forward together as a society creating a new, progressive cultural framing of abortion, then such dialogue is essential.

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Whispered conversations: Disability and abortion Rachel Powell, Jakki Hanlon and Fiona McMahon

The history of abortion and disability in NI is surrounded by taboo and relegated to ‘whispered conversations’. Although both are interconnected by issues around stigma, isolation, shame and bodily autonomy, the narratives on abortion have focused on prenatal diagnosis rather than the fact that disabled women who may need access to abortion themselves. This chapter will confront the strained relationship between abortion and disability, and highlight the need for inclusive, accessible activism. We begin by exploring how disability has been incorporated into the discourse on abortion by those advocating for and against access to abortion on grounds of disability. Then we examine the role of disability organizations in the pro-choice movement and show how disabled activists have contributed to the decriminalization of abortion, while challenging the lack of accessibility and inclusion of disabled people. Using evidence from the Whispered Conversations workshops held by AfC, we illustrate the impact which the dual stigma around disability and abortion has on the lives of disabled women and non-binary people. We use this, alongside our personal experience of being disabled women and working within the disability rights/women’s sectors, to argue for an accessible model based on the principles of reproductive justice.

Explaining the narrative: Exclusion and co-option The ways in which both pro- and anti-choice abortion discourse approach disability and abortion focus on pregnancies where there is a prenatal diagnosis of disability in a manner which lacks both nuance and meaningful input from

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disabled women, who find themselves caught between exclusion and co-option (Jarman, 2015). Pro-choice campaigns risk alienating disabled people, and those who chose to continue pregnancies after a prenatal diagnosis, because they do not address the stigma of having a disabled child. Concerns on the eradication of disabilities may push disabled women towards supporting anti-choice organizations (Morris, 1991). Conversely, anti-choice campaigners often act cynically to manipulate disability in ways which will restrict abortion access, without tackling the lack of value which society places on disabled lives (Jarman, 2015). We argue that in NI polarized debate has seen disabled women’s need to access abortion ignored in favour of a paternalistic and objectifying view of disability.

Political discourse On 31 March 2020, the day abortion provision was due to be implemented in NI, the DUP MLA Paul Givan (currently the temporary First Minister) said in an Assembly debate: No member of this house, if they are in favour of this [abortion provision] can ever look at people with disabilities and proclaim they champion their cause, because abortion up to birth will now be allowed for disability.

This statement is not an isolated example of the dominant political discourse on disability and abortion, as can be seen with Givan’s Private Member Bill on Severe Fetal Impairment 2021. Politicians and anti-choice groups have co-opted disability as a defence for their position, focusing on the protection of a group made vulnerable by the position of pro-choice campaigners (Kafer, 2013). Rarely is the focus on disabled people themselves and what they think about abortion. Where disabled people are permitted to have a voice, it is to protect their stance, as happened in June 2020, where a disabled woman was named by the DUP in an assembly debate on abortion (Bunting, 2020). In a response to the DUP amendment attempting to restrict access to abortion on the grounds of non-fatal disabilities, Rachel Powell stated: As a disabled woman, this was an extremely distressing debate to watch, especially as this was the most that I have ever heard disability be mentioned in the Assembly and it was only in the context of limiting hard-won reproductive freedoms. Speakers from the DUP, UUP, SDLP and Alliance Party spoke of their intent to support the motion with some of the most condescending descriptions

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I have ever come across … Disabled people were described as being ‘treated poorly’ because of ‘their imperfections’ rather than due to entrenched systemic discrimination … Not once did any of these members discuss the history of parties in the Executive stripping away the human rights of disabled people through their support of welfare reform and austerity … Why do certain parties only discuss disability when it is in the context of restricting our right to choose? (Powell, 2020)

Further, Powell (2020) adds her disappointment that the specific needs and barriers disabled women face in accessing abortion were ignored. The actions of Sinn Féin in tabling a further amendment which supported the restrictions on abortion in cases of non-fatal disabilities were hypocritical, given their general acceptance of implementing abortion law. Emails sent to Sinn Féin on the matter were responded to with a rejection of CEDAW’s position that abortion should be available in cases of severe impairment (Powell, 2020). While the Sinn Féin amendment fell, the DUP motion was narrowly carried; and with it, disabled women became a pawn in the political debate to restrict abortion.

Perceptions of disability and vulnerability Disability and vulnerability are often associated with one another, and we take a closer look at the implications of this here. International human rights mechanisms recognize that disabled women are a vulnerable group (e.g. CEDAW, CRPD). However, this vulnerability is created by structural injustice and institutional failings, harmful stereotypes and paternalistic attitudes; it is not an inherent characteristic of disability (Lindsey, 2020). The medicalization of disability, as seen in debates over fatal foetal abnormalities (Powell, 2020), perpetuates harmful stereotypes, which question the capacity and ability of disabled women to make decisions for themselves or have autonomy over their own bodies (Morris, 1991; Steele and Dowse, 2016). In contrast the social model regards barriers to participation as the disabling factor (Barnes and Mercer, 2010). The medical model defines people by their impairments, leading them to be pitied and infantilized (Morris, 2001). Steele and Dowse (2016) argue that paradoxically the institutions created to protect disabled women from harm expose them to a heightened risk of violence and abuse. For example, laws which require a third party to make decisions based on the perceived best interests of a disabled woman leave them vulnerable to forced medical procedures; this in turn heightens the

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risk of criminal forms of violence, such as sexual abuse and domestic abuse (UNCRPD, 2016). This leaves disabled women at increased risk of unwanted pregnancies and in need of abortion.

Competing rights? The 2020–21 Assembly debates/Bills show how human rights mechanisms can be used or ignored to further an ideological position, disregarding the principle of the indivisibility and interdependence of rights. In the June 2020 debate in the Assembly, the DUP argue for the principles of the CRPD on selective abortion while minimizing the requirements of CEDAW (Bunting, 2020), while Sinn Féin rejects CEDAW recommendations outright (Gildernew, 2020). Neither motion accounted for the rights of disabled women to access abortion under the CRPD (UNCRPD, 2016; Bailey, 2020). It also ignored the joint statement made by the CEDAW and CRPD committees in 2018 addressing disability and abortion. This statement clarifies that the CRPD is being misused to restrict the rights women, including disabled women, must have to abortion (UNCEDAW and UNCRPD, 2018). The discrimination faced by disabled women and people is at the core of reducing stigma, not the restriction of abortion (UNCEDAW and UNCRPD, 2018).

The relationship between disability organizations and abortion The assumption has often made both by and about the disability sector, that the culture was generally ‘anti-choice’ (Center for Reproductive Rights). Religious involvement in the institutional care of ‘caring’ for disabled people was historically common and helped the medical model remain pervasive throughout our society. Pervasive stereotypes on the capacity of disabled people resulted in the exclusion of disability organizations from debates on abortion in NI. However, legal frameworks such as the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA) and Section  75 of the Good Friday Agreement began to move the disability sector towards being a representative sector in the 1990s and through to the 2000s, which saw the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This movement was led by

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issues of access, transport and employment, and issues such as abortion were marginalized. These legislative changes resulted in a slow shift towards human rightsbased activism. However, the move away from the needs-based focus which had previously dominated was not without its flaws. It has been extremely difficult for disabled people to head up the movement themselves. In addition, disability organizations do not have a strong platform in the broader human rights arena. As a result, disability organizations have not really engaged with the abortion rights debate and have not been vocal or visible on the issue. Abortion is an emotive, divisive issue in the disability sector and is often seen to be about ‘killing disabled babies’ and disabled babies being viewed as less desirable (NIA deb, 2 June 2020).

Anti-choice groups and the co-option of disability Across the decades of campaigning, anti-choice campaigns have followed the pattern identified by Kafer (2013), that the protection of disabled and vulnerable groups is a key tool for opposing abortion. This approach is evident in the campaigning of anti-choice groups in the lead up to the repeal of the 8th Amendment in the RoI. It is also a popular narrative used by politicians in NI. As previously discussed, this has been used to incite outrage that new laws will ‘allow abortion up to birth in cases of disability’ (Bunting, 2020). The discussion of disability and fatal foetal abnormalities, as we highlight below, is often rhetorical; it uses the disabled community rather than engaging with them.

Example: Co-option in practice during the repeal of the eighth campaign In the lead up to the referendum on repealing the eighth amendment of the Constitution of Ireland, which criminalized abortion by providing equal right to life for both the pregnant person and the unborn, anti-repeal groups ‘Love Both’, ‘Life Institute’ and ‘Save the 8th’ were heavily criticized for their use of images of disabled people to support their campaign. Down Syndrome Ireland, a charity which provides support for people with Down’s syndrome, criticized ‘Love Both’

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for using images of a little girl with Down’s syndrome on campaign leaflets alongside the caption ‘90 percent of babies diagnosed with Down syndrome in Britain are aborted’. Down Syndrome Ireland went further to state: This is very disrespectful to both children and adults with Down syndrome and their families. It is also causing a lot of stress to parents. People with Down syndrome should not be used as an argument for either side of this debate … we would like to remind campaigners … and any other interested groups to stop exploiting children and adults with Down syndrome to promote their campaign views. (Downs Syndrome Ireland, 2018)

In response to this, the Life Institute stated: We have a right to put a human face to the horrible statistic that is coming out of so many countries such as Britain, where 90 percent of children [with Down syndrome] are being aborted. (McGarry, 2018)

This is a clear example of the co-option of disability and the main narrative on abortion and disability that exists. It involves the disregard of the wishes of disability organizations and highlights the lack of input from disabled people themselves. The exclusion, or entire disregard, of disabled people’s voices from debates on disability is a common theme. In the case of Down’s syndrome, debate is often emotive and personal focusing only on abortion and not on the stigmatization of disability through the prenatal diagnosis process, which pushes women in the direction of abortion (Kafer, 2013; Piepmeyer, 2013).

Is the pro-choice movement intersectional? Disabled feminists are vocal on the absence of disabled perspectives from mainstream feminism, which often fails to recognize the intersection of disability alongside other minority identities (Garland-Thomson, 2005) or objectifies disabled women rather than exploring their lived experience (Morris, 1993). Without developing a subjective understanding of disabled women, non-disabled feminists fail to understand how prejudice and ableism impact on the lives of disabled women, or to identify and politicize the systemic harm perpetrated against disabled women (Morris, 1993).

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One of the enduring stereotypes of disabled women is that their sexuality falls into two extremes – either they are overtly sexual, and this must be oppressed, or they are asexual and therefore sexual and reproductive health can be ignored (Dotson et. al., 2003, p.195). This obscures the reproductive health experiences of disabled women, who find themselves denied access to sex and relationships education, contraception, maternity and sexual health services (UNCRPD, 2016). Much of this discrimination is based on prejudice; if a woman needs care herself, then she is incapable of being a mother (Garland-Thomson, 2003). Where feminism fails to recognize the ways in which disabled women are forced to justify their right to motherhood, it alienates them from participating in activism on abortion which focuses on the right to not be a mother (Jarman, 2015). We examine here how disabled women and non-binary people have been placed within the pro-choice movement in NI.

Exclusion of disabled activists The 2018 CEDAW inquiry on access to abortion failed to take an intersectional approach which included disability. In 1991, UN CEDAW recognized that disabled women are a vulnerable group who are discriminated against both because of gender and disability, yet they are not recognized alongside other marginal groups, such as rural, migrant and refugee women in the 2018 report. Does this mean that disabled people have been excluded from the prochoice movement in NI? We know that disabled people face exclusion from many aspects of society due to inaccessibility and attitudinal barriers, and this does impact pro-choice activists in NI. Organizing and attending marches or rallies, poster making, canvassing across Ireland, attending debates, speaking to the media and attending fundraising events are all commonplace activities in the fight for decriminalization and abortion access. For disabled people, these are activities which have huge implications for accessibility and result in many disabled voices being left out of campaigning. Without these voices, the complexities of reproductive justice will remain as part of a rhetorical tug-ofwar over abortion rights and do nothing to improve the lives of disabled people. Testimony from Aisling Gallagher, a disabled pro-choice activist, highlights the reality of what happens to disabled people when campaigning on abortion: I remember once the BBC wanted a disabled pro-choice activist to come on the radio and talk about disability and abortion, and I volunteered. I

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was anxious and I’d never done anything like this before. When we went on air, I stammered a lot. I’ve always had a speech impediment, but it gets a lot worse when I’m anxious. The interview was fine, and I was as pleased as you can be when you’re a disabled person attempting to have a nuanced discussion about abortion and disability on national radio. But then the abuse started. People found my Facebook and Twitter and sent me messages telling me that by my logic, I should have been aborted as a disabled person. Receiving messages like that (or worse) don’t phase me anymore, but at the time I couldn’t cope with it. I was only 20 and I’d never done anything like this before. I was so upset, and I remember needing to get support from other people in AfC, the older women, who I looked up to a lot. I remember my mum giving me a lift home and bursting into tears when she stopped the car. I asked her if she was even going to say anything. It sounds pathetic, but at the time I really needed my parents to tell me that I was doing the right thing, because it felt so hard to keep going.

Aisling’s experience highlights the difficulties many disabled activists face when they do become involved in the pro-choice movements. The existing narratives around disability are often used against disabled activists themselves, in a way that able-bodied individuals would not experience. Addressing physical barriers to participation and increasing the accessibility of campaigning are important, but it is crucial that support is available to disabled people who may be targeted because they are disabled. Without a consciousness of disabled voices within those communities, the increased intersectional discrimination faced by disabled people is compounded by the lack of a voice. We need all progressive movements, including those focused on abortion, women’s rights, racial justice, workers’ rights, LGBTQI+ equality and more, to be conscious of the voices of disabled people in their communities as they often face increased intersectional discrimination whilst having the least amount of opportunities to have their voices heard. Activist groups need to move beyond a culture of campaigning which automatically excludes disabled people, and shine a light on the most marginalized people, who are the least likely to be able to reap the rewards from progressions because barriers to participation remain. The abortion movement now needs to concentrate on specific disability groups (cognitive, intellectual and psychological) and on how to partner with disabled organizations and disabled women. This means considering accessibility, the interdependence of rights and a wider reproductive justice agenda. Further, support for disabled activists who do become involved in pro-choice campaigning is crucial.

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­Whispered Conversations workshops: Recognizing the need for change In NI, activists were struggling to answer questions on disability and abortion effectively, recognizing that it was a key debate in which the pro-choice movement required a clearer voice. AfC successfully applied for funding with the input of a pro-choice activist working in the disability rights sector. Following this, the ‘Whispered Conversations’ series was established, and workshops were run to provide the space for disabled women and disabled non-binary people to talk about abortion and their views. Two of the authors of this chapter took part in the workshops and share their testimonies here. Rachel Powell stated: I have been pro-choice for as long as I can remember. As I grew older and my disabilities developed further, this became an even more personal stance for me. I struggled with the thought of what would happen to me if I got pregnant whilst on a huge amount of medication and felt great fear of not being able to make an informed choice of what would be safe for me due to living in NI. I was constantly worried about this and had many medical professionals warn me of the dangerous implications of getting pregnant due to the medication I was on, why they were hesitant to put me on medications I needed because I was of ‘child-bearing age’ and that I would have no option to do anything about the pregnancy complications that could follow if that situation arose. I had a lot of frustrations as an activist in the pro-choice movement, as I struggled with the inaccessibility of activities such as marches, rallies, travelling to canvass people’s homes, attending fundraising events when I was already struggling to be able to finish a working week. I felt that there were very few people across NI that understood this, until I attended the Whispered Conversations workshops on disability and abortion. This was an extremely refreshing experience of speaking to fellow disabled activists who had similar experience to mine. I was able to discuss my feelings on stigma and shame that follow both abortion and disability for the first time in my life. I was able to discuss my frustrations of our experiences of being disabled being used against us by the anti-choice groups, and how dehumanising it felt to constantly hear messages that disabled people wouldn’t exist if abortion was available, because by their logic, who would ever want a disabled child? To have open conversations on this with other disabled people was so rewarding, and further embedded my views that perceptions and understanding of disability in NI need to drastically change. We need to understand that disabled people also need bodily autonomy. We need to increase support for disabled parents and for families with disability. We need to make room for disabled people and other marginalised groups in all activism.

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­Jakki Hanlon stated: I had never had the confidence to take an active part in pro-choice activism but felt the workshops for disabled women were my chance to open up and discuss my fears around pregnancy and the lack of access to abortion in NI. During pregnancy I developed a condition which left me unable to walk unaided during, and for a time after I was pregnant. I still feel pain from time to time in my pelvic joints as a result of this. I also had severe morning sickness which meant I couldn’t work and needed help to look after myself and this triggered depression. During my first labour, I was put at risk of permanent injury by a consultant who didn’t read my notes. Although I was able to choose a different unit for my second birth, it has since been downgraded and I wouldn’t be able to give birth there again. Getting support when you are pregnant is very difficult. I couldn’t claim disability benefit and I was warned that contacting social services for help might result in me being labelled an unfit mother. I did get some help from occupational therapy, but only because my physiotherapist fought hard for it. I would not be able to carry another pregnancy or be able to travel while pregnant. I was therefore frustrated to find out that if I was to become pregnant I would be forced to carry it to term. I was excluded from having abortion here but the Westminster response to help women on benefits to travel to England made no difference. Being able to speak at the workshops helped me express how ignored I felt and to know that I did have the support of others.

Changing the narrative To the disabled women involved in the Whispered Conversations workshop, reproductive justice means equality, accessibility, control, dignity, local provision/services and informed consent. The priorities are access, consent, choice, removal of stigma and the broader reproductive justice agenda. Disabled women need to be included in decision-making positions and the medical model must be challenged. Issues raised include language, medical model thinking and the contribution (not use) of disabled women’s experiences. The relationship between disability and abortion needs to be considered within a wider rights agenda. For disabled women at the workshops, it was evident that there is no point campaigning for a disabled woman’s right to choose if the reality is that she cannot access the services for a multitude of reasons. Therefore, it should be expected that laws on abortion in NI should be inclusive of the needs of disabled women, including those with multiple and intersectional identities.

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Testimonies from other disabled activists While we have included the voices of several disabled women and non-binary disabled people throughout this chapter, there are many other disabled people’s voices which need to be included in any discussions around abortion or the road to decriminalization. The testimonies we have included only begin to scratch the surface on what needs to be a nuanced discussion. The relationship between disability and abortion is complicated, and the experiences of disabled women are so varied when it comes to pregnancy and abortion. This reinforces the point that we are more than just a few voices and deserve to be included in all aspects of campaigning and policymaking.

Beyond decriminalization in NI This chapter is an overview of the existing problematic narrative around disability and abortion, which has discussed both the co-option and exclusion of disability by campaigners, the testimonies and personal experiences of disabled women, and analysis of human rights mechanisms and relevant international law on the topic, to create a new perspective on abortion and disability. We must remove the stigma around abortion and disability, reassess how society treats disability overall and learn lessons from how disabled women have been failed. The global COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the need for society to become more accessible and the barriers disabled people face to participating in everyday life. We want to change this narrative to include the voices of prochoice-disabled women, trans men and non-binary people which portrays them as autonomous, sexual beings. Too often, disabled people’s voices are not included in discussions of abortion; disability is brought up only as a reason to oppose it. As we have shown, where disabled women’s voices are used, it is only in the context of suiting certain political beliefs. Until recently, the abortion rights campaign has not considered the complexity of disability rights in their campaigning, while the anti-choice agenda tends to appropriate disability; both have neglected the voices of disabled activists. We need a truly accessible model in NI as the current provision only allows for abortions without restrictions up to twelve weeks, then abortion based on mental or physical health grounds up to twenty-four weeks. We know that disabled women face barriers in being able to access healthcare, and we are concerned

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about the arbitrary twelve-week gestational limit. Many women’s organizations raised concerns in their responses to the NIO Abortion Framework Public Consultation, yet were ignored. This will lead to disabled women being forced to travel or continue with an unwanted pregnancy if they do not meet the vague grounds on mental or physical health.

­1 5

NI Life and Times Survey (NILT) Ann Marie Gray

Introduction Debates about abortion in Northern Ireland (NI) have often been accompanied by the use and misuse of statistics to support particular views. Those opposed to abortion law reform in NI, including the main political parties and the churches, consistently cited lack of public support for any change. Much was made of what was argued to be the ‘distinctive cultural values’ in NI and that opposition to liberalization of abortion attracted rare cross-community consensus (Pierson, volume 1). But what was the evidence that the public held such views?

Surveying public opinion in Northern Ireland The 2016 Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) survey provided the first comprehensive insight into public attitudes to abortion in NI. However, there were growing indications from opinion polls, especially between 2012 and 2016, that the majority of people would support either decriminalization or some changes to the law on abortion. A Belfast Telegraph-commissioned poll in 2012 conducted by Lucid Talk (Clarke, 2012) asked respondents to select the statement they would support from a number of propositions: Over a quarter of respondents (26 per cent) supported a women’s right to choose an abortion agreeing with the statement that abortion should be available to any woman who chooses it after being counselled on the available alternatives. 19 per cent felt abortion should be available to rape or incest victims only. 26 per cent believed that abortion should be only available if the woman would die if the pregnancy was to continue. 27 per cent supported the retention of the status quo.

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Only 2 per cent of respondents felt that abortion in any circumstances should be treated as murder. When the Belfast Telegraph polled again in 2014 (Clarke, 2014), there appeared to be greater support for liberalizing abortion law with 58 per cent (compared to 26 per cent in 2012) of respondents saying that ‘abortion should be available to any woman who chooses it after being counselled on the available alternatives’. Also, in 2014 and then again in 2016, Millward Brown conducted polls for Amnesty International as part of their Omnibus survey (see Teggart and Rowan, volume 1). The findings were consistent with the previous polls in showing support for legal abortion in cases of rape and incest but also indicated growing public support for legal abortion in the case of fatal foetal abnormality (FFA) (Amnesty UK, 2014; 2016). Between 2014 and 2016 the number of respondents supporting access to abortion in case of FFA increased from 60 per cent to 72 per cent. Data from these polls also suggested growing support for decriminalization; in 2016, 58 per cent of people said that they didn’t think abortion should be a crime at all and only 22 per cent believed that women should face any kind of criminal punishment for terminating a pregnancy. It is difficult to directly compare the results of different polls. The scenarios posed by each are different and questions are not identically framed. However more comprehensive and robust data from the NILT survey in 2016 also provided evidence of public support for abortion reform. Recognized as the most authoritative source of public opinion in NI this cross-sectional survey, which uses a methodology similar to the British Social Attitudes Survey, reported viewpoints across a range of issues relating to abortion. The 1,208 randomly selected adults were asked questions specifically designed as part of a larger Economic and Social Research Council-funded study on abortion in NI and the UK at Ulster University. A small number of questions were asked again in the 2018 survey, mostly on attitudes to criminalization.

The Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey: public attitudes to abortion In 2016 the survey data showed that 63 per cent of people agreed with the statement ‘It is a woman’s right to choose whether or not to have an abortion’; by 2018 this had increased to 71 per cent. However, when looked at in more detail the NILT data suggest that the public take a more nuanced approach and that

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public attitudes vary with the reason for abortion. Respondents to the survey were presented with seven different scenarios and asked in which circumstances they would agree or disagree with abortion being legal: The foetus has a fatal abnormality, and the baby will not survive beyond the birth The foetus has a serious abnormality, and the baby may not survive beyond the birth A woman has become pregnant because of rape or incest A pregnant woman has a serious health condition and doctors say she will die if she has to continue the pregnancy A doctor says there is a serious threat to the woman’s physical or mental health if she continues with the pregnancy A doctor says that there is more risk to the life of a pregnant woman if she continues with a pregnancy than if she were to have an abortion A woman wants an abortion because she has become pregnant and does not want to have children.1

For most of the scenarios the majority of respondents favoured reform of abortion law in Northern Ireland. The strongest support was where the life of a woman is at risk and where there is a serious threat to her mental or physical health with 83 per cent of respondents supporting abortion being legal in cases where a serious health condition means that a woman will die if she has to continue the pregnancy. The figure dropped to 76 per cent where there is a serious threat to the woman’s physical or mental health if she continues the pregnancy. Similarly, high levels of support for legalization were evident in relation to cases of FFA or serious foetal abnormality. Eighty-one per cent of respondents were of the view that abortion should be legal where the foetus has a serious abnormality and will not survive the birth and 73 per cent also feel this should be the case where the foetus has a serious abnormality and may not survive beyond the birth. Half of respondents (54 per cent) said that abortion should definitely be legal if a woman has become pregnant because of rape or incest with a further 24 per cent saying it should probably be legal in such situations. The area where there was significantly less support for abortion being legal is where a woman wants an abortion because she has become pregnant and does not want to have children. A minority, 43 per cent of people, said that abortion should definitely not be legal in this situation with a further 17 per cent saying it should probably not be legal.

See https://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/2016/main16.pdf for details of questions on abortion asked in the 2016 NILT survey and https://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/2018/quest18.html for questions asked in 2018.

1

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Public support for decriminalization of abortion During the time that the NILT survey was in the field in 2015/2016 and between 2016 and 2018, there was much debate about the criminalization of abortion due to several high-profile cases. In 2016 a Belfast woman was given a three-month jail sentence, suspended for twelve months, after admitting buying abortifacients (pills which cause a miscarriage) online and then selfadministering them in the first trimester of her pregnancy (O’Dowd et  al., volume 1; Enright, volume 1). In another case a woman and her partner had charges withdrawn after they accepted cautions. A case involving a fifteenyear-old girl led to a legal challenge to the decision to prosecute her mother for unlawfully obtaining ‘poison’ (abortion pills) with intent to procure a miscarriage after she was reported to the police by a medical professional (Enright, volume 1). The NILT data shows little public appetite for criminalization and in fact opposition to criminalization increased between 2016 and 2018. Whereas in 2016, 71 per cent agreed that ‘Abortion should be a matter for medical regulation and not criminal law’, in 2018, 82 per cent were of this view. Of note is the number who ‘strongly agreed’ which almost doubled from 23 per cent in 2016 to 44 per cent in 2018. The number of people saying that ‘A woman should never go to prison for having an abortion’ grew from 71 per cent in 2016 to 89 per cent in 2018. As discussed by many throughout this volume, buying abortion pills online had become an increasingly common way for women in NI to secure abortions and had resulted in criminal prosecutions. Given the currency of this debate while the survey was in the field, the data on criminalization of this activity is particularly interesting. There was substantial opposition to the criminalization of pregnant women who buy pills from online providers. For three out of four scenarios presented to survey respondents, three quarters of respondents said that a pregnant woman should not face criminal charges for buying pills: where there is a serious threat to her physical or mental health if she continues with the pregnancy; where a doctor says that there is more risk to her life if she continues with a pregnancy than if she were to have an abortion and where the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest. In one scenario, where a woman buys abortion pills because she does not want to have children, opinion was more divided with 33 per cent of respondents stating that the woman should face criminal charges, but here too a majority, 51 per cent, thought she should not.

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Religion and attitudes to abortion While there are no significant variations in attitudes by most demographic characteristics religious attitudes have traditionally been strongly correlated with views on abortion. British Social Attitudes data has consistently found that respondents of no religion are more likely than Catholics or Protestants to say abortion should be legal. However, people with a religious affiliation have become more accepting of abortion in both Great Britain and NI. In NI it is with regard to the attitudes of Catholic respondents that the greatest change can be observed. In 1990 the Northern Ireland Social Attitudes Survey (NISA) asked whether the ‘law should allow abortion where is a strong chance of serious defect in the baby’. At the time 28 per cent of Catholics thought this should be the case compared to 75 per cent of Protestants and 78 per cent of those of no religion. In 2016, 72 per cent of Catholics supported abortion being legal where the foetus has a fatal abnormality, and the baby will not survive the birth; 62 per cent thought the law should allow abortion where there is a ‘serious abnormality which means the foetus may not survive the birth’. Whereas in 1990 half of Catholic NISA respondents said that abortion should be allowed where the women’s health is seriously endangered, in 2016 65 per cent supported the legalization of abortion in such circumstances. Even between 2016 and 2018 the views of Catholics appear to have become more liberal. In 2016, 63 per cent of Catholics agreed it is a woman’s right to choose whether or not to have an abortion, a figure which had risen to 70 per cent by 2018.

The gap between political and public attitudes Politicians from across the political spectrum in NI have cited public opposition to liberalization of abortion law as justification for their stance opposing legislative change. During a Northern Ireland Assembly (NIA) debate on abortion in 2000 the Democratic Unionist member, Jim Wells, argued that ‘the people of Northern Ireland totally resist any extension of the 1967 Abortion Act to this community’, adding that ‘both communities are perhaps more united on this issue than any other’ (NIA, 2000). Joe Hendron of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), a nationalist party, referring to previous representation made to the UK Prime Minister, John Major, said, ‘we made it clear to the Prime Minister that most people in Northern Ireland were

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implacably opposed to the extension of that Act’ (NIA, 2000). In 2008 Northern Ireland parties united to oppose attempts at Westminster to extend abortion rights to women in Northern Ireland when an amendment was proposed to the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill to give women the same rights as in Great Britain. Jeffrey Donaldson (DUP MP) said that all main political parties in NI and the four main churches opposed any change in the law – ‘The reason why the law is different is because that is what the people of NI want … We will be vigorously opposing any move to override the wishes of the people of Northern Ireland’, a sentiment shared by Mark Durkan (SDLP): ‘The SDLP will do everything we can to oppose these plans and will do so on behalf of the people who have elected us’ (BBC, 2008). The NILT survey findings showed that abortion legislation in NI was out of step with public opinion, but they also presented a vivid illustration of how the views of political parties were out of step with those of their supporters (Gray et  al., 2018). The findings showed a high level of support for abortion reform across supporters of all the main political parties. In cases of FFA or SFA, where the life or health of the mother is at serious risk and in cases of rape and incest. The overwhelming majority of supporters of each of the main parties said that in their view abortion should definitely or probably be legal. Those most in favour of reform were Alliance Party supporters among whom an almost universal 96 per cent said abortion should be legal where the pregnant women were likely to die as a result of the pregnancy. But in such cases support was also high among supporters of other parties including the UUP (90 per cent), the DUP (81 per cent), SF (79 per cent) and the SDLP (74 per cent). In cases of FFA more than 80 per cent of Alliance Party, UUP and DUP supporters were in favour of legalizing abortion as were 75 and 74 per cent, respectively, of SDLP and SF supporters. So, while the DUP continued to oppose the Westminster 2019 decriminalization of abortion in NI and has continued to attempt to restrict access to abortion through motions in the NIA there is little indication that the party is speaking for its supporters. Until 2018 the main political parties in NI presented a united front on abortion (Pierson, volume 1) but there was some fracturing of this consensus from 2018. The SDLP confirmed its pro-life position in 2018 but voted to give members a free vote on abortion-related issues. Sinn Féin amended its position on abortion in 2018 when members voted in support of a motion that ‘women should have access to abortions within “a limited gestational period”’. Like the SDLP, the Ulster Unionist Party describes itself as ‘pro-life’ while allowing members a free vote. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) maintains a strong anti-abortion stance.

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Why good public attitude data matters In the contested area of abortion policy, polling and survey data is used to provide ‘evidence’ of positions. Often in the reporting of data the media provides little context of the methodology, the questions asked or the complexities of getting to the heart of public opinion. Two internet polls in 2018 (ComRes) and 2019 (Both Lives Matter) commissioned by the anti-abortion group ‘Both Lives Matter’ were focused on a Westminster proposal for the legalization of abortion in NI. Respondents in the 2018 poll conducted by ComRes were presented with the following statement: At present, the law means abortion in Northern Ireland is decided by Stormont and is lawful only when there is a risk to the mother’s life or to the long term physical or mental health. Some English MPs say that the Westminster Parliament should decide what the law is in NI and make it available for any reason up to 24 weeks in pregnancy. Respondents were then asked whether they agreed or disagreed with a number of statements. One of these was: ‘Changing the law on this issue should be a decision for the people of NI and their elected representatives and not for MPs in other parts of the UK. Sixty-four per cent agreed with the statement; 23 per cent disagreed and 11 per cent said they did not know. The second internet poll, commissioned in October 2019, was carried out by Lucid Talk and asked respondents: ‘Do you support the changes voted for at Westminster that will impose a new abortion regime in NI?’.

It is not surprising that given these questions 52 per cent said they were opposed to the reforms. Across every age group, opposition to the laws was stronger than support. The findings were argued by Both Lives Matter to indicate support for the status quo. Most media coverage of the polls made no reference to previous attitudinal data or to the leading language – phrases like ‘some English MPs’, or ‘impose a new abortion regime’ could be argued to be inflammatory at the time to influence responses (when NI was without a government and relationships between the NI parties and the Westminster government were fractured). With no questioning of the validity of the poll, the results were cited during the Women and Equalities Select Committee inquiry into abortion in NI (Women and Equalities Committee, 2019) and in parliamentary debates on the Westminster Executive Formation Bill. Lord Morrow (DUP) told parliament that a ‘ComRes poll shows that 64 per cent of the people of Northern Ireland oppose Westminster legislation for Northern Ireland on this matter’ (Morrow, 2019, col 65).

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The methodological differences between surveys and polls can impact on results. Surveys like the NILT survey a random sample of adults. Households are selected at random from the postcode and then an individual (18+ years) is selected at random using the next birthday method and the survey is conducted face to face. This approach is viewed as a robust and reliable method of gathering data. Some polls work from a panel, that is, a list of people who have agreed they can be contacted about surveys. This is not a random sample. Other polls use quota samples which achieve a good cross section of the population by selecting participants to fit the demographic profile, but this is not a random sample (for more information see Robinson, 2018). Many are conducted using online platforms limited to only a part of the population, such as the readers of a particular newspaper. NILT also incorporates a detailed background section, recording demographic and socio-economic information about the respondents. Polls are usually a smaller set of questions focusing on a particular topic. Public attitudes matter. The findings of polls and surveys tend to be widely reported. There is clear evidence of a reciprocal relationship between policy and attitudes (Gray and Wellings, 2020). Data therefore needs to be high quality and reliable, such as the robust NILT surveys, and inappropriate questions must be challenged.

Theme 4

Abortion provision

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16

Midwives Breedagh Hughes

I trained as a midwife in 1987, understanding that not every pregnancy was planned and that even planned pregnancies did not always end with a perfect (or even a live) baby. Throughout my midwifery career I developed a particular interest in supporting women who were to be bereaved twice – once of the perfect baby that they had been expecting and secondly when their baby was either born dead or died shortly after birth. These women were single or in a relationship; some with very much wanted planned pregnancies; some pregnant after rape; some pregnant for the first time, others with existing children; some with a history of having lost a baby due to a familial genetic disorder, hoping that this time all would be well. However, the one thing they all had in common was the need to make very difficult decisions when informed that their pregnancy would result in a dead or severely disabled baby. I remember the couple who met and married when the woman was in her 40s and had never been married. Her husband was in his 60s, widowed but with no children. Their joy in discovering that they were to have a baby was shattered when they were told that their baby had complicated Down’s syndrome. They were clear that they could and would love and care for their baby regardless of disability – their concern was that given their age and the likelihood that this would be an only child, it would be left to the State to care for the child when they became too elderly to care for him/her themselves. Their decision to terminate the pregnancy was made out of love and concern for this much wanted baby, and they held each other and wept inconsolably throughout the abortion process. They spent several hours holding, dressing and saying both hello and goodbye to their baby before taking him home on his first and last journey to their home, where they held a funeral service for their baby.

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I also recall caring for a woman who was in a very abusive relationship and already had several children, one of them with a disability. This child was frequently the object of his father’s belligerence, and the woman was concerned that if she had another disabled child, she would be unable to protect two disabled children from their father. This pregnancy occurred after she was raped by her husband when he discovered that she had been taking the contraceptive pill without his knowledge and certainly without his permission. His assertion of his ‘conjugal rights’ was to punish her for assuming control of her own body. This woman was supported only by her sister as she concealed the pregnancy and came for genetic counselling. The news that this baby would have the same disability as her son prompted her to terminate the pregnancy to spare this child from the same awful life as its sibling. The woman was admitted to hospital and went through the abortion procedure unsupported except for the midwives caring for her. She did not wish to see her baby, and she walked out of the Delivery Suite shortly after the birth, leaving the hospital to arrange for cremation. When I moved from clinical practice to become the NI Director of the Royal College of Midwives (RCM) I was appalled to learn that some people in NI would try to force women to carry a pregnancy to full term even if their baby had no chance of survival or would be born with a severe disability. I believe that women are best placed to decide for themselves, based on their individual situation, whether to terminate a pregnancy or to continue until they go into labour spontaneously or the baby dies in the womb, which requires labour to be induced to prevent serious illness to the woman. This belief led to my participation in a twenty-year campaign to have abortion made available freely, safely and legally to women in NI. Deciding to have an abortion is a uniquely difficult and heart-breaking decision that each woman must make for herself – no one has the right to determine the capacity of another person to cope with carrying a pregnancy to full term knowing that their baby will not survive. Nor does anyone have a right to determine that having a disabled child is a ‘gift from God’ irrespective of an individual woman’s circumstances especially as evidence shows a high level of poverty in families with a disabled child (Every Disabled Child Matters Campaign, 2007; Family Fund, 2016; Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2019; Disability Rights, 2019). Pregnancy is a very public condition, with everyone from family and friends to nosy neighbours feeling that they have a right to information about the progress of a pregnancy. Many people have a compulsion to pat a woman’s bump, asking whether she is hoping for a boy or a girl – it is hugely difficult

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for a woman to say that her baby will be born dead or will die shortly after birth or will be severely disabled and require lifelong care. Many women choose to stay isolated indoors until after the birth to avoid these conversations, even if she has made the decision to continue with the pregnancy and allow nature to take its course. For other women, the prospect of continuing with a pregnancy in these circumstances is just too horrific to contemplate. Several women who have experienced this situation have very bravely articulated their feelings as they tried to find a lawful way to terminate a pregnancy in NI (Gentleman, 2015). When I was appointed as the NI Director of the RCM in 1997, I realized that as antenatal screening technology became ever more sophisticated, abortion would become an issue for RCM members. I co-authored a briefing paper (Hughes and Kaufmann, 2001) focusing on the legal and professional issues surrounding abortion, highlighting the challenges encountered by women from NI seeking an abortion. I contributed to the development of a Position Paper on Conscientious Objection (RCM, 2007) which established the RCM’s position that midwives should respect and support the right of women to choose whether to continue with a pregnancy. It also recognized that many midwives have a conscientious or other objection to participation in abortion, and a woman’s need to access abortion services must be balanced by the need for those working in this difficult and sensitive area of healthcare to be able to ‘opt out’ of active participation in the actual process of abortion. Those who would deny healthcare staff a right to conscientious objection often assume (erroneously) that any objection is rooted in religious orthodoxy. Most healthcare staff working in this area are themselves women, bringing with them their own life experiences of past abortions, infertility, miscarriage, the death of a child or the sadness of never having had the opportunity to become pregnant and have their own baby. Every woman’s experience is unique to her, and as a trade union with an almost 100 per cent female membership, the RCM has a responsibility to inform, advise and support its members and to campaign on their behalf. In 2002 the Family Planning Association in NI (FPA NI) lodged a Judicial Review which sought to compel the NI Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSSPS) to produce guidance for healthcare staff involved in caring for women seeking an abortion (Rowan and Simpson, volume 1). This initial case was lost; however in May 2004 FPA NI lodged an appeal and I was asked to submit an affidavit on behalf of the RCM, setting out the issues for midwives in the absence of any official guidance from the DHSSPS.

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As the 1967 Abortion Act did not apply in NI, any midwife who participated in an abortion which was subsequently found to be unlawful risked arrest and conviction which would inevitably lead to her/his dismissal from employment and removal from the professional register held by the Nursing and Midwifery Council, (NMC) If they refused to participate in an abortion they could be disciplined by their employer for refusing to provide care for a woman in need, risking dismissal and referral to the NMC and removal from the Register. But at least they would not risk arrest and imprisonment! Essentially, they were damned if they did and damned if they did not. Following the successful Court of Appeal hearing in 2004 The Sunday Times published an interview with me, with the rather unfortunate strapline ‘Midwife admits illegal abortions’ – an interview which was to have repercussions further down the line. When FPA NI won the case on appeal, the Minister for Health, Sinn Féin’s Bairbre de Brun, was instructed to ascertain the level of knowledge about abortion among healthcare professionals to determine whether guidance was necessary and if so, to then produce such guidance. Following assessment by the DHSSPS it became obvious that formal departmental guidance was required. Questionnaires returned by doctors, nurses and midwives contained responses such as ‘Abortion is illegal in all circumstances in NI’, ‘Abortion is legal in cases of rape or incest’, ‘Abortion is legal in cases of fatal abnormality’, ‘Abortion is legal if carried out before 24 weeks’ gestation’ – all these statements were erroneous. In 2004 abortion was only legal if a woman’s life were in danger, or to avoid permanent or long-term, real or serious damage to her mental or physical health. Campaigning for the development and implementation of departmental guidance would consume much of the next twelve years, with several more court cases, the establishment of professional working groups and, most importantly, the education of NI’s population and politicians as to why formal guidance was necessary. Changing the prevailing narrative, language and stereotypes around abortion became a Sisyphean task. The stereotype of a careless teenager with an unwanted pregnancy was not the story of the women that midwives cared for. These were often women with a planned and much wanted pregnancy who were given devastating news regarding the likely outcome for their baby. The claiming of the term ‘pro-life’ by those who would deny choice to women was, and is, insulting to midwives who are by definition pro-life; however this does not mean that they cannot also be pro-choice. Countering the false narrative peddled by those who would deny women choice was a never-ending struggle –

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abortion would cause miscarriage in future pregnancies, abortion would cause cancer, abortion would lead to a lifetime of depression and regret. None of these assertions are true but a well-funded and determined anti-choice movement did not let the truth get in the way of a good headline. I became ever more convinced that the only way to ensure safe local access to abortion services for women in NI whilst at the same time guaranteeing a right to conscientious objection for healthcare staff was to decriminalize abortion and to develop a service framework that would protect both midwives and women. This was often a rather lonely journey as none of the other healthcare Royal Colleges wanted to join the RCM as we battled to promote the interests of both our members and the women for whom they cared, but perhaps the loneliest moment of all came in 2008 when the aforementioned The Sunday Times article came back into play. I was on holiday in Greece in April 2008 when my work colleague in Belfast informed me that the anti-choice group, Precious Life, had gone to the police clutching a copy of the article and demanding that I be arrested. They informed the media that they wanted me to be investigated for the murder of ‘numerous’ unborn babies (McGuigan, 2008). This was not the first time that an anti-choice group had written to the RCM calling for me to be sacked; however, trying to have me arrested was a new departure. The RCM immediately issued a response clarifying the position, and the then general secretary, Dame Karlene Davis, instructed my colleague that legal support was to be provided to me immediately on my return. My colleague had decided to contact me after one of the local Sunday papers phoned my office to say that they were planning to publish an article a few days later. My colleague was concerned that this article was to be published without me having any opportunity to correct the narrative being put forward by Precious Life. She was also concerned that my elderly parents and my two sons would be distressed by this and felt that I needed to know what was happening in order to prepare my family for the very public call for my sacking if not my arrest. On my return to NI, I was politely requested by the Police Service of NI (PSNI) to attend an interview in a Belfast police station, where, accompanied by an RCM solicitor, I was interviewed under caution for almost four hours. This very unnerving experience left me determined that no other midwife in NI should be subjected to a similar experience and caused me to argue even more forcefully that the Department of Health should issue guidance that would prevent either RCM members or the women they care for from having to undergo a similar experience.

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During the interview I was repeatedly asked to provide the names of women that I had cared for while in clinical practice, to identify medical staff with whom I had worked and to indicate which of the abortions at which I had been present were lawful and which were not. I felt professionally compromised by the demand to breach patient confidentiality; however, as it had been more than ten years since I had last cared for a woman having an abortion, I could honestly say that whilst I could remember the circumstances of several of the cases that I had been involved in, I had no recollection of any of the women’s names nor indeed which doctor had been involved in which case. Eventually after almost four hours I was asked whether in all circumstances I was acting under medical direction and in the best interests of the women I was caring for. I could, and did, agree with this analysis. It still took another eight months however for the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) to inform me that there was insufficient evidence to charge me ‘at this time’. Throughout this experience I was extremely well supported by my family, my employer and my small team of staff in Belfast – support that not everyone in a similar situation might have available. There have been many other personal attacks throughout the years – mainly by anonymous bloggers online calling me everything from a ‘disgrace to the midwifery profession’ to a ‘murdering madwife’. I have learned that the best way to deal with these is to ignore them. There were also other, more physical engagements such as when I was boxed into a corner by Bernie Smith from Precious Life at an SDLP political conference and soundly harangued until rescued by a colleague. Precious Life also picketed my office, with protesters holding gruesome pictures blockading the pavement and causing distress not only to my staff but also to other occupants of our office block. In 2010 I chaired a conference on Abortion and Clinical Practice, organized by FPA, which was subjected to a candlelight vigil by anti-choice protesters. The protesters alleged that the conference was illegal and tried to have Audrey Simpson, NI Director of the FPA, arrested. Two very embarrassed police officers spoke with Audrey, could find no reason to stop the conference going ahead, but advised us to leave the premises by a rear exit to avoid any ‘unpleasantness’. There were several more years of campaigning for the publication of departmental guidance, where I spoke at numerous information events organized by pro-choice groups and other organizations and of course the constant briefing of politicians, both local and national, was ongoing. There were briefings also to the NI Human Rights Commission (NIHRC), the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and later the giving of evidence to the CEDAW investigation into

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abortion services in NI. Some of these organizations were sympathetic to the needs of both women and healthcare staff in NI, others were less so. A particular low point was in 2013 when the DUP Health Minister, Edwin Poots, published draft guidance that went into great detail about the criminal consequences of performing an illegal abortion but provided very little professional guidance for healthcare staff working in this area. This introduced a real ‘chill factor’ among healthcare professionals and the already low numbers of abortions in NI dropped dramatically in subsequent years (Rowan and Simpson, volume 1; Morgan et al., this volume). Guidance was eventually published in 2016, by which time women were taking matters into their own hands and ordering abortion pills online. This forced healthcare staff into a position of ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ as Section  5 of the Criminal Law Act (NI) of 1967 compels anyone who knows that a crime has been committed to report the crime to a police officer or face prosecution themselves. As illegal abortion in NI carried a potential life sentence, which caused huge difficulty for healthcare staff who might be required to provide emergency treatment to a woman after a failed self-abortion. The new guidance fudged the issue of providing care to women in this situation by pointing out that it is virtually impossible to distinguish clinically between an induced abortion and a spontaneous miscarriage; however, given the malign influence of the 2013 guidance, and the decision of the PPS to prosecute women for procuring or using abortion pills, this provided scant reassurance to healthcare professionals. Amnesty International’s involvement in the struggle to decriminalize abortion shifted the campaign into a higher gear. They carried out substantial opinion polling which showed that the people of NI were far ahead of their politicians when it came to this issue. Their support, and that of the NIHRC, of Sarah Ewart as she campaigned for abortion to be made available for women in NI with a diagnosis of lethal fatal abnormality eventually resulted in a declaration by the High Court in Belfast, the so-called Horner ruling, in November 2019 that the abortion laws of NI are in breach of women’s rights under the provisions of the European Convention on Human rights (ECHR) – a decision which was affirmed by the UK Supreme Court in June 2018. Working with Amnesty also led indirectly to the RCM assisting the Isle of Man (IOM) to implement the most modern abortion legislation in Europe when it decriminalized abortion in 2019. I met Dr Alex Allinson, a GP and a member of the House of Keys, at an Amnesty event in November 2016, and this chance meeting led to several trips to the IOM to meet with and brief both RCM members working there and also members of the Tynwald. I was honoured to

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be nominated by Amnesty on International Women’s Day in March 2018 as embodying the ‘Suffragette Spirit’ shortly before my retirement later that year. The investigation carried out in 2016 into abortion services in NI under the provisions of the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the report published in 2018 was another critical turning point, putting significant pressure on the Westminster government to correct the anomalous situation in NI (Cross et al., volume 1). The RCM persuaded several of the other medical Royal Colleges to give evidence to the Investigating Committee, and I think this was perhaps the first time that local medics had felt confident enough to speak out about the conditions under which they were trying to provide services to women. Some of the local political parties were also paying attention to the changing narrative – the Progressive Unionist Party has had a pro-choice policy since the 1990s, and some of the smaller political parties, including the Communist Party in NI and the Workers Party, have also had a pro-choice policy for many years. The Alliance Party has always allowed a conscience vote on the issue but has become increasingly supportive of women’s choice, and both the Ulster Unionist Party and more recently the Social and Democratic Labour Party also allow party members to have a free vote on this issue. I was present at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in 2015 to hear stories from party members who shared very emotive and personal experiences of fatal foetal abnormality as the party debated whether to change their long-standing position on abortion. The motion to support abortion in cases of fatal abnormality, rape and incest was carried resoundingly and was further extended in 2018 when the party agreed to support unrestricted access to abortion up to twelve weeks’ gestation. I had developed a close relationship with colleagues in the South of Ireland and provided professional information and support to both the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation and Midwives for Choice as they fought their own battle for repeal of the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution. When the Amendment was repealed and abortion became legal, I continued to work with the healthcare trade unions in the South. I spoke at the Services Industrial Professional and Technical Union (SIPTU) Health Division conference in Cork in 2018 on the issue of conscientious objection in the provision of abortion services, drawing on the contents of Abortion as a Workplace Issue (Bloomer et  al., 2017b) to illustrate how the needs of women as both service users and service providers must be met in the workplace.

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Back in the UK the RCM had published a new position statement in 2016 calling for abortion to be decriminalized. After many years of fence sitting the RCOG followed suit in 2017, the RCN in 2018 and the RCGP and BMA in 2019. After so many years of being the only person with my head above the parapet, I suddenly had lots of fellow travellers! I retired in July 2018 never imagining that within two years a system (albeit imperfect as yet) would be put in place that would both allow women in NI to access safe, legal and local abortion services and protect the rights of those caring for them.

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The human cost of NI’s abortion law: An abortion fund story Mara Clarke

Abortion Support Network (ASN) is an abortion fund, a group that raises money to help people pay for abortions. This means we believe ‘I can’t afford an abortion’ should never be the only reason someone becomes a parent. Between October 2009 and 30 June 2020, Abortion Support Network received calls and emails from 1,165 people in NI seeking information on how to access safe abortions. Our first call from NI was our ninth ever client and came in on 28 February 2010. Our last as of writing on 19 June 2020 was client 5,801 on 29 May 2020. Our Northern Irish service users ranged in age from a girl of 13 to a woman of 51. They were married, single, divorced, in or escaping abusive relationships, had children, didn’t have children, never wanted children, had used birth control, thrown chance to the wind, had been sexually assaulted, were working full time, unemployed, homeless, struggling with mental health issues and studying for end of school-leaving exams. Our callers had in common but four things. They were pregnant. They wanted to end the pregnancy. They didn’t have the money to do so. And they never would have expected to need to call a group of strangers in England and ask for money. Making abortion against the law, or criminalizing it in any way, does not stop abortion. It just means that, when faced with an unintended or unwanted or non-viable pregnancy, women and couples with money have options, and women and couples without money have babies, risk criminal prosecution by ordering pills online or, in some cases, do dangerous and desperate things. Let’s get that bit out of the way. Do women and pregnant people really do dangerous and desperate things? Yes, they do. When someone really does not want to be pregnant, they will do anything to try and end that pregnancy. Here are some of the things our callers from NI tried, to raise money or to end their pregnancies, before calling ASN:

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• Gone to three different pharmacies to get three packages of birth control pills and taken them all with a bottle of gin • Sold the kids’ Christmas presents • Rationed food for the family • Didn’t get the brakes fixed on the family car • Skipped paying rent • Went to disreputable money lenders • Sold wedding rings We can talk academically about the hardship faced by these women, but the reality is way worse than you can imagine. The mother of four who told us, quite matter of factly, that she was trying to figure out how to crash her car to cause a miscarriage but not permanently injure herself or die. The mother who discovered her sixteen-year-old was pregnant when she found poison under her child’s bed. And it is only ever the people without money who are forced into these dire straits, or people who need documents to travel, or people who can’t travel due to caring responsibilities or watchful, abusive partners. What keeps abortion funders up at night are not the numerous calls we receive, and the many obstacles we must help clients overcome. What keeps us up at night are the women and pregnant people who find out they are pregnant and don’t know they can contact Women on Web or Women Help Women, online providers of safe, early medical abortion pills[1], or people who don’t know that ASN can help with funding and other logistical support.

What does ASN do? First, here’s what ASN does not do. We are not doctors, or counsellors or lawyers, so we do not ask medical questions or provide medical advice, or legal advice, or counselling. We are also not a campaigning organization. There are many wonderful individuals and organizations who have worked and continue to work to ensure there is free, safe, legal, local abortion provision in our jurisdictions – many will have written chapters in this book, and I’m counting on them to answer any questions you have about the court cases, the bills before Parliament, the playing of politics with women’s lives. When we started, ASN was the only organization providing funding for abortions, not only for NI, but for all of Europe. We felt that while others were working hard to make legal abortion possible, we would be the solution to the

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people who needed an abortion RIGHT NOW. Put another way, ASN was the plaster on the abortion law issue, and the campaigning organizations were and are the cure. As for what we do, it’s a flexible mix of information, practical support and funding. This can include any range of the following: • I­ nformation on which clinics in England are closest to which airports, to ensure that those ‘cheap flights’ to one airport aren’t negated by needing to take a £50.00 taxi to the clinic. • Information on which clinics in England perform abortions up to what pregnancy gestation on what days lest, for instance, someone who thinks they are twelve weeks and five days scan at thirteen weeks one day, on an ‘MVA’ (manual vacuum aspiration) only day when there is no doctor available to perform a surgical procedure, requiring a longer stay in England or a return trip • Information about how to book an appointment • Help booking appointments for limited English speakers and people without phones or internet access • Information on how to arrange the least expensive abortion and travel possible • Information on how to travel to England without a passport or photo ID • Information on who does and does not need a visa to travel • Directions for travel between airports and clinics • Funding for travel • Funding for flights • Funding for abortion procedures • Accommodation in volunteer homes • Paid accommodation near clinics • Creative problem solving around childcare • Information on the reputable online providers of early medical abortion pills • The knowledge that, while their country might have turned its back on them, the hundreds of people who make up ASN – staff, volunteers, donors, supporters – are standing with them in solidarity Or maybe you’d like some more specific examples. We were contacted several times by teen girls in foster care, or on behalf of teen girls in foster care, who had been told (erroneously) by government employees that as wards of the state in NI, travelling for abortion was, for them, against the law. No, it isn’t, and yes, we

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helped them access abortions. One of my very favourite pieces of information of all time is that the now-liquidated FlyBe Airlines accepted a gun permit as ID to fly. The woman living in a hostel who was terrified she’d lose her place if she left to have an abortion. The recovering drug addict who wanted to know if she was allowed to take her methadone with her to England, and also if she was allowed to take her methadone on the day of the procedure or if she should skip it as part of the ‘naught by mouth’ instructions. The ASN experience from the client’s perspective is, we hope, pretty simple. A person contacts ASN by phone, email or text message. We return the contact, calling them to ensure any costs or minutes are used on our bill and not theirs. We talk to the person about their situation, asking a series of questions. How old are you? (Under UK safeguarding regulations, under 18s are dealt with differently than over 18s). How far into the pregnancy are you? Are you counting from the first day of your last menstrual period and not from when you believe conception occurred? Who else knows about the pregnancy? Who else knows about your plan to have the abortion? If no one knows, is there any danger? Do you have a photo ID? Do you have children? Do you have someone to watch those children? How much money do you have/will you have towards the cost of the procedure? Where did that money come from? (Savings account? Great! Loan shark? Give it back now, please, and let us cover the cost). Then we make whatever plan will work best for the person on the other end of the phone. Sometimes this process takes fifteen minutes – someone has already made an appointment with a clinic, and has told their partner or a friend, they have gathered a certain amount of money. In those cases, all we need to do is agree to make up the difference, usually by giving the funds directly to the clinic. (Of course, all this changed post June 2017 when people from NI were able to access free abortion in England, including travel and accommodation costs for those who fit a reasonable criteria, and changed again in October 2019, when the UK government agreed to cover all costs for those needing to travel.) Sometimes a client will interact with us over many days or weeks or in some cases, months. The more complicated a client’s life, the longer it can take them to complete the process. Delays could be a lack of childcare or needing to wait until an abusive partner is away at a stag do in order to travel. Or because someone decided to take early medical abortion pills, but they didn’t turn up or didn’t work. Some women are delayed by anti-choice GPs or rogue crisis pregnancy centres who lie to women about how far along they are, or even in some cases, about the fact that they are pregnant at all. These delays are even more devious when you

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consider that the cost of an abortion increases the later in pregnancy someone is – roughly doubling at fourteen weeks and roughly tripling at nineteen weeks. At ASN, we don’t ask clients how they got pregnant or why they want abortions. Nor do we ask if they are women, or how they identify. Our only criteria for funding are financial need and if we have available funds. When we first started, available funds were our biggest issue. ASN was started by a handful of volunteers and, no joke, a bucket of change – just over £500 donated by Workers Beer volunteers who had pledged their pint-pulling salaries to Abortion Rights UK but who wanted to give the money from their combined tip jars to ASN. To which we said, YES PLEASE. But still, in the early days, we ran out of funds almost every month, and would have to beg clinics to reduce fees, and, in some cases, tell clients to do things like skip paying rent or meals or to sell things or to cut down on Christmas presents. It might sound harsh, but we are very pragmatic about these things and consider these situations in terms of permanent versus temporary. Your kids having fewer Christmas presents this year is temporary. Them having a new brother or sister is a bit more permanent. As ASN grew and received more funding, we were able to loosen up our financial criteria, from ‘look under your sofa cushions for loose change and skip Christmas’ to ‘What can you give reasonably, without going into debt?’ We’re proud to say we’ve not had to turn anyone down due to lack of funds on our part since 2012. A lot of our financial success was tied into the history of abortion law reform in NI. For instance, when a young woman was arrested for having taken early medical abortion pills, we noticed donations start pouring in. We ran a campaign and raised about £11,000 in a week. Another time, a young mother from NI who received our assistance was so angry with having to travel to access an abortion that she posted about the experience on parenting website MumsNet, where she was a well-known user. This led to ASN being chosen as one of five charities to take part in a giving week with MumsNet and charity-giving platform Justgiving. All donations to £5,000 were matched by MumsNet and Justgiving. We even got extra donations because conservative newspaper The Telegraph printed a story on how Mumsnet was encouraging Irish women to try ‘dangerous DIY abortions’ because of the bit on ASN’s website that says we provide information on reputable providers of safe, early medical abortion pills. We started with a tiny group and were completely run by volunteers until 2016, when we started paying a few people. Currently ASN has three paid staff and more than 100 volunteers.

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Britain’s amnesia regarding NI’s abortion law Something we noticed every time abortion in NI was in the news was the limited powers of recollection of wide swaths of England’s population on the subject of NI’s abortion law. It was a very peculiar thing. A story would hit the news – say about the case of A and B, a mother and daughter who sued the UK Department of Health due to their having to travel from NI to England and pay privately for an abortion. Their case lost three times, in three levels of court. Each time, people seemed shocked, SHOCKED, that people in NI could not access abortion in country, or, at the very least, for free in England. Even BBC Women’s Hour was in the dark. I spent an hour on the phone with one of their team explaining what had happened. In the end, they decided that maintaining the status quo was not a news story. They had thought the case had taken away the rights of women in NI to have free care in England. The fact that they never had this right at all didn’t seem to faze them. Each time a story about abortion in NI would hit the press, we’d see a flurry of social media activity about how outrageous it was that women and pregnant people in part of the UK were treated differently. We’d get some donations and direct people to AfC to support the campaign for law reform. A few days would go by, and most people would seemingly forget about it. Until the next time a story about NI’s abortion law broke, and the cycle would repeat itself. It happened so many times it was bizarre. When the campaign to Repeal the 8th started heating up in the RoI, the number of times we were asked why Irish women didn’t simply travel to NI for abortions, rather than England, was mind boggling. ‘They can’t do that because abortion is against the law in NI.’ No, it’s not.’ ‘Yes, its is.’ ‘Are you sure?’ ‘Yes, we are 100 per cent sure.’

The women we can’t help While ASN has not had to turn down clients due to funding issues on our part since 2012, there have been the cases we refer to as the women we can’t help. These include: The woman with severe mental health issues that left her unable to leave her home for any reason. Getting on a ferry or a plane was not an option, and her pregnancy was too advanced for early medical abortion pills. In the end, she had to continue the pregnancy and the baby was taken into care.

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The woman who didn’t realise she was pregnant as she’d had what she thought was a hysterectomy when her youngest child was born. When she discovered it was not in fact menopause but pregnancy, she was more than 19 weeks along. Due to physical health issues, she was determined to be high risk and not able to access care in a UK abortion clinic but needed the abortion to take place in hospital setting. Unfortunately, we could not find a hospital anywhere in the rest of the UK willing to take a ‘private’ patient for an abortion beyond 12 weeks 5 days. While some UK hospitals will do these abortions in cases of severe foetal impairment, no hospital will do them for other reasons. She had to continue the pregnancy and suffered financial hardship as current government policy limits welfare payments to the first two children only. The young woman who rang and said she needed our help because her family ‘would kill me if they knew I’d had sexual intercourse’. After our initial conversation, we could never get in touch with her again.

Those are the three residents of NI that come immediately to mind. But there are more. ASN has been known to find creative solutions to help people across borders and come up with crazy travel plans, but there are things we cannot do. We can pay for childcare, but we don’t know someone who can turn up at your house at 5.00 am and stay until midnight. Same goes for people caring for partners or children or parents with physical or mental disabilities that make it impossible to find substitute care.

And those we could ASN is often asked to bring women’s stories into a room. But these aren’t stories. They are lived experiences, and we already feel awful when people who call our helpline think they need to justify their pregnancies or their reasons for wanting or needing an abortion. ‘I would never normally do this’ they start, or ‘I was totally pro-life, until … ’. We always stop them and explain that we are not here to hear their confessions or judge their reasons for having an abortion. They want an abortion, and we will help them pay for it. These women and pregnant people have been violated by the draconian abortion law of the country they happen to live in. In a way, I feel like when I share information about ASN’s service users I am violating them again. At the same time, talking about our clients gives context to the true cost of NI’s restrictive abortion law, and to be honest, if we didn’t talk about our clients, fewer people would donate to us, and the donations are what pay for the abortions.

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It’s also common that, after I write or speak about ASN clients, someone will come up to me and say, incredulously, come on, not all women who have abortions have these horrible circumstances you are talking about. And that is absolutely correct. Most people who need abortions do not have a seemingly endless pile of obstacles and difficulties. Most people also have credit cards, a photo ID, someone in their lives they can tell about the abortion, money in the bank. ASN is an abortion fund, and we are not here for ‘most’ people. We are here for the people who need the most help, the people who often fall through the cracks. While abortion reform has come to NI, services have yet to be commissioned. While we have ideas of what services should look like, we are fearful of a repeat of what is the case in the RoI, where a medically unnecessary three-day ‘reflection period’ causes unnecessary delays, where provision over nine weeks is spotty, where provision over twelve weeks calls for a trip to England and where the process for obtaining abortion in cases of foetal abnormality is closer to cruel and unusual punishment than to compassionate care. While we hope to never have another call from someone unable to access an abortion in NI, we will gladly provide services to anyone in NI who are unable to access care in country, or from anyone for whom accessing care presents so many obstacles that a trip to England or The Netherlands is a simpler prospect.

The human cost of NI’s bad abortion law I can recall the details of many stories without reading through the 1,165 case histories that we have, like the fourteen-year-old girl who put us on the map during the Icelandic volcano (we launched an ‘Irish women need CASH, not ASH’ appeal to fund her £1,350 procedure and travel for her and her mother), the woman who needed six nights of accommodation over New Year’s Eve, the mum and daughter who became plaintiffs in the A and B case. As an abortion fund, we are most qualified to talk about the human cost of NI’s bad abortion law. Here is a flavour, a taste, of the women and pregnant people we carry with us. These are in no particular order and, as with all the case studies we share, identifying details have been smoothed out. A couple with several children and a current pregnancy diagnosed with a serious abnormality. She is now 23 weeks pregnant, and they have spent down their limited resources travelling to specialists in Ireland and NI to determine

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the exact nature of the problem. While it would, under these circumstances, be possible for this woman to obtain a termination on the NHS in NI, this would require her to go through a stillbirth. As she was not in the best of health, she and her husband have understandably made the decision to come to England for an abortion procedure that allows her to be under general aesthesia during the process. A 19-year-old pregnant as result of rape. When she reported the rape to the police, she was told that, in order to get a conviction, DNA evidence from the foetus would be required and this necessitated a police officer being present in the theatre when she had the termination of pregnancy procedure. This put her off pressing charges. Her father was supportive but also incredibly upset by the fact that he needed to ask for financial help, on top of his upset at not being able to protect his daughter from a world in which there are rapists. When she attended the clinic, she scanned just over 14 weeks, and there was not a doctor able to perform that kind of abortion at the clinic that day. ASN and the clinic made frantic phone calls until they were able to find a nearby clinic that could accommodate her that day, paid the taxi from one clinic to the other, and paid the increased price of the abortion (from £335 to £600). I really need help. I need an abortion asap but been told the NHS do not fund abortions for people from NI. I need an abortion because I have a baby who is only four months old. We had him via IVF so I didn’t think I could even get pregnant naturally, so this is a massive shock. My pregnancy was awful – I almost diet with preeclampsia and my baby has been very ill since he was born. I really cannot have another baby. I need help please. A woman who would have been able to access an abortion sooner, but first her GP said it was a kidney infection and a few weeks later said she was ‘only partly pregnant and would probably miscarry. (NB: there is no such thing as being ‘partly pregnant’) A single parent pregnant as result of rape, who came into contact with a Catholic-run, anti-abortion organisation who told her that if she had an abortion, she would be a worse criminal than the man who assaulted her, saying ‘He was only a rapist, where you’re after being a murderer’. I always thought I would never have an abortion, but you can’t judge anyone. You don’t know what you will do until you are in this position She’s a carer for her mother and the most she can ever get away is for five hours, which rules out a trip to England. She was very glad to hear about the possibility of ordering early medical abortion pills online. I’m in a situation I never imagined or wanted. I’ve had a turbulent relationship with a man who has cheated on me and also abused me physically. They are noticing I am pregnant at work and saying congratulations and reducing my

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hours. Children should be born into love, not this mess with him crying about our baby one minute and hurling abuse the next. I’m just a bloody mess at the moment. I told my sister about the pregnancy and my sister told everyone I’m pregnant, but I can’t tell anyone about the abortion. I’ve always been anti-abortion and I’m ashamed of myself. I recently found out I’m pregnant. I have been living in NI since July but am from Eastern Europe. I am absolutely not in the position of having a child at this stage of my life. I could not afford a baby, I have no family to support me if I had to move back to my home country, I’d have a child that I have to support, no partner, I barely meet ends on my current salary, I’m sharing a house with other people, I could not stay here either and I am not entitled to any benefits. I did some research and I just found that women from NI are not entitled for NHS abortions. I assume this applies to immigrants as well? I don’t have the money for a private clinic, and I am desperately looking for any help. I don’t even know how far along I am as of yet as my periods were regular. The Pill has let me down and I am terrified of running out of time to get the procedure done. I would like to seek assistance, or any advice on my situation. There is no information about this anywhere. Please reply.

The end An abortion fund is a great and beautiful thing. You might feel harrowed by some of what you’ve read in this chapter, but there is also so much joy in this work. The joy of working with like-minded people willing to give their time and money to help strangers access abortions. The joy felt when ASN helpline volunteers feel the stress and panic melt away from the other end of the phone after saying the four magic words – ‘We can help you.’ The work is hard, but it is also rewarding in ways many other kinds of work are not and if you’d like to start your own abortion fund, please do get in touch and we’ll help you out, because the more the merrier. Abortion Support Network (ASN) is a charity that provides information, financial assistance and, where needed and when possible, accommodation in volunteer homes to those forced to travel for abortion care from Ireland, NI, the Isle of Man, Malta, Gibraltar and Poland. ASN opened in 2009 to Ireland, NI and the Isle of Man. In early 2019, we opened to Malta and Gibraltar and in December 2019 we opened to Poland as part of the Abortion Without Borders

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(www.abortion.eu) initiative, delivered in partnership with abortion support organizations in Poland, Germany and The Netherlands. Abortion Support Network is almost entirely funded by private individuals giving anything from £1 a month, and every little helps. To learn more about ASN or to donate, please check us out at www.asn.org.uk or on Facebook, Twitter or Instagram.

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Putting abortion pills and knowledge into women’s hands in NI Susan Yanow

Two services, Women Help Women (WHW) and Women on Web (WoW), provide telehealth services to women with unwanted pregnancies, facilitating access to abortion pills to those that need and request them. Women Help Women was founded on the principle that when people are given information about abortion pills and access to reliable sources, they will mobilize for political change, starting at the community level. Our goal is to connect the act of using abortion pills to political mobilization and activism. One of our strategies is to partner with local activists at the country level to share information and strategic support to make information about abortion pills and the medicines themselves more accessible. Self-managed abortion (SMA) shifts the paradigms and power dynamics that have controlled policy and provision of abortion care (Jelinska and Yanow, 2018). SMA is a method that can be chosen and controlled by the user; facilitating access to scientifically accurate and clear information about medical abortion puts the power directly into the user’s hands. By sharing knowledge with those who need abortion pills, those with unwanted pregnancies are liberated from restrictive laws and unresponsive healthcare systems (Erdman et al., 2018). By demystifying, demedicalizing and destigmatizing abortion in NI, WHW sought to support efforts to decriminalize abortion while at the same time challenging activists to re-envision abortion care as a process that they could be part of, rather than simply advocating for clinicians to be able to provide abortion care. In NI and around the world, misinformation about abortion in general, and abortion pills specifically, is rampant. Those opposed to abortion spread myths to deter those who want to end an unwanted pregnancy. Common false claims include that abortion increases the chance of breast cancer, leads to depression

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and can impair future fertility (Pierson and Bloomer, 2018). Our goal was to increase comfort with the use of abortion pills not only to support those currently using them but also to build a foundation of support for decriminalizing selfmanaged abortion when advocating for legal and policy reform. WHW recognized that many people with unwanted pregnancies in NI were travelling to England for abortion care because of their fear of and lack of knowledge about abortion pills. To support law, change and to empower the community around abortion, WHW launched an abortion pill literacy campaign in 2014 in Ireland and NI. Fact sheets about abortion and abortion pills were created in collaboration with local partners, who distributed the fact sheets at demonstrations and through social media. However, WHW sought to go beyond challenging the myths around abortion. It was important that activists in NI fully understand abortion pills – who could use them, how to use them, how they caused an abortion – in order to move beyond the limited goal of legalizing abortion and integrating abortion services into the existing health care system. While abortion remained criminalized in NI, it was important to remove fear and build community knowledge to support those using abortion pills received through the mail when no other options were available and to build towards a future where there was support for those using the pills on their own or with a clinician’s oversight. WHW hosted training sessions across NI and Ireland, working with local partners to bring together groups of activists to become informed about the safety and efficacy of abortion pills, how to use them, what to expect and how to avoid legal risk if one needed medical attention during the process. These sessions, led by activists for activists, intentionally sought to demystify abortion pills and empower people with knowledge, breaking traditional stigma around abortion. Through these sessions, WHW sought to break the paradigm that only clinicians could provide abortion pills, and to demonstrate that as activists, we were qualified to share information and support those using abortion pills – and that this information belonged to everyone. This campaign sought to demedicalize abortion pills and to frame knowledge about the pills as an essential reproductive and human right. After these trainings, requests for the pills from women in NI increased markedly, as did increased inclusion of facts about the safety of abortion pills in activist dialogue around the need to decriminalize abortion. Women Help Women does not act unilaterally in any country and relies on the knowledge of our partners to guide our country-level work. A key example of WHW’s model of following the lead of our partners occurred in 2017 when

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a number of women who had ordered abortion pills had their packages seized and were visited by police and asked to go to police stations across NI for questioning. One of these women emailed WHW for assistance, as her solicitor had encouraged her to cooperate with the police and give them information about the service. WHW immediately contacted AfC, who identified legal resources to support her solicitor in challenging the idea that she had any charges to answer and to identify local people who could support the woman in maintaining her rights. Once AfC was alerted that packages were being seized and women being pressured to come in for police interrogation, they were able to mobilize responses to support solicitors and those being harassed. Ultimately none of the women who sought pills were charged with any offences, and WHW worked to be sure that every person from NI who requested pills knew that we and our allies would stand behind them. This close partnership also allowed WHW to frame legally accurate responses and reliable referrals to local resources for legal, social and political supportto women in NI who contacted us. To further empower those in NI to exercise their reproductive rights, WHW partnered with BPAS to create and publicize a nurse staffed hotline in England to support those using abortion pills, regardless of the source of the pills. While few utilized this hotline, its existence was a unique example of a formal healthcare provider openly supporting self-managed abortion. The partnership with BPAS blurred the boundary between ‘healthcare system’ and ‘community use’, creating a more supportive and reassuring environment for those managing their own abortions. WHW believes that this led to some destigmatization of abortion pills – their use was supported by a prominent healthcare provider and thereby further legitimized. This contributed to a dialogue with activists which decoupled ‘safety’ from ‘legality’. Too often abortions outside of the healthcare setting were described as illegal and unsafe, as ‘back alley’ or as dangerous. By providing reliable medicines with excellent counselling, supported by a trusted and familiar medical source, WHW and activists in NI sought to destigmatize the abortion experience. In NI, as everywhere, it is those with few economic resources, lack of citizenship status, or in difficult family situations who have the most trouble accessing abortion, regardless of the legal status of abortion in their country (Bloomer et al., 2018). To ensure that as many people as possible had options when faced with an unwanted pregnancy, WHW partnered with the Abortion Support Network (ASN) to ensure accurate referrals for those choosing to travel for abortion care (Clarke, this volume). WHW also partnered with

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and supported Need Abortion Ireland, a group that raised money to provide supplies (care packages of menstrual pads, ibuprofen and hot water bottles), to provide emotional support, destigmatize abortion in a peer-to-peer model and cover costs of low-income women in Ireland and NI. These partnerships were developed to meet people where they were and provide what they needed to have a good experience during their abortion. Through these partnerships, WHW was able to provide referrals to whatever support people needed during their abortion, to reduce their feelings of stigma, isolation and fear. While committed to the model of self-managed abortion, WHW also believes that all abortion should be decriminalized and that anyone with an unwanted pregnancy should have the choice of location of service, whether with a clinician, a trusted community member or on their own. To support those working for law change, WHW partnered with researchers in NI to highlight the experience of women who used abortion pills obtained online (Horgan, this volume). While committed to maintaining the privacy and security of every person who contacts WHW, it is also critical to provide data to trusted researchers who will publish in journals that build knowledge in the field and use the information to inform national advocacy efforts. We were fortunate to work with academic allies who also supported activism and advocacy. Our expectation was that by raising up the experiences and reflections of those who self-managed their abortion safely and with satisfaction, more academic, legal and activist attention could be directed towards SMA as a safe option that some as people might prefer, and to include this option as they continued to advocate for removal of legal restrictions on abortion in NI. In late 2019, abortion was finally decriminalized in NI. While the government delayed implementation, the COVID-19 virus struck, making the option of travel to England for services an almost impossible choice for most people in NI. BPAS launched telemedicine provision of services in NI, and because of our long partnership, BPAS was able to use scripts and protocols developed by WHW. WHW was able to coordinate with BPAS and allies in NI to stay informed about developments, make accurate and timely referrals, and ensure that every woman in NI who wanted abortion pills could get them, until on-the-ground services were in place. While the development of full reproductive health services, including abortion, is a long-delayed responsibility of the state, it is critical that future policy and practice ensure that ALL abortion choices be decriminalized and supported. For two decades, most abortions in NI have been done with pills obtained through the internet and managed safely by the pregnant person on their own. While

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services within the formal healthcare system must be developed in every country, it is also important to recognize that there will always be people who choose to use abortion pills outside of the formal healthcare system, whether because of barriers in getting to a provider or because of personal preference. These people too must benefit from legal reform and be able to choose when, where and with whom to have their abortions. We hope that activists in NI will continue to work with healthcare professionals to create interconnected service delivery models inside and outside the healthcare system that meet each person where they are and provide care before, during and after any abortion that a person feels is most appropriate for their situation. WHW will continue to collaborate with our allies and partners to support these efforts and will provide services to those in NI who might request them.

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From abortion ship to telemedicine: Women on Waves and Women on Web in Northern Ireland Hazal Atay

This chapter will focus on the involvement of Women on Waves and Women on Web (WoW) in Northern Ireland NI. It will examine how these organizations, providing help and information on safe medical abortion, helped local women and activists to construct a narrative in defiance of the abortion restriction towards decriminalization. In what follows, I will recount a brief historical panorama of our campaigns to illustrate how we were able to shape the terms and conditions of abortion access amid and despite the restrictions, and how this in return influenced the abortion activism and campaign in NI.

Women rocking the state’s boat On 11 June 2001, an abortion ship sailed for the first time from the Netherlands to the Irish sea. With an almost entirely female crew, the ship carried a mobile clinic in a shipping container to provide safe abortion to women with unintended pregnancies and with no other means of access to abortion care (Women on Waves, 2001). The abortion ship of Women on Waves aimed at revealing the reality of abortion at both sides of the Irish border. Reporting on the abortion ship campaign, the Irish Examiner headline reads on 18 June 2001: ‘Ireland needs women like this to rock the State’s boat’ (Women on Waves, 2001). Abortion is a universal phenomenon that is known to have been practised throughout history. Where access to abortion is restricted or criminalized, abortions continue to occur in unsafe and/or clandestine manners. The World

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Health Organization (WHO) estimates around 25 million unsafe abortions to occur each year among a total of 56 million induced abortions worldwide (World Health Organization). According to the Hospital Information Branch, only seventy-one medical terminations of pregnancy occurred in 2001 in NI (Family Planning Association, 2015). On the other hand, according to the help requests received at Women on Web, a telemedical referral service providing help and information on safe medical abortion, 103 women received telemedicine medical abortions to terminate their unintended pregnancies in NI the same year. The official statistics said indeed little about the reality of abortion. By the time the abortion ship arrived at Ireland in 2001, there were eighty calls from women requesting abortion services. In five days, a total of 300 women had contacted the ship’s hotline for help. From 1  January 2010 to 31  December 2015, 5,650 women from Ireland and NI requested medical abortion through Women on Web (Aiken et al., 2017). The abortion seekers of NI were ready for us long before the decision-makers were ready for change.

Making waves, blowing wind: The story of Women on Waves Women on Waves is a Dutch non-profit organization founded in 1999 by Dr Rebecca Gomperts with the aim to provide safe abortions to women living in restrictive settings. Women on Waves has been able to provide contraceptives, information, training, workshops, and safe and legal abortion services outside territorial waters in countries where access to abortion is restricted. In international waters, twelve miles off the coast of a country, the local laws restricting abortion no longer apply. As such, with an abortion ship registered in the Netherlands, Women on Waves has been able to provide legal abortions in international waters to women who onboarded the abortion ship. The Irish Sea was the first destination for Women on Waves, given the restrictions of abortion access and the existence of a dedicated pro-choice community with immediate interest in the campaign (Gomperts, 2002). The Irish campaign was successful and unsuccessful at the same time. It was unsuccessful because the campaign did not fulfil its mission and did not provide safe abortions as promised. It turned out that the ship did not have the required licence to perform abortions.

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On the other hand, in retrospect, one might argue that the campaign was successful in some other ways. Given the stigma and taboo around abortion, abortion often becomes an experience that leads to silence and isolation. The discussions over abortion in many restrictive settings tend to exclude women’s experiences and perspectives. In this regard, Women on Waves’ Irish abortion ship campaign did not only rekindle an abortion debate across the Irish shores, but it also redefined it in a particular direction. Through a proactive and prochoice activism, the abortion ship made the abortion reality visible for many. It called for international attention and cross-border solidarity for Irish women and received significant media coverage, making ‘the elephant in the room’ somewhat popular to talk about. Writing about the campaign, the founder of Women on Waves, Dr Rebecca Gomperts, noted: Women on Waves has contributed to building international and national prochoice coalitions and helped to put the issue of illegal abortion and women’s reproductive rights back on the international agenda. As part of a creative, proactive, pro-choice movement we are taking charge of the agenda. The Irish journey has received a great deal of praise and Women on Waves has received many invitations from groups all over the world. (Gomperts, 2002, p. 182)

The Irish campaign also attracted attention in the Netherlands, and a series of debates were held at the Dutch parliament about Women on Waves’ legal status to provide abortion. It was in 2002 that the Dutch Minister of Health, Els Borst, ascertained unambiguously that a mobile clinic can provide medical abortions for very early abortions on board a Dutch ship (Women on Waves, 2001). This paved the way to other adventures and ship campaigns in Poland, Portugal, Spain, Morocco, Guatemala and Mexico later on. Women on Waves visited NI fifteen years after the abortion ship campaign, in June 2016, this time, with an abortion drone. Flying from the RoI to NI above the Clanrye river, the abortion drone carried medical abortion pills for two women who were waiting at the Narrow Waters Castle and took the pills publicly to protest the criminalization of abortion in the country. Courtney Robinson, one of the activists from East Belfast Labour Alternative who swallowed the pills, stated: ‘The right to safe abortion should be a private matter but by criminalising it has instead become a political issue. I have the human right to access and use these medicines’ (Women on Waves, 2016). From the other side of the river, Rita Harrold from ROSA (for Reproductive

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rights, against Oppression, Sexism and Austerity) explained the rationale of the abortion drone action: Abortion is criminalised in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. We sent the pills across the border today as an act of solidarity with women in Northern Ireland who are currently facing prosecutions. This is outrageous. Today’s action is a clear message of intent – North and South we will build an unstoppable movement of women and young people until women have the right to control their own bodies. (Women on Waves, 2016)

­ omen on Waves’ actions combined proactive projects with public action and W targeted at disseminating knowledge around the safety of self-administered medical abortion. Women on Waves’ involvement in NI brought along new resources to the abortion campaign, while reinforcing transborder and international solidarity. It also contributed to the dissemination of knowledge and awareness raising not only on the reality of abortion, but also on the safety of self-administered medical abortion. Following the 2017 abortion drone campaign, Dr Gomperts affirmed: Research by the World Health Organisation has proven that an abortion with pills can be done safely at home by women themselves till 10 weeks of pregnancy. The health impact is similar to a miscarriage. Restrictive abortion laws will not keep women from accessing abortion pills, by ship, by mail, through the internet, drone or speedboat! (Women on Waves, 2016)

As abortion remained criminalized, another action was planned in NI in collaboration with local groups on 31 May 2018. This time, it was an abortion robot delivering medical abortion pills to two women in Belfast (Women on Waves, 2018). The location of the planned action was dominated by at least twenty heavily armed police officers and four arrest-vans (Women on Waves, 2018). With activists dressed as handmaids and lined up in front of the court building, once again we challenged the abortion ban and asked for decriminalization. In the afternoon of the action, the Bus4Choice toured Northern Ireland offering free ultrasounds and medical counsel. Making waves, blowing wind, Women on Waves’ actions embraced a proactive pro-choice activism as well as a cross-border and international solidarity. It put an important message forward: the abortion ban was not a deterrent. Those who

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need abortions will have abortions in one way or another. Abortion pills are safe, and women are not afraid of taking it, even publicly. It is time to decriminalize abortion.

Providing safe abortion despite restrictions: Women on Web in Northern Ireland Founded in 2005 by Dr Rebecca Gomperts, Women on Web was one of the first non-profit telemedicine abortion services with a global outreach (Women on Web). Telemedicine abortion entails: […] the remote assessment and treatment of patients by means of telecommunications technology and is an expanding health sector that has the potential to increase access to safe abortion. In the context of abortion care, TM services may be used for counselling and assessment, the acquisition of abortion medication, and clinical guidance through the abortion process. (Endler et al., 2019)

Research has shown that success rate and safety outcomes for abortion care through telemedicine are similar to those for in-person (Endler et al., 2019). The World Health Organization affirms that an abortion within first trimester (twelve weeks) does not need to take place in a hospital or clinical setting and proven with proper instructions and guidance women can safely selfadminister medical abortion pills (World Health Organization, 2012). Using the advent of telecommunications technology, particularly that of the internet, for abortion care and service provision through telemedicine, Women on Web has been pioneering in defining new terms and conditions for abortion access despite and amid restrictions. From 2010 to 2020, almost 9,000 women from NI reached out to Women on Web for help to access safe abortion. In response to women’s help requests, Women on Web employs a helpdesk to provide information and help on safe medical abortion. The helpdesk is ‘trained in abortion care and work online to accompany women and people with unwanted pregnancies during their abortion experiences’ (Women on Web). By providing telemedicine abortion, Women on Web contributed to enabling access to safe medical abortion. On 12  March 2013, AfC published an open

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letter, signed by more than 100 people from NI, publicly admitting taking or buying abortion pill: We, the undersigned, have either taken the abortion pill or helped women to procure the abortion pill in order to cause an abortion here in Northern Ireland. We represent just a small fraction of those who have used, or helped others to use, this method because it is almost impossible to get an NHS abortion here, even when there is likely to be a legal entitlement to one. […] We know that Stormont Ministers and the Public Prosecution Service are aware that such abortions have been taking place in the region for some years, but are unwilling to prosecute for a range of reasons, at least partly to do with not wanting an open debate around the issue of when women here should have a right to abortion […] We want to emphasise that medical abortions happen in Northern Ireland on a daily basis but without any medical support or supervision […]. (Workers Solidarity Movement, 2013)

As much as Women on Web ensured access to safe abortion through telemedicine in NI, it also contributed to creating awareness and spreading knowledge on the use and safety of the abortion pill, in collaboration with local groups. On 24 October 2014, Women on Web supported Irish parliamentarian Ruth Coppinger, ROSA and Northern Irish abortion rights activists in the abortion pill train (Belfast Telegraph, 2014). The abortion pill train aimed to symbolize women’s travel from Ireland to NI to obtain abortion pills. The action aimed to recreate the landmark contraceptive train of the 1970s, when members of the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement travelled to Belfast to buy condoms in protest of the prohibition of contraceptives in Ireland (Belfast Telegraph, 2014). Carrying a Women on Web banner, organizers said to the Belfast Telegraph: […] the trip was held to mark the second anniversary of the tragic death of Savita Halappanavar, will show there is ‘a safe, non-surgical abortion pill’ available and to defy Ireland’s ‘medieval abortion laws which criminalise women’. (Belfast Telegraph, 2014)

NI was no different when it came to criminalizing abortion. According to a 2018 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Report, between 2006 and 2015, Northern Ireland Police Service (PSNI) made eleven arrests related to illegal abortion (UN CEDAW, 2018). On 19 June 2015, a Belfast woman was prosecuted for helping her sixteen-year-old daughter to have a medical abortion (Erwin, 2015). Upon requesting a judicial review, a

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group of lawyers submitted an intervention for the case on behalf of Women on Web (Women on Web, 2020). Another court case was heard on 11th January 2016, against a woman who obtained medical abortion through Women on Web (Women on Web, 2020). And a third one in 2017, where a woman and a man accused of attempting to get an online abortion accepted formal cautions (BBC News, 2017). Many of these cases violated the most basic human rights to health and privacy, reinforcing the abortion stigma and isolation, even shaming, over the abortion experience. In 2018, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR) also affirmed that ‘the United Kingdom violates the rights of women in NI by unduly restricting their access to abortion’ (Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, 2018). Alongside service provision and campaigns, Women on Web also worked with researchers to conduct studies, demonstrating the reality of abortion and the problem of access in NI (Aiken et al., 2017). These articles revealed the use of abortion pills by women in Ireland and NI and were used by AfC, London Irish Abortion Rights Campaign, BPAS and more in evidence sessions, consultations and briefings with media and policymakers which became an important catalyst towards decriminalization in both countries. The evidence showed that the underground network of provision could show the way for legal providers. Examining experiences and characteristics of women seeking and completing at-home medical termination of pregnancy through online telemedicine in Ireland and NI in 2010–2015 through Women on Web data (Aiken et al., 2017), Prof. Abigail Aiken has suggested: The findings of this paper contribute new and important evidence to the abortion policy debate in Northern Ireland. Northern Irish women have described in their own words the benefits of access to safe early medical abortion for their health, wellbeing, and autonomy. The current abortion law, which dates back to 1861, harms women by creating a climate of stigma, shame, and isolation. (BBC News, 2016)

Beyond campaigns, telemedicine and research: Listening to women’s voices Women on Web makes an important case to put women’s voices and realities at the centre of the abortion debate. Beyond the numbers and actions, there were individual women; each of whom were determined to take charge of their fate, and fearless to defy a draconic abortion ban. It was their determination and

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courage which made it all possible. Women had various stories for having an unintended pregnancy and wanting an abortion. In their email correspondence, they wrote about abortion stigma, concerns around privacy, not being able to travel for or afford abortion. It is difficult to standardize women’s help requests and abortion experience; however, determination to take control of one’s own body and fate was common for all who wrote to Women on Web. It was indeed these voices we heard and listened: I think the work you do is incredible. I decided to keep my pregnancy but the very fact that you enabled me a choice actually helped me to come to that decision, instead of being forced into something without having options. Thank you. My pregnancy was not a result of my own actions and I am grateful for this service. I can now try rebuilding my life and move on from something horrible that I should never have had to go through. I never believed in abortion until the circumstances I was in. Thank God for this service. I wasn’t in a position to travel and therefore this was my only option. I have two children already and suffered extremely difficult pregnancies along with postnatal depression and knew I could not go through with it again. You are absolute saviours. I am extremely grateful to Women on Web. I have only told my sister and a close friend about my experience. It’s sad that I can’t be open about it to more people, but I don’t feel that I could handle the stigma and shame if other people found out – this makes me a bit sad for myself and other women and makes me all the more grateful for the non-judgmental help from your organization. I appreciate how carefully considered all your correspondence was and felt support, empathy and solidarity from strangers I will never meet. It was reassuring to have sound and calm advice and I was reassured by the compassionate tone of Women on Web’s correspondence. I wish I could be more helpful in lessening the stigma of abortion by assisting you and telling ‘my story’ but sadly, I’m too afraid. But still, please accept my thanks from the bottom of my heart.

In lieu of conclusion: A battle well fought but not yet finished The road towards decriminalization of abortion in NI was fought on multiple grounds with diverse actors. It was on sea and on air, on railroad and highway, on internet, at the court, in the parliament and in academia. The involvement of Women on Waves and Women on Web in NI was significant as they contributed to revealing the abortion reality in the country. The actions of both organizations

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brought in new resources to the abortion movement, paving the way to a proactive pro-choice activism. These actions invited international solidarity and attention to the abortion restrictions. While ensuring access to safe abortion despite the restrictions, Women on Web contributed to raising awareness and mainstreaming information on medical abortion and safety of abortion pills. This was a battle that was well fought but yet to be finished. One of the most important lessons that we learnt from the experience of Women on Waves and Women on Web is the relevance of women’s experience and perspectives on abortion. Albeit often ignored, if not excluded, women’s experiences shall constitute the basis of abortion activism and regulation. Today, despite decriminalization, abortion is still not easily accessible for many women and pregnant people in NI. Despite the proven safety of telemedicine abortion and self-administration of abortion pills, we observe that abortion pills remain overregulated and telemedicine abortion is still a matter of debate. In this context, a recent study conducted by Sierou Bras et  al. examined requests Women on Web received from NI following decriminalization. Comparing the data from the year prior to and after decriminalization, the research has found that the number of requests at Women on Web from NI approximately decreased by half following decriminalization. Women’s motivations for resorting to telemedicine abortion have shifted from access-related issues to stigma, privacy and avoiding protestors. The research concludes that there still is a need for telemedicine abortion in NI; policy and legislation should promote normalization of abortion, ensure safe zones around and access to abortion clinics, and expand access through telemedicine as part of local models of care (Bras et al.). Future research and activism in partnership with the groups on the ground in NI shall help to address the obstacles people face in accessing abortion care and shall work proactively and in solidarity to ensure that safe abortion care is accessible for everyone, free from shame and stigma, with respect and dignity.

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MSI clinic escorts Natalie Biernat and Saoirse Johnston­­­

Preface: This chapter is written by two pro-choice activists (Natalie Biernat and Saoirse Johnston) who were volunteer safety escorts at the Marie Stopes Belfast clinic over a number of years. The first section of the chapter (written by Natalie) will cover the development of the safety escort service while the second section (written by Saoirse) will focus on the harassment faced by clients, staff and escorts. This chapter is the first ever publication (outside of news articles) on the Marie Stopes Belfast clinic. It will not encompass all of the experiences of those who worked at the clinic or used its services; plans are in place for a wider study on the clinic and the volunteers who gave their time to it, and this will explore, in much more depth, areas which were unable to be discussed in detail in this short piece.

Marie Stopes Belfast and the volunteer safety escort she-roes Marie Stopes International (MSI) is a reproductive healthcare provider, founded in 1976, which ran a flagship clinic offering early medical abortion in Great Victoria Street Belfast from October 2012 to December 2017: the first of its kind in Northern Ireland (NI). This was not, however, the first clinic which MSI has ever had in Belfast; a Marie Stopes clinic offering family planning and contraception (but not abortion) operated in Belfast between 1936 and 1947 (McCormick, 2015). Contrary to common belief, the clinic which opened in 2012 offered the same health care services (ultrasound, advice on options around pregnancy and medical termination in certain cases) that women and pregnant people should have had access to free of charge from the National Health Service (NHS), but which stigma, fear and confusion around the legality of abortion in

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NI restricted. Ideally, those needing abortion should have been able to discuss potential treatment with their GPs, or other professionals within the NHS, but the restrictive laws and uncertainty of where practitioners stood put many doctors off providing, or even discussing, abortion. Marie Stopes International seized the opportunity to provide this service in Belfast, with the clinic in NI mirroring MSI’s centres in the Global South which address fundamental gaps in reproductive services. The clinic in Belfast provided medical termination under ten weeks gestation within the rigid legal framework in NI at this time (Pierson and Bloomer, 2018). The 1967 Abortion Act was never extended to NI, and so until October 2019, abortion was only legal if it was deemed ‘necessary to preserve the life of the woman’ or there was ‘the risk of real and serious adverse effect on [a woman’s] physical or mental health’ which was believed to be ‘long term or permanent’ (Bloomer and O’Dowd, 2014; Bloomer and Fegan, 2014). This meant that women could only access abortion in MSI if the pregnancy was less than ten weeks gestation and they had a physical or mental health condition which meant that continuing with their pregnancy would have put their life or long-term health at significant risk. They also had to pay for the pleasure of accessing this service. For women who did not meet this criteria, or who were over nine and a half weeks’ gestation, they faced the decision of whether they could make the journey to England to access treatment there. This was not an option for many in this position due to financial constraints, lack of family support or childcare, abusive partners or their immigration status and ability to travel freely. If clients qualified for termination in the Belfast clinic, they were often required to come for three separate appointments. The first was their initial consultation, the second was to be given the Mifepristone which would end their pregnancy, and the third was for a buccal administration of the Misoprostol, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents. Statistics on the total number of clients seen at Marie Stopes Belfast since its opening were not available at the time of writing this chapter, however, MSI have advised that from May 2013 to the clinic’s closure in December 2017, 2,845 individuals used the services there (this was for all services, including consultation, scans and abortion). As someone who worked in admin and volunteered within the clinic, it is important for me to state that there was no ‘typical’ client. People accessing services from MSI Belfast spanned every age, colour, class and background imaginable, and their reasons for needing abortion were just as varied. This truth

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is in direct contradiction to the common (and problematic) misconception that the clientele of abortion clinics are ‘silly young girls’. It is also just as important to highlight that clients’ circumstances around needing an abortion, and their emotional response to this, were just as diverse as the people themselves. Some women presented as upset, some anxious, some angry and some were calm. Whatever their personal feelings about their abortion, what undoubtedly caused additional, unnecessary stress for every person using the clinic’s services was the oppression, stigma and shame waiting outside of the doors. Clients, clinic staff and employees of other organizations based in the same building experienced harassment from anti-choice protestors who placed themselves outside of the clinic from the very start. Every day that the clinic was open there was some type of anti-choice presence on the street outside which generally took the form of multiple individuals with ‘educational’ leaflets (full of outright lies about abortion) and graphic (believed to be photoshopped) banners and posters of so-called surgical abortions and viable foetuses. These protestors consisted of individuals from multiple anti-choice and religious groups, but were mainly coordinated by members of Precious Life, led by Bernadette (‘Bernie’) Smyth, the group’s founder and director. Bernie would only have made appearances outside of the clinic on rare occasions, such as the annual ‘empty manger’ vigil which they held each Christmas (in this case, ‘empty manger’ was represented by an empty magazine rack, complete with straw). (The soundtrack of a crying infant on repeat was another bizarre harassment technique which the antichoicers would employ outside of the clinic, particularly when there would have been pro-choice demonstrator presence.) More regular anti-choicers who would protest outside Marie Stopes Belfast weekly included Moira, Alicia and Claire Brennan who are often referred to in the press due to their aggressive anti-choice approach (Irish Times, 2015; Archer, 2017). The clinic initially opened late-night on Thursdays and all day Saturday, but in November 2013 the decision was made to change this to Thursday and Friday daytime, as clients were too easily identifiable to protestors due to the other companies in the building only operating at a 9am–5pm schedule. This change amplified the anti-choicers’ harassment in the following months, and the decision was made by Dawn Purvis (the clinic Director at the time) to begin forming and recruiting the volunteer escort service. The first round of fifteen (all female) volunteers began in Spring 2014 after receiving specialized training on techniques to manage conflict and de-escalate challenging behaviour, and on using body-cams and walkie-talkies with panic-buttons as part of the safety

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escorting process. Volunteers worked in pairs, staying in the clinic all day in order to be available to provide a physical barrier between clients and the protestors as they were entering or leaving the clinic. Often women would refuse the service at the time of their first appointment, not wishing to draw further attention to themselves, but on experiencing the level of abuse and harassment which they did on their first visit, they would request escort for their second or third visit, knowing what was waiting for them. Protestors would harang women who they believed to be coming into or out of the building for an appointment at the clinic, following them with a barrage of verbal harassment, and it was the volunteers’ job to physically shield clients from this onslaught. At times, clients would be physically shaking in fear or crying when leaving the clinic, and this only seemed to further encourage the protestor’s efforts to interfere, when these women simply wanted to be left alone. Protestors would justify their presence as ‘street counsellors’ by feigning concern and care for the people using the clinic’s services, but the aggressively graphic images on ten-foot banners and their filming of clients and volunteers told a different story. By 2015, a second round of volunteers were recruited and trained due to the demand for safety escorts and the natural depletion in numbers from the first group due to work, life and family commitments. There was also a degree of fatigue to this role, which likely played a part in the need for fresh individuals. This can only be expected: volunteers were giving their time, freely, and the trade-off was being continually and publicly harassed. It should also be noted that within the first three years of the clinic’s operation, the protestors’ tactics did not remain the same. What was initially overt, explicit and clear harassment became more insidious and cunning. The use of mobile devices to record both clients and volunteers became an everyday occurrence. False allegations were made over and over again (by protestors) against volunteers and many escorts had to present at Musgrave Police Station to be interviewed under caution, defending themselves against accusations that they had assaulted the protestors. This was another tactic to tie up volunteers’ time and exploit our lack of financial resources (as Precious Life and groups like it are rumoured to have massive backing from international religious donors, and we were relying on the goodwill of pro-bono solicitors). Adaptations to their approach were noticed from within the clinic itself, as they began a habit of block-booking appointments using false names and numbers in an attempt to prevent real clients from accessing consultations. A deposit scheme was implemented to try to interrupt this strategy of theirs. Volunteers and staff with public profiles

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(Dawn Purvis and Clare Bailey) received threats of violence and death (Rustin, 2015; Bailey, 2015). At one stage, a threat of attack was made on the clinic and police had to be informed, with all clients entering needing to be brought to the clinic door by security staff from downstairs, if they were not being escorted already by volunteers. The protestors’ abuse of clients, staff and volunteers was so extensive that this chapter will only scratch the surface of what was endured during the five years the clinic was open. According to the Irish News in 2015, within the first three years of the clinic’s operation in Belfast, 183 reports had been made to police about incidents outside of it involving protestors. Protestors’ behaviours ranged from intimidation and verbal harassment to physical abuse and assault (Hughes, 2015). In 2015, an undercover reporter filmed an interaction with a protestor when leaving the clinic. The reporter was told that if she had been raped she would get over it, but she would never get over terminating the pregnancy. She was accosted with a ‘foetus doll’ and told that her foetus had been christened ‘James’ (Devlin, 2015). This was not a one-off, or an extreme case. This was typical and occurred daily. I experienced intimidation and harassment regularly when entering and leaving the clinic, both during my volunteering as an escort or when entering and leaving the clinic for my role in admin there. However, on one particular day when leaving the clinic by myself after a shift, I was mistaken by a protestor for a client. I was followed from the doors of the clinic to the steps in front of the Great Northern Mall (the back of the bus station across the road from the clinic). Even though I insisted that she stop following me, she continued, repeating over and over again ‘All you’ll ever be is the mother of a dead baby,’ and that phrase has been imprinted into my mind since then. The anger and frustration I felt was not comparable to what that experience would have been like if I was a client, trying to access services from the clinic. I was secure in my pro-choice stance, and my belief that this clinic was offering essential, compassionate and necessary health care to people who should not have to feel an ounce of guilt about seeking an abortion. I knew, though, that this was not the case for many women with appointments at the clinic, and that I could not even comprehend how difficult that type of interaction with a protestor would have been for them. I called the police and gave a statement to them on what in my mind was clearly an incident of harassment. The protestor in question was issued with a Police Information Notice (PIN): essentially, a harassment warning. This was one of countless ‘PINs’ which were handed out to protestors by police, but which ultimately were not worth the paper they were written on.

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Feedback from clients who used MSI Belfast echoes the outrage that myself and Saoirsé felt on behalf of these women trying to access safe abortion. The following responses were from clients in 2013 (before the escort service began): ‘Downfall which was expected was protestors outside which run to harass me when leaving following me for 2 blocks telling me they could save me. I am deeply hurt, upset and annoyed that within Northern Ireland I didn’t have the right to make my decision on termination.’ ‘The only downside to my visit was when I left and walked out onto a busy street and I had a female follow me and talk loudly about why I should not have an abortion.’ ‘Only drawback was protestors.’ ‘Disappointed I could not get treatment in Ireland. Disappointed that I must pay for this treatment and that I must go abroad. Anxious about protestors.’

Sadly, the abhorrent behaviour of anti-choice protestors continues to this day, with ongoing presence outside of Informing Choices NI (previously the Family Planning Association) and Common Youth (previously Brook) offices in Belfast, both of which offer support and advice on sexual and reproductive health. Protests are also regular in those healthcare settings that are offering Early medical abortion services due to the pandemic, particularly in Newry and Coleraine. The motivations of these protestors become blindingly apparent when you take into account the fact that Informing Choices NI offers post-abortion counselling (they do not provide abortions), and often women and girls who are receiving this counselling are targeted by protestors outside and publicly shamed for exercising their reproductive freedoms. To hammer this point home: the ship had already sailed. The abortion is completed. Therefore, the only rational interpretation of these protestors’ actions is that they take pleasure in attempting to humiliate these women on the streets. Picketing by anti-choicers has also taken place outside Stephen Farry’s (Deputy Leader of the Alliance Party/MP for North Down) and Claire Hanna’s (SDLP MP for South Belfast) offices. It’s not just activists that find themselves in the firing line of anti-choice protestors; any politician in NI who is openly pro-choice becomes a target for harassment as well. In the UK, The British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) have been running the ‘Back Off ’ campaign (originally started by a grassroots petition) for the past five years in an attempt to establish ‘buffer zones’ around clinics and offices offering abortion, within which anti-choice activity, protesting and harassment cannot take place.

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Saoirsé’s experience as a clinic volunteer and her legal action against protestors In the summer of 2015 I first contacted Rachel (Clinic Administrator and Volunteer Coordinator) at MSI to enquire how to be a volunteer escort. I had heard through a friend who was also a volunteer escort that there would be a new recruitment drive soon and I was keen to volunteer my time. I have always been a pro-choice advocate but rarely had the opportunity to be more practical as I see it in my support. My background as a professional community youth worker had an impact on my views as I was keenly aware that access to abortion was only possible if you had the finances and support to travel. The inadequacy of reproductive healthcare and access to information for young people on basic contraceptives, never mind abortion access, had made me increasingly concerned and angry. This led to my motivation to engage in offering as much information as possible in whichever way I could to young people I worked with and the wider community. It was fundamental to me that in order to make an informed decision about your body, health and life, you must be able to access all relevant information. So when the opportunity to assist people accessing healthcare services directly in their own country arrived I thought it was a perfect fit. As enthusiastic as I was to volunteer I was aware that it did come with some downsides. It would be remiss of me to not highlight that I thought the process would be fraught with a little controversy and maybe some unpleasantness from the anti-choice cohort, but never did I think it would result in harassment, actual physical harm and long-running legal proceedings. My official start to volunteering for MSI was September 2015. It started with the usual contractual obligations of most volunteer arrangements, but there was the addition of specific training mandatory for the safety of our clients and ourselves. The training was very thorough and physically tough at times, but it gave me the practical skills to carry out my role safely with confidence. The role of a clinic escort in my view was that of a buffer in ways; it was optional as you were requested by a client only to provide assistance to enter or leave the building. You as the buffer were to keep them as safe as possible and offer reassurance. Most of the time it was merely to talk over the horrific verbal assault and haranguing of the protestors. I would continually talk to the client while moving them forward about whatever non-descript thing I could think of in TV-land at the time, such as X-Factor or the soaps. It was more about moving that person as quickly as possible away from the onslaught of the venom spewed

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by the anti-choicers to a safer place to make their way home from. On good days it was only verbal and the protestors following extremely close behind in a busy street shouting things such as ‘Don’t kill your baby’, ‘We have named your baby John/Mary’, ‘We are praying for your baby ’. This was to provoke reaction and to embarrass and shame as well as to intimidate. On the bad days it was physical contact; pushing and shoving and even punching alongside the verbal abuse. On the days you were entering the clinic to go on rota, as soon as they noticed you approaching the building they would engage in praying of some description, blessing themselves or saying decades of the rosary, sometimes even splashing ‘holy water’ on the ground towards you or on the ground after you walked in. The protestors were one of the most interesting examples of cross-community engagement I have witnessed in over twenty years in my experience of crosscommunity work. They came from both sides of the divide to condemn and harass the clients in unison with shared prayers and bullying. It was truly a strange sight to have a pastor of some description (possibly self-appointed) with these so-called ‘devout Catholics’ all singing off the same hymn sheet (metaphorically of course). They changed their tactics frequently but all of their demented behaviour was directed towards you as a client escort, and was designed to provoke, intimidate and cause distress. I quickly learned this, as from my very first shift petty pestering turned into pretty nasty behaviour which was only to increase over time. The reality of safety escorting for me was intertwined with empathy for the clients and horror at how the protestors would treat these women and girls, especially the female protestors; they had no concern for the person’s well-being. Their laser focus was on the developing fetus above and beyond the actual current life of that woman. Although there were a variety of women who accessed the clinic, there was even more of a variety of people accessing the building. The building had various other businesses operating from it and the anti-choice protestors targeted all females entering that building whom they regarded to be of child-bearing age. They noted this all down and recorded all persons entering and leaving on mobile phones and iPads. This was another tactic deployed to instil fear and stigma around accessing an abortion, as they knew they could intimidate people with this very obvious display. What they were recording was leaving the notion of ‘We have your image; we can put that image out there on social media platforms or share it where we want to’. This was a very chilling attempt at even preventing people from walking through the front door. We don’t actually know how successful this was, because we did have clients not turn up for appointments and never call back to say why and we also had clients call from up the street to

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ask how to come in as they had seen the protestors in action and were frightened to run the gauntlet. To access the clinic on the upper floor of the building you came through large glass doors at street level which were on a public pavement. The anti-choicers were very aware of all the legalities of where they could stand in terms of public access and they used that to the extreme. They forced people entering that building to walk through a route of their choosing by placing themselves in positions outside the door. They pursued people with clipboards and leaflets on entering, then they stared at and often prayed at people waiting on the lift through the glass doors. Until those lift doors opened you were there, nowhere else to go to shield yourself from their eyes and their recording of you and whomever you were with. The few minutes that it took for the lift to come from the eighth floor would feel like forever in such a heightened situation and that was before you even arrived in for your appointment. The fact that protestors were recording people entering the building left many clients so severely distressed that they had to be taken out another exit, and this took considerable time. On one occasion I can recall, the sobbing of a client in this position will stay with me and her fear was so overpowering that it reduced her into a quivering wreck. She then had to walk down eight flights of stairs to use the only other alternative exit after just having had treatment; this was additional physical strain as well as the emotional turmoil. The distress that was so obvious at times from the clients entering and leaving the building, didn’t seem to elicit any sympathy or empathy from these ‘good Christians’, who were forever voicing the fact that they were ‘praying’ for the clients. In my opinion the more they provoked a reaction and saw distress, the happier they were. Various incidents happened on every shift (usually four hour half-days, but sometimes full days) from name calling to blocking exits and over time you got used to ignoring the oppressive environment and did your best to get the client in and out with as little interaction with the protestors as possible. Ignoring them seemed one of the best methods but it only works to a point. The first sustained attack that I reported to the police happened on the 29 December 2016. There were two serious incidents that happened that day. The protestors were particularly agitated that day and being very vocal. The first assault took place in the late afternoon and involved Moira Brennan who was obstructing the exit to the building as myself and a colleague were escorting a client out. The client was behind me, being shielded from the protestors, in order to create enough room for the client to get down the street and away from them. I was repeatedly pushed and shoved and struck with a clipboard whilst having a mobile phone shoved in my face (this was recorded by Claire Brennan).

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The second assault took place around an hour later and resulted in significant bruising to my upper arm. Again, it occurred when we were exiting the building with a client, shielding her behind us. I was repeatedly pushed and shoved while they tried to force me down the street, then the more vicious behaviour started with Claire Brennan continuously punching my upper right arm with her fist, holding what I presumed to be her phone within her fist. Moira Brennan was pushing against me and striking downward with her clipboard in the vicinity of my left arm. During this assault, Claire Brennan was incoherently shouting. I had never seen her so worked up before – she was almost hysterical. It was so bad that her sister, Moira, physically pulled her away, which was not typical for the protestors. A statement, footage and photo evidence of the injuries were all recorded by the police in Lisburn Road PSNI station. On my return to the clinic the following week there was a larger presence of protestors than normal. I hesitantly walked towards the entrance when seeing Bernie Smith, which was unsettling. I felt her presence was in direct relation to my assault the week previously. I believe that this was some sort of display put on to further intimidate me. When I entered the building, Bernie mouthed through the glass doors quite purposely ‘I’m going to get you’. I instantly reported this to police as I felt threatened. There were four notable incidents that happened between the 29 December 2016 and 12  January 2017 that quickly revealed that a pattern was forming: I was being targeted. This escalation was impacting my sense of safety, outside of the usual escorting duties. It was becoming apparent that I was in danger of continual harassment and/or physical assault. The police process wasn’t seeming to move forward expediently, although in hindsight I was naive in my dealings with the PSNI. My assumption was that as a victim of a crime I would have been looked after, communicated with and informed of the process. Sadly, this was not to happen. To be honest, the opposite of this happened: it was a calamity of errors. My statement detailing the assault on 29  December 2016 had been ‘lost’ and on 14 February I was told to come and give another statement. (Police ‘losing’ statements for incidents of harassment and assault experienced by clinic volunteers was a frequent occurrence, to the point that it became a pattern.) Considering this was some months after the incident and not as fresh with emotional and physical pain having been diluted, I certainly feel this statement was not as impactful. In light of this, I had to lodge a complaint with the Police Ombudsman. This complaint was thoroughly investigated and it was expressly noted by the ombudsman that ‘unfortunately the envelope [statement] was lost in transit and was never received by the case progression team’, and that ‘despite

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all reasonable attempts being made the paperwork could not be located’. This left me feeling despondent and distrustful of the police who are supposed to ‘keep people safe’. Eventually when the further statement was made there had already been a number of other incidents. All the incidents were collated and this was sent to the Public Prosecution Service (PPS). This was a drawn-out process and whilst this was ongoing, I was still volunteering at the clinic and being subject to targeted harassment. I sought legal advice at this stage as I was not confident of policing procedures and this led to me obtaining a civil injunction against Moira Brennan on 16  March 2017. It is called an Ex-Parte injunction which prohibited Moira from ‘assaulting, molesting, harassing, threatening, pestering or otherwise interfering’ with me in any manner whether directly or indirectly. In further legal action, that was undertaken some five months later in September 2017, Moira Brennan undertook not to harass, pester, molest or assault me in any way whether at or near the Marie Stopes Clinic. This undertaking was put forward by her legal team on the return to court as they had prior knowledge of Moira’s criminal conviction for assault and in my opinion wished her to stay out of the court system as much as possible. The initial order was a temporary measure put in place by the judge to ensure my safety as quickly as possible. The Protection from Harassment Order which I was subsequently granted was to be valid for one year. This outcome was widely covered in the media as Moira was a familiar figure in court proceedings and had a previous conviction for assaulting a member of staff from the Family Planning Association where she also regularly protests (Archer, 2017). The PPS eventually received evidence and recommendations from the police in June 2017: this was some six months after the first incident. The PPS came to the decision that they would not move to prosecute the Brennans, as in their opinion the evidential criteria had not been met, although they acknowledged that ‘the CCTV and body worn camera footage showed some form of physical contact between the parties’. When I received this decision from the PPS I was very frustrated by both the outcome and the lengthy process of trying to get information from the prosecutor, which was ridiculous. I felt the explanation of his decision was insufficient. Yet again, I had to enter a further process of appealing for information. After several calls I was contacted by the public prosecutor who was initially allocated to the case. After a brief telephone conversation with him where I was spoken to in an unsatisfactory and rude manner, I was no wiser about the situation and felt it necessary to make a complaint regarding his manner and seek a review of his decision. During this

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review period there were significant delays, then this prosecutor left the PPS. Subsequent to this the Assistant Director corresponded with me in October 2017 and apologized in writing stating that the prosecutor ‘has left the PPS. I am not in the position to address with him his shortcomings, but I would ask you to accept my apologies for not communicating with you promptly as we should’. The Brennans were never prosecuted during this period, but thankfully I still had protection from the Protection from Harassment Order issued by the County Court judge earlier that year. None of the reports of harassment and assault by anti-choice protestors ever resulted in criminal conviction that was upheld. This was not due to a lack of evidence or reporting to authorities, and despite our almost constant contact with PSNI, the anti-choice protestors appeared to be treated leniently (to say the least). During the clinic’s operation, the Attorney General (AG) in NI was John Larkin, known for comparing abortion to ‘putting a bullet in the head [of a baby] two days after it is born’ (The Belfast Telegraph, 2012). Surely it is problematic then that the AG has responsibilities for appointing the Director and Deputy Director of the PPS (Attorney General for Northern Ireland, 2020). It could surely be argued that public, anti-choice rhetoric from someone who has a position of such power and influence within the judicial system in NI, was bound to have an impact on the progression of the hundreds of complaints that were made to police about the protestors’ behaviour. It is our view that the NI criminal justice system’s reluctance to become embroiled in this ‘sensitive’ and ‘political’ issue resulted in a complete lack of repercussions for the protestors’ actions. What would be considered in any other environment to be serious harassment, stalking and physical assault, was brushed aside, minimized and deemed to be ‘tit for tat’ disagreement. This was not a case of rival activist groups protesting: we were in a working environment, albeit in a voluntary capacity, and these women were trying to access healthcare. In what civilized society does claiming to be ‘street counsellors’ or protestors make anti-choicers less subject to the law than any other person on the street?

All good things come to an end In June 2017, a further milestone on the journey to decriminalization was reached. Policy change in Westminster, led by Labour MP Stella Creasy, meant that Northern Irish women would not have to pay for termination, either in Marie Stopes Belfast, or in a clinic in England. Funding was provided from this

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point by the Equalities Office. Later that year, a government scheme for travel grants was also set up, for women who did not meet the strict criteria to qualify for legal abortion in NI. While these were welcome changes, and we knew they were indicative that more progress would surely come with time, it was still not enough. What about the women who could not travel because of work, or their children, or their legal status in NI? To access funded treatment in the Belfast clinic, clients needed to provide a NI address, their GP details and their Health and Care number. Many of those who used the clinic in Belfast were travelling from the Republic of Ireland, and so they continued to pay for treatment that was free to their sisters who lived only a couple of hundred miles across an invisible border. The clinic closed in Belfast in December 2017 (Ferguson, 2017), due to the funding changes earlier in the year rendering the clinic no longer economically viable for MSI. The protestors outside interpreted this as a ‘win’ in their anti-choice crusade, however the closure had nothing to do with their actions. As previously mentioned, other reproductive healthcare organizations have remained in Belfast (Informing Choices NI and Common Youth), and protests and anti-choice presence continue outside of these centres. At the time of writing this chapter, former clinic volunteer and member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) Clare Bailey was taking a a Private Members Bill through the NI Assembly to establish safe access zones for sexual and reproductive healthcare settings here. While this chapter has acknowledged the great challenges and difficulties our colleagues and the clients faced in accessing MSI Belfast, we also need to highlight the positives which kept us going and overshadowed the worst of the vitriol and harassment. Some women and girls had safe and legal access in their own country. Safe, legal and local access is paramount to the reproductive justice movement. It was historic and functional to have MSI open in Belfast and stay open for five years in the face of such open hostility. The clinic’s presence had an even wider impact on NI: it sparked debate. On television, radio and amongst politicians. It helped to drive the word ‘abortion’ into mainstream consciousness, along with Alliance for Choice who further drove the debate to reduce the stigma of accessing reproductive healthcare. Conversations were being had in taxis, hairdressers and within families. We know this because volunteers from the clinic were actively engaging in those conversations. Abortion as a healthcare issue was and is now being discussed in our society in a more open way. The effect of that is enormous and should not be underestimated. We cannot get away from the fact that abortions have taken place for as long as women and girls have been able to be pregnant; the stigma and shame that have been attached to

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this in Northern Irish society has done irreparable damage to many people. We now have a chance to stop that cycle; the pro-choice movement has taken action to destigmatize and legitimize our right to reproductive healthcare. We would like to take this opportunity to thank the pro-choice activists who have worked tirelessly for decades to make it possible for the MSI clinic to be opened in Belfast. It is also imperative for us to highlight the dedicated and professional work of the medical, operational and voluntary staff who carried out their roles at the clinic in the face of adversity. We are particularly thankful to: Rachel Magowan (Clinic Administrator and Volunteer Coordinator extraordinaire); Dawn Purvis (Director of Marie Stopes Belfast from 2012 to 2015); Janine Fretwell, Anne Chapman and Clare Elliott (Clinic Nurses); and of course, the volunteer safety escorts Ann Orr, Alexandra Kapka, Jenny Muir, Jane Robinson, Kellie O’Dowd, Clare Bailey, Emma Campbell, Danielle Roberts, Naomi Connor, Frankie Greer, Sophie Long, Sabine Antal, Meabh Carr and Lauren Dempster. This list is not exhaustive, but includes volunteers who responded to us to give permission for their names to be used. Thanks goes to every person who volunteered at the clinic, as well as acknowledgement that for some, being named in a book like this is still not an option because of the stigma around abortion in NI.

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The role of abortion pills in decriminalization Goretti Horgan

The advent of abortion pills and internet access transformed Ireland, North and South, as women and pregnant people terminated pregnancies in their own homes (Aiken et  al., 2017), for over a decade before legalization. Most people in Northern Ireland (NI) heard about abortion pills via a 2008 BBC Spotlight programme following political manoeuvrings at Westminster which prevented the 1967 Abortion Act from being extended to NI. The programme noted concerns about abortion pills raised by doctors, particularly in A&E Departments in Belfast hospitals, who reported that women were accessing the pills online which represented a return to backstreet abortion (Harrison, 2008). The BBC journalists obtained pills from four websites and sent them for analysis. The analysis had found the pills sent by two of the websites were paracetamol but confirmed that those from Women on Web (WoW) (Atay, this volume) were Early Medial Abortion pills containing mifepristone and misoprostol, which cause an abortion. Over the next decade, evidence of widespread use of online EMA emerged, while numbers travelling to England dropped accordingly (Horgan, 2019). In 2012, the World Health Organization published a guidance document saying that EMA was safe up to the ninth week of pregnancy (now thirteenth) (WHO, 2012, 2018). Thereafter, pro-choice campaigners promoted the use of the pills as a safe alternative to travel. Currently, at least six websites provide telemedicine access, information and support on using the pills safely (Jelinska and Yanow, 2018), and are still used across the island by those seeking abortions after nine weeks and six days. Abortion pills undermined the idea that NI was ‘abortion free’; in 2013, Paul Givan (DUP) and Alban Maginnis (SDLP) proposed Stormont allow abortions only on NHS premises – a move designed to close the Marie Stopes clinic that had been providing a small number of abortions within the law. Within

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48 hours an AfC letter was signed by over 100 people, mainly women, declaring that hundreds of abortions take place outside NHS premises each year. The signatories admitted to breaking the law by either using the pills themselves or helping others to get them; it succeeded, and the proposal was defeated when Sinn Féin used the petition of concern to block it. As noted in volume 1 by Enright, Creasy and Sanquest, and O’Dowd Cross and Bloomer, the authorities adopted a punitive approach towards those using abortion pills bought online. In 2015, a mother was charged with obtaining pills for her fifteen-year-old daughter (Carroll, 2018) under Section 58 of the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act. She sought a judicial review of the decision and, thankfully, under the terms of the 2019 legislation, the prosecution against her was dropped. In January 2016, a 21-year-old woman received a suspended prison sentence (McDonald, 2016a); later that year a couple accepted a police caution on the same charge, admitting an offence which would remain on their record for at least six years. In March 2017, two activists’ homes were raided by PSNI, looking for ‘instruments of abortion’. That same month, dozens had their pills seized by customs; PSNI asked most of them to come to the station for questioning (Noble, 2017). The 2018 CEDAW report noted that the PSNI had investigated over thirty cases of suspected procurement of abortion in NI since 2000 and that between 2006 and 2015 the PSNI made eleven arrests related to illegal abortion. Between 2011 and 2016, five people were questioned and arrested for possession of abortifacients; two were convicted (WEC, 2019).

Researching the impact of criminalization on self-management of abortion The research reported here was initiated prior to prosecutions being reported. It aimed to study the harm of criminalization, even if there are no prosecutions. The research, funded under the ESRC’s Transformative Research programme, explored public attitudes to abortion and compared the experiences of women in NI, who accessed EMA outside the law and the formal healthcare system, to women in Scotland who accessed EMA via the NHS (Horgan, 2019). While the core of the study was qualitative, the research included a sample of 333 women living in NI who accessed abortion pills from Women Help Women (WHW) in 2016/17. A clear majority of the women (79 per cent, n = 263) were at six weeks or earlier gestation when they ordered pills from WHW. Four out of five gave at

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least one reason why they needed an abortion; the majority (55 per cent) gave more than one reason. The reasons given were similar to those in studies of women across a range of countries (Chae et al., 2017). Financial problems (38 per cent) were most often cited, followed by ‘too soon’ (27 per cent) and ‘I feel I’m too young’ (26 per cent), while 15 per cent said their family was complete. Of those who gave a reason, 7 per cent cited health reasons, 2 per cent said the pregnancy was the result of rape. Interviews took place between January 2017 and May 2018. There are always significant ethical issues surrounding face-to-face interviews with participants in any study of lawbreaking but there are additional issues in NI: Section 5 of the Criminal Law Act 1967, which imposes an obligation to report crimes; and the outcome of the Boston College ‘oral history’ project.1 We had not foreseen difficulties in building the NI sample; the three experienced researchers always obtained some snowballing of participants even when researching very sensitive topics. However, there was no ‘snowballing’ of participants in this study, most likely because of fear of admitting a probable offence for which you might be prosecuted, combined with abortion stigma. We concluded that the following information sheet statement had a ‘chilling’ effect: The authorities may seek details of the participants in the study, but we feel that it is highly unlikely that information collected in the project would meet the standard of evidence permissible in court because of the lack of information that would identify individuals. There were no problems in recruiting participants in Scotland where we were ably assisted by the healthcare professionals in one of the country’s largest Sexual and Reproductive Health Centres. Further details of the findings of the quantitative sample and the study’s methodology are available at www.ark.ac.uk/ARK/ projects/abortion. Fear dominated the experiences of the interviewees from NI. The interview questions were open-ended, for example, What was the best thing about using the pills? What was the worst thing about using the pills? Despite not being asked if they were afraid, fear dominated the responses of all but two of the participants. They feared that the pills would be seized by customs, and they would be unable to end the pregnancy; they feared needing medical assistance; and where they did need medical assistance, had not sought it; an additional fear was cited of arrest and prosecution if anyone found out. Positive themes In 2001, Boston College began an oral history project, recording the stories of former paramilitaries, on the understanding that the recordings and transcripts would only be made public after their death. However, police later gained access to the tapes for use as evidence in ongoing murder inquiries. For further details see: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-27238797.

1

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also emerged: the relief of not having to travel for abortion care, with the implications that has for work and childcare; and the relief of not being pregnant. This reflects themes in Aiken et al.’s (2017) Women on Web study. Significantly, those who had used the pills before the prosecutions did not exhibit the same fear of prosecution or PSNI involvement. They did, however, feel they should avoid seeking medical assistance due to their awareness of illegality. Those who used pills after the prosecutions started in 2015 expressed much greater levels of fear. Given Martha’s experience when the police arrived at her door, such fear is understandable. ­ the bad thing [about the pills] was that mine never arrived. And that they … were seized in customs. And it was just a nightmare thereafter that … with police and everything else, it was just horrendous. (Martha, 30s, three children)

Most women from NI were acutely conscious that it was illegal, affecting who they felt able to tell. This feeling was exacerbated by the case above of the 21-year-old woman given a suspended prison sentence after her flatmates called the PSNI: … what if somebody then turns around and tells the police on you or something? And you are in the middle of this process and all of a sudden, the police arrive at the door or something? … . It makes you kind of look at all your connections and your friendships in a bit of a different light. Which I think is so wrong. Like would we be doing that for any other medical procedure? No. (Tracy, 30s, five children)

A minority of women were unaware it was illegal; more precisely, they believed it was not legal but, until the prosecutions started, did not realize that it was a crime: I suppose it was a bit ignorant of me … I didn’t read that much into knowing that it was actually illegal. I knew that abortion wasn’t offered here, but because it is part of the UK, I didn’t think it was actually illegal. I just thought it is not offered here … but … as I say, I was that desperate I didn’t see no other way. (Laura, 24, no children)

However, most were clear that prosecution was worth the risk because of the advantages of being able to self-manage the abortion.

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I knew that it was illegal. I was worried. But for all the spiral now about the people being taken to court and whatever else, I never thought on that. And I don’t think it would have stopped me. (Joan, 40s, five children)

Some younger women were frightened by the level of pain and bleeding they experienced yet refused to seek medical assistance. This is concerning as the pills’ strong safety record is based on women being able to access medical help, for example, blood transfusions if required. One young woman recounted: I­ turned round to my partner and was like, we need to go to the hospital. Even though I knew I couldn’t go because what I had done was completely illegal … and it was really dramatic because I kept thinking, I am going to die. I think I am going to die; we need to go to hospital. But he was like we can’t… . Like you do get prosecuted and everything like that. But yeah, I wouldn’t have gone for medical help, no. (Marie, 19 at the time of abortion)

By contrast, no participant from Scotland expressed such fear, the health impact of the abortion simply did not occur to them. Even when pressed on this issue, it was clear they did not see any reason to worry about the EMA, as illustrated by this exchange with ‘Eva’: Researcher: And were you worried at any stage? Eva: No, no. I knew that it had to be done, sort of thing. And I was committed to doing it. Researcher: I suppose what I meant was, were you worried about the amount of bleeding or anything like that? Eva: Oh right. Yeah, I was a little bit, and it was quite a lot of bleeding, but it was better … I thought in the long run it was better to do that than bring a child into the world that doesn’t have, like, two parents.

Since participants from NI expressed fears in self-managing their abortions, they were asked whether they would have travelled for a legal abortion had free NHS abortions been available at the time. Their responses suggest that, while criminalization and fear of prosecution makes self-managed abortion less safe, it does not deter people. While some interviewees indicated that they would have travelled if money had not been an issue, a majority said they would have self-managed anyway. Using pills allowed them to plan their abortion around their work schedule, whereas travelling involved time off

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work. Childcare, being able to have an earlier abortion, and keeping it secret from an abusive partner were other reasons given for not accessing free NHS abortions in England: I only needed to take one day off work and kind of planned it around when my kids weren’t going to be here. (Tracy, late 30s, five children) I was able to carry out the abortion far earlier … I was able to stay at home. I wasn’t having to go … and feel like an outcast … swept away over the sea. (Sally, 22, one child)

A fundamental finding of this study is that criminalization fails to deter those seeking extra-legal abortions: it is an unsustainable policy position in an era with easy online provision of EMA. The extensive criticism and clear rights breaches of the prosecutions helped demonstrate the need to change the law. The Inquiry carried out by Westminster’s Women and Equalities Committee was shocked to hear this evidence, especially of young women afraid to access medical assistance for fear of arrest. The CEDAW Inquiry’s recommendation and influence on eventual decriminalization is unlikely to have been as insistent had it not been for the prosecutions and their cultural impact.

Abortion pills on the streets Research can also provide evidence which campaigners can then use to support their demands, which were also influenced by the surge in women and pregnant people self-managing abortions and facing prosecution. When word of the charges against the mother emerged, a second AfC open letter admitting widespread breaking of the law was issued, this time signed by over 230 people (McDonald, 2016b). Widespread anger and alarm at the arrests was felt not only in NI, but also in Britain where the 1861 Act still applies. Many, mainly younger, women wanted to go further than signing the open letter, they picketed outside PSNI stations in Belfast and Derry carrying placards saying, ‘I am not a criminal’ and wanted to provoke a reaction from the PSNI. The implications of a conviction under the 1861 OAPA are severe, even without time in prison, emigration or travel to many countries including the United States and Australia would be ruled out, as well as the many other restrictions of a criminal record. In recognition of those harms, and to force strategic litigation, older, retired activists in Derry decided to act.

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Colette Devlin (68 years old), Diana King (71) and Kitty O’Kane (69) had received multiple EMA packages in the post for pregnant people who feared police inquiries. On 23 May 2016, they handed themselves into Derry’s PSNI complete with evidence of their breaking Section 59 of the 1861 Offences Against the Persons Act (O’Brien, volume 1; Enright, volume 1). In pre-prepared statements, they explained they had broken this law on a regular basis and should be prosecuted – more so than a mother who was only helping her daughter, but like others who had the pro-choice movement behind them, they were not charged. The state did not want a political trial where abortion law would be under scrutiny by pro-choice lawyers. The prosecutions were deeply unpopular; even people who would prefer that abortion was illegal did not think anyone should be prosecuted for having one. In 2016, the NI Life and Times Survey (Gray, this volume) found 71 per cent of respondents agreed both that abortion ‘should be a matter of medical regulation not criminal law’ and that no one should go to prison for having an abortion; by 2018, after the prosecutions had been widely publicized, the proportions agreeing with those two statements had risen to 82 per cent and 89 per cent, respectively. In 2016, a clear majority (63 per cent) agreed that ‘it is a woman’s right to choose whether or not to have an abortion’; in 2018, that had risen to 72 per cent.

Conclusion There is no doubt that decriminalization of abortion, including self-managed EMA, across the island of Ireland was heavily influenced by the service work and transgression (Enright, volume 1) of abortion pills from the internet. Indeed, evidence of self-managed abortions up to twelve weeks outside the formal healthcare system was presented to the Citizen’s Assembly in the RoI to shape their twelve weeks on request legislation (Citizens Assembly, 2017; Oireachtas, 2017). Peter Boylan, a leading obstetrician gynaecologist, told politicians that when the previous laws on abortion were enacted, ‘neither the world wide web nor the abortion pill had been invented’. A ban on abortion is ‘unworkable, he declared, because of online access to abortion pills’ (Leahy, 2017). Even after decriminalization, the availability of safe abortion pills online continues to be a huge benefit to women in NI. Despite most healthcare professionals working in Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) and in the Obstetric and Gynaecology Units of Northern Ireland’s hospitals being willing to provide abortion services (Bloomer et  al., 2021), services were still not commissioned over a year after the Regulations came into force. While SRH staff provided an ad hoc EMA service throughout the pandemic, the lack of

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commissioning meant these services were constantly under threat due to staffing and funding issues (Morgan et  al., this volume). During periods in 2020 and 2021, the Northern, South Eastern and Western Health and Social Care Trusts (HSCT) suspended their EMA service and people seeking abortions relied again on WoW and WHW EMA provision. The NI Human Rights Commission Monitoring Report on Reproductive Healthcare Provision in NI (2021) reported that both WoW and WHW could identify a clear pattern of pills being sought from their service from two main cohorts (Yanow and Atay, this volume): residents of the HSCT who had suspended services; and women and girls who could not access a Trust service because of work, childcare, an abusive relationship or their family situation. The findings of this study and the social context of this chapter suggest that until EMA is available in NI via telemedicine, there will always be those who choose to self-manage their abortions from online sources.

­2 2

Doctors for choice Leanne Morgan, Laura McLaughlin, Jayne Kavanagh and Siobhan Kirk

The exemption of NI from the 1967 Abortion Act had long created difficulties for those seeking access to safe local abortion care and for the medical professionals who sought to provide. Prior to 2013, abortion was offered in NI when mental health grounds were deemed to have been met; albeit this was usually for reasons of foetal anomaly and rarely allowed for the so-called ‘social termination’ (i.e. abortion for socio-economic reasons). Whilst health professionals readily provided abortion in cases of severe and fatal foetal abnormality, abortions for even the most compelling of social reasons would have often required an arduous journey to England (Bloomer and Hoggart, 2016). A restrictive interpretation of mental health grounds, unlike those stipulated in ground C of the 1967 Abortion Act, meant that abortions for reasons of unwanted pregnancy were highly stigmatized and unlikely to be provided by a local health professional. To the disappointment of many and despite decades of campaigning for liberalization, the events of 2013 saw access become even more tightly restricted. In early 2013, the Attorney General sent a circular advising obstetricians and gynaecologists to ensure that they were working within the law and cautioning that failure to do so would put them at risk of imprisonment (Bailie, 2018). Later that year came the high-profile case of Sarah Ewart who was forced to travel to England to access abortion for a fatal foetal abnormality. Having sought legal advice, her medical team were told that they could not legally provide abortion for fatal foetal abnormality in NI. Although this may have demonstrated that the Attorney General had succeeded in tightening access, it only served to galvanize pro-choice support. In April 2013, the Department of Health issued draft guidelines on abortion (Hughes, this volume; Rowan and Simpson, volume 1). These were widely criticized for using inappropriate terminology, for understating the prevalence and need for abortion services in NI and for unnecessarily cautioning against

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counselling patients on where to access abortion within Great Britain (Bloomer and Hoggart, 2016). The latter had no legal basis as the provision of information to patients concerning abortion services abroad is protected under article 10 of European Convention of Human Rights (UN CEDAW, 2018). Nonetheless, it contributed significantly to the ‘chilling effect’ which saw medical professionals fearful of discussing the option of abortion with colleagues, let alone patients (Bailie, 2018). The guideline was subsequently rewritten and published in 2016 (Department of Health NI, 2016b) but by that stage irreparable damage was done. By 2018–2019, the number of abortions performed in NI had fallen to eight and many seeking access struggled to get appropriate information from health professionals. Increasingly, people relied on unregulated, yet vital, telemedicine services such as Women on Web and Women Help Women (Yanow, this volume; Atay, this volume). For many, this provided the safe local access they needed. However, for the few who suffered complications, such as retained products, infection and bleeding, this form of provision would prove to be less than ideal. The climate of prosecutions and the possibility that medical professionals may report patients to the police meant that women were reluctant to seek help. There was a genuine fear amongst health professionals that, should the status quo continue, inevitably people would come to harm. Indeed, the need to rectify what was an untenable and unsafe situation was one of the primary motivations for establishing Doctors for Choice NI (DFCNI). In addition, there was the growing frustration that NI remained the only place in the UK and Ireland where doctors were unable to provide safe and compassionate care to those who did not wish to be pregnant. The success of the Repeal the Eighth campaign in the South, which saw Doctors for Choice Ireland passionately and visibly at the forefront supporting and corroborating the women’s stories, upon which the referendum was won, had served to embolden doctors in the North to take action. But for DFCNI, it was the tireless work of Doctors for Choice UK in campaigning for UK decriminalization that was the catalyst for its formation. Doctors for Choice UK have campaigned for decades to liberalize abortion legislation in Great Britain. However, at their 2019 AGM, members agreed unanimously to focus campaign work on the struggle to make abortion both lawful and accessible in NI. In collaboration with AfC and the British Pregnancy Advisory Service, an event was organized to take place in Belfast in June 2019. Indicative of some of the challenges in even facilitating a discussion about abortion within NI, the event ‘Abortion law reform in NI: how clinicians can shape the future of women’s healthcare’ almost did not happen. A few days prior,

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the venue withdrew its support because of threats from a handful of anti-choice activists. However, undeterred, another venue was quickly identified, and the event proceeded with success. At the post-event reception, an impassioned and well-timed discussion was held between Doctors for Choice UK committee members and local obstetricians. It was this meeting of like-minded clinicians, with a vision for something tangibly better, that led to the formation of DFCNI. For health professionals, it was unmistakably clear that the difficulties afflicting abortion provision, in NI, but also in the rest of the UK, where the legislation was liberal and services embedded, were due to the criminalization of women and health professionals for seeking to access and provide abortion in circumstances not strictly stipulated by law. There was a misalignment between what was considered legal and what is considered by the medical profession to be safe, effective and essential healthcare. Decriminalization, as recommended by the CEDAW Inquiry, was seen to be a necessity for any meaningful and long-lasting progress in reproductive rights (see also Cross et al., this volume). As such, DFCNI was founded in June 2019 by two obstetricians who believed passionately that women and people who can get pregnant should have access to safe compassionate care in NI without being regarded as criminals. Shortly after forming, in July 2019, during an outgoing prime minister, political infighting amongst NI politicians and a non-functioning NI Government, quickly and quietly an amendment was attached to the NI (Executive Formation) Bill. Passing by a margin of 332 votes to 99, it required the Secretary of State for NI to act to liberalize the enduring archaic and outdated abortion legislation if the NI Assembly did not reconvene by 2 October 2019 (Creasy and Sanquest, volume 1). On the 22nd October, abortion was decriminalized, and NI went from having the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe to the most liberal. For DFCNI and its members who are conscientiously committed to providing abortion care, it was a day of celebration, gratitude and relief. On the other hand, for those doctors opposed to abortion, citing moral or religious grounds, this was widely described as ‘the darkest day’ (Belfast Telegraph, 2019). However, irrespective of, what were now customary, anti-abortion proclamations, there was no doubt that it marked a huge victory for reproductive rights in NI. DFCNI began a process of clinical engagement to stimulate discussion around what legislative change would mean for women, clinicians and healthcare services in NI. This coincided with the timely publication of NICE guidelines on Abortion Care which provided clinical standards and a service framework to aspire to (NICE, 2019). Meetings were held across the region and were

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well-attended by obstetricians and gynaecologists, midwives, nurses, sexual and reproductive health clinicians, and general practitioners. These discussed how high-quality abortion care could be delivered within an NHS setting and aimed to generate a conversation around the needs of patients and the barriers to providing care within existing resources. The benefits of an NHS service were clear in terms of developing and maintaining a much-needed skill-set, optimizing access, cost-effectiveness and sustainability. Barriers cited, however, included the need for additional funding, training, a significant cultural shift and the possibility of conscientious obstruction. However, despite very vocal and, at times, unrestrained opposition portrayed in the media by a small number of self-proclaimed antiabortion doctors, fears of mass conscientious objection proved to be unfounded. An Ulster University Survey, the first assessment of obstetricians’ and gynaecologists’ views on abortion reform in over a decade, found that a significant majority of obstetrics and gynaecology doctors (67 per cent) were in favour of decriminalization up until twenty-four weeks (Bloomer et al., 2021). This support translated into a willingness to provide, with 77 per cent of respondents stating that they would be willing to actively participate in the medical abortion of pregnancy. Support for decriminalization mirrored the level of support amongst the general public and provided a promising basis for an NHS model of care. Two roundtable discussions co-hosted by DFCNI and Access Research Knowledge (ARK) explored different service models and looked specifically at the benefits of an integrated sexual and reproductive health service within Health and Social Care in NI (Horgan et al., 2019a, 2019b). This was explored further during a DFCNI visit to the Sandyford Sexual and Reproductive Health service in Glasgow in December 2019 and was felt to be a service model which would amply meet the needs of the NI population. DFCNI saw that decriminalization afforded NI a unique opportunity and, as such, began to articulate a vision of what a world-class sexual and reproductive health service might look like. It was this vision that informed DFCNI’s submission to the consultation. This public consultation on the legal framework for abortion opened on the 4 November 2019 and closed on the 16 December 2019. DFCNI, realizing what a privileged position they were in as most of their membership comprises actively working clinicians within NI and used this period to build relationships across the system. There was engagement with political parties, professional bodies, activist and human rights groups, to lobby for a framework based on the best available evidence that would allow for the highest quality of patientcentred care in NI. DFCNI steadfastly opposed proposals to put in place barriers

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or restrictions to access, particularly those which would disproportionately affect disadvantaged groups. DFCNI also strongly lobbied for exclusion zones outside abortion service providers’ premises to protect patients and clinicians from harassment and intimidation. Equally, DFCNI argued that provisions for conscientious objection that mirrored the clause in the 1967 Abortion Act would offer sufficient protection for those clinicians who did not wish to participate in abortion care. Whilst awaiting the outcome of the consultation, DFCNI continued to engage clinicians in discussions around training and service needs in order to create the conditions for a high-quality service. The DFCNI conference ‘Shaping the future of women’s sexual and reproductive health in NI’ was held on 17 January 2020. This focused on the commissioning, development and implementation of an NI abortion service. The event brought together healthcare professionals throughout NI, political representatives and experts in the field of abortion care from the UK. It allowed for open discussion, engagement and learning, and there was a real sense of excitement regarding the opportunities to be explored with a new service come March 2020. One particularly grounding speech, however, was made by Clare Bailey, Green Party MLA, who, closing the conference, cautioned that ‘with the restoration of the NI Assembly we (should) take nothing for granted’ as there would be both opportunistic and deliberate interference from anti-abortion politicians. Unfortunately, these concerns soon proved to be warranted. Despite the best efforts of DFCNI and many others, such as professional bodies, pro-choice politicians, activist and human rights groups, calls for a framework that would ensure truly fair and equitable access were eschewed. Instead, when published, the regulations allowed for unrestricted access up until eleven weeks and six days (NIO, 2020). Beyond this, specific grounds would need to be met and two signatures required. This stipulation, in addition to certification and notification requirements, would add an unnecessary administrative burden; a frustrating aspect of the 1967 Abortion Act that DFCNI’s counterparts in Great Britain had cautioned about. Although other aspects of the framework, such as the lack of provision for exclusion zones and the introduction of criminal sanctions for clinician non-compliance, left a lot to bemoan, there were also many positives. Unrestricted access up until eleven weeks and six days, although not what was hoped for, would allow for the development of a fair and equitable service for the vast majority of those who seek abortion. Provision for abortion care to be solely delivered by nurses and midwives, an aspect which is lacking in the 1967 Abortion Act, would also allow for the prospect of a fully nurse-led

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early medical abortion service. However, the lack of provision for home use of mifepristone, which appeared to be but a minor concession, would very quickly prove to have been a significant oversight. As the regulations awaited parliamentary approval, one key development was the establishment of the NI Abortion and Contraception Taskgroup (NIACT), a multiprofessional advisory group, whose objective was to make evidence-based recommendations to commissioners and policymakers on the development and implementation of high-quality sex education, contraception provision and abortion services within NI. NIACT, with its expertise across many disciplines and sectors, were very aware of potential obstacles ahead in terms of commissioning and implementation. However, one situation no-one had anticipated was the world being brought to a standstill by COVID-19. Thus, amid a pandemic, The Abortion (NI) Regulations 2020 were laid in Parliament on 25 March 2020 and came into effect on 31 March 2020 (ICNI, 2020). However, there was still no abortion service in place, despite there being healthcare professionals willing and able to commence an early medical abortion (EMA) service as of 1 April 2020. The political plan of the NI Government had been to continue with the existing central booking system run by the British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) in England as, with this option still available, they saw no immediate need to support or commission any type of abortion service within NI. There was a clear intention to continue to export abortion to mainland Britain. However, the travel restrictions put in place because of the pandemic quickly highlighted that this could not continue as a safe or viable option. Abortion services were urgently needed within the region and could legally be provided now that regulations were in place. What followed were ten days of intense media coverage of the issues NI women were being presented with in order to access an abortion during lockdown. Those needing access were being told by the Department of Health to continue to travel to England, which contravened the UK Government’s advice to stay at home and to stay safe. The issue was further compounded by the fact that flights to the mainland had all but ceased, and the only travel option was an eight-hour freight ferry crossing followed by the possibility of a lengthy train journey with no certainty of overnight accommodation. The impossible situation facing many was borne out in the media where it was widely reported that one woman attempted suicide having been denied an abortion at an NI hospital. In the absence of a local service, and to pressure local government, AfC announced that they would provide telemedicine abortion

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medication with BPAS soon following suit. Whilst providing an essential lifeline for women without access, neither option was permitted in the Abortion (NI) Regulations 2020 and DFCNI strongly felt that it was now incumbent upon the NI Department of Health to urgently fund a local abortion service or at the very minimum allow clinicians to proceed with rapidly implementing non-funded interim services. The breakthrough came on 9  April 2020. The Chair of the RCOG NI Committee and the Chief Executives of the five Health and Social Care Trusts within NI received a letter from the Chief Medical Officer stating that abortion was now legal within NI and that medical healthcare professionals could now legally terminate pregnancies (BBC, 2020). The Department of Health was under no apparent legal obligation to fully commission a service, but HSC Trusts would have to provide facilities and staff in order to carry out terminations in accordance with the regulations. Yet, with that pronouncement, the Chief Medical Officer had enabled the instigation of abortion services within NI. Within days, appropriate staff were identified, clinical policies and protocols were designed in line with NICE guidelines and the first treatments were provided within existing contraceptive clinics of two HSC Trusts. By May 2020, there was an EMA service in all five HSC Trusts within NI; some better functioning than others, but all staffed by dedicated compassionate health professionals. Many clinicians had previous experience from working in Great Britain and e-learning resources were utilized. A self-referral pathway was established in partnership with Informing Choices NI (formerly the Family Planning Association) acting as the Central Access Point for NI. Women are offered non-directive pregnancy counselling, options discussed and if they wish to proceed with Early Medical Abortion (EMA) they are referred to their local service by secure email. Unfortunately, there was no surgical option, nor was there provision for abortion care beyond ten weeks. These women still had to contact the Central Booking Service and travel to England. Equally, there was no provision in the regulations for mifepristone at home, unlike the rest of the UK and Ireland where emergency COVID regulations allowed for telemedicine. As predicted, demand was high; in the first four months over 700 women had self-referred to ICNI with the majority proceeding to treatment. With prompt referral and assessment, 30 per cent of treatments were under six weeks gestation which is associated with less pain and bleeding and an even lower risk of complications. Patient feedback has been exceptionally positive as women describe a mixture of emotions ranging from relief, appreciation and gratitude for now having access to local treatment and support. Contraception was available

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at all clinics and the uptake of long-acting reversible contraception at the time of mifepristone administration was excellent consistently approximating 50 per cent. Another advantage of the pandemic was the absence of anti-choice protests outside the clinics, but, without provision for exclusion zones, this became a significant issue as lockdown restrictions were lifted. The lack of funding and support from DoH has also seen the temporary cessation of services within two HSC Trusts and the collapse of a third. Services remain uncommissioned and there is a lack of public awareness regarding how to access services through the Central Access Point. However, history has been made. For the first time in NI, those who can get pregnant have a legal right to end their pregnancies; they are supported by an ever-growing number of people working tirelessly to ensure that this remains the case.

­2 3

Conclusion Emma Campbell and Fiona Bloomer

In this volume, we establish the range of allies and solidarity necessary to deliver abortion decriminalization in NI and the providers essential to abortion healthcare. Our aim in this volume is to realize the breadth of feminist intersectional solidarity across the globe and civil society in NI, where we aim to go beyond the news headlines and delve into the invisible work of campaigners and providers. The toll of working on an issue like abortion over an extended period has impacted many in both this and the first volume. As demonstrated in this volume, solidarity goes beyond institutional reputations and is most meaningful when holding one another despite disagreement on details. AfC appear frequently in this volume as partners and collaborators. They understood change is not delivered by one hero, but a multitude of ordinary people with extraordinary passion. LIARC were invaluable to the UK and wider diasporic support; financially, mentally and in the final stages almost hourly communication with AfC. Roberts continues on from this focusing on all-island solidarity in the Repeal chapter, evidencing that abortion rights are an almost unique movement in terms of their cross-community, all-island approach and connections. The meaning of solidarity beyond borders in Weiderud and Gillum’s chapter reflects the need not only for global strategy and transnational resistance, but also for friendship and community sustenance. Crory, Wallace and Nic Roibeaird paint a colourful and sometimes stressful picture of the organizing involved in important public rallies. This chapter and others touch on some of the messiness of organizing in a contested state, around a topic deemed so controversial. Campbell explores the allure of visual art as a tool for campaigning, its generation of empathy and potential beyond those traditionally politically engaged.

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The next five chapters focus on specific allies that have worked in parallel with activists, have leant support and collaborated with. Firstly, from Connor and MacNamara we learn about the positioning of women within the trade union movement, how innovative research identified that abortion was a workplace issue and how training programmes building on that study have helped shatter the silence on abortion within workplaces and in doing so challenge abortion stigma. Powell and Rajeswaren take account of the political bullying faced by student pro-choice activists and why every care must be taken to remain vigilant against policies of neutrality but also seizing opportunities. McVicker and Crickard recount their experience as key feminist activists in NI and their accounts establish the circumstances from within which we continue to struggle. McManus deftly describes the reason why Medical Students for Choice remains vital; they are the next generation of providers and stem anti-choice backlash in the professions. There have always been parallels between the struggle for LGBTQ+ equality and reproductive rights, not least there are many people for whom both struggles are personally relevant, including many activists in this volume. Mackle, Moore and Roberts guided us through the important solidarity work and dovetailing approaches of two important social movements in NI. Turtle and Bloomer dispel the myth that all people of faith are anti-abortion and detail the nascent group of faith leaders taking on destigmatization in their communities. Similarly, disability is often used as a wedge issue by bad-faith politicians and anti-choice lobbyists, McMahon, Hanlon and Powell write as either disabled women or women who have worked in disability rights in NI and point out the overlaps in disability and abortion campaigning for bodily autonomy and recognition of rights. The weight of robust research was essential to political lobbying, identified ably by Ann Marie Gray, where she dives into research that was used across various groups’ campaigns. The provision section encompassed those providing officially and unofficially to women and pregnant people in NI. Hughes has been a critical voice in the push for decriminalization in NI, her chapter revealed the often-insurmountable barriers erected by state institutions which continue despite the law change. Legal or not people who need abortions will do their utmost to access them, and thankfully for NI, organizations such as the Abortion Support Network, Women Help Women and Women on Web were and still are ready with the

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financial assistance and pills needed. Clarke’s powerful client testimonies reveal the myriad circumstances that lack of access forces abortion seekers into. Yanow and Atay explained their lifesaving international solidarity that came in pill and peer education form. Horgan’s study demonstrated how the legality can have a real impact on the physical experience of EMA, where the expectations of pain and fear of arrest were amplified in an illegal context. Fear is explored further in Biernat and Johnston’s account of the need for clinic escorts in Belfast between 2012 and 2017, harassment which continues outside clinics across the country even now. Thankfully we were able to include a chapter on legal (if precarious) provision in NI. Doctors for Choice have been vital to the care needed and along with Hughes’ established pro-choice health professional voice, provide a strong evidenced-based, health professional voice against the loud minority anti-choice backlash. We hope both volumes have demonstrated that no one single action can ever deliver social change. Abortion is fundamental to equality as the ability to control whether you are pregnant impacts other key life decisions; this personal choice has far-reaching societal reverberations. However, social change needs a groundswell of public support before politicians will consider risking votes, human rights or not, everyone in this chapter was and remains part of that groundswell. This volume is particularly useful for demonstrating the strength that overlapping movements can bring to a single-issue struggle such as abortion. What we have not had the space to cover includes the seismic shift social media offered to activism such as direct lobbying, language shifting, peer education and so on, the impact of global research conferences, the doula work, the music, theatre and merchandise that galvanized community, the full impact of COVID-19 and the devastation to the NHS over decades that has led to underfunding across reproductive health services. We also had no firstperson accounts from NI political party activists who may have another take entirely. We have included an extensive appendix in volume 1, containing contextualizing timelines both internationally and in NI, a glossary in both, to explain key organizations, terms, changes or abbreviations, a bibliography for reference and further reading and an index for ease in searching around themes. This volume ends knowing there will always be abortion work to be done, either in defence of the rights we have won or in a push for greater access, wider cultural awareness, less stigma and a deeper understanding. The two volumes offer different themes and allow for books that are still relatively easy to carry!

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Decriminalizing Abortion in Northern Ireland

What this book offers Both volumes of this book weave the complex, multi-layered story of how decriminalization of abortion was achieved in NI, across a lengthy time period, across three jurisdictions and drawing on the extensive experience of the authors. They demonstrate that abortion activism has successfully changed the law and created history in doing so. The sustained attention that this book provides presents a series of lessons for the global activist audience, eager to understand how this monumental success was achieved. The book offers a compelling primary resource for scholars, across many disciplines, who will seek to understand further how decriminalization was achieved and how we challenged dominant narratives to focus on the needs of those needing abortion. Finally, we are grateful to our authors and our readers for supporting the work of abortion access in Northern Ireland and hope that each one of you can learn something new, as we did whilst collating all the chapters. Overall, this book hopes to ensure that the views of people directly affected remain a core part of the story of change in NI. Thanks for reading.

G ­ lossary Campaigning/lobbying/advisory groups

Abortion Abortion Rights was formed in 2003 by the merger of the two Rights UK long-standing and influential campaigns – the National Abortion Campaign (NAC) and the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA). AfC 

Alliance for Choice, Belfast and Derry-based largest abortion activist group in NI. Amnesty An international non-governmental organization with its International headquarters in the United Kingdom focused on human rights. ARC    Abortion Rights Campaign, sister grassroots organization to AfC, campaigns for free safe legal in the RoI. Was one of three organizational members of Together for Yes in Repeal 8th Campaign. DFCNI   Doctors for Choice NI, a group of NI clinicians advocating and campaigning for reproductive rights in NI and across the UK. FPA NI   Family Planning Association NI, non-governmental organization with responsibility for non-directive pregnancy counselling, contraception advice and sex education projects for special education needs schools in NI. ICNI   Informing Choices NI, borne out of UK-wide closure of FPA, took on portfolio of FPA NI. NIACT  The NI Abortion and Contraception Taskgroup, group of medical doctors, midwives and nurses who provide abortion care in NI and lead on research and training. NIHRC  NI Human Rights Commission, funded by UK government, but is an independent public body that operates in full accordance with the UN Paris Principles. Established on the basis of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, following conflict, rebuilds, respects and upholds human rights standards and responsibilities. NIWEP  NI Women’s European Platform, an NGO who instrumentalize the UNCHR bodies to assert rights and submit to optional protocols and shadow reports. Precious Life Anti-abortion lobby group.

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RfC 

Rally for Choice, Belfast-based activist group organizing counterdemos to Pro Life marches. RHLPAG Reproductive Health Law and Policy Advisory Group is a joint initiative between academics interested in reproductive health and rights. Its founding members are Dr Fiona Bloomer (Ulster University), Dr Kathryn McNeilly (QUB) and Dr Claire Pierson (University of Liverpool). Abortion terms EMA Early Medical Abortion, abortion method, using medication, safely selfadministered, up to twelve weeks six days gestation according to WHO FFA Fatal Foetal Anomaly/Abnormality SFA Severe Foetal Anomaly/Abnormality Surgical SurgicalAbortion using suction methods such as Manual Vacuum Aspiration Government departments DHSC The Department of Health and Social Care (England and Wales) DOH The Department of Health (NI) DOJ The Department of Justice (NI) NIA The Northern Ireland Assembly, also referred to as Stormont, and the Assembly NIO NI Office, UK government department with Parliament oversight of NI PPS Public Prosecution Service PSNI Police Service of NI Health and Social Care Trusts – responsible for health and social care service delivery in NI, divided into five geographic areas Belfast, Northern, South, South-eastern, Western. Abortion providers BPAS    Provides abortions to NI women in English clinics; managed central booking line from 2017 to 2020 MSI    Provide abortions to NI women in English clinics; managed central booking line from 2021 onwards. Belfast clinic offering EMA March 2013- 2017. NUPAS Provide abortion to NI women in English clinics. Women on Web WOW Internet-based providers of EMA Women Help Women WHW Internet-based providers of EMA

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Political parties – NI  Alliance Party NI – allows a free vote on abortion, most are supportive of decriminalization, party leader and high-profile MPs and MLAs support decriminalization. Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) – seeks to maintain the union with rest of the UK, has morally conservative policies on all social issues, is opposed to any reform of abortion legislation and does not allow party members a free vote on abortion. Green Party NI (Greens) – supportive of decriminalization and working towards introduction of buffer zones for clinics. People Before Profit (PBP) – are an all-Ireland socialist party widely supportive of decriminalization and Buffer Zones. Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) – linked to paramilitaries but for a time it described itself as the only left of centre unionist party  is largely supportive of decriminalization and allows its members a free vote. Sinn Féin – seek to break the union with rest of the UK and become part of all Ireland, support abortion legislation in line with law in twenty-six counties of Ireland, does not allow party members a free vote on abortion. Social Democratic and Unionist Party (SDLP) – seeks to break the union with rest of the UK and become part of all Ireland, allows a free vote on abortion, some members are opposed to any reform of abortion legislation, others are supportive of some reform. The Good Friday Agreement (sometimes referred to as the Belfast Agreement) was a peace agreement negotiated by the majority of NI’s political parties, and an agreement between the UK and the RoI. It was signed in 1998 and ratified by public referenda in NI and the RoI later that year. Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) – seeks to maintain the union with rest of the UK, has morally conservative policies on many social issues, allows a free vote on abortion, some members are opposed to any reform of abortion legislation, others are supportive of some reform. 

Political Parties UK Conservative Party UK – allows free vote on abortion, some hostile to change, majority supportive of decriminalization.

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Labour Party UK – allows free vote on abortion, is supportive of decriminalization, although has been supportive of legal change but reluctant to take steps whilst in power. Scottish National Party SNP – allows free vote on abortion, is supportive of decriminalization, though initially did not want to intervene as it would conflict with their devolved stance.

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Walsh, H. (2020a) ‘Performances of autonomy: Feminist performance practice and reproductive rights activismx in Ireland’. Scene: Special Issue on Performance in Ireland, 8(1), 29–45. Walsh, H. (2020b) ‘Hanging our knickers up: Asserting autonomy and cross-border solidarity in the #RepealThe8th Campaign,’ Feminist Review: Special issue on Abortion in Ireland, 124, 144–51. Ward, M. (2004) ‘Motherhood in Northern Ireland.’ In Kennedy, P. (ed.) Motherhood in Ireland. Cork: Mercier Press, 269–82. Watters, R. (2018) Performing repeal: How comedians are tackling Ireland’s abortion vote. Dazed, Available at: https://www.dazeddigital.com/politics/article/40127/1/ repeal-comedians-tackling-ireland-s-abortion-referendum-aisling-bea-tara-flynn [Accessed 31st July 2020]. Wear, D. and Keck-mcnulty, C. (2003) ‘Medical students for choice: Origins, current orientations, and potential impact’, Teaching and Learning in Medicine, 15(1), 52–8. ­Weinstein, L. (2006) ‘The significance of the Armagh political protest’, Eire-Ireland, 51, 11–41. Whitmore, L. (2019) When it comes to abortion, we must fight for NI. Elle Magazine. Available at: https://www.elle.com/uk/life-and-culture/a27782850/abortionnorthern-ireland-women/ [Accessed 6 September 2020]. Whittaker, A. (2002) ‘The truth of our day by day lives’: Abortion decision making in rural Thailand’, Culture, Health and Sexuality, 4(1), 1–20. WHO (2012) Safe Abortion: Technical and Policy Guidance for Health Systems. Geneva: World Health Organization. WHO (2018) Medical Management of Abortion. Geneva: World Health Organization. Women and Equalities Committee (WEC) - House of Commons (2019) Abortion law in Northern Ireland. Available at: https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/ cmselect/cmwomeq/1584/158402.htm [Accessed 18 April 2022]. Women on Waves (2001) Abortion Ship Ireland 2001. Available at: https://www. womenonwaves.org/en/page/769/in-collection/2582/abortion-ship-ireland-2001 [Accessed 7 August 2020]. Women on Waves (2016) Abortion Drone Ireland, 2016. Available at: https://www. womenonwaves.org/en/page/6311/abortion-drone-ireland–abortion-pillseverywhere [Accessed 7 August 2020]. Women on Waves (2018) Abortion Robot in Belfast, Northern Ireland 2018. Available at: https://www.womenonwaves.org/en/page/7115/abortion-robot-in-belfast–northernireland-2018 [Accessed 7 August 2020]. Women on Web (2020) The Involvement of Women on Web and Women on Waves in the Legalization of Abortion in Northern Ireland. Available at: https://www.womenonweb. org/en/page/19203/the-involvement-of-women-on-web-and-women-on-waves-inthe-legalization-of-abor [Accessed 7 August 2020]. Women on Web. n.d. About Women on Web. Available at: https://www.womenonweb. org/en/page/521/about-women-on-web [Accessed 7 August 2020].

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Index Abortion Act (1967) 32–3, 43–4, 62, 74–5, 83–6, 102, 151, 160, 196, 209, 217, 221 abortion debate 4–5, 74, 187, 191 abortion pills 4, 18, 20–1, 23, 26–7, 49, 51, 101, 103, 105, 150, 163, 179–83, 187–91, 193, 209–10, 214–15 Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC) 17–21, 23–5, 27, 37, 52, 55, 62–4, 68, 75, 109, 121, 145 Abortion Support Network (ASN) 4, 11, 18, 20, 32, 35, 43, 167–77, 181 Access Research Knowledge (ARK) 220 Aiken, A. 191, 212 Alliance for Choice (AfC) 3, 17–18, 59 2012–15 18 2016 19 2017 19–20 2018 20–3 2019 24–5 2020 25–6 2021 and beyond 26–7 Appropriate Hobby, An 63–5 with LGBTQ+ sector 117–21 My Body My Life 65–7 Others See Us, As 67–8 student movement and 91–2 work of 127–8 Alliance Party 152, 164 Amnesty International 14, 23, 34, 108, 148, 163 Array Collective 67–8 Ash, R. 116 Atay, H. 4, 227 Attorney General (AG) 206, 217 autonomy 9, 18, 32, 46, 50, 54–5, 57, 60, 86, 93, 115–17, 121–3, 135, 137, 143, 191, 226 Azoulay, A. 61 Bailey, C. 207, 221 Belfast City Council (BCC) 20, 51, 54, 56, 58, 99, 101, 104

Belfast Feminist Network 87, 118–19 Belfast Pride Festival 117–18, 122 Belfast Telegraph 54–5, 147–8, 190 Biernat, N. 4, 195, 227 Bloomer, F. 63, 75–6, 78, 107–8, 131, 226 Borst, E. 187 Both Lives Matter 153 British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) 15, 44, 181–2, 191, 200, 218–19, 222–3 ­Butler, J. 65, 68 Campbell, E. 23, 36, 72, 225 Carragher, D. 57 Centre for Reproductive Rights 23 change rooms 78–81 Chan, S. 62–3 Christianity 44, 67, 90, 125–6, 128, 130, 132, 203 Citizens Assembly 10, 19 Civil Contract of Photography (Azoulay) 64 Clancy, S. 42, 63 Clarke, M. 62, 227 Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion 127 Coalition to Repeal 11, 17–18, 20–1, 24, 50 Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) 32 Common Youth 200 ComRes 153 Connalláin, S. N. 53 Connor, N. 51, 55–6, 71–2, 75–6, 79 conscience 164 Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) 15, 24, 32–3, 137–8, 141, 162, 164, 190, 206, 210, 215 Copper House Gallery 62–3 Cornell, D. 63 Corrymeela Community 132

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Index

Coughlan, N. 14 Covid-19 1, 25–6, 58, 68, 117, 132, 145, 182, 218, 223 Creasy, S. 12, 15–16, 20, 56, 119, 203, 206 Creative and Direct-Action sub-group 63 Crickard, H. 3, 20, 56, 101–5, 226 criminalization 5, 29, 50, 93, 103–4, 114, 148, 150, 187, 210–14, 219 Criminal Law Act (1967) 163, 211 Cummins, P. 62 Davis, A. 19, 34, 104 decriminalization 2–3, 5, 10, 15–16, 25, 30, 33, 68, 83, 87–8, 91–3, 95, 101, 107, 114–15, 118, 135, 141, 145–8, 150, 152, 185, 188, 191–3, 203, 210–11, 214–16, 221–2, 224 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) 12, 49, 54, 93, 136–8, 152 Department of Health (DoH) 26, 161, 172, 217, 222–4 Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSSPS) 159–60 de-stigmatizaton/ize/izing 67, 81, 113 Devlin, C. 51 devolution 24, 92 dignity 144, 193 disability 135, 144–5, 158, 226 activist groups 141–2 anti-choice campaigns 139 Down’s syndrome 139–40 organizations 138–9 political discourse on 136–7 pro-choice movement 140–1 ­rights 138 testimonies and 145 and vulnerability 137–8 Whispered Conversations workshops 143–4 Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA) 138 discursive alliances 71–2 Doctors for Choice NI (DFCNI) 5, 218–21, 223, 227 Donaldson, C. 53 Donaldson, J. 152 Down Syndrome Ireland 139–40 Dowse, L. 137 Drogheda 22

Dublin 10–15, 17–19, 21–3, 25–7, 50–2, 90, 109 Durkan, M. 152 early medical abortion (EMA) 4, 26, 191, 195, 200, 209–10, 213–16, 222–3, 227 pills 168, 170–2, 175 8th amendment 10–12, 14, 17, 19–21, 37, 50, 55, 78, 87, 89, 109, 118–19, 139, 164 empower 38, 49, 61, 109, 126, 180–1 equal marriage 57, 68, 116, 119–20 European Convention on Human rights (ECHR) 163 Evans, E. 54, 116 Evason, E. 74 Ex-Parte injunction 205 faith 125–30 leader engagement 130–2 Faith Voices for Reproductive Justice (2021) 4, 132 Family Planning Association in NI (FPA NI) 44, 61, 100, 102, 159–60, 201 fatal foetal abnormality (FFA) 77, 137, 139, 148–9, 152, 164, 213 fear 9, 45, 52, 55, 75, 93, 100, 102, 104, 112, 126, 130, 143–4, 174, 180, 182, 191, 195, 198, 202–3, 211–15, 218, 220, 227 Federation of Abortion and Contraception Professionals (FIAPAC) 34, 108–9 feminism 39, 42, 64, 86, 119, 140–1 Ferguson, F. 53 Fleck, K. 51 foetal abnormality 77, 137, 139, 148–9, 164, 174, 213 Fonow, M. M. 73 Form, W. 116 Franzway, S. 73 Fraser, N. 72 Gallagher, A. 84, 141 Gaztambide-Fernández, R. 30 Gender Recognition Act 120 Ghani, H. 91 Givan, P. 136, 209 global 36–7, 126 Gomperts, R. 186–9

Index Good Friday Agreement 100, 138 Green Party 68, 221 Halappanavar, S. 18, 42, 190 ­Harbour Faith Community 132 Harris, S. 23 Headen, K. 108 Health and Social Care Trusts (HSCT) 216, 220, 223 Heartbreak (Kirwan) 11 Hegarty, T. 83 Honan, S. 62 Hook, F. 55, 57 hooks, b. 30, 39 Horgan, G. 5, 55, 227 Horner ruling 163 HSC Trusts 223–4 Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill 152 Informing Choices NI (ICNI) 200, 223 In Her Shoes 56, 80 International Campaign for Women’s Right to Safe Abortion (ICWRSA) 32 international human rights 32, 137 International Network for the Reduction of Abortion Discrimination and Stigma 35 International Women’s Day 3, 11, 19–20, 24, 27, 34, 102–4, 107, 117, 123, 164 Ireland Making England the Legal Destination for Abortion (IMELDA) 42, 47–50, 60, 68 Irigary, L. 63 Irish Abortion Solidarity Campaign (Iasc) 41, 44, 50 Irish Women’s Abortion Support Group (IWASG) 41–5, 49–50 Isle of Man (IOM) 163 Jenkins, J. 116 Johnston, S. 195, 200–6 Joseph Rowntree Foundation 35 Kafer, A. 139 Kester, G. H. 60–1, 63, 68 King, D. 51 Kirwan, E. 11, 14

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labouring body 73, 81 Labour Party 32 Landy, D. 30, 38 LGBTQ+ 2, 54, 67, 115–23, 142, 222, 226 Limerick School of Art and Design (LSAD) 47 Lippard, L. 60, 63, 65–6, 68 London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (LIARC) 2, 9–16, 20, 24, 31, 35, 68, 191, 221, 225 Love Equality Coalition 119–20 Love Equality March 118–19 Lower Shankill Women’s Group 99 Lucid Talk poll 147–8 Lyotard, J. F. 63 McAliskey, B. D. 57 McCausland, N. 51, 54–5 McGowan, M. 112 McKeown, P. 73–4 McManus, J. 3, 90, 226 ­MacNamara, N. 71, 73 McVicker, A. 3, 97–101, 226 Maginn, C. 119 Major, J. 151–2 manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) 169 March for Choice 10, 13, 18–20, 23, 25–6, 52–3, 109 Marie Stopes International (MSI) 44, 118, 195–9, 202–4 Martin, R. 61 Martin, S. 91 May, T. 11, 13, 120 Medical Students for Choice (MSFC) 107–14 midwives 157–65, 221 Migrants and Ethnic Minorities for Reproductive Justice (MERJ) 55 mixed-methods research design 76–7 Morrow, L. 153 MSFC QUB 108–10, 114 National Health Service (NHS) 12, 18, 48, 56, 175–6, 190, 195–6, 209–10, 213–14, 220, 227 National Union of Students (NUS) 85, 90–2 New Social Movements (NSM) 115–18, 123 NI Abortion and Contraception Taskgroup (NIACT) 222

254 NI Human Rights Commission (NIHRC) 162–3 NI national students’ union (NUS-USI) 85, 87–8, 90–1 NI Office (NIO) 26, 94, 146 NI Women’s Coalition (NIWC) 102 NI Women’s European Platform (NIWEP) 32 ‘No One Left Behind’ 25 normal/ize/ization/izing 41, 66, 77, 113, 193 Northern Ireland Assembly (NIA) 151–2. See also Stormont Northern Ireland Executive (the Executive) 16, 24, 99, 119, 137, 215 Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) criminalization 150 political parties 151–2 public attitudes 148–9, 154 public opinion 147–8, 152–4 religion and attitudes 151 Northern Ireland Social Attitudes Survey (NISA) 151 Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC) 160 O’Brien, M. 72 O’Brien, T. 42 O’Dowd, K. 23, 72, 127 Offences Against the Person Act 18, 62, 115, 118, 206, 211 O’Kane, K. 51 Optional Protocol 32 patriarchy 63, 122 Petrova, I. 57 Pierson, C. 24 police 3, 45, 51, 54–5, 101, 150, 161–3, 175, 181, 188, 197–8, 200–2, 206, 208, 211, 214 Police Information Notice (PIN) 199 ­Police Service of NI (PSNI) 19–21, 54, 57, 104–5, 161, 190, 197, 200–2, 206, 208, 210–12 political alliances 71–2 political discourse 125, 128, 136–7 Poots, E. 163 Potter Hughes, O. 91 Powell, R. 3, 87, 89–92, 109, 136–7, 143, 222, 226

Index power 4, 16, 30–1, 34, 38, 45, 48–50, 60, 64, 66, 68, 84, 88, 97, 98, 109, 116, 121, 122, 172, 179, 206 Precious Life 51–2, 85, 161–2, 197–8 pregnancy 43, 73, 76, 79–81, 103–4, 108, 110, 112, 122, 143–50, 152–3, 157–60, 167, 169–76, 179, 181, 186, 188, 191–2, 195–6, 211, 217 Prevention of Terrorism Acts (PTA) 44–5 Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) 44, 164 Project Choice campaign 87–92, 94–5, 109 pro-life society 94–5, 112 Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) 45 public letter 14, 19, 25, 206, 210, 219 Public Prosecution Service (PPS) 162–3, 205–6 Purvis, D. 24, 197 QUB 86, 88, 90, 107–14 QUBSU 83, 85–95, 109, 114 Queens University 10, 12, 85, 87, 101, 107–8, 112 Rainbow Project 61, 111, 117–18, 120 Rajeswaren, H. 57, 89, 91–5, 226 Rally for Choice (RfC) 51, 58 2016 51–2 2017 53–5 2018 56 2019 56–7 policing 55 reclaim 42, 62, 118 Reclaim the Agenda (RTA) 27, 56, 97, 102–3 Reclaim the Night 118, 119, 122 referendum 12–15, 17–22, 25–7, 37, 55–6, 62, 78, 86–91, 116, 118, 139, 214 Reid, H. 113 religion 126, 129, 151 religiosity 127–9 Rennison, C. 111 reproductive justice 3–4, 29, 36, 59, 73, 83, 87, 91, 93, 95, 101, 115, 117, 121–3, 132–3, 135, 141–2, 144, 203 Roberts, D. 56, 87–9 Robinson, C. 187 Rossiter, A. 2, 35, 41–50, 62 Royal College of Midwives (RCM) 158–9, 161, 163–5

Index same-sex marriage 61, 115–16, 119 Schmidt Campbell, M. 61 Scholz, S. 30 Scottish Irish Abortion Rights Campaign (SIARC) 22, 24 Scottish National Party (SNP) 16, 24 ­Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (SOSNI) 15–16 self-managed abortion (SMA) 4, 179, 181–2, 213, 215 Services Industrial Professional and Technical Union (SIPTU) 164 severe foetal anomaly/abnormality (SFA) 152 Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) 108, 211, 215, 220 silence 31, 62–3, 77, 81, 93–4, 100, 104, 126–7, 132, 187, 222 Silver, L. 119 Sinn Féin (SF) 22, 137–8, 152, 160, 164, 206, 210 Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) 151–2, 162 socially engaged art (SEA) 59 solidarity 38–9 bad 34 international 2, 27, 30–1, 37–8, 188, 193, 223 meaning of 30–1, 38–9, 221 mutual 36–7 in practice 35–6 principle of 72 Spanish Women’s Abortion Support Group (SWASG) 43 Steele, L. 137 Stevenson, T. 11 stigma 3, 31, 33, 35–7, 55, 58–9, 64, 66–7, 73, 77–8, 80–1, 83–5, 87, 93, 108–9, 112, 126, 132–3, 135–6, 138, 140, 143–4, 182, 187, 191–3, 204, 207 Stormont 15, 25, 44, 56–7, 92–3, 120, 153, 190, 205. See also Northern Ireland Assembly (NIA) Strike for Repeal 11, 19, 56 student movement 3, 57, 83 and AfC 91–2 history 83–4 Powell and 89–91 Rajeswaren and 91–5

255

Roberts in 87–9 2000s and 2010s 84–7 student unions 83, 85 subversive philanthropy 50 surgical abortion 197 Tarrow, S. 116 telemedicine abortion 182, 186, 189–93, 209, 218, 222–3 Thompson, R. 55 Together for Yes Campaign (TFY) 18, 21–2 Toibin, C. 48 trade unions 3, 22, 25, 71–81, 93, 97, 159, 164, 222 Trans Pride Rally 119 travel 9–14, 17–18, 20, 22, 24–6, 31, 33, 36, 41, 56, 65, 67, 91, 100–3, 113, 143–4, 168–74, 176, 180–2, 192, 198, 203, 205, 208–10, 213, 218–19 Trust Women campaign 72, 75, 88, 120 Turtle, K. 56, 226 UK Parliament 29, 31–2 Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) 152, 164 Ulster University 36, 63, 65, 76, 87, 108, 125, 128, 130, 133, 148, 216 ­Ulster University Students’ Union (UUSU) 87–9 UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) 138–9 Unfinished Revolution: for Abortion and Reproductive Justice conferences 36 United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR) 191 Varadkar, L. 13, 20, 55, 89 Voice for Choice (VfC) 44 volunteer 4, 9, 13, 16, 27, 35, 67, 98, 101, 117, 141, 171, 176, 195–9, 201, 203–4 vulnerability 137–8 Walia, H. 30, 38 Walker, L. 74 Walsh, H. 2, 41–50 Walsh, L. 62 Watters, R. 91

256 Westminster 12, 15–16, 20, 24, 32, 46, 49, 55–7, 61, 67, 75, 92, 115, 119–20, 144, 152–3, 164, 203, 205, 210 When they put their hands out like scales (WTPTHOLS) 61–5 Whispered Conversations workshops 143–4 women centres and abortion 97–101 disabled (See disability) equality 98 issues 73 Shankill 99 we can’t help 172–3 Women Against Fundamentalism (WAF) 44 Women Help Women (WHW) 18, 26, 35, 168, 179–83, 210, 216

Index Women on Waves 185–9, 192–3 Women on Web (WoW) 18, 26, 35, 63, 168, 179, 185–6, 189–93, 205, 209, 212, 218, 226 Women’s Resource and Development Agency (WRDA) 99–101, 105 Women’s Right to Choose 74 worker 72–3 workplace issue 3, 22, 71–3, 75–8, 81, 164, 226 World Health Organization (WHO) 104, 185–6, 188–9, 209 Wright, S. 84 Yanow, S. 4, 227 YesEquality campaign 121 Zald, M. N. 116

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