Dante's Fearful Art of Justice 9781442652606

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
Note on Works Cited and Abbreviations
1 Justice and the Contrapasso
2 Farinata
3 Pier Delia Vigna
4 Avarice and Suicide
5 The Gran Veglio
6 The Idolaters
7 Ulysses
8 Satan
List of Plates
Notes
Index

Citation preview

Dante's Fearful Art of Justice

Dante's Fearful Art of Justice deals p r i m a r i l y w i t h the symbolical signifi­ cance of 'the state of souls after death' i n various episodes of the Inferno, the first canticle of Dante's Divina Commedia. The fruitfulness of the Auerbach-Singleton approach to the poem is demonstrated b y Professor Cassell's investigations, w h i c h are based o n the belief that Dante used b o t h the theological system of fourfold allegory and the prefigurationfulfilment pattern of h i s t o r y found i n the O l d and N e w Testaments. The author first deals w i t h the h i s t o r y of contrapassum, 'just r e t r i b u ­ t i o n , ' as i t appeared i n philosophy and theology, and describes Dante's use of historical and artistic f i g u r a t i o n , b o t h classical and Christian. I t is central to Cassell's a i m to show h o w Dante believed that his portrayal of the damned revealed the justice of God. Critics have believed that the relation of sin to the suffering of the shades i n H e l l was tenuous or even a r b i t r a r y i n m a n y cases. Cassell shows, t h r o u g h a close examina­ t i o n of Dante's assimilation of the Classics (and their medieval interpre­ tations), of patristics, and of t r a d i t i o n a l iconography, that there is an i n t i m a t e metaphorical and artistic aptness i n the poet's representa­ t i o n . Cassell relies at some points o n art h i s t o r y , and t h i r t y - f o u r i l l u s t r a ­ tions of frescoes, statuary, and i l l u m i n a t i o n s f r o m paleo-Christian times to the fourteenth c e n t u r y are therefore included. This v o l u m e w i l l be of particular interest to medieval specialists, historians of the Renaissance and Reformation periods, and those con­ cerned w i t h European literature. teaches medieval and Renaissance literature at the U n i v e r s i t y of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

A N T H O N Y K. C A S S E L L

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A N T H O N Y K . CASSELL

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

U N I V E R S I T Y OF T O R O N T O Toronto Buffalo L o n d o n

PRESS

©

University of Toronto Press 1 9 8 4 Toronto Buffalo London Printed i n Canada ISBN

0-8020-2504-8

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Cassell, Anthony K. (Anthony Kimber), 1 9 4 1 Dante's fearful art of justice Includes index. ISBN

0-8020-2504-8

Dante Alighieri, 1 2 6 5 - 1 3 2 1 . Divina commediaCriticism and interpretation. I . Title. 1.

PQ4439.C371984

851'.1

C84-098127-9

Publication of this book is made possible by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, from the Dr M . A y l w i n Cotton Foundation, from the Research Board of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and from the Publications Fund of University of Toronto Press.

IN

MEMORIAM

HARRIET

ISABEL

FRANSELLA

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Contents

Acknowledgments / i x Note o n W o r k s Cited and Abbreviations / x i 1

Justice and the Contrapasso

2

Farinata / 15

3

Pier Delia V i g n a / 32

4

Avarice and Suicide / 43

5

The Gran Veglio I 57

6

The Idolaters / 66

7

Ulysses / 83

8

Satan / 96 Plates / f o l l o w i n g 104 List of Plates / 105 Notes / 109 Index / 175

/

3

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Acknowledgments

This i n q u i r y i n t o the sins of Dante's H e l l has taken several years to complete, and, as each year passed, so I owed ever m o r e to m y f a m i l y , friends, former teachers, colleagues, associates, assistants, and students. I t is an enjoyable task to t r y to repay some of that accumulated debt here. This study w o u l d simply not exist had I n o t had the privilege, some t w e n t y years ago, of t a k i n g the graduate courses offered b y Charles S. Singleton at the Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y . I confess that i n a d m i r a t i o n and e m u l a t i o n I still frankly plunder his t h o u g h t , and m y book m i g h t be considered as one l o n g footnote to this confession. Others too have aided the w o r k ' s f o r m a t i o n : a large part of m y debt is due John B. Friedman, m y colleague at I l l i n o i s , whose v e r y friendship is for me an education. T o m y friend D a v i d B r i g h t goes m y deep gratitude for his incredible sense of h u m o u r , p r o f o u n d advice, and L a t i n i t y . M y colleagues, i n the H i s t o r y of A r t , Philip Fehl, A l l e n Stuart W e l l e r , E d w i n Rae, and Slobodan Ćurčić, have all generously shared t h e i r knowledge w i t h me. I sincerely thank m y friends i n the Dante Society for t h e i r k i n d encouragement and aid, particularly Joan M . Ferrante, Robert Hollander, Rachel Jacoff, A n t h o n y Pellegrini, and Richard A l a n Shoaf, w h o read sections of the book and made valuable suggestions. To Claudio Pescatore, whose culture encompasses both nuclear engineering and m o r e literature t h a n does that of most litterati, I owe an especial m e n t i o n for help and encouragement. To m y faithful graduate research assistants, N o n a Flores, M a r k W i l l i a m s , Fred Jenkins, and D a v i d L a r m o u r , go m y personal and scholarly respect and sincere gratitude; I w o u l d especially like to note Miss Flores' aid and w i s d o m w h i l e we were researching the Pier della Vigna-Judas-Ahithophel connections for chapter 3. The Research Board of the U n i v e r s i t y of Illinois has aided me generously, n o t o n l y i n p r o v i d i n g funds for these assistants but also for preparing the final manuscript.

x

Acknowledgments

A s I close, m y deepest thanks and love is due, as always, to m y wife, Janet Fitch, w h o not o n l y helped edit and proof the v o l u m e i n each of its stages, b u t w h o also p a t i e n t l y replaced m y passives, abolished alliterations, and painstakingly purged m y p u r p l i n g prose. A n t h o n y K . Cassell Champaign, 1983

Note on Works Cited and Abbreviations

A l l quotations f r o m Dante's Poem I have taken f r o m G i o r g i o Petrocchi's text as reprinted i n The Divine Comedy, translated w i t h a c o m m e n t a r y b y Charles S. Singleton, Bollingen Series L X X X (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U n i v e r ­ sity Press 1 9 7 0 - 5 ) , 6 vols. ( W h e r e Singleton's Commentary is cited I have noted i t t h u s : Inferno: Commentary.) Translations f r o m the Divine Comedy are d r a w n f r o m Singleton's volumes, and f r o m the translation b y John D . Sinclair, The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri, 3 vols. ( O x f o r d : The Bodley Head 1939; r e p r i n t w i t h corrections 1948; Galaxy Books, N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press 1961). For Il Convivio I have used the t w o - v o l u m e edition b y G. Busnelli and G. V a n d e l l i , as revised b y A n t o n i o Enzo Quaglio (Florence: Le M o n n i e r 1964). For other w o r k s of Dante, I have used the convenient e d i t i o n , Le Opere di Dante, test critico delia Società Dantesca Italiana a cura d i M . Barbi, E.G. Parodi, F. Pellegrini, E. Pistelli, P. Rajna, E. Rostagno, G . V a n d e l l i , con indice analitico d i M a r i o Casella (Florence: Bemporad 1921); page references are to this edition, unless otherwise indicated. I have cited m a n y articles f r o m the Enciclopedia dantesca, dir. U m b e r t o Bosco, ed. G i o r g i o Petrocchi et al. (Rome: I s t i t u t o della Enciclopedia Italiana 1970-6). Charles S. Singleton's t w o fundamental studies o n the Commedia, Dante Studies I: Commedia, Elements of Structure (Cambridge, Mass. : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press 1957; r e p r i n t B a l t i m o r e : Johns H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press 1975), and Dante Studies II: Journey to Beatrice (Cambridge, Mass. : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press 1958; r e p r i n t B a l t i m o r e : Johns Hopkins Press 1975), are cited as Elements and Journey to avoid confusion w i t h the j o u r n a l Dante Studies (Dante Society of A m e r i c a ) . I have generally used the Loeb Classical L i b r a r y for the texts and transla­ tions of the classics. St A u g u s t i n e ' s Confessions are cited f r o m the t w o -

xii

W o r k s Cited and Abbreviations

v o l u m e L C L text w i t h the 1631 translation b y W i l l i a m W a t t s , and his City of God (De civitate Dei) f r o m the seven-volume edition i n the same series b y George E. McCracken, W i l l i a m M . Green, et al. (1957-72). For the con­ venience of the reader I have cited M i g n e ' s edition of the Glossa Ordinaria (PL, 1 1 3 - 1 4 ) b u t have checked older, more accurate editions, not w i d e l y available, for M i g n e ' s adequacy at each point. Citations f r o m St Thomas A q u i n a s ' Summa Theologica are taken f r o m the edition translated b y the English D o m i n i c a n Province, 3 vols. ( N e w Y o r k and Boston: Benziger Brothers 1 9 4 7 - 8 ) . St G r e g o r y the Great's Liber Moralium in Job is quoted f r o m M i g n e ' s e d i t i o n (PL, 7 5 - 6 ) and f r o m the English version, Morals on the Book of Job i n A L i b r a r y of Fathers of the H o l y Catholic C h u r c h , translated b y M e m b e r s of the English C h u r c h ( O x f o r d : John H e n r y Parker 1 8 4 4 - 5 6 ) . The A p o c r y p h a l Books of the O l d Testament are given i n the translation of The New Oxford Annotated Bible with Apocrypha: Revised Standard Version, ed. H e r b e r t G. M a y and Bruce M . Metzger, Expanded Edition ( N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press 1962; r e p r i n t 1973). The N e w Testament A p o c r y p h a are quoted i n the edition of M o n t a g u e Rhodes James, The Apocryphal New Testament ( O x f o r d : Clarendon Press 1924). Biblical citations are f r o m the V u l g a t e and D o u a y versions. W h e r e existing translations of foreign works are used, I have so noted t h e m , but I have n o t hesitated to correct, adapt, or change t h e m to clarify w o r d parallels. Chapter 2 appeared i n s l i g h t l y different f o r m i n Yale Italian Studies, 1 (1977), 3 3 5 - 7 0 , and chapter 7, n o w considerably revised, i n Dante Studies, 99 (1981) ; some four pages, n o w reworked i n chapter 8, were published i n Italica, 56 (1979), 3 3 1 - 5 1 . I w o u l d like to t h a n k these journals for their k i n d permission to republish the items here. M y gratitude goes also to A l d o S. Bernardo and A n t h o n y L . Pellegrini for a l l o w i n g me to r e p r i n t material i n chapters 3 and 4 that appeared i n Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio: Studies in the Trecento in Honor of Charles S. Singleton ( B i n g h a m t o n , NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 1983), 1 9 - 7 6 . Credits for the photographs are found i n the list of plates, pp. 1 0 5 - 7 . A B B R E V I A T I O N S

DCD De Mon.

De civitate Dei (St A u g u s t i n e ) De Monarchia (Dante)

CSEL LCL Moralia Morals

Corpus s c r i p t o r u m ecclesiasticorum l a t i n o r u m Loeb Classical L i b r a r y Liber Moralium in Job (St G r e g o r y the Great) Morals on the Book of Job (trans, of Moralia)

xiii PG PL PMLA ST

W o r k s Cited and A b b r e v i a t i o n s Patrologiae cursus (Paris 1 8 5 7 - 9 4 ) Patrologiae cursus (Paris 1 8 4 4 - 6 4 ) Publications of the Summa Theologica

completus:

Series graeca, ed. J.-P. M i g n e

completus:

Series latina, ed. J.-P. M i g n e

Modern Language Association (St Thomas Aquinas)

'For G o d knows h o w to make souls that forsake H i m c o n f o r m to the D i v i n e O r d e r , and b y t h e i r j u s t l y deserved m i s e r y to f u r n i s h the lower parts of creation w i t h the most meet and suitable laws of H i s wondrous dispensation.' St A u g u s t i n e , De Catechizandis

rudibus, 1, 18

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

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1 JUSTICE A N D THE

CONTRAPASSO

Dante uses the t e r m ' contrapasso' or 'the justice of retaliatory p u n i s h m e n t ' but once i n all his w o r k s . Bertrán de B o r n , damned i n Nether H e l l amid the sowers of discord, moans u n f o r g e t t a b l y as he swings his severed head i n his hand like a l a n t e r n : Cos! s'osserva i n me lo contrapasso. Thus is the r e t r i b u t i o n observed i n me. (Inferno x x v n i , 142) A l t h o u g h the t e r m occurs quite late i n the first canticle, the concept of the contrapasso is at the centre of the Poet's w h o l e creation of H e l l , p h i l o ­ sophically, and artistically. The shocking severity of the punishment and the submissive tone of Bertrán, as he bows, headless, to a universal imperative, spur the reader to observe the canon w h i c h the t e r m implies i n the rest of the Inferno. Bertran's words t e l l us, first, that God's punishment i n H e l l ' s realm of second death is strictly reasoned, and second, that i t is i n the mode of the O l d Testament. W e understand that i t reflects the f o r m of justice w h i c h , as Dante believed, obtained before the C o m i n g of Christ w h o made possible man's reconciliation w i t h heavenly grace and mercy t h r o u g h faith, hope, and the love of G o d and neighbour. Those w h o reject these virtues are f i t t i n g l y condemned to d w e l l forever i n a realm where Christ's merciful N e w Dispensa­ t i o n and Law h o l d no place. Dante's p r i m a r y source for the idea of the contrapasso came t h r o u g h St Thomas A q u i n a s ' Summa theologica (11-11, q u . 612, art. 4 ) , where the saint conflates the A r i s t o t e l i a n idea of reciprocal justice w i t h the lex talionis of the O l d Testament, i m p l i c i t l y contrasting i t w i t h the ' t u r n i n g - t h e - o t h e r cheek' e x h o r t a t i o n of the N e w L a w : T answer that, retaliation (contrapassum)

4

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

denotes equal suffering i n repayment for previous action; and the expression applies most p r o p e r l y to i n j u r i o u s sufferings and actions, whereby a m a n harms the person of his neighbor; for instance, i f a m a n strike, that he be struck back. This k i n d of justice is laid d o w n i n the Law (Exodus 2 1 : 2 3 - 4 ) : He shall render life for life, eye for eye, etc. A n d since also to take away w h a t belongs to another is to do something unjust, i t follows that, secondly, retaliation (contrapassum) consist i n this also that whoever causes loss to another, should suffer loss i n his belongings. This just loss is also found i n the Law (Exodus, 21 n ) . ' St Thomas i n t u r n had derived the t e r m 'contrapassum' f r o m translations of A r i s t o t l e ' s Nicomachaean Ethics v , 5, where the Philo­ sopher had used the Greek t e r m ' T O àvTnreTrovBoç,' 'the state of suffering something i n t u r n , or, i n r e t u r n , ' i m p l y i n g 'the state of suffering i n r e t r i b u ­ t i o n for fault or crime c o m m i t t e d . ' 1

2

The biblical concept of lex talionis, i n w h i c h each i n d i v i d u a l case is disposed of j u s t l y , unrelated to crimes of a different type ('life for life, eye for eye, t o o t h for t o o t h , hand for hand, foot for foot, b u r n i n g for b u r n i n g , w o u n d for w o u n d , stripe for stripe' [Exodus 2 1 : 2 3 - 5 ] ) , w i l l be squarely at the centre of this i n q u i r y i n t o the v i e w of justice depicted i n Dante's first realm of the afterlife. There was no h i n t of any hierarchy of i n t e n s i t y or variance w o r k e d out i n the seriousness of p u n i s h m e n t between differing crimes. I n the Inferno Dante's punishments likewise do n o t become apparently harsher as we descend w i t h the poets to the depths. H o w are the blazing tongues i m p r i s o n ­ ing Ulysses and G u i d o da M o n t e f e l t r o (Inferno x x v i and x x v n ) milder t h a n the ice encasing Bocea i n Cocytus (Inferno xxxn)? O r h o w are t h e y severer t h a n the b o i l i n g pitch of the grafters (Inferno x x i - x x n ) , or the smeltering sarco­ phagi of the heresiarchs (Inferno x)? O b v i o u s l y we are not observing a hierarchy of p u n i s h m e n t (poena) b u t the w o r k i n g s of a m o r a l mode of justice t h r o u g h s y m b o l i s m : p u n i s h m e n t as i t is exquisitely apt and m e r i t e d i n each discrete case. A s we descend f r o m circle to circle, the sins become not m o r e serious i n p u n i s h m e n t b u t rather i n g u i l t (culpa) h u m a n l y acquired. The suffering of H e l l , like the joys of Heaven, m u s t , u l t i m a t e l y , be unfathomable to the h u m a n intellect and, thus, u n u t t e r a b l e . Dante chooses to concen­ trate o n h u m a n responsibility, u p o n the state of souls after death l i t e r a l l y as the consequence of t h e i r o w n actions, and, thus, u p o n m a n w h o is 'according as b y his merits or demerits i n the exercise of his free w i l l . . . deserving of reward or p u n i s h m e n t b y justice.' I t is perhaps no accident that this phrase is repeated twice i n the Epístola t o Can Grande della Scala. 3

4

5

6

The f o l l o w i n g chapters are the product of inductive study and thus t h e y stress poetic and critical practice rather t h a n abstract t h e o r y . I have examined several episodes w h i c h i n t r i g u e d me w i t h t h e i r puzzles, paradoxes, or other cruxes, t r y i n g i n each case to understand h o w that segment of the Poem

5

Justice and the

Contrapasso

was intended to work. I wanted to discover the pattern w h i c h existed - that w h i c h joined sinner, sin, p u n i s h m e n t , and i m a g e r y , i n each case, i n t o an artistic w h o l e . I n order to do so, I attempted to consider each of those elements w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l context of Dante's age, d r a w i n g upon any sensible and applicable means of grasping w h a t an educated m a n of Dante's o w n t i m e m i g h t have made of such perplexities as Farinata's t o m b , Bertran's severed head, or Ulysses' tongue of fire. H a v i n g deciphered various elements, I tried to understand t h e i r interrelationships and to fit t h e m i n t o the larger system of the contrapasso. M y examinations are based o n certain poetical and critical principles, most of w h i c h are commonplaces of present Italian and N o r t h A m e r i c a n Dante studies. The first assumption is that the Epístola to Can Grande, even i f i t is not authentic, is an essential guide to the author's e r u d i t i o n , m e t h o d , and intentions i n the Commedia. I n this letter the w r i t e r describes the Poem as didactic ('doctrinalis,' para. 6) and he clearly sets f o r t h an a i m to effect m o r a l change i n the reader: 'The a i m of the w h o l e and of the part is to remove those living in this life f r o m a state of m i s e r y , and to b r i n g t h e m to a state of happiness' (para. 1 5 ) . A major a i m of m y o w n studies therefore is to examine how Dante tries t o achieve this purpose. I n this letter (para. 7), too, Dante (and I w i l l henceforth assume that i t is he) takes over the traditional fourfold system of allegorical biblical exegesis, and, b y applying i t to his Poem, he demonstrates his i n t e n t i o n to use i t as a poetics : 7

For the elucidation, therefore, of w h a t we have to say, i t must be understood that the m e a n i n g of this w o r k is not of one k i n d o n l y ; rather the w o r k m a y be described as ' polysemous,' that is, h a v i n g several meanings; for the first m e a n i n g is that w h i c h is conveyed b y the letter, and the next is that w h i c h is conveyed b y w h a t the letter signifies; the former of which is called literal, while the latter is called allegorical, or mystical. A n d for the better i l l u s t r a t i o n of this m e t h o d of exposition we m a y apply i t to the f o l l o w i n g verses: ' W h e n Israel w e n t out of Egypt, the house of Jacob f r o m a people of strange language; Judah was his sanctuary, and Israel his d o m i n i o n . ' For i f we consider the letter alone, the t h i n g signified to us is the g o i n g out of the children of Israel f r o m Egypt i n the t i m e of Moses; i f the allegory, our redemption t h r o u g h Christ is signified; i f the moral sense, the conversion of the soul f r o m the sorrow and m i s e r y of sin t o a state of grace is signified; i f the anagogical, the passing of the sanctified soul f r o m the bondage of the c o r r u p t i o n of this w o r l d to the l i b e r t y of everlasting g l o r y is signified. And although these mystical meanings are called by various names, they may one and all in a general sense be termed allegorical, inasmuch

6

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice as they are different (diversi) from the literal or historical; for the w o r d ' a l l e g o r y ' is so called f r o m the Greek alleon, w h i c h i n Latin is alienum (strange) or diversum (different). 8

T r a d i t i o n a l l y the literal level of a medieval text b o t h concealed and revealed the other meanings ; as the t h e o r y had i t , this dual function protected and h i d the h o l y content f r o m the eyes of the profane, b u t allowed the wise m a n to gaze beneath to see the teaching unveiled. W i t h o u t the secondary levels the first physical level could n o t always be comprehended; its f u l l i n t e n t lay n o t o n l y i n the narrative or i n the disparate words, sentences, tropes, allusions, and episodes taken i n t h e i r reified state, b u t i n the broader, more global plan of the i n t e r p l a y between the levels of signification. I n Dante's canto of the Idolaters (Inferno x r v ) , for example, the literal p u n i s h m e n t of a rain of fire upon a b u r n i n g landa is an effectively h o r r i f y i n g w a r n i n g i n and of itself, but the aptness and justice of the contrapasso o n l y satisfies w h e n we recall the extra-textual Sodomites of the Cities of the Plain and St Paul's censures i n Romans 1 : 2 3 - 7 , where i d o l a t r y is linked to sodomy as a cause to its effect. Further, the literal modifiers of the landa, the similes concerning Alexander and Cato, as I shall show (chapters 5 and 6) make no sense unless we go outside of the text to the external l i t e r a r y and historical referent, that is to pagan h i s t o r y (the classical epics taken as such) and to Christian euhemeristic and m y t h o g r a p h i c a l interpretations of that h i s t o r y . Likewise, no connection can be made literally between these similes and the statue of the Veglio described b y V i r g i l . A t the first level t h e y remain a mere concatenation. To make sense of the w h o l e episode we m u s t look deeply i n t o the allegorical, m o r a l , and eschatological significances of the dream of Nebuchadnezzar and i n t o the C h r i s t i a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the b i r t h and death of Jove Cretagenes. M o s t emphatically, the literal level of the Poem does n o t b i n d these elements together; o n l y allegory i n its broad sense does so. Dante's art becomes appreciable n o t o n l y i n the reading of the literal b u t by a close i n - g a t h e r i n g and judicious blending of all the various levels of significance. Even i n the earlier, and surpassed, Convivio (11, i , 7 - 9 ) , Dante clearly stated that the sense of the letter was 'always subject and material of the others, especially the allegorical.' The v e r y beauty of art, of poetic u n i t y , vanishes i n t o a mysterious opacity i f the structural, 'secondary,' mean­ ings are ignored. Dante's theoretical ideas derive principally f r o m the t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y Victorines and f r o m the t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y D o m i n i c a n theologians. B u t even this fact is problematic. M e d i e v a l theologians generally concurred that mystical or spiritual senses were f o u n d solely i n Scriptures and not i n other literature. Particularly, St Thomas applies the fourfold system solely to 9

7

Justice and the

Contrapasso

H o l y W r i t since o n l y the D e i t y had the power to ordain events so that t h e y not o n l y had m e a n i n g i n and of themselves b u t could also signify other events. Here, as i n m a n y other instances, Dante breaks w i t h St Thomas and clearly means the reader to apply the fourfold m e t h o d to his o w n creation. I n the paragraph w h i c h follows his exposition of fourfold allegory of the Epístola (para. 8), Dante continues his reduction of the four levels of meaning to t w o : 1 0

This being understood, i t is clear that the subject, w i t h regard to w h i c h the alternative meanings are b r o u g h t i n t o play, m u s t be twofold. A n d therefore the subject of this w o r k m u s t be considered i n the first place f r o m the p o i n t of v i e w of the literal meaning, and next f r o m that of the allegorical i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The subject, t h e n , of the w h o l e w o r k , taken i n the literal sense o n l y , is the state of souls after death, pure and simple. For on and about that the argument of the whole work turns. I f , however, the w o r k be regarded f r o m the allegorical point of view, the subject is m a n , according as b y his merits or demerits i n the exercise of his free w i l l , is deserving of reward or punishment b y justice. 11

I n spite of Dante's i n i t i a l careful distinctions one m u s t hasten to add a caveat. First, the separation between the levels of meaning was seldom closely d r a w n (we note h o w easily Dante reduces the mystical senses to one, and the total four to t w o ) , and, secondly, i t was never t h o u g h t that all four allegorical levels necessarily resided i n every passage of the Bible. I f some 'secondary' levels were present i t d i d not i m p l y that all the others were there as w e l l . M a n y biblical passages were held to be m e r e l y historical and literal, and others (Christ's parables, for example) were t h o u g h t to be b u t a fiction containing a m o r a l l e s s o n . Just so i n Dante's Poem: no consistent fourfold exegesis need be intended for every passage, nor should, or could, such explanations be imposed (and w h a t an arid and mechanical study w o u l d result i f i t were attempted!). Dante's t w o paragraphs appear to differ i n t h e i r h a n d l i n g of the 'subject' or content of the w o r k . Clearly we have t w o elements i n the signifying, h i s t o r i ­ cal or literal, level: first, i n paragraph 7, the dynamic historical paradigm of the Exodus (not o n l y reflective of the personal m o r a l progress of the real, historical author, Dante A l i g h i e r i , b u t also typologically reflected i n the fictional scribe-Poet's account of the Wayfarer's j o u r n e y towards conversion i n the Poem); and second, i n paragraph 8, the 'state of souls after death, pure and s i m p l e . ' A s the j o u r n e y m o t i f points to other meanings i n the process of Dante's personal justification and of the possible justification of another 12

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individual (our life's j o u r n e y here), so the 'state of souls after death' points to the unchanging justice of God. I n his Elements of Structure, Charles Singleton suggested most usefully that this latter, w h i c h we m i g h t t e r m the spatial, static element, be t e r m e d ' s y m b o l i s m . ' I t is w i t h this element that m y book principally deals, and I have tried to use the t e r m consistently t h r o u g h ­ out. M y task, t h e n , has been to explore the symbolic level as i t concerns the contrapasso i n nether H e l l . W h e r e I treat briefly of the j o u r n e y m o t i f I do so m a i n l y to set off the contrasting fearful, constant quality of the D e i t y ' s implacable Judgment as Dante viewed i t . M y examinations t r y to show that 'the state of souls' i n H e l l is indeed symbolic of the historical consequences of the e a r t h l y actions of the damned and the inevitable consequence of m a n ­ kind's persistence i n sinfulness, collectively and p a r a d i g m a t i c a l l y . 1 3

14

I have included i n m y explanations not o n l y the traditions of patristic exegesis of the Bible w h i c h Dante absorbed, b u t also other 'visual' Christian sources, art, iconography, l i t u r g y , and extra-liturgical drama, where each seemed to apply w h e n tested carefully against the text. W h e r e Dante uses pagan classical sources, I have t r i e d as m u c h as possible to show that t h e y were absorbed t h r o u g h , and thus were considerably changed b y , medieval moralizers and mythographers. S i m i l a r l y , where earlier and contemporary medieval chroniclers m i g h t be reflected, I have attempted to keep i n m i n d that Dante read even these w i t h i n the context of his o w n personal interpretation of C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y . M y second major assumption, w h i c h is a corollary of the first, is that the Epístola and the Commedia itself demonstrate that Dante is attempting a new f o r m of secular l i t e r a t u r e , new i n the sense that the literal level of the narrative is n o t reducible m e r e l y to its allegorical and symbolic significance and thus negated b y i t (as i n the m e r e l y poetical case of Orpheus i n the Convivio [ I I , i , 3 ] , w h o d i d not, as the letter of the legend insisted, make w i l d beasts tame or move rocks and trees), b u t rather that the literal level of the Poem gains m e a n i n g f r o m its secondary senses since i t absorbs i n t o itself the historicity of the t w o Testaments and of the Christian h i s t o r y w h i c h sprang f r o m t h e m . A g a i n to cite Singleton, the Commedia is an ' i m i t a t i o n of God's w a y of w r i t i n g . ' T h i r d l y , m y studies assume that Dante's t h e o r y , expounded i n the De Monarchia 11, that pagan h i s t o r y (recorded i n classical w r i t e r s as w e l l as i n Christian euhemerists and apologists) was itself directed b y God to Christian ends, also holds i n the P o e m . These inquiries m a y thus, I hope, prove the fruitfulness of the Auerbach-Singleton school, w h i c h holds that the w r i t e r used b o t h the biblical or theological system of fourfold allegory and the prefiguration-fulfilment pattern of h i s t o r y , the basis of w h i c h consisted i n the various t e m p o r a l epiphanies of Christ. 15

The experiences of the W a y f a r e r i n H e l l , a l t h o u g h a fiction, conform to and

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reflect events w h i c h were f i r m historical t r u t h s for a devout Christian of 1300: Dante's j o u r n e y t h r o u g h all three realms reflects, obviously, Christ's o w n descent to H e l l and ascent to Heaven, events w h i c h readers of his t i m e confessed as a tenet of faith each t i m e t h e y recited the Apostles' Creed. Christ's j o u r n e y to fulfil man's redemption sat at the centre of h u m a n h i s t o r y ; it taught the key to the meaning of all creation. I t explained events w h i c h came before, as i t prepared for those w h i c h came thereafter. Dante works the m a t r i x of h i s t o r y i n t o his literal narration and descriptions to give t h e m the 'polysemous' texture described i n the dedicatory letter to the L o r d of V e r o n a . Dante's personae themselves had repeated i n secular h i s t o r y (also part of Creation w r i t t e n b y God) fundamental matrical patterns w h i c h the Poet, as scribe, can copy out (assemplare) i n t o the poem w h i c h he calls an assemplo or scribe's c o p y . The m o r a l t r u t h exposed b y the sinners' actions points to earlier past events, B C and A D , w h i c h , i n t u r n , p o i n t to historical Redemption, to the ever-present sacraments, and to the invisibilia Dei i n the hereafter. U n l i k e the 'allegory of poets' i n w h i c h the literal level is reduced to its secondary meanings (Orpheus' p l a y i n g reduced m e r e l y to the voice of the wise m a n w h i c h humbles cruel hearts and moves the unlearned [Conv. 11, i , 3 ] ) , Dante's narrative 'letter' does not 'disappear' i n the face of allegorical or symbolical i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , b u t gains additional significance b y the fact that i t b o t h absorbs t h e m and points to t h e m . A s Singleton states succinctly, Dante's allegory is of a theological 'both-and' significance, i n w h i c h all levels hold simultaneously and complement one another, rather than of a poetic 'this-for-that' m e a n i n g . 16

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W e satisfy our quest to understand the contrapasso i n the Inferno w h e n we see n o t o n l y that the ' p u n i s h m e n t fits the c r i m e ' b u t that i t is, i n all cases, more p r o f o u n d l y , a strict manifestation of the sin as g u i l t . B y tracing the u n d e r l y i n g patristic concepts, we can understand that the suffering represents an e x t e r i o r i z i n g of the wickedness and c o r r u p t i o n that lurks w i t h i n the souls of the sinners. The images of the damned figure symbolically, iconographically, and theologically the v e r y m y s t e r y and complexity of their sins. The souls are fixed i n the g u i l t and pain of their u l t i m a t e , accrued, unrepented wickedness, as Christian o r t h o d o x y insisted: i m m e d i a t e l y after death, the damned are punished b y becoming unchangeable i n their i n i q u i t y ; the disorder of t h e i r w i l l s , responsible for their damnation, remains i n t h e m t h r o u g h o u t e t e r n i t y ; for t h e m goodness is no longer possible. O u r appreciation of the Poet's p o r t r a y a l of the horrors of H e l l and the terrible justice of God w i l l be intensified w h e n we realize that the damned still remain i n some w a y images of the Godhead w h o m t h e y rejected, however t h e y m a y have perverted that I m a g e . Just as Dante's j o u r n e y allegorically reflects Christ's act of Redemption i n its m a n y Old-Testament préfigurations, so the condition of the various souls w h o m the W a y f a r e r finds i n punishment 19

20

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also m y s t i c a l l y bodies f o r t h the D e i t y and, consequently, various biblical and historical personages w h i c h t y p i f y h i m . I n Inferno v , Francesca buffeted like a dove figures a l u s t f u l counterpart to the l o v i n g s y m b o l of the H o l y Spirit w h i c h punishes her i n another of its configurations as a w h i r l w i n d . Farinata's p u n i s h m e n t points i r o n i c a l l y to C h r i s t u p r i g h t i n his t o m b and to N o a h standing i n his A r k , and that of Pier della V i g n a points to Christ as the M y s t i c V i n e and to his préfiguration i n the Tree of Jesse. Caiaphas lies crucified like C h r i s t a m o n g the hypocrites. The thieves i n Inferno x x i v - x x v metamorphose i n t o f r i g h t e n i n g , destructive inversions of the crucified Christ as prefigured, f a m i l i a r l y , b y the brazen, healing serpent h u n g o n Moses' staff i n the desert (Numbers 2 1 : 8 - 9 and John 3 1 1 4 ) . Even the ridiculous M a s t r o A d a m o , suffering the t h i r s t of dropsy (Inferno x x x , 49) 'a guisa d i leuto,' inverts the thirsting, crucified Christ (the Second Adam) i n his traditional figuration as a l y r e . C h r i s t is this i n s t r u m e n t , says St Bonaventure, for 'the Cross has the f o r m of the w o o d and [Christ's] body, i n t u r n , supplied the strings extending over the flatness of the w o o d . Even the punishment of classical personae points back and f o r w a r d to b o t h pagan historical events as w e l l as to biblical parallels and inversions. The condition of the damned, and the accounts of the events w h i c h led to that condition, are poetically i n t e r ­ preted as figurations repeating biblical and historical precedents. God's image prevails even to the depths where Satan's t r i u n e heads dripping tears and bloody drool are a clear, i n t e n t i o n a l l y banal, parody. I n this Dante follows the A u g u s t i n i a n t r a d i t i o n w h i c h held that sin itself was b u t a perverse i m i t a t i o n of the D e i t y ; creatures w h o set themselves against God were i n fact a w k w a r d l y attempting to be like h i m (Confessions 11, 6). I n the wake of St A u g u s t i n e , St Bernard, and St Bonaventure, Dante states i n the De Monarchia 1, 8: ' I n God's i n t e n t i o n , every creature exists to represent the divine likeness i n so far as its nature makes this possible. O n account of this i t is said: "Let us make m a n after our image and likeness. " . . . The w h o l e universe is n o t h i n g but a k i n d of i m p r i n t of divine goodness. ' The same theme of God's omnipresence - even i n H e l l - is articulated t h r o u g h biblical quotations i n the Epístola to Can Grande (para. 22): 21

/ 2 2

For the H o l y Spirit says b y the m o u t h of Jeremias (23:24): ' D o not I fill heaven and earth?' A n d i n the Psalm ( 1 3 8 : 7 - 8 ) : ' W h i t h e r shall I go f r o m t h y spirit? O r w h i t h e r shall I flee f r o m t h y face? I f I ascend i n t o heaven, t h o u art there: i f I descend i n t o hell, t h o u art p r e s e n t . '

23

Dante's sinners do n o t parody the Godhead i n any r a n d o m w a y . I n each instance Dante alludes to precisely the divine aspect w h i c h the sinners i n each episode have most perverted or rejected; t h e i r imposed caricature of the

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Godhead always evokes, allegorically or symbolically, an attribute of the Person w h i c h represents the strongest contrast w i t h the sin punished. The contrapasso of Bertrán de B o r n (Inferno x x v i n ) , w i t h w h i c h we began, provides a perfect paradigm of infernal justice as expressed b y Dante's technique. H a v i n g , i n life, incited the y o u n g Prince H e n r y to rebel against his father, H e n r y n of England, Bertrán is physically sundered i n H e l l as he once sundered father f r o m son. A s Dante describes the t w o parts of the divided body of the Provençal poet, his choice of vocabulary becomes m a r k e d l y theological: ed eran due i n u n o e u n o i n due; c o m ' esser puô, quei sa che sí governa and t h e y were t w o i n one and one i n t w o - h o w this can be, He knows w h o so ordains. (125-6) The imperfect ' t w o i n one,' as we i m m e d i a t e l y realize, evokes the t r i n i t a r i a n Godhead, 'three i n one'; the i r o n y is that the u n i o n between the head and the body is m i s s i n g : schism denies the love of God, that is, the H o l y Spirit w h i c h unites the Persons of the Father and the Son i n the doctrine of the H o l y Trinity: 2 4

Perch'io p a r t i ' cosí g i u n t e persone, partito porto i l mió cerebro, lasso!, dal suo principio ch'è i n questo troncone. Cosí s'osserva i n me lo contrapasso. Because I parted persons thus united, I carry m y b r a i n parted f r o m its source, alas ! w h i c h is this truncated t r u n k . Thus is the r e t r i b u t i o n observed i n me. (139-42) Bertrán is doomed forever to figure a m a i m e d , t w i f o r m inversion of the t r i u n e God. The 'figurai density' or h i s t o r i c i t y of the character makes the case of Bertrán de B o r n even m o r e t e l l i n g . Dante echoes the contemporary conception of Bertrán as a refiguration, i n recent h i s t o r y , of the ancient A h i t h o p h e l w h o , i n the O l d Testament, split A b s a l o m f r o m his father, D a v i d : 2 5

Io feci il padre e 7 figlio i n sé r i b e l l i ; Achitofèl n o n fé più d'Absalone e d i D a v i d coi m a l v a g i punzelli.

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice I made the father and the son rebel against each other. A h i t h o p h e l did not more w i t h A b s a l o m and David b y his wicked instigations. (136-8)

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Dante knew that patristic interpretations of the A h i t h o p h e l story described how its events were fulfilled i n the N e w Testament: David, the adumbration of Christ ('figlio'), is betrayed b y Ahithophel, the préfiguration of Judas. W e can therefore see a quadruple pattern of typological repetition involved i n Dante's episode of Bertrán de B o r n , three historical ( O l d Testament, N e w Testament, and a refiguration of the schismatic pattern i n recent h i s t o r y ) , and the f o u r t h , and last, i n the literal level of the Poem, the poetic reflection of schism i n Bertran's p u n i s h m e n t i n the a f t e r l i f e . Dante presents his character as the antitype (that is, fulfilment) of an historical m a t r i x : m o r a l l y , Bertrán d i d indeed c o m m i t a personal sin of his o w n free w i l l , but, also, he perpetrated m e r e l y one m o r e act of banal and undistinguished evil. W e are not to under­ stand Bertran's sin as one remarkable and isolated act of schism, but, rather, as just one m o r e h u m a n v i o l a t i o n of God's d i v i n e l y ordained pattern for the whole h i s t o r y of h u m a n i t y . 27

28

A p a r t f r o m the figuration of God i n the divine plan of h i s t o r y , the Poet's symbolic i m a g e r y also reflects the D i e t y ' s presence i n the t w o major sacra­ ments, eucharist and baptism. A t r i f o r m monster g u l p i n g d i r t , Ugolino's savage g n a w i n g of Ruggieri's greasy nape, and Satan's eternal meal of three traitors, all hideously evoke the Mass where more H o l y Flesh is e a t e n . H o w ­ ever, the pattern of baptism, the sacrament of i n i t i a t i o n , appropriately informs all three canticles: i n the j o u r n e y , the w h o l e Commedia traces the progress of conversion and i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the faith of the medieval Christian. Dante's j o u r n e y of i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the faith follows the pattern of this sacrament: i t begins w i t h his i m m e r s i o n i n the t o m b of H e l l ; then, after H e l l , it continues w i t h his r i t u a l washing b y V i r g i l i n Purgatorio 1,118-36, and w i t h his i m m e r s i o n i n Lethe and Eunoe presided over b y Beatrice come to judge; and, finally, i t culminates w i t h the bathing of his eyes i n the River of L i g h t i n Paradiso x x x , 8 5 - 9 0 , so that he m a y see the Celestial Rose. A l s o , i n the s y m b o l i s m , immersions i n fiery fonts, even i n ditches of ordure, rivers of m u d , blood, and fire, all allude inescapably to this rite. I n his fundamental essay, ' I n e x i t u Israel de A e g y p t o , ' Charles Singleton traced the allegorical pattern of the Exodus i n the Commedia: the crossing of a sea, the coming f o r t h f r o m the deep, the approach of a desert shore are repeated i n the i n i t i a l cantos of b o t h the Inferno and the Purgatorio. The Exodus, however, was b u t one biblical préfiguration, albeit the most i m p o r t a n t , of Christian conversion and i n i t i a t i o n . The central position of this theme i n the t w o p r o ­ logues signals its importance as an organizing pattern for the rest of the 29

30

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Poem. To restrict ourselves more n a r r o w l y to the p u r v i e w of this study and its examination of Dante's contrapasso, the escape f r o m Egypt is merely the first of a w h o l e series of baptismal allusions and conventional typologies w h i c h the Poet w i l l use b o t h openly and o b l i q u e l y i n his s y m b o l i s m of the p u n i s h ­ ments i n the w o r l d of the d a m n e d . B o t h the sacrament of baptism, i n w h i c h the H o l y Spirit descends to the font, and its foreshadowing b y Creation itself, i n w h i c h the Spirit of the L o r d floated above chaotic waters, are echoed i n Inferno i x , 6 4 - 9 9 , W the angel w h o floats above the murkiness of the Styx to silence the p r o u d hosts of nether H e l l . S i m i l a r l y , the w r a t h f u l and slothful (accidiosi), immersed i n second death beneath the s l i m y waves, repeat the sacrament as i t is prefigured b y those annihilated i n the Flood; their i m m e r s i o n is a j u d g m e n t and castigation of sin. The immediate evocation of the 'area' or 'ark' i n the next canto, Inferno x, recalls the same figure. The heresiarchs i n v e r t N o a h , the herald of Justice and the type of Christ. The punishment of the simonists upside d o w n i n fiery fonts w i t h o i l y flames licking their feet physically and l i t e r a l l y reverses not o n l y chrism, u n c t i o n , and penance, but also baptism as performed for the sick and m o r i b u n d : the sprinkling of water u p o n the h e a d . Even m i n o r préfigurations such as the descent of fire upon the sacrifice of Elijah (3 [1] Kings 18:38) and the leprosy and washing of Naaman (4 [2] Kings 5; cf. Inferno x x i x ) are used, inverted, and played upon b y the Poet i n the various episodes of the first canticle. I n the realm of the damned, baptism realizes its catechetical definition and O l d Testa­ ment prolepsis as God's final j u d g m e n t u p o n s i n . Baptism, as Christian i n i t i a t i o n , and the basis for the justification of the i n d i v i d u a l , is present symbolically i n the Commedia b o t h i n its aspect as the fire of castigation u p o n i n i q u i t y and as the water of the remission of sin. S i m i l a r l y , f r o m the descent i n t o H e l l , t h r o u g h the Exodus of the ascent and purgation of the second realm, to the promised land of Heaven, the Wayfarer's j o u r n e y is indeed made allegorically i n i m i t a t i o n of Christ's baptism, 'to fulfil all justice.' 31

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The literal level of the Inferno, t h o u g h , poses some unique problems, especially w h e n compared to that of the other canticles. Clearly i n the Paradiso, w i t h its eternal Soul-Lights w h o record h i s t o r y , teach philosophy and theology, and give prayers, encomiums and confessions, m u c h m a y be cryptic b u t all can be believed: the various levels of meaning, communicated by intellectual symbols, add to the p r o f u n d i t y of a p r i m a l t r u t h . B u t the case of H e l l is quite different, since, here, i n i m i t a t i n g God's 'book of the w o r l d , ' Dante's realism forces h i m to include the pervasive deceptiveness of the things of the w o r l d . I n H e l l , that u l t i m a t e 'earthly c i t y ' i n A u g u s t i n i a n terms, we cannot always speak of the p r i m a c y of the linear, literal level i n any but a mere physical sense, i n that i t m u s t obviously come before other 3 6

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meanings and considerations can be obtained. The literal level of the Inferno is not reducible to its secondary senses b u t is deeply dependent o n t h e m ; these other levels are n o t ' l o w e r meanings,' after a l l , b u t 'sovrasensi' (Convivio i l , i , 6), vertical meanings w h i c h go above and beyond. W e m u s t heed the lesson of the second canto of the Purgatorio and realize that, like Casella's song, the sound or letter of the w o r k m u s t not be rested i n as i f ' n o t h i n g else touched o u r m i n d s . ' 3 7

A t times, the literal level of H e l l has the curious, yet i n t e n t i o n a l , function of distracting our a t t e n t i o n away f r o m the m a i n subject of Dante's Poem, the state of souls after death. The episodes of Francesca, Farinata, Ulysses, and Ugolino draw us back to earth, back to the exciting, passionate, w o r l d l y enticements of adventure, romance, and tragedy. The embezzler, Ciampolo (Inferno x x n , 77), m e r e l y gazes placidly at his tendon as a demon rips i t away; Farinata seems to h o l d all H e l l i n scorn; Ulysses so enthrals us that we forget his prison of searing flame. A s the shades t r y to d i m their o w n culpability almost to extinction i n t h e i r apologiae, so t h e y almost convince us b y t h e i r wiles t h a t t h e i r punishments also are negligible. The Poet makes God's w a y of educating the W a y f a r e r i n the Inferno significantly different f r o m that i n the Purgatorio and Paradiso. W h i l e , i n the second realm, the Wayfarer falls i n t o error t h r o u g h his o w n mistaken conceptions, and, w h i l e i n Paradise, his misconceptions are directly corrected b y heavenly teachers, o n l y i n H e l l is he led i n t e n t i o n a l l y i n t o error b y l y i n g demons and shades. Indeed, the various confrontations w i t h sins and sinners are a t e m p t i n g of the Wayfarer and an experience in imitatione Christi. The Redeemer, as the Bible and the Fathers established, 'was i n a l l points tempted like as we are, yet w i t h o u t s i n ' ( M a t t h e w 4 : 2 ) . O b v i o u s l y , as a j o u r n e y i n t o the desert of temptation and contact ' w i t h beasts' and the D e v i l initiated Christ's m i n i s t r y ( M a r k 1:13), so the t e r r i f y i n g j o u r n e y across the 'piaggia diserta' and t h r o u g h its counterpart, the upper and 'basso loco' of H e l l , m u s t precede Dante's i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the new life of a convert. I n the sense that the Commedia represents 'nostra v i t a , ' ' o u r life' and j o u r n e y t h r o u g h the w o r l d , the reader also experiences the same temptations i n his o w n i n i t i a l reactions to the damned, w h e t h e r d r a w n i n b y Francesca and Ulysses or repelled b y Filippo A r g e n t i and Bocea degli A b a t i . S i m p l y put, our experiences as readers of the Inferno m u s t first be, as I hope to show, not o n l y an experiencing of the poetry for its sound, for its aesthetic and emotional qualities, b u t also an appreciation of h o w deftly Dante presents the Poem as a paradigm of m o r a l lesson, and m o r a l process, an exercise i n free w i l l . T h o u g h tempted b y the perverted ' h u m a n i t y ' of the damned, we are forced to choose between the bewildering, often glossy, image of sin w h i c h t h e y conjure up, and the t r u t h , the v e r y justice of the contrapasso, w h i c h the Poet reveals i n the sovrasensi. 38

3 9

2

FARINATA

M y examination of Dante's v i e w of justice begins w i t h the first episode of lower H e l l , that of the heresiarchs buried forever just w i t h i n the city gates of D i s , since here, particularly, the major substance of the contrapasso as a poetic expression of God's sufficient reason has not been tackled satisfacto­ r i l y . A n u m b e r of questions still provoke us as we read: h o w should we i n t e r ­ pret Farinata's contentiousness? W h y does Dante choose to place the damned i n b u r n i n g arche? For w h a t reason does he give the solution to the riddle of the souls' foresight here i n the s i x t h circle? A r e o n l y the heretics ignorant of the present or does this apply t o all those i n Hell? A consideration of the theological, historical, and artistic bases u n d e r l y i n g Dante's conception of the state of souls after death m a y help to solve the m o r a l and anagogical puzzle. 1

Dante's conception of the C i t y of Dis is i n f o r m e d , as is the rest of H e l l , the città dolente (and indeed the w h o l e Commedia), b y St Augustine's division of h u m a n i t y i n t o t w o cities, the Heavenly and Earthly. As perceptive critics have seen, the puzzle of the C i t y of Dis is partially solved b y t a k i n g cantos i x and x n o t as separate entities b u t as part of one indivisible experience of the Wayfarer and one unified concept of the Poet. Inferno x becomes clear w h e n viewed n o t as an episode apart - the typical romantic tendency - b u t as the i n t e r i o r v i e w of the city walls of w h i c h we have already seen the exterior. Dante's 'terra' echoes Augustine's 'civitas terrena' : the Poet has Farinata himself call this place a 'città. ' B u t the pattern extends beyond vocab­ u l a r y to concept. The W a y f a r e r , led b y V i r g i l t h r o u g h a secreto calle, w i l l descend i n t o the bickerings and internecine strife of the earthly polis - i n this case those of the Guelphs and Ghibellines of his o w n city, Florence, transported to H e l l and used as an e x e m p l u m . The subject matter, heresy and w r a n g l i n g alterca­ t i o n , all reflect the E a r t h l y C i t y 'generally divided against itself. ' 'There are 2

3

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

litigations; there are wars and battles; there is p u r s u i t of victories that either cut lives short, or that at any rate are shortlived. For whatever part of i t has risen up i n w a r against the other part, i t seeks to be victorious over other nations t h o u g h i t is itself the slave of vices; and i f , w h e n i t is victorious, i t becomes exceedingly p r o u d and h a u g h t y , its v i c t o r y also cuts lives s h o r t . . . For i t w i l l n o t be able to rule l a s t i n g l y over those w h o m i t was able to subjugate v i c t o r i o u s l y . ' The t w i n sources of sin, avarice its root and pride its beginning, combine i n the shades of this circle w h o still abuse t h e i r intellect b y seeking material aggrandisement as an end i n itself. Their v i r t u e (a p r o t o Machiavellian 'virtu'), u n l i k e true v i r t u e , came f r o m a desire for d o m i n i o n , a m o t i v e w h i c h i n itself was n o t o n l y a vice b u t w h i c h vitiated any good deeds t h e y p e r f o r m e d . Farinata and Cavalcante c o m m i t t e d the sin of refusing to accept t h e i r place as creatures subject to God. T h e y revolted against h i m to make themselves the centre of the w o r l d ; t h r o u g h their good works ('ben fare') t h e y are m e r e l y 'less base,' n o t h o l y . St A u g u s t i n e identifies the Earthly C i t y w i t h the compulsion to dominate one's fellow m a n : 'So pride is a perverse i m i t a t i o n of God. For i t abhors a society of peers under God, b u t seeks to impose its o w n rule, instead of H i s , o n s o c i e t y . ' The desire to subject other m e n perverts God's plan for ' [God] did n o t w i s h a rational creature, made i n H i s o w n image to have d o m i n i o n save over irrational creatures : not over m a n , b u t over the beasts.' Those disposed to heresy tend particularly to disturbance of the peace and impatience for supremacy. 4

5

6

7

8

9

As elsewhere i n H e l l , pride, i n this case the pride w h i c h leads to the fall of cities, provides the key. B r u n e t t o L a t i n i treated such pride i n chapter c x x x i of his Trésor under the r u b r i c 'Des c r i m i n a u x pechiés' ( ' O n C r i m i n a l Sins') : 'For pride engenders e n v y , and e n v y engenders l y i n g , and l y i n g engenders deception, and deception engenders w r a t h , and w r a t h engenders malevolence, and malevolence engenders e n m i t y , and e n m i t y engenders warfare, and war­ fare sunders the l a w and lays waste the c i t y . ' Farinata's tale recounts h o w Florence, b r o u g h t to a pass b y her leaders, o n l y t h r o u g h his o w n efforts escapes razing. I t tells of the clash of p r o u d rebels whose compulsion to dominate t h e i r fellows can lead the c i t y to destruction. Dante had touched o n the theme of the fall of a p r o u d city early i n the Commedia, i n Inferno i , where V i r g i l recalled that 'superbo I l i o n fu combusto' (75), and again i n Inferno v i , i n the factious prophecy of Ciacco. Here cantos i x and x dramatize the turbulence and defeat of a polis o n the literal level: God, t h r o u g h his Messenger, has again vanquished this city of fire w i t h a mere wand. A fallen city i n H e l l forms the scene of the action. 1 0

Pride and p r e s u m p t i o n r u n and m a i n t a i n Augustine's Earthly C i t y , and Dante makes canto x speak the language of superbia i n its manifold aspects, boldly u n d e r l i n i n g the sin i n his choice of vocabulary and metaphor. D u r i n g

17

Farinata

the w h o l e m o v i n g i n t e r v i e w between Cavalcante and the Wayfarer, Farinata t r u l y personifies biblical 'stiff-necked' pride: ' N é mosse collo, né piegô sua costa / he neither m o v e d his neck n o r bent his side' (75). Dante w i l l later use the same 'neck' image to embody the n o t i o n of pride i n Purgatorio x i , as he has the p r o u d O m b e r t o Aldobrandesco say: E s'io n o n fossi i m p e d i t o dal sasso che la cervice m i a superba doma, onde portar c o n v i e n m i i l viso basso, cotesti, ch'ancor vive e n o n si noma, guardere' i o , per veder s ' i ' l conosco . . . A n d were I n o t hindered b y the stone that subdues m y p r o u d neck, so that I m u s t h o l d m y face d o w n , I w o u l d look at this m a n w h o is yet alive and is n o t named, to see i f I k n o w h i m . . . (5 6) 2 -

There, those p u r g i n g t h e i r pride, are, u n l i k e Farinata, bent double, resem­ b l i n g corbels or caryatids s u p p o r t i n g a roof ( 1 3 0 - 2 ) . The unmovable quality of Farinata's neck is no incidental t o u c h of drama. Patristically the neck itself signifies pride. The Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam defines, ' C e r v i x est superbia, u t i n D e u t e r o n o m i o [31:27] "Ego . . . scio . . . cervicem t u a m d u r i s s i m a m , " i d est superbiam t u a m rigidissimam / The neck is pride, as i n D e u ­ t e r o n o m y : " I k n o w t h y most stiff neck," that is, y o u r most r i g i d p r i d e . ' Guido da Pisa glosses Inferno x , 75, c i t i n g Isaias 3 : i 6 : ' A m b u l a n t contra D e u m extento collo / T h e y w a l k against G o d w i t h stretched-out necks.' Further, Dante's description, 's'ergea col petto / he rose upright w i t h chest t h r o w n back/ echoes such definitions of pride as that of A l a i n de Lille: 'Haec est superbia quae supra se insolenter se erigit / This is pride w h i c h i n s o l e n t l y raises itself above its s t a t i o n . ' I n the Allegoriae pseudo-Rabanus M a u r u s again defines 'Pectus, superbia / Chest: p r i d e . ' Pride resounds i n the repetition of 'dispitto,' 'disdegno' ('scorn' or ' c o n t e m p t ' ) and 'disdegnoso' ( ' s c o r n f u l ' ) . The effect of the Poet's vocabulary fits perfectly w i t h the pattern of the E a r t h l y C i t y . 'The t w o cities, t h e n , ' states A u g u s t i n e , 'were created b y t w o kinds of love: the earthly city b y love of self carried even to the p o i n t of contempt for G o d . ' Such scorn for the D e i t y p a r t i c u l a r l y besets heresiarchs: ' W h a t else do heretics, t h a n i n e n t e r t a i n i n g false notions of God, contemn H i m b y their p r o u d conceits?' 1 1

12

1 3

14

The p r e s u m p t i o n characteristic of heresy also explains the famous prob­ l e m (solved t o satisfaction b y G i o r g i o Padoan) of the t e r m ' m a g n á n i m o ' twice used to describe Farinata: St A u g u s t i n e warns, ' N o n e n i m putetis, fratres, quia p o t u e r u n t fieri haereses per aliquas parvas animas. N o n fecerunt haereses

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

nisi m a g n i homines / For do not t h i n k , brethren, that heresies can arise i n any small souls. N o n e b u t great m e n have caused heresies.' M a g n a n i m i t y is to be understood i n the context of the terra. Those w h o w i t h o u t true belief gain success i n the E a r t h l y C i t y do n o t have true righteousness b u t m e r e l y its resemblance, 'For i t is such m e n w h o give the appearance of doing some­ t h i n g good i n order to gain h u m a n g l o r y . ' They make the virtues the slaves of h u m a n pomp as others make t h e m serve b o d i l y pleasure: 'Tarn t u r p i t e r serviré v i r t u t e s humanae gloriae q u a m corporis voluptate / For the virtues to be slaves of h u m a n g l o r y is as shameful as for t h e m to be slaves of b o d i l y pleasure. ' Yet these Epicureans do not even have the advantage i n A u g u s ­ tine's second t e r m of comparison, since t h e y had p u t their whole lives at the service of voluptas. St G r e g o r y the Great allies the effect of heretical preach­ i n g to the s t r i v i n g of the rich and powerful for d o m i n i o n : ' N o w v e r y often the preacher of error is allied w i t h the rich of this w o r l d , w h o for this reason, that t h e y strain over earthly employments, are too b l i n d to detect the tricks of the t h i n g delivered, and whereas t h e y go about to be powerful w i t h o u t , t h e y are taken w i t h o u t labor b y the noose of fro w a r d preachers. ' Dante's choice of the t w o factional leaders n o w comes i n t o sharper focus: since the m i g h t y and affluent most easily fall v i c t i m t o heretical error, he selected t h e m so that their social stature w o u l d enhance the canto's m o r a l lesson for his reader. Gregory's description of heresiarch's behaviour could almost be a blueprint for the action i n Inferno x. T h e i r 'excessive w a r m t h of w i t sets t h e m on fire, next smartness of speech lifts t h e m up [nitor deinde loquacitatis erigit] and then, finally, dissimulation presents t h e m comely [decorus] to the eyes of m e n . ' The Poet's scene moves dramatically. The Wayfarer, smitten b y the presumed m o r a l stature of his great compatriot, falls under the latter's sway and sinks to the v e r y factional q u a r r e l l i n g , w h i c h , w h e n habitual, can lead to eternal damnation. Farinata appears comely to Dante's eyes. The Ghibelline's speech (convincingly examined b y P e t r o c c h i ) provides a fine example of 'eloquio p o l i t i c o ' ; b u t let us note the contents: 15

1 6

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1 8

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O Tosco che per la città del foco v i v o ten vai cosí parlando onesto piacciati d i restare i n questo loco. O Tuscan, w h o go alive t h r o u g h the city of fire speaking thus m o d ­ estly, m a y i t please y o u to stay i n this place.

(22-4)

Closer s c r u t i n y reveals the t e m p t a t i o n i n those b e g u i l i n g lines - especially their i n v i t a t i o n to stay in this place, the C i t y of Fire - to remain i n H e l l . (St Gregory had defined the v e r y 'place of heresy' as pride i t s e l f . ) 'Come 20

19

Farinata

rest w i t h me i n the pride of s i n ' is the substance of Farinata's speech to the l i v i n g Dante, for those of this circle are n o t m e r e l y heretics b u t teachers and leaders of heresy, 'eresiarche' (Inferno i x , 127). B u t the pleasing words j u m p i m m e d i a t e l y f r o m Dante's 'parlare onesto' to the topic of cruel dominion: La tua loquela t i fa manifesto di quella n o b i l patria natio, a la quai forse f u i troppo molesto. Y o u r speech clearly shows y o u a native of that noble fatherland to w h i c h I was, perhaps, too h a r m f u l .

( 5~7) 2

Farinata defines Florence as the homeland of noble adversaries and as the place he molested. That the 'forse' (27), as some scholars have contended, indicates compunct i o n over his treatment of the c i t y , I cannot agree. De Sanctis saw the speech as a 'confession' - 'a l o f t y sentiment w h i c h purifies and beautifies Farinata i n the violence of his passion.' S u r p r i s i n g l y , even Barbi was to w r i t e , ' I t is true (Farinata realizes), I was g u i l t y . ' E m i n e n t as t h e y were, those critics erred: the repentant do n o t go to H e l l . Farinata's is not the 'passione della patria' b u t a m o n o m a n i a for p a r t y strife and personal g l o r y . H e had indeed been 'troppo molesto' historically, and one m u s t construe the 'forse' as the false modesty of gloating understatement. Souls are condemned to H e l l because t h e y persist i n t h e i r sin. Those i n L i m b o , alienated f r o m God not b y g u i l t b u t b y the consequences of the Fall, feel remorse and sadness, and those i n Purgatory alone are capable of t r u e repentance. T h r o u g h Farinata's display of pride we learn of the e n d u r i n g pertinacity of the sin of heresy. As Francesca's p u n i s h m e n t reflects the l u s t f u l w h i r l i n g passion, so the state of this soul reflects the unrepentant obstinacy of overheated, overweening, and obdurate u n b e l i e f . I n the v i e w of his contemporaries, the factionalism of Farinata was the essence of his h e r e s y . F i r m and u n b e n d i n g i n his pride, he holds H e l l i n contempt. Because of his persistence i n earthly dissension, the news of his party's failure to r e t u r n tortures h i m (or so he claims) more t h a n the hellfire of his eternal t o m b : ' C i ó m i t o r m e n t a più che questo letto / That torments me m o r e t h a n this bed' (78). B u t o u r romantic ' w i l l i n g suspension of disbelief m u s t n o t suffer overextension. To understand this sinner's foolishness, and lest we too be seduced b y his spurious show of strength, let us recall that i n C h r i s t i a n i t y fear of H e l l , specifically fear of the flames of H e l l , is the first step to righteousness and to heavenly w i s d o m . Farinata finally shakes his head; Dante's e a r t h l y revelations have t r u l y increased his i n t e r nal pain. 2 1

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

Just as Farinata's i n i t i a l speech began n o t w i t h a challenge b u t w i t h a respectful vocative, so, i n a lesser w a y , Cavalcante echoes h i m i n flattering address, 'Se per questo cieco / carcere vai per altezza d'ingegno / I f y o u go t h r o u g h this b l i n d prison b y reason of h i g h genius' ( 5 8 - 9 ) . I n b o t h cases the damned begin w i t h words designed to draw the Wayfarer's sympathetic attention. O n l y later does Farinata h u r l his challenge: 'Per due fiate l i dispersi / Twice over I scattered t h e m ' (48). H e aims to catch the W a y f a r e r off guard, draw h i m i n , and subject h i m . Compare, for example, St Gregory's amplifica­ t i o n of the technique of heresiarchs: 'For heretics dread to incense t h e i r hearers at the outset of t h e i r c o m m u n i n g w i t h t h e m , lest t h e y be listened to w i t h ears o n the w a t c h , and t h e y carefully shun the paining of t h e m , that t h e y m a y catch t h e i r unguardedness, and w h a t t h e y p u t forward is almost always m i l d , w h i l e that is harsh w h i c h t h e y c u n n i n g l y introduce i n going on. ' A s the scene progresses, the p e n d u l u m of aggressive repartee and alter­ cation swings between the W a y f a r e r and the Ghibelline; each strives for dominance, and the W a y f a r e r alternately succumbs and overcomes i n the master-slave dialogue. Dante's first e m o t i o n of 'being eager to obey,' and his open response to Farinata's question reflect the theme incisively. The W a y ­ farer himself falls i n t o the trap of pride b y asserting the importance of his o w n f a m i l y and faction, and, descending to the v e r y level of the damned, flings at his i n t e r l o c u t o r the k i n d of improperium he fears himself: ' I v o s t r i n o n appreser bene q u e l l ' arte / Yours have not learned that art w e l l . ' The teacher of heresy has successfully provoked his v i c t i m ' s o w n disposition to factionalism and Dante W a y f a r e r falls for the deceit. 2 5

The methods of p u n i s h m e n t i n Dante's H e l l are exquisitely diverse. M o r e often t h a n n o t the fates of the damned i n v o l v e something other t h a n penal fire; i n spite of the great w e i g h t of scriptural a u t h o r i t y , i t is m o r e the excep­ t i o n t h a n the r u l e . I n fact, i n the general plan of lower H e l l , f r o m the b u r n i n g mosques of Dis to freezing Cocytus, the Poet inverts Job 2:19: 'Let h i m pass f r o m the snow waters t o excessive heat: and his sin even to H e l l . ' Fire o n l y appears as a p u n i s h m e n t inside the c i t y of Dis, o n the inner side of the walls of the città del fuoco and below. Since there are o n l y five cases (the b u r n i n g arche of these heretics; the fiery r a i n w h i c h falls o n the idolaters, sodomites, and usurers; the flames w h i c h lick the feet of the simonists; the pheonix-like metamorphoses of the thieves; and the flaming tongues i m p r i s o n i n g the counsellors of f r a u d ) , the question of the aptness of p u n i s h i n g fire is n o t i d l y p u t . The concept has perhaps a fourfold inspira­ t i o n , the first f r o m empirical observation of the fate of contemporary heretics, the second f r o m Scripture and l i t u r g y , the t h i r d f r o m artistic convention, and the fourth from patristic doctrine. A s we are aware, i n Dante's day heretics were burned. T h e i r p u n i s h m e n t i n the Inferno m i r r o r s the civil and c r i m i 2 6

27

2i

Farinata

nal sentence meted o u t to heretics i n this life. T h o u g h b u r n i n g alive had been introduced at the Second C o u n c i l of Constantinople (553 A D ) , the practice did not become part of ecclesiastical and civil law i n the West u n t i l the first t h i r d of Dante's century, that is, i n l i v i n g m e m o r y . Frederick n's infamous law of 1 2 3 1 , included i n the Constitutiones regni Siciliae, orders obdurate heretics ' u t v i v i i n conspectu p o p u l i comburantur f l a m m a r u m commissi judicio / that t h e y be b u r n e d alive before the populace, c o m m i t t e d to the j u d g m e n t of the flames'; another version adds ' u t a n i m a r u m incendia patiant u r / that t h e y m a y suffer the fires of the s o u l . ' This law, w h i c h at first applied o n l y to the K i n g d o m of the T w o Sicilies, was extended to the whole of the Empire b e g i n n i n g w i t h the Edict of Cremona i n M a y 1 2 3 8 . The legislation came as a recognition of the popular custom of b u r n i n g suspected heretics, a m o b practice previously frowned u p o n b y the C h u r c h . Once live cremation entered canon and civil law, the C h u r c h sought a defence for ' l i g h t i n g the tails' of 'the little foxes that spoil the v i n e s ' b y an appeal to Scripture; i t f o u n d admirable and soothing a u t h o r i t y i n John 15:6: ' I f a m a n abide n o t i n me, he is cast f o r t h as a branch and is w i t h e r e d ; and m e n gather t h e m and cast t h e m i n t o the fire where t h e y are b u r n e d . ' 2 8

29

3 0

The first Florentine I n q u i s i t o r , a l t h o u g h he was not at first officially styled as such, was a contemporary of Cavalcante and of the same noble f a m i l y , the D o m i n i c a n A l d o b r a n d i n o Cavalcanti appointed to the commission against heretics circa 1 2 3 7 - 4 0 . I n 1283, at the age of eighteen, the y o u n g Dante probably joined the crowd to witness the posthumous b u r n i n g of Farinata and his wife Adaleta b y order of one of Aldobrandino's successors, the M i n o r i t e Friar Salomone da L u c c a . The recentness of such legislation and formal organization against heresy cannot be ignored w h e n we read Dante's lines. I t is condign p u n i s h m e n t that the Poet places the apostate emperor Frederick here i n H e l l w i t h his papal antagonist Cardinal Ottaviano. Cavalcante de' Cavalcanti's pain takes o n new aptness and significance w h e n we consider his family's i n t i m a t e ties w i t h the n e w l y founded I n q u i s i t i o n . However, Dante's austere sense of justice d i d not always coincide w i t h ecclesiastical and temporal practice. Since we are dealing w i t h a poem and not w i t h h i s t o r y , we m u s t seek f u r t h e r metaphoric and poetic reasons for his choice of p u n i s h m e n t i f we are to see h o w Dante portrayed his understand­ i n g of God's justice i n his poetry. W e find such artistic motives i n literature and art familiar to the Poet. I n the Moralia in job, St G r e g o r y the Great considers untempered unbelief itself as a metaphoric fire and heat: 'Heretics, as t h e y are over ardent to be wise, study to have heated w i t s beyond w h a t needs.' A n d later: 'The restless­ ness of unrestrained c u r i o s i t y accords w i t h unabating teeming heat, and so because t h e y l o n g to feel the heat of w i s d o m beyond w h a t t h e y ought, t h e y are 3 1

32

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said to come f r o m the south. Paul busied himself to cool the minds of the faithful to this heat of unrestrained w i s e n e s s . ' Elsewhere i n the same w o r k , St Gregory describes the end of stubborn heresiarchs: 'Indeed the fabricators of w r o n g doctrines springing up against H o l y Church, are already made an end of b y the heat of t r u t h . ' St Bernard echoes the concept i n his Super Cántica Canticorum : ' O f these m e n the end is destruction; at last the fire awaits t h e m . ' St G r e g o r y even uses the metaphor of refining: 'Whosoever, then is divided f r o m this u n i t y of the C h u r c h our M o t h e r . . . t h r o u g h heresy i n entertaining w r o n g notions about God . . . is bereft of the grace of charity, concerning w h i c h Paul saith w h a t we have before given : " A n d t h o u g h I give m y body to be b u r n e d and have n o t charity, i t profiteth me n o t h i n g . " A s i f he expressed h i m s e l f i n plain utterance: " W i t h o u t the bounds of its place, the fire of fining being applied to me only afflicts me with torment, and does not purify me by its cleansing." Compare Dante's verses ' l i a v e l l i . . . eran si del turto accesi, / che ferro più non chiede verun'arte / The tombs ... were made to g l o w all over, hotter t h a n i r o n need be for any craft' (Inferno i x , 1 1 8 - 2 0 ) . 33

3 4

3 5

736

The appropriateness of coupling Farinata and Cavalcante, Frederick 11 and the Pope's Legate Cardinal Ottaviano forever i n t o r m e n t seems at once to satisfy a p r i m i t i v e sense of justice: the leaders of opposing factions each w i l l represent eternal and reciprocal bitterness for the other. The aptness leaps to the eye, b u t even here Dante's concept has f u l l support i n dogma. Perhaps Dante f o u n d further fittingness recalling the Bishop of Hippo's v e r y definit i o n of the t w o cities i n De Catechizandis rudibus (chapter 19) : 'Thus there are two cities, one of the wicked the other of the just, w h i c h endure f r o m the beginning of the h u m a n race even to the end of t i m e , w h i c h are n o w interm i n g l e d i n body, b u t separated i n w i l l , and w h i c h , moreover, are to be separated i n body also o n the day of j u d g m e n t . For all m e n w h o love pride and temporal d o m i n i o n together w i t h e m p t y v a n i t y and display of presumption, and all spirits w h o set t h e i r affections on such things and seek their o w n g l o r y b y the subjectiqn of m e n , are b o u n d fast b y one fellowship; and even t h o u g h t h e y frequently fight one another for these ends, still are they flung headlong by an equal weight of desire into the same abyss, and are united to one another by the likeness of their ways and deserts [et sibi m o r u m et m e r i t o r u m s i m i l i t u d i n e c o n j u g u n t u r ] . ' The saint had spoken of Hell's p u n i s h ments i n the same v e i n i n his sermons: T b i tenebrosus ignis et locus h o r r i b i lis, i b i flamma gehennalis et i n e x t i n g u i b i l i s . . . i b i m i s e r i c u m miseris, superbi cum superbis. . . . / There the dark fire and fearful place, there the i n e x t i n guishable flame of Gehenna . . . here the wretched w i t h the wretched, the p r o u d w i t h the p r o u d . . . ' The Poet's 'simile con simile è sepolto' (Inferno ix, 130) surely echoes the saint's conception. 3 7

The movements of the sinners i n canto x constantly reverse the progres-

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sion of death to resurrection. Dante emphasizes their actions w i t h synonyms or derivations of the verbs ' erigo' and ''sur'go' ('arise'). A r i s i n g is followed by symbols or actions of falling and d y i n g : 'già son levad t u t t ' i coperchi/ ' t u t t i sarán serrati'; ' d i Iosafat q u i torneranno coi corpi,' ' l ' a n i m a col corpo m o r t a fanno'; 'Farinata che se dritto,' 'el s'ergea/ ' c o m ' io al piè de la sua tomba f u i ' ; ' sur se a la vista scoperchiata,' 's'era . . . levata,' ''drizzato,' 'supin ricadde e più n o n parve fora,' ' i n d i s'ascose.' Dante w i l l employ the same verbs 'surgere' and ' risurgere' to stress the theme of the Easter Resurrection i n Purgatorio i , 6, 7, 9. The Poet's verses, 'La gente che per l i sepolcri giace / potrebbesi veder? già son levati / t u t t ' i coperchi, e nessun guardia face / M i g h t these people w h o lie w i t h i n the sepulchres be seen ? Indeed, the covers are all suspended, and no one keeps guard' (Inferno x, 7 - 9 ) , and m u c h of the action portrayed i n Inferno v i n as w e l l as the description of the avelli i n Inferno i x and x reflect and i n v e r t M a t t h e w 27 and 28. The earthquake, Christ's death, b u r i a l , and resurrection, the open t o m b , the sleeping guards, and the appearance of the angel to the h o l y w o m e n are all d a r k l y present. A n angel came to allow V i r g i l and Dante entrance i n t o D i s , and he reminded the Furies of previous t r i u m p h a l descents i n t o H e l l . The open lids of the monimenti reflect the result of the earthquake at Christ's death, and must be allied to the various ruine we meet d u r i n g the descent t h r o u g h H e l l : Et terra m o t a est et petrae scissae sunt, et monumenta aperta sunt et m u l t a corpora sanctorum q u i dormierant surrexerunt et exeuntes de m o n u m e n t i s post resurrectionem eius venerunt i n sanctam civitatem et apparuerunt m u l t i s . A n d the earth quaked and the rocks were rent. A n d the graves were opened; and m a n y bodies of the saints that had slept arose. A n d coming o u t of the tombs after his resurrection, came into the h o l y city and appeared to m a n y . (Matthew 27:51-3) Those w h o t a u g h t t h a t the soul dies w i t h the body, however, w i l l not experience resurrection; the open t o m b , the Christian s y m b o l of eternal life, abides as a reminder u n t i l its l i d w i l l close over t h e m i n eternal second death. The damned represent the antithesis of the Easter antiphon 'Surrexit D o m inus de sepulcro / The L o r d has arisen f r o m the g r a v e . ' 38

From about the n i n t h century Christ's t o m b and the C h u r c h altar had been fused i n i m a g e r y and function. A m a l a r i u s of M e t z (ca 780-850/1) i n the Eclogae de Officio Missae states: 'Ecce habes hie t u m u l u m C h r i s t i quam

24

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conspicis aram / Behold y o u have here the t o m b of Christ w h i c h y o u perceive as an a l t a r . ' The j o i n i n g of altar and sarcophagus was aided b y etymological inventiveness w h i c h saw 'ara' (altar) as related to the 'area' (ark), the Taber­ nacle of the Host w h i c h was like Christ's sepulchre. St Gregory the Great spoke of the altar as 'arcam sanctae Crucis / the area of the H o l y C r o s s . ' I n later times i t became the custom to deposit unused consecrated wafers w i t h i n the altar walls or w i t h i n the doors of the Tabernacle; since the altar contains the Host, the B o d y of C h r i s t , i t becomes his t o m b . 39

40

Dante's p r o f o u n d m o r a l parody inverts the action of the liturgical Visitatio sepulcri, a ceremony w h i c h i n m a n y areas of Christendom took place just before the Te Deum, at the end of M a t i n s o n Easter m o r n i n g . The drama of the Poem reverses the drama of the V i s i t a t i o n . The infernal sarcophagus, far f r o m being e m p t y , is laden w i t h dead souls. The ' N o n est hie sed surrexit / H e is not here. For H e is r i s e n ! ' is parodied and reversed i n Farinata's appearance ('surrexit sed est h i e ! ' ) ; s i m i l a r l y , Cavalcante arises ('surse a la vista scoperchiata,' Inferno x, 52), o n l y to fall back i n second death ('supin ricadde'). 4 1

Medieval Byzantine and W e s t e r n figurative representations of the M a r y s at the sepulchre centred on the angel w i t h n i m b u s and w a n d p o i n t i n g to the linen w i n d i n g sheets i n the deserted sarcophagus. I n most Western i l l u s ­ trations the angel sits o n the tomb's l i d as i t levitates, floats, or leans at g r a v i t y - d e f y i n g angles (plate 1 ) . Dante's verse, ' T u t t i l i lor coperchi eran sospesi / T h e i r covers were a l l raised u p ' (Inferno rx, 121), reflects this tradition. Dante's view of Farinata 'dalla cintola i n su' also follows depictions i n Christian p a i n t i n g and sculpture. Early renderings of the Resurrection show a robed Christ standing waist-up i n his tomb w i t h the lid 'sospeso.' But the stance of b o t h Farinata and Cavalcante, once the latter too rises to f u l l height (Inferno x, 67), parallels a new Gothic vision of a naked Christ, the 'Imago pietatis' or M a n of Sorrows (Isaias 5 2 : 3 ; plates 2, 3 ) . I n such depictions the dead Redeemer seems already beyond the temporal; flagellated, t o r t u r e d , and delivered f r o m the cross, he stands 'da la cintola i n su,' 'waist-up,' alone and unsupported i n his sarcophagus. This new devotional image seems not to be found i n the West before the t w e l f t h century, t h o u g h i t m a y have had a previous t r a d i t i o n w h i c h has n o t come to l i g h t or w h i c h has not come d o w n to us. Emile M â l e believed that its prototype was a mosaic icon of the Passion preserved i n the C h u r c h of Santa Croce i n Gerusalemme i n Rome (plate 4 ) ; the w o r k , the o r i g i n a l , or a copy of a miraculous image probably b r o u g h t back f r o m the East i n the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y , commanded particular venera­ t i o n as a p i l g r i m station especially o n Passion Sunday and Good Friday. Together w i t h the M a n d y l i o n or V e i l of Veronica i n O l d St Peter's, M â l e 4 2

43

4 4

4 5

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t h o u g h t , i t was a major goal of Romer Pilgrims for pardons and indulgences; this fact accounts for the wide dissemination of the figure i n European art i n the late t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries. I f Male's thesis were r i g h t , we could be sure that Dante viewed i t o n his Roman pilgrimage d u r i n g the Jubilee Year of 1300, and again, perhaps, i n 1302 w h e n he received i n Rome the tragic news of his exile. M o r e recently, however, Carlo Bertelli, w h o directed the restoration of the Santa Croce mosaic i n 1961, has disagreed w i t h Male's thesis. Bertelli believes that the Roman icon is not a copy of the prototype of the M a n of Sorrows image: such depictions were far too w i d e ­ spread i n Europe previously for us t o ascribe such a d e r i v a t i o n . B u t even i f M â l e and his followers are n o t correct i n t h e i r suppositions concerning the lines of provenance and diffusion, there are certainly enough examples of the Tmago pietatis' dating close to Dante's t i m e and experience to prove the Poet's most i n t i m a t e f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h i t . 46

I n a t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Italo-Byzantine panel i n the M u s e u m Casa H o m e i n Florence, the dead C h r i s t stands u p r i g h t i n his t o m b w i t h his M o t h e r , the M a t e r dolorosa, o n his r i g h t (plate 5 ) . A similar, and v e r y fine, lone figure appears i n a Florentine Franciscan prayer .book dating f r o m about 1 2 9 5 . I n 1320 Simone M a r t i n i painted a p o l y p t y c h n o w preserved i n the M u s e u m of Santa Caterina i n Pisa: beneath the central panel of the Madonna and C h i l d , i n the predella, stands the poignant M a n of Sorrows attended b y Saints M a r y and M a r k (plate 6 ) . A recently excavated fresco b y a follower of G i o t t o i n the former cathedral church of Santa Reparata i n Florence presents a f u r t h e r example (plate 7 ) . The top of this w a l l p a i n t i n g was removed d u r i n g the construction of the new floor of Santa M a r i a del Fiore sometime after 1375, and the head and neck of Christ are consequently missing, b u t the fresco still shows v i v i d l y the resigned attitude of the dead Christ i n the t o m b surrounded b y the arma Christi * or symbols of the passion i n the background. The grief-stricken figures of the V i r g i n and St John flank the figure i n the f o r e g r o u n d . The M a n of Sorrows was also a favourite theme for contemporary t o m b sculpture i n I t a l y ; few N o r t h Italian churches lack an e x a m p l e . The Bardi Chapel i n Santa Croce i n Florence contains one version on a t o m b dating f r o m the m i d - f o u r t e e n t h century (plate 8). A m o n g several such t o m b figures found i n the Museo Sforzesco of M i l a n is an interesting depiction of Christ standing w i t h the traverses of the cross stretching benind h i m i n w i n d m i l l ­ like configuration (plate 9; compare Satan as a m i l l i n Inferno x x x i v , discussed below, chapter 8). The Tmago pietatis' appears i n the central panels of the m o n u m e n t a l tombs or arche i n Verona, notable examples of the Gothic revival of sculptured sarcophagi i n i m i t a t i o n of the first Christian pieces of the f o u r t h century. The most significant is the figure of Christ flanked b y figures 4 7

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5 0

5

52

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of the A n n u n c i a t i o n f o u n d on the sarcophagus of Can Grande della Scala, the ruler and patron to w h o m Dante dedicated the Paradiso (plate i o ) . I n depicting the heretics i n pain i n their area, Dante is clearly i n v e r t i n g this new devotional image of Christ's suffering. Farinata, persistently unbelieving and unredeemed as he sighs and shakes his head (Inferno x, 88), f i t t i n g l y resembles not the l i v i n g God, the erect, t r i u m p h a n t resurrected Redeemer stepping f o r t h f r o m his t o m b , b u t the dead M a n standing w i t h i n i t w i t h his bowed head t u r n e d aside. 5 4

Dante's scene also reflects related themes suggested b y various other meanings of the w o r d 'area.' Noah's opening of the ark (Latin and Italian 'area') prefigured the death of Christ, his resurrection f r o m the t o m b , and his victory over death, and Noah and his ark commonly appear i n the decorations of early Christian sarcophagi and catacombs. The image reflected the prayer of the b u r i a l office, the Commendatio animae: 'Libera, D o m i n e , a n i m u m ejus sicut liberasti Noe de d i l u v i o / Free, O Lord, his soul as y o u freed N o a h f r o m the Flood.' The v e r y nanie N o a h , Isidore tells us, means 'the re­ pose of the dead': ' N o e autem requies interpretatur / N o a h then is interpreted as " r e q u i e m . " ' Tombs and crypt paintings depict N o a h f r o m the waist up, orans, or gesturing t o w a r d the r e t u r n i n g dove w i t h its olive branch. I n most representations f r o m paleo-Christian times o n , the ark is extremely small; perhaps t h r o u g h a conflation of the story w i t h the legend of Deucalion, i n early illustrations we find i t shown as a mere box or chest (again L a t i n 'area') w i t h a lock. A far cry f r o m the vast craft of Genesis 6 : 1 4 - 1 6 , the pictured arks could n o t possibly float u p r i g h t , m u c h less h o l d a n y t h i n g more than the figure of N o a h (plate 11). The sculptor or painter forgot or ignored Old-Testament details and reduced the ark to a v e r y stylized and conventional cipher or ideogram; he concentrated not o n realism or on the literal meaning b u t on the second, symbolic significance: the fulfilled mes­ sage of the N e w Testament. N o a h was depicted n o t o n l y on sarcophagi and in catacombs, b u t in an area w h i c h was figuratively the t o m b of Christ. Physi­ cally N o a h was saved t h r o u g h divine i n t e r v e n t i o n (the dove and the olive branch) and s p i r i t u a l l y he was redeemed t h r o u g h Christ's death and the H a r r o w i n g of H e l l . A l l details t y p i f y the theme of salvation: the patriarch's ark parallels Christ's sepulchre; N o a h prefigures Christ; his stance is that of Christ b o t h dead and risen. 'Noe v i r Justus. H i e per actus suos significat C h r i s t u m / N o a h is the just m a n . T h r o u g h his acts he signifies C h r i s t . ' Dante has Farinata i r o n i c a l l y ' f u l f i l ' this symbolic pattern of h i s t o r y i n his Poem. 55

5 6

5 7

The quotation f r o m Augustine's De Catechizandis rudibus w h i c h we cited above concerning the t w o cities is followed directly and i m m e d i a t e l y i n the saint's w o r k b y a consideration of the Flood. H e takes Noah's ark (area) to be a

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s y m b o l of b o t h the H e a v e n l y C i t y and a préfiguration of the Church. The wood of the ark represents the cross; the f a m i l y of N o a h , the blessed. Later, i n chapter 27, the saint explains: 'Those w h o escaped i n the A r k were a figure of the C h u r c h that was to be, w h i c h n o w floats u p o n the waves of the w o r l d , and is saved f r o m s i n k i n g b y the w o o d of the Cross of C h r i s t / Dante uses the same i m a g e r y for the Chariot of the C h u r c h i n Purgatory x x x n , 1 2 5 - 6 , Tarca del carro' b u t he transposes the themes i n Inferno i x and x : the arche are an infernal i n v e r s i o n of the figure of the ark; the stone sarcophagi sunk i n H e l l yet afloat, as i t were, a m i d the flames, inversely parallel the C h u r c h and its préfiguration i n the tale f r o m Genesis. I n the same w o r k St A u g u s t i n e gives a further explanation : the ark is the Church because b o t h h o l d the future blessed and the future damned: 'God was not ignorant of the fact that even f r o m those w h o had been saved i n the A r k there w o u l d be b o r n wicked m e n w h o w o u l d once more cover the face of the whole earth w i t h i n i q u i t i e s . ' God foresaw that there w o u l d be idolaters and unbelievers. I n the City of God A u g u s t i n e explains that the passengers of the vessel and especially the sons of N o a h all prefigured things achieved i n later times: of Shem's seed, the Jews, Christ was b o r n ; of Japheth's, the Gentiles, comes the 'enlargemeht' of the C h u r c h . Ham (Cham) the middle son, however, is the progenitor of the Earthly City (the damned), the type of the heretic, and the forefather of heresy. The name ' C h a m , ' avers A u g u s t i n e , f o l l o w i n g Jerome, means ' h o t ' ('calidus'), and he continues i n figurative language w h i c h supplies a satisfying analogue, at once doctrinal and metaphoric, to Dante's Poem: ' W h a t does he signify b u t the hot breed of heretics'? For heretical hearts are w o n t to be fired not b y the spirit of w i s d o m , but b y that of impatience, and thus disturb the peace of the s a i n t s . ' For Dante the 'haereticorum genus c a l i d u m ' is f i t t i n g l y punished i n ' m o n i m e n t i [che] son più e m e n caldi / m o n u m e n t s [which] are more and less h o t ' (Inferno i x , 131). A s Epicurus, the classical example of heresy, appears o n the literal level of the episode, so the biblical figura is present i n a sunken metaphor. The reader thus m a y readily idenify the contentious Farinata and his enemy Cavalcante i n t h e i r fiery area as sons of H a m . O t h e r symbols of deliverance and redemption s u r r o u n d the sinners. I n ecclesiastical art the escape f r o m the Flood contrasted w i t h the escape f r o m destruction b y fire. A g a i n art echoed the Commendatio animae of the funeral l i t u r g y : 'Libera domine a n i m a m servi t u i sicut liberasti tres pueros de camino ignis ardentis et de m a n u regis i n i q u i / Free O Lord the soul of t h y servant as y o u freed the three children f r o m the furnace of b u r n i n g fire and f r o m the hand of the wicked k i n g . ' The crowded friezes of early Christian sarcophagi f r e q u e n t l y present N o a h juxtaposed or i n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h the depiction of the three H e b r e w children i n the fiery furnace (Daniel 3 ) . The 5 8

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sculptured h o r i z o n t a l waves of the water are identical to the vertical billows of fire s u r r o u n d i n g the furnace of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego (plate 1 2 ) . W i t h the ark as a furnace, Dante's inversion and combination of t w o events, symbolic of God's mercy and man's salvation, t h r o w i n t o relief the implacable nature of divine j u d g m e n t o n the heretics. Dante's scheme of 'burial i n second death' i n b u r n i n g sarcophagi repeats God's divine pattern as i t echoes b o t h funeral l i t u r g y and catacumbal iconography. 6 1

Three times the Poet tells us that the lids of the arche are open: ' T u t t i l i l o r coperchi eran sospesi' (Inferno i x , 121), ' G i à son / levati t u t t ' i coperchi' (Inferno x, 8 - 9 ) , and 'allor surse alia vista scoperchiata' (Inferno x, 52). Such emphasis cannot be w i t h o u t reason. W e can find explanation b o t h i n the biblical text of the tale of N o a h (Gen. 8:13: 'Aperiens Noe tectum arcae aspexit viditque quod exsiccata esset superficies terrae / A n d Noe opening the covering of the ark, looked, and saw that the face of the earth was dried') and i n the explanations of the ark i n the C h u r c h Fathers. Perhaps the longest disquisition o n the subject is H u g h of St Victor's De arca Noe, i n w h i c h the w r i t e r gives a f u l l and detailed exposition to each part of the vessel, b o t h those described i n the Bible and those of his o w n i m a g i n a t i o n . The most interesting parts for o u r purposes are the chapters o n the openings i n the craft, especially 'De ostio arcae' and 'De ostio, et fenestra hujus arcae.' The uncovered opening t h r o u g h w h i c h the t w o damned shades make their appearance reflects, i n a hellish inversion, the door b y w h i c h the faithful enter the C h u r c h . This portal of the Church-ark should be closed, 'hoc o s t i u m clausum esse debet, u t amplius ad antiquos errores n o n revertamur / This door should be closed lest we r e t u r n more v e h e m e n t l y to o u r ancient errors.' It is the door 'per q u a m ab infidelitate i n g r e d i m u r i n Ecclesiam . . . per quern revocati sumus / t h r o u g h w h i c h f r o m our lack of faith we enter the C h u r c h . . . t h r o u g h w h i c h we are r e c a l l e d . ' The rest of H u g h ' s image, however, paral­ lels the open lids. The evil m a n , H a m , breaks open the doors of the ark i n disobedience: ' B o n u m h o m i n e m Noe, et m a l u m h o m i n e m Cham. Bono h o m i n i Deus o s t i u m aperit, malus h o m o inobedienter exiens ex altera parte valvas frangit. / The good m a n is N o a h , and the evil m a n is H a m . God opens the portal for the good m a n ; the evil m a n breaks the hinges b y going out disobediently f r o m the other s i d e . ' The open state of the arks i n H e l l symbolizes those w h o have left the ark of the C h u r c h to follow their o w n error i n pride. B u t Dante's m o r a l and anagogical message is even more complete: God's closing of the arks at the Last Judgment w i l l make the p u n i s h m e n t perfect, for as he opens the doors of the ark of the Heavenly C i t y to the blessed, so w i l l he shut the lids of these tombs of the heretics and, m e t o n y m i c a l l y , close the tomba of all H e l l w i t h its damned forever. 62

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Cantos i x and x begin to come i n t o clearer focus w h e n we examine the

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justness of h a v i n g the l i m i t a t i o n s of the souls' knowledge revealed at the end of Inferno x. Farinata tells the W a y f a r e r , Dante: ' N o i veggiam, come quei c'ha mala luce, le cose,' disse, 'che n o n son lontano; cotanto ancor ne splende i l sommo duce. Quando s'appressano o son, t u t t o è vano nostro i n t e l l e t t o ; e s'altri n o n ci apporta, nulla sapem d i vostro stato u m a n o . Pero comprender p u o i che t u t t a m o r t a fia nostra conoscenza da quel p u n t o che del f u t u r o fia chiusa la p o r t a . ' 'Like one w h o has bad l i g h t , we see the t h i n g s , ' he said, ' w h i c h are remote f r o m us: so m u c h does the Supreme Ruler still shine o n us; but w h e n t h e y draw near, or are, o u r intelligence is w h o l l y vain, and unless others b r i n g us w o r d , we k n o w n o t h i n g of y o u r h u m a n state; wherefore y o u can comprehend that all our knowledge w i l l be dead f r o m that m o m e n t w h e n the door of the future shall be closed.' (100-8) Critics have l o n g debated w h e t h e r Farinata's explanation applies to all souls i n H e l l or m e r e l y to the h e r e t i c s . I m m e d i a t e l y u p o n encountering the problem, we are t r o u b l e d b y Ciacco's words earlier i n Inferno v i , 69, w h i c h i m p l y knowledge of the present. B u t the Poet has d r a w n a d i v i d i n g line at the Gates of D i s , between Upper and Lower H e l l . Below the w a l l is the 'terra,' the city, w h i c h p a r t i c u l a r l y reflects, as we have seen, the 'civitas terrena.' Beyond this line, the souls have no knowledge of the present. I n this regard one m u s t keep i n m i n d that the heretics - precisely, the Epicureans - give the explanation of their souls' foresight. Can we see a reflection of God's justice i n this? I w o u l d like to offer an answer w h i c h not o n l y reflects this justice b u t also reveals that Farinata's explanation applies to the heretics a l o n e . Critics have noted that the C h u r c h Fathers disagree about whether or not departed souls have knowledge of present e a r t h l y events. Dante was thus free to i n v e n t and to adopt parts of teachings as he saw f i t . A l l the details concerning thse Epicureans, however - heretical scorn, their walls and tombs, and t h e i r tendency i n life to rest i n present things - are concepts joined i n other w o r k s outside Dante's poem. The souls i n canto x suffer i n arche w i t h i n the walls of a c i t y ; these chests, the Poet is careful to say, resemble the ancient tombs at A r i e s and Pola, necropoleis w h i c h , we m i g h t observe, resemble m i n i a t u r e cities of the l i v i n g . I n a l l y i n g Epicurean doctrine w i t h the 65

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image of a m a u s o l e u m to be closed at Judgment D a y , Dante's concept seems to recall St G r e g o r y of Nyssa's reaction to the doctrine of those philosophers regarding the soul, and t h e i r perception of earthly existence: 'For I hear Epi­ curus was b r o u g h t around to this [that the soul does n o t exist outside the body] b y his assumptions that the nature of reality is formed b y chance and automatically, inasmuch as there is no providence governing things. . . . For to h i m , the l i m i t of r e a l i t y was w h a t is perceived and he made perception the measure of the comprehension of e v e r y t h i n g . H e closed his eyes complete­ l y to the perceptions of the soul and was unable to recognize a n y t h i n g intelligible and incorporeal, just as someone kept i n a little house is excluded f r o m the sight of w h a t is outside. There really are walls w h i c h prevent small-souled folk t h r o u g h t h e i r o w n fault f r o m the contemplation of the intelligible . . . some w h o see the universe are b l i n d to w h a t is made clear b y i t ; as a result, these sophisticated and scornful persons are cited b y those w h o philosophize about the disappearance of the soul, saying that a body is made up of elements and that the soul cannot exist b y itself unless i t is one of these and exists i n t h e m . . . consequently they are teaching nothing else than that our life is dead/ A f t e r a life of d e n y i n g the afterlife, enslaved b y earthly pleasures and p u r s u i t of earthly reputation at the cost of others, the damned heresiarchs here have real walls w h i c h block that n a r r o w earthly perception. T h e i r p u n i s h m e n t of blindness to an earthly present i n H e l l m i r ­ rors their blindness to t r u e r e a l i t y i n life. 69

The 'sepolcri,' t h e n , are p a r t i c u l a r l y apt. A g a i n St Gregory the Great can help us quicken o u r comprehension i n passages w h i c h m a y have inspired Dante, and i n w h i c h the saint combines the sentences of equal punishment for equal sin, the metaphor of b u r n i n g graves and the souls' earthly affections and perceptions: 'Those are i n v o l v e d i n one and the same punishment w h o are bound b y one and the same g u i l t i n sin. This is w e l l and s h o r t l y conveyed by the Prophet [Ezekiel 32:22] w h e n he says, "Asshur is there and all his company; his graves are about h i m . " For w h o is set f o r t h b y the title of Asshur, the p r o u d k i n g , saving t h a t o l d enemy w h o fell b y pride, who for that he draws numbers into sin, descends w i t h all his m u l t i t u d e s i n t o the d u n ­ geons of hell? N o w "graves" [sepulcra] are a shelter for the dead. . . . W h e n h u m a n hearts a d m i t h i m i n this state of death, assuredly t h e y become his graves. N o w "his graves are about h i m , " i n that all i n whose souls he n o w buries himself b y t h e i r affections, hereafter he joins to himself b y t o r ­ ments. A n d whereas the lost n o w a d m i t evil spirits w i t h i n themselves b y c o m m i t t i n g u n l a w f u l deeds, then the graves will burn together with the dead/ The paragraph explains the p u n i s h m e n t as symbolic of a general wickedness, and i t aids us i n seeing h o w Dante conceived all of the m a n ­ sions of H e l l as one vast tomba. The aptness of t o r m e n t i n g heretics and no one 70

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else i n this w a y St. G r e g o r y elucidates i n a c o m m e n t a r y o n a line f r o m Job 15:27, 'Those that r e m a i n of h i m shall be b u r i e d i n d e a t h / H e stresses the earthly l i m i t s of perception of heretics i n this life and his gloss casts l i g h t o n the justness of the lack of present earthly knowledge on the part of souls damned i n Dante's circle of the heresiarchs: 'Doubtless "the persons left" of that tribe of heretics "are buried in death" for whereas t h e y r e t u r n not to the l i g h t of t r u t h they are sunk down in everlasting punishment by their earthly perceptions.' ^ 7

I n the l i g h t of Gregory's a u t h o r i t y , the justice of Dante's o w n literal conception is even m o r e s t r i k i n g and satisfying. Content i n life w i t h the senses' perception of the immediate present and scorning that of the soul, the heresiarchs find themselves after death entombed amid flames, t o r t u r e d b y the soul's ignorance, cut off f r o m knowledge of the present, having o n l y the anguish of d i m l y foreseeing an inevitable future and the pain of recalling an unchangeable past. H a v i n g rejected ' i m i t a t i o C h r i s t i ' i n their life as m e n , t h e y ape the Dead C h r i s t i n t h e i r death. The episode thus provides a didactic experience for the W a y f a r e r and an e x e m p l u m for the reader. Dante makes the ideal p u n . The tombs are n o t o n l y ' m o n u m e n t s ' b u t ' m o n i m e n t i , ' ' w a r n ­ ings,' ' a d m o n i s h m e n t s . ' For as St Thomas puts i t , 'The profit that ensues f r o m heresy is beside the i n t e n t i o n of the heretics, for i t consists i n the con­ stancy of the faithful being p u t to the test. ' I n fact the v e r y cantos show the historical usefulness of the heresiarchs to the greater body of Christ; t h e y reflect St A u g u s t i n e and the other Fathers w h o had basked i n the n o t i o n that the real t h o u g h u n i n t e n d e d lesson taught b y the sons of H a m redounded to the g l o r y of God, recalling 1 Corinthians 11:19: 'For there m u s t also be heresies: that t h e y also, w h o are approved m a y be made manifest among you.' 72

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3 PIER D E L L A V I G N A

Historians and l i t e r a r y critics generally divide i n t o t w o camps concerning Pier della V i g n a . Historians, t h o u g h g i v i n g l i p service to the greatness of the Commedia, u s u a l l y see Dante as o n l y a rather poor, somewhat biased, secondary source for the facts of Piero's g u i l t and death. W h i l e litterati have often taken Piero's words i n the Poem at face value and declared his tragic innocence, historians examine contemporary documents and declare his i g n o m i n i o u s g u i l t . There is, critics m u s t accept, ample historic evidence of the N o t a r y ' s c r i m i n a l i t y , n o t of lèse majesté, b u t of c o r r u p t i o n i n office, perversion of justice, and self-enrichment at the expense of the innocent and the state. I n addition, a close e x a m i n a t i o n of the contrapasso t h r o u g h the episode's major images and a n e w analysis of the iconography of the cantos show that the Poet, far f r o m exculpating his personage, considers h i m g u i l t y , n o t o n l y of suicide, b u t indeed of other crimes w h i c h led, i n the v i e w of an o r t h o dox C h r i s t i a n , t y p i c a l l y , dogmatically, and almost inexorably to i t . T h o u g h the greater n u m b e r of Dante scholars n o w distinguish between 'Dante Poet' and 'Dante W a y f a r e r , ' earlier critics e x a m i n i n g these cantos, almost w i t h o u t exception, ignored this useful separation and missed the m o r a l and anagogical message. T h e y accepted the n a r r o w v i e w of Dante W a y farer, s y m p a t h i z i n g w i t h o u t reflection w i t h Piero's protestation of innocence and w i t h the sense of loss and despair he suffers t h r o u g h e t e r n i t y . Their opinion sets aside the objective j u d g m e n t of Dante Poet as a reflection of divine justice, and ignored that this v e r y j u d g m e n t condemned Piero to the circle of the v i o l e n t , amidst the h o r r o r and repugnance of a trackless waste, a poisonous w o o d populated w i t h f i l t h y harpies, resounding w i t h moans and cries of despair and pain. The v i e w that Dante celebrated Pier della V i g n a as a romantic, great-souled hero is unacceptable i n the context of the Poem as a whole and does n o t square w i t h the Poet's severe concept of divine justice. 1

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Dante was aware that Pier della Vigna's violence t o w a r d himself was the historic c u l m i n a t i o n of an inveterate rapacity and violence against others. Clearly, the Poet believed that Piero's self-righteous v i e w of himself as 'giusto' was n o t shared b y God. N o clearer discrepancy between the views of the damned and the divine perspective could be cited than the manner i n w h i c h Piero praises Frederick n , ' w h o was so w o r t h y of h o n o u r / and the reality of the place w h i c h the Emperor holds i n H e l l among the b u r n i n g heretics. I n the Poet's v i e w suicides are lower than the animals. Their souls are t u r n e d to stocks, sentient b u t k n o t t e d , warped, sterile, and poisonous; the w i l d boar of the Tuscan M a r e m m a do n o t inhabit 'thickets so r o u g h or dense.' Piero has lost his h u m a n f o r m t h r o u g h lack of Christian v i r t u e and ethics, t h r o u g h shame and despair. The rhetorical brilliance of the episode, particularly Piero's self-serving apologia, m u s t not lead us astray. I n set­ t i n g f o r t h the state of this character after death, the Poet presents not some anachronistic facsimile of a Greek heroic tragedy b u t a v i b r a n t Gothic exemp l u m for the guidance of his readers' souls: H e l l is the fearful place of God's w r a t h where m e r c y and p i t y have no place. T h r o u g h a close examination of the biblical, patristic, historical, pictorial, and iconographie foundations of the episode's i m a g e r y we can delve beyond the surface of the Poem to the m o r a l and anagogical levels. I n so d o i n g we shall n o t o n l y clarify the contrapasso, the anagogical revelation o n divine retaliation for w h i c h the Poet expects us to see the sufficient reason, b u t also, perhaps, find satisfying solutions to other, secondary cruxes. As I noted i n chapter 1, Dante bases his premise on the axiom that man is made i n the image of God, and that this image extends to eternity, t h o u g h i n H e l l ghastly changes are w r o u g h t u p o n the creature i n t o r m e n t . The suicides w h o wickedly tore asunder the image of their M a k e r also reflect a s i m i l a r l y perverted Christological pattern. T h e i r infernal existence as trees apes C h r i s t as symbolized b y the Tree of the Cross i n Christian a r t , and such images as those i n the ancient Easter h y m n to w h i c h Dante ironically refers i n the first line of Inferno xxxrv, ' V e x i l l a regis prodeunt i n f e r n i / There proceed the banners of the k i n g of H e l l . ' A s once bled the wounds of Christ, the branch of Jesse's Tree, so bleed the wounds of the branches of the damned. I n Inferno x m , 1 0 7 - 8 we are t o l d that after Christ's Last C o m i n g as Judge, the bodies of the suicides too w i l l hang upon trees as once did the Redeemer's; thus the d e i f o r m image w i l l t r i u m p h . W e i m m e d i a t e l y perceive the just and t e r r i f y i n g i r o n y of the p u n i s h m e n t . The Poet i m p l i c i t l y invites us to contrast Piero's p r o u d and selfish act of suicide to escape earthly shame and c a l u m n y w i t h Christ's w i l l i n g suffering of similar t o r t u r e and mockery for the remission of m a n k i n d ' s sin and his submission to death for man's 3

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eternal life. The words of the second suicide, the anonymous Florentine, clearly p o r t r a y the p r o f o u n d , cold egoism of the damned: che colpa ho io délia tua vita rea? W h a t blame have I for y o u r sinful life?

(Inferno x m , 135)

These sinners d i d n o t lay d o w n t h e i r lives for the love of another but for their o w n e a r t h l y reputation and pride. A s i n life t h e y contemned God's mercy, so t h e y contemn i t i n death. The state of their souls i n the afterlife is an eternal manifestation of t h e i r selfish i n i q u i t y . I n the s y m b o l i s m of C h r i s t i a n i t y w h i c h nourished the Poet, the soul's metamorphosis i n t o a t h o r n b u s h alludes i n e v i t a b l y to the C r o w n of Thorns and to the Passion. W e must see Dante's image i n its obvious and blatant figurai reversal: a M a n crowned w i t h thorns inverted as a t h o r n b u s h crowned w i t h a h u m a n body. 6

Piero's barren metamorphosis contrasts ironically w i t h his surname, 'della V i g n a ' or 'de V i n e a ' ( ' v i n e y a r d ' or ' v i n e ' ) . Indeed, the b i n a r y image of the vine and the t h o r n forms an i m p o r t a n t u n i f y i n g factor i n the metaphors and symbols of the episode. A l t h o u g h m o d e r n commentators have ignored this aspect as, perhaps, too p r i m i t i v e or naive, d u r i n g Piero's life his f a m i l y name offered a fertile field for puns of adulation; and after his death i t became the source of m a n y a frivolous tale i n the chroniclers. Flatterers vied i n superla­ tives comparing the p o w e r f u l m i n i s t e r to Joseph and even to the Messiah reincarnate. I n g u s h i n g paeans t h e y described h i m as the ' v i n e ' w h i c h refreshed the state. H i s friend Nicola della Rocca indulged himself and the N o t a r y w i t h ' O blessed root w h i c h h a t h b r o u g h t f o r t h such a f r u i t f u l branch, O blessed vine ['felix vinea'] w h o h a t h produced such precious w i n e !' and later ' O blessed v i n e , w h o refreshest Capua w i t h the abundance of y o u r delicious f r u i t . . . f r o m whose stock the branches differ not ! ' The stress the Poet placed upon the barrenness of the forest of t h o r n trees at the opening of Inferno x m thus grows m o r e terrible i n the context of the w h o l e and more gruesome i n the context of the laudatory w o r d - p l a y w h i c h Piero enjoyed. There are still deeper resonances to the double image of the vine and the t h o r n . O n various allegorical premises, Christian literature and art most c o m m o n l y related the arbor crucis to the v i n e . I n m a n y passages of the O l d Testament, such as Micheas 4 : 4 , Zacharias 3:10, and Psalm 79:9 (80:8), the vine figured the promise of redemption, and i n late medieval depictions of the Tree of the Cross, C h r i s t is depicted hanging u p o n a v i n e . The sinner's metamorphosis i n t o a sterile stock ironically reverses and eschatologically fulfils Jesus' words i n John 1 5 : 1 - 8 : T a m the true v i n e : and m y Father is the husbandman. Every branch i n me that beareth not f r u i t , he w i l l take 7

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away . . . I a m the v i n e : y o u the branches. H e that abideth i n me, and I i n h i m , the same beareth m u c h f r u i t . . . . I n this is m y Father glorified: that y o u b r i n g f o r t h v e r y m u c h f r u i t and become m y disciples/ St A u g u s t i n e (cited later b y St Thomas i n the Catena aurea) glossed this passage explaining Christ's o w n separation f r o m the damned using the v e r y metaphor of the vine and t h o r n : ' B u t w h e n he says, " I a m the t r u e V i n e , " he discriminates Himself f r o m that vine t o w h i c h i t is said, " H o w art t h o u t u r n e d i n t o b i t t e r ­ ness, O strange vine !" (Jerem. 2 : 2 1 ) . For h o w should that be the true v i n e , w h i c h , w h e n one "looked that i t should b r i n g f o r t h grapes" (Isaias 5 : 4 - 6 ) , bore t h o r n s ? ' Further, Dante's poetic inversion of the damned as the barren 'plants' of H e l l is a parody and an intellectual p u n o n theological vocabulary. The same metaphor appears i n St Bernard's Sermons on the Song of Songs x x m , 4, as he asks, ' W h o can question that a good m a n is, as i t were, a plant of G o d ? ' Particularly, the n e w l y baptized are traditionally said to enter the ' V i n e y a r d ' of the C h u r c h . The image of the Christian 'planted' as Christ is biblical and is thus c o m m o n i n the Fathers. According to dogma, b y the sacrament of baptism every Christian joined i n the V i n e of Christ, i n his Passion and i n his Death b o t h b y participation and i n similitude. St C y r i l of Jerusalem explains to his catachumens h o w the soul is 'planted' i n i m i t a t i o n of the Saviour's death and h o w the righteous shall rise like h i m i n resurrection: ' B u t so that we m a y learn that w h a t C h r i s t . . . endured for us and our salvation . . . and that we are partakers i n H i s sufferings, Paul insists: " I f we have been planted together w i t h H i m i n the likeness of H i s death [conplantati facti sumus s i m i l i t u d i n e m o r t i s eius], we shall be so i n the like­ ness of H i s resurrection also" (Romans 6:5). A n d he is r i g h t i n saying this; for n o w that the true V i n e has been planted, we also at Baptism have been grafted i n t o H i s death by participation. Consider this idea most attentively, f o l l o w i n g the words of the Apostle. H e d i d not say: " I f we have been grafted i n t o his death," b u t " i n t o the likeness of H i s death. " For Christ actually died, H i s soul was really separated f r o m H i s b o d y . ' Dante's suicides, never to experience the r e a l i t y of the resurrection of t h e i r flesh, are literally 'planted' as thornbushes i n a reverse image of Christ's sufferings; b y their pain and bleeding t h e y inversely 'participate' i n his Passion as punishment. 10

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Perhaps the most s t r i k i n g treatise i n the t r a d i t i o n of Christ as the ' m y s t i c v i n e ' is the h o m o n y m o u s w o r k De vitis mystica, once attributed to St Bernard and n o w , b y Cavallera and G l o r i e u x , to St B o n a v e n t u r e . The v a r i ­ ous metaphors w h i c h the saint used of Christ i n the treatise recur inversely applied to Pier della V i g n a i n Inferno x m . The Seraphic Doctor begins w i t h the ' p r u n i n g of the V i n e , ' 'De praecisione v i t i s ' ; the L a t i n w o r d has, ironically, the meaning of 'breaking off a b r u p t l y , ' the v e r y sense of the verb 'scluantare' employed b y D a n t e . The various occasions u p o n w h i c h Jesus spilled blood 13

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are allegorized as a m y s t i c a l ' p r u n i n g , ' f r o m the circumcision to the piercing of his side b y the lance; even the Incarnation and the c u t t i n g off of friends and f a m i l y are made to serve this m e t a p h o r . I n chapter i v , 12, St Bonaventure t u r n s to the various bonds of Christ: the w o m b of the V i r g i n , the swaddling bands, and the rope at his captivity are all compared to the b i n d i n g and staking of the V i n e to make i t f r u i t f u l . The saint, m o v e d b y his o w n parallel, interjects, ' W i t h so m a n y bonds were Y o u all bound up at once, t h e n : Y o u w h o alone h o l d the power of b i n d i n g and l o o s i n g ! ' One i m m e d i a t e l y recalls the parallel i n Piero's boast: 15

16

Io son colui che t e n n i ambo le chiavi del cor d i Federigo, e che le volsi, serrando e diserrando . . . I am he w h o held b o t h the keys of Frederick's heart, and t u r n e d t h e m , locking and u n l o c k i n g . . .

(58-60)

I t is rather interesting for this canto i n w h i c h artful language plays such a large role that after St Bonaventure deals w i t h the C r o w n of T h o r n s he glosses l e n g t h i l y the Seven Last W o r d s of Christ as he hangs u p o n the cross those simple utterances so different f r o m Piero's convoluted r h e t o r i c . Even a p u n p l a y i n g o n the t w o significances of the w o r d ' t r o n c o ' or 'truncus' is found i n Bonaventure's treatise (cf. Inferno x n i , 55). The saint glosses John 7:46, a p p l y i n g i t to the scourged C h r i s t : ' [ T h e servants of the Jews] did not reproach a weakness i n the t r u n k ['non accusaverunt defectum t r u n c i , ' or 'they d i d not reproach weakness i n the disfigured m a n ' ] , seeing the beauty of the leaves; indeed, t h e y sensed that something other t h a n w h a t was seen lay i n the broken b o d y . ' The metaphors of Christ-as-vine and words-asleaves continue u n t i l the place where the Redeemer utters his words of forgiveness, at w h i c h p o i n t Bonaventure is moved again to exclaim: ' O f o l i u m v i r i d e ! / O verdant l e a f ! ' O b v i o u s l y , there is a correspondence between the imagery of the Poem and that of the treatise. The sear barrenness of Piero's t h o r n b u s h is evoked i n the opening anaphora of Inferno x m , 4 - 7 : ' N o n fronda verde . . . n o n r a m i s c h i e t t i . . . n o n p o m i v'eran . . . / N o green frond . . . no smooth boughs ... no fruits were there.' The parallels i n Dante's episode suggest that the Poet m i g h t w e l l have been acquainted w i t h Bonaventure's treatise and that he used i t to create a f i t t i n g , figurai, inversion. 1 7

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The words ' v i g n a ' and ' p r u n o ' w h i c h Dante uses i n Inferno x m he w i l l e m p l o y as w e l l for Christ's C h u r c h i n the Paradiso ( x n , 86; x v m , 132). I n the last case (Paradiso x x i v , 111) Dante echoes Isaias 5 : 4 - 6 as he m o u r n s the decay of the C h u r c h , 'la buona pianta che fu già vite e ora è fatta p r u n o / the

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good plant w h i c h was once a vine and is n o w become a t h o r n / Here i n the Inferno, instead of a v i n e y a r d tended b y the saints, he creates the image of an uncultivated trackless wilderness, of a 'della V i g n a ' wasted b y harpies, black hounds, and the profligate. The Poet concentrates ironically on the lifeless sterility of the ' p r u n o ' w h i c h della V i g n a has become (Inferno x m , 4 - 6 ) . As I mentioned above, even i n the opening lines of the episode the Poet employs a negative vocabulary of spines and barren branches, calculatedly evocative of sin and damnation. A s St G r e g o r y the Great defines: ' I n t r u t h a spine is all kinds of s i n f u l n e s s . ' The pseudo-Rabanus M a u r u s ' Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam glosses 'spines' as 'Pride of the heart, as i n the Psalms [31:4, Douay] : " w h i l s t the t h o r n is fastened," that is, " w h i l s t pride is h u m b l e d i n me. " B y " t h o r n s " the malice of the heart, as i n Isaias [34:13] : "Thorns shall g r o w up i n his houses," that is, malice w i l l g r o w i n his t h o u g h t s . ' A n d 'branches' as ' "Base men" as i n Job [15:3o] "The flame shall d r y up his branches" because eternal damnation w i l l lay waste base m e n ' ( m y i t a l i c s ) . I n Dante's i n v e r s i o n , the soul of 'Petrus de V i n e a ' is planted r a n d o m l y i n H e l l as the infernal counterpart of the cursed vine of w h o m i t is indeed said i n the Vulgate version of Jeremias 2 : 2 i : 'Ego autem plantavi te vineam electam omne semen v e r u m , quomodo ergo conversa es m i h i in pravum vinea aliena? I Yet I planted thee a chosen v i n e , w h o l l y a good seed; h o w art t h o u t u r n e d u n t o me i n t o one degenerate, o strange vine?' 21

22

Piero's description of his soul's fall to the depths and its metamorphosis evokes other Christological patterns. The manner i n w h i c h the soul-seeds sprout r a n d o m l y i n t o m a n y u n t i d y shoots to f o r m the tangled mass upon w h i c h nest foul h y b r i d birds ( x m , 10, 9 7 - 1 0 2 ) parodies also the genealogy of Christ conceived as the biblical Tree of Jesse u p o n w h i c h rests the H o l y Spirit: ' A n d there shall come f o r t h a r o d out of the root of Jesse: and a flower shall rise up out of his root. And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him : the spirit of w i s d o m and of understanding, the spirit of counsel and of fortitude, the spirit of knowledge and of godliness. A n d he shall be filled w i t h the spirit of the fear of the L o r d ' (Isaias 1 1 : 1 - 3 ; m y italics). The image of the sinners' bodies h a n g i n g f r o m the t h o r n trees makes an even closer analogy w i t h this image (Inferno x m , 1 0 6 - 8 ) . Dante's description of harpies nesting i n the 'piante silvestre' and feeding o n t h e m also parodies late medieval ( t w e l f t h - to f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y ) artistic depictions of Jesse's Tree, its boughs laden w i t h the images of the V i r g i n , Christ, the Patriarchs, and the Pro­ phets, and s u r m o u n t e d b y the single dove of the H o l y Ghost or b y seven doves representing the Gifts of the H o l y Spirit (plate 1 3 ) . Occasionally a pelican feeding its nest of y o u n g w i t h blood f r o m its o w n breast replaces the dove or d o v e s . The Poet's harpies ( ' q u i v i le b r u t t e A r p i e l o r n i d i fanno') i n their rapacious feeding reverse the selfless sacrifice of Christ whose b i r d - s y m b o l 2 3

24

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

t h e y recall. A f t e r the end of the t e n t h century, often a single artistic representation w o u l d combine the Tree o f Jesse w i t h the Tree of the Cross (plate 14). B o t h motifs represented the salutífera arbor, the Tree of Salvation; as the Tree of Jesse figured the first step towards redemption, so the Tree of the Cross was its f u l f i l m e n t . Dante's reversal of b o t h these images of salvation i n t o an image of d a m n a t i o n exemplifies the Christian t r a d i t i o n of e m p l o y i n g the same symbols in bono and in malo. Particularly f i t t i n g , as w i l l later become apparent, is the fact that the figure of Christ as the Rod of Jesse also represents the figure o f C h r i s t as Judge (Isaias 1 1 : 3 - 5 ) . 25

26

Let us n o w , however, t u r n briefly t o the historical Pier della Vigna and t o the i n t i m a t e relation the facts of his life bear t o the poetic and iconographie images of his p u n i s h m e n t o r contrapasso i n Dante's episode. The case of the Protonotary was a cause célèbre: the Poet need n o t even m e n t i o n his name. Piero had been b o r n i n Capua towards the end of the t w e l f t h century t o an impoverished b u t well-respected f a m i l y . H i s father, A n g e l o , at least i n later life, was a judge, and Piero himself studied b o t h canon and civil law i n Bologna. The f a m i l y ' s circumstances allowed no support for Piero's educat i o n , b u t a stipend granted b y the u n i v e r s i t y or b y the C o m m u n e of Bologna conceded h i m at least subsistence. F r o m later demonstrations of talent i n Italian r h y m e and L a t i n prose, w e can be sure that he also studied ars dictaminis. U p o n Piero's elegantly w r i t t e n request, Archbishop Berardo of Palermo, an i n t i m a t e associate of the Emperor, introduced the future m i n i s ter t o Frederick probably i n 1 2 2 1 . Piero's extraordinary gifts i n linguistic style and his knowledge o f the l a w were grounds for an immediate appointment to the i m p e r i a l c h a n c e r y . H e developed a close friendship w i t h the Emperor, w i t h w h o m he shared c u l t u r a l , philosophical, artistic, and social interests. Piero's climb t h r o u g h the ranks of the i m p e r i a l civil service was swift. From 1225 u n t i l 1247, officially Piero filled o n l y the position of H i g h C o u r t judge, 'judex magnae c u r i a e ' ; b u t f r o m 1238 t o 1247 his real post was that of 'familiaris,' or p r i v y counsellor t o the K i n g , since Piero had ceased t o funct i o n i n his office o f judge of the court o f appeal i n 1 2 3 4 . The most significant imperial documents bear Piero's stylistic i m p r i n t ; of his fashioning is the charter f o u n d i n g the U n i v e r s i t y o f Naples i n 1 2 2 4 . The most i m p o r t a n t effect of his tenure i n Frederick's service, however, was the imperial constitut i o n p r o m u l g a t e d at M e l f i i n 1 2 3 1 , the Liber Augustalis, whose f o r m u l a t i o n was probably, at least i n great part, the w o r k of Piero's o w n h a n d . His close association w i t h the Emperor and his p r i m a c y among the notaries of the chancery allowed h i m t o h o l d sway over i m p e r i a l decisions and privileges granted f r o m about 1239 t o 1246. T h r o u g h h i m passed all the Emperor's private correspondence and b y h i m were d r a w n u p the edicts and manifestos of the Emperor's v i r u l e n t quarrel w i t h the Papacy. I n M a y 1247, after the 2 7

28

29

30

31

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Pier della V i g n a

death of his peer and colleague Taddeo da Sessa, Piero was at last given the official t i t l e of his f u l l administrative a u t h o r i t y , 'Protonotary of the Imperial C o u r t and Logothete of the K i n g d o m of Sicily. ' T h o u g h never styled chancellor, he became i n effect the head of the imperial chancery, the Emperor's spokesman i n all matters legal, diplomatic, social, and political, and director of finances for the Empire. H e formed the sole l i n k between the people and t h e i r Emperor for petitions and pleas. I n the r o y a l palace i n Naples, was painted a w a l l fresco, n o w no longer extant, w h i c h depicted h i m i n this role. 3 3

3 4

Piero's professional success was coupled w i t h extraordinary personal gain. Some estimates place his f o r t u n e at 900,000 Neapolitan ducats and others at 10,000 pounds i n gold Augustales. Such sums do not include, among other landed properties, his large palace i n Naples, his vast gardens outside the city, and his conglomerate of estates near Capua. I t is evident, as most historians have seen, that his position presented great temptations for selfaggrandizement at the expense of the public coffers, temptations made even greater b y the fact that the m o n a r c h allowed h i m to act u p o n his o w n initiative i n m a n y matters. The contemporary astrologer Guido Bonatti (punished b y Dante as a diviner i n Inferno x x , 118, and an excellent first-hand source) avers that Piero often subverted the Emperor's o r d e r s . Suddenly i n February of 1249, under circumstances w h i c h remain unclear and w h i c h indeed seem to have been i n t e n t i o n a l l y shrouded i n m y s t e r y b y the C r o w n , Piero fell f r o m favour. H e was arrested i n Cremona, his eyes were p u t out, and he was led f r o m t o w n to t o w n to be mocked b y the populace u n t i l the death sentence was to be executed. I n M a y of the same year, however (accounts differ concern­ i n g precise location and m e t h o d ) , Piero cheated his prince, and, i n despair, dashed his o w n skull against a stone w a l l or c o l u m n i n San M i n i a t o . 35

36

3 7

A s we w o u l d expect, the fall and death of the Logothete b r o u g h t w i t h i t a flood of unfounded speculation. Various chronicles and commentaries o n the Commedia present conflicting versions. Contemporaries erroneously linked an earlier poisoning attempt o n the Emperor's life to the later r u i n of the King's m i n i s t e r . R u m o u r s t o l d t h a t Pier della V i g n a had conspired w i t h Frederick's personal physician i n a plot w i t h the P o p e . M a t t h e w Paris, an otherwise well-respected and i n f o r m e d chronicler, relates that Piero was involved i n a poisoning attempt w i t h his own physician to m u r d e r the K i n g . Fra Salimbene d i A d a m o , of the M i n o r i t e O r d e r w h i c h the Pope used so w i d e l y to disseminate propaganda and scandal against Frederick 11, feigned belief i n the innocence of Pier della V i g n a : the disloyal Emperor Frederick, i n order to r u i n Piero w i t h a charge of treason and seize his property, used the c a l u m n y that the Logothete had secretly treated w i t h the Pope at the C o u n ­ cil of Lyons w i t h o u t i m p e r i a l witnesses. Historians have s h o w n Salimbene t o 38

3 9

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

be t o t a l l y w i t h o u t credence, for Pier della V i g n a did n o t attend the Council of L y o n s . The Historia anonymi remensis (ca 1260) tells a different tale: the Emperor had had Piero's coffers searched and had found an i n c r i m i n a t i n g l e t t e r . This a n o n y m o u s chronicler does n o t specify whether the evidence had been planted or not, b u t i n his account i n the Esposizioni, Boccaccio leaves no doubt as to the actual falsity of the l e t t e r . A Pisan manuscript recounts that Frederick had had Piero blinded and sentenced to death as a fomentor of discord because he had obstinately opposed a reconciliation between the Emperor and the Pope. A g a i n the story is baseless, for the Pope had ada­ m a n t l y opposed all reconciliations after deposing Frederick at the Council of Lyons and had aimed at and eventually succeeded i n the destruction of the Hohenstaufen m o n a r c h y . 4 0

41

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43

I n the f o u r te en t h c e n t u r y the tales were to become more inventive and silly. The D o m i n i c a n Francesco Pippino relates the r u m o u r that Pier della V i g n a had indeed betrayed the Emperor b u t that the Logothete had had just cause: Frederick had seduced Piero's w i f e . The Pisan chronicle b l i t h e l y states the opposite: Piero was punished for coveting the Empress. As the first story is implausible so the second is impossible. The Empress Isabel of England, Frederick's t h i r d w i f e , had died i n 1241 l o n g before Piero's fall, and the t h e n - s i x t y - y e a r - o l d Emperor had never remarried. 4 4

45

The various conflicting versions reflect the n u m b e r and type of r u m o u r s current i n Dante's day. That the Logothete was not involved i n a plot to poison the Emperor and that he was not i n league w i t h the Pope appears clear. The n u m b e r of documents w h i c h Piero drafted o n behalf of his prince, the vehemence w i t h w h i c h he defended the imperial cause, and the Pope's implacable treatment of his f a m i l y and estate after his death make i t extremely u n l i k e l y that a reconciliation w i t h the Papacy, even i n secret, was possible. However, that the Emperor's m i n i s t e r had an avaricious nature and that he was engaged i n other crimes just as sinister and thus, u l t i m a t e l y , treasonable is borne o u t b y existing evidence. Piero's greed appears i n the methods he used to enlarge his estate i n Capua at the expense of a hostel engaged i n the care of p i l g r i m s , the poor and the sick, the Ospedale d i San Jacopo d i Altopascio, the seat of the O r d e r of the K n i g h t s of St James situated o n the V i a Romea, near the Cerbaia or i m p e r i a l Tuscan h u n t i n g preserve. I n Febru­ ary 1244, an exchange of p r o p e r t y took place between the w e a l t h y monastery and the 'procurator' of the Emperor, Uberto Gangi. I n exchange for ceding their rights to an estate i n c l u d i n g a church and house near Capua, the Master and Brothers received the income and properties of a nearby smaller founda­ t i o n i n Tuscany, the Ospedale d i Santa M a r i a della Trinità. The reasons alleged for the trade were that the Capuan p r o p e r t y was too far away for the monastery to administer p r o p e r l y and that the tithes accruing f r o m i t had 46

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Pier della V i g n a

become too small to be w o r t h w h i l e . The arrangement w o u l d have l i t t l e his­ toric interest except that the Capuan p r o p e r t y ended up i n the personal possession of one whose name appears nowhere i n the deed, Pier della V i g n a . A f t e r his death, i t returned to the control of the c r o w n w i t h the rest of his confiscated p r o p e r t y ; and later, as we learn f r o m a letter of Innocent i v , the exchange was declared n u l l and v o i d . According to the Pope, Pier della V i g n a had used the w e i g h t and pressure of the strongest office i n the imperial government to force the Ospedale to r e l i n q u i s h its Capuan property against its w i l l . W e also learn f r o m the papal letter that Piero had made himself feared b y the poor and the powerful rich alike: ' N o t o n l y was he the terror of the humble, b u t of people of l o f t y degree' (p. 317). Regardless of the inimical motives of the C h u r c h and regardless of whether the Logothete forced the exchange w i t h the Emperor's knowledge, ignorance, or connivance, the fact remains that Piero was capable historically of appropriating for his o w n use the possessions of i n s t i t u t i o n s concerned w i t h the sick and needy. W i t h or w i t h o u t the Emperor he had stolen f r o m H o l y Church.

4 8

4 9

Various fragments of the imperial register published b y Huillard-Bréholles show that Piero was especially involved i n imperial finances; m a n y entries concern the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of p r o p e r t y and the exaction of duties and taxes, b u t a great n u m b e r deal w i t h the prosecution of accused traitors and w i t h the confiscation of t h e i r b e l o n g i n g s . Here, too, Piero had m u c h o p p o r t u n i t y to seize p r o p e r t y and commandeer i t for his o w n . That he did so is made clear b y the Emperor's letter to his son-in-law, Richard, C o u n t of Caserta, f r o m w h i c h we learn that Piero's years of embezzlement w h i c h had led the state to the b r i n k of destruction had been the subject of other missives f r o m the Emperor to his lieutenants; the metaphors show that Frederick saw the crimes as h a v i n g endangered b o t h his Empire and his person. The document recommends that the greatest care and secrecy be used henceforth i n ascer­ t a i n i n g the g u i l t of those accused of treason. I t makes clear not o n l y that this care had n o t been exercised i n the past b u t that great abuses had been inflicted upon the innocent. Pier della V i g n a is used as the negative example of the methods p r e v i o u s l y e m p l o y e d . N i n e t e e n t h - and t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y historians agree o n the nature of Piero's crimes. For Huillard-Bréholles, Piero was g u i l t y of avarice, b r i b e r y , and embezzlement, the sale of justice, and the abuse of power to enrich himself and his f a m i l y . Kantorowicz generally concurs b u t sees the w i l f u l perver­ sion of justice and the enormous misappropriations of state funds as a veritable betrayal of the Emperor and his t r u s t . The historian and critic Leonardo Olschki concluded: '[Dante's] representation according to w h i c h [Piero] for­ feited peace and life - lo sonno e l i polsi - i n the faithful discharge of his function as highest official and confidant of the Emperor, is, i n the l i g h t of our 50

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knowledge, seen to be a pious fable invented and used b y the Poet w i t h definite intentions. The Chancellor was one of the astonishingly large n u m b e r of h i g h officers of state and dignitaries w h o unscrupulously exploited their position for their o w n ends, amassed w e a l t h , and i n the end t u r n e d treacher­ ously against t h e i r l o r d and benefactor. ' Friedrich Baethgen, i n an essay w h i c h makes convincing changes i n the interpretation of major individual documents, comes to the same basic conclusions : Pier della V i g n a was not g u i l t y of attempted poisoning b u t of embezzlement. The A m e r i c a n historian Van Cleve concludes: ' H i s "treasonable acts" consisted i n cupidity - the avarice of a m a n already abundantly w e a l t h y for greater wealth and for greater power, to be obtained f r o m selling justice for his o w n profit. ... That he was g u i l t y of peculation there can be no reasonable doubt; his t r i a l and the sen­ tence imposed appear to have confirmed his g u i l t . ' Avarice i n office, i t is agreed, caused the fall of the Emperor's minister. 5 4

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Just h o w the christological images and the h i s t o r y of the episode are joined to the traditions of avarice and suicide, we w i l l n o w explore i n chapter 4.

4 AVARICE AND SUICIDE

The literal level of Dante's Poem, at least Piero's o w n profession of innocence, seems to contradict the consensus of historians. The W a y f a r e r is left speech­ less w i t h p i t y . Dante poeta, however, appears, as I w i l l show, to have k n o w n the darker sides of the story, since every classical and biblical image w h i c h he uses points to a f o r m of v i o l e n t and rapacious avarice and to its opposite, profligacy. Dante presents t w o frenzied and u n n a t u r a l extremes of an A r i s ­ totelian mean. The f o u l human-faced harpies, w h o together w i t h the black bitches act as agents of divine w r a t h i n this subdivision of circle seven, f o r m the first composite image. I n this metaphor Pier della V i g n a plays the role of a classical figure of avarice, Phineus, the harpies' o r i g i n a l v i c t i m to w h o m Piero stands i n s t r i k i n g parallel even historically. A s the greedy Phineus, w h o had blinded or killed his sons, was blinded b y the irate gods i n just retaliation, so Piero was blinded i n life b y Frederick. Fulgentius begins his 'Fabula Finei': 'Phineus is taken as a s y m b o l of avarice,' and he claims that the name Phineus derives f r o m 'fenerando,' 'practising u s u r y . ' ' F i t t i n g l y he is b l i n d , because all avarice is b l i n d i n n o t seeing w h a t is its o w n . ' The T h i r d Vatican M y t h o g rapher and the pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris follow h i m w i t h o u t o r i g i n a l i t y . I n the classics, the harpies are a just infliction u p o n the avaricious and, indeed, Fulgentius strives h a r d to etymologize t h e i r v e r y names as signifying acts of rapaciousness. The T h i r d Vatican M y t h o g r a p h e r cites Fulgentius' explanation, and tells us: 1

2

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The Harpies however are called the hounds of Jove, because t h e y are also said to be Furies. Whence also t h e y are said to snatch food f r o m banquets, because this is the w o r k of Harpies. Here also the avaricious are made to suffer the Furies, because t h e y abstain f r o m [using] their share. 4

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'Bernardus' also repeats Fulgentius' explanations for the harpies' names, f o r m , and v i r g i n i t y , b u t he f u r t h e r allegorizes t h e i r swollen bellies : ' A gluttonous belly is a voracious rapacity for m o n e y . The aptness of God's contrapasso i n the Inferno is apparent i n the smallest detail: the avaricious Piero is t o r m e n t e d b y symbols of his shameful greed and rapine. Benvenuto da Imola, i n fact, noted i n his Comentum o n the Comedy, 'Figuratively a H a r p y represents avarice,' and later 'Avarice and prodigality most of all lead a m a n to despair. ' 5

6

A second major classical allusion can facilitate an understanding of the structure of the episode. Actaeon, the prototype of the profligate, chased and t o r n b y his o w n hounds, forms the antithesis of the first image i n an A r i s t o t e l i a n balance; for as Dante knew, i n the f o u r t h book of the Nicomachaean Ethics, the Philosopher had called profligacy a type of selfd e s t r u c t i o n . Fulgentius interprets the tale as that of the prodigal w h o wastes his substance o n his hounds; t h o u g h too o l d for the h u n t , Actaeon cannot bear to be parted f r o m his pack and ruins himself to feed t h e m . The allusion also helps us to see that the t w o bestial agents of t o r m e n t , the harpies and black hounds of Dante's t h i r t e e n t h canto, are, i n some w a y , one. They f o r m a u n i t y p a r t l y recognized b y the early commentators : not o n l y were the harpies the 'hounds of Jove,' b u t one of Actaeon's bitches was named 'Harpyia.' 7

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Lastly, the central image of the speaking tree, inspired b y the Polydorus episode i n the Aeneid, actually cuts w i t h a double edge, a fact so far unnoticed. I n the received i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , Pier della V i g n a suffers the unjust fate of Polydorus : the innocent son of Priam, entrusted to the care of Polymnestor, K i n g of Thrace, is killed b y the latter precisely because of Polymnestor's avarice for Polydorus' r i c h e s . The aptness of the parallel is at once apparent. Fra Salimbene, h i n t i n g that Frederick n had r u i n e d his faith­ ful m i n i s t e r i n order to seize the latter's fortune, twice attributes the f o l l o w i n g cynical d i c t u m to the Emperor: 'Never d i d I feed a hog, f r o m w h i c h I d i d not extract lard. I t w o u l d appear too that Dante poeta w o u l d have us see Piero at first as v i c t i m and sufferer. T h a t is, u n t i l we explore the t r a d i t i o n of allegorization of the Polydorus episode perhaps familiar to the Poet. I n the pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Aeneid, for example, this ' v i c t i m ' plays quite a different role. Polydorus is seen, bewilderingly, as a grasping entrepreneur wrapped up i n his greed, coldly and calculatedly absorbed i n his efforts to gain w e a l t h : 10

N o w Polydorus signifies ' m u c h bitterness,' for 'doris' i n Greek is ' a m a r i t u d o ' i n L a t i n . . . . This Polydorus is buried i n Thrace because m u c h bitterness is wrapped i n avarice: for w h a t can be more bitter

45

Avarice and Suicide t h a n the avaricious m a n w h o 'seeks and like a wretch abstains f r o m w h a t he has f o u n d and fears to use i t ' ? W h a t can be more bitter than that 'he manages e v e r y t h i n g fearfully and coldly' ? Than the fact that 'love of m o n e y grows as the m o n e y itself g r o w s / and that 'the greedy m a n is always poor'? Polydorus, t h e n , makes Aeneas flee f r o m Thrace because the bitterness and t o i l of seeking and h o l d i n g o n to m o n e y often frighten a m a n away f r o m the p u r s u i t of m o n e y . 1 2

M a y we not see i n 'Bernardus' ' interpretation some ironical grist for Piero's profession of devotion to office: 'such that for i t I lost b o t h sleep and life'? Regardless of the o v e r l y discussed differences between the Polydorus episode and Dante's creation, the fact remains that Piero is the type of P o l y d o r u s . The Logothete is changed i n t o a tree not o n l y because he m a y have been the v i c t i m of another's avarice b u t because he was avaricious himself. 13

O u r appreciation of the aptness of such a transformation is strengthened further b y Bersuire i n his Ovidius moralizatus. T h o u g h this w r i t e r is later than Dante, his v i e w reveals the traditions and significance surrounding this type of metamorphosis. Discussing the similar fate of the sisters of Phaethon, he states that the avaricious were regularly t u r n e d into trees as a matter of course! 14

Perhaps independently of its use b y the mythographers, the metaphor of greed as a tree appears i n the C h u r c h Fathers. St Gregory the Great discusses the ' r o o t of the j u n i p e r ' of Job 3 0 : 4 : the tree, whose root is allegor­ ized as avarice, has t h o r n y spines instead of leaves: For the j u n i p e r tree has spines instead of leaves, for so b r i s t l y are those w h i c h i t puts f o r t h that like thorns t h e y can pierce anyone w h o touches t h e m . N o w a t h o r n is all sorts of sin, because w h i l e i t draws the m i n d i n t o delight, as i t were, b y piercing, i t wounds i t . ... W h a t then is there denoted b y the ' r o o t of the j u n i p e r ' b u t avarice, f r o m w h i c h the thorns of all the sins are produced? Concerning this i t is said b y Paul: 'For the desire of m o n e y [cupiditas] is the root of all evils' [1 T i m o t h y 6:10, D o u a y ] . For that springs up covertly i n the m i n d , and brings f o r t h openly the spines of all sin i n p r a c t i c e . 15

Since Polydorus' bush i n Aeneid m , 23 is not a n a t u r a l l y b r i s t l i n g t h o r n but a m y r t l e darted w i t h javelins, 'densis hastilibus hórrida m y r t u s , ' at least part of Dante's i n s p i r a t i o n m a y derive f r o m such passages as St Gregory's. Inescapably and conclusively we begin to perceive that the Poet's images point to the ' r o o t of a l l e v i l , ' the love of m o n e y , and its consequent o u t ­ growths. The major allusions of the episode of Pier della Vigna are thus i n

46

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

perfect consonance w i t h contemporary historical records. B o t h reveal w h a t Piero's words w o u l d hide: a grasping and avaricious nature. The episode i n cantos x m and x i v , 1-3, i n fact possesses a t i g h t artistic u n i t y : violent avariciousness leading to the destruction of corporal substance is punished together w i t h violent profligacy engendering the wasting of w o r l d l y substance. W e m u s t n o w t u r n to the immediate puzzle of w h y Dante, having 'dis­ posed' of the misers and squanderers i n Inferno v u , w o u l d place so m u c h emphasis o n covetousness (cupiditas) or avarice here. W e can find the answer not o n l y i n the biblical and patristic n o t i o n of sins engendering more serious sins, b u t also i n the rhetoric of Frederick's court, i n contemporary opinions about Pier della V i g n a , and i n the traditional t y p o l o g y of avarice i n the C h u r c h Fathers and i n C h r i s t i a n art. The Emperor and his Curia r e g u l a r l y w r o t e of the concept of sovereignty i n metaphors religious or sacrilegious. The monarch's a u t h o r i t y , as Dante w o u l d later echo i n the De Monarchia, derived solely f r o m the G o d h e a d . A s Kantorowicz has s h o w n , Frederick conceived of himself as 'the fount of justice,' 'the father and son of Justice,' and, indeed the 'sol iustitiae,' 'the sun of justice,' the prophetic t i t l e of Christ. He frequently spoke of himself as the Messiah: his birthplace, Jesi, for example, becomes 'Bethlehem' where his 'divine m o t h e r gave h i m life' ! The Popes' inexorable campaign, including the deposing of the Emperor, t w o excommunications, and the proclamation of a crusade against h i m , made Frederick feel that he was repeating the v e r y Passion of Christ. Such imagery consistently reappears i n his letters. I n M a r c h or A p r i l of 1249, most probably f r o m Cremona, Frederick w r o t e to the K i n g of France b i t t e r l y c o m p l a i n i n g of the persecution; his k i n g d o m is the H o l y Land; he himself is on the cross. I f , i n the rhetoric of the K i n g and Court, Frederick is the Son of G o d , t h e n the pursekeeper among his ministers, the breaker of his t r u s t , m u s t be Judas. A n d thus is Piero styled i n the Emperor's letter to the C o u n t of Caserta referred to above. Here Frederick sees embezzlement of temporal funds as one w i t h ecclestiastic s i m o n y , and he accuses Piero of the crime. The Logothete's greedy peculations evoke the avaricious crimes and thefts of the t r a i t o r Judas i n John 12:6; 'Fur erat et lóculos habens ea quae m i t t e b a n t u r portabat / He was a thief and, h a v i n g the purse, carried things that were put t h e r e i n , ' and John 13:29, 'Lóculos habebat Judas / Judas had the purse': 16

1 7

18

Y o u w i l l be able to recall t h r o u g h other documents something of the base advice and various scandals [scandali multiformis] of Petrus, that is, of this S i m o n , still another betrayer, w h o , so that he might have the purse, or that he might enrich himself, t u r n e d the rod of justice into a

47

Avarice and Suicide serpent, so that he m i g h t b y means of his usual lies b r i n g this empire i n t o peril b y w h i c h we m i g h t have perished i n the depths of the sea, one w i t h the Pharaoh's a r m y , like the Egyptians' c h a r i o t s . 19

Interestingly, papal documents use similar metaphors. The w r i t e r of the Vita Gregorii IX, perhaps G i o v a n n i d i Ferentino, refers to Piero as a 'new A h i t h o p h e l . ' These same images f r o m rival C h u r c h and imperial sources curiously find a parallel i n those f o r m i n g the iconography of Inferno x m . 2 0

Judas Iscariot was more t h a n the betrayer of Christ: he had misap­ propriated m o n e y f r o m the poor; and he had taken his o w n life. The fallen apostle's descent to betrayal led b y degrees f r o m covetousness t h r o u g h theft and hypocrisy. O f the four Gospels, M a t t h e w (26:15) most emphasizes the avarice of Judas as the p r i m a r y m o t i v e of his treachery: ' Q u i d vultis m i h i dare et ego vobis e u m tradam ? at i l l i constituerunt ei t r i g i n t a argénteos / W h a t w i l l y o u give me, and I w i l l deliver h i m u n t o you? A n d t h e y appointed h i m t h i r t y pieces of silver. ' Describing the a n o i n t i n g at Bethany, the Gospel of John recounts that the apostle's complaint at the extravagant 'waste' was caused b y excessive love of m o n e y : w h e n Judas suggested that the o i n t m e n t should be sold and the proceeds distributed among the poor, he did so hypocritically and o n l y as an o p p o r t u n i t y for embezzlement (John 1 2 : 4 - 6 ) . The Evangelist calls Judas a thief, ' f u r erat,' w h o w o u l d steal w h a t was put i n t o the c o m m o n purse entrusted to his safekeeping. St A u g u s t i n e glosses: H a r k e n to the t r u e witness: ' N o w he said this, not because he cared for the poor; b u t because he was a thief and, having the purse, carried the things that were p u t t h e r e i n (John 1 2 : 6 ) . ' 'Carried' or 'carried o f f ? N a y , b u t b y office he carried, b y theft he carried off. . . . Behold among the Saints is a Judas ! Behold he is a thief, this Judas ! A n d that y o u make n o t l i g h t of that, a thief and sacrilegious, not any c o m m o n k i n d of thief ! A thief w h o stole f r o m the purse, yea, but f r o m that of the L o r d ! F r o m the purse, yea, b u t f r o m the sacred purse ! I f i n the courts of law a difference is made between the crime of c o m m o n theft and peculation, for i t is called peculation w h e n i t is the stealing of public property and the stealing of private property is not judged so heinous as that of the stealing of public property, h o w m u c h more sternly shall that sacrilegious thief be judged w h o has dared to rob, not i n any c o m m o n w a y , b u t to rob the C h u r c h ! He who steals ought from the Church is one with Judas the lost. * 2

As we w o u l d expect, the fallen apostle is thus a familiar figura of avarice i n the Fathers of the C h u r c h . St John Chrysostomos warns the avaricious to

48

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consider his p u n i s h m e n t . Judas lost e v e r y t h i n g including his i m m o r t a l soul t h r o u g h greed: 'Judas is set f o r t h as an example to the a v a r i c i o u s . ' Regularly i n their comments on Judas' sins, the Fathers cite 1 T i m o t h y 6:10: ' C u p i d i t y [love of m o n e y ] is the root of all e v i l ' (often the passage is cited as 'Radix . . . est avaritia'), and Ecclesiasticus [Sirach] 10:9: ' N o w n o t h i n g is fouler than an avaricious m a n . ' Besides St John Chrysostomos, other Fathers such as O r i g e n , St C y r i l of Jerusalem, and Rabanus M a u r u s all cite avarice as the m a i n m o t i v e for Judas' w i c k e d n e s s . St Jerome even extends this v i e w to his gloss o n Judas' second name: ' N o matter h o w y o u interpret i t , Iscariot means m o n e y and p r i c e . ' M o s t i l l u m i n a t i n g for our purposes, however, is St Thomas A q u i n a s ' treatment of the patristic doctrine of the 'daughters of avarice' (filiae cupiditatis or avaritiae) i n the Summa Theologica showing the progression of the sin t o w a r d violence and beyond to the sins of Christ's betrayer: 'The daughters of covetousness are the vices w h i c h arise therefrom, especially i n respect of the desire of an end. N o w since covetousness is excessive love of possessing riches, i t exceeds i n two things. For i n the first place it exceeds i n r e t a i n i n g , and i n this respect covetousness gives rise to insensibility to mercy, because, to w i t , a man s heart is not softened by mercy to assist the needy with his riches. I n the second place, i t belongs to covetousness to exceed i n receiving, and i n this respect covetousness m a y be considered i n t w o ways. First as i n the thought (affectu). I n this way i t gives rise to restlessness, by hindering man with excessive anxiety and care, for "a covetous m a n shall n o t be satisfied w i t h m o n e y " (Ecclesiastes 5:9). Secondly, it m a y be considered i n the execution (effectu). I n this w a y the covetous man, in acquiring other people's goods, sometimes employs force, which pertains to violence.' St Thomas continues listing worse sins u n t i l he concludes w i t h treachery 'as i n the case of Judas, w h o betrayed Christ t h r o u g h covetousness.' M o s t i m p o r t a n t for a consideration of Dante's episode is Judas' earthly end as described i n M a t t h e w 2 7 : 3 - 5 . Too late the remorseful apostle, rebuffed b y the h i g h priests, tosses his blood m o n e y i n t o the temple. I n despair he hangs himself f r o m a noose, 'laqueo se suspendit' - t r a d i t i o n said f r o m a t r e e . This final act was for St Jerome and other Church writers far worse than even his betrayal. C o m m e n t i n g o n Psalm 108 [109], the saint writes, 'The repentance of Judas became worse t h a n his sin. H o w so? H e w e n t out and c o m m i t t e d suicide b y h a n g i n g himself; he w h o became the betrayer of God became his o w n hangman. I n regard to the clemency of the Lord, I say this, that Judas offended the L o r d more b y hanging himself t h a n b y betraying H i m . ' St G r e g o r y the Great echoes the concept: 'Thus the reprobate Judas, w h e n he inflicted death u p o n himself to spite sin, was b r o u g h t to the p u n i s h ­ m e n t of eternal death, and repented of sin i n a more heinous way than he had committed sin.' ( M y i t a l i c s . ) Evidently for the Fathers of the C h u r c h , 22

2 3

24

25

2

27

2 8

29

6

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Avarice and Suicide

Judas was at least as i m p o r t a n t as an example of avarice and suicide as he was as a s y m b o l of betrayal. O f the early commentators o n Inferno x m , o n l y Dante's son, Pietro A l i g h i e r i , mentions Judas i n reference to Pier della V i g n a and his sin of despair: Despair is said to be a sin against the H o l y Spirit i f i t is c o m m i t t e d o u t of contempt and malice, because i t is n o t forgiven i n this life - that is, not w i t h o u t difficulty - n o r i n the life to come, as in the case of Judas. I t m u s t be construed to mean that such a w o o d - that is, the state and reputation of those w h o are desperate - is trackless, because our t h o u g h t .is n o t able to proceed b y consideration of such a case. A n d the fronds are d r y because t h e i r m e m o r y is dead. Thus he tells h o w t h e y come to be plants there, and the reason w h y t h e y w i l l not have their bodies. W i t h regard to this i t is said i n the Decreta: 'Judas sold the Redeemer of all m e n , and h a v i n g soon after hanged himself f r o m a noose d i d not keep that Redeemer's grace - and r i g h t l y so, because no one is able to retain that w h i c h he has s o l d . 3 0

M a d d e n i n g l y , Pietro stops here, never to pick up the thread again or to tie his suggestions to the context. A n d , o d d l y , no m o d e r n commentator has yet t h o u g h t to take his comparison seriously. I n Inferno x m , i t is as Judas, a body hanging f r o m a tree surrounded b y winged demons w i t h h u m a n faces, the claws of birds, and swollen s t o m ­ achs, that Dante has Pier della V i g n a visualize himself after the Last Judgment ( 1 0 3 - 8 ) . For his image, Dante drew n o t o n l y f r o m Patristics b u t f r o m the Christian pictorial and sculptural t r a d i t i o n w h i c h depicted a lifeless body hang­ i n g f r o m a tree to represent b o t h the death of Judas and the more general image of the despair of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . Such depictions are legion. The suicide of Judas occurs together w i t h the first k n o w n realistic portrayal of the crucifixion o n an i v o r y box i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m , made probably i n southern G a u l about 400 A D . This first representation is notable especially because of one detail: a b i r d feeds its y o u n g i n a nest i n the gallows-tree (plate 15). The same h a n g i n g figure appears carved o n the back of the Brescia Lipsanotheca, a N o r t h Italian i v o r y chest of perhaps the t h i r d quarter of the f o u r t h c e n t u r y (plate 1 6 ) , and o n an i v o r y d i p t y c h preserved i n the Tesoro del D u o m o i n M i l a n (plate 17). Judas w i t h a b i r d , perhaps plucking out his eyes, is the subject of a m i n i a t u r e i n the Stuttgart Psalter (ca 8 2 0 - 3 0 ) (plate 31

3 2

18). I m p o r t a n t later variants depict the devil or demons t a k i n g the soul of the betrayer: the fiends c o m m o n l y have h u m a n faces and birds' claws and w i n g s ,

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

such as those o n the cathedral doors of Benevento made towards the end of the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y (plate 19). M o s t s t r i k i n g is Gislebertus' pilaster capital f r o m A u t u n Cathedral (ca 1 1 2 5 - 1 1 3 0 ) , w h i c h dramatizes the scene v i v i d l y : harpies w i t h w i n g s , swollen bellies, and h u m a n faces w i t h gaping, h u n g r y mouths s u r r o u n d the lifeless body of the betrayer as i t hangs f r o m a heavily foliaged tree (plate 20). A n earlier capital i n the Church of Saint-Andoche at Saulieu (1115-1120) is similar, s h o w i n g Judas hanging f r o m a tree w i t h an open-mouthed devil w i t h bird's t a l o n s . The sandstone t y m p a n u m (ca 1 2 7 5 1280) of the central west portal of Strasbourg Cathedral includes the death of Judas among other scenes of its Passion C y c l e . I n another stone relief o n the t y m p a n u m i n the porch of Freiburg Cathedral, almost coeval (ca 1 2 9 0 1310) w i t h the Commedia, Judas hangs w i t h t o r m e n t i n g monsters carved above his h e a d . I n about the same period major artisans and artists were creating similar images i n contemporary I t a l y ; we find t h e m i n the mosaics of the Poet's beloved 'bel San G i o v a n n i ' (ca 1271-1300) and i n Giotto's frescoes for the Scrovegni Chapel of the A r e n a i n Padua (ca 1305) (plates 2 1 , 22). Clearly such t r a d i t i o n a l representations influenced Dante's conception of the suicides' state of soul after death. 33

34

35

The artists w h o drew the early miniatures of the Divina Commedia generally l i m i t e d themselves to depicting the scene and action of the cantos, the thornbushes, the harpies, and t h e i r nests, V i r g i l watching Dante plucki n g away a branch. I n a few cases, however, the actual content of Piero's

speech is illustrated. I n a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (ms. i t . 78, f. 66 ) we find a sketch of the suicide's body impaled i n the branches (plate 23). A n o t h e r i n the Biblioteca Nacional i n M a d r i d (ms. 10057, f. 25 ") presents a m o r e interesting d r a w i n g of Pier della V i g n a hanging f r o m a branch b y a rope (plate 24), a clear allusion to the iconographie topos of the sins of despair and suicide based o n the death of Judas w h o , out of grief, hanged himself f r o m a n o o s e . For the M i d d l e Ages, the Old-Testament t r a i t o r and suicide A h i t h o p h e l prefigured the New-Testament Judas. I n 2 Kings [Samuel] 1 6 - 1 8 , we read that, i n answer to K i n g David's prayer, the advice of A h i t h o p h e l , the chief counsellor to the usurper A b s a l o m , was t u r n e d to foolishness and ignored; A h i t h o p h e l , seeing t h a t his advice was disregarded, c o m m i t t e d suicide i n his o w n house: ' B u t A c h i t h o p h e l seeing that his counsel was not followed, saddled his ass, and arose and w e n t home to his house and to his city. A n d p u t t i n g his house i n order, he hanged h i m s e l f (2 Kings [Samuel] 17:23). r

1

36

3 7

The t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the so-called 'Judas' Psalm 108 [109] linked the t w o suicides, Judas and A h i t h o p h e l : David's plea and curse u p o n Absalom and A h i t h o p h e l was interpreted verse b y verse as being that of Christ u p o n the Betrayer. I n his Breviarium in Psalmos, St Jerome begins his exegesis o n Psalm 108 t h u s : ' " U n t o the end, a psalm of D a v i d . " " U n t o

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the end" is a sign that the message of the psalm pertains not to the present but the future. I f , moreover, the prophet speaks of the future, the prophecy concerns Christ. " O God, be not silent i n m y praise." Christ is saying: "Judas betrayed me, the Jews persecuted and crucified me and t h o u g h t that they were p u t t i n g an end to me, b u t y o u , O God, be not silent i n m y praise. " ' St A u g u s t i n e echoes the theme i n his Enarrationes: 'Everyone w h o faithfully reads the Acts of the Apostles ( 1 : 1 5 - 2 6 ) , acknowledges that this Psalm con­ tains a prophecy of C h r i s t ; for i t evidently appears that w h a t is w r i t t e n here, "let his days be few, and let another take his office," is prophesied of Judas, Christ's b e t r a y e r . ' Rabanus M a u r u s i n his gloss on 2 Kings [Samuel] continues the t r a d i t i o n . 3 8

39

4 0

M a n y moralized Bibles parallel the t w o suicides pictorially: Judas is depicted hanging f r o m a tree w h i l e A h i t h o p h e l , i n an architectural setting, makes a gibbet of his house (plate 2 5 ) . M a n y manuscripts present b o t h Judas and A h i t h o p h e l h a n g i n g f r o m halters inside a b u i l d i n g (plate 2 6 ) . I n an especially n o t e w o r t h y example (plate 27), a marginal gloss declares that Judas represents those w h o are ensnared b y the noose of s i m o n y , w h o accept the d i g n i t y of office o n l y to lose t h e i r s o u l s . A related metaphorical use of A h i t h o p h e l ' s story occurs i n Richard of St V i c t o r ' s De eruditione hominis interioris where A h i t h o p h e l serves as an example of 'affectatio auctoritatis,' the ambitious and v a i n s t r i v i n g after a u t h o r i t y : 'Affectation of a u t h o r i t y is w h e n a m a n n o w strives to seem to all to be a m a n of great advice and sanctity, and that matters w h i c h are to be determined or defined depend u p o n his counsel or o p i n i o n . . . . H e w h o speaks of A c h i t o p h e l shows us w h a t a m b i t i o n for a u t h o r i t y can do i n such p e o p l e . ' The parallels to the a m b i ­ tious counsellor Pier della V i g n a are obvious. The final words of the second, Florentine, suicide centring u p o n the concept of ' c i t y ' and 'house' and conclud­ i n g w i t h To fei gibetto a me de le mie case I made me a gibbet of my own house', bear so close a resemblance to the death of the biblical A h i t h o p h e l that t h e y m u s t have d r a w n f r o m i t t h e i r inspiration and intended allusion : ' A n d he w e n t home to his house and to his city. A n d p u t t i n g his house i n order, he hanged h i m s e l f (2 Kings [Samuel] 17:23; m y italics). The sublime u n i t y of poetry, art, and theme is n o w apparent. Seeing Judas as a p r o t o t y p e and pattern for the episode also helps us to explain m a n y other exegetical difficulties, especially that of the Wayfarer's ignorance and the Poet's conviction of Piero's real g u i l t . The C h u r c h Fathers make m u c h of the fact that Judas' avarice was hidden f r o m the other apostles, and, i n a special w a y , hidden also f r o m Christ himself. St Thomas' resolution of the p r o b l e m of the apparent inconsistency of divine prescience w i t h Jesus' u n k n o w i n g also permits us to glimpse and grasp the i n t e r i o r w o r k ­ ings of the Commedia; for Dante's Poem is modelled o n that same distinc­ t i o n between the l i m i t s of h u m a n intellect and the knowledge of God's 4 1

4 2

43

44

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Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

invisibilia: 'The wickedness of Judas was k n o w n to Christ qua Deus; i t was u n k n o w n to H i m qua homo/ S i m i l a r l y , Piero's g u i l t is concealed f r o m the Wayfarer and f r o m the reader o n the literal level, b u t revealed w h e n we look beneath to the second, spiritual sense. W i t h i n the fiction of the Poem, the Poet w h o has experienced the sight of God and returns to w r i t e of i t as a 'scribe of G o d ' knows of Piero's real g u i l t and hidden avarice; Dante, the Wayfarer, does not. 45

Just as the discarded m i n i s t e r A h i t h o p h e l clearly parallels the discarded minister della V i g n a , so Judas' selling the Innocent Blood for m o n e y parallels the love of m o n e y w h i c h led Piero to embezzle f r o m the state and persecute the innocent for gain. The Logothete w h o , as Guido da Pisa notes, 'was . . . a great master and doctor of laws, and first judge i n the H i g h C o u r t of Frederick the Emperor,' had, i n Frederick n's words, ' t u r n e d the rod of justice i n t o a s e r p e n t . Piero's judgeship is significant i n the context of justice and injustice. W e should recall at this p o i n t that the image of the Tree of Jesse, parodied i n the post-Judgment state of the suicides, itself figures Christ come to judge: ' A n d there shall come f o r t h a r o d out of the root of Jesse: and a flower shall rise up and o u t of this root ...he shall judge the poor with justice, and shall reprove w i t h e q u i t y for the meek of the earth. A n d he shall strike the earth w i t h the r o d of his m o u t h : and w i t h the breath of his lips he shall slay the wicked. A n d justice shall be the girdle of his loins . . . ' (Isaias 11:1-5). 46

4 7

Further, the seventh circle of H e l l , i n w h i c h the suicides hold central place, marks the b e g i n n i n g of the lower realm of those sins w h i c h have injustice as their end : D'ogne malizia, ch'odio i n cielo acquista, ingiuria è'1 fine, ed ogne f i n cotale o con forza o con frode a l t r u i contrista. O f every malice t h a t gains hatred i n Heaven the end is injustice; and every such end, either b y force or b y fraud, afflicts another. (Inferno xi, 2 2 - 4 ) The suicides, w h o have extended t h e i r violence even to r o b b i n g themselves of the w o r l d (Inferno x i , 43), v i e w t h e i r o w n sin as an injustice to self: L'animo mio ... ingiusto fece me contra me giusto. M y m i n d . . . made me unjust against m y just self. (Inferno x m , 7 0 - 3 )

53

Avarice and Suicide

The episode's solid context of justice and its perversion provides a possible key to the i d e n t i t y of the second, Florentine, suicide. G i v e n a choice between the t r a d i t i o n a l identifications, rather t h a n Rocco de' M o z z i , the rich m a n w h o hanged himself rather t h a n face p o v e r t y , we m u s t choose, for reasons of m o t i v e , logic, artistic balance, and u n i t y , the judge and avaricious professor iuris, L o t t o degli A g l i , w h o , as the O t t i m o tells us, ' H a v i n g given a false sentence for m o n e y , he hanged himself to avoid poverty and s h a m e . ' W e must also p o i n t out, however, that b y i n t e n t i o n a l l y not m e n t i o n i n g Lotto's name i n the verses of the Commedia, Dante also meant this character to be w i d e l y symbolic of the suicidal t u r n w h i c h Florentine politics had taken. 48

Recognition of Judas as a v i t a l u n i f y i n g image u n d e r l y i n g Dante's concep­ t i o n of the avaricious Piero can add a new dimension to the question of the tree-souls' speech, so w e l l examined stylistically b y Leo Spitzer. O r i g e n was the first C h u r c h w r i t e r to note that the surname 'Iscariot' meant 'suffocated' : ' I heard someone explaining that the t o w n of the betrayer Judas is named according to the H e b r e w words " f r o m suffocation. " I f this is so, a great fittingness can be discovered between the name of his t o w n and the w a y he died, since indeed, b y h a n g i n g himself f r o m a noose he fulfilled, t h r o u g h his suffocation, the prophecy of the name of his t o w n of provenance. ' Roman B. Halas has traced the allied traditions w h e r e b y 'Iscariot' derives f r o m 'as kara\ 'death b y s t r a n g u l a t i o n ' : ' F u r t h e r m o r e , the Rabbis and Jewish medical books claim that 'as kara' is the same as mhnq (suffocation) mentioned i n Job 7:15. Death resulting f r o m this disease is swift and painful, for the n a r r o w cavity situated i n the neck tends to obstruct the n o r m a l flow of air passages and causes instantaneous suffocation. [Since he was] afflicted w i t h this disease i n childhood, his parents began to call [Judas] 'as karaydta\ . . . He ended his earthly existence b y suffocation as a just p u n i s h m e n t f r o m G o d for the sin of b e t r a y a l . ' Dante's episode m a y be, thus, not o n l y a visual b u t an a u d i t o r y figuration of the suicide as Judas. The language of the episode w i t h its coughing sibilants and the straining speech of the plants w i t h its painful, hissing issuance m i g h t take on a different interpre­ tation : the suicides i m i t a t e forever the p o i n t of death of the rapacious apostle, the hanging ' m a n of suffocation.' The Poet, t h r o u g h the character Piero, places stress on the n o t i o n of ' r o o t ' ('le nove radici'). This seems m e r e l y a grotesque concentration o n the souls' metamorphosis u n t i l we realize that the ' r o o t ' of Piero's sin was the love of m o n e y , the radix malorum, avaritia or cupiditas. The soul of the sinner has been reduced essentially to the root of its sequence of sins. Piero thus swears an odd fealty to his l o r d w i t h a pledge of such ambiguous resonance. 4 9

e

e

e

50

C o m p a r i n g the language of the Circle of Avarice i n the Purgatorio substan­ tiates our reading. H u g h Capet, the major representative of the sin i n the

54

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

fifth girone, identifies himself using the same i m a g e r y familiar to the reader f r o m Inferno x m : l o f u i radice de la mala pianta che la terra cristiana t u t t a aduggia, si che b u o n frutta rado se ne schianta. I was the root of the evil plant that overshadows all the Christian land so that good f r u i t is seldom plucked f r o m i t . (Purgatorio x x , 4 3 - 5 ) I n retrospect can we understand even m o r e clearly that Piero's bush reflects perversely a genealogical tree, as we noted above. The various uses i n the Commedia of the verb 'schiantare,' meaning 'to break o f f or 'pick' twigs or fruit, also comfort o u r typological and iconological interpretation. The w o r d is used of the fruits of Eden i n Purgatorio x x v i n , 120, and of the Tree of Life and Justice i n Purgatorio x x x m , 5 8 . This last usage puts Piero's inverted state and outrage ('Perché m i schiante?') i n t o clear perspective. Because he perverted justice and denied life b y casting asunder the image of the Redeemer i n his o w n person, the Logothete is punished b y a metamorphosis i n t o a barren i n v e r s i o n of C h r i s t as arbor salutífera. Piero is t o r n as he once figuratively tore the Tree of Justice. A g a i n , i n the purgatorial Circle of Avarice, the major images reappear: Polymnestor and his v i c t i m Polydorus again figure among the examples : 5 1

ed i n infamia t u t t o '1 m o n t e gira Polinestor ch'ancise Polidoro and i n i n f a m y the name of Polymnestor w h o slew Polydorus circles all the m o u n t a i n . (Purgatorio x x , 1 1 4 - 1 5 ) The figure of Judas returns i n reference to the greed of Charles of Valois. Charles Lackland's ('Carlo Sanzaterra') 'Lance of Judas' is avarice, as the con­ text reveals: his 'lancia' bursts the swollen belly of Florence's greed (com­ pare the swollen paunches of the Harpies) : Tempo vegg'io, n o n m o l t o dopo ancoi, che tragge u n altro Carlo fuor d i Francia, per far conoscer m e g l i o e sé e'suoi.

55

Avarice and Suicide Sanz'arme n'esce e solo con la lancia con la quai giostrô Giuda, e quella ponta si, ch'a Fiorenza fa scoppiar la pancia. A t i m e I see n o t l o n g f r o m this present day w h i c h brings another Charles o u t of France, to make b o t h himself and his o w n the better k n o w n . F o r t h he comes u n a r m e d save o n l y w i t h the lance w h i c h Judas t i l t e d , and he so couches i t that he bursts the paunch of Florence. (70-5)

H a v i n g suffered b i t t e r consequences himself, Dante was o n l y too g r i m l y aware that Charles had given free r e i n to his o w n cupidity i n abetting the Black leader, Corso D o n a t i , i n pillaging and p l u n d e r i n g the property of W h i t e Guelphs i n 1 3 0 1 . M o s t i m p o r t a n t , avarice also appears as an absorbing sin w h i c h leads to the neglect of one's own flesh. H u g h Capet laments: O avarizia, che p u o i t u più fame, poscia c'ha' i l m i ó sangue a te si t r a t t o , che non si cura de la propria carne? O Avarice, w h a t m o r e can y o u do to us, since y o u have so d r a w n m y blood to yourself that i t has no care for its o w n flesh? (82-4) Bearing i n m i n d the historical facts and the significance of the major images of the episode, we m u s t reread Piero's protestation of innocence i n a different l i g h t : that he was n o t g u i l t y of sheer treachery seems borne out b o t h inside and outside the Poem, and o n b o t h the literal and symbolic levels, for Dante placed Piero n o t i n the n i n t h circle of H e l l among the traitors b u t i n the seventh a m o n g the violent. H o w e v e r , that the course of his sins led h i m b y degrees to reflect the e a r t h l y end of Jesus' betrayer there can be no doubt, and it is clear that Judas' other attributes taken collectively f o r m the u n i f y i n g basis for the i m a g e r y of Inferno x m and Inferno x i v , 1-3. The cantos p o r t r a y n o t h i n g of the near-wholesome greatness and m a g n a n i m i t y that romantic and neo-romantic readers believe t h e y see i n h i m . Beneath the letter lurks the Logothete's grasping avarice, a willingness to seize f r o m the weak or innocent, a readiness to sacrifice the poor and h u m b l e for cash. Dante, o b v i ously aware of m a n y of the varied tales t o l d of della Vigna's misdeeds and death, reflects i n his p o e t r y the m u r k y , dubious nature of the Logothete's sins

56

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

i n the a m b i g u i t y and conflict between the different levels of the text itself. W h a t Piero's o w n protests deny, the s y m b o l i s m and allegory pitilessly reveal as a negative e x e m p l u m : a greedy, v i o l e n t , tyrannous character w h o kills himself i n shame and despair after h a v i n g persecuted the innocent and stolen f r o m the c o m m o n coffers. Dante's didactic subtlety is exquisite. H i s Piero is indeed a new Judas.

5 T H E GRAN

VEGLIO

Inferno x i v , w i t h its p r o f o u n d l y complicated image of the ' G r a n Veglio d i C r e t a / the O l d M a n of Crete, continues to puzzle its readers. W e see at first o n l y m y s t e r y . Questions about the Poet's placement of the description of the statue, about the apparent lack of artistic or theoretical u n i t y i n the episode, and, above all, about the relation of the statue to the contrapasso have led Dantisti to treat the Veglio and the classical allusions, often rather lamely, as mere pedantic 'digressions,' or as examples of the Poet's alleged 'inconsistency of i n s p i r a t i o n . ' O t h e r problems are equally vexing. W h y does V i r g i l point to the b o i l i n g 'fiumicello' and insist: 'Cosa n o n fu da l i occhi t u o i scorta / notabile c o m ' è ' l presente r i o / N o t h i n g has been discerned b y y o u r eyes so notable as the present stream'? W h a t is the significance of the statue's five parts? 1

2

This chapter and the next fill a critical v o i d b y demonstrating the thematic, dogmatic, and poetic u n i t y f o r m e d b y the various allusions and references of Inferno x i v . O n l y w h e n we concentrate o n the Veglio d i Creta, not i n isolat i o n , b u t i n its context i n the Poem and i n the cultural t r a d i t i o n of Christian euhemerism and t y p o l o g y w i l l the meaning of the entire episode become clear. As most readers are aware, the major paradigmatic source, and, therefore, a major component of the m e a n i n g of Dante's statue, is to be found i n commentaries o n the dream of Nebuchadnezzar i n the Book of Daniel, chapter 2. I n t w o i m p o r t a n t studies, G i o v a n n i Busnelli contributed most to the interpretation of this facet of the Cretan f i g u r e . E x a m i n i n g Dante's descript i o n i n the l i g h t of Richard of St V i c t o r ' s De eruditione hominis interioris and Philip of Harveng's De somnis Nabuchodonosor, Busnelli came to some impeccable conclusions. F o l l o w i n g F l a m i n i and Pascoli, he saw the fissure (fessura) as the ' w o u n d i n g of n a t u r e ' (vulneratio naturae), the fourfold w o u n d left b y the Fall, and he saw that the Veglio represented m a n k i n d : ' I t is 3

4

5

58

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

n o t h i n g b u t the "vetus h o m o , " the " o l d m a n " w h i c h is counterposed to the "new m a n " regenerated t h r o u g h Christ, since the "vetus h o m o " represents the o l d life led i n s i n . ' Busnelli's interpretations are quite convincing for those parts of the episode w h i c h he claims to explain. A l t h o u g h we w i l l have m u c h occasion to cite his studies, the eminent Jesuit critic, as he himself admitted, d i d not grasp the u n i f y i n g ideology behind Dante's plan, and he continued to insist that the V e g l i o was something apart and tangential having 'the appearance of being a filler, of mysterious excess, but too obscure and buried for i t to shine w i t h that most beautiful poetic l i g h t w h i c h bathes the other parts of Dante's d e s i g n . ' I n spite of Busnelli's careful scholarship, there still r e m a i n those problems of interpretation w h i c h we listed at the outset of the chapter. 6

7

Realizing that a major p r o b l e m w i t h previous critical views was the f a i l ­ ure to address the fact that Nebuchadnezzar's dream statue neither bled nor w e p t , Theodore Silverstein attempted to trace the o r i g i n of the 'weeping statue' t h r o u g h classical sources, p a r t i c u l a r l y O v i d ' s Metamorphoses, and t h r o u g h the C h r i s t i a n image of the bleeding Redeemer o n the Cross. He compared the blood and tears d r i p p i n g f r o m the statue to the iconographie t r a d i t i o n of the stream w h i c h flows d o w n the Cross for the redemption of A d a m whose skull is b u r i e d below. The four rivers of Paradise w h i c h flow f r o m the Crucified are inversely reflected i n the infernal streams springing f r o m the Veglio's fissures. T h o u g h Silverstein, like Busnelli, showed no connection between the V e g l i o and the concept of blasphemy and thus failed to recognize the artistic i n t e g r i t y of the episode, his essay w e n t far i n enrich­ i n g an understanding of the statue's symbolic ramifications. The extent to w h i c h an inverted Christian baptismal language and t y p o l ­ ogy fuses Dante's i m a g e r y i n the episode seems not to have been noted b e f o r e . The parallel image of the rivers flowing f r o m the side of Christ, observed b y Silverstein, possesses a m u l t i p l i c i t y of meanings far richer and discussed far earlier i n the h i s t o r y of Christian theology t h a n he indicated. C o n t r a r y to Silverstein's contention, i t was not m e r e l y St Bernard's circle of friends i n the t w e l f t h century w h o elaborated the concept of Christ's tears f o r m i n g the Rivers of Paradise b u t even w r i t e r s f r o m paleo-Christian t i m e s . I n John 7:37-9, the Redeemer cries o u t : ' H e that believeth i n me, as the Scripture saith: Out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water [flumina de ventre eius]. N o w this he said of the Spirit w h i c h they should receive that believe i n h i m . ' The passage had enormous influence o n Christian doctrine, l i t u r g y , and iconography f r o m the b e g i n n i n g . A s H u g o Rahner has demonstrated, the phrase ' i l u m i n a de ventre eius,' often cited as ' i l u m i n a de ventre C h r i s t i , ' was made to refer to the w o u n d inflicted i n Christ's side after his death and was thus interpreted as predicting the spread of the Gospels 8

9

10

11

12

59

The Gran

Veglio

and the sacrament of b a p t i s m . Early i n the t r a d i t i o n , H i p p o l y t u s i n his Commentary on Daniel, i , 17 made Christ's body the fountainhead of the Gospels. F r o m h i m ' I n this garden [Eden] a stream of everlasting water flows and four streams divide f r o m i t flowing over the w h o l e earth as is seen of the C h u r c h : Christ w h o is the stream is proclaimed t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d t h r o u g h the fourfold Gospels, and flowing over the w h o l e earth He sanctifies whomsoever believes o n H i m as the words of the Prophet [that is, the Apostle, John 7:38] says: " F l u m i n a de ventre e i u s . " According to dogma, Ecclesia is, i n fact, the spiritual body of Christ and therefore the source f r o m w h i c h the water of the Spirit comes to all believers t h r o u g h baptism. I n this sacrament the issue f r o m Christ's w o u n d forms a stream divided among the mass of sinners, the massa peccatrix.* The Veglio and the rivers can be understood d a r k l y as the earthly and infernal, figurai, perversion of these t r u t h s . O t h e r aspects bear this out. 13

/ 1 4

5

The Veglio, the literal source of a river flowing t h r o u g h a desert, tempo­ rally and m a t e r i a l l y inverts the spiritual metaphors used of Christ. The Redeemer is also the source of a stream as he comforts his C h u r c h i n Isaias 4 3 : 1 9 - 2 0 . Here the Rock of H o r e b struck b y Moses prefigures the Saviour: 'Behold I do new t h i n g s : and n o w t h e y shall spring f o r t h . V e r i l y , y o u shall k n o w t h e m : I w i l l make a w a y i n the wilderness and rivers i n the desert. . . . I have given waters i n the wilderness, rivers i n the desert, to give d r i n k to m y people, to m y c h o s e n . ' St Paul speaks of these events of Exodus 17 and John 7:38 i n 1 Corinthians 1 0 : 1 - 5 : ' A n d all i n Moses were baptized i n the cloud and i n the sea. . . . A n d a l l drank the same spiritual d r i n k : ( A n d t h e y drank of the spiritual rock that followed t h e m : and the rock was C h r i s t ) . ' Christ as the Rock of H o r e b thus became a favourite type for Christian exege­ sis. I n o n l y one a m o n g scores of examples that could be cited, St Ambrose i n his Explication of Psalm 45:12 explains the passage f r o m the Psalm, 'The stream of the river m a k e t h the city of God j o y f u l , ' as follows: 16

1 7

Post passionem D o m i n i q u i d aliud sequi debuit, nisi quia de corpore D o m i n i flumen e x i v i t , quando de latere eius aqua fluxit et sanguis, quo laetificavit (Ps. 4515) animas u n i v e r s o r u m , quia illo i l u m i n e lavit peccatum totius m u n d i ? W h a t else o u g h t to have followed the Lord's passion, b u t that a river came out of the body of the L o r d w h e n f r o m his side there flowed water and blood, b y w h i c h he made to rejoice the minds of all, since w i t h that stream he washes away the sin of the w h o l e w o r l d ?

1 8

Thus f r o m the Veglio described i n the canto of unbelief there flows a sinful river of blood and tears (compared to the Bulicame divided among 'peccatrici'),

6o

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

as f r o m Christ there flows the source of the W a t e r of Life, w h i c h washes away all the sins of the f a i t h f u l . The r a i n of fire extinguished b y a river of blood also reverses a n u m b e r of c o m m o n baptismal traditions and typologies. First i t inverts the t r a d i t i o n of the fire w h i c h descended o n the Jordan at the baptism of C h r i s t .

1 9

The fact

that the r i v e r of blood quenches the fire above i t ('sovra sé t u t t e fiammelle a m m o r t a ' ) one m u s t see as a hellish parody of the doctrine of epiclesis i n w h i c h the H o l y Spirit descends to the baptismal waters and combines w i t h t h e m to bestow l i f e - g i v i n g e f f i c a c y .

20

Ironically i n Inferno x i v , 8 9 - 9 0 , 1 4 1 - 2 ,

o n l y above the stream is the d i v i n e fire purposefully ineffective i n H e l l . The fiery r a i n thus b o t h fulfils and inverts the words of St John the Baptist, T indeed baptize y o u w i t h water; b u t there shall come one m i g h t i e r t h a n I . . . . H e shall baptize y o u w i t h the H o l y Ghost and w i t h fire' (Luke 3 :i6). D o c t r i n a l l y , D i v i n e Fire, as a figure of the Godhead i n C h r i s t i a n i t y , is identical, whether seen i n its p u n i s h i n g or p u r i f y i n g aspects. Here i n H e l l , Gehenna, w h i c h consumes the i m p i o u s , figures the Spirit w h i c h can v i v i f y the f a i t h ­ ful.

2 1

Fire as p u n i s h m e n t and vengeance, so often stressed i n the canto,

reflects inversely the dogmatic principle that baptism is a j u d g m e n t over s i n ,

2 2

a concept best understood t h r o u g h the major préfigurations of that sacra­ m e n t i n the O l d Testament. The red, b o i l i n g , 'presente r i o ' and its t r i b u t a r y i n the Circle of T y r a n t s , already crossed d r y s h o d b y the Wayfarer astride a Centaur, reflect baptism as the a n t i t y p e or fulfilment b o t h of the crossing of

the Red Sea and of the survival of the Flood. The traditional exegesis of the 23

Exodus interprets the d r o w n i n g of the Pharaoh's cohorts as a préfiguration of the destruction of sin b y baptism: Pharaoh's a r m y figures Satan's m i n i o n s annihilated i n the waters of d e a t h .

24

That the exodus is the antitype of the

flood and of baptism is, of course, biblical (1 Peter 3:18-21), and the Fathers of the C h u r c h used i t often : N o a h prefigures Christ, the first-born of a new creation: the Flood destroys a sinful w o r l d just as Christ's death and Resur­ rection spells the death of sin and the promise of eternal l i f e .

2 5

The bloody

river w h i c h punishes the t y r a n t s i n the second death of H e l l (Inferno xn) performs l i t e r a l l y and allegorically the same function as d i d the Flood i n h i s t o r y , and the waters of baptism w h i c h destroy sin b y washing away the wickedness of the O l d M a n (Romans 6:3-7) i n the fulfilment of sacra­ ment.

2 6

The river's effluent, the 'presente r i o ' of Inferno x i v , is 'notabile'

because i t is the negative counterpart of w h a t , to Dante, was the central fact of C h r i s t i a n H i s t o r y : the Redeeming Blood of C h r i s t .

2 7

The Poet, of

course, presents these concepts n o t i n t h e i r positive and regenerative aspect b u t i n the perverse perspective of the nether w o r l d , of those i n eternal p u n i s h ­ ment. The hellish r i v e r fulfils in malo w h a t the rivers flowing f r o m Christ's side fulfil in bono. The e a r t h l y V e g l i o and the rivers issuing f r o m i t represent

6i

The Gran Veglio

sin not o n l y i n its aspect as i n h e r i t e d g u i l t (culpa), the concupiscence of original sin, b u t also i n its aspect as p u n i s h m e n t (poena). The blood and tears dripping f r o m the Veglio's fessura are the agents of God's anger u p o n the w r a t h f u l , the t y r a n t s , the b a r r a t o r s , and the traitors, just as i n Nether H e l l , fire wreaks t o r t u r e u p o n the blasphemers, sodomites, usurers, simonists, thieves, and the counsellors of fraud. For the damned here there can be o n l y a 'baptism b y f i r e / a j u d g m e n t u n t o death: their resurrection can o n l y be u n t o the second death o n the D a y of W r a t h . 28

29

This eschatological m e a n i n g of the statue under Ida and the fiery Phleget h o n i n the seventh circle of H e l l appears also i n their collective resemblance to the description i n the Book of Daniel 7 : 9 - 2 2 of the Vetustus or Antiquus dierum, the A n c i e n t of Days, that is of the apocalyptic vision of God the Father at Judgment. F r o m b o t h figures, that is, the D e i t y and Dante's colossus, there issues a fiery r i v e r : 'The A n c i e n t of Days sat. . . . A swift stream of fire issued f o r t h f r o m before h i m . . . . The j u d g m e n t sat and the books were opened' (Daniel 7:10). C a r l - M a r t i n Edsman has noted that, early i n Christian­ i t y , the iconographie attributes were transferred f r o m God the Father to Christ as Judge, i n obedience to Daniel 7 : 1 3 - 1 5 and i n a reconciliation w i t h other biblical passages such as Apocalypse 5 : 5 - 8 and John 5:22 : 'For nei­ ther d o t h the Father judge any m a n : b u t h a t h given all j u d g m e n t to the son.' The river of fire at the feet of Christ became a fixed iconographical element i n descriptions and i n artistic depictions of the Last Judgment. I n the mosaics of Torcello, for example, the fiery stream flows d o w n f r o m the Judge, engulf­ i n g and t o r t u r i n g the damned b e l o w . 3 0

As previously noted, Busnelli and other critics have realized that Dante based the Veglio on the Pauline version of the A d a m i c m y t h i n w h i c h the Apostle contrasted the ' o l d m a n , ' the vetus homo, w i t h the 'new M a n , ' b y counterposing the figure of A d a m as the inverse of Christ, 'the second A d a m . ' B y expanding o n t h e i r contention, we can further enrich our appreciation of Dante's poetic meaning. The images of the vetus homo and Christ the novus homo appear i n explications of the statue of Nebuchadnezzar's dream made b y the C h u r c h Fathers. St Jerome interprets the stone i n Daniel w h i c h smashes the figure, breaking the kingdoms of gold, silver, bronze, i r o n , and clay, as Christ. The Redeemer is the rock (Daniel 3:4o) broken off the m o u n t a i n b y unseen hands, since he was b o r n w i t h o u t coition, w i t h o u t h u m a n seed, f r o m a v i r g i n ' s w o m b . Christ is the great m o u n t a i n w h i c h grows f r o m that rock filling the w o r l d . Rupert of Deutz follows Jerome: ' "Lapis abscissus de monte sine manibus" i d est Christus sine v i r i l i complexu de V i r g i n e natus, factus mons magnus, postquam percussit statuam r e g n o r u m m u n d i hujus / "The rock broken off f r o m the m o u n t a i n w i t h o u t hands," - that is Christ b o r n f r o m 3 1

3 2

62

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

the V i r g i n w i t h o u t m a n l y embrace - has become a great m o u n t a i n and after­ wards struck the statue of the kingdoms of this w o r l d . ' Surely inspired b y such a h a r m o n y i n the exegetical sources, Dante's Veglio m u s t have a signifi­ cance similar to that of the statue i n Daniel. Plainly, i t is implied that w h a t Nebuchadnezzar's prophetic dream foreshadowed in aenigmate w i l l find its fulfilment here o n earth : at the Last Judgment Christ w i l l come again as Judge to break, figuratively, the Idaean-cum-Babylonian idol of earthly sin. The t y p o l o g y of Christ as rock thus comes principally f r o m t w o biblical passages w h i c h became inextricably b o u n d together i n the doctrine of b a p t i s m , the sacrament w h i c h so dominates the imagery of Inferno xrv: i n patristic i n t e r ­ pretations, Christ is the rock w h i c h destroys the vetus homo i n Nebuchadnez­ zar's dream, just as i n baptismal t y p o l o g y the waters w h i c h flow f r o m Christ's side, that is, f r o m the rock of Horeb, destroy the vetus homo i n the sacrament of i n i t i a t i o n . The e a r t h l y statue, thus, in malo represents the source of all sin, w h i l e i n another w a y , i t ironically reflects in bono, the bleeding Redeemer, C h r i s t dead and buried, the Godhead so v i o l e n t l y rejec­ ted b y the sinners punished here i n H e l l . 3 3

34

W e can see that the Veglio b u r i e d under Ida reflects Christ and the vetus homo even m o r e closely w h e n we examine the exegetical t r a d i t i o n on N e b u ­ chadnezzar's dream as absorbed b y D a n t e . Richard of St V i c t o r boldly identifies the image i n Daniel as an effigy of m a n k i n d : ' Q u i d est statua nisi effigies umana / W h a t is a statue but a h u m a n effigy?' A n d later: ' Q u i d e n i m aliud est h u j u s m o d i statua nisi umana figura, sive umana vita / W h a t else is a statue of this sort b u t the h u m a n figure or h u m a n l i f e ? ' The Veglio represents the v e r y cracked and ruined nature w h i c h the Redeemer deigned to p u t o n to w o r k man's salvation. T h o u g h , according to doctrine, Christ was not conceived i n sin and did not contract the defects of m a n , he nevertheless chose to assume man's i n f i r m i t y . St Bernard describes Christ's experience of incarnation using metaphors close to Dante's conception: ' [ C h r i s t ] has f o u n d m a n y gaps i n the walls of our h u m a n nature, ruinous and full of fissures as t h e y are, as He has had experiences i n his o w n person [during his sojourn o n earth] of o u r i n f i r m i t y and c o r r u p t i o n . ' The vetus homo is the m a t e r i a l , b o d i l y substance w h i c h clothed Christ and w h i c h , t h r o u g h the Redeemer's condescension and death, the Christian puts off at baptism. 35

36

3 7

38

39

I n q u i r y i n t o the baptismal and eschatological implications of the Veglio can also explain the five materials w h i c h f o r m i t . Here again the Poet's inspira­ t i o n derives f r o m the biblical model i n Daniel and o n the patristic c o m m e n ­ taries s u r r o u n d i n g i t . The statue, like its prototype, is formed of five different materials w h i c h the Fathers, expanding o n Daniel's o w n explanation to the Babylonian K i n g , interpreted as a series of empires preceding the coming of

63

The Gran Veglio

Christ and the age of true Faith. St Jerome allies the materials to specific pagan realms: the golden head signifies the Babylonians; the silver, the Medes and Persians; the bronze, the Greeks and t h e i r successor Alexander of Macedón; the i r o n symbolizes the R o m a n s . 40

St A u g u s t i n e divided the ages of m a n according to biblical periods, f o l l o w i n g M a t t h e w 1. I n the City of God x x n , 30, the Bishop of H i p p o explains the ages of creation as follows. First the five ages of the saeculum : The first age, corresponding to the first day, is f r o m A d a m to the flood, the second, f r o m t h e n on t i l l A b r a h a m . These are equal, not i n years but i n the n u m b e r of generations, for each is found to have ten. F r o m this p o i n t , as the evangelist M a t t h e w marks off the periods, three ages follow, reaching to the c o m i n g of Christ, each of w h i c h is completed i n fourteen generations: one f r o m A b r a h a m to David, the second f r o m then t i l l the deportation to Babylon, the t h i r d f r o m then u n t i l the b i r t h of Christ i n the flesh. Thus there are five ages in all. * 4

The sixth age, b o u n d b y the t w o Comings of Christ, incarnate as the Son of M a n , and as Judge, has already begun i n the present and is of indeterminate l e n g t h : T h e s i x t h is n o w i n progress, and is not to be measured b y any fixed n u m b e r of generations, for the Scripture says: " I t is n o t for y o u to k n o w the times w h i c h the Father has fixed b y his o w n power" [Acts 1:7]. I n the seventh age, at last, after j u d g m e n t , G o d w i l l rest and w i l l cause us also to rest i n h i m s e l f . I t was n a t u r a l that the five ages of the saeculum - of the w o r l d , of the w o r l d l y - as opposed to the sixth and seventh spiritual ages should eventually be used i n the exegesis of the five materials of the statue i n Daniel. Philip of H a r v e n g joins the interpretations of St Jerome and St A u g u s t i n e . First he gives a l o n g disquisition on the parts of the figure i n w h i c h he identifies the five materials as the A u g u s t i n i a n first five ages; then he elaborates o n Jerome's exegesis w h i l e recounting the statue's end i n the sixth age : 'Therefore i n the s i x t h age a stone was cut away f r o m the m o u n t a i n w i t h o u t hands, that is, C h r i s t was b o r n of the V i r g i n M a r y w i t h o u t the touch of m a n , Christ, w h o smote the statue and smashed i t , that is, he showed how vile and contemptible is the g l o r y of this age. ' The rock strikes the feet of clay and i r o n , t o p p l i n g the colossus: 'Thus i t is w e l l said that the stone smote the statue i n its feet of i r o n and clay since Christ, w h o is the corner­ stone, b y the preaching of spiritual p o v e r t y b r o u g h t to n o u g h t the vile and f i l t h y g l o r y of this age and destroyed i t . A f t e r these things t r u l y the stone grew i n t o a large m o u n t a i n , and filled the w h o l e earth, i t was made k n o w n to all t h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e w o r l d that Christ is G o d . ' Dante's sources f r o m the exegeses o n the Book of Daniel demonstrate the m u l t i f o r m , polysemous 742

43

4 4

64

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

meanings w h i c h the statue had l o n g before the Poet used i t for his o w n mysterious and complex image i n the Commedia. The Veglio represents not o n l y original sin i n A d a m b u t the sins of the saeculum, the pride and v a i n g l o r y of the present w o r l d . A f t e r St A u g u s t i n e , i t became t r a d i t i o n a l to unite the events of the sixth day of Creation, the s i x t h day of the Passion, and the s i x t h age of m a n to the sacrament of baptism. Doctrine held axiomatically that the s i x t h age b r o u g h t Christ's Incarnation just as the s i x t h day of H o l y Week b r o u g h t his Crucifixion, death, and b u r i a l . A s God created A d a m and Eve o n the s i x t h day of Creation, so i n the s i x t h age he caused to f o r m Ecclesia f r o m the w o u n d of the d y i n g Saviour: ' O n the s i x t h day m a n is formed after the image of God, i n the s i x t h period of the w o r l d there is a clear discovery of our transformation i n the renewing of o u r m i n d . . . as a wife was made for A d a m f r o m his side w h i l e he slept, Ecclesia becomes the property of her d y i n g Saviour b y the sacrament of the blood w h i c h flowed f r o m His side after His d e a t h . ' Six, the perfect n u m b e r (absent i n the Veglio), was thus the number of the first Creation and the N e w , and, most i m p o r t a n t , the number of Baptism. " I n his Sermon 259 delivered at Eastertime, A u g u s t i n e joins these notions even m o r e clearly: 'The s i x t h day, therefore, begins w i t h the com­ i n g of the L o r d , and we are l i v i n g i n that s i x t h day. Hence, just as i n Genesis (1 :zy) [we read that] m a n was fashioned i n the image of God o n the s i x t h day, so i n o u r t i m e , as i f o n the s i x t h day of the entire era, we are b o r n again i n baptism so that we m a y receive the image of our Creator. ' The t r a d i t i o n continued t h r o u g h the centuries. H u g h of St V i c t o r echoes the u n i o n of these hexaemeric concepts i n his chapter o n baptism i n the De Sacramentis: the beginning of o r i g i n a l sin i n Eden and the washing away of o r i g i n a l sin i n baptism are types one of the other, each t a k i n g place at the occurrence of the number six: ' F i n a l l y i n the s i x t h age, Christ was b o r n of a V i r g i n , just as on the sixth day the first m a n [ A d a m ] was moulded f r o m v i r g i n earth. He H i m ­ self, therefore, as i f to consummate all things, w h e n He had come to the age of manhood, i n the t h i r t i e t h year of H i s age was baptized b y John, not of necessity b u t b y dispensation, that H e m i g h t sanctify the laver for those w h o are to be cleansed. ' I n the s i x t h age, the age of redemption, and re-creation t h r o u g h baptism, the o u t w a r d m a n perishes and the body of sin i n the present life is destroyed and b u r i e d . 45

4

6

4 7

4 8

4 9

Elsewhere, i n his Enarratio in Psalmum v i , 2, St A u g u s t i n e allies his first four ages to the body, and p a r t i c u l a r l y to the vetus homo: ' N o w i t is clear that the n u m b e r four has a relation to the body. . . . These numbers then of the body ... have relation to the old man and the Old Testament/ The Veglio, as critics agree, a vetus homo, is cleft precisely i n the four lower materials of its body; the golden head, intact, clearly symbolized the Age of G o l d , the age 50

65

The Gran

Veglio

of original justice and innocence w h i c h once held sway upon the earth i n the n o r t h e r n hemisphere where the figure is located. The statue described i n Inferno x i v , thus, t h r o u g h its allusive i m a g e r y and its n u m e r o l o g y (the fourpart body as vetus homo; its imperfect, secular five p o i n t i n g towards the perfection of a six, as i n the dream i n Daniel), heralds not o n l y the destruction of the impious eschatologically, b u t also figures, historically and anagogically, Christ's regeneration and j u d g m e n t of m a n t h r o u g h his t w o Comings. These concepts can help further to explain the Veglio's c o n t i n u i n g signifi­ cance for the present age and h o w the statue endures as the source of Hell's rivers. T h o u g h the prophets had predicted that God w o u l d , at the end of t i m e , 'create a new heaven and a new earth,' and Isaias 51:9 had announced a new Flood at time's end, C h r i s t i a n i t y , i n 2 Peter 313-10, saw this Flood and this re-Creation as fulfilled n o t i n the future b u t i n the present t h r o u g h the i n i t i a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l C h r i s t i a n . That is, Christ and the catechumen's acceptance of h i m i n baptism were the 'last times' p r e d i c t e d . The p r i m a l waters of the first creation were analogous to and a préfiguration of the waters of the sacrament of the Faith. A s T e r t u l l i a n , the earliest w r i t e r o n the subject, reasoned: ' W a t e r was the first to produce that w h i c h had life, that i t m i g h t be no wonder i n baptism i f waters k n o w h o w to give life. ' According to doctrine, the sacrament of baptism precludes the last Judgment, for those prepared b y the water, b y the faith, and b y the w o o d of the Cross, and w h o repent of t h e i r sins shall escape the Judgment of God to c o m e . A u g u s ­ tine's fifth age actually exists i n the u n g o d l y , and the sixth i n the godly contemporaneously, just as the t w o cities, that of the earth and that of God, exist together i n t e m p o r a l i t y , o n l y later to be divided. A l l m e n spring f r o m condemned s t o c k and, like A d a m , are o n l y cured of original sin and made sound and spiritual b y r e b i r t h i n Christ. The blessed alone, t h o u g h b o r n citizens of this w o r l d , of the saeculum, of the fifth age, become alien to i t b y finding t h e i r t r u e home i n the C i t y of God. Passage f r o m the fifth to the sixth age comes about n o t b y the renewal or regeneration of all m a n k i n d (John 3 .-5) b u t b y the individual's o w n personal passage f r o m wickedness to good­ n e s s . Thus, the s i x t h age, t h o u g h i t has begun for some, is still emerging, for the new creation is inaugurated t h r o u g h the believer's emergence f r o m the baptismal f o n t . T h o u g h the Veglio represents in malo the 'body of sin,' still in bono i t inversely reflects b y its b u r i a l 'sotto una montagna' (103) the ' b u r i a l ' of baptism i n i m i t a t i o n of Christ (Romans 6 : 3 - 1 2 ) . I n short, the fire, the bloody r i v e r , the entombed bleeding figure, all p o i n t to the same sacramental t r u t h . I n this canto of v i o l e n t rejection of worship and belief, the poetry, satisfyingly, i r o n i c a l l y , and f i t t i n g l y , reflects the typologies and numerologies of i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the Faith. 51

52

5 3

54

55

56

5 7

5 8

6 THE IDOLATERS

W h i l e the importance of the underlying baptismal imagery has been established, other fundamentally i m p o r t a n t questions i n Inferno xrv still remain to be answered. W e m a y n o w ask again w h y the Cretan statue is described specifically i n the canto of the 'blasphemers/ W h a t sense and u n i t y do the classical images hold? W h y are the sodomites punished on the same plain? A n d , finally, perhaps, w h a t relation does blasphemy bear to baptism? The answers lie b o t h i n the particular f o r m of blasphemy punished here, and i n the medieval interpretations of the classical loci alluded to i n the canto. To state that Dante's Veglio is based on a contaminado of biblical and classi­

cal sources is a critical commonplace. Scholars have long identified Dante's manifold i n s p i r a t i o n for the various metallic and ceramic sections of the sta­ tue. Besides the Book of Daniel, t h e y have compared the episode to m a n y passages i n pagan authors: V i r g i l ' s Aeneid m , 1 0 4 - 5 , ' 3 4 ~ 5 ' d ' 326; his Bucolics i v , 6; Juvenal's Satire v i , 1-2, and x m , 2 8 - 3 0 ; and Ovid's Metamorphoses 1,891^* Dante probably accepted the t e s t i m o n y of P l i n y i n the Natural History x v i , 73, as cited i n St A u g u s t i n e , that a gigantic body sixty-nine feet i n height had been found erect o n Crete, exposed f r o m its burial place b y an earthquake. Critics discussing the Veglio, however, have neglected medieval commen­ taries o n the classical sources and allusions of the canto and have thus missed m u c h of the Poet's meaning. Let us first t u r n to the t r a d i t i o n of the weeping statue, for we remember that tears and blood play no part i n the Old-Testa­ m e n t story of Nebuchadnezzar's dream. Silverstein, for example, noted the inspiration of the weeping statue of N i o b e , b u t he d i d not consult the medie­ val mythographers o n O v i d ' s weeping statue and thus d i d not realize h o w closely t h e i r interpretations coincided w i t h the m a i n themes of Dante's episode. V I 1

2

a

n

v

m

2

3

Even O v i d ' s o r i g i n a l tale of Niobe has m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h the tale of

6y

The Idolaters

Nebuchadnezzar and, consequently, w i t h Inferno x i v . Niobe and N e b u ­ chadnezzar, b o t h p r o u d monarchs, blasphemously deny their deity due w o r ­ ship, and idolatrously d i v e r t the devotion of t h e i r subjects to themselves. Nebuchadnezzar, forgetful of his dream of the five-part colossus, u n m i n d f u l of his advancement of D a n i e l and his o w n recognition of Jahweh's power (Daniel 2:47, cited i n the Epístola to Can Grande, para. 28), turns to i d o l a t r y b y setting up a golden statue of himself for adoration o n the Plain of D u r a , near where the tower of Babel had been erected. St Jerome i n his Commentariorum in Danielem Liberia, cap. 1, observes: 4

5

' K i n g Nebuchadnezzar made a gold statue sixty cubits i n height, six cubits i n w i d t h . ' Swift is the forgetfulness of t r u t h , so that he w h o a little w h i l e ago worshipped the servant of God just as he had worshipped God, n o w orders a statue to be made for himself, so that he himself might be worshipped in the statue. 6

As we w i l l have occasion to note later, Rupert of Deutz states flatly ' N i m i r u m haec est idololatria b r u t a / W i t h o u t doubt this is b r u t i s h idolatry. ' Niobe, w h o i n v i d i o u s l y compares herself and her fourteen offspring to Latona and to the goddess's t w o children, A p o l l o and Diana, cheats Latona of due w o r s h i p and commands her subjects to w o r s h i p herself. Even i n Ovid's original tale, Niobe is the embodiment of superbia. She cries, 7

quaerite nunc, habeat q u a m nostra superbia causam. A s k n o w w h a t cause I have for pride. (Metamorphoses

v i , 184)

8

Latona and her divine children wreak a ghastly revenge upon the stupid queen; t h e y slaughter all of Niobe's offspring; she herself, t h o u g h t u r n e d to stone, continues to weep forever: et lacrimas etiam nunc m a r m o r a manant. A n d even to this day tears trickle f r o m the marble. (Metamorphoses

vi, 312)

9

Like Nebuchadnezzar i n the C h u r c h Fathers, Niobe is interpreted u n a n i ­ m o u s l y i n O v i d ' s medieval commentators as a figure of pride and i d o l a t r y ; Dante himself uses her as such i n Purgatorio x i i , 3 7 - 9 . A r n u l p h u s of Orleans, w h o i n all l i k e l i h o o d was k n o w n to Dante, interprets Niobe's children as parts

68

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

of a h u m a n body t h r o u g h w h i c h the sins d e r i v i n g f r o m pride m a y be expressed. Latona, insulted b y N i o b e , A r n u l p h u s continues, is religion; Latona's t w o children are A p o l l o and Diana, w i s d o m and chastity respectively, t h r o u g h w h o m N i o b e , the errant, blaspheming Christian, is b r o u g h t back to religious d e v o t i o n . 10

Later moralizations m e r e l y echo this interpretation: Dante's contemporary, the allegorizer of the Ovide moralisé, gives the f o l l o w i n g account, m a k i n g Niobe a blasphemer: ... ses orguelz la m i s t a honte. Elle avoit sept filles par conte Et sept filz, dont tant se prisoit Que lies damediex despisoit, Si l'en avint perte e damage A l u i et a t o u t son lignage. ...her pride b r o u g h t shame u p o n her. She had seven daughters b y count and seven sons, about w h o m she piqued herself so that she despised the gods ; thus f r o m this there occurred loss and h a r m to her and all her lineage. (vi, 1 0 0 3 - 8 )

1 1

Later he explains her away as w o r l d l y pride: ' N y o b e c'est l ' o r g u e i l dou monde' (1388). Chastity and w i s d o m p u n i s h and convert Niobe b y k i l l i n g her offspring; her metamorphosis i n t o a statue signifies b o t h h u m i l i t y and her devotion to the contemplative life. T h e n , 'autrement,' f r o m an allegory of pride, the moralizer twists the tale i n t o an allegory of cupidity or greed ( 1 4 4 2 - 5 4 ) , for, especially, 'the covetous person hates r e l i g i o n ' : 'Convoiteus het r e l i g i o n ' (1476). Later t h a n Dante, b u t i m p o r t a n t for the t r a d i t i o n w h i c h he inherited, Bersuire (d. 1362), i n his Ovidius moralizatus, allegorizes Niobe as the new convert w h o falls i n t o sin b y w a x i n g p r o u d over the Gifts of the H o l y Spirit and attributes to herself that w h i c h was attributable to God alone. A p o l l o , Christ, the Sun of Justice, and Diana, the blessed V i r g i n , take away the Gifts and leave her 'to her o w n power. ' Niobe's transformation i n t o marble readily lends itself t o an allegorization of the religious progress of the i n d i v i ­ dual and of m a n k i n d i n general. Bersuire makes the tale parallel to the Christian h i s t o r y of m a n k i n d : the story of the Fall and its effects, after w h i c h God abstracted h i m s e l f f r o m the w o r l d and left m a n to his o w n devices, homo sibi relictus: N i o b e thus holds the same significance as Dante's V e g l i o : sinful h u m a n i t y abandoned b y G o d : 12

69

The Idolaters [Christ and Diana] themselves take away their gifts and power and leave her to her own devices, and t h e n she becomes a stone, that is, hard and insensible and undevout. Such are they, then, w h o do n o t a t t r i bute t h e i r o w n virtues to God. B y the just j u d g m e n t of God t h e y are p e r m i t t e d to sin and t h e y deserve to lose their righteous fruitfulness and to r u s h i n t o the weeping of desperation. 13

I n C h r i s t i a n dogma, blasphemy derives f r o m pride and reflects the original sin of A d a m and Eve w h o desired to be 'sicut d i i . C o n t r a r y to the t r a d i tional critical v i e w of the Commedia, we are here, i n Inferno x i v , surely dealing w i t h something m o r e t h a n simple blasphemy. All souls at the Acheron 'bestemmiavano D i o e l o r parenti, / l'umana spezie e'l luogo e'l tempo e'l seme / d i l o r semenza e d i l o r nascimenti / T h e y blasphemed God, their parents, the h u m a n race, the place, the t i m e , the seed of their begetting and of their b i r t h ' (Inferno 111,103-5). The lustful i n Inferno v, 36, 'bestemm i a n q u i v i la virtù divina / Here t h e y blaspheme the divine power. ' Inferno x i v deals w i t h sinners of a m o r e specific k i n d - those w h o prevent the worship of God. I n the words of St Thomas, 'Idolatry includes a grievous blasphemy inasmuch as i t deprives God of the singleness of H i s d o m i n i o n and denies faith b y d e e d s / Indeed, the idolatrous prevention of the venerat i o n of the d e i t y is the w o r s t f o r m of blasphemy; i t is i n fact, theologically, the 'perfection' of that s i n : ' H e that speaks against God, w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of r e v i l i n g H i m , disparages the D i v i n e goodness, n o t o n l y i n respect of the falsehood i n his intellect, b u t also b y reason of the wickedness of his w i l l , whereby he detests and strives to hinder the honour due to God, and this is perfect blasphemy.^ I n his p o e t r y Dante presents, b o u n d together i n one sin, Capaneus and the t w o figures w h o f o r m the 'sunken' metaphors of the canto, Nebuchadnezzar and Niobe, i n w h o m , indeed, the sin of blasphemy is theologically ' p e r f e c t . ' / 1 4

1 5

6

17

H a v i n g found evidence of the i n t i m a t e connection of the weeping statue w i t h the m a i n theme of the canto, I w o u l d like to t u r n to the other major images of Inferno xrv w h i c h have often been considered b y critics as digressions, or mere ' s t r u t t u r a ' or 'letteratura.' First, Alexander of Macedón: Q u a l i Alessandro i n quelle p a r t i calde d'Indïa vide sopra'l süo stuolo fiamme cadere infino a terra salde, tale scendeva l'etternale ardore . . . A s the flames w h i c h Alexander, i n those h o t regions of India, saw fall

70

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice upon his a r m y , entire to the g r o u n d . . . so did the eternal b u r n i n g descend there . . . (31-7)

The image of the fiery flakes derives f r o m a misinterpretation i n A l b e r t u s M a g n u s ' De Meteoris 1, i v , 8 . Critics have n o t noticed, however, that the reference to Alexander the Great i n the v e r y context of fire as p u n i s h m e n t for blasphemy is also f u n d a m e n t a l l y i m p o r t a n t for Dante's theme. A s readers of the Commedia, we m u s t reasonably i n q u i r e i n t o the cause w h y A l e x a n ­ der and his a r m y should suffer the same p u n i s h m e n t o n earth as do the blasphemers i n H e l l . Since Alexander's t r i b u l a t i o n s apply to the damned, does i t n o t follow that t h e i r sin (both culpa and poena, g u i l t and p u n i s h m e n t ) , j u s t l y apply to h i m ? I n fact, the C h u r c h Fathers made Alexander yet another type of the arrogant idolater - m e r e l y the first among the Graeco-Romans to learn and to use for his o w n advantage the t r u t h about the o r i g i n of the pagan gods, an ancient secret divulged to h i m b y the Egyptian priest of A m m o n - Z e u s . I n the version given i n St Cyprian's influential treatise Quod idola dii non sint, 3, of the latter part of the t h i r d century, the saint scorns the pagan gods, stating, o n the a u t h o r i t y of Alexander's letter to his m o t h e r O l y m p i a s , that t h e y were s i m p l y kings w h o had been d e i f i e d . St A u g u s t i n e cites the same letter three times i n the City of God, for example: 1 8

1 9

20

W e m a y regard N u m a somewhat more charitably, since i n this same class of w r i t i n g s belongs a letter of Alexander of Macedón to his mother r e p o r t i n g w h a t a certain Egyptian h i g h priest called Leo divulged to h i m . I n i t , apart f r o m Picus, Faunus, Aeneas and Romulus, or, for that matter, Hercules, Aesculapius, Liber the son of Semele, the t w i n sons of Tyndareus and any other mortals w h o have been deified, even the gods of higher lineage, to w h o m Cicero i n his Tusculans [1,13, 29] seems to allude w i t h o u t m e n t i o n i n g t h e i r names, Jupiter, Juno, Saturn, V u l c a n , Vesta and m a n y others, w h o m V a r r o attempts to interpret figuratively as the parts or elements of the universe, are exposed as h a v i n g been m e n . 2 1

According to Strabo, Alexander, h a v i n g marched to the L i b y a n oracle of the Egyptian A m m o n - Z e u s i n 3 3 2 - 1 B C , announced that he had been recognized as a son of the d e i t y . Historians agree that Alexander commanded the Greek cities to w o r s h i p h i m as a god after 324 B C , thus earning for himself the condemnation of the Stoics, Peripatetics, and consequently, of the early Christian theologians. Alexander's cult continued far i n t o Christian times. I n 387 A D St John Chrysostomos complained of the blasphemy of those w h o , 2 2

7i

The Idolaters

i g n o r i n g Christ and the Cross, still w o r e the coins of Alexander as amulets: ' W h a t w o u l d y o u say of those w h o use incantations and amulets and of those w h o tie bronze coins of Alexander of Macedón around t h e i r heads and feet? Tell me, are these the things i n w h i c h we place our hopes? A f t e r our Master died for us o n the Cross, w i l l we p u t hope for salvation i n the image of a Greek k i n g ? ' Plainly, even i n his seemingly incidental reference to Alexander, Dante is i n t e n t i o n a l l y calling to his reader's m i n d the m a i n theme of perfect and idolatrous blasphemy. Close attention to the i n n e r meaning of the canto reveals that the reference to Alexander restrospectively elucidates the earlier reference to Cato (based on Lucan's Pharsalia) : 2 3

Lo spazzo era una rena e spessa, non d'altra foggia fatta che colei che fu da' pié d i Catón già soppressa. The g r o u n d was a d r y , deep sand, n o t different i n its fashion f r o m that w h i c h once was trodden b y the feet of Cato.

(*3-*5) I n Dante's verses Alexander's m e n (the same Alexander w h o visited the shrine of the ram-headed J o v e - A m m o n i n Libya) tread out the flakes of fire o n the sands of India as Cato treads the sands of the L i b y a n desert, also on his way to visit the same Libyan shrine of ']ovis cornigerus {Pharsalia i x , 5 4 5 ) . I n Lucan's epic, after the arduous j o u r n e y , Cato and his m e n arrive at the h u m b l e temple of Zeus (ix, 5 1 1 - 2 0 ) ; the hero's companions urge h i m to make t r i a l of the oracle (ix, 5 4 6 - 5 0 ) , b u t , u n l i k e Alexander w h o consulted the shrine o n l y to use the knowledge to deify himself, Cato affirms God's o m n i p r e sence, rails against sacrilege, and p i o u s l y refuses d i v i n a t i o n and the testing or t e m p t i n g of the D e i t y i n verses w h i c h Dante cites i n the Epístola to Can Grande (para. 22) and w h i c h most probably inspired the poet to place Cato i n Purgatorio (Pharsalia i x , 5 6 4 - 8 6 ; compare D e u t e r o n o m y 6:10 and 2 Paral i p o m e n o n 2 0 : 1 2 ) . Dante's artistic i n t e n t n o w becomes clear. The Poet w i l l again u n i t e Cato and i d o l a t r y i n a later episode i n w h i c h he describes the great leader precisely as a ' v e g l i o ' (Purgatorio 1,31-3): 2 4

2 5

v i d i presso d i me u n veglio solo, degno d i tanta reverenza i n vista, che più n o n dee a padre alcun figliuolo. I saw close to me an o l d m a n alone, w o r t h y i n his looks of so great reverence that no son owes m o r e t o his father.

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Cato appears again as the 'veglio onesto' i n Purgatorio n , 116-23 chide the souls and the W a y f a r e r w h o stand idolatrously i n t e n t upon Casella's song: t

0

26

N o i eravam t u t t i fissi e a t t e n t i a le sue note; ed ecco, i l veglio onesto gridando: 'Che è ció, s p i r i t i lenti? qual negligenza, quale stare è questo?' W e were all rapt and attentive to his notes, w h e n , l o , the venerable old m a n , c r y i n g , ' W h a t is this y o u laggard spirits? W h a t negligence, w h a t delay is this ? ' A s critics have noted, Cato's admonishment m u s t be interpreted as a w a r n i n g against the idolatrous resting i n e a r t h l y things. The repetition of the t e r m veglio shows that Purgatorio 11, a repetition of Cato's abhorrence of blasp h e m y , m u s t serve as a gloss o n Inferno x i v . 2 7

I w o u l d n o w like to r e t u r n to the first major division of Inferno x i v , to the description of the rain of fire and its justness as a punishment upon the idolaters and blasphemers, p a r t i c u l a r l y Capaneus, and to its pertinence to other classes of sinners u p o n the b u r n i n g landa. Several passages of the canto challenge the reader to contemplate the contrapasso, the sufficient reason of God's vengeance: I n d i v e n i m m o al fine ove si parte lo secondo g i r o n dal terzo, e dove si vede di guistizia orribil arte. Thence we came to the confine, where the second r i n g is divided f r o m the t h i r d and where a horrible mode of justice is seen.

(4-6) O vendetta di Dio, quanto t u dei esser t e m u t a de ciascun che legge ció che f u manifesto alii occhi m i e i ! O vengeance of God, h o w m u c h should y o u be feared b y all w h o read w h a t was revealed to m y eyes ! (16-18)

2 8

Christian w r i t i n g s t r a d i t i o n a l l y linked fire, baptism, and idolatry. Fire often appears i n A p o c r y p h a l texts as a p u n i s h m e n t for that sin. I n the Apocalypse of Peter, for example, the angel 'Ezrael' prepares a place of ' m u c h fire' to

73

The Idolaters

m e l t idols of gold and silver and to chastise those w h o made t h e m . That the Last Judgment is to be a baptism of fire is recorded i n the Sibylline Oracles; at the last, Elias w i l l descend to earth 'and t h e n shall a great river of flaming fire flow f r o m heaven and consume all places . . . the u n g o d l y shall perish therein . . . and a l l that were . . . sorely insolent, lawless, idolaters: and all that forsook the great i m m o r t a l G o d and became blasphemers and harmers of the godly. .. , ' M o s t particularly, early C h u r c h w r i t e r s found a préfigurat i o n of the sacrament of baptism i n the O l d Testament sacrifice of Elijah (Elias), b y w h i c h the Jewish people were delivered f r o m the idolatrous cult of Baal: ' T h e n the fire of the Lord fell, and consumed the holocaust and the wood, and the stones and the dust and licked up the water' (3 [1] Kings 18:38). I n a text perhaps u n k n o w n to Dante, b u t part of the vast t r a d i t i o n , St Gregory of Nyssa glosses the verses as a heralding of baptism and explains the mystical functions of fire and water as b o t h p u r i f y i n g and destructive agents: ' B y that wondrous sacrifice, Elias clearly proclaimed to us the sacramental rite of bapt i s m that should afterwards be i n s t i t u t e d . For the fire was kindled b y water thrice poured u p o n i t , so that i t is clearly s h o w n that where the mystic water is, there is the kindling, warm and fiery Spirit, that burns up the ungodly, and illuminates the f a i t h f u l / A f u r t h e r element of Dante's inspiration for the fiery p u n i s h m e n t of the blasphemers m a y have come also f r o m St Thomas A q u i n a s ' disquisition o n ' W h e t h e r the D a m n e d Blaspheme,' where the saint states that fire is the f i t t i n g p u n i s h m e n t for the sin: ' "The m e n were scorched w i t h great heat, and t h e y blasphemed the name of God, w h o hath power over these plagues" and the gloss o n these words says that t h e y w h o are deservedly punished, w i l l nevertheless complain that G o d is so powerful as to t o r t u r e t h e m thus. N o w this w o u l d be blasphemy i n t h e i r present state: and conseq u e n t l y i t w i l l also be i n t h e i r future s t a t e . ' 2 9

3 0

31

A major part of the p u n i s h m e n t of H e l l , especially i n evidence here, consists i n the pertinacity of the sin itself. Theologically, all the damned w i l l retain the i n i q u i t y of the w i l l w h i c h t u r n e d t h e m away f r o m God's justice. Perfect blasphemy i n particular, however, is a sin never forgiven. According to M a t t h e w 12 ¡ 3 2 : ' H e that shall speak against the H o l y Ghost, i t shall not be forgiven h i m neither i n this w o r l d , nor i n the w o r l d to come.' O n this p o i n t , St Thomas cites St A u g u s t i n e ' s De Sermone in Monte 1-22: 'So great is the downfall of this sin that i t cannot s u b m i t to the h u m i l i a t i o n of asking for p a r d o n . ' Dante applies this theological doctrine directly to Capaneus himself: 32

' O Capaneo, i n ció che n o n s'ammorza la tua superbia, se' t u più p u n i t o ;

74

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice n u l l o m a r t i r o , fuor che la tua rabbia, sarebbe al t u o furor dolor c o m p i t o . ' ' O Capaneus ! i n that y o u r pride remains unquenched y o u are p u n ­ ished the m o r e : no t o r m e n t save y o u r o w n raging w o u l d be paid to match y o u r f u r y . '

(6 -6) 3

The p u n i s h m e n t i n the Inferno is thus self-inflicted t h r o u g h pride. I n addition, the aptness of the blasphemous Capaneus' position prone upon the b u r n i n g sand beneath the falling flames strikes us all the more w h e n we recall the classical locus i n the Thebaid x i , 1-17 where, after being struck b y Jove's t h u n d e r b o l t , Capaneus lies dead u p o n the plain ' w h i c h gasps w i t h the heavenly s u l p h u r ' ( 1 6 - 1 8 ) before Thebes: sic gravât iniectus terras hostiliaque u r i t arva et anhelantem caelesti sulpure campum. So burdens he the earth, flung prostrate, and scars the hostile fields and the plain that gasps w i t h the heavenly s u l p h u r . 33

I n Dante's Poem i t is as the giant was i n death, that he is i n second death. The Poet's erudite sarcasm is here most b i t i n g as he inversely mocks Capaneus' words, ' Q u a i f u i vivo, tal son morto' (51). The giant's posturing is a lie, as readers familiar w i t h Statius' epic w i l l perceive. I n the various texts w h i c h offered figurae for the contrapasso, the Poet obviously enjoyed the remarkable consonance of pagan h i s t o r y and Judeo-Christian theological sources. Reading f u r t h e r i n t o the next canto, Inferno x v , there can be l i t t l e doubt of the 'punishment's f i t t i n g the c r i m e ' : the rain of fire u p o n the sodomites most manifestly fulfils i n H e l l the r a i n of fire u p o n the Cities of the Plain (Genesis 19). B u t w h y should t h e y suffer the same p u n i s h m e n t as that afflict­ i n g the idolaters? The j o i n i n g is also biblical. I n Romans 1:23-7, St Paul himself links the sin of i d o l a t r y to sodomy, and makes the latter the divine p u n i s h m e n t of the f o r m e r : 'And they changed the glory of the incorrupti­ ble God into the likeness of the image of a corruptible man and of birds, and of fourfooted beasts and of creeping things. Wherefore, God gave t h e m up to the desires of t h e i r heart, u n t o uncleanness: to dishonour their o w n bodies among themselves . . . the m e n . . . leaving the n a t u r a l use of the w o m e n , have b u r n e d i n t h e i r lusts, one towards a n o t h e r . ' I n a gloss o n the passage i n the Summa Theologica, St Thomas Aquinas deals w i t h the appropriateness of l i n k i n g the t w o sins: 'The sin against nature is less grievous t h a n the sin of i d o l a t r y . B u t since i t is m o r e manifest, i t is assigned as a f i t t i n g punishment 34

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The Idolaters

of the sin of i d o l a t r y i n order that, as b y i d o l a t r y m a n abuses the order of divine h o n o u r , so b y the sin against nature he m a y suffer confusion f r o m the abuse of his o w n n a t u r e / T a k i n g i d o l a t r y as the key to the episode, we can also begin to understand some of the allegorical reasons for the 'geographical' location of the statue of sinful h u m a n i t y . The Veglio's feet stand planted i n Crete, the island identified b y the pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris i n his c o m m e n t a r y o n the Aeneid as 'the flesh': 'Per C r e t a m e n i m i n t e l l i g i m u s n a t u r a m c o r p o r e a m . ' I n this medieval i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , familiar to Dante, Aeneas is an allegory of the soul of m a n w h i c h seeks its good m i s t a k e n l y i n 'Creta'; that is, i n the 'clay' of the corporeal. Thus, i n Dante's t i m e , Crete symbolized the 'flesh' i n the Poets just as the 'vetus h o m o ' symbolized the 'flesh' i n the Bible and i n the C h u r c h F a t h e r s . Dante thus a p t l y transfers the biblical image of man's earthly nature to a pagan setting w h i c h i n itself symbolizes man's tendency to fall i n t o the i d o l a t r y of resting i n e a r t h l y things. 3 5

36

37

There are s t i l l f u r t h e r ramifications to the association of this Mediterranean island w i t h the theme of i d o l a t r y . V i r g i l first introduces the Veglio to the Wayfarer's notice b y d r a w i n g his a t t e n t i o n to the river of b o i l i n g blood (88-9). He t h e n proceeds, somewhat b e w i l d e r i n g l y , w i t h the tale of Jove's b i r t h o n Crete i n the Golden A g e . The pagan terrestrial paradise is n o w a wasteland, a thing 'outworn' : ' I n mezzo m a r siede u n paese guasto,' diss'elli allora, 'che s'appella Creta, sotto '1 cui rege fu già '1 m o n d o casto. U n a montagna v ' è che già fu lieta d'acqua e d i fronde, che si chiamô Ida; or è diserta come cosa vieta. Rëa la scelse già per cuna fida del suo figliuolo, e per celarlo m e g l i o , quando piangea, ve facea far le grida. ' I n the m i d d l e of the sea there lies a wasted c o u n t r y , ' he t h e n said, ' w h i c h is named Crete, under whose k i n g the w o r l d once was chaste. A m o u n t a i n is there, called Ida, w h i c h once was glad w i t h waters and w i t h foliage; n o w i t is deserted like a t h i n g o u t w o r n . Rhea chose i t of o l d for the f a i t h f u l cradle of her son and, the better to conceal h i m w h e n he cried, made t h e m raise shouts t h e r e . '

(94-102)

W i t h o u t break or t r a n s i t i o n , i n the next verse V i r g i l launches i n t o the descript i o n of a b u r i e d statue w h i c h stands beneath the m o u n t a i n :

j6

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice D e n t r o dal m o n t e sta d r i t t o u n gran veglio W i t h i n the m o u n t a i n stands a huge O l d M a n (103)

The lines w h i c h had dealt w i t h the b i r t h and childhood of Zeus n o w deal w i t h a death and b u r i a l . D a n t i s t i have so far n o t realized that these t w o tales are actually one. Verses 9 4 - 1 2 0 recount together a legend w h i c h is the foundation of the Poet's m e a n i n g here: that is, the t r a d i t i o n s u r r o u n d i n g the life and death of Zeus Cretagenes, or Jove b o r n o n Crete. Let us first t u r n to the classical legend as i t occurs outside of the Poem, and t h e n examine h o w Dante learned of i t . M o u n t Ida was renowned i n the ancient w o r l d as being sacred to the w o r s h i p of Jove. N o t o n l y was Jupiter b o r n o n Crete and raised o n M o u n t Ida but, as the Cretans claimed, he was buried there as w e l l . I n this claim, as we w i l l see, rests m u c h of the meaning of Dante's statue under Ida. O n Crete the O l y m p i a n majesty vener­ ated i n other parts of the Graeco-Roman w o r l d was fused w i t h a local f e r t i l i t y d e i t y . Each year this native Zeus was eaten r i t u a l l y as a live b u l l and each year he rose again f r o m the dead i n a c a v e . A m o n g the m a n y extant accounts about the birth-cave of Zeus o n M o u n t Ida and the legends s u r r o u n ­ ding the deity, one of the oddest (and surely u n k n o w n to Dante) is that of A n t o n i n u s Liberalis, w h o cites Boios' Ornithogony: 3 8

3 9

40

T h e y say that i n Crete there is a cave. . . . T r a d i t i o n has i t that i n this cave Rhea gave b i r t h to Zeus, and neither god nor m a n m a y enter i t . Every year at a definite t i m e there is seen a great glare of fire f r o m the cavern. This happens, so the story goes, w h e n the blood f r o m the b i r t h of Zeus boils o u t . 4 1

Callimachus' tale i n his H o m e r i c Hymn i , i n praise of Jove, includes the creation of several rivers i n w h i c h Jove's m o t h e r , Rhea, cleanses herself after her delivery labours. She 'loosens her girdle' and addresses the Earth; and, e x h o r t i n g the orb to give b i r t h i n t u r n , the goddess strikes a m o u n t a i n w i t h her staff i n the manner of the biblical tale of Moses, and the torrents flow f o r t h ( 3 0 - 3 ) . I n this version, the n y m p h s , Styx, Neda, and P h i l y r a , after w h o m the rivers so created are named, care for the child-god; the Kouretes meanwhile make a d i n to d r o w n o u t the baby's cries ( 5 1 - 3 ) . The Cretans' pretensions about a Jove w h o died and was buried were scandalous and abhorrent to the pagan w o r l d . A m o d e r n classical historian w h o had Dante far f r o m his thoughts puts i t t h u s : ' T h a t Zeus should have been b o r n i n Crete was n o t t h o u g h t to be an i m p i e t y , b u t that he should have been dead and b u r i e d , that was blasphemy, blasphemy of the first water. ' 4 2

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I n a lost text, Epimenides, a Cretan himself, supposedly anathematized the legend and coined the saying that 'the Cretans always l i e d / thus beginning a proverb repeated i n countless texts. The saying also appears i n Callimachus' Hymn i , cited above. O Zeus, some say that t h o u w e r t b o r n o n the hills of Ida; others O Zeus, say i n Arcadia; did these or those, O Father, lie? 'Cretans are ever l i a r s / Yea a t o m b , O L o r d , for thee the Cretans builded but t h o u didst n o t die, for t h o u art f o r e v e r . 43

The reader w i l l be i m m e d i a t e l y aware that some f o r m of this legend is the mysterious source for the b i r t h and b u r i a l of Jove i n Inferno x i v and per­ haps also for m a n y other aspects of Dante's canto as w e l l . Such tantalizing parallels and eerie similarities m a y be specious, however, and i t still remains to be seen h o w and i n w h a t f o r m Dante came to k n o w and interpret the t a l e . 44

For this we m a y first t u r n to the Bible itself. The 'scandal' to the Greeks is referred to i n St Paul's Epistle to T i t u s , the Bishop of Crete, i n w h i c h the Apostle urges the Bishop to chastise and i m p r o v e his flock: 'One of t h e m a prophet of t h e i r o w n , said: "The Cretians are always liars, evil beasts, slothful bellies" ' (Titus 1:12). T h r o u g h St Paul the curious legend of Zeus Cretagenes came to the a t t e n t i o n of C h u r c h w r i t e r s as w e l l . Dante probably knew several commentaries o n the biblical passage, among t h e m that of St Jerome: There are those w h o t h i n k this verse was taken f r o m Callimachus the Cyrenaean poet, and i n one respect t h e y are not w r o n g . For i f he himself, accustomed to w r i t e i n praise of Jove against the Cretans, w h o boast that t h e y display his t o m b , said: 'Cretans are always liars; i t is t h e y w h o have i m p i o u s l y fabricated his t o m b . ' However, as we said above, the verse was taken entire b y the Apostle f r o m Epimenides the poet; and i t is his e x o r d i u m that Callimachus used i n his o w n poem. O r if i t is a v u l g a r proverb, b y w h i c h the Cretans were called liars, he b r o u g h t i t back i n t o his verse w i t h o u t stealing f r o m another's w o r k . Some t h i n k the Apostle o u g h t to be blamed because he erred i m p r u ­ d e n t l y and, w h i l e he accused the false doctors, he approved this little verse at the same t i m e , o n account of w h i c h the Cretans were called liars because they constructed an empty tomb of Jupiter. For i f , t h e y say, Epimenides or Callimachus for this reason blamed the Cretans as liars and evil beasts and lazy bellies since t h e y do n o t k n o w divine things and they portray Jove, who reigns in heaven, as buried on their island, and the saying of the Apostle proves that w h i c h t h e y say to be true, i t follows that Jove is not dead b u t a l i v e . 45

yS

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

F i t t i n g l y , i n the Commedia the b u r i a l of Jove, w h i c h even the pagans t h e m ­ selves had considered blasphemy and sacrilege, appears i n the circle of perfect blasphemy as the source of all the rivers of H e l l ! John Chrysostomos (347-407) also commented o n the lines i n his Homily II on Titus ( 1 : 1 2 - 1 4 ) , b u t this saint perspicaciously t u r n e d the m y s ­ t e r y of Zeus' death and resurrection to excellent account, emphasizing and d i v e r t i n g to pious C h r i s t i a n use the s t r i k i n g similarities of Zeus Cretagenes w i t h the life of Jesus : I t was Epimenides w h o said t h i s , himself a Cretan, and whence he was moved to say i t , i t is necessary to m e n t i o n . I t is this. The Cretans have a t o m b of Jupiter, w i t h this inscription: 'Here l i e t h Z a n , w h o m t h e y call Jove.' O n account of this inscription, t h e n , the poet r i d i c u ­ l i n g the Cretans as liars, as he proceeds, introduces, to increase the r i d i ­ cule, this passage: For even a t o m b , O K i n g , of thee T h e y made, w h o never diest, b u t aye shalt be. If t h e n this t e s t i m o n y is t r u e , observe w h a t a difficulty ! ... H o w shall we solve this? . . . How then does Paul wrest what is said of Jupiter to the God of the universe? He has not transferred to God what belongs to Jupiter. But what is applicable to God, and was neither justly nor properly applied to Jupiter, this he restores to God, since the name of God belongs to H i m alone, and is not l a w f u l l y bestowed o n i d o l s . 46

The passage f r o m St Paul's Epistle was thus t r a d i t i o n a l l y interpreted as saying that the Apostle had meant to refer to the blasphemous lie about the b i r t h and death of Zeus, and that he had transferred the unjust ascription of resurrection f r o m the pagan god to Christ. This v e r y transference of the legend f r o m Jove to the T r u e God i n the C h u r c h Fathers m a y have inspired Dante to equate the deities i r o n i c a l l y i n Inferno x i v . Specifically, i t is Jove w h o is blasphemed b y Capaneus and to w h o m Capaneus credits his eternal punishment. N a t u r a l l y the legend of Zeus Cretagenes provided grist for the m i l l of early C h r i s t i a n euhemerism. M o s t i m p o r t a n t for us is Lactantius' Divine Institutes, where the tale occurs w i t h appropriate allusions to its pagan source, the Sacred History of Ennius (fragment 12), and to the Christian Sibylline Oracles (8:47, 4 8 ) : 47

W h e n his age was completely spent i n Crete, he exchanged this life, and passed to the gods. The Curetés, his sons, took care of h i m and h o n -

79

The Idolaters oured h i m . H i s sepulchre is i n Crete, i n the t o w n of Cnossos (Vesta is said to have founded this city) and o n his sepulchre is inscribed i n ancient Greek characters, Z A N K P O N O Y ; i n Latin, Jupiter son of Saturn. This indeed, the poets do not hand d o w n , but the ancient chroniclers. A n d these things are so t r u e that t h e y are confirmed b y the Sibylline verses . . . Cicero, i n The Nature of the Gods, after m e n t i o n i n g that 'three Jupiters' have been enumerated b y theologians, says the t h i r d was the Cretan son of Saturn and that his t o m b is shown o n that island. H o w can he have a temple here and a sepulchre t h e r e ? 48

Lactantius interprets Jove not as a god, but m e r e l y as a p r o u d , covetous blas­ phemer w h o (we m a y say, like Niobe, Alexander, and Nebuchadnezzar!) arrogated to himself the w o r s h i p due to the True God. The C h u r c h w r i t e r exploits the traditions of O v i d and Juvenal i n his argument: i n the begin­ n i n g came the A g e of G o l d d u r i n g w h i c h God was worshipped; the w o r l d was just, fair, and pious under the governance of C r o n o s - S a t u r n . Jove was the h u m a n ruler t h r o u g h w h o m sin and injustice came i n t o the w o r l d , destroying the Golden A g e of Saturn and the m o n o t h e i s m natural to m a n . O r i g i n a l justice and innocence were b a n i s h e d . H u m a n society broke d o w n completely as various forces and factions fought among themselves for earthly g l o r y ; f r o m the r u p t u r e of society, thus began the flow of h u m a n b l o o d . As Lactan­ tius unified injustice and perfect blasphemy i n his account of the loss of the Age of G o l d , so Dante links the concept of injustice to perfect blasphemy i n Inferno x i v ( 6 , 1 6 , 96). Zeus-Jove c o m m i t t e d i d o l a t r y i n preventing the worship of God and i n s t i t u t i n g the w o r s h i p of himself: 49

50

5 1

I n this c o n d i t i o n d i d that k i n g constitute h u m a n life, w h o , after his sire had been defeated and put to flight, seized not a k i n g d o m b u t an impious t y r a n n y of force of armed m e n . H e took away that golden and just age and forced m e n to become evil and wicked f r o m this v e r y fact, that he turned them from God to adoring himself, w h i c h terror of most overweening power had w r u n g out f r o m t h e m . 5 2

Lactantius, i n fact, a t t r i b u t e d the change of the Golden A g e to the age of injustice solely to the 'desertion of divine r e l i g i o n ' and the w o r l d ' s conversion to i d o l a t r y . H e thus performed the useful task of changing a l y i n g legend into t r u t h f u l h i s t o r y : the results of paganism and perfect blasphemy are one w i t h the results of the Fall i n C h r i s t i a n i t y , the loss of original justice and the c o m i n g of death. The b u r i e d statue beneath Ida points to the same mean­ i n g as do the other historical, classical allusions of Inferno xrv. I n Dante's lines, the body of Jove buried o n Crete is fused w i t h the statue f r o m the Book of D a n i e l : b o t h tales are exempla of i d o l a t r y .

So

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

H a v i n g noted above that Dante's statue of idolatry stood i n the place of the 'flesh' and i d o l a t r y , let us n o w t u r n briefly to the object of the Veglio's gaze, the m i r r o r : ' R o m a guarda come süo speglio' (105). The Neoplatonists c o m m o n l y described the w o r l d of the senses w i t h the image of the m i r r o r . Plotinus compared matter to a glass w h i c h , t h o u g h e m p t y , reflected every­ t h i n g . Thus, t r a d i t i o n a l l y , the m i r r o r took o n a dual significance: one derogatory, i n that the deceptive w o r l d of the senses was b u t a reflection of the forms, or ideas, above: the other, positive, i n so far as the w o r l d of matter was an emanation of forms i n the real w o r l d . I n the Platonic traditions of Christian theology, the divine part of m a n is also the m i r r o r of God, since God made m a n i n his image. The soul m u s t reject the lesser goods of the earth, t u r n w i t h i n itself and thus, i n the words of G r e g o r y of Nyssa, 'look towards the archetype because of its o w n beauty as i f l o o k i n g i n t o a m i r r o r and image. ' O n l y b y thus becoming pure can the soul cleanse itself of rust, offering, i n Gregory of Nyssa's metaphors, a m i r r o r of the p u r i t y of G o d . Western Christian w r i t e r s n a t u r a l l y reinterpreted the metaphor: in bono the 'specu­ l u m ' represents the faith, the invisible things of God w h i c h m a n sees 'per speculum et i n aenigmate' (1 Corinthians 1 3 : 2 ) ; however, in malo i t signifies the 'favores saecularium,' those things w h i c h m a n rests i n idolat r o u s l y , w h i c h God w i l l d e s t r o y . I n Inferno xrv the i m p u r e , cleft, temporal simulacrum of the h u m a n soul is defrauded b y false images - Narcissus-like, i t sees o n l y its sinful, idolatrous s e l f . 5 3

5 4

5 5

5 6

57

58

The ' m i r r o r ' stands for Rome. I n the first centuries of C h r i s t i a n i t y this city, w i t h its 'false and l y i n g gods,' was the b u t t of the whole euhemeristic t r a d i t i o n , the theme of such treatises as Quod idola dii non sint, De idololatria, De errore profanarum religionum, Divinae institutiones, and the De civitate Dei, a m o n g countless other w o r k s . For the Apostle Peter, Rome had been the idolatrous 'other B a b y l o n ' (1 Peter 5:13), a theme expanded i n St A u g u s t i n e (The City of God i , 18) and the other Fathers. B u t perhaps most i m p o r t a n t , Rupert of D e u t z ' far later exegesis o n Nebuchadnezzar's dream echoes the early t r a d i t i o n , seeing the sin of the Babylonian k i n g fulfilled i n the idolatry of the Romans: 59

K i n g Nebuchadnezzar made a golden statue. . . . Surely this is stupid i d o l a t r y , that w h i c h the Babylonian k i n g raised; N e r o , the most depraved k i n g , [was a] source of shame to the Roman Empire, w h i c h that is, Rome - was a second Babylon, as Peter the Apostle bears witness w h e n he says 'The church that is i n Babylon, elected together w i t h y o u , saluteth y o u ' (1 Peter 5 : 1 3 ) . 6 0

Rome indeed is the ' m i r r o r ' of Babylon. The Poet's invocation of the eternal

8i

The Idolaters

city's name has m o r e t h a n historical relevance; Dante also implies a current criticism of c o n t e m p o r a r y Rome and of the temporal c o r r u p t i o n of the Roman C h u r c h i n the ironic object of the Veglio's gaze. The city is the perversion of the spiritual Rome of Paradise w h i c h Beatrice w i l l t e r m later i n Purgatorio x x x i i , 102 : ' Q u e l l a Roma onde Cristo è r o m a n o / That Rome wherefore Christ is R o m a n . ' I t is p a r t i c u l a r l y f i t t i n g that the statue's stance and posit i o n fulfil t e x t u a l l y b o t h biblical and pagan figurae of the same sin. Described like the colossus of Nebuchadnezzar, y e t standing o n the heathen soil of an island famed for the i d o l a t r y of 'Jove,' and gazing o n Rome, the touchstone of the same sin,.the V e g l i o mocks i n a sinful inversion the Platonist-Christian theme of the soul as m i r r o r of God. The statue stares u p o n a glass w h i c h reflects back its o w n perverse n a t u r e . Thus all of Dante's images are centripetal to the theme of 'perfect blasphemy.' 6 1

62

That the Veglio's fessura is the w o u n d of o r i g i n a l sin, the defect of nature, is a fact accepted b y most critics, b u t h o w is this relevant to the other images of the episode ? The Fathers of the C h u r c h consider the pride of Lucifer and A d a m i n coveting God's likeness i n o r d i n a t e l y to be i n t i m a t e l y related to the sins of blasphemy and i d o l a t r y . Several points m a y be adduced. First, these sins differ n o t essentially b u t i n degree. St Thomas Aquinas cites St A u g u s t i n e (De Genesi ad litteram x i , 3 0 ) : ' B o t h [Lucifer and A d a m ] coveted somewhat t o be equal w i t h God, i n so far as each wished to rely o n himself i n contempt of the order of D i v i n e r u l e . ' Blasphemy is more serious: ' T h o u g h pride, of its genus, has a certain pre-eminence over other sins, yet the pride w h e r e b y one denies or blasphemes God is greater than the pride w h e r e b y one covets God's likeness i n o r d i n a t e l y . ' I n another passage, St Thomas makes the connection between the effects of the Fall, the vulneratio naturae and i d o l a t r y , a u n i t y of cause and effect: 'The dispositive cause of idolatry was on the part of man, a defect of nature, either t h r o u g h ignorance i n his intellect or disorder i n his affections . . . and this pertains to g u i l t . ' St Thomas continues the same paragraph g i v i n g us a clear doctrinal reason w h y Dante's idolatrous statue is the f i t t i n g source of the rivers of H e l l : ' A g a i n , idolatry is stated to be the cause, beginning and end of all sin because there is no kind of sin that idolatry does not produce at some time, either t h r o u g h leading expressly t o that sin b y causing i t or t h r o u g h being an occasion thereof, either as a b e g i n n i n g or as an e n d . ' Here again the results of o r i g i n a l sin at the Fall (and i n pagan h i s t o r y , the end of the Golden Age) and the results of i d o l a t r y are one. Dante's use of the indefinite article, 'sta d r i t t o un g r a n veglio,' emerges i n its full i m p o r t . The Veglio represents the single ' b o d y of s i n , ' the body of a l l m e n i n A d a m : ' T h r o u g h one m a n sin entered i n t o the w o r l d ' (Romans 5 : 1 2 - 1 7 ; Luke 4:58; 1 Corinthians 1 5 : 2 1 - 2 ) . Yet the statue of the O l d M a n i n A d a m finds 6 3

64

6 5

6 6

6 7

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identification w i t h a blasphemous idol of Jove w h o i n t u r n represents the cause f r o m w h o m , m y t h i c a l l y and euhemeristically, man's woes sprang, and because of w h o m man's blood first flowed. Biblical and pagan histories con­ verge i n t o one God-ordained linear, spiritual progression. The evocation of baptismal typologies and numerologies i n Inferno x i v w h i c h we examined i n chapter 5 is b o t h apt and ironic because, f r o m the beginning of C h r i s t i a n i t y , the sacrament as prefigured i n the Exodus signified precisely the abandonment of idolatry. ( O r i g e n , for example, addresses the n e w l y baptized i n his Homily on Joshua i v , 1 : ' Y o u w h o , h a v i n g just n o w abandoned the darkness of i d o l a t r y , desire to come near to hear the divine Law, y o u begin b y abandoning E g y p t . ' ) Further, through the sacrament of the Faith man may be 'as God' without sacrilege or blasphemy in a confi­ guration with Christ. The t r a d i t i o n , arising f r o m St Paul's words i n Romans 6:4 and Galatians 3 : 2 7 - 8 , can be represented b y St C y r i l , w h o states u n e q u i ­ vocally: 'Baptized i n C h r i s t , and h a v i n g p u t o n Christ, y o u have become conformed to the Son of God. . . . Become participants i n Christ, you are rightly called Christ. But you were made Christs w h e n y o u received the sacrament of the H o l y S p i r i t . ' The pseudo-Dionysius echoes the same concept as he identifies the sacrament as an i m i t a t i o n of G o d : ' H e w h o receives the Sacrament of Baptism and is plunged three times i n t o the water, learns to i m i t a t e m y s t e r i o u s l y this triarchic death that was the burial of Jesus for three days and three nights, in the measure, at least that it is permitted to man to imitate God.' ° I n his Sermo x m De Tempore (quoted b y St Thomas i n the Summa Theologica), St A u g u s t i n e puts i t most succinctly: 'God was made m a n , that m a n m i g h t be made G o d . ' 6 8

6 9

7

7 1

Those, therefore, w h o , after Silverstein, have seen i n the statue a reflec­ t i o n of Christ, and w h o , after Pascoli and Busnelli, have identified the fessura w i t h the w o u n d of nature o n different grounds, are justified i n their views b y these p r e v i o u s l y u n n o t e d classical and theological bases. The facts that we have adduced force a re-evaluation of the episode. Clearly i t is not mere blasphemy b u t perfect blasphemy, the prevention and d i v e r t i n g of the due worship of the D e i t y , that is, idolatry, w h i c h is j u s t l y punished here. Far f r o m being fragmented or inconsistent, the episode has an organic u n i t y w h i c h is at once historical, theoretical, and poetic; all images conform to a single ideological schema. The statue symbolizes both blasphemous i d o l a t r y and the effects of the Fall, for t h e y are one. The u n i f y i n g theme, the sin punished i n the episode, is also theologically, like its t w i n s , pride and covetousness, the source of a l l other sin. Thus we can grasp w h y the idol of Crete is the f i t t i n g physical, m o r a l , and poetic source of a l l the rivers of H e l l ' s p u n i s h i n g d i v i ­ sions, and w h y Dante describes the figure precisely i n Inferno x i v .

7 ULYSSES

I n the case of Ulysses the romantic-positivistic interpretation has been slower to cede the field t h a n i n the case of other episodes; however, i n the last three decades one can observe a steadily g r o w i n g disinclination o n the part of critics to v i e w Ulysses as a character apart f r o m H e l l , and as a noble, tragic hero m o r a l l y superior to the ' e v i l pouches' to w h i c h he is sentenced i n second death. Since so m u c h has been said about the c a n t o , 1 shall t r y i n this chapter o n l y to examine the contrapasso and to state w h a t has not been said before i n any complete and satisfying w a y . 1

The opening lines of the episode (Inferno x x v i , 2 5 - 3 0 ) , w i t h their attractive peacefulness, i m m e d i a t e l y act as a k i n d of captatio benevolentiae for Ulysses and Diomedes before t h e i r appearance - at least this is h o w Dante makes the description w o r k o n the literal level. The bucolic scene w i t h its evening insects almost inspires the heart to rest i n the beauty of the visual spectacle : Quante '1 v i l l a n ch'al poggio si riposa, nel tempo che colui che'l m o n d o schiara la faccia sua a n o i t i e n meno ascosa, come la mosca cede a la zanzara, vede lucciole g i u per la vallea, forse colà dov'e' vendemmia e ara . . . As m a n y as the fireflies w h i c h the peasant, resting o n the h i l l - i n the season w h e n he that lights the w o r l d least hides his face f r o m us, and at the h o u r w h e n the fly yields to the gnat - sees d o w n along the valley, there perhaps where he harvests grapes and tills. . . . (25-30) However, the u n d e r l y i n g implications of the imagery led even the first readers to a degree of suspicion. A m o n g the earliest commentators, Guido da Pisa,

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citing O v i d and Isidore of Seville, i n f o r m s us that the insects mentioned are generated f r o m r o t t i n g water, w i n e , and c a r r i o n . Particularly, the firefly is 'generated f r o m r o t t i n g ears of c o r n ' and the gnat ('zanzara,' or L a t i n , 'culex'), ' f r o m the resolution of p u t r i d vapour. ' I n its biblical locus (a New-Testament hapax), the gnat appears i n the midst of Christ's invective against the dissem­ b l i n g and h y p o c r i s y of scribes and Pharisees, where the Redeemer warns his disciples against e m u l a t i n g t h e i r a m b i t i o n , for t h e y are ' b l i n d guides, w h o strain o u t a gnat and swallow a camel' ( M a t t . 23124). The C h u r c h Fathers identified the metaphorical gnat so 'strained o u t ' as the seditious thief Barabbas freed b y the Jews. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and its biblical resonances along w i t h m a n y consonant images w h i c h Dante employs i n the canto, such as the thieves of Florence (4), the flames w h i c h 'steal away' the sinners (42), and the theft of the Palladium (63), i m m e d i a t e l y give a negative font of meaning for Dante's episode, i n v o k i n g as t h e y do theft and hypocrisy. 2

3

The image of the peasant and the gnat also has, of course, an i m p o r t a n t classical locus. Dante's bucolic description is calqued i n great part o n the pseudo-Virgilian poem ' C u l e x , ' ' T h e G n a t . ' I n this mock-heroic w o r k , a shepherd t e n d i n g his sheep o n the mountainside falls asleep o n a summer's eve and o n l y avoids the fatal bite of a serpent t h r o u g h the k i n d offices of a gnat w h o 'warns h i m b y its sting to avoid death' (184). The shepherd m e r e l y swats his saviour. Later w h e n the shepherd falls asleep again, he is visited b y the shade of the gnat w h o recounts his experiences i n the u n d e r w o r l d . U p o n awakening the shepherd plants a m e m o r i a l garden i n a valley to show gratitude to his benefactor. The various classical figures and places seen and recounted b y the insect of course also appear i n Dante's Poem: Lethe, Charon, Tisiphone, Cerberus, the E r i n y s , Phlegethon, Dis, and so o n . M o s t i m p o r t a n t , however, the gnat meets Penelope, 'the Ithacan's wife. . . . deemed the g l o r y of w o m a n k i n d , ' and tells at l e n g t h of the Trojan W a r , its victims and heroes; particularly he blames the o v e r t h r o w of T r o y o n the 'Ithacan's wiles,' 'dolis I t h a c i ' (326). Thus there was available to Dante not o n l y an erudite body of lore l i n k i n g the gnat to the theme of theft, fraud, and dissembling, b u t also, significantly, a mock-heroic context directly t y i n g the insect to the guile and deceptions of Ithaca's k i n g , Ulysses. Taken b y itself, the image of Inferno x x v i , 28 m i g h t have l i t t l e importance, b u t w h e n we j o i n i t to those w h i c h f o l l o w we can grasp that Dante is w o r k i n g o u t a consistently scornful and negative s y m b o l i s m i n the canto. 4

5

I n fact, t h r o u g h o u t the episode, Dante points to the tropological or m o r a l message of his text b y s o w i n g i t w i t h signs t h a t there was 'something w r o n g ' w i t h Ulysses' quest. The Greek and his companions are ' o l d and slow' w h e n t h e y set o u t o n a voyage demanding the stamina of y o u n g m e n (as we noted i n the previous chapters, o l d age was i n itself a medieval metaphor of the t a i n t

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of sin). Ulysses sails west, n o t east to his home i n Ithaca, n o t towards the east of O l y m p u s , Crete, or Jerusalem. H e sails 'sempre acquistando dal lato mancino / always g a i n i n g o n the left' t o w a r d the 'sinister' direction rather than the righteous one. The v e r y n u m b e r s y m b o l i s m of the fivefold w a x i n g and w a n i n g of the m o o n d u r i n g his voyage points to a p u r e l y earthly and sinful interest: five was, after a l l , the n u m b e r of the senses, and the n u m b e r of the saeculum, the w o r l d . Even Ulysses' 'orazion picciola' is self-contradictory i n essence and structure. The first exhortation urges his crew to the full experience of w h a t remains of the life of the senses and echoes his o w n b u r n i n g desire to experience, n o t a contemplative ideal beyond, b u t the w o r l d d o w n here ( T a r d o r e . . . a divenire del m o n d o esperto') : 6

a questa tanto picciola vigilia d ' i n o s t r i sensi ch'è del rimanente n o n vogliate negar l'esperienza . . . ... del m o n d o sanza gente. To this so brief v i g i l of o u r senses that remains to us, choose not to deny experience . . . of the w o r l d w h i c h has no people. (114-17) W h i l e these lines reveal his real a i m , those w h i c h follow substitute an i m p r e cise, glossy ideal of s o m e t h i n g he calls ' v i r t ù , ' something w h i c h is calculated to appeal to the w o r l d l y v a n i t y of his c r e w : 7

Considerate la vostra semenza: fatti n o n foste a viver come b r u t i , ma per seguir v i r t u t e e canoscenza. Consider y o u r o r i g i n : y o u were not made to live as brutes b u t to pursue v i r t u e and knowledge. (118-20) W h i l e i t is a critical commonplace that Ulysses' search for the knowledge of good and evil repeats the Fall, i t seems n o t to have been noticed before that w h e n Ulysses urges experience of a ' w o r l d w h i c h has no people,' t h e n the knowledge of ' v i z i u m a n i , ' ' h u m a n vices,' w h i c h he had mentioned to V i r g i l , can only be of those sins c o m m i t t e d b y himself and his crew! Since he puts vice and w o r t h o n the same plane, undifferentiated according to any universal hierarchy or eschatological end, he thereby denies the necessity of m o r a l choice between the t w o ; even o n the literal level, Ulysses s i m p l y urges his

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crew to sin, p l a y i n g the t e m p t i n g serpent to his men's A d a m and Eve. Dante hides n o t h i n g . I n approaching the episode of Ulysses, we cannot forget that the Poet's dissemblers i n Malebolge m u s t be viewed i n the l i g h t of the monstrous figure w h o introduced this circle of H e l l , G e r y o n , the 'sozza imagine d i froda' (the ' f o u l image of fraud') whose ' j u s t ' face is belied b y his bestial spots and scorpion's t a i l . I t is likewise impossible to square a noble Ulysses w i t h V i r g i l ' s description of the inhabitants of all these bolge as 'simile l o r d u r a . ' 7

8

Despite the w o r k of centuries of Dante scholarship, three major cruxes remain unanswered i n Inferno x x v i . First, w h a t made Dante t h i n k that Ulysses' o r a t i o n and a m b i t i o n had a n y t h i n g to do w i t h the sin of false coun­ sel? Secondly, h o w , to Dante's medieval m i n d , are Ulysses' abandonment of f a m i l y and his u n d e r t a k i n g of a l o n g voyage connected to the sins of deception and fraud? Lastly, and most i m p o r t a n t , h o w does Dante make Ulysses exem­ plify 'consiglio frodolente' ? I n the f o l l o w i n g pages I explore these questions and put forward w h a t I believe can be satisfying solutions to these interpretive puzzles. A major s t u m b l i n g block to an understanding of the true u n i t y of the Ulysses episode has been the critics' tendency to ignore ecclesiastical con­ cepts of the generation and i n t e r r e l a t i o n of sins, and to consider the one here punished i n a dogmatic v a c u u m . The perplexity sometimes expressed b y critics over Ulysses' various crimes mentioned i n Inferno x x v i is actually a false p r o b l e m . The most serious sin, n a t u r a l l y , determines the soul's loca­ t i o n i n H e l l , b u t lesser sins are evoked, as usual, to show the path of wicked­ ness followed b y the sinner. The m o d e r n critical confusion that one sin alone condemns the souls to these lower circles violates church doctrine: the damned represent a habitus, an habitual, m o r t a l sin arrived at b y degrees. Pride, as we k n o w , is the b e g i n n i n g of all sin; cupidity is its root; the daugh­ ters of pride and avarice, the seven m o r t a l sins, i n t u r n , give rise to o t h e r s . Recently some critics have observed that Ulysses is punished not for one incident of fraudulent counsel b u t for his w h o l e sinful career; and although t h e y have not documented i t , doctrine supports t h e i r v i e w . Sin engenders s i n . W e can, i n fact, see Ulysses' descent i n t o hypocrisy as parallel to the steps w h i c h St Thomas Aquinas o u t l i n e d i n describing the familiar 'daughters of covetousness.' Cupiditas (or Avaritia) leads step b y step t h r o u g h the vices of mercilessness, restlessness, violent rapine or theft, falsehood, perjury, and f r a u d . F r o m insensibility to f a m i l y , friends, and allies, to b u r n i n g desire for w o r l d l y experience, t h r o u g h the theft of the Palladium, the fraud and falsehood of the T r o j a n horse, the p e r j u r y to Deidamia and the fraudulence of his final speech u r g i n g the last voyage, Ulysses' sins are a paradigm of the road to d a m n a t i o n and a reversal of the path of salvation. 9

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The appearance of Ulysses before the t w o poets seems also to invert, i n order, the seven steps t o w a r d divine w i s d o m i n the Christian t r a d i t i o n ; that is, the Seven Gifts of the H o l y Ghost. First, Ulysses is introduced to us as ' l o maggior c o r n o / 'the greater h o r n ' (we should also note the repetition of the n o u n i n the f o l l o w i n g canto, Inferno x x v n , 132). I n Inferno x x x i , 12, Dante's use of the w o r d m a y reflect such glosses as that i n the Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam w h i c h gives as its p r i m a r y reading in malo, the familiar 'cornu, superbia,' that is, ' p r i d e , ' the reverse of the first spiritual gift, fear (a subject w h i c h I have discussed at l e n g t h e l s e w h e r e ) . Secondly, Dante introduces pietas - b y its absence: 'né la pieta del vecchio padre' (94). The phrase ( 9 7 - 8 ) T a r d o r e . . . a divenir del m o n d o esperto' inverts the t h i r d gift, knowledge. I n his discussion of the seven gifts i n De doctrina Christiana 11, 7, St A u g u s t i n e explains this gift and its attainment w i t h the w a r n i n g : 'The student first w i l l discover that he has been enmeshed i n the love of this w o r l d , or of temporal things, a love far remote f r o m the k i n d of love of God and of our neighbor w h i c h Scripture itself prescribes.' Patristically, knowledge is submission to sacred a u t h o r i t y , and Ulysses' deliberate passing of the pillars forbidden b y the deified Hercules represents precisely a v i o l a t i o n of a pagan godly a u t h o r i t y . Fortitude, the f o u r t h gift, i n v e r t e d as a solitary, unaided, and god-challenging foolhardiness, appears next i n the lines, 'sol con u n legno e con quella compagna picciola / w i t h one vessel o n l y , and w i t h that small company' ( 1 0 1 - 2 ) . (Note, i n passing, Dante's ironic use of liturgical vocabulary: this legno is not the lignum, or the w o o d of the Cross; the small company is n o t the Twelve ! ) M o s t i m p o r t a n t and most obvious is the reversal i n the orazion picciola (112 ff.) of divine counsel, the fifth gift, a matter to w h i c h we w i l l r e t u r n . P u r i t y of heart, the s i x t h , appears speciously i n Ulysses' words, 'fatti n o n foste a viver come b r u t i , ma per seguir v i r t u t e ' ( 1 1 9 - 2 0 ) . The last w o r d of the line and, ironically, the last of his speech, canoscenza, the s t r i v i n g for w o r l d l y k n o w ­ ledge, inverts the final step i n the H o l y Spirit's seven gifts to m a n , w i s d o m , the peace of Heaven. There is f u r t h e r i r o n y i n the fact that Ulysses sees God's m o u n t a i n as 'bruna per la distanza' - d a r k l y - and t h e n rejoices. The last few traditional steps of the C h r i s t i a n w a y to w i s d o m strengthen the spiritual sight; the closer one comes to the t r i u n e Godhead the clearer vision becomes. A g a i n we can cite St A u g u s t i n e f r o m the same passage i n w h i c h he discusses the Gifts: ' W h e n , i n so far as [man] is able, he has seen this T r i n i t y glowing in the distance, and has discovered that because of his weakness he cannot sustain the sight of that l i g h t . . . . W h e n he arrives at the . . . sixth step . . . he cleanses that eye t h r o u g h w h i c h G o d m a y be seen, i n so far as H e can be seen b y those w h o die to the w o r l d as m u c h as t h e y are able. For t h e y are able to see o n l y i n so far as t h e y are dead to this w o r l d ; i n so far as t h e y live i n i t , t h e y 13

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do not see. A n d n o w a l t h o u g h the l i g h t of the T r i n i t y begins to appear more certainly, and n o t o n l y m o r e tolerably b u t also m o r e joyfully, it is still said to appear ''through a glass in a dark manner [in aenigmate]." ' The final 'turbo / w h i r l w i n d ' and shipwreck also contrast w i t h the final, seventh, step where 'peace and t r a n q u i l i t y ' are attained i n t r u e W i s d o m . 1 6

W i t h o u t insisting too m u c h o n n u m e r o l o g y , we m u s t note that the n u m ber five, the n u m b e r of the saeculum, the w o r l d , stressed i n Inferno x x v i , links Ulysses' desire to experience the life of the five senses to the m a i n sin punished. False counsel reverses divine counsel, the fifth step towards true w i s d o m , the v e r y gift parodied b y the p u n i s h m e n t w i t h i n tongues of fire; the p u n i s h m e n t is a reversal of the Pentecost, itself a five times t e n . The 'counsel' of the orazion picciola is thus i n t i m a t e l y linked to the contrapasso i n ways h i t h e r t o unnoticed. 1 7

Dante's didactic a i m is also made clear b y the similes w i t h w h i c h he introduces Ulysses and Diomedes w i t h i n t h e i r double flame. The images p r o vide an i n f o r m i n g metaphoric structure. Let us first examine the funeral pyre of Eteocles and Polynices: chi è'n quel foco che v i e n si diviso di sopra, che par surger de la pira dov'Eteôcle col fratel fu miso? W h o is i n that fire w h i c h comes so divided at its top that i t seems to rise f r o m the p y r e where Eteocles was laid w i t h his brother? (52-3) The image provides another major clue to the speciousness of Ulysses and his companion, for i t gives the lie to Ulysses' arrogation of v i r t u e . The simile occurs to Dante W a y f a r e r as the observer of the episode; he is struck o n l y b y the surface resemblance of the t w o divided flames, one historically past, the other l i t e r a l l y present. The Poet, however, chose a most d a m n i n g comparison. F r o m Statius' Thebaid, and f r o m commentaries of the mythographer Fulgentius o n that epic, Dante learned that the brothers were foul figures of sin: ' O u t of this incestuous u n i o n [of Oedipus and Jocasta] are produced . . . other creatures . . . having the appearance of virtue, but not virtue itself, namely, the t w o sons, one of t h e m called Eteocles is the destruction of morals, that is greed [cupiditas], w h e r e b y morals are destroyed, for i t is the o r i g i n and root of all evils . . . Polynices conquering m a n y i n this w o r l d , is lust, to w h i c h m a n y y i e l d . ' The allusion, t h e n , should further alert us to the deceptiveness of Ulysses' ' v i r t ù . ' 1 8

Even m o r e significant is the earlier simile (34 to 39) concerning the translation of Elijah [Elias] :

89

Ulysses E quai colui che si v e n g i ô con l i orsi vide '1 carro d'Elia al dipartire, quando i cavalli al cielo e r t i levorsi, che n o l potea si con l i occhi seguiré. che'l vedesse altro che la fiamma sola, si corne n u v o l e t t a , i n su salire: tal si move ciascuna per la gola del fosso . . . A n d as he w h o was avenged b y the bears saw Elijah's chariot at its departure, w h e n the horses rose erect to heaven - for he could n o t so f o l l o w i t w i t h his eyes as to see aught save the flame alone, like a little cloud ascending: so each flame moves along the gullet of the ditch . . . (34-41)

The t y p o l o g y here goes beyond s i m p l y t h a t of the j o u r n e y m o t i f (ascent to Heaven versus descent to H e l l ) . Dante intends to present Ulysses as a corresponding pagan negative to the positive figurai pattern i n biblical his­ t o r y . The image serves t w o functions: i t gives a key to the aptness of the contrapasso, and i t undermines the v i e w w h i c h Ulysses w i l l create for himself on the literal level. 1 9

The Jewish prophet, whose v e r y spirit meant 'the d o i n g of v i r t u o u s w o r k s , ' bore w i t h i n h i m 'the h o l y s m o u l d e r i n g of righteous z e a l , ' and, at the end of t i m e , he w i l l come again w i t h Enoch as a witness ' i n whose m o u t h w i l l stand the w o r d of G o d . ' A s Ulysses, the false counsellor, is imprisoned i n a physical flame w h i c h speaks like a tongue, so, i n life, the true prophet Elijah, enclosed i n a spiritual flame, was also a metaphorical 'flaming m o u t h . ' Rupert of Deutz echoes and glosses this biblical epithet for the Prophet i n the De Victoria Verbi Dei: ' I t was said of h i m t r u l y , " H e was as fire: and his w o r d b u r n t like a t o r c h " [Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 4 8 : 1 ] . O t h e r parallels to Elijah underline the contrast between the biblical type of the truthful, continent, and abstemious contemplative and the classical type of the excessive, fraudu­ lent trickster. I n contrast w i t h Ulysses and his 'folle v o l o ' for knowledge of the saeculum, Elijah was the figura of flight from the w o r l d [fuga saeculi), the one w h o reached heaven b y his v i r t u e . U n l i k e the Greek whose foray exceeded the bounds of h u m a n knowledge b y his o w n efforts, the prophet did n o t attempt such an ascent b y his o w n power b u t was rapt b y God's chariot 'so that i t m i g h t openly show h o w a pure m a n stands i n need of help outside h i m ­ s e l f . ' St A m b r o s e describes the Prophet's holiness: ' [Elijah] fled f r o m the w o r l d i n such a w a y that he d i d n o t even seek o u t food for his body. . . . H e endured a weariness of this life, n o t a desire for i t , b u t he was fleeing worldly enticement and the contagion of filthy conduct and the impious acts of an 20

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unholy and sinful generation/ The evocation of the Prophet clearly puts i n t o perspective the ' m a d flight' of Ulysses, w h o , t h o u g h o l d and t i r e d , bears hardships to experience ' i l m o n d o ' and the f i l t h of his o w n ' v i z i . ' 25

Elijah w h o rejected the senses and attained heaven w h i l e i n this life, is indeed the antithesis of Ulysses, the pursuer of the life of the senses. As Elijah fled f r o m the unchaste Jezebel, 'the o u t p o u r i n g of v a n i t y , ' Ulysses stayed w i t h Circe w h o delayed h i m ' m o r e t h a n a y e a r . ' Just as the 'ardor of the L o r d ' burned i n the heart of the Prophet and allowed h i m to p e r f o r m eight miracles b y his virtues (as Rupert of Deutz says, the 'zeal of divine love stirred h i m up w i t h b u r n i n g a r d o r ' ) , so there burned i n the heart of the Greek the 'ardor of the w o r l d , ' the seed of his o w n destruction. A s Elijah united families b y raising the dead (the w i d o w ' s son, 3 [1] Kings 1 7 . - 1 7 - 2 4 ) , so Ulysses broke the bond of f a m i l y , b o t h those of Achilles (who never re­ t u r n e d alive to Deidamia), and those of his o w n . 26

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Yet another w a y i n w h i c h Ulysses can be seen as the typological antithe­ sis of Elijah lies i n his p u n i s h m e n t i n a double flame: quel foco che v i e n si diviso that fire w h i c h comes so divided

(52) la fiamma cornuta the h o r n e d flame

(68) O v o i che siete due dentro ad u n foco . . . O y o u w h o are t w o w i t h i n one fire

(79) Even before we meet the t w o f o l d flame of the spirits of Diomedes and Ulysses and the metaphor of Eteocles and Polynices, the poet, b y allegorical inference, introduces the 'double flame' of Elijah. W e recall that before Elijah was assumed i n t o the heaven of air, Elisha begged h i m for a double gift of h o l y power so that his o w n acts m i g h t be efficacious: 'Spiritus tuus duplex, obsecro i n me requiescat / 1 beseech thee that i n me m a y be t h y double spirit' (4 [2] Kings 2 : 9 - 1 1 ) . Elisha t h e n received this 'double spirit' f r o m the elder Prophet precisely as the younger prophet watched Elijah's ascent in the fiery chariot (4 [2] Kings 2:11) - the v e r y m o m e n t alluded to i n Inferno x x v i , 3 4 - 9 . As critics have realized, the m o t i f of the ' t u r b o ' i n Dante m u s t obviously be 2 9

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seen i n the same context: Elijah was assumed i n t o the heavens; Ulysses is absorbed i n t o the abyss of H e l l . The w h i r l w i n d of the H o l y Spirit w h i c h rapt Elijah heavenward and gave the Gift of Cloven Tongues to the Apostles is the same t o o l of destruction w h i c h brings damnation to the Greek hero (137); the historical pattern of God's plan i n pagan and C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y reflected here i n b o t h the literal and allegorical levels of Dante's Poem is neat and plain. O t h e r biblical passages can help us to understand not o n l y the sufficient reason for the w i l y Ulysses' death i n a w h i r l w i n d , b u t also the sinner's power to deceive us. I n Job 3 6 : 1 3 - 1 4 , for example, 'Dissemblers and crafty m e n prove the w r a t h of God . . . t h e i r soul shall die i n a storm. ' St Gregory's comments o n this passage, a l t h o u g h somewhat less k n o w n , are particularly i l l u m i n a t i n g . I n his gloss, the saint cites Jesus' words i n M a t t h e w 2 3 : 2 7 - 8 concerning the specious appearance of dissemblers (the v e r y passage where the 'gnat' image comes i n the Bible) : ' W o e to y o u , scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites; because y o u are like t o whitèd sepulchres, w h i c h o u t w a r d l y appear to m e n beautiful b u t w i t h i n are f u l l of dead men's bones and of all filthiness. So y o u also o u t w a r d l y indeed appear t o m e n as just: b u t i n w a r d l y y o u are f u l l of h y p o c r i s y and i n i q u i t y . ' ° St Gregory continues i n a passage w h i c h m a y provide a doctrinal reason for the dissembling Ulysses' seeming disregard of the bolgia and its h o r r o r . H i s gloss o n the succeeding verse i n Job dealing w i t h dissemblers ( ' N e i t h e r shall t h e y cry o u t , w h e n t h e y are b o u n d ' ) parallels b o t h Ulysses' e a r t h l y state (bound to the mast) and his behaviour i n H e l l ; Gregory's metaphors compare the change i n the opinion of m e n f r o m calm to turbulence w i t h a sudden disturbance i n the atmosphere; the o u t w a r d blasts are a sign of i n w a r d suffering and divine p u n i s h m e n t u p o n dissimulators: 'For t h e y were seeming to live as i f i n calm, w h e n t h e y were t a k i n g care to rejoice i n the credit of holiness. B u t their soul w h i c h used to rejoice i n the fatal t r a n q u i l i t y of h u m a n praise, dies b y a sudden tempest. For most c o m m o n l y an unexpected tempest suddenly p r o duces a change i n all the calm blandishment of the air, and danger cannot be avoided, inasmuch as i t could n o t be foreseen. Whence dissemblers, w h o neglect to w a t c h over t h e i r conduct, are said to die in a tempest. For the sudden whirlwind of an inward shock casts them forth hence, w h o m the pride of o u t w a r d applause exalts o n h i g h . ' W e can easily hear the echo of Gregory's words i n Dante's verses: 3

3 I

N o i ci allegrammo, e tostó t o r n o i n pianto; ché de la nova terra u n t u r b o nacque. . . . W e rejoiced, b u t soon o u r j o y was t u r n e d to grief, for f r o m the new land a w h i r l w i n d arose. . . . (136-7)

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Elijah, viewed n o r m e r e l y as simile b u t as historical archetype, and, textu a l l y , as s t r u c t u r i n g metaphor, can also help us understand that Ulysses' abandonment of his f a m i l y for the sake of sensory knowledge could o n l y lead directly to his death i n accordance w i t h Scripture. Ulysses also fulfils the last prophecy concerning the abstemious prophet 'filled w i t h the l a w , ' as Elijah appears i n Malachias 4:5-6: 'Behold I w i l l send y o u Elias the prophet before the c o m i n g of the great and dreadful day of the Lord. A n d he shall t u r n the heart of the fathers to the children and the heart of the children to their fathers: lest I come and strike [Vulgate: 'percutiam'] the earth with anathema.' N o t even the most sacred familial ties could quench Ulysses' ardour for earthly experience: né dolcezza d i figlio, né la pieta delvecchiopadre. ... N e i t h e r fondness for m y son, nor filial piety t o w a r d m y aged father.

(94-5) Biblically, the abandonment of such basic natural duties earns the just punishment of God (1 T i m o t h y 5:8), and Dante reflects the prophecy of Malachias i n his choice of vocabulary: ... u n turbo nacque e percosse del legno i l p r i m o canto A w h i r l w i n d arose and struck the forepart of the ship. (137-8) The images of Elijah and of cloven tongues of flame central to Dante's episode are n a t u r a l l y b o u n d up i n patristic commentaries o n the Pentecost and w i t h t h e m are included the f u r t h e r r e c u r r i n g image of wings also present i n the Ulysses episode ('Fiorenza . . . batti l'ali / O Florence ... y o u beat y o u r wings,' 1-2, and 'de' r e m i facemmo ali / we made of o u r oars w i n g s , ' 125). For the C h u r c h Fathers, Elijah prefigures the Gift of Tongues to the Apostles, as, for example, i n St Ambrose's gloss o n Acts 2 : 2 , 3 : ' "The H o l y Spirit also came d o w n and filled the w h o l e house, where v e r y m a n y were sitting, and there appeared cloven tongues as of fire. " Good are the wings of love, the true wings that flew about through the mouths of the Apostles, and the wings of fire that spoke the pure w o r d (Psalm 11 [12] : 7) ... on these wings Elias flew w h e n he was transported b y the fiery chariot and the fiery horses to the 32

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regions above. ' A s is t r a d i t i o n a l , the saint urges his reader to flee this w o r l d and to 'take up these w i n g s , since like flames t h e y a i m for the higher regions. ' The T r u t h , the W o r d of God, b o t h b o r n b y Elijah, fulfilled i n the N e w Testament and figured again i n the infernal punishment, contrasts sharp­ l y and ironically w i t h the fraudulent w o r d of Ulysses. A l t h o u g h recently critics have noted that the images of ' a l i ' and ' r e m i ' have significances and u n i t e the episode i n ways I feel no need to deal w i t h again h e r e , we also need to consider the metaphor, c o m m o n i n the C h u r c h Fathers, of the ' w i n g s of fraud. ' O n l y i n this context can we see the connection between the greedy, hypocritical, and t h i e v i s h wings of Florence (2-4) and the ' w i n g s ' of Ulysses' oars. St G r e g o r y , for example, compares the behaviour of dissemblers to the w i n g s of the ostrich, the s y m b o l of fraud (Job 39:13) : ' i t raises its w i n g s , i n appearance as i f to fly, b u t yet never raises itself f r o m the earth i n flying. Thus doubtless are all dissemblers, w h o , w h i l e t h e y s i m u ­ late conduct of the good, possess a resemblance of h o l y appearance, b u t have no reality of h o l y conduct. T h e y have, i n t r u t h , wings for flight, i n appearance, b u t i n t h e i r d o i n g t h e y creep along the g r o u n d , because t h e y spread their w i n g s , b y the semblance of sanctity, b u t overwhelmed b y the weight of secular cares, t h e y are n o t raised f r o m the e a r t h . ' The meaning of 'alae' as s y m b o l i z i n g in malo, the purposes of dissemblers (cogitationes hypocritae') and the greed of the avaricious ('cupiditas rapacium'), set f o r t h again, for example, i n the Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam, m u s t be added to the other images w h i c h p o i n t directly to the n e g a t i v i t y of Ulysses' coun­ sel and quest. The ' w i n g ' metaphors p o i n t directly to the t r u e nature of the sin punished i n this bolgia: t h e y are the 'wings of fraud,' particularly the wings of a m b i t i o n and fraudulent counsel. 3 3

3 4

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As Dante probably knew, Richard of St V i c t o r used this image i n his treatment of the paradigms of the v e r y sin of fraudulence i n the De eruditione hominis interioris. Far f r o m being a ' f l u i d n o t i o n , ' as some critics have b e l i e v e d , fraudulentia was strictly defined and had specific characteristics i n its purpose and operation; I m i g h t add that i t was also defined i n a manner somewhat different f r o m that w h i c h the t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y m i n d m i g h t con­ ceive. The V i c t o r i n e ' s treatise, like so m a n y other treatises concerning the descent i n t o sin, deals w i t h the various grades of c o r r u p t i o n sinking b y steps i n t o fraud. Indeed, Richard's description of fraud m i g h t almost be a sce­ nario for Dante's Ulysses. I n his De eruditione, part m , he asks: ' D o y o u still w a n t to k n o w m o r e f u l l y what sort of wings fraudulence has? So therefore I w i l l briefly express w h a t I feel: let one be said to be of s i m u l a t i o n , the second of dissimulation, the t h i r d that of ostentation, the f o u r t h of e x c u s e . ' The left wings of fraud he identifies as s i m u l a t i o n and dissembling because 'we correctly understand those t h i n g s to be m o r e secret w h i c h are done b y the 38

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left h a n d . ' He continues i n a passage w h i c h finds other strong parallels i n Ulysses' actions: 'The fraudulence of dissemblers pursues in everything that it does, the promotion of its honour. For everything it does, or intends to do, serves ambition. M o r e o v e r , a m b i t i o n is n o t h i n g other t h a n a s t r i v i n g [affectatio] for h o n o u r . M o r e o v e r , the first k i n d of this evil is a s t r i v i n g after l i b e r t y ; the second is a s t r i v i n g after d i g n i t y ; the t h i r d is a s t r i v i n g after a u t h o r i t y ; the f o u r t h is a s t r i v i n g after p o w e r . ' Fraudulence, then, is b o r n of ' a m b i t i o n , ' the p u r s u i t of w o r l d l y honour. 4 0

Richard next defines the ' f o u r heads' of fraudulence i n a w a y w h i c h can help us to understand Ulysses' v i o l a t i o n of the p r o h i b i t i o n of Hercules, as w e l l as his eloquent advice and his power over his m e n i n the arduous u n d e r t a k i n g : 'Behold how ambition divides itself into four heads to which, as it were, every action of dissemblers is a slave. [First] there is the s t r i v i n g after l i b e r t y w h e n n o w one escapes being ruled by others. [Second] the s t r i v i n g after d i g n i t y is the p u r s u i t of greater things step b y step t h r o u g h constant t o i l . [Third] the striving for authority is when now someone tries to appear to all men to be a man of great counsel and judgment. [Fourth] the s t r i v i n g after power is w h e n n o w he tries to be i n charge of others. . . . ' The crafty Greek's sin lies i n his a m b i t i o n to pose as a m a n of great and honourable counsel. Dante's w a r n i n g to himself at the outset of the episode can o n l y be understood clearly w h e n we bear i n m i n d such statements as those of Richard of St V i c t o r . The Poet's self-admonishment provides the reader w i t h his first clue to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the episode to come and of the true character of Ulysses: 4 1

A l l o r m i dolsi, e ora m i ridoglio quando drizzo la mente a ció ch'io v i d i , e più lo'ngegno affreno c h ' i ' n o n soglio perché n o n corra che virtù n o l g u i d i . . . I sorrowed t h e n , and sorrow n o w again, w h e n I t u r n m y m i n d to w h a t I saw; and I curb m y genius m o r e t h a n I a m w o n t , lest i t r u n where v i r t u e does not guide i t . . . . (19-22) Realizing the i n t i m a t e bond w h i c h connects a m b i t i o n and pretence to counsel w i t h fraudulence, the Poet, w h o b y the grace of God has learned his lesson concerning the mere appearance of v i r t u e and the danger i t poses, invokes that lesson here even before he sets about describing the encounter w i t h the Greeks. 42

95

Ulysses

The m a i n p o i n t of Dante's episode is that all of the actions attributed to Ulysses are doctrinally and generically typical of dissemblers. The C h u r c h Fathers note, i n fact, that such sinners are k n o w n to sacrifice familial and divine interests t o an ardent p u r s u i t of w o r l d l y purpose and h o n o u r . As St Gregory the Great w r i t e s , e a r t h l y s t r i v i n g so hardens t h e i r hearts that t h e y do not even acknowledge the sons t h e y beget; i n fact they typically abandon their offspring to undertake arduous voyages. The saint's images more t h a n coincidentally parallel Dante's o w n : 'Dissimulators, therefore, because t h e y collect n o t the t h o u g h t s of t h e i r m i n d . . . are dead to heavenly things for w h i c h t h e y o u g h t to b u r n ; and burn anxiously for earthly objects, to w h i c h t h e y w o u l d laudably have been dead. For thou may est often [!] behold them, having put aside the care of their children, preparing themselves for dan­ gers of immense labour, crossing seas/ Dante's words 'né dolcezza d i figlio,' w i t h all that follows, finally come i n t o perspective. Ulysses, far f r o m being the exceptional paragon i m a g i n e d b y r o m a n t i c - m i n d e d critics, was chosen b y the Poet as the exemplary a m b i t i o u s , dissembling pretender to noble coun­ sel, one whose aims and p o s t u r i n g advice were as deceptive as the rest of the ' l o r d u r a ' held i n this ditch of Malebolge. Doctrinal precedent establishes that Dante's tale is calculated as a negative e x e m p l u m for the benefit of his readers' souls. A l l the allusions and images contribute m o r a l l y , theologic­ ally, and artistically to a unified w h o l e , teaching the reader that Ulysses' o w n siren song m u s t be resisted. 4 3

44

As Dante has i t , God's o w n counsel speaks symbolically i n the p u n i s h i n g flame of Ulysses' contrapasso.

8

SATAN

W e corne to the final lines of the Inferno: Dante and V i r g i l at last see the stars of heaven as t h e y come f o r t h f r o m H e l l t h r o u g h a n a r r o w passage carved b y the waters w h i c h descend f r o m M o u n t Purgatory to the lowest depths. I t is Easter m o r n i n g , and the arising of the t w o Poets f r o m the prison and grave of the damned repeats the Resurrection of Christ after his descensus ad inferos. The i n i t i a l verbs of the f o l l o w i n g canticle, 'salire,' 'risurga,' 'surga,' enhance the parallel. The vocabulary of 'arising' concludes the first stage of the t r a d i t i o n a l pattern w h i c h i n f o r m s the structure of the Commedia, that of descent to h u m i l i t y before ascent to grace; allegorically, i n the Wayfarer's j o u r n e y , made i n i m i t a t i o n of Christ, the exit f r o m H e l l marks the completion of the first stage. Dante unites i n metaphor the crowded 'tomba' of the damned w i t h the e m p t y t o m b of Christ, completing, w i t h this final t e r m of the equation, the parodie picture of ' B e l z e b ù , ' the L o r d of the Flies, w h o m he depicts i n Inferno x x x i v as being i n e v e r y t h i n g the inverse of the Three Persons of the T r i n i t y . Left behind at the centre deep w i t h i n , the ' K i n g of H e l l ' stands i n his 'tristo buco' ('dismal h o l e ' ) , i n all ways the negation of the Godhead. H i s materiali t y reverses D i v i n e Substance; his i m p r i s o n m e n t i n locality mocks his desire for i n f i n i t y . H i s hideous heads reflect absurdly the Three Persons bound i n One, the T r i u n e G o d ; his impotence inverts the power of God the Father. A s a reversal of the Son, the Logos, T r u t h becomes ignorance; as the W o r d Made Flesh, his c r u c i f o r m figure d r i p p i n g tears and bloody d r o o l apes the Passion. Like the sinners encountered earlier i n the Inferno, w h o imitate and herald his satanic stance (Farinata seen ' f r o m the waist u p , ' the Giants ' f r o m the navel d o w n ' ) , Satan looms i n his 'pozzo' or p i t p r o t r u d i n g ' f r o m mid-breast' ( 2 9 ) . I n this w a y the immersed sinners t h r o u g h o u t H e l l 'prefigure' the A r c h - F i e n d below; i n the progress of the narrative, the shades of his m i n i o n s act as his 'adumbrations' or 'typologies,' thus parodying i n this 1

2

3

97

Satan

Old-Testament r e a l m Christ's préfigurations i n Old-Testament h i s t o r y . Satan's h u l k i n g f o r m half-submerged i n the ice, like the other immersed figures, is yet another, and more detailed, image of baptism, the sacrament whose doctrines and typologies are so often b o t h perverted and fulfilled i n this canticle. W e noted earlier that i n H e l l the sacrament appears o n l y i n its i n i t i a l aspect as death and b u r i a l ( f o l l o w i n g Luke 12:15 and Romans 6:4), and that t h r o u g h Old-Testament typologies ' i m m e r s i o n ' or descent i n t o the baptismal pool i m i t a t e d Christ's descensus ad inferos and signified the death of the ' o l d m a n , ' that is, the end of the former life and sinful acts of the catechumen (Romans 6:3-4), w h i l e 'emersion' or emergence signified r e b i r t h i n the 'new m a n , ' Jesus C h r i s t . I t is clear, however, that no matter h o w they are punished, a l l the sinners of Dante's Inferno are forever fixed i n i m m e r s i o n i n H e l l , that is, i n baptism's aspect as the w r a t h and j u d g m e n t of God. 4

5

M o r e particularly, Satan's stance i n the i m p u r e waters of Cocytus sur­ rounded b y the suspended souls of the damned also imitates conventional artistic depictions of C h r i s t at his baptism immersed i n the waters of the river Jordan along w i t h the submerged spirit or spirits of the river. Già era, e con paura i l m e t t o i n m e t r o , là dove l ' o m b r e t u t t e eran coperte, e trasparien come festuca i n vetro. A l t r e sono a giacere; altre stanno erte, quella col capo e quella con le piante; altra, com'arco, i l v o l t o a' pie rinverte. I was n o w (and w i t h fear I do p u t i t i n t o verse !) where the shades were w h o l l y covered, s h o w i n g t h r o u g h like straw i n glass. Some are l y i n g , some are erect, this w i t h the head, that w i t h the soles uppermost; another, like a bow, bends his face to his feet. (Inferno x x x i v , 1 1 - 1 5 ) I n some pictorial and sculptural renderings of the Jordan as the 'waters of death,' Christ's descent i n t o the r i v e r becomes a figure of his descent i n t o H e l l and of his v i c t o r y over Satan's hosts ; Christ is s h o w n surrounded b y the souls or forms of the d a m n e d . A v e r y s t r i k i n g example is the Byzantine fresco i n the C h u r c h of Perebleptos (plate 28), i n w h i c h the attitude of several souls beneath the waves closely parallels Dante's description of the shades i n Co­ cytus (plate 2 9 ) 7 A m o n g the scores of other examples w h i c h one could cite are the depiction of the Baptism i n the Baptistry and i n the Pala d ' O r o of St M a r k ' s i n Venice, and the t y m p a n a l stone relief (1221) above the portal of 6

98

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Sta M a r i a della Pieve i n Arezzo w h i c h shows Christ i n the waters s i m i l a r l y attended b y a submerged heathen spirit of the river (plate 3 0 ) . Dante's image of Lucifer immersed i n Cocytus is a complete inversion of the inconography of the Baptism of the Redeemer. 8

Charles Singleton's p r o f o u n d observation that the first verse of the canto and the freezing blasts e m i t t e d b y Satan parody the 'spiration' and 'proces­ sion' of the H o l y Spirit (Inferno xxxrv, 4) deserves expansion. The Prince of Darkness spirates f o r t h i n local m o v e m e n t the icy w i n d of hate i n precisely the manner of ' s p i r a t i o n ' and 'procession' w h i c h St Thomas Aquinas denies of the true Godhead; Satan's is not an 'intelligible emanation' w h i c h remains i n the intelligent agent b u t a physical 'cause proceeding f o r t h to its exterior effect' just as 'heat proceeds f r o m the agent to the t h i n g made hot. ' H i s mindless triple winds are, i n fact, a double reversal: t h e y are physical n o t intelligible and, u n l i k e the Sprit of God w h i c h warms the righteous, t h e y freeze the waters and souls of Cocytus : 9

1 0

... quelle [penne] svolazzava, sí che tre v e n t i si movean da ello: q u i n d i Cocito t u t t o s'aggelava. ... he was flapping t h e m [his w i n g s ] , so that three winds w e n t f o r t h f r o m h i m , w h e r e b y Cocytus was a l l congealed. (50-2) The congealed water is the v e r y antithesis of the t r a d i t i o n w h i c h had i t that the fiery dove of the H o l y Ghost descended u p o n the Jordan at Jesus' b a p t i s m . Here again Dante reverses baptismal epiclesis, and i n the profoundest theological and sacramental sense. I n the earliest l i t u r g i e s for the blessing of the baptismal waters (De benedictione aquae baptismalis) the priest breathed three times over the water f o l l o w i n g the pattern of the Spirit of God floating o n the face of the waters at Creation (Genesis 1 : 2 ) . Satan's v e r y presence i n Cocytus parodies the liturgical exorcism of the E n e m y f r o m the font; this, together w i t h his three icy spirations (4), completely reverses the consecration ceremony b y w h i c h the waters gain efficacy for i n i t i a t i n g catechumens i n t o the f a i t h . Far f r o m being washed clean, the traitors i n Cocytus m e r e l y pollute i t as debris or u n w a n t e d i m p u r i t i e s ('straws i n glass,' 12) and parody physically the liturgical 'arcane a d m i x t u r e of D i v i n e Power' w i t h the h o l y water of baptism. T h e y lie w i t h t h e i r satanic master 'Belzebu,' i n total contrast to Christ w h o was baptized ' n o t to be cleansed b u t to cleanse the w a t e r s . ' 11

12

1 3

14

Dante evokes still other typologies of the Redeemer i n the depiction of

99

Satan

the depths of the Inferno. The Old-Testament tale of Joseph placed i n an ancient p i t and betrayed b y his brothers was, i n the C h u r c h Fathers, an i m p o r t a n t antitype. St A m b r o s e i n his De Joseph patriarcha discourses at length on the p a r a l l e l . C i t i n g Psalm 87:7 [88:6], he allies Joseph's pit to the grave of C h r i s t : 'The L o r d says of H i m s e l f : " T h e y have laid me i n the lower p i t : i n the dark places, and i n the shadow of death. " This t y p o l o g y was also very popular i n Christian art: Joseph depicted standing waist-up or being placed i n a r o u n d w e l l or p i t figures Christ's death, descensus, and Resurrection, as w e l l as mankind's deliverance t h r o u g h baptism. I n figurative representations, Joseph's w e l l is often indistinguishable f r o m the font. One can compare, for example, the t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y mosaic of St M a t t h e w baptizing i n the nave of St M a r k ' s i n Venice (plate 31) w i t h its contemporary, the Joseph cycle i n a cupola i n the n o r t h a t r i u m of that basilica (plate 32). The w e l l and font of the t w o mosaics are, i n t u r n , almost identical to the w e l l i n the Joseph panel of M a x i m i n i a n ' s chair i n the Episcopal M u s e u m i n Ravenna (plate 33). There is, therefore, something i m m e n s e l y satisfying i n Satan's contrapasso for treach­ ery: he w h o seeks man's d a m n a t i o n is punished not o n l y as the betrayed Christ the Saviour at his baptism, b u t also as Christ i n the salvific sacra­ m e n t as i t is adumbrated b y the betrayed Joseph. 15

/ l 6

The figure of Satan as a m i l l fixed i n ice, the pain of the three sinners i n his jaws, and the connection of these retributions w i t h that of the souls frozen 'as straw' below can a l l be understood more clearly w h e n we consult earlier Christian traditions. A s we m i g h t expect, all the major words and images of the Satan episode p o i n t to the doctrines of t e m p t a t i o n and damnation. First, the condition of being 'devoured b y Satan's m o u t h ' itself meant to fall i n t o temptation. St G r e g o r y i n his treatise on t r i a l and temptation, the Moralia in Job, describes A d a m ' s sin i n the same metaphor; A d a m , believing Satan, and ' f r o m incautiously r e m a i n i n g external to the meaning of [Satan's] words, u t t e r l y exposed himself to be devoured b y his m o u t h . ' S i m i l a r l y , the sinful, b o t h before and after Christ, suffer the same penalty; temptation, ' d e v o u r i n g , ' is followed b y d a m n a t i o n , ' s w a l l o w i n g ' : Satan swallowed nearly all m e n before Christ's c o m i n g and, since the C o m i n g , not a few. Belief i n Christ's sacrifice was, of course, t r a d i t i o n a l l y said to save us f r o m falling i n t o Satan's j a w s . The justness of the p u n i s h m e n t of the three traitors (Judas, Brutus, Cassius) i n the monster's m o u t h s also lies i n the fact that their condition after death literalizes i n the extreme the metaphorical-moral condition of t r i a l and temptation i n this life. Those sinners w h o followed A d a m i n sin and w h o allowed themselves to be devoured and swallowed contrast w i t h those such as David and St Peter w h o m God suffered to be tempted i n order to test and strengthen t h e m . The latter t w o are said to have 'fallen t h r o u g h the holes 1 7

1 8

loo

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

of his j a w s , ' that is, to have escaped damnation t h r o u g h penitence. Judas w h o betrayed Jesus for m o n e y contrasts w i t h Peter w h o almost betrayed Christ t h r o u g h denial. 19

Further, the winds - here issuing f r o m Satan's wings ('tre v e n t i , ' 51) m i g h t , as we learn f r o m the Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam, signify 'inner t e m p t a t i o n , ' and 'the wickedness of the m i n d . ' Dante surely had kept i n m i n d G r e g o r y the Great's typical rhetorical question i n the Morals, ' A n d w h a t is a great w i n d b u t a strong t e m p t a t i o n ? ' The chill of the w i n d w h i c h freezes the W a y f a r e r ('io d i v e n n i alor gelato,' 22) is also a figure of m o r a l test and a literalization of the same idea. St Gregory, discussing the ' g r o w i n g cold' or 'freezing' of hearts t h r o u g h Satan's enticements, uses the v e r y meta­ phors w h i c h appear again s t r u c t u r a l l y i n Dante's last canto of the Inferno: those w h o wax p r o u d i n t h e i r l o f t y virtues are deceived b y the tempter and ' g r o w cold t h r o u g h the pride. ' Gregory's exegesis at this point is of consid­ erable importance since he is discussing Job 38:30, the locus where Dante found biblical a u t h o r i t y for the freezing of H e l l : 'The waters are hardened like a stone: and the surface of the deep is congealed.' Satan himself is 'frost and ice,' and further, his effect o n sinners is to extend that coldness: ' W h e n he fell, he b o u n d as frost the hearts of his followers i n the coldness of sin. . . . "The waters therefore were hardened after the likeness of stone" w h e n he came o n earth, because m e n , i m i t a t i n g his wickedness, lost the soft bowels of charity. A n d because his crafty designs cannot be detected b y m e n w h o have been led astray, i t is r i g h t l y subjoined: " A n d the surface of the deep is congealed. " ' W e can n o w appreciate even more h o w , for Dante, the colloca­ t i o n of the traitors encased i n ice around the A r c h - T r a i t o r is poetically and m o r a l l y apt. 2 0

21

2 2

2 3

The image of hay or straw ('festuca,' 12), as we w o u l d expect, has the same function as those preceding. O b l i q u e l y i n Dante and expressly i n St Gregory, Satan's t r i a l of m a n k i n d fulfils the metaphor of Isaias 11:7, 'The l i o n shall eat straw like the ox / Leo sicut bos comedet paleas. ' Gregory invokes the passage to explain Job 40:10, w h i c h he cites as ' H e [Satan] shall eat hay as an o x . ' '[Satan] therefore seeks to eat hay as an ox, because he seeks to w o u n d w i t h the fang of his suggestion the pure life of the s p i r i t u a l . ' T h r o u g h temptation, he 'devours the sinner's l i f e ' ; those w h o succumb are his f o d d e r .

24

Pervading the canto is an insistent metaphor of a perverse and broken Eucharist. G r a d u a l l y we come to see that all the images cluster around con­ cepts dealing w i t h w i n n o w i n g ( w i n d , straw) and m i l l i n g ( m i l l , g r i n d i n g ) . N o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , the image of w i n n o w i n g - a s - t e m p t a t i o n is c o m m o n i n the w r i t i n g s of the C h u r c h Fathers, w h o had i n t u r n taken i t f r o m various biblical passages such as A m o s 9:9 and f r o m Christ's w a r n i n g to Peter i n Luke

loi

Satan

2 2 : 3 1 . Let us compare St A m b r o s e , for example, as he discusses The Prayer of Job and David: There generally comes a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n events, w h e n sorrows come f r o m heaven's w r a t h and i n d i g n a t i o n , so that the wicked are w i n ­ nowed as chaff i n the w i n d [Job 21 : i 8 ] . The unjust are w i n n o w e d as chaff; the just as wheat. Therefore, heed the L o r d as He says to Peter: 'Behold Satan has desired to w i n n o w y o u as wheat, b u t I have prayed for y o u , that y o u r faith m a y not fail [Luke 2 2 : 3 1 - 3 2 ] . Those w h o are w i n n o w e d as chaff fail, b u t that m a n does not fail w h o is like the seed that fell and sprang up, augmented and increased b y v e r y m a n y fruits [Luke 8 : 8 ] . A n d so the prophet says, ' W o e is me ! For I a m become as one w h o gathers the stubble i n the harvest.' [Micheas 7:1] Thus wickedness is compared to the stubble w h i c h is quickly burned, and the dust. A n d so, Job said subsequently, ' T h e y w i l l be like chaff d r i v e n b y the w i n d ' [Job 2 1 : 1 8 ] . 2 5

For St G r e g o r y also, the straw left i n the field is the v e r y metaphor of fallen man. I n their discussions o n the ' w i n n o w i n g of souls' the C h u r c h Fathers naturally included the image of the g r i s t - m i l l . For Dante, i n v o k i n g the t r a d i ­ t i o n , the major i n i t i a l simile of his Satan episode is that of a m i l l t u r n e d b y the w i n d : ' u n m o l i n che i l vento g i r a ' (6). The Poet uses the t e r m ' m o l i n o ' twice i n the Inferno ( x x m , 47; x x i v , 6) the d i m i n u t i v e is m o r a l l y disparaging. I n the Paradiso he uses ' m o l a ' twice as w e l l ( x x i , 3; x x i , 81) and i n b o t h of these instances, the w o r d describes the perfect circular dance of the saints, t h e i r movements representing perfect c o n c o r d . A s i n the Bible (Jeremias 25:10 and Revelation 18:22), where the silence of the m i l l signified desolation and its j o y f u l sound the peace of Jeru­ salem, so i n the last canticle of the Commedia the ' m o l a ' symbolizes the Peace of Heaven. I n the last canto of Inferno we are left not w i t h the sound of a real m i l l , b u t w i t h a chimera, the product of confusion - o n l y the blast of Satan's hate, the p u n i s h i n g g r i n d i n g of his bestial molars upon the chaff of the world. The intricate polysemous interpretations w h i c h Dante uses were already present i n ecclesiastical exegesis. The parable of the t w o w o m e n g r i n d i n g at the m i l l ( M a t t h e w 2 4 : 4 1 ; Luke 13135) was the most i m p o r t a n t biblical source for the image. Exegetes progressed through a series of developing interpretations: the w o m a n 'taken' was the C h u r c h , the one 'left' at the m i l l ( w i t h damp grain, as the Fathers insisted), the Synagogue; later the former became the 2 6

27

2 8

102

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

Christian soul contrasted w i t h the unpleasing heathen soul; and, finally and more u n i v e r s a l l y , she became an image of the sinless soul taken to g l o r y w h i l e the sinful soul lay d a m n e d . The m i l l , t h e n , performed the function of showing the t r u e ' i n n e r k e r n e l , ' that is, the t r u t h of man's g u i l t or innocence. I t was an easy step to see the m i l l eschatalogically as an image of the Last Judgment. 29

30

St A m b r o s e had seen the ' m i l l of this w o r l d ' as the place of t e m p t a t i o n where m e n were t r i e d and tested: The m i l l is the w o r l d . . . . Therefore i n this m i l l . . . the soul w h i c h is servile to crimes and the grain w h i c h is wet i n the m i l l i n g and corrupted by heavy m o i s t u r e cannot separate its inside f r o m its outside, and for this reason i t is left since its flour is displeasing. B u t the H o l y C h u r c h , or rather the soul stained b y no infections of wickedness, the soul w h i c h grinds such wheat as can be baked b y the heat of the eternal sun . . . offers good flour f r o m the i n n e r m a n to God, commending the offerings of its o w n sacrifice. 31

St A m b r o s e interpreted the t w o w o m e n as the t w o proclivities of the soul: one by w h i c h the intellect obeys the law of God and abjures sin; the other b y w h i c h the m i n d is b o u n d b y sin, and becomes 'flesh' itself as i t s i n s . The baser instincts cause the m i n d t o become flesh w h e n t h e y cause i t to give itself w h o l l y over to the flesh and its delights : ' A n d so w h e n i t is overcome, the m i n d is flesh, n o t h a v i n g error f r o m its nature, b u t f r o m the flesh w h i c h is weak, even as the vanquished follows the name and characteristics of the victor. ' The doctrinal t r a d i t i o n reflected i n the saint's imagery is surely n o t least i m p o r t a n t for the flesh-and-blood m a t e r i a l i t y of Dante's sinners i n this lowest part of H e l l . Interestingly, St A m b r o s e allies his discussion of the w o m e n at the m i l l w i t h the metaphor of blood-as-sin as he reinterprets Leviticus 17:14. The w o m a n left behind, w h o loses her crop t h r o u g h damp and m i l d e w , is termed 'bloody'; she is the sinful soul w h o indulges i n the fleshly, ' b l o o d y ' pleas­ ures of the body. I g n o r i n g the spiritual food of the flesh of Christ, the soul indulges i n the sinful 'food of b l o o d ' v i o l a t i n g , via a typical patristic interpre­ tation, the Jewish law against eating b l o o d . 32

3 3

3 4

The three traitors chewed b y a mechanical, oxlike Satan are the negative, eschatological f u l f i l m e n t of these O l d - and New-Testament concepts i n the Poem. C o n t i n u i n g the image of a g r i n d i n g m i l l , Satan literally chews their fleshly souls i n b l o o d :

103

Satan ... per tre m e n t i gocciava '1 pianto e sanguinosa bava. Da ogne bocea dirompea co' denti u n peccatore, a guisa d i maciulla . . . ... over three chins there dripped tears and bloody slobber. I n each m o u t h he g r o u n d a sinner w i t h his teeth, like a heckle . . .

(53-5) U n l i k e the t o r m e n t e d Christ o n the Cross, Satan drips blood w h i c h is not his o w n b u t that of those w h o m he tortures: he bodies f o r t h the 'blood' g u i l t of the three traitors i n his m o u t h s w h o , chewed and t o r t u r e d , are forced, i n t u r n , to parody physically Christ's m y s t i c a l presence i n the Eucharist. The literalized mode of t e m p t a t i o n and salvation becomes the eternal mode of second death, d a m n a t i o n . 35

The prevalence of i n v e r t e d baptismal and eucharistie imagery takes o n new significance i n the l i g h t of the metaphors and doctrines of t e m p t a t i o n : for t h r o u g h these sacraments is loosed the bond of Satan. A s baptism removes original and m o r t a l sin b y w h i c h m e n are made the Devil's playthings, so the eucharist blots o u t venial sins, removes p u n i s h m e n t , and bestows grace. 36

The theme of avoiding t e m p t a t i o n and escaping damnation is also m i r r o r e d i n the narrative line and its allegorical significance. The W a y f a r e r journeys on, past the d i v i d i n g h u l k of Satan, u s i n g his shaggy fur as a ladder. A s we noted above, unrepentant sinners are metaphorically swallowed like A d a m at the Fall, w h i l e those repentant i n this life are said to fall f r o m Satan's m o u t h , ' t h r o u g h the holes i n his jaws,' as Gregory w o u l d have i t . Here again the metaphor is literalized i n the Poem: Dante escapes h e l l m o u t h t h r o u g h a t r i n i t y of real holes, t h r o u g h a ' f o r o ' (85), a 'buca' (131), and a 'pertugio' (139). U n l i k e the fixed m i l l of the tempter and the damned, i m m o b i l e like straws w i t h i n the ice, the W a y f a r e r goes f o r t h to the realm of justification, Purgatory, separating himself f r o m t h e m physically and spirit­ u a l l y . F r o m n o w o n his j o u r n e y prefigures his future salvation. I n another related patristic t r a d i t i o n , the g r i s t - m i l l held a similar d i v i d i n g function, since i t also figured the Pauline exegetical ' m i l l ' or m e t h o d whereby the wheat of the O l d Testament was converted i n t o the fine flour of the N e w . This concord of the t w o Testaments figured, for example, i n the A b b o t Suger's stained-glass w i n d o w s at St Denis made about 1140 (unfortunately no longer extant). A s Suger himself tells us, one of t h e m represented the Apostle Paul, t u r n i n g the m i l l as the prophets b r o u g h t sacks of grain. I t 3 7

3 8

104

Dante's Fearful A r t of Justice

bore the f o l l o w i n g legend: 'Paul, b y w o r k i n g the m i l l y o u raise meal f r o m the chaff; y o u make k n o w n the i n n e r secrets of Mosaic Law. True Bread w i t h ­ out chaff is made f r o m so m a n y grains, o u r everlasting and angelic f o o d . ' A n extant pilaster capital i n V é z e l a y depicts w h a t appears to be Moses p o u r i n g the grain of the O l d Testament w h i l e St Paul cranks a m i l l and receives the refined flour i n a sack (plate 3 4 ) . The ' m i l l ' image thus sat at the d i v i d i n g line between the O l d and N e w Law, the v e r y position held b y Satan i n the Poem. Perversely reflecting i n spatial terms Christ's o w n temporal d i v i d i n g posi­ t i o n i n C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y , Satan also separates the realm of Old-Testament eye-for-an-eye justice f r o m the purgatorial realm of Grace and Justification. St Eucherius, among others, interprets the m i l l as 'the conversion of this l i f e , ' an interpretation w h i c h can also help shed l i g h t o n the Wayfarer's progress, literally, f r o m the state of souls i n second death to the state of those headed for everlasting life, and, tropologically, his movement f r o m the realm of sin to the path of future blessedness. Later, i n Purgatorio 11, Dante the P i l g r i m himself expresses an i n t i m a t i o n of h a v i n g come to a ' N e w L a w ' as he asks Casella to sing a song of consolation: 3 9

4 0

4 1

E i o : 'Se nuova legge n o n t i toglie m e m o r i a o uso a l'amoroso canto che m i solea quetar t u t t e mié voglie . . . ' A n d I , ' I f anew law does n o t take f r o m y o u m e m o r y or practice of the songs of love w h i c h used to quiet i n me all m y longings . . . ' (106-8) Dante Wayfarer's hesitant i n t u i t i o n is t h e n r u d e l y confirmed b y Cato's scold­ ing of the souls for t h e i r negligent distraction b y such earthly, poetic delights w h i c h do n o t h i n g to p u r i f y t h e m for the sight of G o d . The P i l g r i m has indeed reached the place where the N e w Law does obtain and, ironically, to w h i c h Satan h i m s e l f has formed the passage-way. A s readers, we issue f o r t h now w i t h Dante W a y f a r e r to see the stars of Justice. 4 2

i A n g e l o n suspended l i d : w o m e n at the sepulchre

2 Farinata

4 M a n of Sorrows

3 Farinata

5 M a n of Sorrows and M a t e r Dolorosa

6 M a n of Sorrows

7 M a n of Sorrows w i t h A r m a C h r i s t i

8 M a n of Sorrows

î o M a n of Sorrows

[right)

9 M a n of Sorrows (below)

il

N o a h i n the ark

12 N o a h i n the ark w i t h three Hebrews i n furnace

13 Tree of Jesse (left)

14 Tree of Jesse and the Tree of the Cross

15 Death of Judas

16 Death of Judas

17 Death of Judas

BELOW

18 Death of Judas {left) 19 Death of Judas {right)

20 Death of Judas

2 i Death of Judas

22 Death of Judas

23 Pier della Vigna's body impaled o n a tree {top)

24 Pier della Vigna's body hanging f r o m a tree

25 Judas and A h i t h o p h e l

26 Judas and A h i t h o p h e l {right) 27 Death of Judas (left)

28 Baptism of Christ (opposite)

29 Satan submerged i n Cocytus [below) 30 Baptism of Christ

(opposite)

3 i St M a t t h e w baptizing

32 Joseph's brothers placing h i m i n the w e l l

33 Joseph's brothers placing h i m i n the w e l l

34 St Paul and Moses at the m i l l

List of Plates

1 Angel on suspended lid: women at the sepulchre. Codex of Meister Bertolt f r o m the Benedictine Archabbey of St Peter, Salzburg. Pierpont M o r g a n Library. 2 Farinata. Divina Commedia, ms. H o l k h a m misc. 48, p. 15. Italian, t h i r d quarter of the f o u r t e e n t h century. Courtesy of the Bodleian L i b r a r y . Photo: C o u r t a u l d I n s t i t u t e of A r t , w i t h especial thanks to D r W . O . Hassall. 3 Farinata. Divina Commedia, ms. Vatican Lat. 4776, 3 3 . Florentine, ca 1390-1400. Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, A r c h i v i o Fotográfico. 4 Man of Sorrows. Mosaic icon, Santa Croce i n Gerusalemme, Rome. Istituto Centrale de Restauro. 5 Man of Sorrows and Mater Dolorosa. Panel, Museo H o m e , Florence. Gabinetto Fotográfico, Soprintendenza alie Gallerie, Florence. 6 Man of Sorrows. Simone M a r t i n i , detail of p o l y p t y c h , Museo N a z i o n ale d i San M a t t e o , Pisa. Photo: A l i n a r i / A r t Resource, Inc. 7 Man of Sorrows with Arma Christi. Fresco, Santa Reparata, Florence. Courtesy of M u s e o dell'Opera del D u o m o , Florence. 8 Man of Sorrows. Sarcophagus, M o n u m e n t o Bardi, ca 1350, Santa Croce, Florence. Photo: A l i n a r i / A r t Resource, Inc. 9 Man of Sorrows. Campionese A r t of the fourteenth century. Master of the Settala Sarcophagus(?). F o r m e r l y at Castelseprio (Várese). Civico Museo d ' A r t e A n t i c a , Castello Sforzesco, M i l a n . 10 Man of Sorrows. Sarcophagus, 'Area' of Can Grande della Scala, ca 1329, Verona. Photo: the author. 11 Noah in the ark. W a l l p a i n t i n g , Catacomb of Pamphilus, Rome. Pon­ tificia Commissione d i Archeologia Sacra. v

12 Noah in the ark with three Hebrews in the furnace. Sarcophagus, Lateran M u s e u m s , Rome. Vatican M u s e u m , A r c h i v i o Fotográfico.

io6

List of Plates

13 Tree of fesse. Miniature from the Ingeburg Psalter, ca 1210, Paris. Ms. 9 (1965), f. 14 , Chantilly, Musée Condé. Photo: Giraudon. V

14 Tree of Jesse and the Tree of the Cross. Speculum

15 16

17 18

19

20

21 22

humanae

salvationis,

area of Lake Constance, ca 1340-50. Kremsmunster Stiftbibliothek. Death of Judas. Ivory relief on small chest. Northern Italy, ca 4 2 0 - 3 0 . Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Death of Judas. Detail of back of 'Lipsanotheca/ ivory reliquary casket. Northern Italy, perhaps Milan, fourth century. Museo dell'Età Cristiana, Brescia. Courtesy of la Direzione Musei e Pinacoteca, Comune di Brescia. Photo Alinari-Anderson / Art Resource, Inc. Death of Judas. Ivory Diptych. Carolingian of eighth or ninth century. Tesoro del Duomo, Milan. Photo: the author. Death of Judas. Illustration to Psalm 7:12-16. Stuttgart Psalter, St-Germain des Prés, ca 8 2 0 - 3 0 . Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. bibl. fol. 23. Stuttgart, Bildarchiv Foto Marburg, 236839. Death of Judas. Detail of right-hand leaf of Main Door (row 4, plaque 3), of Benevento Cathedral; illustration shows plaque in its present postWorld-War-n state. Photo: Valerio Gramignazzi Serrone, courtesy of Ferdinando Grassi. Death of Judas. Pilaster capital by Gislebertus, ca 1125-30 in the Cathédrale Saint-Lazare, Autun. Musée Lapidaire, Salle Capitulaire. Photo: Lauros-Giraudon. Death of Judas. Detail of Last Judgment, Florentine Baptistry, ca 1 2 7 1 1310. Photo: Museo dell'Opera del Duomo. Death of Judas. Detail of Last Judgment by Giotto, ca 1305, Arena Chapel, Padua. Courtesy of il Museo Civico di Padova. Photo Scala / Art Resource, Inc.

23 Pier della Vigna's body impaled on a tree. Drawing for initial 'P' from ms.

of Divina Commedia, Cristoforo Córtese, first half of fifteenth century, Venice. Ms. B N it. 78, f. 6 6 , Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. r

24 Pier della Vigna s body hanging from a tree. Drawing, ms. of Divina

Commedia, Italian, mid-fifteenth century. Ms. 10057, f- 5 > Courtesy of la Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. 25 Judas and Ahithophel. Moralized Bible, illustration to 11 Regum 17:23, thirteenth century. Ms. Oxford Bodley 270b, f. 158. The Bodleian Library. 26 Judas and Ahithophel. Moralized Bible. Cod. 2554, f. 4 7 , Osterreichische Nazionalbibliothek, Vienna. 27 Death of Judas. Moralized Bible, illustration to Matthew 2 7 : 5 - 7 . Harley 1527, f. 56. Reproduced by permission of the British Library Board. 2

v

r

107

List of Plates

28 Baptism of Christ. Detail of fresco from the Church of Perebleptos, Mistra. Photo: courtesy of the Director, Dr Paul Lazarides, Byzantine Museum of Athens. 29 Satan submerged in Cocytus.

Divina Commedia,

Véneto, late fourteenth

century. Marciana it. ix. 276, f. 25 . Photo: courtesy of la Biblioteca Marciana, Venice. 30 Baptism of Christ. Portal relief, Marchionne, 1221, of Santa Maria della Pieve, Arezzo. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource, Inc. 31 St Matthew baptizing. Nave of San Marco, Venice. Photo: the author. r

32 Joseph's brothers placing him in the well. North atrium of San Marco,

Venice. Photo: the author. 33 Joseph's brothers placing him in the well. Ivory chair of Maximinian, sixth century, Constantinople (?). Museo Arcivescovile, Ravenna. Photo: Anderson-Alinari / Art Resource, Inc. 34 St Paul and Moses at the mill. Capital in the Basilique de la Madeleine, Vézelay. Photo: Giraudon.

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Notes

C H A P T E R

O N E :

J U S T I C E

A N D

T H E

CONTRAPASSO

1 A useful and convenient gathering of texts and commentary on the contrapasso is given by Charles S. Singleton in Inferno: Commentary, pp. 522-4. He cites especially St Thomas, In decern libros Ethicorum ad Nicomachum expositio, ed. Raimondo M. Spiazzi, OP, 3rd ed. (Turin: Marietti 1964), 266, and Francesco D'Ovidio, 'Cos! s'osserva in me lo contrapasso/ part v of 'Sette chiose alia Cornmedia/ Studi danteschi, 7 (1923), 27-34, esp. p. 29. Silvio Pasquazi's essay and bibliography on 'Contrapasso' in the Enciclopedia dantesca, sub voce, is most helpful. See also: W.H.V. Reade, The Moral System of Dante's Inferno (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1909); M. Baldini, La costruzione morale dell Inferno di Dante (Città di Castello: S. Lapi 1914); Antonio Santi, L'ordinamento morale e Yallegoria della Divina Commedia (Palermo: Biblioteca Sandron 1923); Steno Vazzana, // con­ trapasso nella Divina Commedia: Studio sull'unità del poema (Rome: M. Ciranna 1959)-

2 Singleton cites D'Ovidio (p. 29), Inferno: Commentary, p. 524. 3 Following Aristotle's Ethics v, 2, St Thomas Aquinas distinguishes between distributive justice (for example, the just social distribution of wealth in a whole society) from commutative justice, which, he explains, concerns equalizing mat­ ters between individuals, and, ultimately between man and God: 'Distributive justice directs distributions, while commutative justice directs commutations that can take place between two persons' (ST 11-11, qu. 61, art. 3). Later Thomas makes the point clearer by discussing injuries to person, reputation, and chattel: Tn all cases [of injury], however, repayment must be made on a basis of equality according to the requirements of commutative justice, namely that the recom­ pense of suffering be equal to the action. Now these would not always be equality if suffering were in the same species as the action. Because, in the first place, when a person injures the person of one who is greater, the action surpasses any suffering of the same species that he might undergo, wherefore he that strikes a prince, is

no

Notes to Page 4

not only struck back, but is much more severely punished' (ST 11-11, qu. 61, art. 4). St Thomas directly allies retaliation and commutative justice with God's judg­ ment: 'This form of the divine judgment [retaliation] is in accordance with the conditions of commutative justice, in so far as rewards are apportioned to mer­ its, and punishments to sins' (ST 11-11, qu. 61, art. 4, reply to obj. 1). 4 Theologically, poena is not in itself an evil since it is administered by God; St Thomas cites the pseudo-Dionysius, 'Punishment is not an evil, but to deserve punishment is' (ST 1-11, qu. 87, art. 1, reply obj. 2). The evil is of human cause, not of God's. 5 There abides in Dante the supposition of thirteen hundred years of Christian thought that human metaphor can itself be a metaphor of God's unfathomable ways: to be a poet and a realist in these terms is to take the metaphor as the only reality, the only literality. Although critics have adduced various medieval dream visions of the other world as sources, only in Dante do we observe an appeal to doctrinal aptness through poetic metaphor instead of whim. It is my thesis, con­ trary to the usual indagini into the 'ordinamento morale dell'Inferno/ that the paradigmatic ordering will only be seen when we consider the guilt of man rather than the mysterious will of Dante's Deity. Compare St Augustine's view of the comprehension of the degrees of perdition: 'The diversity of punishments is as great as the diversity of sin. And Divine Wisdom judges more deeply the nature of this diversity than human conjecture can explore or express.' (In Joannis Evangelium, Tractatus L X X X I X , 4; PL 35, col. 1858; Homily L X X X I X , 4 on John 15:22-3 in Homilies on the Gospel According to St. John and his First Epistle, in A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church Anterior to the Division of East and West [Oxford: John Henry Parker 1849], ' 864. 6 Epístola xm (in older editions, Epístola x), pp. 438-40; see also the text and translation in Dantis Alaghieri Epistolae: The Letters of Dante, ed. Paget Toynbee, 2nd ed. with bibliographical appendix by Colin G. Hardie (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1966), 174-7, 200-1. In paragraph 16 of the Epístola, the writer insists that the branch of philosophy to which the Commedia belongs is that of morals and ethics. The Poem as a whole is conceived with a practical object, that is, the doctri­ nal goal of teaching right action (p. 438; Toynbee ed., pp. 178-9, 202). On the authenticity of the Epístola see the seminal studies of Francesco D'Ovidio in Studii sulla Divina Commedia (Milan and Palermo: Sandron 1901), 448-85, and Edward Moore in Studies in Dante, 3rd series (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1903), 284-369. A.C. Charity gives a helpful discussion and bibliography in Events and Their Afterlife: The Dialectics of Christian Typology in the Bible and Dante (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press 1966), 170-1; 199-207 et passim. See also the useful bibliography in Colin Hardie's edition of Toynbee's Epistolae, pp. 256-7, and that of Robert Hollander in Allegory in Dante's Commedia (Princeton, N J : Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 321-5. 11

in

Notes to Pages 5-6

7 Epístola xm, p. 440; Toynbee éd., pp. 178, 202. 8 Epístola xm, p. 438; Toynbee ed., pp. 173-4,199. 9 St Bonaventure's works were also fundamental, especially his Breviloquium, Prol. rv, 'De profunditate Sacrae Scripturae' (S. Bonaventurae, Opuscula Varia Theologica in Opera Omnia, vol. v [Quaracchi: Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae 1891], 205-6). For the threefold manner of allegory see Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis, Prol. iv (PL 176, cols. 184-5); On the Sacraments, trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Cambridge, Mass. : Mediaeval Academy of America 1951), 5. See also Hugh's Didascalicon vi, 3-12 (PL 176, cols. 799-809); Hugonis de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon de studio legendi, ed. Charles Henry Buttimer, The Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin, x (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. Press 1939), 3 ~ 3 ° - St Thomas Aquinas, Quaestiones cuodlibetales vu, vi, 15-16 (ed. R.P. Mandonnet [Paris: Lethielleux 1926], 279-80. The epitome of the system is usually given in the distich attributed to Nicholas of Lyra or Augustine of Dacia: 'Littera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, / moralis quid agas, quo tendas anagogia. / The literal level teaches the deeds; the allegory what to believe; the moral how to act; the eschatological toward what you should strive/ To be brief, past, present, and'future were represented by the various levels of meaning. The literal level involved the historical events of the Old Testament; the 'quid credas/ or allegory proper, dealt with the life of Christ and life in Christ; it included the tradition of the Christian past. The moral, or tropological, level involved prescription for present action; and the anagogical, or teleological, concerned the future 'last things' of the soul in the glory of heaven - or, as in the present study, the state of souls in damnation. Since the subject has been treated so often and so thoroughly, there is no reason to give more than a short bibliographical outline here. The most important study for biblical allegory is the monumental work by Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: les quatre sens de l'Ecriture, 2 vols, in 2 parts (Paris: Aubier 1959-64) (for the distich, vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 23; see also Charity, Events, p. 174; Hollander, Allegory, pp. 27-8). Also indispensable is C. Spicq's Esquisse d'une histoire de l'exégèse latine au Moyen Age, Bibliothèque Thomiste, xxvi (Paris: Vrin 1944). See also de Lubac's Histoire et Esprit (Paris: Aubier 1950), and Jean Daniélou, Sacramentum futuri: Etudes sur les origines de la typologie biblique (Paris: Aubier 1950). Fundamental for the allegorical senses of the Commedia are Charles S. Singleton's Elements (his chapter on 'Allegory,' pp. 1-17; 'Symbolism/ pp. 18-44; 'Two Kinds of Allegory/ pp. 84-98). Useful also are the essay 'Sopra i quattro sensi delle scritture' by G. Busnelli and G. Vandelli in their Appendix to the edition of the Convivio, 1, 240-2; Rocco Montano, Storia della Poesía di Dante, vol. 1 (Naples: Quaderni di Delta 1962); Gian Roberto Sarolli, 'Autoesegesi dantesca e 11

112

10 11

12

13 14

15

Notes to Pages 6-9

tradizione esegetica médiévale/ in Prolegomena alia Divina Commedia, Biblio­ teca dell'Archivum Romanicum, 112 (Florence: Olschki 1971), 1-39; Charity, Events (see his Bibliography, pp. 262-72); Hollander, Allegory (Hollander's Bibliography is definitive to 1969, pp. 321-35). For more recent studies, see Maria Picchio Simonelli, 'Allegoria e simbolo dal Convivio alla Commedia nello sfondo della cultura bolognese/ in Dante e Bologna nei tempi di Dante (Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua 1967), 207-26, her 'Vernacular Poetic Sources for Dante's Use of Allegory,' Dante Studies, 93 (1975), 131-42, and Robert Hollander's Studies in Dante (Ravenna: Longo 1980). ST, i, qu. 1, art. 10; Quaestiones quodlibétales vu, vi, 16. Epístola xm, pp. 438-9; Toynbee ed., pp. 174,199-200: 'His visis, manifestum est quod duplex oportet esse subiectum, circa quod currant alterni sensus. Et ideo videndum est de subiecto huius operis, prout ad literam accipitur; deinde de subiecto, prout allegorice sententiatur. Est ergo subiectum totius operis, literaliter tantum accepti, status animarum post mortem simpliciter sumptus. Nam de illo et circa ilium totius operis versatur processus. Si vero accipiatur opus allegorice, subiectum est homo prout merendó et demerendo per arbitrii libertatem iustitiae praemiandi et puniendi obnoxius est. ' All commentators on allegory mention these facts. See D.W. Robertson, 'Some Medieval Literary Terminology,' Studies in Philology, 48 (1951), 687. See also Hollander's Allegory: 'Not all of Scripture (nor all of the Divine Comedy) is written in the historical, [literal] mode. ' Further, 'if parable is excluded from containing fourfold senses, so are certain non-further-signifying historical pas­ sages' (pp. 22-3, 264 n. 38, p. 265). Singleton had warned in Elements: 'The historical sense, keeping its full force as such, can and does yield another sense. It may do this, indeed will do it intermittently' (p. 15; my italics). Singleton, Elements, pp. 1-17, esp. p. 2. 'After death the souls will have a will unchangeable in evil. ' St Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles iv, cap. 93; On the Truth of the Catholic Faith: Summa contra gentiles: Book Four: Salvation, trans. Charles J. O'Neil, Image Books (Garden City, N Y : Doubleday 1957), 341-2. These theories were propounded and thoroughly discussed by Erich Auerbach in 'Figura/ trans. Ralph Manheim in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature: Six Essays by Erich Auerbach (New York: Meridian Books 1959), 11-76, and in 'Figurative Texts Illustrating Certain Passages of Dante's Commedia/ Speculum, 21 (1946), 474-89; by Charles S. Singleton in Elements and Journey; and by Robert Hollander in Allegory and in his 'Dante theologus-poeta/ Dante Studies, 94 (1976), 91-136, reprint in his Studies in Dante, pp. 39-89.

16 Epístola xm, p. 438; Toynbee ed., pp. 173-4,199. 17 Charles S. Singleton, 'The Book of Memory,' in An Essay on the Vita Nuova (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press 1958), 25-54. Gian Roberto Sarolli,

ii3

Notes to Pages 9 - 1 1

'Dante "scriba Dei/" Convivium, 31 (1963), 385-422; 513-44; 641-71. 18 This was forcefully argued by Singleton, Elements, pp. 84-98. I use the term 'four levels' of meaning rather than 'four senses/ because Dante's text demands not only a linear, horizontal appreciation (of the story, the adventure) but also a vertical contemplation. The addresses to the reader tell us to pause and raise our minds. The point is made clear in Purgatorio 11,104-23 where attention to a poetic text 'as if nothing else touched our minds' is an act censured by the poet through Cato. The extra-textual (and intertextual) considerations are a primary imperative in Christian medieval literature. In this conception, the vertical contem­ plation which leads the mind to the Trinity avoids the confusion of uti and frui, the distinction which St Augustine explains in De doctrina Christiana 1, 3, 4, and 5. 19 Richard of St Victor, De eruditione hominis interioris 11, cap. 1 (PL 196, col. 1347). 20 A failure to recognize the pattern of deiform images in the Inferno vitiated Allen H. Gilbert's study on Dante's Conception of Justice (Durham, N C : Duke Univ. Press 1925). His explanations of the punishments, like those of many critics, are for the most part mere guesswork. See Paul Priest's interesting and useful study, 'Looking Back from the Vision: Trinitarian Structure and Poetry in the Commedia/ Dante Studies, 91 (1973), 113-30. Gian Roberto Sarolli reminds us that 'la clavis lecturae della Divina Commedia non rimane soltanto cristocentrico ma diventa trinitariocentrico/ Prolegomena alia Divina Commedia, p. 8. 21 This was the traditional exegesis on Numbers 21:9 and John 3:14; cf. St Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis xm, 20 (PG, 33, cols. 797-8), and Rabanus Maurus, Enarrationes in Librum Numerorum, Lib. 111, cap. ii (PL, 108, col. 713). 22 For an example of the thirsting Christ as a lyre, see De vitis mystica vin, 31; PL, 184, col. 655. Rupert of Deutz uses the same tradition in his commentary In Matthaeum, 4 (PL 168, col. 1389); here Christ is 'the glorious lyre, sweet and sonorous, in which the music of the Father is inserted.' See also Glyn P. Norton, ' "Contrapasso" and Archetypal Metamorphoses in the Seventh Bolgia of Dan­ te's Inferno/ Symposium, 25 (1971), 162-70; Norton misses the important biblical typologies. The limner of ms. xm. c. 4 in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples depicted Mastro Adamo literally as a lute; see the illustration, Tav. xxin, in Mario Rotili, I Codici danteschi miniati a Napoli (Naples: Libreria Scientifica 1972). Some of the naivety of that illustrator may fade when we consider that Dante's artistic process in the depiction of the sins of Hell is also, precisely, the reduction of traditional metaphor to its 'dead letter' - to 'scritta morta.' 23 Epistola xm, p. 443; Toynbee ed., pp. 185, 206. Cf. St Augustine, Confessions 1, ii. 24 I agree entirely with Paul Priest's short summary: 'Bertrand made discord in Christian society, which is the Church, the body of Christ its Head. Therefore Bertrand and his head are disunited forever. But the language here is like "three

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in one and one in three. " Having divided a father and a son, Bertrand has symbolically blasphemed the chief bond of the Trinity itself. The words of the clearest doctrinal allusion are also those of the greatest poetic intensity' ('Trinitarian Structure/ p. 114). The useful term was coined and expounded by Robert Hollander in his homonymous chapter (3) in Allegory, pp. 104-35. Throughout my study I have used some of the principles which Hollander there expresses. I have also consulted Johan Chydenius' The Typological Problem in Dante, Societas Scientiarum Fennica Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum, xxv (Helsinki 1958), 1-159, d his Theory of Medieval Symbolism, in the same series, vol. xxvn (1960), 1-42. See Olin H. Moore, 'The Young King: Henry Plantagenet 1155-1183' in History, Literature and Tradition (Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press 1925), esp. p. io, where Moore cites William of Newburgh's reporting that Henry 11 himself had called Prince Henry 'Absalom.' See also Teodolinda Barolini's careful and informative essay, 'Bertrán de Born and Sordello: The Poetry of Politics in Dante's Comedy/ PMLA, 94 (1979), 395-405, esp. p. 405 n. 15. Particularly, as I shall note in chapter 4, pp. 50-1, the exegesis of Psalm 108 was most influential. David's imprecations on Absalom were interpreted as being those of the Saviour upon Judas. Cf. St Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos, Psalm. CVIII (PL 26, col. 1155). In medieval art Absalom was shown swinging by the hair of his head in accordance with 2 Kings (2 Samuel) 18:9, just as Bertran's head swings from his hand: 'e'l capo tronco tenea per le chiome' (Inf. xxvin, 121). See chapter 4, n. 37, below. For other useful studies on Bertrán de Born, see: Michèle Scherillo, 'Bertram dal Bornio e il Re Giovane,' Nuova antologia, 154 (1897), 452-78; Hayden Boyers, 'Cleavage in Bertrán de Born and Dante,' Modern Philology, 24 (1926-7), 1-3; Mario Fubini, Tl canto xxvm dell' Inferno,' Lectura dantis scaligera (Florence: Le Monnier 1967), 999-1021; Marianne Shapiro, 'The Fictionalization of Bertrán de Born,' Dante Studies, 92 (1974), 107-16; William D. Paden, Jr, 'Bertrán de Born in Italy,' in Italian Literature: Roots and Branches: Essays in Honor of Thomas Goddard Bergin, ed. Giosè Rimanelli and Kenneth John Atchity (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press 1976), 39-66; Antonio Viscardi, 'Bertram dal Bornio,' Enciclopedia dantesca, sub voce. The problem, which many other critics have seen, is that the literal level of Dante's Poem - omitting the Prologue scene - is also an eschatological one. Thus, often, the fourfold allegory of the Bible and the quadruple typology of the Comedy bear a relationship which might be patterned as follows : Biblical exegesis Comedy literal or historical Eschatological, in that it deals with the hereafter, but now (past) (in the fiction) it is a past, 'historical,' experience for Dante, Old Testament scriba, the Poet. The past sins of the damned, like the good works of the saved, are depicted in their state. a n

26

27

28

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Notes to Pages 1 2 - 1 3 allegorical (past) New Testament

29 30

31

32

Allegorical (the quid credas) in that it reflects the life of Christ and in Christ in the events of the Journey. Symbolical, in that it reflects the Trinity in the New Testament, the sacraments, liturgy, art, liturgical drama, etc. moral or tropological The past acts of the sinners and the blessed, which (present) are now the cause of their eternal, ever-present state, act as exempla for our present life here. The moral sense is especially given through the contrapasso. anagogical 1 / The past journey to the hereafter which awaits (future) us in the future. 2 / The predicted perfection of the souls' punishments in Hell; the perfection of heavenly reward for the blessed in regaining their glorified bodies. 3 / The predictions of Dante's own salvation in the Poem. 4 / The ultimate effect on the reader who chooses the path to salvation. What I have called, for simplicity, the 'static' quality of the punishments in Hell applies to the eternity of their state; there is, as I mention in section 2 above, the additional prophetic, teleological perfection of their poena: the heresiarchs' tombs will be closed on Judgment Day; the suicides' bodies will be hanged on their thorn bushes; the last simonist will thrust his predecessor deeper into his fiery font, and so on. The essence of the punishments, however, will abide forever. John Freccero, 'Bestial Sign and Bread of Angels (Inferno 32-33),' Yale Italian Studies, 1 (1977), 53-66. 'In Exitu Israel de Aegypto,' Seventy-eighth Annual Report of the Dante Society, 78 (i960), 1-24, now in Dante: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. John Freccero, Twentieth-Century Views (Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-Hall 1965), 102-21. Dunstan J. Tucker, O S B , 'In exitu Israel de Aegypto: The Divine Comedy in the Light of the Easter Liturgy,' The American Benedictine Review, 11 (i960), 43-61. Per Lundberg, La Typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne Eglise, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, x (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell 1942); Jean Daniélou, The Bible and the Liturgy, ed. Michael A. Mathis, Liturgical Studies (Notre Dame, Indiana: Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1956), esp. pp. 70-113. See also John Freccero, 'The River of Death: Inferno 11, 108,' in The World of Dante: Six Studies in Language and Thought, ed. S. Bernard Chandler and Julius A. Molinaro (Toronto : Published for the Dante Society [of Toronto] by University of Toronto Press 1966), 25-42, and John F. Vickrey, ' "Exodus" and the Battle in the Sea,' Traditio, 27 (1972), 119-40. Dante's description of the movement of the 'messo' or angel over the swamp of Styx also repeats Christ's method of descensus ad inferos; St Thomas informs us that 'Christ's soul descended into Hell not by the same kind of motion as that

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35 36 37 38

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Notes to Pages 1 3 - 1 4 whereby bodies are moved, but by that kind whereby angels are moved' (ST in, qu. 52, art. 1). See Ronald B. Herzman and William A. Stephany, ' "O miseri seguaci": Sacramental Inversion in Inferno xix/ Dante Studies, 96 (1978), 39-65; and Reginald French, 'Simony and Pentecost/ Annual Report of the Dante Society, 82 (1964), 3-17Carl-Martin Edsman, Le Baptême de feu, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, ix (Leipzig: Alfred Lorentz, Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequist; Almquist and Wiksell 1940). Compare also St Thomas, ST 111, qu. 39, art. 5, reply to obj. 2. Matthew 3:15. On the question of the journey to justice see Charles S. Singleton, Journey. See Singleton's discussion in Elements, pp. 24-9. Singleton, Elements, pp. 18-44; John Freccero, 'Casella's Song (Purg. 11,112),' Dante Studies, 91 (1973), 73~^°On the difference in the structure of vision in the three realms, see especially Francis X. Newman's 'St. Augustine's Three Visions and the Structure of the Commedia,' Modern Language Notes, 82 (1967), 56-78, and Marguerite Mills Chiarenza, 'The Imageless Vision and Dante's Paradiso,' Dante Studies, 90 (1972), 77-92. Even if we were to ignore the Epistola to Can Grande, Cacciaguida's urging Dante to write of his otherworld experiences (Paradiso xvn, 124-32) gives the same didactic aim : ... 'Coscienza fusca o de la propria o de l'altrui vergogna pur sentirá la tua parola brusca. Ma nondimen, rimossa ogne menzogna, tutta tua vision fa manifesta; e lascia pur grattar dov'è la rogna. Ché se la voce tua sarà molesta nel primo gusto, vital nodrimento lascerà poi, quando sarà digesta ... ' A conscience dark, either with its own or with another's shame, will indeed feel your speech to be harsh. But none the less, all falsehood set aside, make manifest all that you have seen; and then let them scratch where the itch is. For if at first taste your voice be grievous, yet shall it leave thereafter vital nourishment when digested. By these lines, A.C. Charity insists that 'Dante consciously intends to alter his reader through the poem, to offend in order to edify' (Events, p. 221 n. 2). Later Charity reiterates : 'The poem does aim, and persistently, to provoke the reader into implicit self-criticism.' To demonstrate how this may be so, however, the critic uses only the example of Francesca (pp. 212-26).

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T W O :

F A R I N A T A

1 Among the most important items on Farinata, I recommend to the reader's attention: Francesco de Sanctis, 'Il Farinata di Dante/ in Nuovi Saggi Critici, 27th edition (Naples: Morano 1914), 21-50; Erich Auerbach, 'Farinata and Cavalcante/ in Mimesis, trans. Willard Trask (Princeton, N J : Princeton Univ. Press 1953; reprint Garden City, N Y : Doubleday Anchor Books 1957), 151-77; Antonio Pagliaro, Ti disdegno di Guido/ Saggi di critica semántica, Biblioteca di cultura contemporánea, 40 (Messina: G. D'Anna 1961), 359-80; see also his Ulisse: ricerche semantiche sulla Divina Commedia (Messina: G. D'Anna 1967), 11, 185-224; Mario Lucidi, 'Ancora sul "disdegno" di Guido,' Cultura Neolatina, 14 (1954), 203-16; Rocco Montano, 'Mió figlio ov'è? Perché non è ei teco?' Delta, n.s. 2-3, nos. 11-12 (1957), 17-32; J.A. Mazzeo, 'Dante and Epicurus,' Comparative Literature, 10 (1958), 106-20; Giorgio Padoan, 'Il canto degli Epicurei,' Convivium, anno xxvn, 1 (1959), 12-39; Giorgio Padoan, Tl Canto x dell'Inferno/ Letture Classensi, 5 (1975), 81-99; Giorgio Padoan and Rocco Montano, 'Per l'interpretazione del Canto degli Epicurei,' Convivium, anno xxvm, 6 (i960), 707-28; Charles S. Singleton, 'Inferno x: Guido's Disdain,' Modern Language Notes, yy (1962), 49-65; John A. Scott, 'Inferno x: Farinata as "magnánimo/" Romance Philology, 15 (1962), 395-411. Robert M. Durling has independently Identified some of the iconographical and sacramental imagery in the canto: see his important 'Farinata and the Body of Christ, Stanford Italian Review, 2 (Spring, 1981), 5-35. As his title suggests, Durling concentrates more on the eucharistie imagery and thus complements this chapter on the baptismal implications. 2 Padoan, 'Canto x,' pp. 23-5. 3 To assert and increase their standing over other men, heresiarchs appealed to the secret, occult qualities of the knowledge supposedly vouchsafed them, according to the Fathers of the Church. Cf : St Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job v, 45; v, 49; xx, 18; xx, 23 (the caves of the earth are the 'hidden preachings' of heretics), PL 75, 76; Morals 1, 275, 277; 11,461,466. St Bernard, in Sermo L X V , 2, Super Cántica Canticorum in Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclerq et al. (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses 1958), 11,173, echoes St Gregory in referring to the secret meeting places of heretics. Guido da Pisa glosses Dante's line thus: 'Quia mos est omnium hereticorum suos errores et falladas occultare.' Expositiones et Glose super Comediam Dantis or Commentary on Dante's Inferno, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany, N Y : State Univ. of New York Press 1974), 194. 4 DCD xv, iv (vol. 4, pp. 424-5); xix, v (vol. 6, pp. 138-43). Herbert A. Deane's The Political and Social Ideas of St Augustine (New York and London: Columbia Univ. Press 1963) is most useful on this subject, esp. pp. 78-115; Etienne Gilson, Introduction à l'étude de Saint Augustin, 2nd ed. (Paris: J. Vrin 1943), has a select bibliography, pp. 338-40. Gilson points out: 'La cité terrestre n'est pas

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12 13 14 15 16 17

Notes to Pages 1 6 - 1 8 l'Etat. En effet, tous les membres de cette cité sont prédestinés à la damnation finale' (p. 237). This 'città' or 'terra' symbolizes the city of Florence only in so far as we deal with its sinful, damned members. For a clarification of the term 'city of God,' consult F. Edward Cranz, 'De Civitate Dei, xv, 2, and Augustine's Idea of the Christian Society/ Speculum, 25 (1950), 215-25; reprinted in Augustine, A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Robert A. Markus (Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books 1972), 404-21. See Joan M. Ferrante, 'Florence and Rome: The Two Cities of Man in the Divine Comedy/ in The Early Renaissance (Acta 5), ed. Aldo S. Bernardo (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York, 1978), 1-19. I should also add that, in their illustrations, both Botticelli and Domenico di Michelino use Florence's gates with their merlatura guelfa as the gate of Hell. DCD v, xiv, xv (vol. 2, pp. 211-15). Epistula cxvm, ed. A. Goldbacher, CSEL (1895), xxxiv, pt. 2, p. 285: 'Unless humility precedes, accompanies, and follows every good action ... pride wrests wholly from our hand any good work [aliquo bono facto] on which we are congratulating ourselves.' Cf. Inf. vi, 88. DCD v, xiii (vol. 2, pp. 208-9): 'Minus turpes sunt.' DCD xix, xii (vol. 6, pp. 170-1). DCD xix, xv (vol. 6, pp. 186-7). DCD xvi, ii (vol. 6, pp. 6-7). The chapter deals with the 'calida inquietudo' of heretics. In Contra litteras Petiliani Donatistae cortensis episcopi 11, 219, St Augus­ tine writes: 'Dissensio quippe vos et divisio facit haereticos: pax vero et unitas facit catholicos' (PL 43, col. 333). Brunetto Latini, Livres dou Trésor, ed. Francis J. Carmody, Univ. of California Publications in Modern Philology, 22 (Berkeley 1948), 313. Gamier de Rochefort (attributed to Rabanus Maurus), Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam (PL 112, col. 895); Guido da Pisa, p. 197; Alanus de Insulis, Liber in distinctionibus dictionum theologicum, PL 210, cols. 746 (collum), j2>7 (cervix)', Summa de Arte Praedicatoria, PL 210, col. 132 ('Contra Superbiam'); St Augustine, DCD xix, iv (vol. 6, pp. 132-3). Heretics are 'tauri cervicosi' in St Bruno, Expositio in Psalmos (Ps. L X V I I ) , PL 152, cols. 965-6. See St Gregory, Moralia xxxv, 14, on the heretics' 'neck of pride' (PL 76, col. 757; Morals m, pt. 2, p. 671). Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam (PL 112, cols. 1023-4). DCD xiv, xxviii (vol. 4, pp. 404-5). St Gregory, Mor alia, Praef., cap. vi (15), PL 75, col. 525; Morals 1, 27. St Thomas Aquinas, ST 11-11, qu. 162, art. 2; art. 6. Padoan, 'Canto x/ p. 28. St Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum cxxiv, 5 (PL 37, col. 1652). Pride apes fortitude and daring (St Thomas, ST 11-11, qu. 162, art. 6). DCD v, xv, X X (vol. 2, pp. 214-17, 244-5); / ( °l- / PP- 4 "3) 'There is no true virtue where virtue is subordinated to human glory. ' Moralia xvn, 5; PL j6, col. 12; Morals 11, 281-2. v

x i x

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18 Moralia in, 45; PL 75, col. 622; Morals 1, 161-2. 19 Giorgio Petrocchi, Tre Postule in margine a Farinata/ Studi danteschi, 42 (1965), esp. pp. 275-80. 20 Moralia ra, 43; PL 75, col. 621; Morals 1, 160. 21 Francesco de Sanctis, Nuovi saggi critici, p. 38; Michèle Barbi, 'Il Canto di Farinata/ Studi danteschi, 8 (1924), 105. Compare Rocco Montano, 'Mio figlio/ p. 19: 'Farinata non è l'amore della patria o la passione politica, è l'epicureo, l'uomo che ha fatto della patria terrena il vero fine, il fascista cieco e superbo/ 22 St Thomas Aquinas, ST 11-11, qu. 11, art. 2. Cf. Padoan, 'Canto degli Epicurei/ p. 722, and Montano, 'Mio filio/ p. 19. In his well-researched essay, 'Farinata and the Body of Christ/ Robert Durling makes a suggestion which at first blush seems most attractive: he identifies Farinata as a Stoic and Cavalcante as an Epicurean. The personalities are indeed drawn as being quite distinct within the poem, and, in the Acts of the Apostles, Boethius, St Augustine, and other Fathers, the Stoics and the Epicureans are lumped together for vituperation. I cannot, however, ultimately agree with this interpretation for a number of intra- and extratextual reasons. First, Dante does not here name the Stoics at all: Suo cimitero da questa parte hanno con Epicuro tutti suoi seguaci che l'anima col corpo morta fanno. (13-15) Most serious against the argument is the fact that the Stoa did not deny the immortality of the soul, but rather, believed firmly in its transmigration, a fact known from classical times to the fourteenth century from countless sources but especially through such writers as Lactantius and St Augustine. In the Divine Institutes in, 18, Lactantius tells us: 'Others ... hold ... that souls do remain after death. These are chiefly Pythagoreans and Stoics. ... For because they feared that argument from which it might be gathered that it is necessary that souls die with the bodies, since they are born with them, they said that souls are not born but rather are put into bodies and migrate from one to another.' PL 6, cols. 405-6; Lactantius, The Divine Institutes, trans. Sister Mary Francis McDonald, Fathers of the Church, 49 (Washington: Catholic Univ. of America 1964), 213. Dante himself in Convivio 11, viii cites the Stoics' belief in the soul's immortality: 'Se noi rivolgiamo tutte le scritture ... tutti concordano in questo, che in noi sia parte alcuna perpetúale ... questo par volere massimamente ciascuno Stoico. ' My main argument, and one which Durling supports, is that the very iconography of Farinata and the diction in which his posturing is described evokes with harsh negative irony the Christian immortality of the soul and the Resurrection of the Flesh. Any intrusion of a pagan idea of the survival of the soul, therefore, would spoil Dante's poetic conception. In Dante's own time the term 'Ghibelline' was confused and equated with the

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term 'Epicurean (see n. 23, below); Farinata was the Ghibelline leader. Lastly, following St Augustine, Dante says that sinners are buried with their co-sectarians (Inf. ix, 130); thus, according to the text itself, both Cavalcante and Farinata are followers of Epicurus. The Stoic, Cato, is placed by Dante in the Purgatorio. (See also Divine Institutes in, 17,19, and 27; vn, 8-12 for Cato, the Stoics, and transmigration; on the question in Augustine, see DCD 1, 23-4; see also Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies 1,18-19 in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 5, trans. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson [Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans 1971], 20-1). 23 Ti termine 'epicurii'è poi usato costantemente dal Villani per indicare insieme e i ghibellini e i patarini, secondo la consueta confusione guelfo-popolare. ' Padoan, 'Canto x', p. 21. See Gioacchino Volpe, 'Ghibellinismo, Impero ed eresia,' Movimenti religiosi e sette ereticali nella società médiévale italiana, secoli XI-XIV (Florence: Sansoni 1961), 127-34. 24 St Augustine, In Epistolam Johannis ad Parthos ix, 5; PL 35, col. 2049. See also Ad Parthos ix, 2, 3, 4, and 6. 25 Moralia v, 29; PL 75, cols. 694-5; Morals 1, 263. 26 Hugh of St Victor (in 'De qualitate tormentorum gehennalium,' De Sacramentis 11, xvi, 5; PL 176, cols. 587-90) cites pertinent passages from St Augustine's DCD and from St Gregory's Moralia on this question (pp. 441-4). 27 Fire recurs as a symbol of unbelief in the Inferno. The 'foco' of Limbo (Inf. iv, 68), though it indicates a lack of true Faith, seems to represent more a regretful reminder of the limitation of human intellect than a punishment. For this reason I omit its discussion here. Cf. Purg. vn, 7-8: To son Virgilio; e per null'altro rio / lo ciel perdei che per non aver fé.' 28 Titulus, i, B : 'De hereticis et patarenis,' Historia diplomática Friderici Secundi, ed. J.-L.-A. Huillard-Bréholles (Paris: Ploni854; reprint Turin : Bottega D'Erasmo 1963), torn. iv. pars 1, p. 7. 29 Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages (New York: Russell and Russell 1955), 1, 221. For a recent bibliography on heresy in Florence in the thirteenth century, see John N. Stephens, 'Heresy in Medieval and Renaissance Florence,' Past and Present, 54 (1972), esp. pp. 25-34. See also Felice Tocco, Quel che non cè nella Divina Commedia 0 Dante e l'eresia, Biblioteca storico-critico della letteratura dantesca, vi (Bologna: Zanichelli 1899); Alfonso Ricolfi, 'La setta dei Catari a Firenze e la "Mandetta" di Guido Cavalcanti,' Nuova rivista storica, 14 (1930), 560-71; Alfonso De Salvio, Dante and Heresy (Boston: Dumas Bookshop 1936); and María Picchio Simonelli's excellent essay 'LTnquisizione e Dante: alcune osservazioni,' in Dante Studies, 97 (1979), 129-49. 30 The phrase appears in St Bernard, Sermo L X V I , 12 (Opera n, 186); Cántica Canticorum, trans, and ed. Samuel J. Eales (London: Elliot Stock 1895), 4°631 Stefano Orlandi, 'Necrologio' di S. Maria Novella (Florence: Olschki 1955), 1, 7

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33 34 35 36 37

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Notes to Pages 2 1 - 4 230 (see also p. 10, et passim); Lea, 1, 327. The great Aldobrandino later became prior of Santa Maria Novella, Bishop of Orvieto, and, in Rome, Vicar of the Pope; he died in 1279 (Necrologio, pp. 230-5). Niccolô Ottokar, 'Intorno a Farinata e alia sua famiglia/ Archivio storico ita­ liano (1919), ii, 126-6} (esp. pp. 159-63), reprinted in Studi comunali e fiorentini (Florence: La Nuovo Italia 1948), 118. Ottokar publishes the original order of posthumous cremation. According to this document, the bones of Farinata and his wife were to be exhumed 'if they could be told from those of the faithful' ('si a fidelium hossibus discerni poterunt') ; it is possible that the manner of gathering and placing these bones on the flames in public display influenced the strong visual and olfactory images of Inf. ix and x. (Cf. Purg. xxvn, 17-18, 'imaginando forte / umani corpi già veduti accesi. ') Moralia 111, 45; PL 75, col. 622; Morals 1, 161. Moralia xx, 23; PL 76, col. 151; Morals 11, 465. Sermo L X V I , 12 (Opera 11,186); Cántica Canticorum, p. 406. Moralia xvni, 42; PL 76, col. 59; Morals 11, 345-6 (italics added). De Cathechizandis rudibus xix, 31; PL 40, col. 333; The First Catechetical Instruc­ tion, trans. Joseph P. Christopher (Westminster, Md. : Newman Bookshop 1946), 61 (italics added). The theme is common in the Church Fathers. Compare St Gregory, Moralia ix, 98 (PL 75, col. 913; Morals 1, 568); St Augustine, Ad Fratres in eremo Sermo L X V I I I (PL 40, col. 1355). Joannes Abricensis [John of Avranches], Liber de Of fiáis Ecclesiasticis, 'Ordo Paschae' (PL 147, cols. 53-8). Compare also the Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam (PL 112, col. 864): 'Area, Ecclesia, ut in Psalmis [131:8]: "Surge, Domine, in requiem tuam," id est, surge a mortuis, surgat et Ecclesia, quam dignatus es sanctificare.' I believe the passage in the Psalm to be the basis of the 'Imago pietatis' or 'Man of Sorrows' depictions discussed below. Dante's inversion is evident. Cited by Carla Gottlieb, 'The Living Host,' Konsthistorisk Tidskrift (Stock­ holm), 38 (1969), 30-46, esp. p. 31; my thanks to Allen Stuart Weller for this reference. Eclogae de Officio Missae (PL 105, col. 1326). One might add that not only was the altar a tomb but that the manger of the Christ Child was also depicted as both a tomb and altar in art. Historia francorum x, xv (PL 71, col. 544). Compare also the Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam (PL 112, col. 864): 'Area est corpus Christi.' Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1933; reprint 1962), 1, 240-410. Neil C. Brooks, The Sepulchre of Christ in Art and Liturgy with Special Reference to Liturgical Drama, Univ. of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, vu (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press 1921), 46-9, 58. Liber de Of fiáis (PL 147, col. 54): 'Post tertium responsorium officium sepulcri celebretur. ...'

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42 Though it may be argued that such a tradition is due to lack of perspective, such an argument cannot hold in the cases where the lid upon which the angel sits is depicted alone, without the tomb, and clearly on a higher plane than the ground upon which the Marys stand. The lid moves as angels move. See plate 1. See also Brooks, The Sepulchre, p. 24. 43 See the illustrations from the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries in Gertrud Schiller's so far un-Englished volume, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, Bd. in (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn 1971), plates 187,188,190,191,192, and 193. These illustrations do not show Christ actually stepping forth from the tomb and are thus parallel to the posture of Farinata. 44 On this question see: J.A. Endres, 'Die Darstellung des Gregorsmesse im Mittelalter/ Zeitschrift für christliche Kunst, 30 (1917), 146-56; Georg Swarzenski, 'Insinuationes divinae pietatis/ Festschrift für Adolph Goldschmidt, zum 60. Geburtstag (Leipzig: E.A. Seemann 1923), 65-74; Romuald Bauerreiss, O S B , 'Der gregorianische Schmerzensmann und das "Sacramentum Sancti Gregorii" in Andechs, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige (Salzburg), 44, n.s. 13 (1926), 55-79; Romuald Bauerreiss, O S B , Pie Jesu (Das Schmerzensmannbild) (Munich: K. Widmann 1931); Erwin Panofsky, ' "Imago pietatis": Ein Beitrag zur Typengeschichte des "Schmerzensmannes" und der "Maria Mediatrix," ' Festschrift für Max J. Friedlànder zum 60. Geburtstage (Leipzig: E.A. Seemann 1927), 261-308; Hubert Schrade, 'Beitràge zur Erklàrung des Schmerzensmannbildes/ Deutschkundliches, Friedrich Panzer zum 60. Geburtstag, Beitràge zur neueren Literaturgeschichte, xvi (Heidelberg: Carl Winter 1930), 164-82; Gert von der Osten, 'Der Schmerzensmann: Typengeschichte eines deutschen Andachtsbildwerkes von 1300 bis 1600/ Forschungen zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, 7 (Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft 1935); Wiltrud Mersmann, Der Schmerzensmann (Dusseldorf: L. Schwann 1952); Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, vol. 11, The Passion of Jesus Christ, trans. Janet Seligman (Greenwich, Conn. : New York Graphic Society 1972), 184-230. 45 Emile Mâle, L'Art religieux de la fin du Moyen Age: étude sur l'iconographie du moyen âge en France et ses sources d'inspiration (Paris: A. Colin 1908), 9iff; Gabriel Millet, Recherches sur l'iconographie de l'évangile aux XIV , XV et XVI siècles d'après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédoine et du Mont-Athos, Bibliothèque des Ecoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome (Paris: Fontemoing 1916), 483-8. For a résumé of the literature on the subject see Romuald Bauerreiss, O S B , 'O B A 2 I Á E Y 2 T H 2 AO^HS: Ein frühes eucharistisches Bild und seine Auswirkung,' Pro mundi vita, Festschrift zum Eucharistischen Weltkongress, i960 (Munich: M. Hueber i960), 49-67. Bauerreiss states that the original Man of e

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Sorrows was in the Chapel of John vu in Old Saint Peter's together with the Veil of Veronica. See also Schiller, Iconography n, 199. Carlo Bertelli, 'The Image of Pity in Santa Croce in Gerusalemme/ Essays in the History of Art Presented to Rudolf Wittkower, vol. n, ed. Douglas Fraser et al. (London: Phaidon 1967), 40-55. Panofsky, 'Imago pietatis/ p. 261; Mersmann, p. xxxiii; Schiller, Iconography 11, 208-11. Schiller, Iconography n, plate 684. Mersmann, p. xxxiii, plate 8. This fresco most probably dates after Dante's death and certainly after his exile; it is noted to indicate the prevalence of the Man of Sorrows figure. See Rudolf Berliner, 'Arma Christi,' Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 6 (1955), 35-152. Schiller, 'The "Arma Christi" and Man of Sorrows,' Iconography II, 184-230. In such illustrations, St Mary represented the New Law after Christ, while St John the Divine was made to represent the Old Law before his coming. St John's identification was due to his having arrived first at the Holy Sepulchre before St Peter, but having failed to enter it; Dante refers to the episode in Par. xxiv, 124-6). In a curious infernal parody, Dante and Virgil 'flanking' Farinata's tomb mirror such an ' A D ' and ' B C ' presence. Concerning the verses in John 20:3-8, see De Mon. m, ix, 16 and Par. xxiv, 124-6. Gertrud Schiller, however, follows Gert von der Osten's erroneous assertion that 'Sculptural rendering of the Man of Sorrows was unknown in Italy in the Middle Ages' (Iconography 11, 204 n. 30). I have been able to collect scores of examples in northern Italy and in the precise areas of Dante's exile. On Can Grande's tomb see Erwin Panofsky, in Tomb Sculpture, ed. H.W. Janson (New York: Harry N. Abrams n.d.), 75, 84; plates 385-7. Unfortunately, the Panofsky volume does not reproduce a detail of the important Man of Sorrows figure. For many reproductions of the Schmerzensmann, see Schiller, Iconog­ raphy 11, plates 681-761. Since Christ's stepping from his tomb was not specifically described in the Gospels, one finds few artistic depictions of the act before the thirteenth century; but it gained an immense popularity thereafter. The event of the Resurrection was previously most commonly celebrated by the scene of the women and the angel at the sepulchre. Emile Mâle, The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France in the Thirteenth Century, trans. Dora Nussey (New York: Harper and Row 1958), 194 n. 1; Brooks, The Sepulchre, pp. 7,13. The death of Christ and his burial, however, was so described and, as we point out, the figure of 'Cristo morto' was a common funerary motif. Dante appears to have the two latter scenes uppermost ~

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in his mind in Inf. ix and x. Medieval Christian liturgical ceremonies were cele­ brated at a sepulcrum as altar to symbolize the tomb of Christ. On Good Friday came the depositio in which the cross, crucifix, and or the Host was placed within the tomb or 'area'; on Easter morning at the elevatio the 'buried' symbols were raised to represent the Resurrection (Brooks, pp. 7, 37-58). Karl Young, The Dramatic Associations of the Easter Sepulchre, Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature, x (Madison 1920). Reprinted in his Drama of the Medie­ val Church i, ch. 4. See the illustrations in Schiller's Ikonographie, Bd. m, Die Auferstehung und Erhôhung Christi, the Resurrection, pp. 328-9, 379-409; the Women at the Tomb, pp. 310-26; the Harrowing, pp. 348-79. 55 Josef Fink's Noe der Gerechte in der friihchristlichen Kunst, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 4 (Münster and Cologne: Bôhlau-Verlag 1955) presents sixty pages with representations of the theme from both wall paintings and sculpture. See also Friedrich W. Deichmann, Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sarkophage (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner 1967); Josef Wilpert, J sarcofagi cristiani antichi (Rome: Istituto Pontificio di Archeologia Cristiana 1929-36), 3 vols.; see esp. vol. 1, Tavole, iv, 3; L V I I ; vol. 11, Tavole, C L X X ; C L X X I V , 10; C L X X V , 6, 8; C L X X V I I , 2, 3, 5; ccxxvni, 1; C L X X X I , 2, 3, 4, 5; ccxxiv, 7; and C C L V , 7. Compare the illustrations in Peter Brieger, Millard Meiss, and Charles S. Singleton, Illuminated Manuscripts of the Divine Comedy, Bollingen Series 81 (Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 11, 135-49. Noah was merely one of several Old Testament sarcophagal themes of deliver­ ance foreshadowing Christ's redemption. Among others were the Fall itself, Elijah's chariot, Abraham and Isaac, the Three Hebrew Children in the fiery fur­ nace, Daniel in the lion's den, Susannah and the Elders, Jonah and the whale, and Joseph in the well. (Joseph in his stone structure, like Noah opening the Ark and Jonah coming forth from the whale, was shown from the waist up.) Most of these events also figure in the Commendatio animarum or Office of the Dead. The heretics' tombs also resemble other related themes of resurrection in art: the biblical raising of Lazarus and other such resuscitation miracles from the Apoc­ rypha; the Harrowing of Hell and the Descent to Limbo based on the Gospel of Nicodemus or the Acts of Pilate (in which the Patriarchs are often shown arising from open tombs as Christ removes them from Hell) ; and the opening of the graves at the Last Judgment. This last is vividly portrayed in the mosaics in the Baptistry of Florence created during Dante's lifetime. 56 In Genesin, Cap. vn, 1 (PL 83, col. 229). 57 Glossa ordinaria, Lib. Gen. vl (PL 113, col. 105). For Noah as the type of Christ see St Augustine, De doctrina cristiana iv, xxi, 45 (On Christian Doctrine, trans. D.W. Robertson, Library of Liberal Arts [Indian­ apolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill 1958], 153). For Noah as the 'vir Justus' see

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Notes to Pages 2 7 - 3 0 R.E. Kaske, 'Si si conserva il seme d'ogne giusto (Purg. xxxn, 48)/ Dante Studies, 89 (1971), 49-54. De cat. xxvii, 53; PL 40, col. 346; First Cat., p. 84. DCD xv, xxvi (vol. 4, pp. 564-7) : 'We doubtless have here [in the Ark] a symbolic representation of the City of God sojourning as an alien in this world; that is, of the church which wins salvation by virtue of the wood on which the mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, was suspended/ DCD xvi, vii (vol. 5, pp. 40-1): 'It appears much more obvious that all species were in the ark not so much for the sake of renewing animal life as to typify the different races of mankind [quam figurandarum variarum gentium] in order to symbolize the Church/ Origen, In Genesim Homilia 11, 65; PG 12, col. 171 (Noah is Christ; the ark is the Church). Hugh of St Victor, De Arca Noe 1, iv, 'De arca Ecclesiae, seu Ecclesia' (PL 176, cols. 629-30). Similarly, Hugh of St Victor describes the three 'mansiones' of the Ark which are defined by three states of the present life; the second or central one is of interest here: 'secundus status est illorum hominum, qui vocantur animales, de quibus dicit rursum: "Animalis autem homo non percepit ea quae sunt Spiritus Dei" (1 Cor. 2:14).' The middle son of Noah is Ham, the heretic. The images are parallel to the medieval reputation of Epicurus 'of the herd of swine.' De cat. xix, 32; PL 40, col. 334; First Cat., p. 62. St Jerome, Liber de nominibus hebraicis, PL 23, col. 777: DCD xvi, ii (vol. 5, pp. 6-7, italics added). Rabanus Maurus quotes sections of St Augustine's passage verbatim (Commentaria in Genesim 11, ix [PL 107, col. 526]). See also St Ambrose, De Noe et Arca, cap. xxxn, PL 14, col. 414; Rupert of Deutz, De Trinitate et operibus eius, lib. rv, cap. xxxviii, PL 167, cols. 362-3; Hugh of St Victor, De arca Noe i, cap. iv, 'De arca Ecclesiae, seu Ecclesia' (PL 176, cols. 629-30). Wilpert, vol. 11, lavóle, C L X X I V , 10; C L X X V , 7; C L X X X I , 3; C L X X X I , 5. PL 176, cols. 653-7; 697-8. PL 176, cols. 653-7; 697-8. For comparison I refer for convenience to Migne's edition which is, at this point, adequate: Glossa ordinaria, Lib. Gen. vi, 16-18, (PL 113, col. 106). PL ij6, col. 698. On the importance of the souls' foresight and lack of present knowledge, see Antonio Gramsci, Letter atura e vita nazionale (Turin: Einaudi 1950; reprint 1954), vi, 34-45; Letter e dal car cere (Turin: Einaudi 1947; reprint 1955), 138. Even if such an absolute determination will not be accepted by all critics, we can at least assert the fittingness that the explanation should occur here among the Epicureans and nowhere else. See Charles S. Singleton, Inferno: Commentary, p. 157 n. 99. See the illustration in Singleton, Inferno: Commentary, 142-3. On the Soul and Resurrection in Ascetical Works, trans. Virginia Woods Callahan, The Fathers of the Church (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press

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1967), 202; PG 46, cols. 22-3. I cannot ascertain at this time whether or not Dante knew this work. We should recall also the retort that Boccaccio assigns to Guido Cavalcanti in the Decameron vi, ix: Guido calls the sarcophagi (arche) around the Florentine Baptistry the 'houses' of his insulters: 'Signori, voi mi potete dire a casa vostra ció che vi piace ! E posta la mano sopra una di quelle arche, che grandi erano, si como colui legerissimo era, prese un salto, e fussi gittato dall'altra parte. . . / Moralia ix, 103; PL 75, col. 916; Morals 1, 571-2 (trans, slightly adapted; italics added). The similarity of the punishment of the simonists in Inferno xix is due to their being considered 'heretics in deed'; the sin is 'simoniac heresy.' Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis 11,10; On the Sacraments, trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Cambridge, Mass. : Mediaeval Academy of America 1951), 322-4). Moralia xvni, 22; PL 76, col. 49; Morals 11,332 (translation adapted; italics added). Compare the biblical expression 'sepultus ... in inferno' meaning 'damned in Hell' (cf. Luke 16: 22). 'Awertimento, ammonimento,' Niccolô Tommaseo and Bernardo Bellini, Dizionario della Lingua Italiana (Turin: Unione tipografico-editrice 1861-79), ' ^ voce. St Thomas, ST 11-11, qu. 11, art. 3. St Gregory had noted particularly the futile strivings of the heretics, that the more they exerted their proud intellects the more they were overtaken by the night of ignorance: 'Therefore heretics, because in proportion as they aim to be more completely filled by sublime perception, so much the more entirely they become empty. ' Most certainly the 'mala luce' of the poem reflects this concept (Moralia xx, 18; PL 76, col. 147; Morals 11, 462). St Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum xn, 24 (PL 42, col. 267); Reply to Faustus the Manichaean, trans. R. Stothert, A Select Library of the Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1901), iv, 191. m

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1 Leo Spitzer concentrated brilliantly on the stylistics of the text in 'Speech and Language in Inferno xm/ Itálica, 19 (1942), 81-104; republished in Romanische Literaturstudien 1936-1956 (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer 1959), 544-68. Others have demonstrated or refuted that the diction of the Canto is a portrait or parody of the major figure: Francesco Novati, 'Pier della Vigna,' in Con Dante e per Dante (Milan: Hoepli 1898), esp. pp. 17-18,31; Francesco D'Ovidio, 'Pier della Vigna,' in Nuovi Studii danteschi (Milan: Hoepli 1907), esp. pp. 229-38; C.H. Grandgent, Companion to the Divine Comedy, ed. Charles S. Singleton (Cam­ bridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press 1975), 60-1; Spitzer, pp. 544-5, 555-68. Others have re-entered the worn lists of a querelle des anciens et des modernes to prove the superiority or inferiority of Virgil's achievement in the Aeneid's

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Polydorus incident in comparison with Dante's creation in the wood of the suicides : Ireneo Sanesi, Tolidoro e Pier della Vigna/ Studi medievali, n.s. 5 (1932), 207-16; Giovanni Patroni, 'L'Episodio virgiliano di Polidoro ed i Dantisti/ Rendiconti dell'Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere (Milan), 71 (1937), 59-72. And many have argued without decision over the identity of the unnamed Florentine suicide at the end of Inf. xm: D'Ovidio, pp. 325-33; Spitzer, pp. 563-8; Sebastiano Aglianô, 'Lettura del canto xm dell'Inferno/ Studi danteschi, 33 (1955), 141-86, here, 183-5; Gino Masi, 'Fra savi e mercanti suicidi del tempo di Dante/ // Giornale dantesco, 39 n.s. 9 (1938), 199-238. Among useful articles not otherwise appearing in the notes are the following: Marcello Camilucci, 'Il Canto di Pier délie Vigne/ in Letture dellTnferno a cura di Vittorio Vettori, Lectura Dantis Internazionale (Milan: Marzorati 1963), 115-39; Ettore Bonora, 'Il canto xm dell'Inferno/ Cultura e scuola, 4 (1965), 446-54; Etienne Gilson, 'Poésie et théologie dans la Divine Comédie,' Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi Danteschi (Florence: Sansoni 1965), 197-223; Umberto Bosco, 'Il canto dei suicidi/ in Dante vicino (Caltanisetta and Rome: Salvatore Sciascia 1966), 255-73; Ignazio Baldelli, 'Il canto xm de\Y Inferno,' Nuove letture dantesche (Florence: Le Monnier 1968), 11, 33-45; Ettore Paratore, 'Analisi "retorica" del canto di Pier della Vigna,' in Tradizione e struttura in Dante (Florence: Sansoni 1968), 178-220; Georges Güntert, Tier délie Vigne e l'unità del canto,' Lettere italiane, anno xxm, n. 4 (1971), 548-55; Daniel Rolfs, 'Dante and the Problem of Suicide/ Michigan Academician, 4 (1974), 367-75) David H. Higgins, 'Cicero, Aquinas, and St. Matthew in Inferno xm,' Dante Studies, 93 (1975), 61-94. William Stephany, in 'Pier della Vigna's Self-Fulfilling Prophecies: The Eulogy of Frederick 11 and Inferno xm,' Traditio, 38 (1982, actually 1983), 193-212, presents further careful research which complements the present chapter. 2 Leonard Olschki, in 'Dante and Peter de Vinea,' Romanic Review, 31 (1940), 105111, affirmed the Protonotary's historical guilt but believed that Dante invented the 'pious fable' of innocence because he identified himself with Piero: both had been charged with corruption in office. Olschki thus believed that Dante intended to 'rehabilitate' the notary 'as a fellow sufferer' (pp. 105,110), an untenable interpretation, as we will show. Umberto D'Aquino, in 'Una chiosa su Pier della Vigna,' Dante e lItalia méridionale: Atti del II Congresso Nazionale di Studi Danteschi (Florence: Olschki 1966), 105-10, insisted: 'In una parola Pietro non è un condannato e la sua, nell'inferno, è più una esaltazione che una dannazione' (p. 107). Friedrich Schneider, in 'Kaiser Friedrich 11. und Petrus von Vinea im Urteil Dantes/ Deutsches Dante-)ahrbuch, 27, n.f. 18 (1948), 230-50, concludes erroneously that the Divina Commedia is 'eine historische Quelle ersten Ranges, die Petrus von Vinea unschuldig erklàrt' (p. 250). Other major studies include: Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite,

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vol. i (Berlin: Georg Bondi 1927), Ergànzungsband (Berlin: Georg Bondi 1931) (both vols, reprinted Dusseldorf and Munich: Helmut Küpper vormals Georg Bondi 1963); the Ergànzungsband contains a vast bibliography. The study, without the second volume, appeared in English as Frederick the Second, 1194-1250, trans. E.O. Lorimer (London: Constable 1931). Important also is the bibliography in Thomas Curtis Van Cleve, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen: Immutator Mundi (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1972), 543-98, and the book by Antonio Casertano, Un oscuro dramma politico del secólo XIII: Pietro della Vigna (Rome: Libreria del Littorio 1928). The most useful, penetrating, and convincing study on Piero's historical guilt is by Friedrich Baethgen, 'Dante und Petrus de Vinea: eine kritische Studie,' Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophischhistorische Klasse (1955, Heft 3), 3-49; reprint in Medievalia (Stuttgart: Hiersemann i960), 11, 413-41; I cite from the original printing. Cf. De Mon. 1, 8: 'De intentione Dei est ut omne causatum in tantum divinam similitudinem representet, in quantum propria natura recipere potest. Propter quod dictum est, "Faciamus hominem ad ymaginem et similitudinem nostram"; quod licet "ad ymaginem" de rebus inferioribus ab homine dici non possit, "ad similitu­ dinem" tamen de qualibet dici potest, cum totum universum nichil aliud sit quam vestigium quoddam divine bonitatis' (361). Arthur Watson, The Early Iconography of the Tree of Jesse (London: Oxford Univ. Press 1934), 52-4, 87; Schiller, Iconography 11,134-7. Robert Hollander also noted the parallel between Inf. xm and the plucking and renewal of the reed in Purg. 1; della Vigna's bough simply bleeds. Hollander sees the episodes as 'verbal figuralism' operating in the Poem, an opinion which I wish he had stated more boldly, and which I fully share. He continues briefly commenting on the figuralism of Christ and Judas behind the suicides' punishments : 'The further punishment that awaits ... the suicides upon the Day of Judgment is that they will get their bodies back, only to have them hang upon the trees that they had become. Surely they can be seen here as being forced to enact eternally a cruel and perverse imitation of the form of Christ's sacrifice or more properly, of Judas' suicide, itself a perverse préfiguration of the Crucifixion.' Allegory in Dante's Commedia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 130. For the symbolism of the Tree in the description of Satan (Inf. xxxiv), see John Freccero's article, 'The Sign of Satan,' Modern Language Notes, 80 (1965), 11-26. One should also bear in mind that Dante is probably alluding to the legend which stems from the Second Book of Esdras 5:5, viz. that all trees bled in sym­ pathy with the Redeemer on the Tree of the Cross: 'Blood shall drip from wood, and the stone shall utter its voice.' Similarly, though death has come to the wastrels, they obstinately yearn for the

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annihilation of their souls: 'Or accorri, accorri, morte!' (Inf. xm, 118). By a contemporary pun, the wasting of their 'substance' was one with the destruction of the single 'substance' of body and soul. For Aristotle, in the Nicomachaean Ethics iv, 1, profligacy was a form of self-destruction. Ed. Martin Ostwald, Library of Liberal Arts (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill 1962), 83. 7 See for example the absurd tale told by Giacomo d'Acqui (ca 1334) in J.-L.-A. HuillardBréholles, Vie et Correspondance de Pierre de la Vigne (Paris: Pion 1864), 67-8. Huillard-Bréholles' study, which contains many primary sources in the section 'Pièces justificatives/ will be cited hereafter as Pierre. 8 See the letters published in Pierre, pp. 289-91. 9 Schiller, Iconography 11, plate 442. The identification of Christ with the mystic vine affected Christian iconography so deeply that Christ is often depicted squeezed in a wine press; see the illustrations in Alois Thomas, Die Darstellung Christi in der Kelter: eine theologische und kulturhistorische Studie, Forschungen zur Volkskunde, 20-1 (Dusseldorf: L. Schwann 1936); Watson, 61. 10 St Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium, Tractatus L X X X (PL 35, col. 1839), my italics; St Augustine, Homilies on the Gospel According to St. John and his First Epistle, A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church Anterior to the Division of the East and West (Oxford: John Henry Parker 1849), n, 825; St Thomas Aquinas, Catena aurea super quattuor Evangelistas (Basel: Michael Wenssler 1476), Joannes xv, 1; Catena Aurea (Oxford and London: James Parker 1874), vi, 47411 'An forte quis ambigat Dei esse plantationem bonum hominem? Audi sanctum David de viro bono quid canat: "Erit," ait, "tamquam lignum quod plantatum est secus decursus aquarum, quod fructum suum dabit in tempore suo, et folium eius non defluet. " Audi Ieremiam eodem spiritu concinentem, et hisdem pene verbis: "Erit tanquam lignum," inquit, "quod plantatum est secus decursus aquarum, quod ad humorem mittit radices suas, et non timebit cum venerit aestus. " Item Propheta: 'Tustús ut palma florebit, et sicut cedrus Libani multiplicabitur. " Et de seipso: "Ego autem sicut oliva fructifera in domo Dei." ' Sermo 23 in Cántica Canticorum, Opera, 1, 141-2. Pope Innocent in writes in his De miseria condicionis humane, pars 1, 8: 'Quid enim est homo secundum formam nisi quedam arbor eversa? Cuius radices sunt crines, truncus est capud [sic] cum collo, stipes est pectus cum alvo, rami sunt ulne cum tibiis, frondes sunt digiti cum articulis. Hoc est folium quod a vento rapitur et stipula que a sole siccatur.' Ed. Robert E. Lewis, The Chaucer Library (Athens, Ga. : Univ. of Georgia Press, 1978), 107. 12 Catachesis XX, Mystagogica III (PG 33, col. 1082-4). Cited by Jean Daniélou, The Bible and the Liturgy, ed. Michael A. Mathis, Liturgical Studies (Notre Dame, Ind. : Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1965), 45. 13 Mgr Palemón Glorieux, Pour revaloriser Migne: Tables rectificatives, Mélanges de

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Science religieuse, i x année: Cahier supplémentaire (Lille: Facultés Catholiques 1952), 72. De vitis mystica seu tractatus de passione Domini 11, 2; PL 184, col. 637. De vitis m, 5-11; col. 637-44. De vitis iv, 12; col. 644. Beyond the obvious echoes of St Peter's keys (the thorn tree is a 'Piero'), the parallels to Christ as vine are at least as important as the allusions to Christ's Vicar. The metaphor of 'locking and unlocking' the Emper­ or's heart is an unwitting revelation by Piero that he had made of his prince his only heaven. By blind application to such political matters, he damns himself, playing blasphemous vicar to Frederick's pose as deity. De vitis iv, 14; col. 645. De vitis vi, 28; col. 652. Ibid. De vitis vin, 52; col. 655. 'Quanti viroris est hoc folium !' (ix, 34; col. 657). Vittorio Gelsomino, in 'Dante e la "vitis mystica," ' Giornale italiano di filología, 21 (1969), 193-202, does not realize the relation with Inf. xm and thus touches on none of the above points. Moralia in Job xx, 21 (PL 76, col. 150). PL 112, 'spinae,' col. 1056; 'ramus,' col. 1037. Watson, Tree of Jesse, pp. 167-8; Schiller, Iconography, 1, 15-22. Schiller, Iconography 11, 135, 136-7. Other examples include two panels in the Galleria dell'Accademia in Florence : the first a Tree of Jesse by Pacino di Buonaguida (cat. no. 8459) shows, instead of a dove, a red pelican feeding its young with its own blood; and second, a crucifix attributed only to the 'Scuola fiorentina' from the beginning of the fourteenth century, bears a white pelican feeding its young above the head of Christ (cat. no. 436). For example, Peter Damián begins his De exaltatione Sanctae Crucis: 'De verga Jesse devenimus ad virgam crucis, et principium redemptionis fine concludimus' (Sermo X L V I I , 1; PL 144, col. 761); Watson, The Tree of Jesse, pp. 52-3. See also George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art, Hesperides Books (New York: Oxford Univ. Press 1961), 39. Related to the Tree of Jesse, and an offshoot of the 'daughters of avarice' doctrine to which we must return later, was the common parable of the two trees of good and evil (Gal. 5:19-23; Matt. 7:17-20). Adolf Katzenellenbogen, in Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval Art (New York: Norton 1964), 63-8; plates 64, 65, 66, and 67, describes several important examples, among them the follow­ ing: 'The original of the Liber floridus Lamberti, the illustrated encyclopedia written about 1120 by the prebendary of St. Omer shows the reader the "Arbor bona" as a symbol of the "Ecclesia fidelium" ... Beside ... [it] the "Arbor mala," also named "Synagoga," gives an impression of deadness and coldness ("Haec arbor autumnalis est infructuosa, bis mortua, eradicata, cui procella tenebrarum conserme

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vata est in aeternum"). Cupiditas is the root, and twelve vices, some of which were enumerated by St. Paul as the works of the flesh (Galat. 5:191^) are the evil fruits/ A copy of the Pseudo-Hugo, De fructibus carnis et spiritus contrasts 'the "Arbor vitiorum" and the "Arbor virtu turn." Numerous inscriptions interpret in full detail the meaning of the two pictures. The growth of destruction, desig­ nated as "sinistra," is given the place befitting all depravity, the left ("Stirps, flos, fructus, odor Sanctis fuga, sontibus error - Mortis ab hac stirpe vicii genus effluit omne")' (pp. 65, 66). Pier della Vigna's life as based on existing documents is found in Pierre, pp. 1-90. For the events in the light of his fall, Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich 1, 606-9; Baethgen, pp. 3-11; Van Cleve, pp. 519-23. Pierre, p. 11. Pier della Vigna's letters were used widely throughout Europe as models of prose. See Ernst H. Kantorowicz, 'Petrus de Vinea in England,' Mitteilungen des ósterreichischen Instituts für Geschichtsforschung, 51 (1937), 43-88. Pierre, p. 12. Pierre, p. 14. Van Cleve, pp. 256, 323. The closing sentences of the Latin text of the Constitutiones declare that the Emperor had commanded his Justice of the High Court to codify the laws: 'Acá­ pite gratanter, o populi, constitutiones istas ... quas per magistrum Petrum de Vineis Capuanum, magnae curiae nostrae judicem et fidelem nostrum, mandavimus compilan. ' J.-L.-A. Huillard-Bréholles, Historia diplomática Friderici Secundi, vol. iv, pars 1 (Paris: Plon 1856; reprint Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo 1963), 176; Pierre, p. 15. James M. Powell, The Liber Augustalis or Constitutions of Melfi Promulgated by the Emperor Frederick II for the Kingdom of Sicily in 1231 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse Univ. Press 1971). The Norman Kings of Sicily had borrowed the term 'logotheta' from the Greeks to designate the minister who drew up the laws and edicts. In his Crónica a cura di Giuseppe Scalia, Scrittori d'ltalia, no. 232-3 (Bari: Laterza 1966), 11, 501, Salim­ bene de Adam defines it thus: 'De logothéta, quid sit: Componitur quoque logos cum theta, quod est positio; et dicitur hic et hec logothéta, qui sermonem facit in popólo vel qui edictum imperatoris vel alicuius principis popólo nuntiat. ' HuillardBréholles notes that his duties were in the mainfiscal(Pierre, pp. 49-51). See also Baethgen, p. 6. Francesco Pippino described the painting: Frederick, personifying 'Justitia,' was seated on a throne pointing his finger towards Pier della Vigna seated below; in the foreground kneeling subjects appealed for justice. The following legends were inscribed: [Populus:] 'Caesar amor legum, Friderice piissime regum / Causarum telas nostrasque resolve querelas.' [Fridericus:] 'Pro vestra lite censorum juris adite: / Hie est: jura dabit vel per me danda rogabit. / Vinee cognomen Petrus judex

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est sibi nomen/ Chronica, cap. 39; in Ludovico Muratori, Rerum italicarum scriptores, vol. ix (Mediolani: Typographia Societatis Palatinae 1726), col. 660. Guido da Pisa also transcribes these legends in his Commentary: Expositiones et Glose super Comediam Dantis or Commentary on Dante's Inferno, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany, NY: State Univ. of New York Press 1974), 249. Guido's text differs only in small details. Guidonis Bonati, De Astronomía tractatus X, pars I (Basileae: s.n., 1550), col. 210. Domenico Guerri, 'Un astrólogo condannato da Dante/ Bullettino della Società Dantesca Italiana, 22 (1915), 200-54. Pierre, pp. 69-70. For the Frederician gold Augustalis, see Van Cleve, pp. 277-8; illustrations of the coin, nos. 4 and 6. 'Ascendit ad tan turn dignitatem, quod beatus reputabatur, qui poterat fimbriolam aliquam habere gratie ipsius; et quicquid ipse faciebat, imperator habebat ratum, ipse autem multa retractabat et infingebat de his que faciebat imperator. ' Guido Bonatti, col. 210. On Bonatti, see the recent study by Cesare Vasoli, '1/Astrólogo forlivese Guido Bonatti/ Atti del convegno internazionale di studi danteschi a cura del Commune di Ravenna e della Società Dantesca Italiana, Ravenna, 10-12 settembre, 1971 (Ravenna: Longo 1979), 239-60. Pierre, pp. 87-8; Kantorowicz, Ergànzungsband, p. 246; Antonio Casertano, Un oscuro dramma. The physician was condemned to death (Historia diplomática vi, 708; Baethgen's edition, pp. 42-4); no mention is made in the document of two assassins. Historians have proved that this missive does not refer to Pier della Vigna (Pierre, pp. 80-2; Baethgen, pp. 12-16). Matthaei Parisiensis, Monachi sancti Albani, Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard, pt. v, Rolls Series, vol. 57 (London: Longman et al. 1880), 68-9: 'Fretheriscus letiferam potionem evadit a Petro de Vinea paratum' 'Petrus: "O domine mi, pluries dédit iste meus phisicus salutarem vobis potionem, quare modo formidatis?" ' Salimbene de Adam, Crónica 1, 288-9; Pierre, pp. 38-9; Baethgen, p. 26. The Emperor learned that, 'Messires Pierres de la Vigne l'avoit traï à la [sic] Pape et le sot par unes letres, qui furent trouvées en ses coffres/ Ex historiis anonymi remensis, ed. O. Holder-Egger, in Monumenta Germaniae histórica, Scriptorum torn. X X V I (Hannover: Hahn 1882), 536, para. 240. See also Baethgen, p. 26. 'Gli era da molti baroni e grandi uomini portata fiera invidia; e stando essi continuamente attenti... awenne, che, avendo Federigo guerra con la Chiesa, essi con lettere false e con testimoni subornati, diedero a vedere alio 'mperadore questo maestro Piero aver col papa certo occulto trattato contro alio stato dello 'mperadore e avergli ancora alcun segreto dello 'mperadore rivelato. ' Giovanni Boccaccio, Esposizioni sopra la Comedia di Dante a cura di Giorgio Padoan, in lutte le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, vol. vi (Milan: Amoldo Mondadori 1965), 610. Similarly Giovanni Villani (Lib. vi, cap. 22) had asserted della Vigna's a

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innocence and shows some unwillingness to affirm that the chancellor had actually committed suicide: 'Lo 'mperadore fece abbacinare il savio uomo maestro Piero dalle Vigne, il buono dittatore, opponendogli tradigione, ma ció gli fu fatto per invidia di suo grande stato, per la qual cosa il detto per dolore si lasciô tosto moriré in pregione, e chi disse ch'egli medesimo si tolse la vita/ Crónica, compilata da Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (Florence: Sansone Coen 1844), 1, 244. 'Tanquam pacis turbatorem cum candenti ferro fecit exoculari' (Flaminio dal Borgo, Dissertazioni sopra l'istoria pisana [Pisa: Giovanni Paolo Giovannelli 1761], torn, i, parte 1, Diss, iv, p. 211); Fierre, p. 66. Pippino, 'De magistro Petro de Vineis/ Chronica, cap. 39: 'Sed quum in honore esset Petrus, non intellexit; nam ex proditionis nota, ut aliqui ferunt, ab Imperatore carceri trusus atque coecatus, horrendo squallore misere vitam finivit. Male enim tractasse dicitur super discordia inter Imperatorem et Papam. Aliqui ad hanc infidelitatem perductum esse ferunt, quod nudatus imperator thesauris suis ex ipsa discordia, ipsum Petrum magno thesauro privaverit. Nonnulli referunt, quod in vitula eius arabat.' (Italics added.) Baethgen, pp. 27-8; Pierre, p. 67. dal Borgo, Dissertazioni, torn. 1, parte 1, Diss, iv, p. 212; Baethgen, p. 27. In 1246 the Pope rewarded conspirators who escaped prosecution by the Emperor, and cared for their families, but in 1249 the Pope deprived Piero's nephew Giovanni of the benefice of his Church of San Pietro ad celias in the diocese of Teano and awarded it to one of his secretaries. Innocent iv's letters are published in Pierre, pp. 315-16 ('Pièces justificatives,' nos. 16 and 17). The Pope disposed of Pier della Vigna's belongings as an enemy of Church (Pierre, pp. 62-4, and for the pertinent papal letters, pp. 318-19). I follow Baethgen's careful consideration of the affair; see especially pp. 23-5. The primary sources on la Cerbaia are published by Fedor Schneider, 'Nachlese in Toscana,' Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 22 (1930-1), 31-86. The deed is published by Fedor Schneider, p. 80. The letter is published in Pierre, p. 317 ('Pièces justificatives,' no. 17). Baethgen, p. 32 n. 80. The records concerning prosecution of traitors and confiscation of their property are published by Huillard-Bréholles in Historia diplomática v, 435, 564, 756, 767, 805, 833, 835, 910, 915. The text of the letter is edited by Baethgen, pp. 44-7. Pierre, p. 79. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich 1, 607-10. Kantorowicz calls Pier della Vigna 'Judas' but nowhere notes that Pietro di Dante had used the comparison, nor does he note its implications for the Divina Commedia. Petri Allegherii, Super Dantis Ipsius Genitoris Comoediam Commentarium curante Vincentio Nannucci (Florentiae: Angelum Garinei 1844), 5^~9Olschki, p. 106. 1

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55 Baethgen, esp. pp. 29-34; Van Cleve, p. 522. 56 Van Cleve, p. 521. C H A P T E R

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1 Fabii Planciadis Fulgentii V.C. Opera Accedunt Fabii Claudii Fulgentii V.C. de aetatibus mundi et hominis et S. Fulgentii Episcopi Super Thebaiden, recensuit Rudolfus Helm, addenda adiecit Jean Préaux (Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner 1970), 79 (Mitologiarum liber 111, 11). Fulgentius the Mythographer, trans. Leslie George Whitbread (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State Univ. Press 1971), 98. Pietro Alighieri, Guido da Pisa and the Anónimo allegorize the Harpies after Fulgentius. Petri Alleghierii, Commentarium, p. 160; Guido da Pisa, Commentary, p. 247; Commento alia Divina Commedia dAnonimo Fiorentino del secólo XIV sl cura di Pietro Fanfani (Bologna: Gaetano Romagnoli 1866), 1, 319-20. 2 'Phineus igitur, a fenerando dictus, in modum avaritiae ponitur/ Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres, Romae nuper reperd, ed. Georg Heinrich Bode (Cellis: E.H.C. Schulz 1834), 173; cited hereafter as Bode. [Pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris], The Commentary on the First Six Books of the Aeneid of Vergil Commonly Attributed to Bernardus Silvestris, ed. Julian Ward Jones and Elizabeth Frances Jones (Lincoln and London: Univ. of Nebraska Press 1977), 73, line 24; all quotations are taken from this edition (their pagination usefully reflects earlier editions). 3 'Arpage enim Grèce rapiña dicitur - ideo virgines, quod omnis rapiña árida sit et sterilis, ideo plumis circumdatae, quia quicquid rapiña invaserit celat, ideo volatiles, quod omnis rapiña ad volandum sit celérrima. Aello enim Grèce quasi edon allon, id est alienum tollens, Oquipete id est citius auferens, Celenum vero nigrum Grèce dicitur, unde et Homerus prima Iliados rhapsodia: ... "Statim niger tuus sanguis emanabit per meam hastam" - hoc igitur significare volentes quod primum sit alienum concupisci, secundum concupita invadere, tertium celare quae invadit/ Mitologiarum liber I, 9 (Helm, pp. 21-2; Whitbread, pp. 52-3). Pietro Alighieri, pp. 161-2; Guido da Pisa, Commentary, p. 247; Anónimo, 1, 319-20. 4 Bode, p. 173. In Bode, see also the First Vatican Mythographer, 27 (pp. 9-10); and the Second, 13, for the harpies, and 142, for Phineus (pp. 78-124). 5 Fulgentius, Mitologiarum liber 111; pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris, Commentum, p. 74: I read 'rapacitas' for Jones' 'capacitas/ 6 Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola, Comentum super Dantis Aldigherij Comoediam curante Jacopo Philippo Lacaita (Florentiae: Barbera, 1887), 1, 427, 447. Francesco D'Ovidio, after expressing his own difficulty in seeing the connection between the Harpies and suicide, patronizingly mocks Benvenuto's gloss that they symbolize avarice: 'Benvenuto, sedotto da veré e da supposte etimologie, fa le Arpie simboli di avarizia, e arzigogola artificiosi rapporti tra questa e il suicidio'

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(p. 179). Vincenzo Presta similarly fails to see the intimate moral and artistic unity which the harpies have with the rest of the canto: 'Proprio a canto finito ci si accorge di come la imitatio virgiliana delle Arpie non sia più che una semplice suggestione cultúrale che, pur se investita da contenuto allegorico, non supera la mera enunciazione e resta quindi senza un vero sviluppo narrativo/ Tn margine al canto xm de\YInferno,' Dante Studies, 90 (1972), 15. See above, n. 6. 'Omnem suam substantiam perdidit. ' Fulgentius, Mitologiarum liber III, 3 (Helm, p. 62; Whitbread, p. 85). Bode, pp. 103, 198-9. For Renato Serra ('Su la pena dei dissipatori,' Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 43 [1904], 278-98), the chase in Hell was drawn from the 'wilde Jagd' legends of folklore. For 'canes Jovis' see n. 4 above. For Actaeon's 'Harpyia' see Metamorphoses 111, 215. Ed. and trans. Frank Justus Miller, LCL (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1966), 2 vols. See, for example, William J. Kennedy, 'Irony, Allegoresis, and Allegory in Virgil, Ovid and Dante,' Arcadia: Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft, 7 (1972), 115-34, esp. pp. 123-9. Kennedy follows the conventional interpretation of the cantos in which the Poet exonerates and rehabilitates Pier della Vigna, the innocent victim of the emperor's unjust persecution. Salimbene, Crónica 1, 288, 635-6; Van Cleve, p. 522. The pseudo-Bernardus Silvestris, Commentum, pp. 18-19. Dante has Virgil say expressly: 's'elli avesse potuto creder prima,' rispóse '1 savio mió, 'anima lesa, cío cha veduto pur con la mia rima, non avrebbe in te la man distesa.' (Inf. xm, 46-9) 'Cum sórores Phaetontis plangerent eius mortem: subito in arbores sunt conversae. ... Talis mutatio videtur quotidie in avaris ... processu temporis: ipsi efficuntur arbores id est avari: terrae admodum arboris adhaerentes. Nam pes id est affectio efficitur radix inquantum in terra id est in bonis terrenis infigitur per amorem. Cortex etiam exterioris malae conversationis et malae consuetudinis eos operit: et sic in arbores id est viros incompatientes et insensibiles diabolus eos vertit. Unde isti sunt sicut arbor mala quae non facit fructus bonos: quae mérito comburi praecipitur [Matth. 3:10].' Petrus Berchorius [Ovidius Moralizatus], Reductorium morale, Liber XV, cap. ii-xv: 'Ovidius Moralizatus' naar de Parijse druk van 150g, ed. Joseph Engels (Utrecht: Instituut voor Laat Latijn der Rijksuniversiteit 1962), 50. My italics. Moralia xx, 21 (PL j6, col. 150). The Liber flor idus Lamberti gives an illustration of the effects of avarice: 'cupiditas' is shown as the root; and the works of the flesh (Gal. 5:19-23) are depicted as the evil fruits (Katzenellenbogen, Allegories

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of the Virtues and Vices, 65-6, plate 65). Concerning the thorns of the juniper as temptations see, among the dubia of Hugh of St Victor, Allegoriae in Vetus Testamentum vn, 14 (PL 175, col. 711). See the interesting comments in Van Cleve, pp. 100-2,120,125,162-3, 241, 260, 412, 538; De Mon., esp. Lib. in. 'Esium nobilem Marchie civitatem, insigne originis nostre principium, ubi nos diva mater nostra eduxit in lucem. ... Bethléem nostra terra Cesaris et origo pectori nostro ... Bethléem, civitas Marchie non minima, es in generis nostri principibus.' Historia diplomática v, pt. 1, p. 378. On Frederick's christomimesis, on the theory of the Emperor as 'sol iustitiae,' father and son of Justice, and on the theory of the king as 'animate law' ('lex animata,' 'lex viva'), see Ernst H. Kantorowicz' chapter 'Frederick the Second' in The King's Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press 1957), P- PP- 97 43'dum translato quasi vivifice crucis mysterio de partibus transmarinis in Regnum, tanquam iterum in Apulia crucifixus sit Christus. ...' Historia diplomática vi, pt. 2, pp. 710-13. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich 1, 607; Ergánzungsband, p. 245. Baethgen edits the letter, p. 46. Historia diplomática vi, pt. 2, pp. 700-1. One cannot help but wonder, of course, at Frederick's apparent naivety at comparing himself to the Pharaoh (=the Devil?!) and his empire to Egypt - blind, grandiose vanity? Given the traditional exegesis on the Exodus, however, could not this be grounds for considering the letter as a Church forgery? Papal documents use precisely such metaphors against Frederick 11. These are questions which I cannot begin to answer here. 'Achitofel alterum, cujus consilio contemptis princibus majestas imperatoria regitur et respublica gubernatur.' Le Liber Censuum de L'Eglise Romaine, ed. Paul Fabre, Bibliothèque des Ecoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome (Paris: Albert Fontemoing 1905), 1, 28, col. 1. St Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium, Tractatus L , 9-10 (PL 35, col. 1761-2). My italics. St Augustine, Homilies on the Gospel According to St. John and his First Epistle, A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church Anterior to the Division of the East and West (Oxford: John Henry Parker 1849), / 674-5. My italics. Chrysostomos continues: 'Audite avari, cogitate quae ille passus sit; quomodo pecunias amiserit, et scelus perpetraverit; quomodo avaritiae fructum non tulerit, et animam perdiderit. Talis est avaritiae tyrannis: nec argento fruitur, nec praesenti vita, nec futura: sed omnia confertim amisit, malamque nactus apud illos famam, laqueo gulam fregit.' In Matthaeum, Homil. L X X X V (al. L X X X V I ) , 2 (PG 58, col. 760). Concerning Judas' 'Motive of Avarice' see Roman B. Halas, Judas Iscariot, Dissertation, Faculty of the School of Sacred Theology of the Catholic University of America (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press 1946), 80-1. Halas, p. 81. Cf. Origen, Commentarius in Matthaeum, Tomus xi, 9 (PG 13, es

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Notes to Pages 48-9 col. 934). St John Chrysostomos, Expositio in Psalmum VI, 6 (PG 55, col. 79); In Epistolam ad Philippenses, cap. n, Homil. vi, 5 (PG 62, col. 225). St John Chrysostomos, In Matthaeum, Homil. L X X X I (al. L X X X I I ) , 3 (PG 58, col. 733); Homil. X X V I I I (al. xxix), 4 (PG 57, col. 356); Origen, Commentarius in Matthaeum xi, 9 (PG 13, col. 934); xvi, 3 (PG 13, col. 1390); St Cyril, Cathechesis xm, 6 (PG 33, col. 779); Rabanus Maurus, Commentaria in Libros duos Paralipomenon, Lib. 11, 27 (PL 109, col. 406); St Thomas Aquinas, ST 11-11, qu. 118, art. 8; Halas, p. 81. 'Caeterum quomodocumque interpretatus fueris, merces interpretatur et pretium.' Breviarium in Psalmos: Psalm. CVIII (PL 26, col. 1157). Homily 35 on Psalm 108 in The Homilies of Saint Jerome 1, trans. Sister Marie Liguori Ewald, The Fathers of the Church, 48 (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press 1964), 260. Similarly, in his Commentaria in Evangelium S. Matthaei 1,10: 'Vel a vico aut urbe in quo ortus est, vel ex tribu Isachar vocabulum sumpsit: ut quodam vaticinio in condemnationem sui natus sit. Isachar enim interpretatur "merces," ut significetur pretium proditoris' (PL 26, col. 62). Cf. Isidore of Seville: 'Issachar enim interpretatur merces, et significaretur pretium proditoris, quo vendidit Dominum' (Etymologiarum, lib. vu, cap. ix, 'De Apostolis/ PL 82, col. 290). See Halas, pp. 11-21. ST H—ii, qu. 118, art. 8 (italics added). In his commentary on Inf. xm, Benvenuto da Imola writes : 'Avaritia et prodigalitas maxime inducunt hominem ad desperationem' (Comentum 1, 447). Cf. Purg. xxvm, 82-4. The 'daughters of avarice' were often depicted as the 'mala arbor' or 'arbor vitiorum'; see n. 26 on the 'mala arbor' above. For a useful discussion of the conflicting reports of Judas' death in Matthew 27:4-5 and Acts 1:18 and how various Church writers reconciled them, see Halas, pp. 145-70, bibliography, pp. 193-206. Breviarium in Psalmos: Psalm CVIII (PL 26, col. 1157). Homily 35 on Psalm 108 (Homilies, pp. 258-9). Moralia xi, 12 (PL 75, col. 959). Morals 11, 9. For Judas' own contrapasso see the discussion in the excellent article by Ronald B. Herzman, 'Cannibalism and Communion in Inferno xxxm,' Dante Studies, 98 (1980), esp. pp. 68-9. Pietro Alighieri, Commentarium, pp. 158-9 (my italics). Schiller, Iconography 11, 76-8. Reference to hanging appears not only in Pier della Vigna's speech but also in that of the second suicide, Inf. xm, 151. Giotto's frescoes for the Scrovegni Chapel of the Arena in Padua depict desperado as a hanging woman accompanied by a winged devil. L'Opera completa di Giotto, presentazione di Giancarlo Vigorelli, apparati critici e filologici di Edi Baccheschi (Milan: Rizzoli 1966), 107. It might be mentioned here that the medieval 'lives' of Judas Iscariot - merely elaborations on the legendary tales of Moses, Ruben, Oedipus, and Secundus

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Notes to Pages 4 9 - 5 1 the Silent Philosopher - were of absolutely no influence upon Dante's episode of the suicides. For a review of such tales see Edward Kennard Rand, 'Medieval Lives of Judas Iscariot/ Anniversary Papers by Colleagues and Pupils of George Lyman Kittredge (Boston and London: Ginn 1913), 305-16. André Grabar, Christian Iconography : A Study of Its Origins, Bollingen Series xxx, 10 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press 1968), 137; plate 337. Schiller, Iconography 11, plate 279. Schiller, 11, plate 15. Schiller, 11, plate 280. Peter Brieger, Millard Meiss, and Charles S. Singleton, Illuminated Manu­ scripts of the Divine Comedy, Bollingen Series L X X X I (Princeton, N J : Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 1, 276-9 [Madrid ms.], 316-18; 11, plate 171a [Paris ms.]; the authors unfortunately do not publish this crude but important Madrid illustration. Absalom also may be related to the image of the suicides after the Last Judg­ ment. After his defeat in battle by David's army, Absalomfleesinto the forest on a mule; his hair is caught in an oak tree so that he dangles from it 'adhesit caput eius quercui et illo suspenso inter caelum et terram' [11 Regum (Samuel) 18:9]) and is transfixed by Joab's spear. My acute research assistant, Miss Nona Flores, kindly pointed out to me that Bertrán de Born's reference to Ahithophel in Inf. X X V I I I is also reflected in the line 'e'l capo tronco tenea per le chiome' (121). Like Ahithophel, Bertrán parted father from son. St Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos, Psalm, cvui (PL 26, col. 1155); Homily 35 on Psalm 108 [109], (Homilies, p. 255). St Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum CVUI [CJX], 1 (PL 37, col. 1431). See also Enarratio in Psalmum VII (PL 36, col. 97). ' "Achitophel etiam consiliarius regis. " Quid per Achitophel, qui quondam David consiliarius fuit, et postea, cupiditate depravatus, cum Absalon de nece ipsius tractabat, nisi Judas Scarioth, qui de apostolatus culmine in proditionis foveam cecidit, insinuatur? Quod bene vocabulum Achitophel exprimit; interpretatur enim "frater meus cadens," sive "irruens," seu "tractans." Hie enim inter caeteros apostólos familiaritatis locum cum ipso Salvatore habuit; sed postea cum Judaeis avaritia seductus, mortem Domini meditando, perpetuo mortis sibi ruinam ascivit. Unde et Achitophel (sicut in libro Regum narratur [11 Reg. 17]) videns suum consilium infatuatum, in domo propria laqueo vitam finiré elegit. Similiter et Judas, Evangelio testante, videns quod Jesus ad mortem damnatus esset, poenitentia ductus retulit triginta argénteos principibus sacerdotum et senioribus, dicens: "Peccavi tradens sanguinem justum. At illi dixerunt: Quid ad nos? tu videris. Et projectis argentéis in templo recessit, et abiens laqueo se suspendit" (Matth. 27).' Rabanus Maurus, Commentaria in Libros duos Paralipomenon, Lib. 11, 27 (PL 109, col. 406).

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41 The thirteenth-century Moralised Bible, ms. Oxford, Bodl., 270b, fol. 158; Alexandre de Laborde, La Bible moralisée illustrée conservée à Oxford, Paris, et Londres, Société française de reproductions de manuscrits à peintures (Paris: Pour les membres de la Société 1911-27), 1, plate 158. Artists' depictions of a hanging Judas with pendent viscera reflected a conflation of the differing accounts of the betrayer's death in the Vulgate (Matt. 27:5, and Luke's account in Acts 1:18: 'Suspensus crepuit médius et diffusa sunt omnia viscera eius'). See Giotto's depiction, plate 22. 42 Such as those in the Osterreichische Nazionalbibliothek, Vienna, Codex 1179, f. 109 (Laborde, iv, plate 681), Codex 2554, f. 47 (Laborde, iv, plate 755), and the Codex of Toledo Cathedral, 1, f. 126 (Laborde, iv, plate 628). 43 The British Library, Harley 1527, f. 56 (Laborde, m, plate 527). 44 PL 196, col. 1360. 45 ST, in, qu. 81, art. 2. 46 'Equitatis virgam vertebat in colubrum.' Guido da Pisa, Commentary, p. 249. Frederick's letter to the Count of Casería is published in Baethgen, p. 46. 47 Following St Augustine, Dante recognized cupiditas or greed as the antithesis of justice 'quod iustitia maxime contrariatur cupiditas' (De Mon. 1,11). 48 L'Ottimo Commento della Divina Commedia a cura di Alessandro Torri, vol. 1 (Pisa: Niccolô Capurro, 1927), 258. While the second suicide's role as a representative of all of Florence (Jacopo Alighieri, Jacopo della Lana, Boccaccio, Leo Spitzer) cannot be completely ruled out, he was obviously meant to be recognizable personally to his contemporaries. As Manfredi Porena aptly puts it, 'Non è un X qualunque.' La Divina Commedia (Bologna: Zanichelli 1951), 1,125). Graziolo de' Bambaglioli glosses v. 151: 'Iste florentinus fuit dominus Loctus iudex de Aglis de Florentia, qui secundum quod fertur, ex dolore prenimio cuiusdam false sententiae quam protulerat, ... se ipsum suspendit/ // Commento dantesco dal 'Colombino' di Siviglia con altri codici raffrontato, contributi di Antonio Fiammazzo all'edizione critica (Savona: s.n., 1915), 39. On Lotto degli Agli see Guido Zaccagnini, 'Personaggi danteschi in Bologna,' dómale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 64 (1914), 1-47/ esp. pp. 24-5. Ferdinando Neri, '// suicida florentino/ Studi medievali, n.s. 2 (1929), 205-7. On Rocco de' Mozzi: Gino Masi, 'Fra savi e mercanti suicidi del tempo di Dante/ // dómale dantesco, 39, n.s. 9, (1938), 199-238. Eugenio Chiarini, 'Mozzi, Rocco,' Enciclopedia dantesca iv, 1052. R. Kay, 'Ruceo di Cambio de' Mozzi in France and England,' Studi danteschi, 47 (1970), 49-57. Vincenzo Presta, 'In margine al canto xm dell'Inferno/ Dante Studies, 90 (1972), 13-24. To base the identification upon the gallicism 'gibetto' and to affirm that Rocco de' Mozzi's claim is better because of French family and business connections is nonsense. The word 'gibetto' is not used by the historical Lotto or Rocco but by V

v

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the historical Poet, Dante Alighieri. It might be added that the present writer often uses 'hara kiri' and 'kaputt' in allied contexts but this in no way suggests that he has Japanese or German commercial associations, regrettably. 49 Origen, In Matthaeum Commentariorum Series, 78 (PG 13, col. 1727). 50 Halas, pp. 22-3. It is possible that Dante meant to echo the idea of suffocation also in his use of the verb 'soffiare' (it derives from Latin subflare, *sufflare); the word applies to both suicides : Allor soffió il tronco forte, e poi si converti quel vento in cotal voce (Inf. xm, 91-2) Chi fosti, che per tante punte soffi con sangue doloroso sermo? (Inf. xm, 137-8) 51 For a full identification of the Tree as justice see Singleton's note to Purg. xxxn, 37-9 (Purgatorio: Commentary, pp. 784-5). See also n. 4 above. C H A P T E R

F I V E :

T H E

GRAN

VEGLIO

1 The critics' incomprehension of the episode is frankly admitted. Michèle Barbi concluded: Ti preciso significato del simbolo bisogna confessare che non riesce né interamente chiaro né sicuro.' Problemi fondamentali per un nuovo commento della Divina Commedia (Florence: Sansoni 1955), 139-40. In 1920, Bendetto Croce had also confessed his incomprehension of the Canto: Tl significato allegorico di questa immaginazione è al sólito disputato e non si riesce a determinarlo con sicurezza (è la storia del genere umano? è quella dell'Impero?); nondimeno, quella statua non è priva di una singolare efficacia, mezza com' è tra la figura e il geroglifico che, pur nel suo chiuso aspetto, s'impone al sentimento e dice qualcosa all'anima, mormorando, senza che si riesca a percepirla distintamente, una storia lontana, e accennando a un misterioso destino.' La Poesia di Dante, 7th ed. (Bari: Laterza 1952) 80-1. Umberto Bosco expressed his bewilderment thus: 'Concludendo: io non so, e lo confesso candidamente, se Dante nel delineare il suo Veglio abbia avuto un preciso schema ideológico a cui abbia fatto aderire i particolari della sua figurazione.' Tl Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Nuove letture dantesche, vol. 11, Casa di Dante in Roma, anno di studi 1966-7 (Florence: Le Monnier 1968), 73. The following articles are helpful and, though not cited in later notes, are recommended to the reader: Antonio Lubin, Allegoria, morale, ecclesiastica, politica nelle due prime cantiche della Divina Commedia, dissertation, University of Graz (Graz: G.A. Kienreich 1864), esp. pp. 65-9; G.G. Vaccheri and C. Bertacchi, // Gran Veglio del Monte Ida, tradotto nel senso morale della Divina Commedia (Turin: Candeletti 1877); Giacomo Poletto, Alcuni studi su Dante come Appendice al Dizionario dantesco (Siena: Tipografía San Bernardino 1892), 191-9;

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Michèle Scherillo, 'Il Canto xiv de\YInferno,' Lectura Dantis, 14 (Florence: Sansoni 1900); Isodoro del Lungo, 'Le lacrime umane del male ne\Y Inferno dantesco [Inf. xiv, 76-119)/ Rassegna Nazionale (il i° luglio, 1904), 3-11; reprint, 'Canto Decimoquarto/ in Lectura Dantis genovese: i canti XII-XXIII dell Inferno, vol. 11 (Florence: Le Monnier 1906), 77-120; Giuseppe Finzi, 'L'Episodio di Capaneo/ in Saggi e Conferenze (Florence: Le Monnier 1907), 221-41; Emanuele Ciafardini, 'Capaneo nella Tebaide e nella Divina Commedia,' in Due saggi danteschi (Naples: Tipografía degli Artigianelli 1925), 25-60; Luigi Pietrobono, 'Allegoria o arte?' Giornale dantesco, 37, n.s. 7 (1936), 95-134, esp. pp. 120-3; see also his earlier essay, Tl Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Giornale dantesco, 30 (1927), 133-41; Salvatore Santangelo, Tl Veglio di Creta,' Studi letterari: miscellanea in onore di Emilio Santini (Palermo: U. Manfredi 1956), 113-23; Mario Apollonio, Tl Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Lectura Dantis Scaligera, vol. 1 (Florence: Le Monnier 1961), 451-78; Bruno Nardi, Saggi e note di critica dantesca (MilanNaples: Riccardo Ricciardi 1956; reprint 1966), esp. pp. 154-6; Ettore Paratore, Tl Canto xiv dell'Inferno, ' Tradizione e struttura in Dante (Florence: Sansoni 1968), 221-49; Fortunato Matarrese, 'Capaneo,' in Interpretazioni dantesche (Barí: Tipografía Due Stelle n.d.), 281-300; Giovanni Reggio, 'Veglio di Creta,' Enciclopedia dantesca, v, 901-3. I have been unable to consult C. di Mino's 'La visione di S. Francesco e il Veglio de Creta,' in Vitalia francescana, 27 (1952), 284-99. 2 Benedetto Croce, La Poesía di Dante, 7th ed. (Bari: Laterza 1952), 80-1. Compare Claudio Varese's neo-Crocean remarks: 'Ci sono piuttosto elementi poetici che non di poesia' (Tl Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Letture Dantesche, ed. Giovanni Getto [Florence: Sansoni 1962] 251, 265). It is clear, however, that such an approach is not merely that of Crocean critics. Giovanni Busnelli speaks of the 'digressione sul Veglio di Creta.' For him the passage is merely an unpoetic filler. Il Virgilio dantesco e il Gran Veglio di Creta, 2nd ed. (Rome: Civiltà cattolica 1919), 160-1. Bruno Nardi speaks of 'l'intermezzo del Veglio di Creta dopo l'episodio di Capaneo' (Saggi e note di critica dantesca [Milan-Naples: Ricciardi 1966], 156). See also Niccolô Tommaseo, Divina Commedia (Turin: UTET 1944), 1,168-9. Along very different lines from my argument is Emilio Bigi's 'Un caso concreto del rapports di struttura e poesia (II Canto xiv áe\Y Inferno),' Cultura e Scuola, 4 (1965), 455-70; reprint Dante nella critica d'oggi, ed. Umberto Bosco (Florence: Le Monnier 1965), 455-70. In a very curious, unconvincing essay, Vittorio Vettori believed he saw the poetic unity of the Canto in the fact that the raging Capaneus was merely the erudite Guido Cavalcanti but thinly disguised. Tl Canto di Capaneo,' in Letture dell Inferno a cura di Vittorio Vettori (Milan: Marzorati 1963), 140-54. 3 It is not too great an exaggeration to say that little satisfying progress concerning the solution of the puzzle has been made since Giovanni Pascoli's fundamental

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chapter, 'Le rovine e il Gran Veglio/ in Sotto il Veíame, 2nd ed. (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli 1912), 179-302; here, pp. 198-9, some eighty years ago. In this essay the poet-critic made the following assertions: the fessura of the Veglio recalls mankind's vulneratio naturae resulting from the Fall according to the explanation of the Venerable Bede and St Thomas Aquinas. The Acheron, logically, symbolized original sin, both in its role as the river of death and because it flows from the wound in the statue. The figure's stance, erect more on the foot of clay than on the foot of iron, symbolizes the abnormality of man. For Pascoli this meant that the usurpation of the Papacy over the temporal realm had eclipsed the sun of temporal order. Instead of standing on both feet, upon the spiritual and temporal equally, the statue stands on the weaker foot, that of terracotta. Luigi Valli generally followed Pascoli, and, in a blend of acumen and error, added some opinions of his own. The statue brings to mind the image of the Wayfarer in the Prologue scene who, according to Pietro Alighieri, makes his way over the desert shore 'claudus,' that is, with one halting foot. The Veglio, Valli believed, is not, therefore, to be interpreted as if Mount Ida were its fixed and permanent location; but rather, since the statue is erect, it must be seen 'come ad un certo punto del suo cammino.' The Veglio is in Crete because it has been 'surprised' in that position by the fact of having one foot infirm. Crete stands halfway between Jerusalem and Rome. Damiata, 'meaningless historically,' is of mere necessity behind the Veglio's back as he gazes upon Rome from where he awaits the 'redemption of the eagle' (p. 122). Valli's thesis, untenable theologic­ ally, was that the Veglio represented mankind 'half redeemed,' 'redenta dalla Croce si, ma dall'Aquila no' (p. 136). Clearly, however, the symbolic Veglio can be in no way redeemed; indeed, as we will show, the statue symbolizes unredemption, the poena and culpa of sin incurred through rejection of the Deity. See the dissertation of Giuseppe Mazzotta, esp. his chapter 'The Old Man of Crete and Cato,' in 'Dante's Theology of History' (unpublished dissertation, Cornell University 1969), 6-48, now in Dante, Poet of the Desert: History and Allegory in the Divine Comedy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press 1979), esp. ch. 1, 'Opus Restaurationis,' pp. 14-65. Mazzotta realized that 'the Old Man of Crete is represented in the context of the theology of the sin of pride,' but he did not see the intimate relation of this idol to perfect blasphemy; his major problem was that he identified the statue not with Jove-Zeus, but with Cronos. Without making any connections with Crete, Zeus, and idolatry, Luigi Valli, following Capetti, usefully points out that on their voyages to Rome both Aeneas, bearer of the Empire, and St Paul, bearer of the Church, went off course at Crete. The episodes recounted in the Aeneid 11,134-65 and in Acts 27 bear great similarities to one another. Both Aeneas and Paul are overtaken at Crete by misfortune: pestilence besets Aeneas' men; Paul, a prisoner aboard a Roman galley, is caught in a storm. Both gain divine aid through a dream: Aeneas from the

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Penates; St Paul from an Angel; to both, help and security are assured. Both are told to continue their voyages and not delay in Crete: Aeneas is forbidden to colonize the island; Paul is told that he is preordained to arrive in Rome. Valli concludes untheologically, 'Creta è il luogo dello smarrimento nella mezza redenzione degli uomini/ Luigi Valli, // Segreto della Croce e dell'Aquila nella Divina Commedia (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli 1922), 119-38. Mazzotta follows Valli, Dante, Poet, pp. 28-9. The reader should also consult the Companion to the Divine Comedy, commentary by C H . Grandgent, ed. Charles S. Singleton (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press 1975), 63-4. Giovanni Busnelli, L'Etica nicomachea e I'ordinamento morale dellTnferno di Dante con un'appendice: la concezione dantesca del Gran Veglio di Creta (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli 1907); Busnelli's J/ Virgilio dantesco e il Gran Veglio di Creta, 2nd ed. (Rome: Civiltà cattolica 1919) is a response to Tito Bottagisio's 'Il Gran Veglio di Creta: Fonte storica - simbolismo/ // VI centenario dantesco (Ravenna), 4 (1917), 71-7, 89-95. Richard of St Victor, De Eruditione hominis interioris libri tres, occasione accepta ex somnio Nabuchodonosor apud Danielem (PL 196, col. 1229-1366); Philip of Harveng, De somnio regis Nabuchodonosor (PL 203, col. 585-92). Mazzotta, 'Dante's theology,' follows Busnelli, pp. 6-48; see also Dante, Poet, pp. 14-65. Francesco Flamini, Avviamento alio studio della Divina Commedia (Livorno: Giusti 1916), 58-9; Busnelli, // Virgilio, p. 173. Busnelli, // Virgilio, p. 161. Busnelli (// Virgilio, p. 167) was not correct on this point: 'Il luogo e i fiumi richiamano idee pagane; mentre la statua e le ferite ci riconducono alla Bibbia e alla scolastica. ' As I will later demonstrate, however, the Bible and Patristics not only directed the choice of location, Crete, but, more especially, Dante's concept of the rivers. Mazzottta, 'Dante's Theology,' incorrectly considers the colossus in Daniel as 'the weeping statue' (p. 13). H. Theodore Silverstein, 'The Weeping Statue and Dante's Gran Veglio,' Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, 13 (1931), 165-84. In verses 8 and 9, for example, 'une landa / che dal suo letto ogne pianta rimove' Dante again echoes and inverts the baptismal terms, 'plantare' and 'conplantare' expressing the 'planting' of the Christian in the Vineyard of the Lord (the Church) at baptism, as we noted in a similar instance in chapter 3. Silverstein, pp. 177-9. See Paul A. Underwood, 'The Fountain of Life in Manuscripts of the Gospels,' Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 5 (1950), 41-138. The weeping and bleeding of the Veglio associate the statue not only with Christ, but also with Satan and his bloody drool as a Christological inversion at the bottom of Hell (Inferno xxxrv, 53-4). This latter association stresses the negativity of the statue on earth - a symbol, as I hope to show, of vehement denial of the Godhead. o

5

6 7 8

9 10

11

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12 Busnelli (Il Virgilio, p. 97) notes the biblical passage but ignores the vast iconographical and exegetical tradition which grew from it. 13 Hugo Rahner, 'Flumina de ventre Christi: Die patristische Auslegung von Joh. 7:37-38/ Biblica, 22 (1941), 367-403. 14 Cited by Rahner, p. 368. See Commentaire sur Daniel, introd. Gustave Burdy, ed. and trans. Maurice Lefèvre, Sources chrétiennes (Paris: Editions du Cerf 1947), 86. 15 It has been shown that the reading 'peccatrici' (not 'pectatrici') is the correct reading of the verse. See Guido Mazzoni, 'Le peccatrici del Bulicame e le pectatrici di Viterbo (Inf. xrv, 79-80),' in Almae luces, malae cruces (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli 1941), 239-66; Michèle Barbi and A. Duro, 'Peccatrici o pectatrici?' Studi danteschi, 28 (1949), 11-43. 'Peccatrici' is accepted by Petrocchi and Singleton. Baptismal typology and doctrine similarly bear this out in allegory: in baptism the sinner is figuratively washed 'in the blood of the Lamb.' Philip of Harveng uses the term 'massa peccatrice' in his commentary on Nebuchadnezzar's dream (De Somnio regis Nabuchodonosor; PL 203, col. 585). 16 Cf. 1 Corinthians 10:6-7. 17 It is important to note that St Paul's words here pertain directly to the subject of Dante's Canto, which is, as we will show, not merely blasphemy but perfect blasphemy and idolatry. The rock in the desert is a figure of Christ: 'Now these things that were done [i.e. the works of Moses] in a figure of us, that we should not covet evil things, as they also coveted. Neither become ye idolaters. ...' (1 Corinthians 10:6-7). 18 In Psalmum 45 Enarratio, 45, 12 (PL 14, col. 1138-9). Similarly, he urges the faithful as he explains Psalm 1 (In Psalmum I Enarratio; PL 14, col. 940): 'Bibe Christum quia petra est quae vomuit aquam, bibe Christum, quia fons vitae est, bibe Christum quia flumen est, cujus impetus laetificat civitatem Dei, bibe Christum, quia pax est, bibe Christum, quiafluminade ventre ejus fluent aquae vivae.' Tertullian had used the same language (Adversus Judaeos, 13; PL 2, col. 635; De Baptismo, 9 and 20; CSEL 47, pp. 202, 210). Rufinus echoes the same concepts in his Commentarius in symbolum Apostolorum, 23 (PL 21, col. 361). Isidore of Seville makes a direct connection of Christ's wound with baptismal waters: 'Item de eadem aqua, quae ex latere ejus profluit, propheta alius dicit: "Flumina aquae viventis egredientur de ventre illius," aquae scilicet baptismatis, quae credentes vivificant et quae sitientibus largiuntur' (Defidecatholica contra Judaeos i, 48, 2; PL 83, col. 490-1). The depiction of Moses striking the rock was immensely popular in early Christian art. In the Catacomb of Priscilla in Rome alone, the episode is depicted no less than seventy-three times. 19 As Jesus went down into the water, fire kindled in the Jordan; and while He came out of the water, the Holy Spirit, like a dove, hovered over Him. ' Justin, Dialogus cum Tryphone Judaeo, 88 (PG 6, col. 686). See also Carl-Martin Edsman, Le Baptême de feu, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, ix (Leipzig and

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25

Notes to Page 60 Uppsala 1940), esp. pp. 182-6; Jean Daniélou, The Bible and the Liturgy, ed. Michael A. Mathis, Liturgical Studies (Notre Dame, Indiana: Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1956), 107. More to the point is the fact that the baptism of Christ fulfilled the sacrifice of Elias-Elijah in the Old Testament, in which fire descends upon the holocaust. On the Spirit descending at Christ's Baptism, see Matthew 3:16; Mark 1:10; Luke 3:22; John 1:29-34. In the following pages on baptismal typology I follow both Daniélou's study and that of Per Lundberg, La Typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne Eglise, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, x (Leipzig and Uppsala 1942). Since these two works deal in the main with only very early Christian sources, I have supplemented the points with later medieval quotations. Most typologies are conveniently, though partially, outlined in St Ambrose, De Sacramentis 11 (PL 16, col. 423-30), in Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis 11, vi (PL 176, col. 460), and St Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum xix, 12 (PL 42, col. 355). The types listed in John Damascene are cited by St Thomas Aquinas in ST in, qu. 70, art. 1, reply obj. 2, and in ST m, qu. 6, art. 11, reply obj. 3. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 13,107 et passim. The fact that the fire is quenched above the bloody stream also enables Dante to pass unscathed, thus in a sense fulfilling Isaias 43:19: 'I will make a way in the wilderness and rivers in the desert. ' Merely the red colour is sufficient for Hugh of St Victor to identify the Red Sea with the blood of Christ: 'The form of baptism already preceded once in the flood. ... Similarly also in the Red Sea where the water proclaimed baptism and the redness blood.' De Sacramentis 11, vi, 15 (PL 176, col. 460); On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith, trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Cambridge, Mass. : Mediaeval Acad­ emy of America 1951), 301-2. Hugh is, of course, following a tradition stretch­ ing back even beyond Isidore's Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum: in Exodum 19: 'Quid mare Rubrum, nisi baptismus est Christi sanguine consecratus?' (PL 83, col. 296). Edsman, esp. pp. 87, 200. Compare Gregory of Nyssa, In baptismum Christi: 'The Spirit, vivifying, burning, inflaming, which consumes the impious and illumi­ nates the faithful' (PG 46, col. 592). 2 Peter 3:3-10; Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 77-9. See the number of texts adduced in Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 70-98. Compare, for example, Isidore of Seville, Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum: In Exodum 19: 'Hostes sequentes cum rege, qui a tergo moriuntur, peccata sunt praeterita, quae delentur, et diabolus, qui in spirituali baptismo suffocatur' (PL 83, col. 296); and St Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermo 39 super Cántica Canticorum, 5: 'Et prosequere modo mecum singula proportionis membra. Ibi populus eductus de Aegypto, hie homo de saeculo; ibi prosternitur Pharao, hie diabolus.' Sermones super Cántica Canticorum 36-86, Opera, 11, 21. See also Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis 11, vi, 8 and 15 (PL 76, col. 460-2); On the Sacraments, pp. 296, 301-2; St Thomas Aquinas, STm, qu. 66, art. 11, esp. reply to obj. 3. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, esp. p. 77.

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26 Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 77. 27 Whether Virgil himself is supposed to comprehend this fact fully can only be the subject of speculation. Did Virgil learn of this at Christ's descensus? Virgil we know is all too aware of the Christian faith's existence and herein lies his pathos and tragedy. On Virgil's knowledge of Christian dogma, see the comments of Busnelli in J/ Virgilio, esp. pp. 23-52. 28 The meaning of the Veglio in Inferno xrv is precisely the significance ascribed to the vetus homo in the Glossa Ordinaria: 'Vetus homo. Id est, veteres actus sunt crucifixi, id est, mortui. Vetustas nostra et maledictio in duobus consistit, scilicet, in culpa et poena. Christus autem sua simpla vetustate nostram duplam consumpsit. In sepulcro enim uno die et duabus noctibus quievit. Per unum diem simpla ejus vetustas signatur, per duas vero noctes gemina nostra; unde: Culpam nostram Christus delevit praesentem, praeteritam, et futuram. Praeteritam remittendo, praesentem ab ea retrahendo, futuram ut vitaremus gratiam conferendo. Poenam quoque similiter consumpsit, gehennalem prorsus delendo, ut earn vere poenitentes non sentiant. Temporalem vero non penitus quidem tulit: manet enim fames, sitis, mors et hujusmodi; sed regnum et dominium ejus dejecit, et in novissimo penitus exterminabit' (PL 114, col. 488). On the effects of baptism and the poena and culpa of sin here and in the hereafter, see St Thomas, ST in, qu. 69, art. 3 and 7. 29 The barrators in their boiling tar fulfil Isaias 34:9-10: '[Hell's] streams will be turned to burning pitch. Its smoke will go up from generation to generation and it will be waste forever. ' 30 For the mosaics of Torcello, see Antonio Niero, La Basilica di Torcello e Santa Fosca (Venice: Ardo n.d.), 33-4. On Christ and the Ancient of Days, see Peter the Archdeacon, Quaestiones in Danielem, 43-4 (PL 96, col. 1354) and Rupert of Deutz, In Danielem, cap. xm-xrv (PL 167, col. 1514-16). See also Edsman, Le Baptême de feu, p. 88; see pp. 92-3 for the iconography in Christian art. 31 1 Corinthians 15:21-2 and 45-9; Romans 5:12-21. See Busnelli, Appendice, pp. 172-6; Busnelli, II Virgilio, pp. 79-93. On the Adamic myth see also Paul Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil, trans. Emerson Buchanan (Boston: Beacon Press 1969), 232-305. 32 Commentariorum in Danielem Prophetam, 40 (PL 25, col. 504). 33 In Danielem, cap. vi (PL 167, col. 1505). 34 The Church Fathers used other passages, such as Zacharias 3:9, to bolster this identification of Tapis' with Christ. 35 After the tenth century, in Christian iconography, Christ at his baptism is often depicted beneath a 'Wasserberg,' or Mountain of Water. See the illustrations in Schiller, Iconography 1, 137; plates 362, 363, 364, 365, 370, 371, 372, 375, 382. Gregory of Nyssa in his In Baptismum Christi, for example, following St Paul (Romans 6:3-6), identifies the water of baptism as the earth of burial: 'We, when

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we receive Baptism, do so indeed in the image of our Lord and Master, but we are not buried in the earth, for this will be the dwelling of our body when it is dead. But we are buried in the water, the element which is akin to the earth. And in doing so three times, we imitate the grace of resurrection' (PG 46, col. 586). De eruditione 1, 22; 26 (PL 196, col. 1266; 1274). See also Mazzotta, 'Dante's Theology/ p. 14. '[Christ] had these defects - not that He contracted them but that He assumed them.' St Thomas, STm, qu. 14, art. 3 and 4. 'Tot autem in nostro ruinoso et pleno rimarum pariete invenit foramina, quot nostrae infirmitatis et corruptionis in suo corpore sensit experimenta. ' Sexmo 56 super Cántica Canticorum, Opera, 11,115. The Ottimo comments that the right foot is 'di terra cotta a modo di mattone' (Commento, p. 270; my italics). In speak­ ing of the Incarnation, the Church Fathers conventionally adduced Isaias 53:4: 'Surely he hath borne our infirmities' and Romans 8:3: 'God sent His own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh.' St Thomas, STm, qu. 15, art. 1, reply 2. Commentariorum in Danielem Prophetam, 31-40 (PL 25, col. 503-4); Peter the Archdeacon, Quaestiones 1, 1 (PL 96, col. 1347); Rupert of Deutz, In Danielem, cap. 6 (PL 167, col. 1506); Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica: Historia libri Danielis [PL 198, col. 1447-9). St Cyril of Jerusalem in his Catachesis xn, 18 (PG 33, col. 747; The Works of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, vol. 1, trans. Leo P. McCauley and Anthony A. Stephenson, The Fathers of the Church, vol. 61 [Wash­ ington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press 1969], 238), concerning Psalm 2:9, states that the iron part of the statue in Nebuchadnezzar's dream represents the Romans: ' "You shall rule them with an iron rod." I have already said that the rule of the Romans is clearly called "an iron rod"; but what is still wanting concerning this point let us call to mind from Daniel. For in declaring and interpret­ ing the image of the statue of Nabuchodonosor, he tells also his whole vision concerning it; and that "a stone hewn from a mountain without a hand being put to it," that is to say, not produced by man's contrivance, would overpower the whole world.' Most important for Dante's Commedia and the De Mon. is that Nebuchadnezzar's vision foretells the coming of Christ. Also see Busnelli, // Virgilio, pp. 91-3. On the six ages see Eusebius, Chronicon Liber i [Historia ecclesiastica] (PG 19, col. 101-315); Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum Liber vm, 'De diis gentium,' 11 (PL 82, col. 314-20); Ado of Vienne, Chronicon in aetates sex divisum (PL 123, col. 23-138). Mazzotta also deals briefly with hexaemeric literature ('Dante's Theology/ esp. pp. 15, 21; Dante, Poet, pp. 30-40), but not in the context of baptismal imagery. St Augustine, DCD xxn, xxx; LCL vu, 383. On the five ages of the world also see Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 276-8. The crack in the Veglio passes through the clay, iron, brass, and silver of the

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42

43

44 45

46 47 48 49

50

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body, but not through the golden head. Notably it is the four-part body of the Veglio which is split by the fessura; the golden head representing the Golden Age of primal innocence is unscathed. DCD, ibid. On such number symbolism and its connection to baptism, see Vincent Foster Hopper, Medieval Number Symbolism (New York: Columbia Univ. Press 1938), 86; Underwood, The Fountain of Life, pp. 86-7; Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 284 et passim. DCD, ibid. Augustine, naturally, followed the tradition of St Ambrose's Hexaemeron (PL 14, col. 123-359; The Six Days of Creation [Hexaemeron], trans. John J. Savage, Fathers of the Church, vol. 42 [New York: Fathers of the Church 1961], 3-83), and is followed in his chronology by such writers as Isidore of Seville (PL 82, col. 314-20), and Ado of Vienne (PL 123, col. 23-138). See also J.D. Cooke, 'Euhemerism: A Medieval Interpretation of Classical Paganism,' Speculum, 2 (1927), 396-410, and Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, trans. Barbara Sessions, Harper Torchbooks: The Bollingen Library (New York: Harper and Row 1961). De Somnio regis Nabuchodonosor (PL 203, col. 586). Contra Faustum Manichaeum X I I , 8 (PL 42, col. 257); Reply to Faustus the Manichaean, in A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, ed. Philip Schaff, first series, vol. iv (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1887; reprint Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1974), 185-6. See also De Genesi contra Manichaeos 11, 24 (PL 34, col. 216); Tractatus xv, 4 (PL 35, col. 1513). Underwood, pp. 86-8; the number eight is also majorly connected to baptism, of course, but that is outside our present argument. PL 38, col. 1196-1201. De Sacramentis 11, vi, 8 (PL 176, col. 455); On the Sacraments, p. 296. St Thomas Aquinas, ST 111, qu. 69, art. 3; Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 77; Underwood, p. 87. 'Old age' as 'sin' is a common metaphor in the Church Fathers. See, for example, St Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum vi, 9. Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis 11, vi, 11, states that the Christian 'is washed of the stains of age with a threefold immersion' (On the Sacraments, p. 299). St Thomas Aquinas, ST in, qu. 69, art. 1: 'By Baptism man dies unto the oldness of sin, and begins to live unto the newness of grace. But every sin belongs to the primitive oldness. Consequently every sin is taken away by Baptism.' See also Busnelli, J/ Virgilio, p. 18. PL 36, col. 91. St Augustine is echoed in this, for example, by Hugh of St Victor, whose works Dante knew well: 'For the body too do they assign its number "four." ' In the same paragraph Hugh continues: 'And this is the number four of the body, in which it is given to be understood that everything which is com­ posed of divisibles, or solubles, is itself also divisible or dissoluble/ Didascalicon de studio legendi, ed. Charles Henry Buttimer, The Catholic University of

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51 52 53

54 55 56 57

58

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America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin, x (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press 1939), 11, v, p. 29; The Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor: A Medieval Guide to the Arts, tran. and introd. Jerome Taylor (New York and London, Columbia Univ. Press 1961), 66. Italics added. The Veglio, as we note, is cleft only in his four body parts; he also reflects the 'dissolubility' of the statue in the dream of Nebuchadnezzar. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 77. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 72. De Baptismo, 3 (PL 1, col. 1197-8); Treatise on Baptism in Baptism: Ancient Liturgies and Patristic Texts, ed. André Hamman, trans. Thomas Hatton (Staten Island, NY: Alba House 1967), 32. That Christ's death is also a baptism (Luke 12:50; Romans 6:4) has many doctrinal ramifications. Just as the Flood annihilated the predeluvian sinners, so, in imitation of the death of Christ, the sinful body which Christ also had assumed is annihilated in the baptismal 'waters of death.' Christ himself arose from the Jordan as the 'first born of the new creation,' just as Christians too, upon their emergence from the baptismal font, become members of that new creation (Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 77). St Justin Martyr, Dialogus cxxxvm, 2-3, cited in Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 78-9. DCD xv, 1; LCL iv, 412. Ad Inquisitiones Januarii: Epistola LV11, 3 (PL 33, col. 205). See also xiv, 24 (PL 33, col. 215). Underwood, p. 86. John 3:5; 2 Corinthians 5:17; Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 72. St Augustine always speaks of the gradual coming of the sixth age: 'Coepimus esse sub gratia; iam commortui sumus cum Christo, et consepulti illi per baptismum in mortem / We have begun to be under grace [and] we are already dead together with Christ, and buried with Him by baptism unto death.' Cited in Underwood, p. 87. De Genesi contra Manichaeos 11, 24 (PL 34, col. 216); see also Tractatus xv, 4 (PL 35, col. 1513). See note 35 above. C H A P T E R

S I X : T H E

I D O L A T E R S

1 Singleton, Inferno: Commentary, pp. 242-3. For Juvenal, Ettore Paratore, 'Il Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Lectura Dantis romana, 14 (1959), 25-6; reprinted in his Tradizione e struttura in Dante (Florence: Sansoni 1968), 241. 2 'When a mountain in Crete was cleft by an earthquake, a body standing sixtynine feet high was found, which some believed to be that of Orion, and others of Otus.' See Tito Bottagisio, 'Il Gran Veglio di Creta,' p. 72; Claudio Várese, 'Il Canto xiv dell'Inferno,' Letture dantesche, ed. Giovanni Getto (Florence: Sansoni

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1962), 261; Singleton, Inferno: Commentary, p. 242. For the Christian belief in the extraordinary height and longevity of prediluvian man, see DCD xv, 9. 3 H. Theodore Silverstein, The Weeping Statue and Dante's Gran Veglio/ Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, 13 (1931), 167. 4 Nebuchadnezzar believed himself God's equal. St Jerome, Commentariorum in Danielem (PL 25, cols. 514-15). 5 Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica: Liber Danielis, cap. m, Secunda visio Danielis: 'Porro Nabuchodonosor fecit statuam auream altitudine cubitorum sexaginta, latitudine sex, et statuit earn in campo Dura, fluminis scilicet cujusdam, juxta quern gigantes aedificaverunt turrim' (PL 198, col. 1449). Nebuchadnezzar became the medieval type of the idolatrous man punished by madness (in the tradition also of Saul, 1 Kings [Samuel] 15-16). See Penelope B.R. Doob, Nebuchadnezzar's Children (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press 1974), 2. 6 PL 25, col. 505. My emphasis. Of the idolatry and blasphemy of the Children of Israel see St Thomas, ST 11-11, qu. 14, art. 3. 7 De Trinitate: In Danielem, cap. vi (PL 167, col. 506). 8 Ovid, Metamorphoses, ed. Frank Justus Miller, LCL (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1966), vol. 1, p. 300. 9 Metamorphoses vol. 1, p. 308. 10 Arnulphi Aurelianensis Allegoriae super Ovidii Metamorphosin in Fausto Ghisalberti, 'Arnolfo d'Orléans, un cultore di Ovidio nel secólo xii,' Memorie del Reale Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere, 24 (1932), 217. 11 Ovide moralisé, poème du commencement du quatorzième siècle, ed. C. De Boer, vol. 11, in Verhandelingen der Koniklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, 21 (1920), 311-12. 12 Ovide moralisé, Verhandelingen, 21, pp. 320-1. See also Ovide moralisé en prose, vol. 61, no. 2 (1954), 192. 13 Petrus Berchorius, Ovidius moralizatus, ed. J. Engels (Utrecht: Instituut voor Laat Latijn der Rijksuniversiteit 1962), 103. My emphasis. 14 St Thomas, ST 11-11, qu. 164, art. 3. 15 ST H—il, qu. 94, art. 3, reply obj. 2. 16 ST 11, qu. 13, art. 1. 17 I should note that Battus, in Ovid's Metamorphoses 11, 676-707, is changed into a flint. So far I have found no moralizations in any medieval mythographer which would make the tale applicable to the theme of idolatry or perfect blasphemy. 18 Singleton, Inferno: Commentary, pp. 230-1. 19 See St Augustine, DCD, LCL 111, 24, n. 2. This follows Euhemerus ca 300 B C , known chiefly through Ennius' Euhemerus or Sacra Historia summarized by Lactamius in prose. Rupert of Deutz, De victoria Verbi Dei (PL 169, cols. 13971410). See also George Cary, The Medieval Alexander (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press 1956; reprint 1967), esp. pp. 90-5,104,154, 290.

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20 Quod idola dix non sint, 3 (PL 4, col. 568). 21 St Augustine confused the name of the priest with the real author of the spurious but influential letter, and was thus unaware that it had been written by Leon of Pella toward the end of the fourth century or the beginning of the third century B C (DCD V I I I , 5; LCL, m, 24-5; also DCD vm, 27 and xn, 11). See also Minucius Felix, Octavius, 21:3, ed. G. Quispel (Leiden: Brill 1949), 44; Clement of Alexandria, Cohortatio ad gentes (PG 8, col. 152). 22 Strabo, Geography, 17, 1, 43, ed. H.L. Jones, LCL (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: Wiliam Heinemann 1932), vm, 112-17. Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1949; reprint 1968), 32-4, 'Alexander 111/ 23 St John Chrysostom (PG 49, col. 221-40); The Twelfth Instruction, 57 in Baptismal Instructions, trans, and ed. Paul W. Harkins, Ancient Christian Writers, 31 (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press; London: Longmans Green 1963). On the adoration of Alexander see Jean Seznec, p. 11: 'The superhuman career of Alexander, and above all his expedition to India - where he became the object of adoration similar to that which, according to the myth, had once greeted Dionysus there - had suddenly thrown light upon the origin of the gods.' Dante condemns Alexander in the De Mon. 11, 8, 10. 24 Lucan, De bello civili (Pharsalia) in Lucan, trans. J.D. Duff, LCL (London: William Heinemann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons 1928), 544-9. Dante refers to Pharsalia ix also in the Convivio ni, v, 12. On Cato and Ulysses, see John A. Scott, Dante Magnánimo (Florence: Olschki 1977), esp. pp. 146-93. 25 Dante cites Cato's words (Pharsalia ix, 580: 'Jupiter is whatever thou seest, wherever thou goest') in the Letter to Can Grande together with citations from Jeremiah concerning the ubiquitousness of God. On the temptation of God, see St Thomas Aquinas, ST11-11, qu. 97, art. 1-4. 26 See particularly Charles S. Singleton's observations on Purg. 11, in Elements, pp. 19-29. 27 Concerning the revelatory, retrogressive ways of the poem, see Charles S. Singleton, 'The Vistas in Retrospect,' Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi Danteschi (Florence: Sansoni 1965), 279-304; reprint Modern Language Notes, 81 (1966), 55-80. Robert Hollander uses the references to Cato to demonstrate 'verbal figuralism' in the Poem: see Allegory in Dante's Commedia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 124-9. See also E. Proto, 'Nuove ricerche sul Catone dantesco,' Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 59 (1952), 223; Mazzotta, 'Dante's Theology,' p. 38. In the Conv. iv, xxviii, Dante asks and affirms: 'Quale uomo terreno più degno fu di significare Iddio, che Catone? Certo millo.' // Convivio, ed. G. Busnelli and G. Vandelli, 2 edizione, ed. Antonio Enzo Quaglio (Florence: Le Monnier 1964), pt. 2, p. 359. 28 Also Inf. xrv, 60, 63-6. 29 The Apocryphal New Testament, pp. 522-3; see also pp. 514, 516. In the a

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Apocalypse of Mary there is a river of fire and boiling pitch (pp. 563-4). EliasElijah is the préfiguration and final fulfilment of John the Baptist (Matt. 17:10-13; Mark 9:13; Luke 1:17); see St Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium, Tract, iv, cap. 4 (PL 35, col. 1407); compare the punishment of the Egyptian idolaters in Wisdom (Sapientia) 16:16: 'For the ungodly ... were ... utterly consumed by fire.' 30 St Gregory of Nyssa, In diem luminum (PG 46, col. 591); Sermon for the Feast of Lights in Baptism: Ancient Liturgies and Patristic Texts, ed. André Hamman, trans. Thomas Hatton (Staten Island, NY: Alba House 1967), 132-3. My emphasis. See also St Basil's Great Protectic on Holy Baptism; Hamman, Baptism, p. 79 (PG 31, cols. 4M-44). It is a curious fact that the sanctuaries of the idolatrous Cretan Zeus were superseded by shrines of Elijah, 'Saint Elias,' in Christian times. See A.B. Cook, Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press 1914,1925,1940); here, 11,163-86 (pages are numbered consecutively through all volumes). See my text below for the legends of Zeus Cretagenes and chapter 5, n. 19. Elijah is the préfiguration of St John (Baptism), and the type of the enemy of idolatry (his sacrifice). 31 ST il—ii, qu. 13, art. 4. 32

ST I I — I I , qu.

14,

art.

3.

33 Statius, trans. J.H. Mozley, vol. 11, LCL (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1957), 390-1. 34 We noted that the Veglio both reflects Christ's image and is the image of 'corruptible man.' The impossible thesis that the sinners of Inf. xv are not sodomites was defended by André Pézard in his otherwise erudite and thorough work, Dante sous la pluie de feu (Paris: J. Vrin 1950), and it has been taken up again by Richard Kay in Dante's Swift and Strong: Essays on Inferno XV (Lawrence, Kansas: Regents Press of Kansas 1978). 35 ST 11—11, qu. 94, art. 3, reply to obj. 3. 36 Commentum, p. 20. Notably for the Canto, Bernardus also identifies Crete as 'divine judgment,' for 'the nature of the flesh ill-judges divine matters when it places them after temporal things.' 37 St Gregory of Nyssa writes, for example: 'By the "flesh" I mean the "old man" who may be taken off by those who desire to wash themselves in the bath of the Word' (PG 44, col. 1003). Antonino Pagliaro's view, in Ulisse: ricerche semantiche sulla Divina Commedia, vol. 11 (Messina-Florence: Casa Editrice G. D'Anna 1967), 525, is completely erroneous: 'La statua del Veglio di Creta non ha in sé nessun riferimento necessario alia storia umana che vuole rappresentare; né alcun légame naturale esiste fra la sua ubicazione e posizione è quello che essa vuole significare ... l'allegoria rimane autónoma e quasi estranea al contesto. ...' 38 The classical and medieval sources disagree on the exact place of Zeus' birth

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and rearing on the island. Hesiod assumes Zeus was born in Crete and reared in a cave on Mount Aegeum (Theogonia, 468-84 in Hesiod: the Homeric Hymns and Homérica, trans. Hugh G. Evelyn-White, LCL [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1959], 114-15). Diodorus Siculus declares that he was born on Dicte in Crete and brought up on Mount Ida (The Library of History m, 61:1-4; v, 64:3-7 in Diodorus of Sicily, trans. C.H. Oldfather et al., LCL [London: William Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press 1933-67], 11, 282-3; / 7 7)- Apollodorus (The Library, trans. Sir James George Frazer, vol. 1, LCL [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1961], 6-9) names Dicte as the place of Zeus' childhood as does Virgil in the Georgics iv, 153 (in Virgil, trans. H. Rushton Fairclough, LCL, vol. 1 [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1965], 206-7), d as does Servius (Servii Grammatici... in Vergilii Carmina Commentarii, ed. Georg Thilo and Hermann Hagen, vol. 1 [Leipzig: Teubner 1881], 359-60). Dicte is also the place of Zeus' rearing in the Three Vatican Mythographers (in Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres Romae nuper reperti, ed. Georg Heinrich Bode [Cellis: 1834], Myth. 1,104 [p. 34], Myth. 11,16 [p. 79]). Mount Ida is supported by Càllimachus, Hymn 1, 51 (in Callimachus and Lycophron, ed. and trans. A.W. Maier, and Aratus, ed. and trans. G.R. Maier, LCL [London: William Heinemann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons 1921], 36-7). Ida also is Ovid's choice in his Fasti rv, 207 (Ovid's Fasti, ed. and trans. Sir James George Frazer, LCL [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1959], 202-3), d Lactantius Placidus in his Commentary on Statius' Thebaid iv, 784 (in Lactantii Placidii Commentarios in Statii Thebaida, ed. Richard Jahnke [Leipzig: Teubner 1898], 253). See also Hyginus, 'Curetés,' Fabulae, no. 139, ed. H.I. Rose (Leyden: Sythoff, 1963), 101-2, and his Astronómica 11, 13, ed. Bernhard Bunte (Leipzig: Weigel 1875), 46-9; and Lucretius, on 'Curetés' in De Rerum natura 11, 633-9, ed. and trans. W.H.D. Rouse (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1966), 130-1. See esp. Cook, Zeus, p. 157 n. 4; pp. 940 ff. Failure to see the connection between verses 102 and 103 and their relation to euhemerism led Busnelli to state: 'Quando vi fosse messa quella statua, se prima o dopo la nascita di Giove, e avanti l'apparizione degli uomini sulla terra, il poeta noi dice.' J/ Virgilio dantesco e il Gran Veglio di Creta, 2nd ed. (Rome: Civiltà cattolica 1919), 164. The following pages of this chapter show that the Poet does indeed give us this information: the statue was set in position certainly after the birth of the idolater, Jove; indeed, as we will see, during Jove's maturity and, consequently, far, far later than the creation of mankind. Bottagisio also realized the importance of contemporary archaeology on Crete m

2

a n

a n

1_

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(Tl Gran Veglio/ pp. 71-3), but he limited his inquiry to Pliny's statements about the statue in the Historia Naturalis 1, vii, ch. 16. Bottagisio goes on to show that the Bible states that giants actually inhabited the Earth. He thus missed the essential poetic connections in Dante's Poem. On the birth of Zeus-Jove the reader should consult D.G. Hogarth, 'The Birth Cave of Zeus,' Monthly Review (1901), 47-64; Cook, 'The Mountain as Birth­ place of Zeus,' Zeus, pp. 148-54; and Martin P. Nilsson, The Minoan-Mycenean Religion and Its Survival in Greek Religion, 2nd ed. rev. (Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup 1950), 461, 534, 543-7, 553-4, 565). See also R.F. Willetts, Cretan Cults and Festivals (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1962), 219 and notes (clearly all derivative and confused from those of Cook). Writing on Felix Faber's Evagatorium (1483), the British scholar R.M. Dawkins, in 'The "Gran Veglio" of Inferno xiv,' Medium Aevum, 2 (1933), 95-107, drew the completely unwarranted conclusion that Faber's description of a buried Veglio was not derived from Dante but from another (merely posited and unidentified) source: 'The conclusion to be drawn is that Dante and Felix Faber are based on some common source' (p. 100). Even the most cursory comparison between the two authors, however, reveals that such is not the case. The word parallels and the derivative concepts, as well as chronology, prove beyond any doubt that Dante is Faber's ultimate source. It is an amusing coincidence that modern archaeologists exploring the Idaean cave discovered 'numerous objects in bronze, silver and gold.' 'Theflooris covered to a depth of several feet with a layer of ashes and charcoal in which were found many terra cotta lamps.' Cook, Zeus, p. 937. 39 Willetts, p. 202. 40 Julius Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 6 (PL 12, col. 995-7); The Error of the Pagan Religions, trans. Clarence A. Forbes, Ancient Christian Writers, 37 (Newman Press: New York, NY and Paramus, NJ 1970), 54-6. William Keith Chambers Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion (London: Methuen 1935; reprint 1952), 111. Willetts, pp. xi, 44, 49-50, 204-6, 213-14, and esp. pp. 219-21. 41 Antoninus Liberalis, Les Métamorphoses, ed. Manolis Papathomopoulos (Paris: Société d'Edition 'Les Belles Lettres' 1968), xix. Arthur Bernard Cook, 'The Euro­ pean Sky-God,' Folk-Lore, 15 (1904), 388-9. Cook, Zeus, pp. 928-9. For Boios, also see Willetts, p. 217. The themes of death and resurrection eerily present in this pagan myth were recognized as being close to Christian truth by early Church writers; see text below. The burial beneath a mountain (parallel to the Mountain of Water or 'Wasserberg' in artistic depictions of Christ's baptism) and the blood issuing from a

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mountain cave also bear an odd similarity to Dante's Canto. 42 J. Rendel Harris, 'The Cretans Always Liars,' Expositor (1906), 305-17, here, p. 307. 'Cretans were branded the liars of antiquity for showing on one hill the tomb of Zeus.' Hogarth, 'The Birth Cave of Zeus,' p. 47. Cook, Zeus, p. 926 n. 1. 43 Callimachus and Lycophron, pp. 36-7. Cf. Apollodorus 1, 4: 'The Curetés in arms, guarded the babe in the cave, clashing their spears on their shields in order that Cronus might not hear the child's voice' (The Library 1, 6-9). 44 A most interesting piece of folklore dating from an early period concerns the ridge of Mount Juktas of the Ida complex in Crete. There, far more than in other places on earth, the mountain peaks assume a convincing anthropomorphic appearance forming the striking shape of a gigantic head and shoulders. (I thank my friend and colleague in Classics, David Bright, for showing me slides of this phenomenon.) In the Palace of Minos at Knossos, Sir Arthur James Evans wrote: 'The long ridge of the mountain rising in successive peaks has given rise to a widespread belief in the island that it reproduces the profile of the native Zeus.' Cited by Cook, Zeus, p. 940. A. Trevor Battye also described the same phenomenon: 'Rocks and mountains often bear the likeness to human lineaments; every traveller can recall many such resemblances, but none that I have seen have the convincing dignity of the face on Iuctas' (Cook, Zeus, p. 939). Twentieth-century travellers and scholars continue to repeat even in popular magazines an observation made over five hundred years ago by the Florentine priest, Cristoforo Buondelmonte in 1415 : 'Ad meridiem viam capiendo ad montem hodie Juctam devenitur per periculosissimam viam. Hic mons a longe faciei effigiem habet, in cuius fronte templum Jovis usque ad fundamenta deletum invenitur; in naso tres ecclesiae sunt congestae. ... Versus austrum, prope Ideum montem, ubi est barba, sub monte atro, Tegrinnum castrum inexpugnabile videtur. ' Emile Legrand, Description des Iles de lArchipel grec par Christophe Buondelmonti florentin du XV siècle (Paris, 1897; reprint Amsterdam: Philo Press 1974), 148; see also Cook, Zeus, p. 158 n. 2. It is safe to assume that Buondelmonti's was not the first traveller's report, for, as I noted, modern photographic evidence still attests his truthfulness startlingly. Perhaps indeed many voyagers, treasuring the memory of Dante's Veglio, have sought visible corroboration in the mountains of Crete. But Buondelmonti's 'Descriptio Cretae,' like many others cited, nowhere mentions Dante's poem; it is indeed an odd omission for a cleric from Florence. We must turn to Crete and to the literary and religious fortunes of its legends of Jove to seek out Dante's meaning in Inf. xiv. We must also bear in mind that in Dante's time Crete was Italian, a possession of Venice. 45 In Epistolam Pauli ad Titum 1 (PL, 26, col. 573). e

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46 St John Chrysostom, In Epistolam ad Titum Commentarius (PG 62, col. 6y6-j); Homily III: Titus 1:12-14, ed. and trans. Philip Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, vol. xm (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1905), 528. 47 Inf. xiv, 15. In Lucan's Pharsalia ix, 511-86, it is Jupiter who has the devotion of Cato. 48 Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 1,11 (PL 6, col. 178-9); Divine Institutes, p. 52. 49 Divinae institutiones v, 5 (PL 6, col. 565); Divine Institutes, p. 339. 50 Divinae institutiones v, 5 (PL 6, col. 566-8); Divine Institutes, p. 340. Concerning the concepts of original and personal justice in the Purgatorio see Charles S. Singleton, Journey, especially ch. 11, 'Virgo or Justice,' pp. 184-203. Crete as the site of the first human civilization is also alluded to in the Aeneid 111, 105, 'gentis cunabula nostrae'; it is also the place of the first primal innocence of the Age of Gold. 51 Divinae institutiones v, 5 (PL 6, col. 567); Divine Institutes, p. 341. 52 Divinae institutiones v, 6 (PL 6, col. 568); Divine Institutes, p. 342. Contrast the origins of idolatry in Wisdom (Sapientia) 14:12. See also Divinae institutiones i, 22 (PL 6, col. 248-9); Divine Institutes, pp. 91-2. Compare the Ovide moralisé 1, 859-62: Jupiter fu, selonc l'estoire, Rois de Crete, et fesoit a croire Par l'art de son enchantement Qu'il ert dieus. ... Later in Purg. xxvin, at the meeting with Matelda, Dante makes the connection of the Golden Age with Eden and the Fall far clearer (139-44). The context concerns the origin of the Earthly Paradise and again the source of rivers, this time Lethe and Eunoe (121-6). The unstable statue, the source of the rivers of sin, standing on one cracked foot of clay, must there be contrasted with that which is strength in the Christian universe, the Will of God, expressed again in a baptis­ mal image as Ta fontana salda e certa' (124). 53 Plotinus, Enneads m, 6 in Plotinus, trans, and ed. A. H. Armstrong, LCL (Cam­ bridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1967), m, 242-3. 54 Jean Daniélou, Platonisme et théologie mystique (Paris: Aubier 1944), p. 224. In the Enneads iv, 7,10, Plotinus himself had linked the image of a statue to the same concept: 'By reentering into herself, in thinking herself in her primitive condition ... [the soul] clears up and recognizes in herself the divine statues, soiled by the rust of time.' On the Immortality of the Soul, in Plotinus, Complete Works, ed. and trans. Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie, vol. 1 (Alpine, NJ: Platonist Press 1918), 81.

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55 St Gregory of Nyssa, De Virginitate, PG 46, col. 367-8; On Virginity, in Ascetical Works, p. 41. Daniélou, Platonisme, p. 225. 56 The Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam interprets: 'Speculum est fides, ut in Paulo: "Videmus nunc per speculum et in aenigmate," id est, per fidem. ... Speculum, favores saecularium, ut in Isaia: "Auferet Dominis a filiabus Sion specula," quod in reprobis, in quibus delectantur, destruet saecularis' (PL 112, col. 1050). 57 PG 46, col. 89; On the Soul and Resurrection, in Ascetical Works, trans. Virginia Woods Callahan, The Fathers of the Church, 58 (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press 1967), 237-8. Jean Daniélou, Platonisme, esp. 'Le miroir de Tame/ pp. 223-35, here p. 224. 58 Cf. St Gregory of Nyssa, On the Soul and the Resurrection, p. 238; De anima et resurrectione dialogus, PG 46, col. 90-1. 59 In the thought of St Augustine there were two significant Empires into which the world had been divided, the Assyrian (i.e. Babylonian) Empire and the Roman. In the City of God he states: 'Sed inter plurima regna terrarum, in quae terrenae utilitas vel cupiditas est divisa societas - quam civitatem mundi huius universali vocabulo nuncupamus - duo regna cernimus longe ceteris provenisse clariora, Assyriorum primum, deinde Romanorum, ut temporibus, ita locis inter se ordinata atque distincta. Nam quo modo illud prius, hoc posterius, eo modo illud in Oriente, hoc in Occidente surrexit' (LCL v, 366-7; my emphasis). Rome indeed is equated to Babylon, 'the first Rome/ 'We must name the Assyrian kings when the occasion arises, to show how Babylonia, as the first Rome, runs its course aside the City of God in its pilgrimage in this world' (p. 371). Rome itself is thus identified as the Earthly City. Busnelli (// Virgilio, pp. 123-30) discussed the significance of 'Roma' but fails to see the connection with idolatry. 60 PL i6j, col. 506. 61 Cf. Busnelli, // Virgilio, p. 123. 62 See the comments on Platonic metaphors in Daniélou, Platonisme, pp. 223-35. Damietta (or 'Damiata') is also an integral part of the theme for it was the entrance port to the East, the place of the heathen for contemporary Christian pilgrims; in the Poem it figures 'Egypt/ the place of Idolatry. From Damietta Palmers followed the Exodus route to Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre. St Francis, for example, returned by way of Damietta in 1219 with his missionaries after preaching the Gospel and condemning the Koran. See also M. Margaret Newett, Canon Pietro Casóla's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the Year 1494 (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press 1907), esp. p. 6 and the preface to P. Amat di S. Filippo, Biografía dei viaggiatori italiani (Rome: Società Geográfica Italiana 1882). On the question of pilgrimage and the Comedy, see John G. Demaray, The Invention of Dante's Commedia (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press 1974).

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Notes to Pages 8 1 - 2

63 ST H—il, qu. 163, art. 2.

64 ST il—il, qu. 163, art. 3. 65 ST11-11, qu. 94, art. 4, reply obj. 1. 66 Ibid. My emphasis. St Thomas also deals with the five ages of the saeculum and the four of idolatry: first comes the Golden Age when God was worshipped; the sixth age dispels the sin of the previous four: There was no idolatry in the first age, owing to the recent remembrance of the creation of the world, so that man still retained in his mind the knowledge of one God. In the sixth age idolatry was banished by the doctrine and power of Christ, who triumphed over the Devil' (STH—ii, qu. 94, art. 4). 67 The assumption of mankind as a single moral or spiritual body is axiomatic in both the classics and in Christianity. Cf. De Mon. 1, 3 (pp. 356-8). It is the assumption behind Aristotle's concept of justice in the Nicomachaean Ethics v, ii. The identity of all men in the fleshly disorder of Adam is St Paul's whole metaphorical basis in 1 Corinthians 15:21-2 and especially v. 39. 'One is the flesh of all men.' St Thomas cites Porphyry: 'All men born of Adam may be considered as one man, inasmuch as they have one common nature which they receive from their first parents. ... Indeed Porphyry says that "by sharing the same species, many men are one man." Accordingly, the multitude of men born of Adam are so many members of one body' (ST 1-11, qu. 81, art. 1). Adam, sinning, incurred the stain of mankind 'peccô tota nel seme suo' : dannando se, dannô tutta sua prole Onde l'umana specie inferma giacque Giu per secoli molti in grand' errore. (Par. vu, 27) 68 Origen, In Librum Jesu Nave, Homilia (Homilies on Joshua) iv, i (PG 12, col. 843). See also 1 Corinthians 10:6-7. 69 PG 33, col. 1088-9. My emphasis. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 118. By baptism man regains his likeness to God. Tertullian, De baptismo 5 (PL 1, col. 1206). 70 PG 3, col. 403-4. Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 46-7. St Thomas (STin, qu. 66, art. 3) cites St John Chryostomos' Horn. XXVin Joannem iii:5 : ' "Unless a man be born again," etc. When we dip our heads under the water, just as in a grave, the old man is buried, and, being submerged, is entirely hidden below; then when we emerge, the new man rises again.' See also ST 111, qu. 66, art. 7, esp. reply to obj. 2, and ST 111, qu. 68, art. 5. 71 ST in, qu. 1, art. 2. St Thomas later cites Dionysius' definition of baptism that it 'confers our most sacred and Godlike regeneration' (ST m, qu. 66, art. 1).

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Notes to Pages 83-4 C H A P T E R

S E V E N :

U L Y S S E S

A complete bibliography is impossible here; at last count there were some 350 modern books and articles. See my ' Ulisseana: A Bibliography of Dante's Ulysses to 1981/ Italian Culture, 3 (1981), 23-45. For the romantic view see: Francesco De Sanctis, Lezioni e saggi su Dante in Opere di F. De S. (Milan: Einaudi 1955), 262-94, 424, 427, 442-54; Storia délia letteratura italiana a cura di Benedetto Croce, 8th printing (Bari: Laterza 1964), 1, 192; and esp. Mario Fubini, // peccato di Ulisse e altri scritti danteschi (Milan-Naples: Ricciardi 1966). Even Antonino Pagliaro reiterates the view: 'L'Ulisse dantesco è l'immagine a livello epico, dell'amore per il sapere'; see Ulisse: ricerche semantiche sulla Divina Commedia (Messina-Florence: D'Anna 1967), 1, 403. Alfredo Bonadeo has recently repeated that certain sinners 'rise above' the infernal system of punishments; such cases, affirms Bonadeo untenably, evince heterodoxy on Dante's part ('Punizione e sofferenza nell'Inferno dantesco,' Proceedings, Pacific Northwest Council on Foreign Languages, 28, part 1 [21-3 April 1977], 74-7). Mario Fubini's views are enshrined in the Enciclopedia dantesca (sub voce) together with his short, tendentious bibliography. Among those on the revisionist side, Bruno Nardi ('La tragedia di Ulisse,' in Dante e la cultura médiévale, 2nd ed. [Bari: Laterza 1949], 153-65), Rocco Montano ('Il folle voló di Ulisse,' Delta n.s. 2 [1952], 10-32), and, more recently, Amilcare A. Iannucci ('Ulysses' "folle voló": The Burden of History,' Medioevo romanzo, 3 [1976], 410-45), have all, correctly I believe, seen Ulysses' sin as reflective of the Fall. Others have seen fraudulence in Ulysses' oration to his men, among them: A. Mori, Uultimo viaggio di Ulisse (Milan: Piróla 1909), 12; André Pézard, Dante sous la pluie de feu (Paris: Vrin 1950), 290; W.B. Stanford, The Ulysses Theme (Oxford: Blackwell 1954; reprint 1963), 181; Giorgio Padoan, // pió Enea, l'empio Ulisse: Tradizione classica e intendimento medievale in Dante (Ravenna: Longo 1977), 196 et passim; John A. Scott, Dante magnánimo: Studi sulla 'Commedia' (Florence: Olschki 1977), 117-93. Scott noted that St Augustine condemned vain curiosity and the libido experiendi noscendique in the Confessions x, 8,15, and x, 35, 55, and that the saint distinguished between the wisdom of the Earthly City and the true Wisdom of God in the DCD xvi, 9. Richard Kay, 'Two Pairs of Tricks: Ulysses and Guido in Dante's Inferno xxvi-xxvn,' Quaderni d'italianistica, 1 (1980), 107-24. Mario Trovato, in 'Il contrapasso nell'ottava bolgia,' Dante Studies, 94 (1976), 47-59, approaches the problem in a way quite different from my study. 2 Guido da Pisa, Expositiones et Glose super Comediam Dantis: Commentary on Dante's Inferno, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany, NY: State Univ. of New York Press 1974), 520. 1

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Notes to Pages 84-6

3 St Gregory, Moralium 1, 21 (PL 75, col. 536); Morals, 1, 42. Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam (PL 112, col. 905): 'Culex est Barrabas latro, ut in Evangelio: "Liquantes culicem," quod Judaei sibi dimitti postulabant latronem.' 4 In Virgil, ed. and trans. H. Rushton Fairclough, LCL (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press; London: William Heinemann 1969), 11, 370-403. 5 Dante's description of Cerberus in Inf. vi, 11-31 owes more to the 'Culex' than to the Aeneid vi, 417-25. Specifically the detail of red eyes is calqued on the mock-heroic poem (cf. w. 220-3). 6 As in, for example, St Augustine's DCD xxn, 30. For St Ambrose in the De Trinitate Tractatus, cap. xvi (PL 17, col. 529), the number five signifies the cities of Egypt and thus the slavery of theflesh:' "Erunt quinqué civitates in terra Aegypti, loquentes lingua Chanaan (Isaias xix, 18)," hoc est, quinqué sensus carnales, qui miserae animae tenebris Aegypti oppressae loquuntur. ' 7 In an excellent article, Joan M. Ferrante noted the contradiction in Ulysses' very words, but to different effect: '[Ulysses] describes his desire to gain experience of the world and of vice and valor (v. 98) as so strong that no bonds can hold him back, though the destination of the voyage turns out to be the "mondo sanza gente" where such experience could not be had.' 'The Relation of Speech to Sin in the Inferno/ Dante Studies, 87 (1969), 33-46, here p. 41 (my italics). Harvey D. Goldstein, in 'Enea e Paolo: A Reading of the 26th Canto of Dante's Inferno/ Symposium, 19 (1965), 316-27, concludes that the vice recognized and fought in Inf. xxvi is the Poet's tendency to make bad use of his poetic genius, to enjoy his own eloquence and become simply a writer of 'alti versi' - and, thus, a fraudulent counsellor; the meeting with Ulysses exorcises this tendency. Giuseppe Mazzotta adopts Goldstein's position in 'Poetics of History: Inferno xxvi, 'Diacritics, 5 (1975), 37-44. James Truscott attends intelligently to the rhetoric of both Guido da Montefeltro and Ulysses in 'Ulysses and Guido (Inf. xxvi-xxvn),' Dante Studies, 91 (1973), 47-72. See also John Freccero, 'Dante's Prologue Scene,' Dante Studies, 84 (1966), 1-25. Ulysses' exhortation reads like a parody of Proverbs 4:5: 'Get wisdom, get prudence: forget not, neither decline from the words of my mouth.' I thank Anthony L. Pellegrini for pointing this out to me. I do not find 'manhood' a totally imprecise translation for 'virtù' in this context, although it is, perhaps, too anachronistic and limiting for the Poet's irony. 8 The various conflicting views of admiration and indictment expressed by critics, of course, had their roots in the diverse reactions of the earliest commentators, some of whom expressed a rather non-committal approval of the Greek hero, while others censured him. Dante's sons, Jacopo and Pietro, the Ottimo, Jacopo della Lana, and Benvenuto da Imolafloatedconfusedly in a vague approval of a search for virtue and knowledge. The Pisan friar, Francesco da Buti, however, put

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forth a severer view: Ulysses' oration was an act of fraud, and his last voyage an act of pride. Clearly, da Buti's view is more compatible with Dante's tropological portrayal of the deceptiveness of sin. Theology, common sense, and artistic consistency demand such an interpretation. Jacopo Alighieri, Chiose alia cántica dell'Inferno di Dante Alighieri scritte da Jacopo Alighieri a cura di G. Piccini (Florence: Bemporad 1915); Petri Allegherii, Super Dantis ipsius genitoris Comoediam Commentarium a cura di Vincenzo Nannucci (Florence: Garinei 1844); UOttimo commento della Divina Commedia a cura di Alessandro Torri, 3 vols. (Pisa: Capurro 1827-9); Jacopo della Lana, Comedia di Dante degli Allagherii col commento di Jacopo della Lana bolognese a cura di L. Scarabelli, 3 vols. (Bologna: Tipografía Regia 1866); Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola, Comentum super Dantis Aldigherij Comoediam a cura di J.F. Lacaita, 5 vols. (Florence: Barbera 1887); Francesco da Buti, Commento di Francesco da Buti sopra la Divina Commedia a cura di C. Giannini, 3 vols. (Pisa: Nistri 1858-62). 9 ST 11-11, qu. 118, art. 8. As we noted in chapter 3, the daughters of avarice (cupiditas, avaritia) and pride were often depicted as the 'arbor mala' or 'arbor vitiorum.' Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval Art (New York: Norton 1964), 63-8, plates 64-7. 10 I find the late Professor Hatcher's position that Ulysses is not punished for fraudulent counsel untenable (Anna Granville Hatcher, 'Dante's Ulysses and Guido da Montefeltro,' Dante Studies, 88 [1970], 109-17). Both he and Guido burn in the same bolgia, and the black cherub makes it quite clear what the crowning sin is in verses 115-16 of Inf. xxvn: 'Venir se ne dee giù tra i miei meschini / perche diede'l consiglio frodolente/ James G. Truscott disputed Professor Hatcher's challenge in his essay 'Ulysses and Guido,' especially p. 61. I also personally believe that Ulysses is punished for his ultimate and inveterate sin of fraudulent counsel, and I seek here to show how Ulysses is exemplary of that sin and to explain the cruxes I list. Dante informs us at the end of Convivio 1, vii that he knows of no Latin translation of the Iliad, but it is interesting to ponder whether some of the tradition of the Ilias latina (first century A D ) had not subsequently influenced him. That work, known for centuries, and used by abecedarians, renders two epithets for 'Ulixes' : he is a man of consiliis illustris (v. 139) and a fraudis commentor (w. 527, 579). See the edition by Frédéric Plessis (Paris: Hachette 1885). Would such knowledge, known to every schoolboy for over a millenium previous to Dante, remain unmentioned in secondary literary works and florilegial Some commentators believe Dante knew the Homeric version in some way: see, for example, Benvenuto da Imola, Comentum 11, 293-4. 11 'Evil is augmented and amassed by the practice of evil, and it exists without

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Notes to Pages 8 6 - 9

moderation of limit, it fights through guile and deceit and is revealed by its deeds/ St Ambrose, De fuga saeculi vu, 39 (PL 14, col. 587); Flight from the World, in St Ambrose, Seven Exegetical Works, trans. Michael P. McHugh (Washington, DC: Catholic Univ. Press in association with Consortium Press 1972), 311. My position here is close to that of Mario Trovato in his essay, 'Il contrapasso nell'ottava bolgia/ Dante Studies, 94 (1976), 47-60. 12 ST 11-11, qu. 118, art. 8. 13 Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam, PL 112, col. 905. 14 Anthony K. Cassell, 'Failure, Pride and Conversion in Inferno 1: A Reinterpretation/ Dante Studies, 94 (1976), 1-24. See also Rudy S. Spraycar, 'Dante's lago del cor/ Dante Studies, 96 (1978), 1-19. 15 On Christian Doctrine, trans. D.W. Robertson, Jr, Library of Liberal Arts (New York: Liberal Arts Press 1958), 39. 16 On Christian Doctrine, p. 39. 17 It was originally the fiftieth day after Passover. The Greeks' scorning of Dante's speech reverses the gift of glossolalia and its generous use by the Apostles, whose preaching everyone heard in his native lan­ guage (Acts 2:4, 6, 8). 18 S. Fulgentii Episcopi, Super Thebaiden in Fabii Planciadis Fulgentii V.C. Opera, ed. Rudolf Helm, add. Jean Préaux (Stuttgart: Teubner 1970), 183; Fulgentius the Mythographer, trans. Leslie George Whitbread (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State Univ. Press 1971), 241. 19 As Robert Hollander puts it: 'Dante brings in the Elijah-Elisha story (11 Kings 2:11-12, 23-34) to set up a negative typology for Ulysses: as Dante is like Elisha, who was also the bearer of the true record of an ascent to God because he was singled out for this privileged vision, so Ulysses, the great voyager, is not like Elijah (whom Dante shall himself ultimately resemble), for his awesome voyage was precisely the inversion of the divine voyage, taking him and his men to perdition. ' Allegory in Dante's Commedia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press 1969), 117. For Ulysses as an anti-Aeneas, see H.D. Goldstein's excellent essay, 'Enea e Paolo,' p. 322, and David Thompson's 'Dante's Ulysses and the Allegorical Journey,' Dante Studies, 85 (1967), 35-58, reprinted in his Dante's Epic Journeys (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press 1974). Amilcare Iannucci has recently re-examined the relation and contrast between the journey of Dante Wayfarer and that of Ulysses; see 'Ulysses' "folle volo": The Burden of History,' pp. 410-45. 20 Rupert of Deutz, De victoria verbi Dei v, cap. xiv (PL 169, col. 1328). (Cited hereafter as De victoria.) Concerning the contrapasso, Pietro Alighieri cites James 3:6: 'And the tongue is a fire, a world of iniquity. The tongue is placed among our members, which defileth the whole body and inflameth the wheel of our nativ-

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ity, being set on fire by Hell/ The Epistle continues (3:8): 'But the tongue no man can tame, an unquiet evil, full of deadly poison' (Commentavium, p. 231). The human tongue contrasts with the pure tongue of the Holy Spirit. De victoria v, cap. xvi (PL 169, col. 1329). De victoria v, cap. x (PL 169, col. 1324), v, cap. xi (col. 1325). See also Rupert's Commentum in Apocalypsim vi, xi (PL 169, cols. 1026-7). De victoria v, cap. xi (PL 169, col. 1325). 'Verbum ipsius quasi fácula ardebat [Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 48:1].' Giuseppe Mazzotta, following Robert Hollander (Allegory in Dante's Commedia, p. 117), recognized this inverted typology: 'Elijah is the explicit anti-type of Ulysses, and, like Ulysses in Inferno xxvi, is conventionally described "as a fire, and his word burned like a torch" [Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 48:1].' However, Mazzotta did not note that Ulysses inverted Elijah in many other ways ('Poetics of History,' p. 41; see also Mazzotta's chapter 'Rhetoric and History' in Dante, Poet, pp. 66-106). St Gregory the Great, Homilarium in Ezechielem, lib. 11; Homil. xxxix, 5 (PL j6, col. 1216). In the same context St Gregory alludes to the legend of Elijah's transla­ tion to the Earthly Paradise, the same ultimate destination where Ulysses meets destruction, 'some secret region of the earth' (col. 1216). St Ambrose, De fuga saeculi Vi, 34 (PL 14, col. 585); Flight, p. 307. Cf. Purgatorio xix, 22-4; Joseph Mazzeo, Medieval Cultural Tradition in Dante's Commedia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press i960), 209-12. For Jezebel as 'the outpouring of vanity,' see St Ambrose, De fuga saeculi vi, 34 (PL 14, col. 585); she is 'the impurity of theflesh'mentioned, among the dubia of Hugh of St Victor, in the Allegoriae in Vetus Testamentum vn, 14 (PL 175, col. 710). Elijah is 'the victorious contemptor of worldly vanity' in Rupert of Deutz' De victoria v, xiv (PL 169, col. 1327). De victoria v, cap. ix, x (PL 169, cols. 1325-6). 2 Kings 17:17-24, see St Augustine, De mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae 11, 23 (PL 35, col. 2183). De victoria v, cap. x (PL 169, col. 1324). See, for example, Hugh of St Victor's exegesis on this passage, Miscellanea 111, cvi (PL ijj, col. 690). Elijah's curse in 4 [2] Kings 1:10, as Hugh quotes it, 'If as you say I, as a man of God am a prophet, heavenlyflameswill burn against you now, and against those who are with you,' is fulfilled in Hell. Cf. St Augustine, De mirabilibus 11, 20 (PL 35, col. 2182). Moralia xxvi, 58 (PL 76, cols 583-4); Morals m, pt. 1, p. 178. Moralia xxvi, 60-2 (PL j6, cols. 384-6); Morals 111, pt. 1, pp. 180-1. The para­ digms of fraud are found under the terms hypocrisy, fraudulence, and dissimula­ tion in the Church Fathers; notably the terms 'simulator' and 'hypocrita' are used interchangeably. St Thomas cites Isidore's Etymologies x: ' "Hypocrite" is a Greek word corresponding to the Latin "simulator," for whereas he is evil within,

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Notes to Pages 9 2 - 3

he shows himself outwardly as being good; VTTO denoting falsehood, and xpiaiç judgment' (ST 11-11, qu. 111, art. 2). Most usefully, for our understanding of Geryon and Ulysses, St Thomas adds: 'We must conclude, therefore, that hypoc­ risy is dissimulation ... when a sinner simulates the person of a just man/ In ST I I — I I , qu. 111, art. 3, obj. and reply 3, St Thomas cites St Gregory's Moralia xviii, 13: 'A hypocrite, or as the Latin has it, a dissimulator, is a covetous thief: for through desire of being honoured for holiness, though guilty of wickedness, he steals praises for a life which is not his.' Hypocrisy for St Thomas included guile in words and fraud in deed. Dante may be stressing the generic sense of 'ipocresia' for fraudulence when he places it first in the terzina and first in the list which Virgil gives of the sins of Malebolge in Inf. xi, 57-60: ... nel cerchio secondo s'annida ipocresia, lusinghe e chi affattura, falsità, ladroneccio e simonia, ruffian, baratti e simile lordura. Given the long patristic tradition behind the meaning of the word, it is difficult to ally 'ipocresia' only to the bolgia of the 'ipocriti tristi.' St Gregory the Great contrasts Elijah with dissemblers in his In septem psalmos poenitentiales expositio: Psalm. Ill, vers. 9 [10] (PL 79, col. 573). Critics and commentators generally agree that the punishment in the eighth bolgia is a Hellish inversion of the Pentecost. See André Pézard, Dante sous la pluie de feu, p. 283 et passim; Terence P. Logan, 'The Characterization of Ulysses in Homer, Virgil and Dante: A Study in Sources and Analogues,' Eighty-Second Annual Report of the Dante Society (1964), 42; Hollander, Allegory, p. 118, n. 12. What has not been examined before is that Elijah is the préfiguration of the Gift of Tongues to the Apostles. St Ambrose, De Isaac vel anima vm, 77 (PL 14, col. 531) ; Isaac or the Soul in Seven Exegetical Works, p. 61. Emphasis added. De Isaac vm, 78; Isaac, p. 62. The 'wings of fire' are also theflamesof divine Scripture. See also De fuga saeculi, passim. John Freccero, 'Dante's Prologue Scene: Section 11, "The Wings of Ulysses," ' Dante Studies, 84 (1966), esp. pp. 13-14. Of interest also are Mark Musa's 'Le ali di Dante (e il Dolce stil novo), Purg. xxiv,' Omaggio a Dante, issue of Convivium, 34 (1966), 361-7; and Hugh Shankland's two articles, 'Dante aliger,' Modern Language Review, 70 (1975), 764-85, and 'Dante Aliger and Ulysses,' Italian Studies, 32 (1977), 21-40. Cf. Par. 11, 57; xi, 3; xv, 53-4. Moralia xxxi, 11 (PL 76, col. 581); Morals in, 433. PL 112, col. 856-7. Anna Dolfi, 'Il Canto di Ulisse: Occasione per un discorso di esegesi dantesca,' Forum Italicum, 7, no. 4; 8, no. 1 (1974), 22-45, here, p. 27. Except for this

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misconception, Professor Dolfi's article is excellent, and especially useful for its synopsis of criticism. De eruditione 111, cap. xii (PL 196, col. 1359): 'Vultis adhuc plenius nosse quales alas soleat fraudulentia habere? Ut igitur breviter exprimam quid sentiam: Una dicatur simulationis, alia dissimulationis, tertia ostentationis, quarta excusationis.' This work was familiar to Dante. De eruditione m, cap. xiii (PL 196, col. 1360): 'Scimus autem quia hypocritarum fraudulentia in omni eo quod actitat ad honoris sui promotionem anhelat. Omne enim quod agit, vel agendo intendit, ambitioni deservit. Nihil autem aliud est ambitio quam honoris affectatio. Prima autem species hujus mali est affectatio libertatis, secunda affectatio dignitatis, tertia affectatio auctoritatis, quarta affec­ tatio potestatis.' De eruditione 111, cap. xiii (PL 196, col. 1360): 'Ecce quomodo ambitio in quattuor se capita dividit, cui omnis, ut dictum est, hypocritarum actio subservit. Liber­ tatis affectatio est, quando jam quis subterfugitat aliis subesse. Dignitatis affec­ tatio est superiora ambiendo semper de gradu in gradum anhelare. Auctoritatis affectatio est, cum jam ambit quis vir magni consilii et sanctitatis omnibus apparere et statuenda quaeque, vel diffinienda ab ejus consilio vel arbitrio penderé. Potestatis affectatio est, cum jam ambit aliis praeesse. Videmus saepe illos etiam qui voluntariam obedientiam professi sunt, quam libenter, quam desideranter molestas satis et onerosas occupationes suscipiunt, ut exeundi, loquendi, agendi majusculam libertatem ex administrationis suae occasione obtineant. Quid agit hoc, quaeso, nisi libertatis ambitio?' Ironically, Homer praises Odysseus as 'the equal of Zeus in counsel' (Iliad 11, 169), but such knowledge would not become known in Italy until after 1362, with Leontius Pilatus' translation. Hercules is elsewhere treated as a positive, superhuman character in the Cornmedia-, compare Inferno ix, 97-9, where Dante treats him as a figura of Christ, paralleling their descensus ad inferos and Harrowing by implication. Niccolô Pisano carved Hercules as Fortitude on the pulpit in the Baptistry of Pisa, 1260. Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art (New York and Evanston: Harper and Row i960), fig. 48. Giuseppe Mazzotta comes close to the same conclusion in 'Poetics of History: Inferno xxvi,' and in Dante, Poet, pp. 93-4. Compare, for example, St Thomas Aquinas, ST 11-11, qu. 111, art. 1, and St Gregory the Great, Moralia xxxi, 20 (PL 76, col. 584). The implicit contrast between the faithless Ulysses and 'pius Aeneas' has been made forcefully many times before and I see no useful purpose in discussing it again here. (See Padoan, Ilpio Enea, pp. 170-204; John Scott, Dante magnánimo, pp. 117-93.) I might note, however, that Macrobius' Commentary on the dream of Scipio 1, viii, 6, gives the pattern to be followed by the righteous, the opposite of that followed by

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Notes to Pages 95-6

Ulysses: 'Man has political virtues because he is a social animal. By these virtues upright men devote themselves to their commonwealths, protect cities, revere parents, love their children, and cherish relatives.' Ed. and trans. William Harris Stahl (New York and London: Columbia Univ. Press 1952), 121. 44 Moralia xxxi, 20 (PL 76, col. 584); Morals m, pt. 2, p. 441. Emphasis added. C H A P T E R

E I G H T

:

S A T A N

1 See Charles S. Singleton, 'In exitu Israel de Aegypto/ Seventy-eighth Annual Report of the Dante Society (i960), 1-24. 2 See John Freccero, 'The Sign of Satan/ Modern Language Notes, 80 (1965), 11-26; and my earlier essay, 'The Tomb, the Tower and the Pit: Dante's Satan/ Itálica, 56 (1979). 3 3 Ï - 5 Other useful studies, not otherwise mentioned in the notes, are: Arturo Graf, 'Demonologia di Dante/ in his Miti, leggende e superstizioni del Medio Evo (Turin: Chiantore 1925; reprint, Bologna: Arnaldo Forni 1965), 11, 79-139; Bruno Nardi, 'L'Ultimo canto dell' Inferno,' Convivium, 25 (1957), 141-8; Aleardo Sacchetto, 'Chant xxxiv de Y Enfer,' Bulletin de la Société d'Etudes Dantesques du Centre Universitaire Mediterranean, 8 (Nice 1959), esp. p. 39; André Pézard, 'Le dernier chant de Y Enfer,' in the same journal, 11 (1962), 47-66; Vittorio Rossi, Tl canto xxxiv delYInferno,' in Letture dantesche, ed. Giovanni Getto (Florence: Sansoni 1962), 653-65; Giorgio Petrocchi, Tl canto xxxiv dell'Inferno,' Lectura dantis scaligera (Florence: Le Monnier 1967), 1-24; reprint in Itinerari danteschi (Bari: Adriatica 1969), 295-310; Aldo Vallone, Tl canto xxxiv dell'Inferno e l'estremo intellettualismo di Dante/ Nuove letture dantesche, 3 (Florence: Le Monnier 1969), 189-208; Aulo Greco, Tl canto xxxiv dell'Inferno,' in Inferno: Letture degli anni 1973-76, Casa di Dante in Roma (Rome: Bonacci 1977), 803-21; Andrea Ciotti, 'Lucifero,' Enciclopedia dantesca, sub voce. Many critics, such as Rudolf Palgen, 'La Visione di Túndalo nella Commedia di Dante/ Convivium, 37 (1969), 129-47, have seen the influence of the Vision of Túndale on the Poem; Palgen's essay is most thorough. He shows that Dante's Satan is a contaminatio of several literary sources: that of Lucifer and 'Acherons' in the Visio Tnugdali, of the magic mechanical devil of Genus in the Roman des sept sages, ed. Jean Misrahi (Paris: Droz 1933), 66, and Polyphemus (Ovide moralisé, vol. v, ed. C. de Boer in Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, n.s. 43 [1938], 61). See also V.G. Vetrugno, 'La genealogia e lo sviluppo del Lucifero dantesco,' L'Alighieri, 11 (1970), 16-42. For the question of Satan's fall and the authenticity of the De situ et forma aque et terre, see the edition and brilliant introduction by Giorgio Padoan (Florence: Le Monnier 1968), with his extensive bibliography of the matter. 3 The submersion of human reason into bestiality is figured by the centaurs in the 1

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circle of the tyrants. Charles Singleton observes that the centaurs' joining, where the human waist meets the equine breast, receives triple emphasis in Inf. xn, 70, 84, 97. Inferno: Commentary, pp. 192-5. For other recent essays loosely connected with the concept of submersion to the waist see Kleinhenz, Towering Giants'; Mark Musa, 'Aesthetic Structure in the Inferno, Canto xix,' Essays on Dante, ed. M. Musa (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press 1964), 170; Mark Musa and Anna Granville Hatcher, 'Lucifer's Legs,' PMLA, 79 (1964), 191-9. For the 'fiumana' of Inf. 11 and its intimate connection to baptismal typology, see the thought-provoking essay by John Freccero, 'The River of Death: Inferno 11,108,' in The World of Dante, ed. S. Bernard Chandler and Julius A. Molinaro (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press 1966), 25-42. It is important for the concept of the contrapasso that the half-buried stance of the simonist popes and of Judas inversely reflects the swallowing of Jonah headfirst by the whale; this biblical story also appeared frequently in early Christian art, particularly on sarcophagi. It echoed Christ's identification of himself as the 'new Jonah.' Jonah's three days in the whale prefigured Christ's death and resurrection, and mankind's salvation. See the many illustrations in Josef Wilpert, J Sarcofagi cristiani antichi (Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana 1929-36), 3 vols.; and Friedrich W. Deichmann, Repertorium der christlichantiken Sarkophage (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner 1967). 4 Such references in the Church Fathers are legion. See, for example, Leo the Great's letter to the Bishops of Sicily: 'Proprie tamen in morte crucifixi, et in resurrectione mortui, potentia baptismatis novam creaturam condit ex veteri: ut in renascentibus et mors Christi operetur ... dum in baptismatis regula, et mors intervenit interfectione peccati, et sepulturam triduanam imitatur trina demersio, et ab aquis elevatio, resurgentis instar est de sepulcro.' Epístola xvi, iii, Ad Universos Episcopos per Siciliam Constituios ; PL 54, col. 698. St Cyril, PG 33, cols. 1077-80; Gregory of Nyssa, PG 44, col. 1003; PC 46, col. 420. Daniélou, pp. 37-9, 77, 79, 89 et passim. 5 For the concept of baptism by fire as the judgment of God, see Carl-Martin Edsman, Le Baptême de feu, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, ix (Leipzig: Alfred Lorentz; Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequist; Almquist and Wiksell 1940). The Poet uses immersion, especially to the waist or chest, as a sign of God's judgment over evil many times through the first canticle. 6 Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, vol. 1, trans. Janet Seligman (Greenwich, Conn. : New York Graphic Society 1971), 136-7. Schiller gives the significance in malo, and she is undoubtedly correct; it is also the one most appropriate in the context of Satan in the present essay. There is, however, the symbolic sense in bono which she omits. Christ as 'ichthys' or 'fish' was one of the earliest Christian symbols; at baptism novices become 'pisciculi,' 'little fishes' immersed in

i68

7

8 9 10

11 12

Notes to Pages 97-8

the waters, a tradition attested to as early as Tertullian: 'But we, little fishes, according to the example of our ichthus, Jesus Christ, are born in water, nor have we safety [salvation] in any other way than by remaining permanently in the water' (PL 1, col. 1197). The Perebleptos fresco (see plate 28) shows both human forms and fish beneath the waves of the Jordan. Among the scores of references to the Pharaoh as the Devil, see, for example, St Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermo 39 super Cántica Canticorum, 5 : 'Et prosequere modo mecum singula proportionis membra. Ibi populus eductus de Aegypto, hie homo de saeculo; ibi prosternitur Pharao, hie diabolus.' Sermones super Cántica Canticorum 36-86, ed. J. Leclerq et al., Opera, vol. 11 (Rome: Editiones Cisterciensis 1958), 21. For the Flood, see Hugh of St Victor, De Sacramentis n, 6, viii; On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith, trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Cambridge, Mass. : Medieval Academy of America 1951), 296. Per Lundberg, La Typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne église, Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, x (Leipzig: Alfred Lorentz; Uppsala: A.-B. Lundquist 1942). See Jean Daniélou, The Bible and the Liturgy, ed. Michael A. Mathis, Liturgical Studies (Notre Dame, Ind. : Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1961), esp. pp. 70-98. See also Freccero, 'The River of Death,' p. 34 and n. 22. Schiller, Iconography 1, plate 363. Concerning the Chantilly codex (Musée Condé 697, f. 221) of the Divina Commedia, Millard Meiss describes the souls depicted around Satan : 'The traitors do not seem frozen in ice but rather floating in transparent water.' 'An Illuminated Inferno and Trecento Painting in Pisa,' Art Bulletin, 47 (1965), 21-34; here, p. 28. Schiller, 1, plate 375. Singleton, Elements, pp. 39-42. Treatise on the Trinity, STi, qu. 26, art. 1: 'Procession, therefore, is not to be understood from what it is in bodies, either according to local movement, or by way of a cause proceeding forth to its exterior effect; as, for instance, like heat proceeding from the agent to the thing made hot. Rather it is to be understood by way of an intelligible emanation, for example, of the intelligible word which proceeds from the speaker, yet remains in him. In that sense the Catholic Faith understands procession as existing in God.' For the tradition see Carl-Martin Edsman, Le Baptême de feu, esp. pp. 182-6. The blessing of the font's waters and the Paschal taper took place on the eve of Holy Saturday, the very time of Dante's arrival and departure from Lucifer in the Poem. Compare the Missal of Isidore of Seville as preserved in the Liturgia mozarabica: at the Benedictio aque, the exorcism of Satan from the waters includes the casting of salt and a triple insufflation by the priest: 'Hie faciat sacerdos signum crucis in ipso sale, et insufflet tribus vicibus : et postmodum dicat hunc sequentem

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exorcismus: "Exorcizo te, creatura salis ..." ' (PL 85, col. 105). Compare also the Benedictio text (Missale mixtum secundum regulam B. Isidori dictum Mozarabes, PL 85, col. 465). P. de Puniet in his article on 'La Bénédiction de l'eau' in Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. Fernand Cabrol, tome 2 , i partie (Paris: Létouzey et Ané 1910), 685-713, states that the ceremony of the benediction was fixed from the seventh century in the Gelasian Sacramentary, and compares texts of ancient Syrian and Byzantine liturgies, translating the priest's directions into Latin: 'Insufflât in aquas'; 'Insufflât in aquam' (p. 698). In the twentieth century, according to the Missale romanum, the priest per­ formed this triple breathing twice, probably reflecting a conflation of several litur­ gies; the rite reads as follows (Sabbato: De benedictione aquae baptismalis): The priest first breathes three times in the form of a Cross upon the water ('halat ter in aquam in modum crucis') saying: 'Do [O God] with your mouth bless these clear waters (simplices aquas), that besides their natural power of cleansing the body, they may also be effectual for the cleansing of minds/ The priest next plunges the Paschal candle three times into the font, singing: 'May the power of the Holy Spirit descend into the fulness of this font.' He then breathes three times again over the water ('sufflans ter in aquam') and sings: 'And make the whole substance of this water fruitful for the effecting of regeneration.' Missale romanum (Ratisbon: Pustet 1963), 239-48. A triple spiration effecting the death of the soul is one of Dante's most ingenious doctrinal and poetic tróvate. 13 Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 107. The baptism of Christ fulfilled the sacrifice of Elias-Elijah in the Old Testament, in which fire descends upon the holocaust. On the Spirit descending at Christ's Baptism, see Matthew 3:16; Mark 1:10; Luke 3:22; John 1:29-34. On baptismal epiclesis, see Daniélou, Bible and Liturgy, pp. 13, 107, et passim. 14 Compare ST 111, qu. 39, art. 1; also n. 12 above; and the rite of Milan: '(Exorcis­ mus) Exorcizo te creatura aquae in nomine dei patris omnipotentis, et in nomine iesu christi filii eius domini nostri, et in virtute spiritus sancti, ut fias aqua exorcizata ed effugandam omnem potestatem inimici et ipsum inimicum eradicare et explantare valeas cum angelis suis apostatis per virtutem eiusdem domini nostri iesu christi qui venturus est iudicare vivos et mortuos et seculum per ignem. Amen.' Missale romanum mediolani, 1474, ed. Robert Lippe, Henry Bradshaw Society, xvii (London: Harrison and Sons 1899), 1, xxv. See B. Neunheuser, 'De benedictione aquae baptismalis,' in Ephemerides liturgicae, 44 (1930), 484-91; Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique: doctrine et histoire, fondé par M. Viller et al., tome iv, pt. 1 (Paris: Beauchesne i960), 24. In the context of baptism, the iconography of Satan, and Dante's constant satire of the Florentines, it is well to remember the triform figure of Satan in the frescoes of the Florentine Baptistry, and Dante's desire to be crowned as a poet in that very 'bel San Gioe

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16

17 18

19 20 21

Notes to Pages 99-101 vanni/ As, in the next few pages, we treat the iconography of Joseph betrayed by his brothers, we should keep in mind that it may also be no coincidence that Dante, betrayed by Florence and accused as traitor, would wed his poetic symbolism to the sacrament and sanctuary closest to his heart. 'Quis est ille quern parentes et fratres adoraverunt super terram, nisi Christus Jesus?' De Joseph, 2:8 in Sancti Ambrosii Opera, ed. Karl Schenkel, CSEL, 32, 2 (Prague, Vienna, Leipzig: Tempsky and Freytag 1897), 7*>; PL 14, cols. 637-72. 'Et ut scias verum hoc esse mysterium, ipse de se Dominus ait: "Posuerunt me in lacu inferiori et in umbra mortis" (Psalm 87:7 [88:6])' (PL 14, col. 644). Use­ fully, for the 'lago' of Cocytus, St Ambrose equates the well or pit, 'puteus,' with 'lacus' and 'piscina'; cf. PL 14, col. 512. Moralia xxxm, 45 (PL 76, col. 702); Morals 111, 599; St Gregory is discussing Job 41:4: 'Who can go into the midst of his mouth?' Dante may have calqued his description on the cow-like unconcern of Satan described by St Gregory: 'Before the coming of the Redeemer of the world, [Satan] drank up the world without wondering. ... even after the knowledge of the Redeemer, he seizes many with his open mouth.' Moralia xxxm, 12 (PL 76, col. 677-8); Morals 111, 565-6. 'The Redeemer of mankind Who not only restrained us from falling into the mouth of Leviathan but granted us also to return from his mouth.' Moralia xxxm, 22 (PL 76, col. 686); Morals 111, 577. Both passages are important for the 'hydraulic system' of Hell ending with Satan. Moralia xxxm, 22 (PL 76, col. 700-1); Morals m, 577. PL 112, col. 1073-4. Moralia 11, 53 : 'Ventus autem vehemus quid aliud, quam tentatio fortis accipitur?' (PL 75, col. 582); Morals 1,104.

22 Moralia xxix, 57-61, esp. p. 59 (PL 76, col. 509-12); Morals 111, 343-6, esp. p. 34523 Moralia xxix, 58 (PL 76, col. 570); Morals m, 343. Many critics, and, most persuasively, Palgen, in 'La Visione di Túndalo/ have ascribed the lake of ice to Túndale; however, I believe that Dante saw in the Visione merely a corrobora­ tion for the biblical doctrine, and that he may perhaps have seen it even as an historical reaffirmation. 24 Moralia xxxn, 18, 'Fenum sicut bos comedet' (PL 76, col. 646-7); Morals 11, 524. 25 St Ambrose, De Interpellation lob et David, lib. 11, 5:18, in Sancti Ambrosii Opera, ed. Karl Schenkel, CSEL, 32:2 (Prague, Vienna, Leipzig: Tempsky and Freytag 1897), 244. St Ambrose, The Prayer of Job and David, in St Ambrose, Seven Exegetical Works, trans. Michael P. McHugh, The Fathers of the Church, 65 (Washington, D C : Catholic Univ. of America Press, in association with Consortium Press 1972), 364. See also Walafrid Strabo, Glossa ordinaria (PL 114; col. 339), and Rabanus Maurus, De universo X X I I , 7 (PL 111, col. 603).

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Notes to Pages 101-3

26 Moralia xi, 60, 'Homo quasi folium et stipula tentationis vento movetur' (PL 75, col. 980); Morals 11, p. 37. 27 H.D. Austin, in his brief essay 'Mola in Dante's Usage,' Speculum, 19 (1944), 127-9, totally disregarding Satan's holocaust of souls in history, was only concerned with showing that Dante refers to a horizontal millstone rather than a vertical movement of heavenly dance. 28 One should note that the 'towers' of Satan's City and Tomb are also chimeras (Cassell, 'The Tomb,' p. 340). For the common image of Satan's teeth as tempta­ tion and trial see also Moralia xm, 12 (PL 75, col. 1022-3); Morals 11, 94; Moralia xxxiii, 47 (PL 76, col. 703; Morals 111, 600). 29 Alois Thomas, 'Mystische Mühle, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, vol. in, ed. Engelbert Kirschbaum (Rome, Basel, Freiburg and Vienna: Herder 1971), 29730 St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam vm, 48 (PL 15, col. 1779); St Paulinas of Nola (PL 61, col. 193); Maximus of Turin, Homilia 111 (PL 57, col. 514); Rabanus Maurus, De Universo X X I I , 7 (PL 111, col. 603); Rupert of Deutz, Commentum in Matthaeum x (PL 168, col. 1556). 31 St Ambrose, Expositio X L I I - X L I I I (PL 15, col. 1781). 32 Expositio XLvni (PL 15, col. 1779). 33 Expositio L (PL 15, col. 1780). The erring mind (mens) is purified at baptism, the sacrament of initiation. After the journey, Dante has 'la mente che non erra.' 34 Expositio, o (PL 15, col. 1780). 35 Moralia xxv, 19 (PL 76, col. 331); Morals m, 108-9. Although Satan is the main subject of our enquiry into the contrapasso of this episode, I should remark in passing that Judas' punishment in particular is based on Job 34:24, where God makes Satan do his bidding: 'He shall break in pieces many and innumerable, and shall make others to stand in their stead. ' This prediction of Judas' replacement by Matthias is fulfilled in Acts 1:20-6. St Gregory, however, contrasts the thieving Judas with the Good Thief crucified with Christ: 'For what man could suppose that Judas, even after the ministry of the apostleship, would lose his portion in life? And who would believe, on the other hand, that the thief would find a means of life even at the very instant of his death? But the judge secretly presiding, and discerning the hearts of these two persons, mercifully established the one, and justly crushed the other (Judas).' Moralia xxv, 19 (PL 76, col. 331); Morals m, 108-9. We might recall here that the end of the paradigm of the 'daughters of covetousness (cupiditas)/ after descending through violence, falsehood, perjury, and fraud, then evolves into treachery against persons, ' treachery, as in the case of Judas, who betrayed Christ through covetousness' (ST 11-11, qu. 118, art. 8). There is obviously no question about the fitting union in Cocytus of Lucifer,

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traitor to God the Father in Heaven, with Judas, betrayer of Christ, the Son on Earth. 36 ST 11, qu. 69, arts., 1 and 2; qu. 79, arts. 1, 4 and 5. 37 Moralia xxxm, 22 (PL 76, col. 686); Morals 111, 577. Palgen suggests an intri­ guing parallel between Dante's escape, climbing Lucifer, and Ulysses' escape from the cave of the Cyclops, clinging to the shaggy wool of a sheep; hairiness is, of course, a conventional iconographie attribute of demons and devils (Dante's Charon, Cerberus, and others all show a maximum degree of hirsuteness). See 'La visione di Túndalo,' esp. pp. 143-4. 38 Rupert of Deutz, among the hundreds of examples which one could cite, compares Christ's passion to wheat ground in a mill (Commentarium in Matthaeum, PL 168, col. 1556). See also Emile Mâle, The Gothic Image, trans. Dora Nussey (New York and London: Harper and Row 1958), 171-2; and, especially, Alois Thomas, 'Die mystische Mühle,' Christliche Kunst, 31 (1934-5), 129-39, d his article 'Mystische Mühle,' pp. 297-9; both his articles have fundamental information and an extensive bibliography. See also Gertrud Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, vol. iv, 1 (Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn 1976), 61-2. For St Paul as the miller, see D.W. Robertson, Jr, A Preface to Chaucer: Studies in Medieval Perspectives (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press 1962), 290. Behind the figure of Lucifer's dark satanic mill lies the same pattern which will come to full devotional and iconographie fruition over a century after Dante, that of Christ in the 'mystic mill.' The Redeemer, prefigured by the manna in the desert and incarnate as the Bread of Life (John 6:26-58), was then depicted in art as the literal product of the 'Mill of the Cross' : grain, and the tortured Christ, poured in at the top of the Mill, issued, in most pictorial examples, as Communion wafers below. In Dante's 'basso inferno' Christ is there only in parody and as judge: Satan himself is forced to act out the divine punishment as a winnowing mill, grinding the decayed grain of bloody souls unproductively, and forever. German scholars, particularly, have been most active in regard to the doctrine of the 'mystic mill,' but not exclusively. See the illustrations in Remigius Boving, 'Zur Théologie eines Altarbildes aus der ehemaligen Franziskanerkirche Gôttingen,' Franziskaner Studien, 5 (1918), 26-38, esp. p. 27; F. De Lasteryrie, 'No­ tice sur quelques représentations allégoriques de l'Eucharistie,' Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de France, 39 (1878), 82; Joseph Braun, Der christliche Altar, vol. 11 (Munich: Günther Koch 1924), 507; Karl Künstle, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, vol. 1 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder 1928), 193; Heinrich Schulz, 'Die mittelalterliche Sakramentsmühle,' Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst, 63 (1929), 208-16. Religious art of the late Middle Ages allied the Mill of the Host, a n

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or Mystic Mill, to the Mystic Winepress, following Christ's own identification of himself with a vine (see the extensive treatment above in chapter 3), and conflat­ ing it with the verses in Isaias 63:1-6: T have trodden the wine press alone.' See, in this regard: L. Lindet, 'Représentations allégoriques du moulin et du pressoir dans l'art chrétien,' Revue archéologique, 36 (1900), 402-13; Arthur Van Gramberen, 'Le pressoir mystique,' Bulletin des métiers d'art, 12 (1913), 129-32; Alois Thomas, Die Darstellung Christi in der Kelter: eine theologische und kulturhistorische Studie, Forschungen zur Volkskunde (Dusseldorf: L. Schwann 1936), esp. pp. 163-9, e 'mystic mill.' The text is published in PL 186, col. 1237, and, with negligible variations, in Julius von Schlosser, Quellenbuch zur Kunstgeschichte des abendlàndischen Mittelalters (Vienna: Carl Graeser 1896), 280. See the illustrations in Thomas, 'Mystische Miihle,' p. 298. St Eucherius, Formulae spiritalis intelligentiae, 7, CSEL 31 (1894), 42: 'mola vitae conversio.' Compare, on this subject, the excellent chapter by Robert Hollander in Studies in Dante (Ravenna: Longo 1980), 91-105, esp. p. 94 (reprinted from Itálica, 52 [1975], 348-63); see once again Charles S. Singleton's fundamental study, 'In exitu Israel,' and its necessary corollary, John Freccero's 'Casella's Song,' Dante Studies, 91 (1973), 73-80. I0r m

39

40 41 42

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Index

Abednego 28 Absalom 1 1 , 5 0 , H 4 n n 2 6 , 2 7 , 1 3 8 ^ 7 Acheron 142^ Achilles 90 Achitophel. See Ahithophel Actaeon 44 Acts (1:7) 63; ( 1 : 1 5 - 2 6 ) 51; (2:2,3) (27)

i42-3n

92;

H3ni8,114ms

3

Adaleta, wife of Farinata 21 Adam 64, 65, 69, 81, 9 9 , 1 0 3 ; as all man­ kind i 5 8 n 6 7 ; buried 58; Second Adam, Christ 61 Adamicmyth 61 Adamo, Mastro. See Mastro Adamo Aeneas 45 ; as contrasted to Ulysses 95, i65n43

Aeneid 44; ( i n , 23) 45; ( i n , 1 0 4 - 5 ;

V I 1

'

3 2 4 - 5 ; v i n , 326) 66; (11,134-65) i42- n3 3

Age of Gold. See Golden Age ages: fourth age 1 4 8 - 9 ^ 0 ; fifth, saeculum 63, 65; sixth, baptism 63, 64, i 5 8 n 6 6 ; seventh, of Spirit 63 Ahithophel 1 1 - 1 2 , 4 7 , 5 0 - 2 , 1 3 8 ^ 7 Alain de Lille 17 St Albertus Magnus (De Meteoris 1, iv, 8) 70

Aldobrandino Cavalcanti 21, i2in3i Alexander the Great of Macedonia 63, 69, 70-1, 79, i5in23 Allegoriae in Sacrum Scripturam (Gamier de Rochefort, attributed to Rabanus Maurus) 17, 87, 93,100, ii8nnn, 12 allegory, fourfold limy, 1121112, allegory, threefold i n n 9 altar 23-24; as tomb i2in39 Amalarius of Metz 23 St Ambrose of Milan 59, 92, 99,101-2 Ammon-Zeus. See Jove, Zeus, Crete, Rhea, Curetés Amos (9:9) 100 Ancient of Days 61 Andoche, Saint-. See Saint-Andoche, Church of angel 23 Angelo della Vigna 38 Annunciation 26 Antiquus dierum. See Ancient of Days Apocalypse. See Revelation Apocalypse of Peter 72 Apocrypha 72 Apollo 67-8 ara. See altar

176 Index arbor crucis 34; arbor mala 1371x26; salutífera 54; virtutum 1311x26; vitiorum 1311126,1371126 arca, arche 15, 20, 24. 26-30; of Verona 25; as 'houses' in Decameron 1261169. See also ark, Noah, tomb De arca Noe (Hugh of St Victor) 28 Arena Chapel, Padua 50 Aristotle 4, 44,109^3 ark, Noah's 10, 26-8,124^5; image of deliverance 125^8 Aries, cemetery at 29 arma Christi 25,123^1 Arnulphus of Orleans 67-8 Assyria. See Babylonia Augustales 39 St Augustine, Bishop of Hippo 10,15, 16,17, 22, 26, 27, 31, 35,47, 64, 66, 70, 73, 87, H9n22; on degrees of perdition non5; Enarrationes in Psalmos 51; De Genesi adlitteram 81; De Ser­ mone in Monte 73; Sermo xm De Tempore 82 Au tun Cathedral 50 avarice 46, 48; daughters of 48,137^6; relation to arbor mala 161119; relation to Tree of Jesse i3on26. See also avaritia, cupiditas avaritia 45,48,137^6. See also cupiditas avelli 23. See also tombs

Baptistry, of Florence. See 'bel San Gio­ vanni' Babylon, Babylonia, Assyria 62, 63, 80, *57 59 Babylonians 63 Baethgen, Friedrich 42 Bardi Chapel 25 barrators. See grafters Beatrice 12 'bel San Giovanni,' Florentine Baptistry 50; frescoes of 1691114 'Belzebu' 96, 98 De benedictione aquae baptismalis 98, i69ni2 Benevento Cathedral 50 Benvenuto da Imola (Comentum) 44 Berardo, Archbishop of Palermo 38 Berchorius, Petrus. See Bersuire, Pierre, Ovidius moralizatus St Bernard of Clairvaux 10, 22, 35,58, 62 Bernardus Silvestris, pseudo- 43,44, 75 Bersuire, Pierre (Ovidius moralizatus) 45.68 Bertelli, Carlo 25 Bertrán de Born 3,5,11,12,113^4, i38n Bethany, anointing at 47 Bethlehem 46 Bibles, moralized 51 blasphemers 20, 66 blasphemy 73; perfect 82,144m7 Babel, tower of 67 blood, of Christ 60; as sin 102 baptism 12,13,59,60, 64, 82,98,99,103, Bocea degli Abati 4 i49n53,1691114; as burial 65, 97,146Boccaccio, Giovanni, on Guido Cavalcanti 7n35, i58n7o; of Christ 144-5™^, i26n69 i69ni3; as death 97, i48n49,1491x37; Body of Christ 24 doctrine of 62; of fire 61, 73,144body of sin 65 Boios (Ornithogony) 76 5ni9,167113; man's likeness to God i58nn69,71 ; plant, planting as image of Bologna 38 Bonatti, Guido 39 129ml, i43nio; prefigured by the Red St Bonaventure 10,35,36 Sea i45n2o; purifying of mind 171^3 n

a s

37

177 Index Breviarum in Psalmos (St Jerome) 50 Brescia Lipsanotheca 49 Brunetto Latini 16 Brutus 99 burial, as damnation i26n7i burning, of heretics 21 Busnelli, Giovanni 57, 61, 82 Caiaphas 10 calidus 27 Callimachus (Homeric Hymn 1) 76-7 Can Grande della Scala, tomb of 26 canes Jovis. See harpies Cántica Canticorum 22 Capaneus 69, 73-4, 78 captado benevolendae 83 Capua 34,38,39,40,41 Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini, the Cardinal. See Ottaviano Casa Home, Florence 25 Casella 72,104 Caserta, Richard, Count of 41, 46 Cassius 99 catacombs 26 De Catechizandis rudibus (St Augustine) 22, 26 Catena aurea (St Thomas Aquinas) 35 Cato, in Pharsalia 71, 72,151^5; in Commedia 72,104, ii3ni8 Cavalcante de' Cavalcanti 16,17, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27 Cavallera, Ferdinand 35 Celestial Rose 12 centaur(s) 60, i66n3 Cerbaia 40 Cerberus i6on5 cervix (neck) 17 Cham. See Ham Chariot of the Church 27 Charles de Valois 54 Christ 10, 24, 26, 33, 37, 58, 61-2, 64,

65, 69, 71, 81, 82; in Matthew (23:24) 84; as second Adam 61; in art 25; baptism of 98,149^153, 57; birth of 27; Cross of 27; on Cross 103; death of 23; death and burial 62,123^4; as ichthys i6yn6; as new Jonah 167^; as Judge 33, 61 (see also Last Judg­ ment); Last Words of 36-7; as mystic vine i29n9; prefigured 59, 60; resur­ rection of 23, 96; as rock 61, 63, i44ni7,1461134; Satan as inversion of 143ml; as sol iustidae 46, 68; tomb of 24; wound in side as image of bap­ tism 144m 8 Ciacco 16, 29 Circe 90 Cities of the Plain (Genesis 19) 74 City of Fire (città delfuoco) 18, 20 City of God, concept 15, 27, 28, 65, n8n4,125^8; City of God, De civitate Dei (St Augustine) 27, 70, 80; (DCD i, 18) 80; (DCD xxii, 30) 63 civitas terrena. See earthly city De civitate Dei. See City of God (St Augustine) Cocytus 4, 20, 97, 98, i7on23 Coming(s) of Christ 65 Commendado, animae 26, 27 Commentariorum in Danielem (St Jerome) 67 commutative justice non3 Confessions (St Augustine) 10 Constantinople, Council of (553 A D ) 21 Consdtudones regni Siciliae (Constitu­ tions of Melfi) 21,38 contrapasso (contrapassum) 3, 4, 6,13, 14,15,32,33,38,44,57, 83,99, io9nm-3, non4 Convivio (Dante Alighieri) 6, 8,14 1 Corinthians (10:1-5) 59; (11:19) 31; (13:2) 80; (15:21-2) 81

178

Index

Corso Donati 55 Council of Constantinople (553 A D ) 21 Council of Lyons 39,40 counsel, counsellors, fraudulent, false. See fraud, fraudulent counsel covetousness. See cupiditas, avaritia Creation 13, 65, 98 Cremona 39,46; Edict of 21 Crete (Creta) 66, 75, 77, 82,14m}, 53 3^/ Aeneid (in, 105) 156^0; as 'divine judgment' 152^6 Cretans (Cretians) 77, 78 Cross 27, 58, 71; wood of 65 Crown of Thorns 34, 36 Crucifixion 64 'Culex' (pseudo-Virgil) 84, i6on5. See also gnat culpa 4, 61, 70, i42n3 cupiditas 45, 46,48, 86,1711x35; opposed to justice i39n47; root of all evil 53, i35ni5. See a/so avarice, daughters of, 'daughters of avarice' cupidity. See cupiditas, avaritia Curetés (Kouretes) 76, 78 curiosity 21 St Cyprian {Quod idola dii non sint) 70 St Cyril of Jerusalem 35, 48, 82 1

n

Damietta (Damiata) 1571x62 Daniel, Book of 27,57, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 71, 79; (2:47) 67; (3) 27; (340) 61; (7:9-22) 61; (7:10) 61; (7:13-15)61 David 11,12,50,99,138 'daughters of avarice' as concept, and in SummaTheologica 48,1711x35. See

also avarice 'daughters of covetousness.' See 'daughters of avarice' Deidamia 86,90 deiform images 113. See also Christ, Man of Sorrows

Denis, Saint-, Abbey of 103 DeSanctis, Francesco 19 descensus ad inferos 23, 96, 97, ii5ni32, i24n55,1461x27

descent into hell. See descensus despair 49 Deucalion 26 Deuteronomy (6:10) 71; (31:27) 17 Diana 67-8, 69 Dionysius, pseudo- 82 Diomedes 83, 90 Dis, City of 15, 20, 23, 29; Gates of 29 dissemblers 93, 95 Divinae institutiones (Lactantius) 80 De doctrina Christiana (St Augustine) 87 Dominican(s) 21 Dura, Plain of 67 Durling, Robert ii9n22 Earthly City 15,16,17,18, 27, 29, 65, ii7-i8n4 earthquake 23 Easter 23, 96; Easter Antiphon 23 Ecclesia 59, 64 Ecclesiastes (5:9) 48 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) (10:9) 48; (48:1) 89, 1631x23

Eclogae de Officio Missae (Amalarius of Metz) 23 Eden 64 Edsman, Carl-Martin 61 Edict of Cremona 21 Egypt/ Egyptians 47, 82 Elias. See Elijah Elijah 13, 73, 88, 89, 90,124^5; curse of 1631x29; Malachias (4:5-6) 92; pré­ figuration of baptism I45ni9, i69ni3 ; Saint Elias 152^0; préfiguration of John the Baptist 152^0; translation to Earthly Paradise 163^4 Elisha 90

179 Index Enarratio in Psalmum vi (St Augustine) 6 Ennius (Sacred History) 78 epiclesis 60, 98, i68-9nni2,13,14 Epicureans 29, i2on23,119-20^2, I25n66 Epicurus 27, 29, 30,125^8 Epimenides 77 Epístola to Can Grande 4, 5, 7, io, 67, 71, non6, n6n39 De eruditione hominis interioris (Richard of St Victor) 51, 93 Esposizioni sulla Commedia (Giovanni Boccaccio) 40 Eteocles 88,90 Ethics. See Nicomachaean Ethics Eucharist 12,100,103 StEucherius 104 Euhemerus i5oni9 Eunoe 12,156^2 Eve 64, 69 'evil pouches' (Malebolge) 83 Exodus 4, 7,12,13,59, 60; (17) 59; (21:1; 21:23-4; 21:23-5) 4 Ezekiel (32:22) 30 Ezrael 72 4

Fabula Finei (Fulgentius) 43 Fall of man 19,57,79,81,85,103, i24n55; 156^2 false counsel. See fraudulent counsel Farinata 14,15-31 fessura 61, 62, 81,142113,147-8^1 figura 74 figurai density 11 filiae cupiditatis or avaritiae. See daughters of avarice Fire, City of 18; divine 60; symbol of unbelief i2on27 fish, image in baptism i6y-Sn6 fissure(s). See fessura

five, symbolism of 85, 87, 88; fifth age, saeculum 63, 65; Cities of Egypt i6on6. See also ages, four, six, and seven flames of hell 19. See also Gehenna, Holy Spirit Flamini, Francesco 57 Flood 26, 60, 65,149n53 Florence 15,19, 21, 84, 93,124^5; greed, avarice of 54; (heresy in) i2on29 flumina (John 7:37-9) 58,59 four, symbolism of 148-9^0. See also ages, five, six, and seven foresight of souls 29, i25n65 Francesca 10,14,19 Francesco Pippino 40 fraud, fraudulentia 20, 86, 93, 94; paradigm of 163^1 fraudulent counsel 20, 86, 88, 89, 94, i6inio Frederick 11 of Hohenstaufen, Emperor, King of the Two Sicilies 21, 22,33,38, 39,43,44,52; as 'Justitia' 131^4; as Pharaoh, the Devil i}6ni (11:3-5) 38; (11:7) 100; (34:13) 37; (43:i920) 59; (51:9) 65; (52:3) 24 Isidore of Seville 29, 84 iron, as Romans 147^0 Israel 12 Ithaca 84 Japheth 27 Jeremias (Jeremiah) (2:21) 35,37; (23:24) 10;(25:10) 101 St Jerome 27,48,50, 61, 63, 67, 77; (Commentariorum in Danielem) 67 Jesi 46 Jesse, Rod of 52; Tree of 33 Jesus 34,35, 78. See also Christ Jews 27 Job (2:19) 20; (7:15) 53; (15:27) 31; (15:30) 37; (21:18) 101; (30:4) 45; (36:13-14) 91; (38:30) 100; (39:13), 93; (40:10) 100 John (3:5) 65; (3:14) 10; (5:22) 61; (7:37-9) 58; (7:38) 59; (7:46) 36; (12:4-6) 47; (12:6) 46,47; (i3: 9) 46; (15:1-8) 34; (15:6) 21 St John the Baptist 60 St John Chrysostomos 47,48, 70, 78 St John, the Divine, Evangelist 25,47; as representative of the Old Law 123^2 Jonah (Jonas) 166-7^; in whale 124^5 Jordan 97,1441119,149^3 Joseph 34, 99, i24n55 De Joseph patriarcha (St Ambrose) 99 Jove 74-6, 78-9, 81-2,154^8; Ammon 71. See also Zeus journey to justice (Commedia as) n6n35 Jubilee Year 25 Judas Iscariot 47,48,49-51,53, 99,100, i33 53¿ in art 139^1; avarice of i36n22; (in Inferno xxxiv) 137^9; 2

n

Tscariot/surname 53; lance of 54; punishment of 171^5 Judgment Day. See Last Judgment Juktas, Mount i55n44 juniper, as symbol of avarice 45 justice. See contrapasso, lex talionis justice, sun of 46 Juvenal 66, 79 Kantorowicz, Ernst H. 41,46 Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 21 2 Kings (2 Samuel) (16:18) 50; (17:23) 50,51 3 Kings (1 Kings) (17:17-24) 90; (18:38) 13,73 4 Kings (2 Kings) (2:9-11) 90; (5) 13 Knights of St James 40 Kouretes. See Curetés Lactantius H9n22 Last Judgment 28, 33, 49, 61, 62, 73, I24n55, i38n37 Latona 67, 68 law, Mosaic 25,102,104; New Law 104, i23n52; Old Law 3, 4,104,123^2. See also contrapasso, lex talionis legno (lignum) See Cross, wood of Leontius Pilatus i65n4i lèse majesté 32 Letter to Can Grande. See Epistola to Can Grande Lethe 12,156^2 Leviticus (17:14) 102 lex talionis 3. See also contrapasso, Mosaic Law, New Law, Old Law Liber Augustalis 38 Limbo 19 Lipsanotheca 49 Logothete. See Pier della Vigna Lord of the Flies 96

i82

Index

Lotto degli Agli 53,139-4^48 Lucifer 81 Luke (3:16) 60; (4:58) 81; (8:8) 101; (12:15) 97; (13:35) 101; (22:31-2) 100-1 lustful 69 Lucan (Pharsalia) 71 lyre, Christ as H3n22. See also Mastro Adamo Madonna. See St Mary the Blessed Virgin Malachias (4.5-6) 92 Mâle, Emile 24-5 Man of Sorrows 24, 25, i2in38, i22n45, i23nn53, 54 Mandylion 24 Maremma 32 Sta Maria del Fiore, Florence 25 Sta Maria della Pieve, Arezzo 98 Mark (1:13) 14 St Mark, in art 25 St Mark's, Venice 97, 99 St Mary the Blessed Virgin 25, 36, 37, 63, 68, i23n52 Mass. See Eucharist massa peccatrix 59 Mastro Adamo 10, íi^mz Matelda 156^2 Mater dolorosa. See St Mary the Blessed Virgin Matthew (1) 63; (4:2) 14; (12:32) 73; (23:24) 84; (23:27-8) 91; (24:41) 101; (26:15) 47; (27) 23; (27:3-5) 48; (28) 23 St Matthew, in mosaic of St Mark's, Venice 99 Matthew Paris 39 Maximinian's chair, Ravenna 99 Medes 63 Melfi, Constitutions of 21, 38

Meshach 28 Messiah 34 metaphor, reduction of H3n22 Metamorphoses (Ovid) 66, 67 Micheas (4:4) 34; (7:1) 101 Milan, Duomo of 49 mill 25,100-3, ljimj, 173^9; of the Cross 25,172-3^8; St Paul at 103 San Minia to 39 Minorite(s) 21 mo/a, molino. See mill De Monarchia (Dante) 8, 10, 46 monimenti 23, 31 Moralia in Job (St Gregory the Great) 21, 99. See also St Gregory the Great Mosaic law. See law Moses 59, 76, i44ni8 Mountain of Water, Baptism of Christ in art 1461x35,154^1 Museo Sforzesco, Milan 25 mystic mill. See mill mystic vine. See vine mystic winepress. See winepress Naaman 13 Naples 39; University of 38 Narcissus 80 Nebuchadnezzar 57, 67, 69, 79, 80; dream of 62, 66, 147^0; as idolater i5on5; statue in dream 58, 61; statue on plain of Dura 67 neck, as pride 17 Neda 76 Neoplatonists 80 New Law. See law New Man 61 Nicola della Rocca 34 Nicomachaean Ethics (Aristotle) 44, i09n3

183 Index Niobe 66, 67, 69 Noah 10, 13, 26, 27, 28, 60; in art 12^55; vir Justus 124^7 Novus homo. See New Man number symbolism i48n42. See ages, four, five, six, and seven Numbers (21:8-9) 1 0

Odysseus, in Iliad 1651141. See also Ulysses old age, as sin i48n49 Old Law. See law Old Man of Crete. See Gran Veglio di Creta, vetus homo Olschki, Leonardo 41, i27n2 Omberto Aldobrandesco 17 orazion picciola, of Ulysses 85, 87, i6on7 Origen 48, 53, 82 original sin 64 Ornithogony (Boios) 76 Orpheus 9 Ospedale di San Jacopo di Altopascio 40-1 Ospedale di Santa Maria della Trinità 40 Ottaviano degli Ubaldini, the Cardinal 21 Ottimo (Ottimo Commento) 53 Ovid 44, 66, 67, 79, 84 Ovide moralisé 68 Ovidius moralizatus (Pierre Bersuire) 45, 68 Padoan, Giorgio 17 Pala d'Oro, in St Mark's, Venice 97 Palladium, theft of 84, 86 Papacy 38 Paradise, as subject in Commedia 81 2 Paralipomenon (20:12) 71 Pascoli, Giovanni 57, 82, 141-2^

Passion, of Christ 24, 34, 46, 50, 64 Passion Sunday 24 Patriarchs 37 St Paul 22, 59, 77, 78, 104, 142-3^; at mill 103,172^8 Penelope 84 Pentecost 88 perdition, degrees of non5 Perebleptos, Church of 97, i68n6 perfect blasphemy. See blasphemy, idolaters Peripatetics 70 Persians 63 1 Peter (3:18-21) 60; (5:13) 80 2 Peter (3:3-10) 65 Petrocchi, Giorgio 18 St Peter, the Apostle 80, 99, 100; keys of i3oni6; at Sepulchre 123^2 Saint Peter's, Old, Church in Rome i2 n45 Phaethon 45 Pharaoh 47, 60; as the Devil 156^19, i68n6 Pharsalia (Lucan) 71 Philip of Harveng (De somnis Nahuchodonosor) 57 Philyra 76 Phineus 43, i34n4 Pier della Vigna 10, 32-41, 42-55 pilgrimage 24, 25, I57n62 pilgrims 25 pit 96 plant, planting, of soul as metaphor of baptism 35, 129ml, i43nio Platonists 81 Plotinus 80 poena 4, 61, 70, non4, 142^ Pola 29 polis 14, 16 Polydorus 44-5 Polymnestor, King of Thrace 44 3

184

Index

Polynices 88, 90 pozzo. See pit The Prayer of Job and David (St A m ­ brose) 101 pride 16, 67 Procession of Holy Spirit 98 prophets 37 Protonotary. See Pier della Vigna pruno. See thorn Psalms (6) 64; (11:7 [12:6]) 92; (31:4, Douay only) 37; (45:12 [46:4]) 59; (79:9 [80:8]) 34; (87:7 [88:6]) 99; (108 [109]) 48, 50; (138:7-8 [139]) 10 punishment. See poena Pythagoreans H9n22 Quod idola dii non sint (St Cyprian) 80 Rabanus Maurus 48, 51; (pseudo-) 17. See also Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam Rahner, Hugo 58 Red Sea 60; as préfiguration of baptism 145^0 Redeemer. See Christ Sta Reparata, Church of 25 resurrection 23-4; of Christ 24, 96, i23n54,124n54; i n art 122^3; of flesh H9n22; as pagan theme i 4- n4i 5

5

retaliation 3. See also contrapasso, law Revelation (Apocalypse) (5:58) 61; (18:22) 101 Rhea, mother of Zeus 76 Richard of St Victor 62, 93, 94; (De Eruditione hominis interioris) 51, 57 Richard, Count of Caserta 41

river, of blood 60, 75, 1451120; of Light in Paradiso 12; of Paradise 58 Rocco de' Mozzi 53, 139-40^8 Rod of Jesse 37, 38, 52 Romans, Roman people 63 Romans (1:23-7) 6, 74; (5:12-17) 81; (6:3-4) 97; (6:3-7) 60; (6:3-12) 65; (6:4) 82, 97; (6:5) 35 Rome 80, 81, I42n3; as Babylon 15 7 5 9; medieval city 24 Romer Pilgrims 25 Ruggieri, Archbishop 12 ruina, ruine 23 n

Rupert of Deutz 61, 67, 80, 89, 90 De Sacramentis (Hugh of St Victor) 64 Sacred History (Ennius) 78 saeculum 63, 64, 88, i58n66 Saint-Andoche, Church of 50 Saint-Denis, Abbey of 103 Salamone da Lucca 21 Salimbene de Adamo 39, 44 salutífera arbor 38 salvation 26 Santa, Saint, St, Sta. See also under saints' names Santa Caterina, museum i n Pisa 25 Santa Croce, church i n Florence 25 Santa Croce i n Gerusalemme, church in Rome 24, 25 sarcophagi 24, 26, 27 Satan 10, 96,104,171^7; i n art i69ni4 Satires (Juvenal) 66, 79 Saulieu, Church of Saint-Andoche 50 Saviour. See Christ schiantare, verb 35, 54 Scrovegni Chapel of the Arena, Padua 50

185

Index

Schmerzensmann. See Man of Sorrows sepolcri 30. See also area, arche sepulchre, Christ's. See tomb sepulcrum 124^4 Seraphic Doctor. See St Bonaventure De Sermone in Monte (St Augustine) 73 Sermons on the Song of Songs (St Bernard of Clairvaux) 22, 35 seven, symbolism of 63. See also ages, four, five, and six Seven Last Words of Christ 36-7 Shadrach 28 Shem 27 Sibylline Oracles 73, 78 Silverstein, Theodore 58, 66, 82 Simone Martini 25 simonists, reflecting Jonah in the whale i67n simony, as heresy nónjo sin, degrees of 86. See also avarice, daughters of Singleton, Charles S. 8, 9, 12, 98, 109m, H2ni2 six, number of baptism 63, 64, i58n66. See also ages, four, five, and seven sodomites 6, 20, 66 sol iustitiae 46, 68; Frederick 11 as i36ni7 De somnis Nabuchodonosor (Philip of Harveng) 57 Song of Songs 35 soul, foresight of 29; immortality of H9n22 sovrasensi 14 spine (spina) 37. See also thorn spiration 98 Spitzer, Leo 53 Statius (as author of Thebaid) 74, 88 Stoa ii9n22 3

Stoics 70, H9n22 Strabo 70 Strasbourg Cathedral 50 straw 100 Styx, nymph 76; river 13 Suger, Abbot of St-Denis 103 Stuttgart Psalter 49 suicide, the anonymous Florentine 127m, i37n3i, i39~4on48 Summa Theologica (St Thomas Aquinas) 3, 48, 74, 82 sun of justice. See sol iustitiae Super Cántica Canticorum (St Bernard of Clairvaux) 22, 35 superbia 16, 67 symbolism in Commedia 115^8 Synagogue 102 Tabernacle of the Host 24 Taddeo da Sessa 39 Te Deum 24 temptation 99 terra 29 Tertullian 65 Thebaid (Statius) 74, 88 Thebes 74 Third Vatican Mythographer 43 St Thomas Aquinas 3, 6, 7, 35, 48, 69, 73, 74, 81-2, 86, io9n3; on 'daughters of avarice' 48. See Summa Theologica thorn 34, 36, 37, 50; crown of thorns 36 Thrace 44, 45 1 Timothy (5:8) 92; (6:10) 48 Titus (1:12) 77; (1:12-14) 78 tomb(s) 22; the altar as 121^9; Christ's 23, 24, 26, 96, i23n52. See also sepolcri, sepulcrum, visitatio sepulchri

i86 Index tomba, of all Hell 28, 30, 96 tongues, of flame 91; Gift of 91, 92 Torcello 61 Tree, of Cross 33, 34, 38 (see also arbor crucis); of Jesse 33, 37, 38, 52, i3on24; of Justice 54; of Salva­ tion 38 Trésor (Brunetto Latini) 16 Trinity 11, 96, 114^4 Trojan War 84; horse 86 tronco 36 Troy 16, 84 truncus. See tronco turbo. See whirlwind, Holy Spirit Tyrants, Circle of 60 Uberto Gangi 40 Ulysses 4, 14, 83-95. ^ ^ Odysseus usurers 20 uti and frui, St Augustine's concept H3ni8 e e a

Victorines 6. See also Hugh and Richard of St Victor vine, vineyard 34, 35, 36; mystic vine 10, 35, I29n9, i3on20. See also Christ, thorn, De vitis mystica Virgil, in Commedia 12, 23, 146^7; historical 66, i26~7ni Virgin, the Blessed. See St Mary the Blessed Virgin virtu 85 Visitado sepulchri 1231152, 124^4; ceremony 24 Vita Gregorii IX (attributed to Gio­ vanni di Ferentino) 47 vitis mystica. See vine, mystic De vitis mystica (St Bonaventure) 35 vulnerado naturae 57, 142^

so

Valli, Luigi I 4 2 n 3 Van Cleve, Thomas Curtis 42 veglio onesto (Cato) 72 Veil of Veronica 24 'verbal figuralism' I 2 8 n 4 Veronica, Veil of 24 vetus homo, the Old Man in Adam 61 62, 64, 65, 75, I 4 6 n 2 8 . See also Gran Veglio di Creta Vetustus dierum. See Ancient of Days Vézelay 104 De Victoria Verbi Dei (Rupert of Deutz) 89, 90

wastrels I28~9n6 Water of Life 60 whirlwind 90-1 windmill. See mill winds, of Satan 100 winepress, mystic 172-3^8 wings 92, 93; of fraud 93; of fire i64n34 winnowing, image of temptation 100 women, at tomb 23; at mill 101 Wrath, Day of. See Last Judgment Zacharias (3:10) 34 zanzara. See 'Culex/ gnat Zeus 76-9, i42n3, 152-4^8; AmmonZeus 70; birthplace 152-4^8; Zeus Cretagenes 76-8

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