Cultural Ecology: Readings on the Canadian Indians and Eskimos 9780773595361

Table of contents :
Cover
Title
Copyright
Table of Contents
Preface
Introduction: Canadian Indigenous Peoples and Cultural Ecology
Part I: The Great L akes - St. Lawrence region
1. Economic and Ecological Aspects of Iroquois Culture
2. Subsistence of the Huron Indians
3. Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquoian Adaptation at the Time of Contact
Part II: The Boreal Forest
4. The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization
5. Land Ownership and Chieftaincy Among the Chippewayan and Caribou-eaters
6. The Montagnais-Naskapi Band
7. The Significance of Hunting Territories Today
8. The Ethno-Ecology of the Waswanipi Cree; or How Hunters Can Manage Their Resources
9. The Cree of Canada; Some Ecological and Evolutionary Considerations
10. Variation and Continuity in Kutchin Society
11. The Squatter on the Resource Frontier
12. Rock, Wood, Water
Part III: The Grasslands
13. Comments on Plains Indian Cultural Development
14. The Algonquian Plains?
Part IV: The Pacific Region
15. Development of the Pacific Northwest Plateau Cultural Area: Historical and Environmental Considerations
16. Determinism in Primitive Society?
17. The Fish and Their Environment
18. Models of Southern Kwakiutl Social Organization
19. Chiefs and Commoners: Nature’s Balance and the Good Life Among the Nootka
Part V: The Arctic and the Barren Grounds
20. Environment, History and Central Eskimo Society
21. Animals as Capital: Comparisons Among Northern Nomadic Herders and Hunters
22. The Chipewyan Hunting Group in a Village Context
Suggestions for Further Reading
Note on the Editor
List of Contributors

Citation preview

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Cultural Ecology: Readings on the Canadian Indians and Eskimos Edited an d w ith an Intro d u c tio n by

B ruce Cox

T h e C arleto n L ib rary N o . 65 M cC lelland an d Stew art Lim ited

© M cC lellan d an d S tew art, 1973 A ll R ights Reserved T h e C anadian P ublishers M cC lella nd an d S tew art L im ited • 25 H ollinger R oad, T o r o n to 374 C w P rin ted a n d b o u n d in C anada by T . H . B est P rinting C o m p a n y L im ite d

T H E C A R L E T O N L IB R A R Y A series o f C an ad ian reprints a n d new collections o f source material relating to C a n a d a , issued u n d e r the editorial supervision o f the In stitute o f C an a d ia n Studies o f C arleto n U niversity, O ttaw a.

D IR E C T O R O F T H E I N S T I T U T E

N. H. Lithwick G E N E R A L E D IT O R

/o o &

M ichael G n arow sk i EXECUTIVE EDITOR Ja m e s H . M arsh E D IT O R IA L BOARD

D un can A nd erson (G e o g ra p h y ) B. C a r m a n B ickerton (H is to ry ) D ennis F o rcese (S o c io lo g y) J. G e o rg e N euspiel (L a w ) T h o m a s K. Rym es (E c o n o m ic s) D erek G. Sm ith (A n th r o p o lo g y ) M ichael S. W h ittin gto n (P o litica l S cien c e)

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Table of Contents Preface

7

Introduction

11

Part I: t h e g r e a t l a k e s - s t . L a w r e n c e r e g i o n 1. Economic and Ecological Aspects of Iroquois C u ltu re Frank G. Speck 20 2. Subsistence of the Huron Indians - Elisabeth Tooker 26 3. Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquoian Adaptation at the Time of Contact - Bruce Trigger 35 Part II: t h e b o r e a l f o r e s t 4. The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization - Frank G. Speck 58 5. Land Ownership and Chieftaincy Among the Chippewayan and Caribou-eaters - John Cooper and J. M. Penard 76 6. The Montagnais-Naskapi Band - Eleanor Leacock 81 7. The Significance of Hunting Territories Today Adrian Tanner 101 . 8. The Ethno-Ecology of the Waswanipi Cree: or How Hunters Can Manage Their Resources - Harvey Feit 1 15 9. The Cree of Canada: Some Ecological and Evolutionary Considerations —A n th o n y D. Fisher 126 10. Variation and Continuity in Kutchin Society Richard Slobodin 140 11. The Squatter on the Resource Front\cv-R ich a rd Bucksar 152 12. Rock, Wood, Water - William Laatsch 159 Part III: t h e g r a s s l a n d s 13. Comments on Plains Indian Cultural DevelopmentJames D owns 171 14. The Algonquian Plains? - A nthony D. Fisher 174 Part IV: t h e p a c i f i c r e g i o n 15. Development of the Pacific Northwest Plateau Cultural Area - David Sanger 194 16. Determinism in Primitive Society 1 - Julian Steward 205 17. The Fish and Their .Environment —American Friends Service C om m ittee 213

18. Models of Southern Kwakiutl Social Organization Daniela Weinberg 227 19. Chiefs and Commoners: N ature’s Balance and the Good Life Among the Nootka - Rosem ary R uddell 254 Part V: t h e a r c t i c a n d t h e b a r r e n g r o u n d s 20. Environment, History and Central Eskimo SocietyD avid Damas 269 21. Animals as Capital: Comparisons Among Northern Nomadic Herders and Hunters - R obert Paine 301 22. The Chipewyan Hunting Group in a Village C on tex tJ. G .E . Sm ith 315 Suggestions for Further Reading Note on the Editor List of Contributors

329 330

323

Preface

I originally conceived this v o lu m e to be a collection o f several dozen essays w hich w ould discuss th e relations betw een cul­ tural and social arra n g e m e n ts an d the env iro n m e n tal settings o f various In d ian an d E sk im o groups. T h e assum ption is that gro u p s adjust to such settings in p art th r o u g h the dev elo p m ent o f a p p ro p r ia te custom s, beliefs, and social arran g em e n ts, and fu rth er, th a t h u m a n g roups com prise p arts o f e a c h o th e r s’ e n ­ vironm ents. A lth o u g h I have m a d e no changes in th e subject o f the anthology, I soon fo u n d it necessary to limit its scale. A collection, o f “several d ozen essays” is n o t easily c o m ­ pressed to fit a p a p e rb o u n d anth ology. A s I w o rk e d throu gh th e b o o k ’s outline, trying to sho rten it, a n o th e r c h a n g e cam e a b o u t alm o st w itho ut m y realizing it. I had originally proposed to “strike a fa ir ba lanc e betw een classic a n d ou t-of-print m a te ­ rial, an d m o r e c o n te m p o ra r y w o rk .” U n fo rtu n a te ly perh a p s, I was un ab le to m aintain th a t balance. I soon found th a t I could not d o justice in a s h o r te r anth olo g y to b o th classic a n d recent w ork. In fact, the bulk o f the writings rep rin te d here w ere first printed in the 1960’s, a lth o u g h tw o a re fro m the early decades o f this c e n tu r y an d tw o a re original, unp ublish ed essays. But if the bulk o f the boo k is given o ver to recent studies, early w o rk s are in a sense given th e last w o rd . In th e Suggestions for F u r t h e r R e a d in g w hich en d th e v olum e, as well as recent studies I have listed jou rnals o f early explorers, o lde r articles, a n d th e like. T h e collection is in tro d u ced b y a discussion o f the develo p­ m en t o f cu ltu ral ecology. T h is is a b rief history o f scholarly co n c crn w ith relations betw een e n v ir o n m e n t and culture, p a r­ ticularly as this co ncern to u c h e d on C a n a d ia n native peoples. A s som etim es h app ens in essays on the his tory o f ideas, I m ay have tried to co v e r too m u c h gro u n d . I suggest th a t e x p lan a­ tions used by present-day c u ltu ra l ecologists b e a r a considerable resem blance to a n e x p la n a to ry strategy ou tlin ed by K arl M arx 7

8

CU LTURAL ECOLOGY

in the nineteenth century. F u rth e r, I argue th a t F ra n k Sp eck’s role in the de velopm ent o f w h a t is now called cultural ecology has been m isunderstood. Speck w as an early observ er o f Indian conservation practices. His w o rk is generally recognized as a stim ulus to la ter env ironm ental studies. U n fo rtu n ate ly , S p e ck ’s role in stim ulating ecological studies is generally held to be that w hich a fence plays f o r a h u n tin g horse. In short, Speck is seen no w ad ay s as a scholarly reactionary. W h e th e r o r not this verdict is upheld dep end s very m u ch on w h e th e r one reads Speck the e th n o g r a p h e r o r Speck the theorist. Speck the theorist was co nce rne d to sho w th a t hu ntin g peoples aro u n d the w o rld held individual rights in land, c o n ­ trary to the c o m m o n nineteen th -cen tury view. It n ow seem s that Speck the c o m p arativ e stud ent o f h un tin g rights was w rong; he had evidently not discovered th e aboriginal fo rm o f land te n u re a m o n g h unting peoples. N evertheless, Speck had a practical u n d ers ta n d in g th a t C an a d ia n A lgo nkian land tenu re was related to their m eans o f subsisting, as his essay in this v olu m e will show. His a p p ro a c h in his early fieldwork is quite consistent with th a t o f la ter c u ltu ral ecologists. In practice, he seem ed aw are o f the effect o f w h a t M a r x called “ relations o f p ro d u c tio n ” on A lg on kian land ten u re (see the I n tro d u c ­ t i o n ) . E x am inin g Speck ’s findings thus gives us a different view o f his w o rk th a n exam ining his conclusions. N evertheless, this jud g em en t goes against the an thropological grain. T h e re is a tradition am o n g us th a t an e th n o g r a p h e r is u niquely qualified to un derstand the significance o f his findings, th o u g h we hardly expect this o f traders, missionaries, o r colonial officials. Speck ’s w ork suffered essentially fro m a lack o f historical context, a lack w hich has to som e extent been supplied by la ter scholars. A s I arg ue in the In tro du ctio n, this does not m a k e his work irrelevant to m o re recent concerns. T h is anthology is organized geographically. T h e essays are g ro up ed u n d er five headings, co rresp o n d in g to the m a jo r n a ­ tural vegeta tion regions o f C a n a d a : T h e Boreal F orest, the G r e a t Lakes-St. L aw ren ce mixed forest, the prairie grasslands, th e A rctic and Barren lands, the Coastal and Interio r forests o f British C o lum bia. T h e last is a m ixture o f coastal, m on tan e an d sub alp in e vegetation regions stretching fro m the R ocky M o u n tain s to the Pacific coast. T h e five m a jo r n a tu ral vege­ tation regions co rre sp o n d as well to differing cu ltural provinces - the grasslands were a region o f m o u n ted hunters, the G re a t Lakes-St. L aw ren ce o f horticulturalists an d wild-rice gatherers

PREFACE

9

(w est o f L a k e S u p e rio r), the tu n d r a o f m a r in e an d caribou hunters, the Boreal forest o f hu nters an d trappers, an d British C o lu m b ia o f fishers o f a n a d ro m o u s fish. T h e re a d e r m a y feel th a t the regions o f C a n a d a d o not receive even coverage below. Clearly, f o r exam ple, a m a jo r part o f this boo k is c oncerned w ith th e Boreal F orest region. This is not, as it m ight seem, simply a case o f an thropological parochialism. It is true that this region has received a g reat deal o f attention fr o m eth n o g ­ raphers, as m u c h certainly as any o th e r part o f C a n a d a . T he nine essays chosen might simply seem to reflect a n th r o p o ­ logical interest in th e Boreal Forest. T h a t is not th e whole story, however. Recall that the Boreal F o res t is an a re a in w hich a b ush-oriented m ean s o f subsistence persisted into re­ cent times, longer perh aps th a n in o th e r areas. T h e are a is rich as well in ecologically orien ted studies. T his is n o t so f o r the G r e a t Lakes-St. L a w re n c e region, w h ere the aboriginal subsis­ tence patterns a re long ch an g e d and im perfectly know n . T also no ted earlier th a t 1 decided to o m it the jou rn als o f early co lon ­ izers fro m the volume. T hese are quite nu m ero u s for th e St. L aw ren ce region, bringing som e reduction in the length o f that section. T h e rem ainin g sections are represented by three or fo u r essays e a ch ; this adm itted ly does not fully d o th em justice. Let me m a k e a final po int ab o u t the selection o f material fo r this anthology. I have consciously avoided any thing w h ich I know to h av e been recently reprinted. In d oing so, I was m ind fu l not only o f securing publication rights, b u t o f p rov id ­ ing m aterial w hich is not readily available elsewhere. I p er­ sonally find it an no yin g to op en a new an th o log y only to find th a t I already have m an y o f its essays in m y library, b o un d w ithin o th e r covers. B ruce C o x July, 1972

Introduction: Canadian Indigenous Peoples and Cultural Ecology

Scholarly u n derstand ing o f nonin dustrial peoples, especially hunting peoples, has d ra w n heavily on accounts o f indigenous C a n a d ia n People. F u rth e r, the study o f w h a t has co m e to be kn ow n as cultural ecology owes an equally heavy deb t to early studies o f C a n a d ia n indigenous peoples and the ir wildlife co n ­ servation practices. U n fo rtu nate ly, the re a d e r m ust be content with the half-m easures c o m m o n to essays o f this sort: lists o f a u th o rs a n d titles, w ith ou t a full ap preciation o f their works. N o r d o I shy fr o m sec on dary s o u rce s.1 It is not easy to k no w w h ere to m a k e a beginning; the search fo r origins is alw ays puzzling: I have chosen to start with F a t h e r Joseph Lafitau. H e was certainly not the first E u r o ­ pean to set dow n the custom s o f C a n a d ia n indigenous peoples; S a m u e l de C h a m p la in an d G ab rie l Sagand, fo r example, clearly preceded him. H e m ay have been the first, however, to be cited frequently in the scholarly w orks o f his day, fo r example, C ha rles de M o n te sq u ie u ’s T h e Spirit o f L a w s (1 7 4 6 ) d raw s on Lafitau’s C u sto m s o f A m e ric a n Savages c o m p a re d w ith those o f E arliest Tim es. So to o did A d a m F erg u s o n in A n E ssa y on th e H isto ry o f C ivil S o ciety ( 1 7 6 7 ) . F erg u s o n drew as well on C o ld e n ’s H isto ry o f the F ive N a tio n s, C h arle v o ix ’s H isto ry o f C anada, a n d studies o f A m e ric a n Indians outside C a n a d a .2 A second w o rk fro m the Scottish E nligh tenm en t uses C an a d ia n e th n o g rap h ic sources. This is W illiam R o b e rts o n ’s H isto ry o f A m e r ic a ( 1 7 7 7 ) . 3 H a rris 4 views the sch olars o f the E n lig hten ­ m en t just m en tio n ed as environm entalists, linking th e m to J. S. Mill, M arx, an d Engels in the nineteenth century.'1 Fergu son , for exam ple, spoke o f the influence o f “ m e a n s o f subsistence” in shap in g o th e r institutions.5 “T h e S am o ied e an d L aplander, however, have their co un ter-p a rt, th o ug h o n a low er latitude on the shores o f A m e ric a ; the C a n a d ia n an d Iroquois b e a r a resem bla nce to the ancient inhabitants o f the middling climates o f E u ro p e .” 0 It is c lea r F erg u s o n an d M on tesqu ieu app reciated

11

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C U LTU R A L ECOLOGY

th a t cultural variability was in som e way related to e n v iro n ­ mental variability. W h a t was lacking in F erg u s o n as in .other Enlightenm ent figures was an u n d e rs ta n d in g o f w h a t the m e c h ­ anism m ight be th a t w ould suit institutions to environm ents. Such a principle w as later supplied by M arx. M arx m a in ­ tained th a t m en e n te r into “ relations o f p ro d u c tio n ” a p p r o ­ priate to their “ material forces o f p ro d u c tio n ” - that is, their technologies. T h ese relations m a k e u p the social organization within w hich individuals p roduce. He saw relations o f p ro d u c ­ tion as th e “ real fo u n d a tio n ” on w hich arises “a legal an d poli­ tical su p e r str u c tu re ” an d to w hich certain “fo rm s o f social consciousness” - th a t is, ideology - correspo nd ." H e n c e id eo­ logy and political (a n d social) organization a re seen as part of th e process by w hich m en gain th eir subsistence in a particular e nv iro nm e nt. H ere, in outline, w as the strategy o f cultural ecology th o ug h m a n y ecologists w ould object to having their nam es linked with M a r x .8 F u r t h e r M arx m ake s clea r that any aspect o f cu lture ca n c o n trib u te to m ain tain in g a society. N o r is this to say th a t every elem ent o f cu lture m u s t co n trib u te to societal m aintenan ce, as functionalists m istakenly m aintained. M a r x ’s notion o f “con trad ictio n s” a m o n g various social o r c u l­ tural a rran g em en ts reveals a fu nctionalism w ith ou t the a ss u m p ­ tion o f eq uilibrium o r stability. T h e first a tte m p t to apply Marxist strategy to indigenous A m e ric a n peoples is found in E ngels’ O rigin o f th e F am ily. P rivate P ro p erty a n d th e Sta te ( 1 8 9 1 ) . T his w o rk d ra w s heavily on Lewis H e n r y M o r g a n ’s Iroquois an d A lg on kian research, especially as s u m m arized in A n c ie n t S o ciety ( 1 8 7 7 ) . It is a m o o t point w h e th e r M o rg an him self was a materialist: Engels’ p a ra p h rase m akes him one. Engels' classification o f societies according to their m o d e o f p rod uction will be o f im p o rtan ce la ter in this discussion. “ Sav­ a g e r y - t h e period in w hich the ap pro p riatio n o f n atu ral p ro d ­ ucts ready for use, p re d o m in a te d ; the things p ro d u ce d by man were, in the main, instrum ents that facilitated this a p p ro p r ia ­ tion .” (p. 2 4 ) . M o rg an , a n d Engels a fter him, believed that land was held c o m m u n ally in such hunting an d gathering so­ cieties.’"' This w as to becom e a co ntentio us point in the stu dy o f C a n a d ia n h u ntin g peoples. Evidence against the c o m m u n a l n a tu re o f land tenu re a m o n g h unting peoples was seen as p art o f an attac k o n M arxist explanations. A s I will argue, this was n o t the intention o f m an y o f the stu den ts o f land ten ure am o n g h u n tin g peoples. N e a rly sixty years ago. F ra n k Speck described a system of

INTRODUCTION

13

fam ily o w n ersh ip o f hu nting territories a m o n g th e A lgonkian peoples o f E a ste rn C a n a d a . T h e family h un ting g ro u p is “ a kinship g ro u p co m p o s e d o f folks united by blood o r marriage, having the right to hunt, tr a p an d fish in a certain inherited district.” H u n tin g territories w ere seen as a m eans to conserv­ ing resources; use is regulated “so only the increase is co n ­ su m ed, e n o u g h stock being left each season to insure a supply fo r the succeeding y ear.” 10 Speck ’s a p p ro a c h was a c le a r a d ­ v ance ov er th a t o f his contem po raries. It should be recalled th a t Speck w ro te in the period of “cu ltu re-a reas” a n d “ possibilism” in en viron m ental studies. W issler divided the N ew W o rld in eight “ food areas,” p erhap s derived fr o m M a s o n ’s eighteen “ zootechnic a reas” . 11 W issler felt a relationship existed betw een n atu ral e n v iro n m e n t and c u ltu re: w h en tw o regions differ in ecology, cultu res in th e tw o regions will differ as well.12 T h e d eterm in in g factor in developing technology is “ mental activity,” Wissler held th a t “e n v iro n m e n t furnishes the m a te ­ rials an d in th a t sense only limits in ven tion .” 13 A t least one c o n te m p o ra ry , S tew ard, recognized the im p o r­ ta n t c o n trib u tio n m ade by Speck. S tew ard refers to “ an excel­ lent series o f pap ers” by Speck on C a n a d ia n h u n tin g “ bands a n d the lan d-ow n ing families into w hich th ey are divided.” 14 S o m e th in g m o re m ust be said abo ut the w o rk o f S tew ard since it bears on th e role o f C a n a d ia n ethnology in the develop m en t o f cultu ral ecology. M a rv in H a rris ’ R ise o f A n th ro p o lo g ica l T h e o ry calls S tew ard ’s essay on h u ntin g b an d s “the first c o ­ h e re n t statem en t . . . o f the in teraction betw een cultu re and e n v iro n m e n t” (p . 6 6 6 ) . In it, Steward cut the G o rd ia n knot w hich c a u g h t en viron m en tal studies betw een d eterm inism and “ possibilism.” K r o e b e r expresses the d ile m m a in w hich A m e r i­ can stu d en ts o f env iro n m en t a n d c u ltu re once fo u n d th e m ­ selves: “O n th e one h a n d c u ltu re can be u n d e rs to o d prim arily in term s o f c u ltu ral factors, o n the o th e r hand no cultu re is wholly intelligible w itho ut reference to no n c u ltu ral o r so-called env iro nm en tal factors . . .” 15 S te w ard ’s w o rk escap ed th e ho rn s o f this d ilem m a. H e sh ow ed that hu nters in dissim ilar en viron m en ts —deserts, for­ ests, t u n d r a - fa r e sim ilar prob lem s in m arshalling subsistence an d social resources. It is the m eans o f subsistence w h ich is crucial, not e n v iro n m e n t p e r se. T his was an im p o rta n t c o n tri­ bution indeed. H a rris sees no intellectual progenitors for S tew ard ’s ecological studies; up to the publication o f these studies, S tew ard 's position c o rre sp o n d ed to th a t o f a “n u m b e r

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CU LTU RA L ECOLOGY

o f anth ropologists w ho regarded the n atu ral env iro n m en t as a vaguely limiting o r enabling fa c to r”. 1'1 T h e n where did S tew ard ’s notion o f cu ltural ecology com e from ? In the first o f these studies, the influence o f Speck is clear. S tew ard ’s sy n ­ thetic stu d y o f the h u n tin g b a n d drew heavily on C an ad ian m aterials - eight o u t o f the tw e n ty -fo u r h u n tin g peoples cited are C a n ad ian . M a n y o f these w ere studied by F ra n k Speck. E ight o f S p eck ’s essays are cited in S tew ard’s bibliography. A s noted earlier, Speck saw family hunting territories and related custo m s as conservation devices. W ith o u t them , he m ain tain ed, g am e w ould long since have dis app eared from A lgo nk ian lands. Speck wrote to co ntrad ict the view, once p re ­ valent, that aboriginal peoples’ h u n tin g practices are wasteful o f g a m e : the N o rth e r n O jibw ay an d M ontagnais, for example, “are o ften accused o f being im providen t as regards the killing o f g am e, n otw ithstanding the fact th a t th ey d ep en d on it for their living.” 17 O n e o f his earliest essays c oncerned “ T h e Red M an in N a t u r e ” ( 1 9 0 3 ) . O th e r early studies w hich Speck ’s interest in conservation are “ C o nserv a tio n for the In d ian s” ( 1 9 1 3 ) and “T h e Basis o f In d ia n O w n ersh ip o f L an d and G a m e ” ( 1 9 1 4 ) . T h is interest c ontinued th ro u g h m u c h of S peck ’s professional career: for exam ple, in essays o n “ A b o ri­ ginal C o n se rv ato rs” (1 9 3 S ) a n d “ Savage Savers” ( 1 9 4 0 ) for B ird L o re and F rontiers, respectively. T hese essays, w ith m any others, represent a c on tribution to cultural ecology.18 As Speck sh ow ed th a t the cu stom s o f h u nting peoples served to m ain tain the b alanc e betw een hu nters and gam e, he w as clearly d oing cultu ral ecology. His w o rk w ent b eyond his discipline’s self-imposed lim itations; unlike his co nte m p oraries, he h ad no need to profess belief that “en v iro n m en t is permissive, not m a n d a t o r y ”.11' Speck had a practical u n d ers tan d in g that A lg o n ­ kian social arra n g e m e n ts were related to th e ir m eans o f su b ­ sisting, not to their en v iro n m e n t as such. Speck w o rk ed o u t the relations betw een subsistence on o n e h a n d an d land te n u re on the other, as th ey existed at the tim e o f his studies. T h a t w hat he observed was pro bab ly not th e aboriginal system o f land te n u re is n o t a v ery d a m n in g criticism o f his w o rk .20 U n fo rtu n ate ly , the im p o rtan ce o f Sp eck’s c ontributions have been o bscured by their use in rebuttal to M a r x ’s view that h un ting peoples have “ possessions a n d not p ro p e r ty ” .21 T ru e, Speck was n o M arxist, but he was a c u ltu ral ecologist. H arris lum ps M arxism and ecology in “cu ltu ral m aterialism ” - from w hich he excludes Speck, b u t includes Stew ard. But S tew a rd ’s

IN TR O D U C TIO N

15

relation to S p eck ’s w ork was not that o f a horse to a hurdle, as H a rris m aintain s.22 A s I have tried to show, Speck was aw are o f the relations betw een aspects o f social organization an d the m ea ns o f subsisting in a p a rticu lar en viron m ent. P e r­ haps he ap preciated the in teraction o f ideology an d m eans o f subsistence as well. O m a r K h a y y a m M oore's ( 1 9 5 7 ) essay on the ecological consequences o f A lg onkin divination, based on Sp eck’s book, N askcipi, suggests as m u c h .2? H opefully, enough has been said in this b rie f essay to indicate Sp eck’s im p ortance an d that o f C a n a d ia n h u n tin g peoples, in the dev elop m e nt o f ecological studies.

NOTES 1. E . " M. H arris, T h e R ise o f A n th ro p o lo g ic a l T h e o ry ( N e w Y o rk , 1 9 6 8 ); E. A. Hoebel, “W illiam R o b e rts o n : A n 18th C en tu ry A nth rop olog ist-H isto rian ” ( A m eric a n A n th r o p o l­ ogist 6 2 : 1 9 6 0 ) . 2. E.g., W illiam D am pier, A N e w V o ya g e R o u n d th e W orld ( N e w Y o rk , 1968). 3. Hoebel, op. cit. 4. O p. cit.. pp. 7 8 -9 . 5. E.g., p. 146. 6. Ib id., p. 178; cf. C h arles de M ontesquieu, T h e Sp irit o f L a w s, trails. T h o m a s N u g e n t ( N e w Y o rk , 1 94 9), i. p. 276. 7. Karl M arx , O n the C ritiq u e o f P olitical E c o n o m y , trans. S. W. R a y a zan sk ay a (M o sco w , 1 9 7 0 ), p. 20. 8. Cf. Stew ard, in this volume. 9. Cf. A. Ferg uso n, A n E ssa y o n th e H isto ry o f C iv il S o ciety ( N e w Y o rk , 1971) p. 125 and Karl M arx, “ P ro d u ctio n , C o n su m p tio n , D istribution, E xc h a n g e” in O n th e C ritiq u e o f P olitical E co n o m y . 10. “T h e F arn jly H un ting B and as the Basis o f A lg o n k ia n So­ cial O rg an iza tio n ” (A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 1 7 :1 9 1 5 ) , pp. 290, 29 3: see section on the Boreal Forest, below. 11. C. Wissler, T he A m e ric a n Indian (N e w Y o rk , 1917; O. T. M ason, “A boriginal A m e ric a n z o o tec h n y ” (A m e ric a n A n ­ thro pologist 1 :1 8 9 9 ) . 12. T h e R ela tio n o f N a tu re to M a n in A b o rig in a l N o rth A m e ric a (L o n d o n . 19 26 ), p. 214. 13. M a n and C u ltu re ( N e w Y o rk , 19 23 ), p. 319.

16

CU LTU RA L ECOLOGY

14. J. Stew ard, “T h e E c o n o m ic a n d Social Basis o f Prim itive B an d s” in E ssays in A n th ro p o lo g y in H o n o r o f A lfr e d L o u is K ro e b e r (Berkeley, 1 9 3 6 ), pp. 34 9 ff. 15. A. L. K ro e b e r, C u ltu ra l a n d N a tu ra l A re a s o f N a tiv e N o rth A m e r ic a (U n iv ersity o f C alifo rn ia Publications in A m e r i­ can A rcha eolo gy an d E th n o lo g y 38, 1 9 3 9 ), C h a p te r 13. 16. H a rris, op. cit., p. 662. 17. O p. cit., p. 293 ; see below. 18. F o r a b ibliography o f S p eck ’s C a n a d ia n w o rks see H . A. Feit, M istassini H u n te rs o f th e B oreal F orest. E co sy ste m D y n a m ic s a n d M u ltip le S u b sisten ce P atterns. M. A. Thesis, D ept, o f A n th ro po log y, M cG ill U niversity. 19. R. B. D ix on, T h e B u ild in g o f C u ltu res ( N e w Y o rk , 1 9 2 8 ), p. 13, cited by D. D a m a s, “T h e Study o f C u ltu ra l E cology a n d the Ecology C o n fe re n c e ” in In tro d u c tio n to C o n trib u ­ tio ns to A n th ro p o lo g y : E co lo g ica l E ssays (N a tio n a l M u ­ seum s o f C a n a d a Bulletin 2 30, 1 9 6 9 ), p. 1. 20. See L eacock, in this volume. 21. K a rl M arx, “ P ro d u ctio n , C o n su m p tio ns, D istribution, E x ­ cha n g e,” p. 207 ; cf. R. H . Lowie, P rim itiv e S o ciety (N e w Y o rk , 19 20 ), L. C. Eiseley, “ L a n d T e n u re in the N o rth e a s t: A N o te on the H istory o f a C o n c e p t” ( A m e r ic a n A n th r o ­ p o logist 49: 1 9 4 7 ), C oo per, in this volum e, a n d Speck h im ­ self, in his la ter writings. See “Suggestions fo r F u r t h e r R e a d in g ,” below. 22. O p. cit., p. 666. 23. “ D iv in a tio n - A N e w P ersp ectiv e” ( A m e r ic a n A n th ro p o lo ­ g ist 5 9 : 1 95 7).

PART ONE: THE GREAT LAKESST. LAWRENCE REGION

T h e n a tu r a l vegeta tion o f the G r e a t Lakes-St. L a w re n c e region is o f a mixed n atu re. E x ten d in g inland from the shores o f the G r e a t L akes an d the banks o f the St. L a w re n c e lies a forest of interm ixed h a rd w o o d s an d conifers. T h e conifers c o m m o n the re a re E astern W hite and R ed Pine, E astern H e m lo c k and Y ellow Birch. W ith these a re in ter-m ixed broad -Ieaf trees c o m ­ m o n to the decid uo us forest so u th an d east o f the G r e a t Lakes. T ypical trees are the Su g ar M aple, R ed O ak, a n d W hite Elm . T h e fa u n a w ere largely those o f the B oreal forest - moose, beaver, whitefish and h are w'ere im p o rta n t h ere as in the n o rth ­ ern woods. In addition, d e e r an d wild turkey s occasionally were ta ken ; g atherin g pro bab ly rea ped a m o re a b u n d a n t return in the St. L aw rence region th a n it d id in the Boreal Forest, (see T o o k e r ’s e ss a y ). In w estw ard parts o f this region, beyond L a k e Superior, stretch the wild rice marshes. T h e O jib w ay of this region based the ir ec o n o m y on harvesting this crop ; u n ­ fo rtun ately, space limitations do not p e rm it the inclusion of m aterial on the w'ild-rice gatherers. T h e region is m ost im p o rtan t, however, not f o r its ab o ri­ ginal gath erers b u t ra th e r fo r its aboriginal horticulturalists. V irtually the en tire ran g e o f aboriginal horticulturalists in C a n a d a is to be fo u n d in the mixed h a rd w o o d -c o n ife r forest. T h is is n o t sim ply a coincidence. T h e relatively m ild er winters o f this region w'hich perm it the gro w th o f trees like the S u g a r M ap le also p erm itted A b orig inal horticulture. P articu larly im ­ p o rt a n t here are the H u r o n an d Ir o q u o ia n territories in the so u th e rn p art o f th e forest, as these could co u n t on fo u r c o n ­ tinuous m o n th s w itho ut frost. A s corn, originally a sub-tropical plant, requires 120 nights w ith o u t frost to ripen, the Iroquois and H u ro n w ere able to cultivate this staple o f A m e ric a n In ­ dian ho rticu lture (see the essays by Speck a n d T o o k e r in this s e c tio n ). T rig g er shows that pop ulatio n dispersion a m o n g the principal horticulturists is inversely related to their success at 17

18 CULTURAL

ECOLOGY

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19

gro w ing crops. Thus, the c on cen tra tion o f H u ro n villages on G eo rgian Bay w as an a d a p ta tio n to the need for defense and to th e geog rap hy o f the fu r trade. Such co ncen tratio n was p er­ mitted, in turn, by H u ro n success at grow ing vegetable crops.

1 .

Economic and Ecological Aspects of Iroquois Culture F r a n k G . Speck so u rce:

Frank G. Speck, “Economic and Ecological Aspects of Iroquois Culture,” in The Iroquois: A Study in Cultured Evolution (Bloomfield Hills, 1945). Reprinted by permis­ sion of the Cranbrook Institute of Scicnce.

A s econom ists an d agronom ists the Iroquois have been suc­ cessful in raising th eir food resources to not less th an two h u n d re d specific items o f diet. T h is w ould be a rough estim ate o f the plant foods listed by tw o able students, A. C. P a rk e r an d F. W. W a u g h , w h o have each published a m o n o g ra p h on Ir o ­ quois foods.1 T his estim ate does not include anim al resources. W au g h , w h o ad m its his list to be incom plete, gives o v e r one h u n d re d recipes fo r foods p rep ared fr o m plan t forms. By c om p ariso n, a casual co m p u tatio n o f the recipes reach ed in m o d e r n co o k b o o k s m ight yield three thousand. H ow ever, E u r o ­ peans have d ra w n food items fro m the entire w orld a n d Indian food regim es a re ecologically determ ined. C ultu re statisticians give the Indians a high rating in the ra tio o f food discoveries b etw e en the Old a n d N ew W o rld p eo ­ ples. It is even m o re to the point to realize that in the m o dern E u ro -A m e r ic a n total the actual n u m b e r o f nutritive c o n tr ib u ­ tions m a d e to the la rd e r o f the c o u n try by the In dians is very high. T h e entire g ro u p o f foods m ade from In d ian corn, or maize, com es fr o m the native C en tral A m e ric a n a g ron om ic b ack g ro u n d , w hich evolved the co rn plant an d its prod ucts fr o m wild grass ancestors. T h e part played by the Iroq uo is in the agricultural advances o f N o r t h A m e ric a n aborigines was not that o f originators but o f carriers w h o tran sm itted the maize c om p lex fro m som e so u th e rn locale to the G r e a t Lakes and St. L aw ren ce region. It 20

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follows th a t the maize ind u stry an d all its related developm ents w ere in tro du ced to the A lgo nkian -sp eakin g peoples o f the cast and no rth east th ro u g h Ir o q u o ia n associations. T o the Iroquois the three prim a ry sources o f n ou rish m en t are co rn ( m a iz e ) , beans, an d squashes. T h ese foods they regard as bestowed u pon them by the C re a to r as sacred gifts; hence th ey are k n o w n as “su pp orters o f life.” F a r from being p ro ­ faned by abu se in any m a n n e r w hatever, especially by waste, these foods play a prom inent p art in ritual im bued w ith the spirit o f reverence an d gratitude. In this sense it m a y be said th a t they are worshipped, since th ey are regarded as a direct m eans of c o m m u n ic a tio n with the elem ental spirit, the C reato r. A survey o f Iroquois h o rtic u ltu ra l ach ievem en ts shows that so m e 15 to 17 distinct varieties o f maize w ere p rod uced in the co urse o f cultivation from the wild plant ancestor, an d that they p ro du ced also som e 60 varieties o f beans an d abo ut 8 native squashes. W e need not n a m e here the 34 wild fruits, 1 1 nuts, 38 varieties o f leaf, stem, an d ba rk substances, 12 varieties of edible roots, a n d 6 fungi pressed into service to extend the food list w itho ut req uiring cultivation. T h e re a re also 12 beverages (n o t to mention p ure w ater) an d 11 infusions o f parts o f plants em p lo y ed as occasional drinks. M aple sap is the sw eeten er for all. Salt was little used w ith foods in fo r m e r times. It is im possible to state accurately the n u m b e r o f anim als yielding food to the Iroquois, since no ad eq u a te identification o f the fish and birds c o n trib u tin g to the food supply has been u nd ertaken . W a u g h lists 22 anim als, 6 insects, and 4 molluscs m a d e use o f in so m e way. A com plete survey, with th e uses of the specific fo r m s given, w ould evidently m a k e a h an dso m e show ing for the various Iro qu ois subdivisions. A rapidly de­ veloping interest in native A m erican resources o f nu trition as well as m edicine is leading attention in this direction. A s farm e rs the Iroquois w'ere successful adv en turers who built a tradition in the n o rth east for their sem i-no m ad ic native neig hb ou rs an d fo r the hosts o f blond inv aders from the Old W orld. M o d ern A m e ric an agriculture owes m u c h to the a b o ­ rigines. T h e direc t co nta gio n o f cultu re in respect to exploita­ tion o f native food resources c a m e to the first colonists, as we now know , fr o m the A lg o nk ian -speak ing tribes o f N e w E n g ­ land in the early seventeenth century. T h is sta tem en t applies prim arily to the cultivation o f maize an d its nutritional asso­ ciates - not to m en tion tobacco. W hile accu ltu ra tio n was p ro ­ gressing a m o n g the natives their long-evolved cultu re o f plants,

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CU LTU RA L ECOLOGY

medicinal as well as edible, w as effectively a d d in g to the larder and the w ealth o f the E uro p eans. A n extensive native v o c a b u ­ lary w e n t with this plant culture. A review o f the terms in the local v e rn a c u la rs o f A m e ric a w h ich are distinctly w o rds for foods derived fro m native speech, A lgo nk ian in particular, w ould an sw er a m uch-discussed question co n cern in g th e degree o f indigenous food ado ption by early A m e ric a n colonists. C u r i­ ously, neither the nam es n o r the tastes f o r these foods have altered. K r o e b e r has show n that the length o f the gro w in g season and precipitation are factors responsible in p a rt fo r the intensity o f ag ricu ltu re a m o n g the Iroquois. In C u ltu ra l a n d N a tu ra l A re a s o f N a tiv e N o rth A m e r ic a - h e reproduces from R. J. R u s ­ sell’s D ry C lim ates o f th e U n ite d S ta tes a m a p show ing “the areas in w hich a grow ing season o f at least 120 and 100 days, respectively, can be co u n ted on in four years o u t o f five." W ithin the eastern bo u n d s o f the m a p lie the territories o f the H u ro n and Iroquois below the n o rth ern limits o f the farm ing are a o f the G re a t L ak es an d u p p e r St. L aw ren ce districts w hich could reasonably co un t on 120 days fo r m aize to grow. K ro eb er w rites: “ These arc all districts in w h ich cultu re nourished, or popu lation was dense, in c o m p ariso n with im m ediately a d ­ ja cent districts. By the location o f settlem ents in specially fav ­ o red spots, it was p rob ably possible in this are a to reduce the expectability o f a loss o f c ro p th ro u g h frost fro m tw o years in ten to one o r less. It is clea r that, as a m o n g the Pueblos, an ag ricu ltu re based on tropical plants had here been pushed to its n o rth e rn limit o f potentiality, at any rate as an ag ricu ltu re im p o rta n t an d not ancillary to existence. O n the o th e r hand, the a d ju s tm en t was as stable as it w'as nice, indicating the firmness o f the a ttac h m en t o f the cultu res in question to th eir fa rm in g basis.” In these observations he w'as con sidering ecology inci­ dentally ra th e r th an systematically. T h e Ir o q u o ia n “so m ew h at g reate r em phasis on f a r m in g th an elsewhere in the s a m e lati­ tu d es” he attribu tes to a so m ew h at lo nger an d su r e r grow ing season. A s alread y noted, the elem en ts o f native agriculture in east­ ern N o r t h A m erica em a n a te d from the sem itropical latitudes o f the continent. T h e migration o f cultivable plant fo r m s th a t furnished nutrition sources to the n o rth ern an d eastern regions took place th ro u g h h u m a n agency. S o m ew h ere to the s o u th and west o f their historic seats the Iroquois h a d b eco m e farm ers th ro u g h acquisition o f seed maize, squashes, gourds, beans, and

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tobacco. K ro e b e r suggests th a t they m ay even be “ fra g m e n ta ry re m n a n ts fr o m the M o u n d Builder d ays o f heavier population an d quasi-states. If there were such days, and it seem s there were, it m a y well have been the in trodu ction o f agriculture th a t m ade th eir state system possible.” G old enw eiser e m p h a ­ sizes th a t the Iroquois were agriculturists first an d foremost; th eir “ ag ricultu ral activities stood in the very centre o f the so­ cial and cerem onial life o f these tribes an d deeply affected their mythological ideas,” he writes in his A n th ro p o lo g y.* Wissler gives less p ro m in enc e to Iroquois agricultural achievements Than to th eir militancy, but he d epen ds f o r his d a ta u p o n achival sources and not upon impressions gained th ro u g h his o w n field w ork am o n g th e people.'1 T h e tools a n d utensils o f farm ing fro m a large part o f the e q u ip m e n t o f every Iroquois c o m m u n ity and are so represented in m use um s in so far as they show evidence o f native th o ug ht o r use of native material. Iroquois field tools are m a d e o f simple materials an d are simple in construction, but th ey are efficient in the service required o f them . T h e p re-E u ro p e an digging and planting sticks w ith blades o f antler o r bone, recorded in c h r o n ­ icles, have long been obsolete an d have been replaced by im ple­ m en ts o f forged iron. Little rem ains o f the native ec o n o m y b eyond the food substances themselves, m e tho ds o f sto rin g and preserving them , and. w ith considerable fidelity to the past, m ethods o f preparation, w hich m ost In dians heartily prefer to the co oking rules o f the whites. Iroquois utensils em p loy ed in food eco n o m y serve purposes rang in g fro m the h an dlin g o f the harvest to the h a n d lin g o f victuals. T h o se know n to ethnology include objects m a d e o f bone, wood, bark, and fiber. Stone utensils are but hazy m e m o ­ ries an d clay utilization has long been obsolete. E u ro p e a n trade materials have supervened. Articles include c orn -h usk ing pegs o r pins o f w ood and bone, deer-jaw scrapers fo r shelling co rn from the cob, upright log m o rta rs w ith double-end w ooden pestles fo r c rush in g corn into meal, w ood pot stirrers and ladles, w oo den ea ting and feasting bowls, individual w o od en spoons, an d w o od en cups, som e with toggle for a tta c h m e n t to the belt. Still rem em b ered b u t now passed out o f g eneral use arc box-turtle shell cups, elm -b ark hide scrapers, an d flat stone anvils w ith han d stone mullers for cru s h in g n uts an d medicinal roots. T h e Iroquois series o f con tainers for foods an d the like in­ cludes a w ide ran ge o f baskets o f varied fo rm an d size m a d e of

24

CULTURAL ECOLOGY

splints o f black ash, F ra xin u s nigra M arsh, an d e lm -bark pails, trays, dishes, bowls, an d spoons. T h e use o f elm b a rk in I r o ­ quois in d ustry has an ecological significance we c a n n o t o v e r­ look. C a y u g a tradition states th a t elm -bark containers anteda te those o f woven splints. If a ch a rt show ing the d istribution o f the elm s o f N o r th A m erica is con sulted it will be seen that the H u ro n a n d Iroquois o ccupie d territo ry a b o u n d in g in this c u l­ turally valuable tree. It provided th e m with m aterial fo r house building, c a n o e m ak ing , and c o n ta in e r construction to an extent little realized by those w h o have given atten tio n to native crafts a n d th eir fun ction s as determ in ed by en v iron m ent. A s published m aterial an d m u s eu m collections show, the Iroquois w ere add icted to the use o f elm b a rk as m u c h as the A lgo nk ian n o rth o f th e m an d b e yo nd the limits o f a b u n d a n t elm g ro w th w ere add ictcd to the use o f b irch b ark , B e tu la alba var. p a p yrifera ( M a r s h ) . T h e C e n tral A lg o n k ian people o f the sam e latitude as the Iroquois e m p lo y elm b a rk as they do. S o u th w ard its use fades into insignificance. T h e r e is th erefo re a lateral zone o f c u ltu ral use o f elm bark e xtending fr o m the G re a t Lakes d rainag e area to the u p p e r St. L aw re nce , and sharply defined fro m the bir ch-b ark area in the coniferous belt n orth w ard . T h e ch aracteristics o f the co nstruction an d utiliza­ tion o f these materials by Iroquois an d A lg on kian a re strikingly similar, an d there m ay be a historical prob lem lurking b eneath the su rface w hich will be revealed in a study o f elm -bark te c h ­ niques n ow u n d e r con tem p latio n. T h e o rn a m e n ta l properties o f the bir ch -bark in d ustry are not sh ared by m a n u fa c tu re s in elm bark, an d according ly aesthetic dev elop m e nt does not have a p a rt in the la ter as it does in th e former. In stu dy in g the Iroquois utensils o f ag ricu ltu re an d food m ak in g exhibited in the Institute we m ay co nsid er the statem en t o f K ro eb er, w ho likes to view p h e n o m e n a in a b ro ad sp a n o f in tercu ltural relationships ov er the c o ntinen t: “ In material cu l­ tu re there were Ir o q u o ia n specializations, n one o f a high order, in pottery, pipes, house types a n d so forth.” T h e ethnologist p rim arily c o nce rne d w ith eastern c ultu res c a n only a c cep t his decision.

NOTES 1. A. C. P ark er, Iro q u o is U ses o f M a ize a n d O th er F o o d P lants (A lb an y , 1 9 1 0 ); F. W. W au g h , Iro q u o is F o o d s a n d F o o d

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P reparation (G eological Survey o f C a n a d a A n th ro p o lo g i­ cal Series M e m o ir 86, 1 91 6). 2. (Berkeley, 1 9 3 9 ). 3. A. A. Goldenw eisser, E a rly C iviliza tio n (N e w Y o rk , 1 92 2 ); A n th ro p o lo g y : A n In tro d u c tio n to P rim itiv e C u l­ ture ( N e w Y o rk , 19 37 ). 4. C. Wissler, In d ia n s o f th e U n ited S tates: F o u r C e n tu rie s o f th eir H isto ry a n d C u ltu re ( N e w Y o rk , 1 9 40).

2

.

Subsistence of The Huron Indians

Elisabeth Tooker so u rce:

Elisabeth Tooker, A n Ethnography o f the Huron Indians, 1615-1649 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. No. 190, 1964). Reprinted by permission of the author and publisher. [Title supplied by the editor.]

C orn, beans, sunflowers and squash ( p u m p k in s ) w ere g row n by the H u ro n . C o rn was the basic food in the diet an d. fo rtunately, the yield o f c o rn was great; som etim es, 100 grains f o r 1. T o ­ b acco was also grow'n. As the soil o f H u ro n ia an d nea rb y re­ gions was sandy frequent rain was needed to grow crops. If th ree days passed w ithout rain, the c ro p began “ to fade and h a n g its h ead.” 1 All un clea red land was c o m m o n p roperty. A n individual could clear and plant as m u ch as he wished. T his land th en re­ m ained his for as long as he cultivated it. If, however, he did not use it, anyo ne else could plant it. Use ow n ership o f land, ow n ership o f land by the user for as long as he cultivates it, is a c o m m o n form o f ow n ership o f agricultural land am o n g N o r th A m e ric a n Indians. T h e effect o f the practice is to distribute agricultural land in an equ itab le m a n n e r - e a c h individual fa m ­ ily having sufficient land for its needs. A m o n g the Iroquois, the land used by the w o m en was also o w ne d by the w o m e n (th e m a trilin e a g e ). T his included agri­ cultural land a n d land on v/hich berries, nuts, roots, bark, and medicines w ere collected. T h ey also ow ned the house an d the b urial gro u n d s .2 T h e se principles o f lan d o w nership a re illus­ tr ate d in the m a n n e r o f indicating the ow n ersh ip o f melons plan ted in patches in the w oods w h ich had been cleared by burning. T h e ow nersh ip o f the patc h was indicated by a pole 26

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pain ted w ith the clan totem a n d n a m e sign o f the ow ner. T h e clan totem indicated that the patch belonged to th e clan and that, if necessary, any clansm en might take th e fruit; the nam e sign indicated th a t the p atch h ad been clearcd, planted, and cultivated by th a t individual and he had , in practice, a prior right to the fruit. C learing o f the land was d one by cutting do w n th e trees at a height o f tw o o r three feet above the gro un d. T h e n all the b ran c h e s w ere stripped off an d b u rn e d at the stu m p to kill the tree. In the course o f time, the roots w e re rem oved. T h e n the w o m en th o ro u g h ly cle ared the gro un d b etw een the trees. T o plant the corn, ro u n d holes o r pits w ere d u g a pace a p a r t by the w o m en an d into ea c h o f th e m w as put 9 o r 10 kernels. T h is seed first had been picked out, sorted, a n d soa ked in w a te r fo r a few days. T h e y p lan ted e no ug h c orn to last two, th re e o r fo u r years in o r d e r to have e n o ug h fo r a b a d y e a r o r to tr a d e it with o th e r tribes f o r furs and o th e r things. E a c h year, the c o rn was planted in the sam e places, w hich w e re hoed w ith a small w o od en spade sh a p e d like an e a r with a h and le at th e end. T h e rest o f the land was cleared o f weeds. A s the fields ap p e a re d to be all paths, Sagard got lost in the cornfields m o re often th an in the m ead ow s an d forest.3 E a c h cornstalk bo re tw o o r th ree ears, each e a r c ontaining o n e o r tw o h u n d re d grains an d so m etim es fo u r h u n d re d o r more. T h e stalk grew as high as a m an o r h igher a n d was very thick. T h e co rn ripened in f o u r months, a n d in so m e places in three. A fte r the co rn w as picked, the leaves w ere tu r n e d up, tied a ro u n d the ears, a n d a rran g ed in bundles. T h e se bundles w ere h u n g in row s alon g the w hole length o f the house fr o m to p to b o tto m on poles w h ich fo r m e d a kind o f rack, com ing d o w n as low as the edge o f the ro o f in front o f the bench. W h e n the grain was d ry an d fit fo r sto rin g the w o m e n a n d girls shelled it, cleaned it, an d p u t it into the large vats o r casks m a d e fo r the purpose. T h e se were th en placed in the p o rch o r in som e c o r n e r o f the house. If the c ro ps failed, the H u r o n w ere faced with famine. D u r ­ ing one su c h fam ine, th ey lived on acorns, p um pkins, and ro ots; d u rin g a n o th e r, th ey relied on hunting. In the cou rse of som e fam ines, th ey b o u g h t corn fr o m o th e r g rou ps.4 Som e­ times it was necessary to sow the crops m o re th a n once. One spring, f o r exam ple, white frosts and w o rm s forced the Ind ian s to sow three times.

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G athering A lth o u g h ag ricu lture was im p o rta n t in the eco n o m y o f the H u ro n , it w as not the only sou rce o f subsistence. Berries, p a r ­ ticularly strawberries, raspberries, an d blackberries, were p len ­ tiful. Fruits were dried for w in ter use, to be used as preserves f o r the sick, to give taste to sagam ite, a n d to put into the small cakes th a t were baked in the ashes. C ra n b erries ( lo c a ) w ere p u t into little cakes o r eaten raw. M ulberries w ere also picked. Plum s ( to n e ste s) w ere rough and sh a r p to the taste until to u ched by frost. So, a fte r being g a th ­ ered by the w om en, they w e re buried in the g ro u n d to sw eeten before being eaten. V ario u s berries, in cluding straw berries, raspberries, blackberries, cranberries, and mulberries, w ere also eaten by the Iroquois. T h e stra w b e rry is a m o n g the earliest b e r­ ries to ripen an d is followed shortly afte r by the raspberry and others. T h e earliest o f the wild straw berries arc th ou gh t to have great medicinal value. G rap es were also plentiful, but the Jesuits found the native grapes not as g ood as they were beautiful. A c o rn s were eaten after hav in g been boiled several times to take aw ay the bitter taste. Som etim es, a kind o f tree bark, like willow bark, was eate n raw. But the In dians did not cat herbs, exccpt some roots th ey called so n d h ra ia tte (p e rh a p s g ro u n d n uts o r co w p a rs n ip ). O rasqueinta (J eru sa lem -artic h o k e) was rare in H u ro n ia ; it was eaten raw o r coo ked as sondhratates. W h en ripe and full grow n, onio ns (ch ives) ( a n o n q u e ) were b aked in the ashes. O th e r wild foods arc m e ntioned, including small cherries an d black cherries, small wild apples, m ayapples, walnuts, wild beans, wild p u m pk ins, an d wild peas. T h e Iro q u o ian s gath ered m o re varieties o f wild foods th an the 17th-century observers noted. T h e reasons f o r this neglect a re obvious: g a th erin g was prob ably not as im p o rta n t as h u n t ­ ing an d fishing an d, as it was d o n e by the w o m e n, the F re n c h writers, being m en, p ro b a b ly overlooked m u c h o f this activity.

Fishing F ishing was also a significant part o f the H u r o n econom y. T h e In dians knew in w hat season, as a u t u m n o r s u m m e r, particular k in d s o f fish were plentiful in w hat places. F o r exam ple, some weeks a lte r the c atc h o f big fish ( a ssih e n d o ), they w ent to

TH E GREAT L A K E S -S T . LAWRENCE

29

c atc h a n o th e r kin d o f fish (e in c h a ta o n ). It was used to flavor sa g a m ite d u rin g the w in ter an d m u c h use w as m a d e o f it. T h e viscera o f this fish w ere n o t rem ov ed; the fish were stored by h a n gin g th e m in bunches o n the poles o f th e ir houses. D u rin g a n o th e r season o f the year, a fish sim ilar to a h e rrin g but sm aller ( a iih a itsiq ) was c a u g h t with a seine net. P eo ple co­ o p e ra te d in catchin g this fish, a n d divided th e catc h by large bowlfuls. It was e a te n fresh o r sm o ked . M a n y o th e r k in d s of fish were cau gh t. T h e fish th a t w ere c a u g h t m ight be d rie d or sm o k e d to preserve them. T h e fall was the season f o r fishing; a t this time o f the y ear n u m b ers o f people were eng aged in it. B ut fishing w as also im ­ p o rta n t in the early spring, an d in the sum m er. O ne m e th o d of fishing was to set the nets by canoe. A n o th e r was to place the nets at som e small openings in a n u m b e r o f weirs th a t alm ost closed the straits. Som e fishing was do ne w hile the ice was on th e lake by m eans o f lines o r a seine net p u t th ro u g h holes cut in several places. If using th e latter m eth o d , th e In d ia n s m ad e several ro u n d holes in the ice; the one th r o u g h w h ich they drew th e seine, so m e five feet long a n d three feet wide. T h e y th e n set the net at this o p enin g and, fastening to the net a w o o d en pole six to seven feet long, passed the pole fr o m o n e hole to a n o th er u n d e r the ice. T h e one o r tw o m en at ea c h hole, p u ttin g their h a n d s 't h r o u g h it, to ok hold o f the pole to w h ich w as attach ed one en d o f the net. T his process was repeated until the pole c a m e back to the large hole. T h e n the net was d ro p p e d to the b o tto m : it sank because o f the sm all stones attac hed to the end. W h e n it was d ra w n u p at its tw o ends, the fish w ere ca p tu re d in the net. S a g a rd ’s accou nt o f a fishing exp edtion to c atc h a large fish called a ssihendo (p ro b a b ly th e whitefish) describes a p ro c e ­ d u re pro bab ly often followed. Sagard w ith f o u r others left in a small c ano e d u ri n g the m o n t h o f O c to b e r a n d w ent n o rth on L a k e H u r o n . 0 T his lake c o n ta in e d m a n y islands o n w hich the Ind ian s c a m p e d w h en going to fish o r w h en jo urne yin g to tribes b o rd e rin g o n th e lake. A f te r a long sail, th ey sto pp ed a t an island suitable f o r fishing a n d p u t u p a house n e a r several others th a t h ad a lready been built th e r e fo r th e s a m e purpose. O n the even ing o f th eir arrival, they h a d a feast o f tw o large fish w hich h a d been given th e m by a friend o f one o f th e I n ­ d ians as th ey h ad passed an island w h ere he was fishing: it was the ir c u sto m to give presents o f a few fish w h e n visiting friends d u rin g the fishing season. A f te r the house h a d been erected in

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the A lgon qu in fashion, th ey c hose their places in it, the f o u r ch icf m en in the fo u r corners a n d the others side by side. T h e re w ere tw o fires in the house. E v ery evening the Ind ian s took the nets a half league o r a league o n to the lake. At d a y b re a k , they d re w in the nets and always brought bac k m a n y fish, such as assihendo, trout, and sturgeon. These th ey gutted, cuttin g them op en as one did cod, a n d spread th em out on racks m a d e o f poles to d ry in the sun. T h e squirrels were chased aw ay from the d ry ing fish b y the In dian s’ shouting, clapping their hands, an d shooting arrow s at them . If it rained so th a t the w e a th e r was u n fa v o u ra b le fo r the d ry ing o f m eat o r fish, they sm ok ed it on fram e s o r poles an d packed it into casks to p ro tect it from dogs an d mice. T his was used fo r feasts an d as a relish for their soup, especially in the w inter. S o m etim es they boiled the biggest an d fattest assihendos to e x tra c t the oil fr o m them , sk im m in g it from the to p o f the boiling mass with a spoon, an d th en put it into bottles ( o f the rind o f a fruit th a t com es from a distant c o u n tr y ) . W h e n there was a stron g wind, the In dians did not put their nets in the water, altho ug h th ey did if the winds were m oderate. In the stom ach s o f m an y fish were fo un d hooks m a d e o f a bit o f w ood, w ith a bo ne a ttach ed for a b a rb a n d tied with h em p cord. A s the line w as too w eak, the fish had been lost. W h e n the fishing was good a n d the re w ere a n u m b e r o f houses, m an y feasts were given. In each house, there w as usually a fish-preacher w ho preach ed a serm o n to the fish. Such men w ere in great d em an d , fo r the Ind ians believed that th ey had g reat p o w e r to attract the fish into the nets. O ne such m a n preached every d ay a fte r s u p ­ per. A fte r first o rd erin g silence and telling e veryone to lie flat on their backs as he did, he spoke, saying th a t the H u r o n did not b u r n fishbones a n d begged the fish to allow themselves to be ca ug ht and so be o f service to the ir friends w h o respected them an d did not b u rn th e ir bones. In o rd e r to have good fishing, the In dians som etim es b u rn ed to b acc o and offered an invocation. T h e y also th re w tobacco into the w ater f o r certain spirits that controlled the w ater, o r r a th e r to the soul o f the w ater, to allow th e m to catch m an y fish. A f te r a m o n th o r m o re ha d passed, the big fish chang ed their feeding g ro u n d s and the In dian s retu rne d to their villages. Fish in g was im p o rta n t e n o ug h to the H u r o n to w a rra n t

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o th e r ritual atten tion : in one cerem on y, tw o virgin girls were m arrie d to a net to insure an a b u n d a n t catch o f fish for the season.

H unting H un ting was im p o rta n t to the H u ro n . A lth o u g h occasionally the priests write o f the scarcity o f g am e a n d fresh fish in H uronia," th ey d o so usually w hen stressing the hard ship s o f life a m o n g the Indians. In o th e r places, th ey m ention an a b u n d a n c e o f ga m e a n d fishH p erh aps in an atte m p t to advertise the country. H u n tin g pro bab ly varied w ith area an d season. G a m e was scarce except d u rin g the a u t u m n w hen so m e h u n ted deer, bear, an d beaver. T h e r e is m ention o f an Indian h un tin g beaver ab o u t the end o f the au tu m n . In a n o th e r report, the Jesuits sp eak o f the difficulty th e H u r o n had in observing Lent, for this was the time w hen the h u n te rs re turned an d the only tim e they h ad a little m eat.” T h e y also speak o f g a m e as being scarce d u r­ ing Lent, th a t the h un ters h ad to travel 2 00 to 3 00 leagues in o r d e r to find bears, deer, an d “co w s”. 10 In a n o th e r place the Jesuits speak o f h u n tin g as being no longer successful, for the mild w e a th e r had ceased early in F e b r u a r y an d it w as not the season fo r g a m e . " T hese a p p a re n t co ntradictions indicate that h unting took place in the late fall and early winter. T h e y also indicate that g a m e was scarce n e a r the village a n d that the Indians h a d to travel co nsiderable distances to ob tain it. This interpre tatio n explains w hy the missionaries often w en t w ithout m eat; the ir servants could not travel on long h un ting ex pe di­ tions, altho ug h occasionally they could take g a m e and birds nearby. Bears an d d e e r were h u n ted with bow and a rr o w o r traps. A nim al drives were p ro b ab ly im p o r t a n t.'- In o n e place w here d eer an d b e ars were a b u n d a n t, fo u r o r five h u n d re d In ­ dians form ed a line in the w oo ds ex ten din g betw een points w hich jutted into the river. W ith b ow an d a rr o w in h an d , they m arch ed , sho u tin g and m a k in g m u ch noise in o r d e r to frighten the anim als, until th ey re ached the end o f the point. T h e r e the an im als were forced eith er to pass th ro u g h the line an d be shot by the hunters o r to go into the water. In dians in th eir canoes easily ap p ro a c h e d the anim als sw im m ing along the shore and

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killed th e m with a sw o rd blade attach ed to a stick like a h a lf­ pike. Sim ilar drives to ok place o n th e islands w h ere th e r e w ere large quantities o f game. O n a n o th e r de er h unt, 25 In d ian s built tw o o r three houses o u t o f pieces o f w o o d fitted together, ch in k ed w ith moss, and cov ered w ith bark. T h e n th ey built a tr ia n g u la r enclosure, closed o n tw o sides an d o pen o n one, o f large w o o den stakes joined closely together. T h e en clo su re was fr o m eight to nine feet high an d e a c h o f the sides w as nearly 1,500 paces long. A t th e e n d of this triangle was a sm all enclosure th a t n a rro w e d the fa r th e r it w en t an d w as cov ered in part w ith b ranches. It had on ly one o pen ing five feet w ide w hich the d e e r w ere to enter. T his stru c tu r e too k less th a n te n days to build. In th e m e a n ­ while, so m e Ind ian s h ad gone to catc h tro u t an d pike o f g reat size. A f te r the en clo sure w as ready , the h u n ters w ent to the w oods a ha lf-ho ur before d ay b reak . F r o m there, ab o u t a h a lf­ league fr o m the enclosure an d s e p arated fro m ea c h o th e r by som e 80 paces, the m en m a r c h e d slowly tow ard the enclosure, striking tw o sticks together, an d driving th e d e e r before them . W h e n th e y reached the e n d o f the triangle, they began to sh o u t a n d im itate wolves. T h e deer, frightened by this noise, entered the sm all en closure w h ere th ey were easily c ap tu re d . T h is p ro ­ ce d u re was rep eated every tw o days. In 38 days, the In dians c a p tu r e d 120 deer. T h e y kept th e fat, w h ich th ey used as the F re n c h did butter, for the w in ter a n d took ho m e so m e m ea t fo r the ir feasts. T h e trip back was m a d e a fte r the frost w h en travel was easier ov er this very m arshy country. A bear, a fte r being c a p tu re d , might be fatten ed fo r tw o or three years and th en killed for a feast. T h e b e a r was shut u p in th e m iddle o f the house in a little rou n d en closure m a d e o f stakes driven into the gro un d. H e was given th e rem ain s o f sa g a m ite to eat. P erh a p s o th e r wild an im als also were kept: o n e In d ia n raised in his ho u se a bustard w h ich the Jesuits b o u g h t fo r a d e e r skin. O th e r anim als take n w ere rabbits w h ich w ere snared, and cran es (great blue h e ro n ) a n d geese w hich w ere h u n ted w ith a b ow an d a r r o w o r c a u g h t in snares. C ro w s w ere n o t eaten, b u t eagles were. W ild tu rkeys w ere fou n d in som e regions, es­ pecially ne ar th e T o b a c c o League. T urtles w ere eaten after th ey were co ok ed alive in the hot ashes o r boiled with th eir flippers sticking up. D ogs were eaten as m eat a n d f o r this p u rp o s e w ere raised as sheep were in F ra n c e . O ften th e killing o f a do g was p art o f

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a religious c e re m o n y .13 Dogs also w ere used in hunting, at least in h u ntin g bear. T h e special relationship betw een m en, anim als, a n d dogs is indicated in the H u r o n belief th a t while hunting, th e bones o f deer, moose, an d o th e r an im als or, w hile fishing, fishbones, sh ou ld not be th ro w n to the dogs o r into the fire an d th a t the fat o f the an im als should not d ro p into the fire. If this h a p ­ pened, the o th e r anim als o f the sam e species w o uld h e a r o f it an d w ould n o t let themselves be taken. A nim als tak en when the h u n te r was lost were n o t eaten. T h e C a n a d ia n b eaver w as “th e m ain ind uc em ent fo r m an y m erch an ts o f F r a n c e to cross the g reat O cean. . . . S uch a qu an tity o f th e m is b ro u g h t every y e a r th a t I c a n n o t thin k but th a t the end is in sight” .14 Beavers were usually h u n ted in the w in ter as d u rin g th a t season th ey stayed in th eir hou ses and th e ir f u r was better. W h en the Indians wished to catch a beaver, they first blocked u p all the passages by w hich it co uld escape. A hole was then b ro ke n th ro u g h the ice o f the lake a n d one In d ian put his a rm into it waiting for the b eaver to c o m e up, while a n o th e r w alk ed o v e r th e ice striking it w ith a stick to frighten the b eaver ba ck into its lair. W h e n the anim al cam e up , it was seized by the ba ck o f the neck, a skillful op eratio n, as it cou ld bite. T h e Ind ian s also took beav er in th e s u m m e r: nets with poles were su n k into the w a te r a n d as the b e a v e r c a m e out o f th eir houses they were c a u g h t an d killed. B eaver was eaten fresh o r sm ok ed . T h e skin was carefully dressed a n d b artere d to the F re n c h o r used fo r clothing. T h e f o u r large teeth were used to scrape th e bowls m a d e o u t o f tr ee knots.

NOTES 1. R. G . T h w aites, ed., Jesulit R e la tio n s an d Allied D o c u ­ ments, 73 vols. (C levelan d, 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 0 1 ) , v. 10, p. 35, cf. p. 41. 2. A . A. G oldenw eiser, O n Iro q u o is W o r k , 1912 (S u m m a ry Rep. Geol. Surv. C a n a d a , A n th ro p o lo g ic al Division, 1 91 2), pp. 4 6 7 - 9 . 3. G. M. W ro ng , ed., F a th er G a b riel S a g a rd : T h e L o n g J o u r­ n e y to th e C o u n try o f th e H u ro n s (T o ro n to , 1 9 3 9 ), pp. 103-4. 4. Jesu it R ela tio n s, v. 8, p. 9 7 ; cf. v. 15, p. 157 - a re p o r t o f a fa m in e in w h ich N e u tra ls sold th e ir children to get corn.

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5. A. C. P arker, Iroquois U ses o f M a ize a n d O th er F o o d P lants ( N e w Y o rk State M u s e u m Bull. 144, 1910), pp. 9 5 - 6 ; F. W. W a u g h , Iro q u o is F oods a n d F o o d P repara­ tio n ( C a n a d a Dept. Mines, G eol. Surv., M em . 86, 1916), pp. 2 7 - 8 . 6. W ro ng , ed.. op. cit., p. 185. 7. Jesuit R elations, v. 7, p. 223, v. 17, p. 17; W rong, ed., op. cit., p. 82. 8. Jesuit R ela tio n s, v. 1 1, p. 7, v. 15, p. 153. 9. Ib id ., v. 17, pp. 1 41 -3, cf. v. 21, p. 197 - the sup ply of m e a t was g reat a m o n g the N e u tra l fo r one y e a r because of heavy snows that facilitated hunting. 10. Ibid., v. 15, p. 183; p erh aps “ wild cow s” w ere d e er - cf. v. 29, p. 221. 11. Ib id ., v. 13, p. 263. 12. Iroquois d e e r drives also have been described - L. H. M o rg an , L eague o f the H o -d e-n o -a u -n ee o r Iro q u o is, ed. H. M. L loyd (N e w H aven, 1954), p. 336. Jesse C o rn p lanter said that co m m u n a l h u n ts were held only in p re p a ­ ration for cerem onials - B. H. Q uain, “T h e Iroq uo is” , in M. M ead, ed., C ooperatio n a n d C o m p e titio n A m o n g P rim ­ itive P eoples ( N e w Y ork, 1 9 6 1 ), p. 252n. 13.J e s u it R elations, v. 9, p. I l l , v. 17, p. 195, v. 21, pp. 1 61 -3. v. 23, p. 173. T h e cu sto m o f ea ting dogs as food is well kn ow n a m o n g N o r th A m erican Indians. T h e killing o f a do g as a religious sacrifice lasted well into the 19th c e n ­ tury as part o f the M id w inter C ere m on ial, altho ug h in these la tter years it w as not eaten. 14. W ro n g , ed., op. cit., p. 232.

3 Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquoian Adaptation at the Time of Contact Bruce G r a h a m T rig ger s o u r c e

:

Bruce Trigger, “Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquois Adap­ tation at the Time of Contact,” Am erican Anthropologist, vol. 65 (1963). Reprinted by permission of the author and publisher.

F a cto rs w hich influence the way in w h ich grou ps exploit their e n v iro n m e n t are m a n y an d varied. An im p o rta n t aspect o f a d a p ­ tation is the d istribution o f population. In this p a p e r I wish to investigate how settlem en t patterns fitted in with o th e r m ajor factors to effect a successful a d a p ta tio n to e n v iro n m e n t am o n g a n u m b e r o f Iroq uo ian gro up s living in the L o w er G r e a t Lakes a r e a at the tim e o f contact. These g ro u p s lived next to each o th e r in an a re a u n m a r k e d by striking geographic diversity. T h is an d the m a n y aspects o f c u ltu re c o m m o n to these groups r e n d e r th em suitable fo r a stu d y - not o f violent contrasts, but o f subtle differences in th eir patterns o f a daptation. In any p a ttern o f ad ju stm en t, e n v ir o n m e n t m u s t be c o n ­ ceived o f as a limiting and not a d e term in in g factor. T o a large degree the use w hich will be m a d e of n atural resources depends o n the technology w hich is available. Since the area u n d e r dis­ cussion is small we m ay assum e that the o p p o rtu n ity was avail­ able f o r a g ro u p to acqu ire an y sort o f skill o r tool possessed by o th e r groups in the area. T h erefo re , fo r the pu rpose o f this paper, we regard differences in technology as being themselves influenced by o th e r factors, not as d ete rm in an ts o f differing adaptations. T h e re is a m a x im u m size to the popu latio n w h ich c a n be m ain ta in ed by a region an d the technology by w hich it is ex­ ploited. H ence, by the ir limiting effect on population, these two factors m ay influence m a n y aspects o f social stru c tu re; the in35

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M A P S H O W IN G L O C A T IO N O F IR O Q U O IA N

N A TIO N S

A T TIME O F C O N T A C T

fluence being strongest am o n g groups with the least developed technologies. But en v iro n m en t an d technology d o not alone d e ­ term ine the a d a p ta tio n o f a society. I m p o rta n t social, as well as technological, fa cto rs sh ap e the econom y. E xterna l trade, for exam ple, even in relatively primitive econom ies, m ay have an im p o rta n t b earing on the relations o f production, and on the society as a whole. H o w e v e r stron gly the factors o f technology an d en v iro n m e n t influence the n a tu r e o f a society, latitude re ­ m ains w hich p erm its variation in the e conom ies associated with an y such com b in ation . T h a t is to say, the basic factors o f e n ­ v iro nm ent and technology, while im p o rtan t, are not sufficiently d ete rm in in g th a t th ey alone can explain the n a tu r e o f such o th e r features o f societal a d a p ta tio n as distribution o f p o p u la ­ tion. T w o aspects o f the distribution o f popu lation require ex­ p lan atio n: the overall popu latio n o f an area, i.e. the population density, an d the actual p atte rn o f settlement. In h un tin g a n d g athering societies the food yield p e r unit o f a re a is small, a n d

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this alone is sufficient to keep the po p u latio n low. N e v e rth e ­ less, as an exam in atio n o f population m ap s will show, the mere presence o f agriculture does not necessarily result in a p o p u la­ tion density g re a te r than that fo u nd a m o n g h unters a n d g a th e r­ ers. T h e overall density o f the agricultural p opu lations o f the N o rth e a s t was considerably less th an th a t o f the non-agriculturalists o f C alifo rn ia and the N o rth w est Coast. C u ltu ra l as well as n atural factors a c c o u n t for such situations. F o r exam ple, the te n d en c y fo r ag ricu lture to result in population increase m ay be offset by population loss throug h raiding a n d w a rfare. A n d such w a rfa re is co m m o n ly found a m o n g sw idd en agriculturalists.1 B ut a n o th e r aspect o f low yield in h u n tin g and gathering societies is m o re general; nam ely, th a t when c o m b in e d with problem s o f tran sp o rtatio n , low yield will prevent the fo r m a ­ tion o f large sedentary groups. E ven in naturally rich areas such as the N o rth w e st C oast o r C aliforn ia individual villages rem ain ed small, an d seasonal c a m p s had to be established, often at co nsiderab le distance, in o rd e r to collect sufficient food. A g ri­ c ulture, by creating an e n o rm o u s increase in the food yield o f fertile regions, perm its the d evelo pm en t o f large stable c o m ­ munities. T h is m a y permit the c o n cen tratio n o f an existing p o p ­ ulation an d m a y be a cco m p anie d by a general pop ulatio n in­ crease. But while agricultu re perm its, it docs not necessarily result in the gro w th o f large villages. M a n y ag ricu ltural peoples ad o p t su c h a patte rn , but a m o n g oth ers the pop ulation , greater o r less th an the m a x im u m n u m b e r w hich could exist by hunting an d gathering, is distributed in scattered hom esteads. In view o f the con sid erable in dep end en ce in the ir variations, the tw o factors o f general population density a n d settlem en t pattern m u st be clearly distinguished. O th e r e co n o m ic factors shape settlement. In m ore com plex societies, increased specialization will put a p re m iu m on the d raw in g to g e th er o f in terdep end en t craftsm en , o r involvement in tr a d e m ay induce the participan ts to settle along trade routes. But even eco no m ic factors in this b ro a d sense d o n o t suffice to ex plain the totality o f a gro up's ad justm ent so as to allow a precise insight into the role w h ich settlem en ts play in their ad apta tion . O th e r sorts o f factors, such as w a rfa re an d kinship m ay influence population distributions. T h o u g h these factors m ay also be sh ape d o r influenced by e c o n o m ic forces, the re­ lationship is sufficiently c o m p lex a n d indirect to m a k e their tr e a tm e n t as se p a ra te factors desirable. W h e re w arfa re is e n ­ d em ic the advantages o f living tog eth e r in o r close to fortified

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en c a m p m e n ts m ay e n co ura ge co n c en tra tio n s o f population. F inally historical factors m u st be kept in mind. W h ile s o ­ cieties no d o u b t tend tow a rd effective ad ap ta tio n s to local co n ­ ditions, patterns evolved in o n e are a m ay be tran sferred to an othe r. T hese m ay be modified only slowly to suit conditions in a new region; h ence there is the possibility o f old er patterns surviving in a new e n v iro n m en t. Som e years ago the historical fa c to r would have ap p e are d m o r e im p o rta n t for the stud y o f Iro qu oian ecology th an it does to-day. A t th a t tim e Iroq uo ian cultu re was conceived as being distinct fro m o th e r cu ltu res in the N o rth ea s t. This concept was intim ately co nnected w ith the migration theory o f Iro q u o ian origins. A cc o rd in g to this theory the Ir o qu oian -sp eak ers were latecom ers to the N o rth east. T h ey h ad displaced indigenous A lgo nk ian-sp eaking p op ulations and their relatively sim ple W o od land cultures a n d h ad brou gh t with them a m ore intensive agriculture, a social structure, an d a way o f life rem iniscent o f the Southeast. Ir o q o u ia n traits a m o n g A lg on kian -sp eaking groups w ere seen as the result o f late d if­ fusion; while an Iroq uo ian g ro u p w hich lacked m an y o f the criteria o f Iroq uo ian c u ltu re w as in terpre ted as being in the process o f deg enerating to a W o o d la n d level. T h e failure to find any thing resembling a place o f I roq uo ian origin outside the N o rth e a s t an d increasing know ledge o f the archeological record now suggest that w h a te v e r the origin o f individual traits, the cu ltu re o f the Iro qu oian -sp eakin g peoples, like others in the N o rthe ast, grew o u t o f L ate W o o d la n d a n te ­ cedents.- T h u s th eir historic, social, an d e c o n o m ic patterns w ould a p p e a r to have developed within the general context of N o rth e a s te rn culture. But if this is the case, the u nitary n a tu r e an d identity of Iro qu oian cultu re can no longer be take n for granted. F o r we k n o w that in m a n y regions o f the w orld linguistic and cultural b o u n d aries do not co n fo rm . T h e c u ltu re o f the N o rth w e st C o a s t was c o m m o n to peoples o f no less th a n three m a jo r la n ­ guage groupings. Byers has suggested that as early as P oint P eninsu la times, m a jo r cultural and linguistic b o u n d a rie s m ay n o longer have c o rrespo nd ed in the N o rth e a s t.3 T h a t this was the case in later tim es has been m a d e clea r by the E astern Ir o ­ q u o ian ceram ic tr a d itio n .1 H ere evidence indicates th a t peoples w ho historically sp o k e A lg o n k ia n as well as Ir o q u o ia n lan­ guages p articipated in the de velo pm ent o f a c o m m o n ceram ic form . O n e m a y question w h e th e r it is advisable to n a m e a p o t­ tery tradition a fte r a linguistic division it so clearly cross-cuts.

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A c om pa riso n o f e th n o g ra p h ic traits w o uld also suggest th a t it is difficult to distinguish clearly a specific set o f traits w h ich dif­ ferentiates the Iro qu oian -sp eak ers as a g ro u p fr o m o th e r groups in the N o rthe ast. T h e pu rp o se o f this p a p e r is to e xam ine h ow settlement p a ttern fits in with o th e r factors to effect a d a p ta tio n a m o n g a n u m b e r o f grou ps living w ithin the sam e geographical and cul­ tural area, an d belonging to one lan gu age family. I will use those Iroq uo ian societies fo r w h ich sufficient d a ta are available. T h ese a re fo u r in n u m b e r - the H u ro n , F ive N a tion s, and N e u tra l co nfederacies, a n d the L a u re n tia n g ro up fr o m the vicinity o f Q u eb e c City. In this p a p e r the te rm L a u rentia n shall refer only to this latter grou p. T h e tim e period is th a t o f first contact. F o r the first three gro up s this is in the first half o f the seventeenth century. T h e L a u ren tian s, w h o h a d been described by C a rtier in 1535, had d is ap p e are d by this time. T h e y arc in­ clu ded in this sam p le because o f the ir divergence from the Iroq u o ia n stereotoype. T h e r e is clear evidence, how ever, that they existed at the sam e time as Iroq uo ian groups w h o raised large crops, built longhouses, an d lived in large, fortified vil­ lages. T h u s th ey form legitimately a p art o f the c o n tin u u m u n d e r e xam inatio n. F o r ea c h g ro u p I will atte m p t to establish the settlem ent pattern, the patte rns o f subsistence, the natu re o f such factors as trade a n d w ar, as well as n oting e n v iro n ­ mental and geographical features o f im po rtan ce. F inally I shall a tte m p t to assess the role w h ich each o f these factors played in sh ap in g settlem en t pa ttern s in the L o w er G r e a t Lakes are a at the time o f contact. I shall now tu rn to the tribal groupings.

Substantive D a ta T h e H u ro n s T h e historic are a o f H u ro n settlem en t w as th a t part o f O ntario situated beside the sou theast c o rn e r o f G eorg ian Bay. S u r ­ ro u n d ed on tw o sides by o p e n w ater, it was the jump-olT point f o r can o e travel to the n o rth along the shore o f G e o rg ia n Bay. T h e a re a oc cupied by the historic H u ro n was not large. In the e arly 1630s it could not have m u ch exceeded 80 0 sq u a re miles. Despite this co nc entratio n, the overall pop ulatio n of S ou th ern O n ta rio was not great. T h o u g h densely populated, H u ro n ia was su r ro u n d e d by extensive stretches o f un occu pied

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co untry. T h e closely related P etun s lived im m ediately to the west, b u t the only o th e r large g ro u p in S o u th e rn O ntario, the N eu tra ls, was confined to the region north o f the eastern p o r­ tion o f L a k e Erie. Between th e m an d the H u ro n s lay 9 0 miles o f uninhabited cou ntry . E astern O n ta rio an d the T re n t Valley, w h ich h ad been occupied previously, w ere wholly deserted at the time o f contact, while the central u p lan d region o f S o u th ­ w estern O n ta rio rem ained unsettled. T h is latter area is Hat and heavy soiled, while in som e parts the grow ing season is too sh o r t for corn to ripen. T h e lack o f suitable land on th e C a n a ­ dian Shield an d a h a rs h e r clim ate were effective barriers to an ag ricultural p en etratio n no rth o f H uro n ia. In S o u th e rn O ntario easily w ork ed soils w ere sought, as well as rolling land suitable f o r defence. D espite its n o rth e rn position, H u ro n ia qualified well in these respects. T h e H u ro n s d e p e n d e d heavily on ag riculture. Like o th e r slash -an d-bu rn agriculturalists in the N o rth e a s t th ey moved the ir villages w hen fields o r sources o f firewood w ere exhausted. T h e y preferred to m ove on ly a sh o r t d istance as this m a d e it easier fo r the m e n to clear fields in the new location p rio r to th e a c tu a l move. M oving to a n ew place was a h ard sh ip unless cleared land was a lready the re o r co rn could be o bta in ed fro m a n earb y gro up. T h e F re n c h w ere im pressed by the a m o u n t of cleared land in H uro n ia. T h e H u ro n s were m u ch afraid o f fam in e an d aim ed at surpluses both for trad e and to c a rry th em ov er the bad years. T h e archeologists H u n te r an d W inte m b erg fo u n d large quantities o f c orn in the sites w h ich they e x ­ a m in ed .5 T h e H u ro n s fished to th e north in G eo rg ian Bay an d in Lake Sim coe a n d h u n ted to th e sou th an d east in th e T re n t Valley. T h u s in the ir subsistence activities they ranged o v e r a large p art o f sou th eastern O ntario. Fishing was im p o rta n t, b u t ga m e anim als h ad been h u n ted o u t in nearby regions. M e at was ra r e a n d mostly reserved fo r feasts. T h e w o m e n gath ered wild berries and nuts a n d kn ew how to leach acorns, b u t u n d e r n o r­ m a l conditions wild plants had on ly a m in o r place in the diet. T h e villages were fully in h abited d u rin g th e w inter, th o u g h in s u m m e r m an y o f the m en d ep a rte d to hunt, fish, trade, o r go o n raids, while w o m e n o ften w en t with th eir families to live an d w o rk in the fields. D espite the small a m o u n t o f territory it occupied, th e H u ro n w as the largest o f the Iro qu oia n -sp eak in g confederacies, being m a d e u p o f so m e 2 0 to 3 0 ,0 0 0 people. A rcheological surveys

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ha v e revealed o v e r 4 0 0 sites o f v aryin g size and im p o rtan ce in the north p art o f Sim coe C o un ty, a high percentag e o f which have yielded trad e goods. T h e n u m b e r is significantly greater th an th a t fo u nd in o th e r parts o f the province. It is interesting th a t the c o nc entratio n o f population re ached its m a x im u m , not in th e so u th ern p art o f the L o w e r G re a t Lakes area b u t in the ex tre m e n o rth o f the region an d in the n o rth ern m o s t area where co rn agriculture could constitute a d o m in a n t m o d e o f subsis­ tence. T h e A lgo nk ians w h o lived north o f H u ro n ia w ere only m arginally agricultural, an d to-day corn is grow n there only fo r fodder. W ithin H u ro n ia w ere 2 0 to 25 settlem ents o f v arying size a n d im portance. Som e were m e re h am lets o r collections of ham lets; oth ers su c h as O sso ss a n e ,T e a n a o s ta ia e ,T a c h a te n ta ro n , a n d St. Jean-Baptiste each c o ntain ed several h u n d re d families. C ahiague, on the basis o f C h a m p la in ’s report, is calc ulated to have h ad a pop ulatio n o f ab o u t 4 0 0 0 and is identified with a site 2 0 0 0 feet long an d 700 feet across. C o n tin u o u s w a rfa re and raiding w ent on betw een the H u ro n s an d Iroquois - w arfa re associated w ith b lood revenge, a sacrificial cult, and individual prestige. T h e larger villages w ere palisaded an d served as places o f refu g e f o r the people fr o m su rro u n d in g settlements. T h e H u ro n s w ere not one tribe but a co n fed erac y o f tribes w hich h ad un ited ov er a long period o f time. M ultiple origins a re clearly reflected in the archeological record. T h e H u ro n s claim ed a history going back o v e r 20 0 years. T w o tribes are said to have fo u n d e d the con federacy, and the tw o o th e r main ones to have joined ab ou t 1590 and 1610. T h e c on federacy w as joined by the W e n ro fro m N e w Y o rk state in 1639, an d included a n u m b e r o f o th e r small groups. V aria tion s in lan­ guage an d c u ltu re were levelling o u t by Jesuit times, an d the H u ro n s a p p e a r m o r e culturally ho m o gen eo us th a n the F iv e N a ­ tions Iroquois. A distinctive fe atu re o f th e H u ro n s was their proclivity for tr a d e a n d th e ir interaction w ith the h u n tin g peoples o f the n orth. T h e lo cation o f H u r o n ia on the edge o f th e C a n a d ia n Shield an d at the lower end o f a n easy, along-shore, c a n o e trail to the no rth was ideal f o r such trade. T h e H u ro n s h ad an e la b o ­ rate system o f regulations to govern trad in g rights a n d their relations w ith trad in g tribes. B ecause o f th e ir g reater n u m b ers an d because th ey controlled the supply o f corn, the H u ro n s e n ­ joyed a clearly su p e r io r status in these relationships. U n lik e the Iro q u ian s to the south, the H u r o n s had a d o p te d the birch bark

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can o e an d travelled an d tra d e d with the tribes o f the U p p e r G re a t Lakes an d the C a n a d ia n Shield, a m o n g w h o m th eir lan­ guage served as a lingua fran ca . C ertain A lgo nk ian grou ps were in the habit o f spe n d in g the w in te r in H uronia. T h e y settled outside the H u ro n villages an d tra d e d furs, fish, copper, h u n t­ ing an d travelling eq uipm ent, a n d clothing for corn, tobacco, a n d In d ia n hemp. T h e very co m plex ity o f H u r o n trad e suggests th a t patterns o f ex chan ge w ith the n o rth ern h un ters h a d existed in pre-contact times. T his trade, prob ably consisting mainly of corn for furs a n d dried fish, e x p a n d e d into the tr ading em pire o f the historic H u ron s. Som e sort o f generalized trad e betw een the agriculturalists o f S ou th ern O n ta rio a n d the peoples o f the Shield m a y be reflected in the distributions o f pre-co nta ct in­ cised pottery in the la tter regions.11 It is clear that historic H u ro n ia was well located to take a d va nta ge o f the f u r trade. It m u st be asked to w hat degree, if any, the c o nc entratio n o f population in the highly favourable are a o f north S im coe C o u n ty w as in response to the grow ing im p o rta n c e o f the fu r trade. It is to be rem em bered th a t most o f the sites there were post-contact, unlike the situation just to the south. Secondly, it m ust be questioned w h e th e r o r not a b o ­ riginal tra de had an y part in inducing the H u ro n s n o rth w ard into Sim coe C o u n ty before c on tac t. But before this is done, certain o th e r theories a c co u n tin g fo r the location of the H u ro n settlem ents m u s t be considered. T h e first a tte m p ts to explain the late n o rth w ard position o f the H u ro n s an d the close g ro up in g o f th e ir settlem ents viewed th e m as militarily inferior to the Five N ations, an d th erefore as having retreated to this rem ote a n d sheltered area in an effort to get as f a r a w a y from them as possible. T h o u g h som e o f the sm aller groups joined the co nfede ration fo r protection, H u n t’s study o f Iroq uo ian w a rfa re has d o ne m u c h to dispel the notion o f early Five N a tio n s military superiority, an d shows th a t we shou ld not judge earlier H u ro n -Ir o q u o is relations in term s of events in the late 1640s.7 S trip ped o f this assum ption, w a rfa re by itself does not accou nt for the settlem en t pattern, f o r it did not result in sim ilar localization o f settlem en t a m o n g the Iro­ quois. F r o m an ecological point o f view, the settlem ent o f large n u m b ers o f H u ro n s in Sim coe C o u n ty is not difficult to u n d e r ­ stand. once large villages p rim arily d e p en d e n t on agriculture began to a p p e a r in O ntario. T h e large tracts o f light "soil there offered ro om for an ex p a n d in g population, while nearby were

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nu m e ro u s rich fishing grounds, p erh aps alread y exploited by groups living to the south. As tribal g ro u p s began to push into Sim coe C ou nty , th ey m a y have begun to interact regularly with no rth e rn h un tin g groups. P attern s o f tr a d e sp ran g u p from w hich the H u r o n s too could gain, as th ey fou n d m e a t and the skins, needed f o r clo thin g an d blankets, increasingly h a rd to ob tain since n ea rb y areas were depleted o f gam e. T h u s trade g radu ally w ould becom e a n o th e r fa c to r influencing m ovem ent tow a rd the bay. O nce it had b ecom e an im p o rta n t facto r p ro m o tin g settle­ m ent in Sim coe C o u n ty one could assum e th a t with increasing em p hasis on trade, there w o uld be a shift in settlem ent to w ards areas best-suited fo r it. T h e d ev elopm ent o f the E u ro p e a n fu r trade w ould in duce a g reater a m o u n t o f settlement in the direc­ tion o f G eo rg ian Bay in o rd e r to enjoy its fullest benefits. T h e H u ro n s d o not a p p e a r to have been m u ch affected by the develop m en t o f the coastal fur trade in the sixteenth ce n ­ tury. In H u ro n ia , trad e goods seem to a p p e a r only in the u p p e r h alf o f the site identified as C ahiague. T h is site an d the ac­ counts o f the H u ro n s themselves suggest th a t the f u r trad e be­ c a m e im p o rta n t only a fte r direct co nta c t was m a d e with the F re n c h in 1609, th o ug h the H u ro n s a re k no w n to have been receiving som e trad e goods earlier th an 1603. A rcheological surveys have revealed a spread o f sites w hich yield trad e goods sou th o f the area described as o ccupied at the time o f the Jesuit R ela tio n s.s T h ese sites likely d a te from the first q u a r t e r o f the seventeenth century. But we kn o w from C h a m p la in ’s accounts th a t large villages were established in the n o rth at this tim e and m u c h land c lea red.” Does this m ean a population larger than 2 0 to 30,00 0 in very early con tac t times? Su ch an a n sw e r has been suggested.10 But while the H u ro n s were p e rh ap s halved by disease betw een 1632 an d 1639, it is unlikely that if these so u th ern villages h ad been in existence as late as this they would have gone unnoticed. It is also unlikely th a t in the period im ­ m ediately following co ntac t a n y great n u m b e rs o f H u ro n s had d ep a rte d to join o th e r Iro qu oian groups. T h e evidence suggests that p rio r to the fu r trad e the H u r o n settlem ents were less close to gether an d less confined to the m argin o f G eo rgian Bay, while the greater con centration o f pop ulatio n followed closely the dev elo pm ent o f the f u r trade. T h u s, previous to their m ig ration into H u ro n ia, the H u ro n tribes lived in large villages, heavily d e p en d e n t on agriculture. T h e m ov em ents to the n o rth an d west w ere a p p are n tly asso­

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ciate d w ith the existence there o f large areas o f desirable land, rich fishing grounds, an d la ter with trade with the A lgonkian tribes to the n o rth . T h e ex pan sio n o f trade in the con tac t period led to a g reater c o n c en tra tio n o f pop ulatio n in the p ro du ctive areas close to the Shield and the w aters o f G e o rg ia n Bay. T h us, in ad dition to ecological factors, tr a d e m o re th a n w a r app ears to be responsible for the c on cen tra tion o f popu lation th a t dis­ tinguishes H u ro n ia in historic times. In this respect tra de (b u t in this case only E u ro p e a n trade, as the s u r ro u n d in g tribes w ere a g ricu ltu ral) has been suggested as having influenced the c o astw a rd m ov em ent o f the S in q u e h a n n o c k s in historic times.11 T h e L a urentian Iroquois In 1 5 3 5 -3 6 C a rtie r sailed u p the St. L aw ren ce R iver as f a r as M on treal. H e left a b rie f a c c o u n t o f his voyage, w hich dealt in p art w ith the native peoples he met. O n the basis o f this a c ­ co u n t tw o Iroq u ia n-sp eak ing g ro u p s have been delineated — th e one living in the M on tre al are a an d the o th e r in the vicinity o f Q u eb ec C ity .1- Collectively th ey a rc k n ow n as the L au ren tian Iroquois. T h e M o ntreal ban d is represented by o n e village, H o chelag a, w hich is recognizable im m ediately fro m the d e ­ scriptions as a typical palisaded longhouse village having ab ou t 1000 inhabitants. M o re interesting fo r the purposes o f this paper, however, is the g ro u p living fu r th e r dow nriver. T h e acco un ts give no sp e­ cial attention to their villages, w hich itself w ould suggest that th ey w e re unpretentious. C a rtier, after giving the na m es o f several, describes the area in general term s as one o f u n e n ­ closed villages. C o rn was gro w n a ro u n d the village o f Stadac o n a and at o th e r places alon g the river, but this is not an o p ti m u m area fo r corn, an d to-day it is grow n there only for fodder. S tad aco n a w as a w in ter c a m p and a place to plant crops, b u t C a rtie r describes excursions involving g ro u p s of several h u n d red m oving d o w n riv e r in the s u m e r to fish. Fishing a n d h u n tin g a p p e a r very im p o rta n t to their subsistence, and w om en as well as m en p articipated in the fo rm er. C a r ti e r h im ­ self co n tra ste d th eir less se d e n ta ry way o f life with th a t o f the H ochelagans. F e n to n suggested that som e o f the villages along this sec­ tion o f the river m ay have been inhabited by A lgonkians. W e k n o w for sure on ly that so m e w e re Iroq uoian-speaking. T h in k ­ ing in term s o f a m igratio n ary hypothesis, F e n to n fu r th e r suggested th a t the Iro qu oian bands "h a d a d a p te d them selves

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to w ard an A lgo nk ian ty p e o f h un ting an d fishing e c on om y , al­ th ou gh th ey h ad taken maize agriculture as far no rtheast as Q ue bec .” T h e y were, m oreover, ha rd ly distinguishable from the o th e r gro up s o f the e x tr e m e N o rth e a s t.13 A s long as the Iro q u o ia n s w ere regarded as in trusive into the N o rth e a s t at a late time, F e n to n ’s suggestion o f an agricul­ tu ral penetration o f the St. L aw ren ce and a later a d a p ta tio n to n o rth e rn conditions w as em inen tly reasonable. But if the h y p o ­ thesis that th e Iro qu oian people to g eth er w ith th eir language an d c u ltu re a re an in trusive unit is not true, it becom es equally reasonable to assu m e th a t these were Iroquoian-speakers who h a d n o t accep te d th e m o re c o m p lex patterns o f intensive agri­ c u ltu re w hich m a r k the peoples to the sou th a n d west. It is im p o rta n t to note th a t a gricu ltu re was n o m o re exclusively r e ­ stricted to Iroq uo ian-speak ers n o rth o f the St. L aw ren ce th an it was so uth o f it. Several A lg onk ian -sp eak ing grou ps in C e n ­ tral O n ta rio arc k no w n to have been m arg in ally agricultural, as were g roups in n o rth ern N e w E ngland. T h e L a u re n tia n Ir o ­ quois w o uld a p p e a r to be an Iro qu oian -speak ing g ro u p who sh a re d this sort o f e co no m ic adaptation. T h e actua l events s u r ro u n d in g th eir disa pp eara nce rem ain un kn ow n , b u t m ay be c on ne cted with the earlier acquisition of iron axes and o th e r w eapo ns by A lg o n k ian grou ps n e a re r the coast. T h e y m a y have a b a n d o n e d the are a an d acc ultu ra ted to the patterns o f o th e r Ir o q u o ia n groups. Alternatively they m ay have been a bsorb ed by A lgonkian-speakers. T h e N eu tra ls T h e historic N e u tra ls a re k no w n only th r o u g h tw o brief ac­ counts w ritten by missionaries w h o w intered a m o n g th e m .14 U n fo rtu n a te ly the detailed archaeological investigation o f his­ toric N e u tra l sites is only beginning. It was believed fo r a long tim e th a t their settlem ents w ere sp rea d th ro u g h o u t the entire region n o rth o f L a k e Erie. L ee’s surveys indicate that the main c o n cen tra tio n o f historic sites w h ich c a n be associated w ith the N e u tra ls is east o f the G r a n d River, perhap s n o rth w a r d to the vicinity of L ake M e d a d . 15 In a recent publication, R idley has identified a n u m b e r o f historic sites betw een the west e n d of L a k e O n ta rio an d the G r a n d R iv er.1(i A n o th e r historic site has been located in the sam e general vicinity b u t so m e miles west o f the river ( G e o rg e M a c D o n a ld , personal c o m m u n ic a tio n ) . Since the historical reports list a n u m b e r o f villages lying east o f the N ia g a ra River, we m ay co n c lu d e th a t Ridley’s sites re p ­

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resent only a pa rt o f the N eu tral co nfederacy. T h is region has the w a rm e s t clim ate in O ntario, a n d is an area o f so uthern decid uo us ra th e r th an n ortheastern hardw oods. Daillon, w h o visited the N e u tra ls in 1 6 26 -27 , co u n ted 28 villages as well as several “ little h am lets” c onvenient f o r h u n t­ ing, fishing, o r ag riculture. T his figure m a y o r m ay not have included the villages to the east o f the N ia g a ra . In 1640- the Jesuits recorded 4 0 settlements an d estim ated a popu latio n of 12,000. Stopping f o r a time in ten o f these villages, they had cou nted 3 ,0 0 0 .17 It should be noted th a t this co u n t was ta ken a fte r three years o f un usual w ar, fam ine, an d sickness. Disease was raging a m o n g the Seneca at the time; sm allpox h ad run its c o urse in H u ro n ia the y ear before an d by 1640 had attacked the M o h a w k settlements. T he ravages o f disease am o n g the In ­ d ian s o f the St. L aw ren ce V alley com ple te a picture o f general po pu latio n decline th r o u g h o u t this region at this time. E ven so, the N eu trals a p p e a r to have been few er in n u m b e r th a n the H u ro n s an d to have been spread o v e r a large area. W e still do not kn o w w h e th e r the villages w ere scattered o r gro up ed to ­ g e th e r in a series o f tribal clusters as were th e Iroquois ones. A t the sa m e time the average population o f a village seems c o nsiderably less. R idley’s survey indicated considerable size f o r at least so m e sites. This is not im probable, though no c a r e ­ ful stud y has been m a d e o f a N e u tra l village pattern and R id­ ley’s figures in som e cases include nearby b u rial areas. Daillon and B rebeuf both m en tio n the grow in g o f crops and suggest that the N eu trals h ad "c orn, beans, and squash in plenty.” N evertheless, even a cu rso ry reading o f their reports is sufficient to reveal the im p o rtan ce attach ed to h un tin g activi­ ties a m o n g the N eutrals. A n d in con tra st to H u ro n ia , m e a t was available in quantity. T h o u g h the Jesuits attrib u te the good h u n tin g o f their y e a r to the unusual snow fall, the w in ter of D aillo n’s visit was ju dg ed mild, an d h unting app ears to have been equally productive. Both sources agree that anim als were present in great num b ers. O n e o f the m ain item s o f trad e with th e H u ro n s was black squirrel skins w h ich were m u c h prized by the n o rth e rn h unters. T h e r e app ears to be little sup p o rt for H u n t ’s notion o f a regular tr a d e in corn o r fo r describing the c o u n try as the H u r o n ’s “ N e u tra l fa r m s.” 17 Ridley rem a rk s th a t refuse bone is m u c h m o re c o m m o n on the sites he has id enti­ fied as historic N e u tra l th a n on o th e r historic sites in O ntario w hich he has e x a m in e d .13 U nlike the H u ro n s , the N e u tra ls were not skillful in the use

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of canoes, n o r d o they a p p e a r to have engaged in trad e to any un usu al degree. T h o u g h at peace with the H u ro ns an d Iroquois, they waged w a r with the F ire N ation, an A lgonkian people, to the west. T h e records suggest th a t in these wars they were em i­ nently successful. T h e F ive N a tio n s Iroquois T h e Five N atio ns con fe d e ra cy was co m p o s ed o f five bands whose lands lay south and east o f Lake O ntario. T h e ir settle­ ments stretche d in a line from the G e nesee River to the M o ­ hawk Valley. T h e population was heavily conc entrated in ab ou t a dozen tow n s su r ro u n d e d by fields, woods, a n d h u n tin g terri­ tories. E a c h o f the five tribal g roups occu pied its o w n town or settlement cluster and there w e re linguistic a n d cu ltu ral differ­ ences a m o n g them . L ater E u ro p e a n contact, the early effects of n ew diseases, an d the in corpo ratio n o f captive populations com plicate the estim ating o f pop ulation . T h e M o h aw k s o ccu ­ pied three to w ns an d a n u m b e r o f villages, the O n e id a one to w n, the O n o n d a g a one, the C a y u g a three, a n d the Seneca p erh a p s originally two. T h e larger settlem ents h ad ov er 1000 inhabitants a n d there were in addition s m a ller peripheral settle­ ments, as well as fishing a n d h unting stations. M o r g a n and B ancroft have suggested a population o f 17,000; P ark m an , Suite, Lloyd, a n d H u n t 12,000 a n d F ento n 10 ,0 0 0 .10 A fte r 1650 the population was swelled by foreign increments, but in the 1630s it had been thinned by disease. A n aboriginal population o f 10-1 5 ,0 0 0 is thus reasonable. T h e re m a y have been slight variations in ecological a d a p ­ tation am o n g the different tribes. F e n to n observes th a t the C ay u g a s w ere noted for th eir hunting, while the Senecas, who w ere the m ost n u m erou s, d e p e n d e d largely on ag ricu ltu re.-0 It can be said, however, that in general the Iroquois w ere in ten­ sive agriculturalists, living in large villages w ith the tribal p o p u ­ lations nucleated, b u t the total p atte rn o f the con fed e ra cy dis­ persed. T h u s, while both d ep end ed to a large d egree on ag riculture, a basic difference can be noted in the overall settlement patterns o f the early p ost-contact H u ro n a n d Iroquois c o n fe d ­ eracies - a difference attrib uta ble largely to variations in geo­ grap hical settings an d tr a d in g possibilities. T h e Fiv e N ation s were su r ro u n d e d by agricultural o r sem i-agricultural peoples, in o th e r words, by peoples w ith ra th e r sim ilar economies. On th e co ntrary, the ec o n o m y o f th e H u ro n s con traste d a n d c o m ­

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plem ented th a t o f the ir n o rth ern neighbours. F o r the Iroquois the re was no restricted geographical a re a w h ere the co ntrast betw een b arren an d fertile regions a n d proxim ity to g reat river systems, like those o f th e C a n a d ia n north, p u t settlem ent at a prem ium . N o r did the rich rew ard s to be derived fr o m control of the fu r trade p rovide in d u c e m e n t to such settlement. A m o n g the Iroquois, supplies o f furs w ere limited. T h u s in c o n ta c t times those closest to tr a d in g outlets w o u ld benefit m ore. C o m p e t i­ tion ove r outlets w o u ld keep the g roups separate, while the need f o r coo p e ratio n in d efence a n d p lun derin g expeditions o f m u tu a l benefit p ro m o te d the stren gth ening o f th e aboriginal peace league. O u r in fo rm a tio n on the P etun , Erie, a n d S u sq u eh an n o ck is too sketchy to p e rm it a d elineation o f their pattern s o f subsis­ tence an d settlem ent useful f o r c o m p arativ e purposes.

C o nc lusion s F o u r Iroq uo ian-sp eakin g societies have now been investigated. T h e d a ta is uneven, a n d for tw o o f o u r societies it is still not as a d e q u a te as m ight be wished. It is to be h o p ed that fu rth e r archaeological d a ta on both these g roups will be fo rth co m in g in th e n e a r future. N evertheless e n o ugh d a ta is available to allow a trial c om parison o f these g ro u p s a n d a n a tte m p t to fo rm u la te an exp lana tion o f the v ariations in their settlem ent patterns. T his p a p e r has co n c e n tra te d o n the grosser aspects o f this a d a p ta tio n as f a r as the e n v ir o n m e n t is co ncern ed. W e have not plo tted the distribution o f villages on detailed physiographic, climatic, and soil maps. T h e desire fo r d efcn dab le locations and easily w ork ed soils has been o nly noted in a general fashion. M o r e g eneral fe a tu re s have been stressed. W e have seen that agriculture as a d o m in a n t m o d e o f subsistence w as confined to th e w a r m an d fertile c o u n try sou th o f the C a n a d ia n Shield. T h e lack o f fav o u ra b le ecological features has been seen to accou nt fo r th e lack o f settlem ent in cen tra l S o uthw estern O ntario . T he H u r o n C ou n try , on the o th e r h an d , was close to rich fishing gro un ds, and fav o u rab le in most o f the o th e r criteria. T h e Lau" rentians, like th e A lgo nk ians in C entral O n ta rio o r n o rth ern N e w E n gland, were only m arginally agricultural. T his g rou p lived in an area w h ere to-day c o rn is g row n m ainly f o r fo dder. But clim ate a n d to po graph y, while exercising a limiting o r n eg ­

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ative influence a re fa r fro m sufficient to explain all variations in adaptation. T h e results indicate th a t a m o n g the g ro u p s studied p o p u la ­ tion dispersion varies directly with reliance on h u ntin g and gathering. T h e L au ren tian s, w h o w ere p rim arily hu nters and gatherers, n o t on ly a p p e a r to have lived in small unfortified villages, b u t large sections o f the population engaged in lengthy seasonal m igrations. A m o n g th e H u ro n s, at the o th e r en d of th e scale, g am e was scarce an d m an y o f th e p ro d u c ts o f the ch ase w ere bartered fro m o th e r grou ps in ex chan ge fo r surplus agricultural products. T h e Iroquois villages w ere large, but m o r e scattered, a n d th ey did not reach the m a x im u m size of the H u ro n villages. Despite small variations a m o n g individual tribes, the Iro qu ois a p p e a r to have sup plem en ted a basically agricultural eco n o m y w ith h u n ti n g a n d fishing. T h e N eutrals w ere prob ably so m ew h at m o re d e p en d e n t o n hunting. A m o n g all these gro u p s fish a n d g a m e w ere eaten, w hile skins w ere im ­ p o rta n t for blankets an d clothing. F ish could be d ried and ex­ peditions to the fishing g ro u n d s were profitable at those times o f the y e a r w h en the catch was especially ab u n d an t. B ut the g a m e o f the region was scattered. D e e r were h unted individually o r large enclosures w ere bu ilt into w h ich large n u m b ers could be driven. Because o f problem s o f tr ansport, the effort required in hu nting increased with the d istance o n e h ad to go fr o m a settlem ent in o rd e r to find game. T h e im po rta nce o f skins for cloth ing and blankets put mobility and d ecentralization at a p re m iu m , an d m a d e it necessary that in th e greatest c o n c e n tra ­ tions o f pop ulation , new m eans, su c h as trade, be fo u n d fo r ob tainin g such goods in quantity. W h e re g a m e is scattered, a dispersed settlem ent pattern is an a d a p ta tio n reflecting d ep e n ­ d enc e on hunting. O n the o th e r hand, the grow th o f large, p e rm a n e n t settle­ ments and high local population densities stands in direct rela­ tionship to d ep e n d e n c e on agriculture. O n ly agriculture could provide regu lar supplies o f food in sufficient qu an tity to perm it th e m a in te n a n c e o f large village populations. But, as noted in th e introduction, the presence o f a g ricu ltu re does not a u to m a ti­ cally p rod uc e large villages. A lternative settlem ent patterns are possible. It is no tew orthy th a t the popu latio n o f the L ow er G re a t Lakes region was f a r below the m a x im u m w hich could h av e been su p p o rted by its ra th e r limited technology, an d th e r e ­ fo r e th a t population pressure does not a p p e a r to be a factor

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p ro d u c in g g reater reliance on agriculture o r inducing the grow th o f villages. T h u s we m u st next deal w ith the p rob lem o f w hy ag ricu l­ ture was associate d w ith a specific settlem ent unit, large villages, in three o f the g roups in o u r sam ple - a settlem ent p attern for w hich agriculture, as we have n oted, is merely a prerequisite ra th e r th an a cause. L ong ago K ro eb er m a d e the point that “ag ric u ltu re was not basic to life in the east ( b u t ) m a d e pos­ sible increased a c c u m u latio n o f food against the future, living in p e rm a n e n t sites a n d in larger groups, and th ere fore joint un dertak in gs, w h e th e r o f council, ritual, war, o r building” .-1 T h e develo pm en t o f fortified villages a m o n g the th ree m ost com p lex groups ap pea rs related to a gro w in g w a r com p lex in th e N orthea st. T h e archaeological record is not yet sufficiently clear to suggest w h ethe r the developing w a r c o m p lex a n d a g re ater need for d efen ce p ro m o te d the establishm ent o f forti­ fied villages, w hich in turn led to a g reater d e p en d e n c e on corn ag riculture, o r w h e th e r w a r itself w as the b y -prod uct o f a trend to w a rd increasing reliance o n a gricu ltu re - p erhaps as a substi­ tu te fo r the declining eco no m ic prestige o f the male, as W itth o ft suggests.-2 B ut if the primitive w a rfa re o f the G re a t L a k e s was sufficient to p ro du ce peace leagues an d fortified villages, it did not force the villages to achie ve their m a x im u m size n o r did it compel the confederacies to c o n c en tra te geographically. In view o f H u nt's researches, the old er view o f H u ro n ia as a feeble p o p u ­ lation h u dd led to g e th er for protection on the very m argin o f c o rn agriculture has had to be a b a n d o n e d . Before the d ev elo p ­ m e n t o f the fu r trade, the H u ro n s were no d o u b t equal in fight­ ing ability to an y nearb y gro up , an d becau se o f the ir su p erio r nu m bers, quite secure. Nevertheless, fear o f the H u ro n s did not force the Iroquois o r N eutrals to build their villages close to­ gether. Essentially the villagers w ere seeking protection against raids, not full scale wars. O n the basis o f the available evidence it w ould be h a rd to press the following point, but it is attractive to sec the even g re ater dispersal o f the N e u tra l population re­ lated to their relative disengagem ent from the H u ro n -Iro qu ois feuds, an d th e ir ap p a re n t security in the face o f their only foes to the west. W ith the c o nce ntratio n o f w hole co nfederacies, as am ong th e H u ro ns, we have noted a n additional factor at w o rk - that o f trad e, w h ich resulted in a special sym biotic a d ju s tm en t be­

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tween the con fed eracy an d the n o rth e rn hunters. A lo n g with fav ourable ecological conditions, this aboriginal tr a d e must have played a part in attractin g settlem ent to the region south o f G eo rg ian Bay. Only a fte r the de velo pm en t o f the E u ro p e a n fu r tr a d e did the final c o nc en tra tion o f villages close to the bay ta ke place. This c o n cen tratio n was su p p o rted by a m a x im u m reliance on agriculture, w h ich th ro u gh the m e d iu m o f tr a d e was also a source o f skins an d meat. Because a d a p ta tio n to new conditions can take place q uick ­ ly, patterns o f settlem ent and subsistence arc probably o f little use in culture-historical reconstruction. Nevertheless it is inte r­ esting to note that those found am o n g the Iroquian-speaking peoples oiler little su p p o r t eith er fo r a m ig ratory hypothesis or fo r an equ ation w hich w ould fo rm u late a pattern o f cu ltu ral d evelo pm en t bo th distinctive fr o m others in the N o rth e a s t and general to Iroq uian-speak ers. N o t only is there a diversity in type b u t also there is a m od erately well represen ted grad ient of v ariation betw een the tw o extremes. At the low er en d a re the L a u re n tia n Iroquois, generally sim ilar in th eir settlem en t and s u b s is t e n c e to A lgo nk ian-speak ing gro up s in C entral O nta rio and n o rth e rn N ew E n gla nd . T h e N eu trals an d the Five N ations have econom ies an d settlem ent p a tte rn s sim ilar to those found am o n g m a n y A lgonkian groups to the southeast, though a lack o f the coastal em phasis on collecting, an d m o re o f an em phasis o n w a rfa re m ay hav e resulted in g re a te r overall co ncen tration s in the area. T h e H u ro n co n fed eracy was unusually large and localized, but this ca n be und ersto od in term s o f trade, a n d especially the historic f u r trade. Even house types, th o u g h they are not here o u r co nce rn, differ m o re in size and freq uen cy th a n in kind th ro u g h o u t the N orth east. T h u s Iroq uo ian patterns o f subsistence an d settlem ent a p p e a r to participate in the total range o f variation found in the N ortheast. T h ey arc neither hom o gen eou s as a g rou p no r d o th ey display a special ran ge of v ariation setting th e m a p a rt fro m the rang e f o r the region as a whole. W e have investigated som e o f the m a jo r factors affecting th e a d a p ta tio n o f a n u m b e r o f ra th e r sim ilar gro up s living in contiguity. W e have seen factors o f clim ate an d soil as limiting th e effectiveness o f a given sort o f agricultural ad ap ta tio n, and primitive agriculture as perm itting, not requiring, the g ro w th of large settlements. At the sam e time, a c o n tin u in g need o f m eat and furs opp osed this tendency. W e have seen w a rfa re e n c o u r­

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aging the e m ergen ce o f large, fortified settlements, an d finally tr a d e d raw in g the H u r o n settlem ents tog eth er ne ar the shore o f G e o rg ia n Bay. W e have seen th a t fo r u n derstand ing the role these factors play in individual societies, a detailed know ledge is needed of the precise n ature o f e a c h o f the general categories fo r the g rou p studied, and o f the varying influences w hich each exerts within th e context o f forces w hich arc at w ork w ithin the society. Nevertheless, the limited stud y u n d e rta k e n in this p a p e r would suggest that it is possible to d e te rm in e specific effects w h ich in­ dividual factors m a y exert on the settlem ent p attern in a m ore general sense - effects w hich in an y real situation m ay be o p ­ posed, nullified, o r reinforced by o th e r in dep end ent factors w hich a re also at work. It thus w o uld a p p e a r th a t cross-cultural studies which aim to define the influence w h ich factors such as technology, w arfa re, trade, o r even disease exert on the distri­ bu tion o f p op u latio n would m ak e real c on trib utio n to o u r u n d ers ta n d in g o f this im p o rta n t aspect o f society.

NOTES 1 . A . P. V a y d a , “ E x p an sio n a n d w a rfa re a m o n g sw idden agriculturalists” ( A m e r ic a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 6 3 : 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 347. 2. R. S. M acN eis h , Iro q u o is P o ttery T y p e s : A T ec h n iq u e fo r th e S tu d y o f Iro q u o is P reh isto ry (N a tio n a l M u s e u m of C a n a d a Bulletin 124, 1 9 5 2 ); W. H . Ritchie, “ Iroquois A r ­ chaeology an d settlem ent p a ttern s” ( A m e r ic a n B u rea u o f E th n o lo g y 180: 19 61 ). 3. “Second c o m m e n t on W illiam A . R itchie's ‘Iro quo is a r ­ c haeology an d settlem ent p a ttern s’” ( B ureau o f A m e ric a n E th n o lo g y B u lletin 180: 1961) 4. M acN e ish, op. cit.. pp. 8 5 - 9 ; J. W ittho ft, “A n cestry o f the S u sq u e h a n n o c k s” in J. W itth o f t a n d W. K insey III, S u sq u eh a n n o c k M iscella n y (P enn sylv an ia Historical an d M u seu m C om m ission, 1 9 5 9 ), pp. 3 6 - 7 . 5. A. F . H u n te r, “ H u ro n Village Sites in T a y, S im coe C o u n ty ” ( A rch a eo lo g ica l R ep o rt, A p p e n d ix to report o f th e M in ­ ister o f E d u ca tio n , O ntario, 1 8 9 9 )] “ N o tes on H u r o n V il­ lages in M ed o n te, Simcoe C o u n ty ” ( A rch a e o lo g ic a l R ep o rt, A p p e n d ix to report o f M in iste r o f E d u ca tio n , O ntario,

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1 9 0 1 ); W. J. W inte m be rg , “T h e S id ey -M cK ay Village Site” {A m e ric a n A n tiq u ity 11: 1 9 4 6 ), p. 155. 6. W. J. W intem b erg , “T h e geographical distribution o f ab o ­ riginal po ttery in C a n a d a ” (A m e ric a n A n tiq u ity 8: 1942). 7. T h e W ars o f th e Iroquois: A S tu d y in In tertrib a l T rade R e ­ lations (M ad iso n , 19 40 ). 8. R. E. P o p h a m , " L a te H u r o n occu patio ns o f O n ta rio : an archaeological survey o f Innisfii T o w n s h ip ” (O n ta rio H is­ tory 4 2 : 1 9 5 0 ); R. E. P o p h a m and J. N . E m ers o n , “ C o m ­ ments on the H u ro n and L a land e occup ation s o f O ntario" (A m e ric a n A n tiq u ity 17: 1 9 5 2 ); Jesu it R ela tio n s, v. 16, p. 229. 9. W. L. G ra n t, cd., V o ya g es o f S a m u e l de C h a m p la in (N ew Y o rk , 1 9 5 2 ), pp. 2 8 2 - 5 . 10. P o p h a m , op. cit. 11. W. A. H u n ter. " T h e Historic role o f the S u sq u e h a n n o c k s”, in W itth oft a n d Kinsey, eds., op. cit. 12. W. N . F en to n . “ P ro b lem s arising from the historic n o rth ­ eastern position o f the Iro q u o is” (S m ith so n ia n M iscella n e­ ous C ollections 100, 1 940 ), pp. 1 6 9 -7 1 : J. P. Baxter. A M e m o ir o f J acq u es C a rtie r ( N e w Y o rk, 1906) p. 14, et passim . 13. Ib id ., pp. 170, 172, 167. 14. Jesu it R ela tio n s, v. 21, pp. 1 87-2 3 7 ; C. Le C lercq, First E sta b lish m en t o f the F aith in N e w F rance, trans. J. G . Shea ( N e w Y o rk , 1 88 1 ), pp. 2 6 3 - 7 2 . 15. T. E. Lee, “ A n archaeological survey o f so uthw estern O n ­ tario an d M anitoulin Islan d” (P en n sylva n ia A rch a eo lo g ist 29: 1 95 9), p. 91. 16. A rch a eo lo g y o f th e N e u tra l In d ia n s (E to b ico k e H istorical Society, 1 96 1). 17. Jesuit R elations, v. 21, p. 211 18. O p. cit., p. 56. 19. H u n t, op. cit., p. 66: W. N . Fen ton , “ Ir o q u o ia n cu lture his­ tory: aszeneral e v a lu a tio n ” (B u rea u o f A m e r ic a n E th n o lo g y B ulletin 180: 1 96 1), p. 257. 20. “ Problem s arising fro m the historic northeastern position of the Iroq u ois,” pp. 224, 230. 21. C u ltu ra l a n d N a tu ra l A reas o f N a tiv e N o rth A inerica ( U n i ­ versity o f C alifo rn ia Publications in A rch aeo lo g y an d E t h ­ nology 38: 19 59 ), p. 147. 22. O p. cit., p. 33.

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CULTURAL ECOLOGY

BOREAL FOREST

PART TW O : THE BOREAL FOREST

T h e Boreal F orest region com prises the g reate r p a rt o f the forested region o f C a n a d a . It form s a co n tin u o u s belt across the c on tin ent from the L a b ra d o r coast w estw ard to the R ocky M o un tain s a n d no rth -w estw ard to A laska. C o n ifers pred o m i­ nate, especially W h ite Spruce, Black Spruce, a n d T a m a r a c k . R eg ion al v ariation s are to be expected in an are a o f this size: J a c k Pine is found th r o u g h o u t except (by a n d larg e) for the Y u k o n T errito ry , a n d A lp in e F ir is fo un d fro m A lb erta east­ w ard. T h e re is an a d m ix tu re o f decid u ous trees as well, espe­ cially W hite Birch, T re m b lin g A spen, a n d Balsam Poplar. R e­ gionally-specialized species o f Birch an d P o p la r o c c u r as well. Willows and P oplars becom e m o re im p o rta n t along the edge of the grasslands to the south, while in the n o rth the closed forest gives place to an o pen, fo rest-an d-barren province w hich is the w in ter range o f the c a rib o u , while moose fill this niche in the Boreal forest proper. O th e r cu ltu rally significant fa u n a in­ clude various sm all fur-bearers, either ro dents o r carnivores. T h ese fur-bearers figure p rom in en tly in the history o f the region's indigenous peoples, as will be seen. S om e o f the a rg u m e n t ov er the n a tu r e o f aboriginal land tenu re an d social organ ization in the eastern Boreal forest was su m m a riz e d in the Introduction. In fact three o f th e -a u th o rs found in this section - Speck, Lcacock, an d C o o p e r - were in­ tr o d u ced earlier. F ra n k Speck show ed that E astern A lgonkian peoples recognized rights in hunting lands, specifically, “the right to hunt, trap, an d fish in a certain inherited district b o u n d ed by so m e rivers, lakes, o r o th e r n a tu ra l la n d m a rk s .” As his title, “T h e F am ily H u n tin g B and as the Basis o f A lg on kian Social O rg an izatio n ” clearly implies, Speck ( a n d C o o p e r and P e n a rd as well) believed these rights to be aboriginal. Leacock has sh ow n convincingly th a t th ey are not. She elsewhere* a r ­ gues th a t “such private ow nersh ip o f specific resources as exists has developed in response to . . . the fur tr a d e .” T a n n e r ’s re p ­ lication o f S p eck ’s 1923 Mistassini stu dy ( A m e r . A n th ro . vol. 25, pp. 4 5 2 - 4 7 1 ) shows that land rights there are m ore c o m ­ 55

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plex th an either Speck o r L eacock allowed. T a n n e r shows clearly th a t m em b e rs o f a Jam es Bay C re e b a n d have m oved h un ting territories as an im al po pulations have moved. H e sug­ gests the notion o f “ hunting z o n e ” replace th a t o f “ h unting te r­ ritory” . C o o p e r an d P e n a rd c o n c u r: “territories . . . h ad no precise limit.” In an earlier study,* Leacock argues, contra Speck th a t conservation practices run c o u n te r to the h abits of sem i-n o m a d ic h un ters o f large gam e. F e it’s p a p e r show s that this need not be so. He speaks, in fact, o f the W asw anipi h u n t­ e r ’s “ resource m a n a g e m e n t p ro g r a m .” P a in e ’s essay, in a n o th e r section, also takes u p F c it’s n otion o f “A n im a ls as C ap ita l.” W ith the F is h e r study, “T h e C ree o f C a n a d a ,” we leave the E a ste rn Boreal forest. In fact, the region o ccu pie d by the C re e stretches from L a b r a d o r to the Rockies, o ccup yin g m ost o f the Boreal forest sou th o f the Territories. F is h e r argues th a t the shifting o f h un tin g territories rep orted by T a n n e r an d L eacock w as likely found t h r o u g h o u t the Boreal forest, and this gave C re e c u ltu re a distinctive sta m p : W h e n local biotic c o m m u n itie s decline, d u e to over-exploitation by m a n , forest fires, w in te r fish kills, o r o th e r n atu ral cycles, the next adjacent biotic c o m m u n ity is m u c h like o n e ’s own. T h us, typical (r e c u r r e n t ) sem i-n om adism is likely a built-in ecological org anizational req u irem en t of the sub-arctic forest region . . . In a n o th e r essay in this v o lum e, Fish er refers to C ree an d o th e r W o o d la n d A lg o n k ia n ’s ability to ad ap t to the fu r trade. This th em e is to u ch ed on here as well (also see the section o n G ra s s ­ la n d s ). Slobodin describes a people indigenous to the n orthw estern most extent o f the Boreal forest, o n the Peel River, a trib utary o f the M acK enzie, in the Y u k o n T erritory. T h e Peel R iver K u tc h in In dians are people o f the forest-an d-barren province o f the Boreal forest, not o f the closed forest itself. A lth o u g h the Peel R iv er peoples’ territory lies on bo th sides o f the A rctic Circle, it is distinguished fro m a true A rctic by w a rm sum m ers. A s for the Cree, s u m m arized by Fisher, the s u m m e r o r open w a te r season w as the time o f larg er social groups. O th e r seasons were m a rk ed by social g ro u p s a p p ro p ria te to h arv estin g the available resources. T h e tradition al p attern of mobility in response to seasonal o r te m p o ra r y o p po rtu nities persists in settlem en t in “s q u a t te r ” * Leacock’s monograph is cited in Suggestions for Further Reading.

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com m unities. B u c k sa r discusses W hiskey Flats, n e a r W h ite ­ horse, Y uk on T errito ry , b u t sim ilar settlem ents a re fo un d in the N o rth e rn P rairie provinces a n d the T erritories (e.g. Inuvik, N . W . T .) . Bucksar, in fact, sees a co n tin u in g “ tendency for the native peoples to cluster a ro u n d the new ( N o r t h e r n ) settle­ m e n ts.” T h is a d a p ta tio n suits those w ho n either wish to c o m ­ mit them selves to rem aining in the Bush n o r to p e rm a n e n t town living. B uck sar suggests th a t sq u a tte r tow ns are not necessarily b ad as such, th o ug h they d o reflect a lack o f p e rm a n e n t jobs for indigenous peoples. W ith B uck sar’s study, a n d that o f L aatsch, we c o m e to the policy im plications o f studies o f cultural ecology in the Boreal forest. N o t th a t political im plications w ere ever lacking in such studies. A s G e n e ra l Pitt-Rivers said in a discussion o f indigenous land te n u re in M ay, 1882 at the Royal A n th ro po log ical Insti­ tute, “W h a t is the use o f such studies unless th ey have practical results?” Discussion to u c h e d o n C a n a d ia n A lg on kian hunting territories, a n d co nsid ered “ w h e th e r th ere is an yth ing in the existing co ndition o f things w h ich would m ake us retrace o u t­ step s an d revert to the principle o f joint ow n ersh ip ” (J. R o y a l A n th r o . Instit., vol. 12, p. 27 4; m y e m p h a s is ) . M o d ern im pli­ cations o f Boreal ecological studies may be quite different. F o r ex am ple, the essays o f Feit a n d T a n n e r w e re w ritten as c o n tr i­ butions to the discussion o f the effects the Jam es Bay h y d ro electric project, as F eit’s intro d u c to ry re m a rk s m a k e clear. 1 deplore, with Feit, th a t the Jam es Bay peoples have n o t been involved in p lan nin g this project, w h ich involves so vast a c h a n g e in th eir env iro n m en t (also see the F riend s Service C o m ­ mittee study o f d a m s an d the Pacific s a lm o n ). T h e people o f F o r t C hip ew y an , in n o rth easte rn A lb erta, also face disruption of the ir e n v iro n m e n t cau sed by a hydroelectric developm ent. Low w a te r levels cau sed by the W. A. C. Bennett d a m on the P eace R iver d a m a g e d the P ea ce-A th ab a scan D elta u p o n w h ich the c o m m u n ity dep en ds. T h o u g h rem edial action has been attem pted, its effects c a n n o t be estim ated at this w rit­ ing. A s the studies collected h ere suggest, the Boreal forest’s in­ dig enous peoples a re practical experts on their a r e a ’s ecology. It is thus m ost a p p ro p ria te th a t F o r t C h ip ew y an peoples have been involved in studying ecological dam ag e to th eir area. It is to be d ep lored th a t this know ledge was not used in pla nn ing eneri»y dev elop m ent in the P eace R iver area, n o r has it been used"elsew here. H opefully, the studies gath ered here will go som e way to rem ed y this, by show ing the resources o f in f o rm a ­ tion a m o n g the N o r t h ’s indigenous peoples.

4. The Family Hunting Band as the basis of Algonkian Social Organization F r a n k G . Speck SOURCE: F ra n k G . S p e c k , “ T h e F a m ily H u n tin g B a n d a s th e B asis o f A lg o n k ia n S o c ia l O r g a n iz a tio n ,” A m e r ic a n A n th r o p o lo g is t, v o l. 17 ( 1 9 1 5 ) . R e p rin te d by p e rm iss io n o f th e p u b lish e r.

T h e following p a p e r is intended in a p relim in ary way to make available to ethnologists the results o f c erta in econ om ic an d so­ cial investigations in an im p o rta n t b u t hitherto neglected topic: th e family g ro u p as a fu n d am en tal social unit a m o n g the h u n t­ ing tribes of the northern w oodlands. T h e idea has always p re­ vailed, w ith o u t bringing forth m u ch criticism , that, in h a rm o n y with o th e r primitive p h e n o m e n a , the A m e ric a n In dians had little o r no interest in the m a t te r o f claims an d bo un da ries to th e land w h ich th ey inhabited. This n otion has, in fact, been generally p resupposed for all native tribes w h o have followed a h un tin g life, to ac c o rd w ith the c o m m o n im pression th a t a h u n ­ te r has to range far, and w h ere v e r he m ay, to find g am e enough to su p p o rt his family. W h e th e r o r not the h u n tin g peoples o f o th e r continents, or even o f o th e r parts o f A m erica, have definite concepts regarding individual o r g ro u p o w nership o f territory, I should at least like to show that the Indian tribes o f eastern an d n o rth e rn N o rth A m erica did have q uite definite claim s to their habitat. M o r e ­ over, as we shall see, these claim s existed even w ithin the family gro up s co m po sing the tribal co m m u n ities. T h e r e is, indeed, c o n ­ siderable significance in the fact th a t these tracts were remotely inherited in the families and that th ey were well kn ow n by defi­ nite boun ds not only a m o n g the ow ners b u t am o n g the neigh­ bo uring groups. In m a n y cases they were also associated with certain social clan groupings w ithin the tribe. It w o uld seem, 58

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then, that such features characterize actual ow nersh ip o f terri­ tory. O ne o f th e results o f m y ethnological ex plorations in the in­ terests o f the G eological Survey o f C a n a d a a m o n g the tribes of the n o rth e rn an d n o rth easte rn U nited States an d C a n a d a , has been to tr ace the distribution o f the fam ily h unting claims and to study the social side o f the institution, w h ich is, to be sure, a fu n d a m e n ta l one, a m o n g all the A lgonkian people. A c c o rd ­ ingly, I feel safe in presenting this p relim ina ry report o f the ethno-geographical material now, having pu rsu e d m y objective studies th ro u g h the tribes from the A tlantic seabo ard in N e w ­ fo un dlan d, N o v a Scotia, M aine, the South L a b r a d o r coast, and provinces o f Q u eb ec a n d O n ta rio as far west as M a tta g a m a river an d north to L ake Abittibi beyond the H eight o f L and dividing the A rctic a n d St. L aw rence w atershed. Before ente rin g u p o n the specific m aterial fro m different tribes, let me define the family h u n tin g g ro u p as a kinship g ro up co m p o s ed of folks united by blood o r m arria ge, having the right to h unt, trap, an d fish in a certain inherited district b o u n d ed by som e rivers, lakes, o r o th e r n a tu ral land m ark s. T h ese te rrito r­ ies, as we shall call them , w ere, m oreover, often kn ow n by c e r­ tain local n am es identified with the fam ily itself. T h e w hole territo ry claim ed by each tribe was subdivided into tracts owned from time im m em o rial by the sa m e families a n d h an d ed dow n from gen era tion to generation. T h e alm ost exact bou nd s o f these territories were k n o w n and recognized, an d trespass, which, in­ deed, w as o f rare o ccurren ce, w as su m m a rily p unishable. T hese fam ily groups o r b a n d s fo rm the social units o f m ost o f the tribes,, having not only the ties o f kinship b u t a c o m m u n ity o f land and interests. In som e tribes these b an d s have developed into clans w ith prescribed rules o f m arriag e, so m e social taboos an d totem ic em blem s. Such, th en , is the general aspect o f this institution. R eg ard in g the territorial b o u nd s, I indeed fo u n d th em so well established an d definite that it has been possible to show on m ap s the exact tract o f c o u n try claim ed by each family gro up. T h e districts a m o n g the A lgo nk ian seem to av erage be­ tw een tw o an d fo u r h u n d re d squ are miles to each family in the m ain h abitat, while on the tribal frontiers th ey m ay av erage from tw o to fo u r tim es as large. I have a lready p rep are d such m a ps o f the P enobscot territory in Maine, the M o ntagnais and Mistassini o f Q uebec, the T im isk a m in g and N ipissing in O n ­

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tario, the M ic m a c o f N o v a Scotia a n d N ew fo u n d la n d , an d the L ak e D um oine, T im a g a m i, M a ta c h e w a n a n d M attaw a bands of A lg o n k ian an d O jibw a in O n ta rio and Q u e b e c .1 In only o n e in­ stance so far in my investigations have I found this institution o c c u rrin g a m o n g the Iroquois. In this case the M o h aw k o f the O k a b a n d have a few fam ily h u n tin g territories, the idea evi­ den tly having been b orro w ed from the A lg onkin occupying the sam e reserve. I could not find an y traces o f the institution a m o n g the C h e ro k e e o f N o r th C arolina. M r E. W. H aw kes in form s me, co n ce rn in g the E sk im o o f L a b ra d o r, th at, while aw a re that th e ir Indian neighbours m ainta in the h un tin g terri­ tory system, th ey have not ta ken it up themselves. In the west a n d n o rth several au th o rs re fe r in m o re o r less definite term s to the institution. H a r m o n ( l 8 0 0 ) describes it a m o n g the C ree,- while n ow a n d then we can detect its o c c u r­ rence in the regions cov ered by the reports o f later eth n o lo ­ gists.'1 A s m ight indeed be expected, the tribes o f the Plains are a d o not have the institution so fa r as I have learned inci­ dentally fro m a few inform ants. F r o m the allusions in litera­ ture, how ever, we might suspect its general distribution in the P lateau an d in the n o rth ern o r M ack en zie area. W e have reason to k no w , m o reo ver, from early historical writings, that the typical institution o f the hunting territory, w ith vested rights, so characteristic even to d a y am o n g the tribes o f C a n a d a , held sw ay a m o n g the A lgo nk ian k in dred as far south as so u th e rn N e w E ng lan d. T his brings the institution well within the limits o f the region co n c e rn e d in the treaty negotiations o f o u r colonial gov ern m en t. F u th e r m o re , o n the assum ptio n that the ethnically related A lgonkian inhabiting so u th w a rd into Virginia w ere organized similarly, we m ay have to co nclud e that all o f the A tlan tic coast tribes m ain tained the sa m e institution. A n o th e r featu re o f e co n o m ic im p o rtan ce in the institution o f the family h u n tin g territory is the conservation o f resources practised by the natives. In th eir o w n regim e this m ean s the co nservation o f the gam e. Let us consult, f o r exam ple, the n a ­ tive regulations governing the trea tm en t o f the h u n tin g te r­ ritories a m o n g the n o rth ern O jibw a an d the M ontagn ais o f the prov inc e o f Q u eb ec w h o a re often accused o f being im p ro v i­ d e n t as regards the killing o f game, no tw ith stand ing the fact th a t they d ep en d u p o n it fo r th eir living. T h e M on tag nais su b ­ sist entirely u p o n the p ro d u cts o f the hunt, trad in g the furs

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th a t th ey ob tain d u rin g the w in ter fo r th e necessities o f life at the H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y ’s posts. A c c o m p a n ie d by his family, the M o n tag n ais h u n te r operates th ro u g h a ce rtain te r­ ritory, know n as his “ h unting g r o u n d ” ( o t i" ta w in ), the b o u n d ­ aries d eterm in ed by a certain river, the dra in ag e o f som e lake, o r the alignm ent o f som e ridge. T his is his family inheritance, han ded dow n fro m his ancestors. Here in the sa m e district his fa th e r hu nted before him a n d here also his child ren will gain their living. D espite the c o n tin u e d killing in the trac t each year the su pp ly is alw ays replenished by the anim als allowed to breed there. T h e r e is nothing astonishing in this to the m ind of the Indian because the killing is definitely regulated so that only the increase is c on sum ed , en o u g h stock being left each season to insure a supply fo r the su cceeding years. In this m a n ­ ner the gam e is “ f a r m e d ,” so to speak, an d the co ntinu ed killing th r o u g h centuries docs not alTect the stock fun da m en tally . It can readily be seen that the thoughtless slau g h ter o f g a m e in o n e season w o uld spoil things f o r the next an d soon bring the p ro p rie to r to famine. T h e M o n tag n ais d e p e n d largely upon the beaver, as th ere are very few m oose an d caribou in th eir cou ntry. T h e b e a v e r to th e m is like the bison to the Plains Indians, or th e rein d eer to the A rctic tribes. T h e m eat o f the b e a v e r is delicious an d substantial an d replaces pork very a d v a n ta ­ geously. If the h u n te r fall sick in the forest far from aid, he finds the c asto reu m a beneficial rem edy. Different from the o th e r beasts th e beav er d oes not w a n d e r ab o u t an d require to be h u n ted ; he builds his “ cab in ” in plain sight u p o n the v ery pa th o f the h u nte r, in the river o r lake. Instinctively, the h u n te r u n de rstan ds h ow to o p erate w ith a n a tu ral law, w hich no g a m e com m ission can im prov e on, an d to m a i n ­ tain the b eaver there for his subsistence. H e understands, m oreover, th a t he c a n n o t abuse his opp ortun ity. T h u s it is th a t the Ind ian , obeying a n atural law o f conservation, w hich is w orth m ore th an an y w ritten law to him, never destroys all the m e m b e rs o f a b e a v e r family. H e knows e n ou gh to sp a re a sufficient n u m b e r fo r the con tinu ation of the fam ily a n d the p ro pag atio n o f the colony. H e takes ca re o f the b e a v e r as well as o th e r anim als, that live in his family territory, as a f a r m e r does o f his breeders. H e can, indeed, tell at an y tim e the n u m b e r o f anim als w hich he

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can dispose o f each y e a r in his district w ithout dam a g in g his supply.* T h e testim ony o f an O jibw a ch ief at L ak e T c m ag am i, O ntario, is interesting because it gives us a first-hand tran sla­ tion o f the actual statem en ts o f an Indian a u th o rity himself. Accordingly, I o ile r part o f the speech o f C h ie f A leck Paul. In the early times the In dians o w n ed this land, where they lived, b ou nd ed by the lakes, rivers, a n d hills, o r d e ­ term in ed by a certain n u m b e r o f d a y ’s jou rn ey in this di­ rection o r that. T h o se tracts fo rm ed the hunting g rounds o w ne d and used by the different families. W h e re v e r they w ent the In d ian s took ca re o f the g a m e anim als, especially the beaver, just as the G o v e rn m e n t takes c a re o f the land today. So these families o f h un ters w ould never th ink of d a m a g in g the a b u n d a n c e o r the sou rc e o f sup ply o f the gam e, because th a t ha d co m e to them fr o m th eir fathers an d g ra n d fa th e rs and those behind them . It is, on the o ther h an d , the w hite m an w h o needs to be w atched. He makes the forest fires, he goes th r o u g h the w o od s and kills every­ thing he can find, w h e th e r he needs its flesh o r not, and th en w hen all the anim als in o n e section are killed he takes the train a n d goes to a n o th e r w here he can do the same. W e Indian families used to hun t in a certain section for beaver. W e w ould only kill the small b eaver an d leave the old ones to keep breeding. T h e n w hen th ey got too old, they to o would be killed, just as a f a r m e r kills his pigs, p re­ serving the stock for his supp ly o f y ou ng . T h e b e a v e r was the In dians’ p o rk ; the moose, his beef; the partridge, his chicken; an d there was the carib o u o r red deer, th a t was his sheep. All these form ed the stock on his family h unting gro u n d , w hich would be p arceled out a m o n g the sons when the o w n e r died. H e said to his sons, “Y o u take this part; take care o f this tract: see that it alw ays pro du ces e n o u g h .” T h a t was w h at m y g ra n d f a th e r told us. H is land "was divided a m o n g tw o sons, m y fa th e r a n d P ishabo (T e a W a t e r ) , m y uncle. W e w ere to own this land so no o th e r Indian could hu nt on it. O th e r In dians cou ld go there a n d travel t h r o u g h it, b u t could not go th ere to kill the beaver. E a c h fam ily had its ow n district w here it belonged, and *Quoting a statement prepared by the Montagnais of Lake St John.

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o w ne d the game. T h a t w as ea c h o n e ’s stock for food and clothes. If a n o th e r Indian h u n te d on o u r territory we, the ow ners, co uld sh o o t him. T h is division o f th e land started in the beginning o f time, an d always rem ained unch ang ed. I re m e m b e r a b o u t tw enty years ago som e Nipissing Indians c a m e north to hun t on m y fa th e r’s land. He told th em not to h u n t beaver. “This is o u r land,” he told th em ; “y o u can fish but must not touch the fur, as that is all we have to live on .” S om etim es an o w n e r w ould give perm ission fo r strangers to hu nt for a certa in time in a certain tract. This was often d o n e fo r friends o r when neighbors h ad had a p o o r season. L ater the fav o r might be returned. H a vin g alread y given, in b rief ab stract form , the contents o f som e o f m y detailed reports, it m ay be well to c on tin ue in the sam e way by presenting con den sed material show ing the n a tu r e o f the territorial institution a m o n g the various tribes em b r a c e d within the area o f A m e ric a n a n d C an a d ia n colonial m ovem ents.

Timiskaming Band o f Algonkian O n the no rth ern a n d eastern shores o f L a k e T im isk a m in g form ing the inter-colonial b o u n d a ry betw een O n ta rio an d Q u e ­ bec, a rc the A lgo nk in k no w n as the T im isk a m in g band. These people seem to be a n o rth e rn offshoot o f the A lg on kin o f the O ttaw a river. M a n y general features o f the h un tin g territory system are repeated in the material c o m in g from this group. T h e r e are seven original families in w h ich the n a m e s arc h a n d e d dow n by p atern al descent. H ere, as elsewhere, a c o m ­ m on family h un ting territory in w hich all the male m e m b ers share the right o f h u ntin g an d fishing, constitutes the main b o n d o f union in the social life o f the tribe. H u n tin g outside o f the family territory was often punishable by death. M o re often, however, trespass was punished by co n ju rin g against the offender's life o r health. E ac h family, it seems, h a d som e s h a m a n in its ranks w ho could be called u p o n to w ork evil against intru d ers u pon su c h occasions. Permission, n ev erth e ­ less, was often given to hu nt in neighboring territory: especially in times w h en the g a m e su pp ly m ight be im poverished, e x ­ changes were m a d e th ro u g h courtesy. W e find h ere rules for travelers in passing th ro u g h strange territories. Perm ission was

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generally sou gh t at the o w n e r ’s h e a d q u a rte rs before passing th ro u g h his district and if, by necessity, gam e had been killed to sustain life the pelts w ere delivered to the ow ners. E c o n o m ­ ically, these fam ily territories in the T im isk am in g b a n d were regulated in a very wise an d interesting m an n e r. T h e g a m e was kept acco un t o f quite closely, the p ro prieto rs kn o w in g ab o u t how a b u n d a n t e a c h kind o f anim al was. Hence, they could regulate the killing so as not to deplete the stock. Beaver were m a d e the object o f the m o st careful “ fa rm in g ,” an acco un t being k ep t o f the n u m b e rs o f o ccu p an ts old an d y ou n g to each “c a b in .” In certain districts moose o r ca rib o u w ere protected d u rin g one y e a r to give th e m a c han ce to increase a fte r a period o f hunting. T h e totem ic organ izatio n in the T im isk a m in g b a n d is too d e c a d e n t to fu rn ish m u c h m aterial fo r study. T h e r e a re the rem ain s o f three totems, th e kingfisher, rattlesnake, a n d c a ri­ bou. T h e r e is reason to su pp ose th a t these were in tro du ced by in term arria g e w ith th e T im a g a m i band. N evertheless in this case, th e fam ily divisions a re not p rim arily c o nc ern ed with totcm ism . T h e m a in point here is th a t the h u n tin g territory gro u p s have developed by in he rita nce fr o m individual p ro ­ prietors irrespective o f totem ic groupings. N o taboos o f diet o r killing a re fo u n d in these fam ily groups. T h e y are purely social an d eco no m ic. S o m e o f the families fo rm in g th e T im is­ k am in g ban d originally c a m e fro m the M ata c h e w a n band o f O jibwa, o th ers have c o m e fro m the A bittibi c o u n tr y and others a re derived fro m the T im a g a m i. F r o m o u r study in this g ro u p it is safe to co n clu d e th a t the pre ssu re on the T im is k a ­ m in g territory has been co n stan tly fro m the west, th e result of th e co n tin u o u s n o rth w a r d a n d eastw ard d rift o f th e O jibw a from the region o f L a k e H u r o n a n d Superior. This study, be­ sides giving us a definite b o u n d a ry line fo r the A lg o n k in on the west, also provides us w ith a co ncrete a n d p re s u m a b ly ac­ c u ra te illustration o f how territorial e n c ro a c h m e n ts o c c u r a m o n g the natives, a c c o m p an ied by in term arriag e an d inte r­ c h an g e o f customs. T h e T im is k a m in g people, too, have only in recent years c o m e u n d e r the D o m in io n regulations, th e ir land having been ceded in the u su al w ay so that now only a few families retain the right to h u n t at all times in th eir inherited districts. M y in ­ vestigations a m o n g th e n eighboring b an d s o f A lg on kin a re not very extensive, b u t we m ay p re s u m e from th e fact th a t to the s o uth east the D u m o in e river a n d K ip a w a b and s o f th e sam e

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g ro u p have the sam e social system that the w hole A lg onkin g ro u p was c h arac terized by it. 1 fo u n d eight fam ilies form ing these groups. T h e ir territory ex tended as far east as C ou lon ge river w hich takes us fairly close to the c o u n tr y th a t is now settled, an d w h ere at first a p p e a ra n c e on e w ould hardly expect to find traces o f aboriginal family claims. It m a y not be too futile to h op e that in the fu r th e r pro secution o f these re­ searches am o n g the diffused re m n a n ts o f the original owners, we m a y be able to plot out claims lying fu rth e r to the so u th in w h a t has been thickly settled c o u n try fo r som e years.

T im agam i Band M y best o p p o rtu n ity fo r investigating the social and econom ic organization was afforded by the O jibw a o f the T im a g a m i band located at the H u d so n 's Bay Post on Bear island o f L ake T im ag am i. In m y survey o f the region I followed the line o f c o n ta c t betw een the Algonkin, O jibwa, an d C re e from Lake N ipissing no rth w ard , o btainin g d a ta from three o r f o u r o f the intervening bands. T h e T im a g a m i people offered a ra th e r a t ­ tractive o p p o rtu n ity because th ey had m ain tain ed the hunting territo ry system up to the present, and this, to geth er with the sm all size o f the band, ninety-five souls, enabled m e to plan inquiries on a n u m b e r o f points con cerning the life o f the indi­ vidual an d the social g ro u p in a fairly co ncrete way. T h e T i­ m ag am i b a n d is the offshoot o f O jibwa o f the G re a t Lakes. T h e ir present habitat is ab o u t L ake T im ag am i. T h e r e are fo u r­ teen families that fo rm the gro up. As m ig h t be expected, the family hun tin g territory is o f p rim a ry im p o rta n c e h ere as it is th ro u g h o u t the w hole region occupied by the n o rth ern A lg on ­ kin hu ntin g tribes. W e find the g eneral ch aracteristics o f this type represented here by fam ily p ro prietorship in the districts, retaliation against trespass, conservation o f anim al resources, a n d certain regulations govern ing in heritance and m arriage a m o n g the families. T h e districts o f these family grou ps arc fairly definite, b o un ded by lakes, rivers, ridges, a n d often groves o f ce rtain trees, being exceedingly well k no w n and re­ spected by all the hunters, u n d er a very s tro n g sense o f p ro ­ prietorship. T h e T im a g a m i even w ent so fa r as to divide their districts into qu arters, each y e a r the family h unting in a d if­ ferent q u a r t e r in rotation, leaving a tr act in the c e n te r as a sort o f bank not to be h u n te d o ve r unless forced to d o so by

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a shortage in the regular tract. T h ese q u arters were criss­ crossed by blazed trails leading to the te m p o ra r y camps. T h e T im a g a m i called o n e o f these territories n d a 'k ’im , “ m y lan d ”. W hile o m ittin g the detailed discussion o f o th e r social p h e n o m e n a a few w o rds are needed to sho w h o w the clan system existed side by side with the h u n tin g territorial system. H e re the re w ere fo u r clans, th e Loon, Kingfisher, R attlesnake, an d, o f recent years, the Beaver, b ro u g h t in by an im m ig ran t fam ily from L ak e Nipissing. In these clans descent is reckoned th ro u g h the fa th e r an d the exogam ic regulation prevails. T hey d o not believe in descent fr o m th e to tem , b u t it is reg ard ed as a m a rk o f identity to the m em b e rs o f the band. T h e r e is no association, ou tw ardly , b etw een the clans a n d the family bands. W e infer, how ever, th a t the bands have increased by su b ­ division from the original fou nd ers w ho w ere m em b e rs o f three m igratin g clans. A n e x am in atio n o f the territory as plo tted on the m ap, w hich em b ra ces a large area from L ak e N ipissing to H eight o f L and , shows th a t these people are p a rt o f a n o rth ern a n d w estern m o v em e n t o f O jibw a-speaking b an d s spreading from the G re a t L ak es to the new er h u ntin g g ro un ds w h ich lie fu rth e r fro m the territory now being despoiled o f th eir game by encro ach in g settlements. Still fu rth e r in fo rm atio n fro m the O jibw a o f M innesota show s th a t essentially the sam e institution occurs a m o n g the b an ds there. F r o m W illiam Potter, Patigos, o f the Gull Lake b and, I o btained a list o f family hunting territories w ith b o u n d ­ aries m a rk e d on a m ap giving the proprietorships o f certain districts on w hat is n ow the W h ite E a rth reserve. T h e territories here a re relatively small c o m p a r e d to those in C a n a d a , a v e r­ aging a b o u t 100 sq ua re miles. T h e M in nesota family hunting claim s in clude also the exclusive rights to the m ap le s u g a r bush and fishing w aters lying w ithin the b ou nd aries o f the tracts. O n large op en lakes the fishing is unrestricted. T respass re gu ­ lations are here also not at all strict. C ou rtesy even h ard ly re­ quires travelers to secure perm ission fro m the ow ners to hunt on their claims. In this p a rtic u lar part o f M innesota, however, the rem oval o f o th e r bands o f O jibw a since ab ou t 1870 to the W h ite E a rth reserve has h ad con sid erable effect u p o n the local institution, particularly in necessitating a redistribution in s m aller parcels o f the territories left a m o n g the Indians. A n interesting fact is b ro u g h t o u t by a c om pa riso n o f the family territories here, w hich I learned o f quite accidentally, a n d those o f the O n ta rio O jibwa. F o r it seems th a t m an y family and

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individual p ro p rieta ry n am es are c o m m o n to both areas, in­ dicating that certain national family nam es o c c u r th ro u g h o u t the Ojibwa. T h e s a m e thing is m anifested in the bands o f the A lgonkin. C o m p a riso n based on this class o f material, m uch o f w hich yet rem ain s to be collected, m ay sho w w h eth er these na m es are restricted to certain clans. South o f the St. L awrence, in the region east o f th a t just dealt with, the c o u n try has been in the h an ds o f the w hite m an f o r m an y generations, yet so m e o f the most interesting m a te ­ rial is alive in the m e m o ry o f the original In d ian inhabitants. T h e A be nak i o f St Francis, C a n a d a , c om p rise the a m alg am ated fragm ents of the historic W aw cn o ck , N orrid ge w ock , A roosag u n ta c o o k an d o th e r bands driven fro m so u th e rn M a in e and N e w H a m p sh ire in the eighteenth century. A visit to this vil­ lage show ed th a t so m e o f the old family claims in the neigh­ b o rh o o d o f M oo seh ead lake, Maine, are still rem em bered. A lth o u g h I a m not ready to rep o rt in detail as yet, the In dians will soon have a m a p m ark ed o u t fo r me sh ow ing the fo r m e r territorial claims o f their people.

Penobscot In regard to the P enobscot w ho inhabit the P e nobscot river valley in M aine, we en c o u n te r so m e interesting social an d e c o ­ nom ic ph en o m en a . In the old days their hunting territories, w hich are called N z i'b u m , “ m y river,” b o rd e r e d on the east those o f the A ro o sa g u n tac o o k , now the St F ran cis A benaki, ju st mentioned. A lm o st all o f the traditional tw enty-tw o fam i­ lies o f the tribe are still represented by descen dan ts n u m b erin g so m eth in g o ve r f o u r hun dred. T h e usual rules against trespass, the usual habit o f spe nding the w in ter in the hunting grounds an d gathering for the tribal rendezvous in the spring an d fall, and the typical g ro uping o f the family m e m b ers into b an d s in w hich the territories were inherited, are all fo u n d here as else­ w here a m o n g the no rth ern tribes. Passing from this c o m m o n phase we find m u ch m o re in the social aspect th a t is distinctive to the tribe. T o begin with, the h u m a n family g ro u p s were believed to be intim ately related to ce rtain land an d sea anim als, the re­ lationship being a cco un ted fo r by a m yth o f the tr a n s fo r m e r cycle o f w hich an a bstract will have to be given before p ro ­ ceeding further.

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T h e mythical tr a n sfo r m e r, G lu s k a 'b e , “ T h e D eceiver,” in th e course o f his c a re e r a b o u t the world, e nco un te rs a village o f his people, as he calls th em , w h o are dyin g o f thirst oc­ casioned by the cupidity o f a m o n ster frog-like creatu re ( A n g U b e m u , “G u a r d s the w a te r ” ). “T h e D eceiver” proceeds to the abode o f this m o n s te r a n d o rd e rs him to disgorge the w a te r w hich he is holding b ack fro m the world. U p o n refusal “T h e D eceiver” kills the c re a tu re an d fells a yellow birch tree upo n him. T h e w a te r released from the m o nster th en flows d o w n the b ranch es and tr u n k o f the tree an d then ce fo rth be­ co m es the P en ob sc ot river system. T h e event that ensues is of im p o rta n c e to us. T h e people below w ho are dy in g o f thirst at o n c e rush to the w a te r as it flows by. Som e o f th e m are so eag er to drink th a t they plunge into the stream an d are fo rth ­ w ith tra n sfo rm e d into variou s fish, batrach ians,' an d m arine anim als. T ho se w h o restrain them selves from the w a te r escape tra n sfo rm a tio n an d bec o m e the ancestors o f the h u m a n fa m i­ lies. These, how ever, assum e the nam es an d to a certain extent th e identity o f the p artic ula r anim al into w hich their nearest relatives were tran sfo rm ed . F u rth e rm o r e , th ey seem to have c ho se n their h abitat n ear the places inhabited by th eir anim al relatives. So we find those families with m arin e anim al associa­ tions o ccu py ing h un tin g territories n e a r the sea. M oreover, these families subsisted largely upon the flesh o f the anim al with w h ich they are associated. C ertain physical peculiarities are also a ttrib u te d to the mythical relationship betw een the present day h u m a n and anim al families. T o illustrate this, we find the L o bster an d C ra b families with territories restricted to lower P enobscot bay, an d the Sculpin and S turgeon families f u r th e r up alon g the river. T h e fo r m e r were notable as se afar­ ing people an d subsisted chiefly u p o n sea fo od. T h e m em b ers o f the W h ale family are still looked u pon as being very large a n d d a r k colored people. A s regards the rest o f the families hav ing land an im al associations, their origins are varied too m u c h to be dealt with here. S o m e claim ed d escen t fro m an an c e sto r w ho had lived w ith the associate d anim al, others th r o u g h som e pseudohistorical event con cern ed w ith the cre a ­ ture, while som e others arc th o u g h t merely to have ta k e n an an im al n a m e fro m so m e p a rtic u la r species w hich a b o u n d e d in the ir h un ting territory. G en eraliz in g so m e w h at fro m m y studies, w h ich are treated in full in a w ork o n the eth no log y o f the tribe, we find that th e P enobscot families all h ad anim al n am es, w ith descen t in

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the male line. T h e r e were n o taboos against killing the asso­ ciated anim al, w hich to a certain degree was d epe nd ed upon f o r food. T h e te rm n tu 'te m “ m y sp ouse’s p are n ts,” o r in a n ­ o th e r sense “ m y p a rtn e r o f a strange race,” w as frequently used in reference to the anim al, w hich a fte r all is to be classi­ fied in the category o f a totem. T h e family toteniic groups in­ clu ded those related by blood, by marriage, o r by adoption. But no regular exo gam y prevailed, becau se family identity w as ra th e r loose. T h e direction o f m arriag e was largely a rb i­ tra ry in the bands. T h e following list gives the totemic nam es o f the P enobscot families, in the o r d e r of the ir location fro m the coast inland: Lobster, C rab , Sculpin, Eel, Bear, T o a d , Insect, Fisher, W hale , Beaver, Strtrgcon, Wolf, F ro g, Squirrel, R accoon, W olverine, W a te r N y m p h ( a h u m an-lik e f a iry ), O tter, Lynx, Rabbit, Y el­ low P erch, a n d R aven. T h o se highest in social rank w ere the B ear a n d Squirrel from w hich the chief o f the families having land a n im a l to tem s w as chosen.-vand the F r o g an d Stu rgeon from w hich the o th e r side chose th eir chief. In a certain sense the totem s w ere regarded as fam ily em blem s. Pictorial re p re ­ sen tations o f them were used to m a rk the bo un daries o f the h u n tin g territories. T h e families had th eir to tem s blazed upon trees alon g b o u n d a ry rivers o r em plo yed figures c u t o u t of b irchb ark as line marks. Resolving o u r d a ta to w h a t might seem to be a reasonable conclusion, it app ears that the usual A lg o n k ian family unit c o ncep t has in the case o f the Penobscot been developed along som e in depen d ent lines. S o m e special influences seem to have caused an em p hasis o f the e c o n o m ic aspect o f totem ism , which is here a p p aren tly o f a seco nd ary nature. A nascent clan o rg a n ­ ization seem s to be in evidence. N o w h e re else d o we meet with quite the sa m e thing. Finally it hardly seem s necessary to add th a t the social stru c tu re o f the Penobscot has been obsolete for ab o u t fifty years. T h e territories e xtende d fro m the coast n o rth ­ w a rd into the interior as far as the St J o h n ’s river, those in the n o rth ern interio r being o f a m u ch g re a te r size th a n those n e a re r M o osch ead lake, P eno bsco t river, a n d the coast. T h e la tter av erage a b o u t five h u n d re d squ are miles, w hile to the n o rth ea st th ey arc often twice th a t extent. W e might b e tem pted to in fer from this th a t the Penobscot m igratio n drifte d so u th ­ east originally. v R egard in g the P a ss a m a q u o d d y o f the eastern coast of Maine, my material, as yet incom plete, only perm its m e to

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state th a t the e c o n o m ic p h e n o m e n a resem ble those o f the Penobscot. T h e Malecite o f St J o h n ’s river h ad th eir h unting territories too, but I a m not p re p a r e d to give them yet. Here, how ever, we learn th a t p ersonal n ickn am es were often derived from th e an im als m ost c o m m o n ly hun ted by individuals.

Micmac Lastly, as regards the M ic m a c o f the e x tre m e east, inhabiting th e m aritim e provinces o f C a n a d a , an d N e w fo u n d la n d , we find the d a ta to be m u c h less c o m p lex in c h a ra c te r th o u g h no less fr a u g h t w ith ethnological im portance. W hile m y surveys in this region are as yet by no m eans com plete, they already c o v e r N ew fo u n d la n d , C a p e B reton island, a n d p arts o f N ov a Scotia. T h e general characteristics o f th e fam ily territories of th e M ic m a c a re fairly u n ifo rm , differing c onsiderably from those o f the Pen ob scot, despite the fact th a t both tribes belong to the sam e A lg o n k ia n subdivision. T h e M icm ac te rm th eir hu nting territories n tu yel'w a m i, “ h u n tin g a re a .” T h e districts themselves generally su r ro u n d lakes, ponds, o r sections o f rivers, few being at an y distance fr o m water. T h e b o u n d s d o n o t seem to be as strictly defined as a m o n g th e O jibw a, M o ntag nais, a n d A lgonkin, n o r does rese ntm e nt against trespassing a m o u n t to m uch . In the old days the families o rd in arily spent the s u m m e r in villages located n ear the seacoast, a n d retired in the fall to th eir p ro p e r h un ting claims, w h ere th ey h ad te m p o ra r y c a m p s at convenient in ter­ vals. T h e r e were n o clans, no regulations o f exogam y, a n d no g ro u p totem ism . In this u n e lab o rate social sch em e we find even no re m e m b r a n c e o f groupings o f any kin d u n d e r nam es. T h e im m ed iate m e m b ers o f the fam ily constitute the family group with its inherited h u nting territory. T h e se tracts, as a rule, rem ain intact as long as there a re sons, grandsons, o r nephew s in the male line to hold them . N evertheless, g rad u al changes are taking place as the districts m a y b ecom e su bdivided in p art a m o n g male heirs, an d, as som etim es hap pen s, th ey m a y be a u g m e n te d by the ad dition o f adjacent lots th ro u g h in te rm a r­ riage w ith o th e r families o r inheritance from distant relatives. Parts o f territories are, again, occasionally bestowed as re ­ w ard s u p o n friends fo r im p o rta n t services, su c h as su p p o rtin g th e aged o r raising ad o p te d children. T h e families them selves, as the simplest kind o f social units, fo rm villages w hich seem

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to have som e individual identity u n d e r local names. T h ese exist no w ada ys as reservations, constituting small bands. R e ­ lated a n d n eighboring s m aller b an d s in tu r n co m p rise the larger bands, de term in ed m ore o r less by geographical features, k n o w n as the M ic m a c o f N o v a Scotia, N e w Brunsw ick, Prince E d w a r d island, C a p e Breton island, an d N ew fo u n d la n d , re­ spectively. E a c h village has its ch ief an d each b a n d has its head ch ief while the w ho le n atio n is rep resented by a h ereditary life ch ief whose h e a d q u a rte rs a re at C a p e Breton. I m ention these political points show ing the relationship of the different ban d s in o r d e r to in tro du ce a n o th e r relatively im ­ p o rta n t pro b lem o f m ig ration w hich o u r stud y o f M ic m a c h u n tin g territories throw s so m e light upon. By c o m p a r in g the size o f the family h u n tin g districts in the variou s divisions of the tribe we discover th a t th e fu r th e r eastw ard we go the larger the fam ily tracts are. T h o se in N ew fo u n d la n d , w here th ere a re thirteen family groups, average abou t tw o th o u s a n d s q u a re miles to each, while in C a p e Breton the sixteen family group s have an average o f a b o u t f o u r h u n d re d sq u a re miles apiece, an d in N o v a Scotia the av erage district a m o u n ts to only ab ou t tw o h u n d red sq u a re miles. In its u ltim ate signifi­ c a n ce this c o m p a r iso n w ould seem to indicate that, in c o n ­ tiguous regions inhabited by b ranch es o f the sam e tribe, the c o u n tr y w h ere the fam ily territories a re the largest is the c o u n tr y m ost recently occup ie d in the a dv anc ing fr o n tie r o f the tribe. H ence, N o v a Scotia was doubtless th e ce n te r o f dis­ trib ution o f the sou th ern an d eastern M ic m a c w hose line of m igration has been con tinu ou sly eastw ard, reaching N e w ­ f o u n d la n d w ithin the last tw o h u n d re d a n d fifty y ears by ap p ro x im a te estim ate. T his in ference is also su p p o rted by ethnological a n d historical material, ob tain ed from the bands themselves, w h ich I have tre ated in a m o re special article,4 a n d fro m w h ich I have q u o ted a little here.

C onclusion A still m o re im p o rta n t conclusio n m ay, I believe, be d raw n fr o m this m aterial, inco m p lete as it is yet. It confirm s the idea th a t the earliest f u n d a m e n ta l social unit of the A lg o n ­ k ian was the con sa n g u in eo u s family. In the n o rth an d east u n d e r fairly isolated co nd itio ns the fam ily unit has rem ain ed m o st characteristic, b u t a m o n g the central an d sou th ern divi­

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sions o f the stock a b o rro w e d clan system has been s u p e r­ im posed u p o n the sim p ler family grouping. T his seems to offer an explana tion fo r th e existence o f the m o re com p lex clan and totem ic organ izatio n found am o n g the A lgon kian adjacent to the Iroquois an d o th e r m o re typically sou th ern phases of cu ltu re w h ere the clan system p redom inates. M o reo v e r the u n ­ in terrup ted prevalan ce o f the fam ily u n it and the c orresponding absence o f the clan system a m o n g most o f the tribes inhabiting the lateral zone just north o f the G re a t L ak es a n d the St L aw ­ rence is a very s tro n g indication favoring the supposition that this general region m ay conservatively be considered the hom e o f A lgo nk ian institutions w h e th e r o r not it be an old cen te r of distribution o f the stock. T h e absence o f definite clans, the family social g ro u p o r b an d , an d the lineal system o f relation ­ ship seem to go to geth er in the sam e stage o f n o m a d ic h unting c u ltu re an d to be fu n d a m en tally typical o f an old A lgonkian social period, w hich has survived w ith few er modifications a m o n g the tribes o f the n o rth ern and n o rth easte rn group. I ho pe la ter to extend the region co vered by m y territorial survey so that as m a n y as possible o f the contiguous b o u n d a r ­ ies o f all the n o rth ern a n d n o rth easte rn tribes m a y be m a rk ed dow n. T h e n we shall be able to give actual b o un daries not only to tribal groups but to dialects an d to the distribution o f ele­ ments o f culture. T his material, may, m o reo ver, prove to have som e value in the field o f In d i a n a dm inistra tion should it ever be possible to reconstruct the b ou nd aries o f the Indian family claims in O n ta rio an d Q uebec. It becom es a p p a r e n t by means o f o u r study how, th rou gh m isu n d e rs ta n d in g betw een the c o ­ lonial authorities an d the natives, large tracts o f land w ere sold by chiefs o r by individuals who, from the In d ian standpoint, had absolutely n o claim to th eir ow nership n o r rights o f dis­ posal. W e have also found o u t how this to pic o f ethnology, recently brou gh t to light as a field o f research, m ay enable us to tra ce the trend o f m ig ratio n in certain g ro u p s o f A m e ric an culture, besides furnishing us w ith material illustrating the g ra d a tio n in social com plexity fro m the simplest family kinship g ro u p to the totem ic clan gro u p s within the sam e stock. It is to b e hoped that in the fu tu re ethnologists w orking in the field will e n te r this topic u p o n their p ro g ra m s o f investigation.

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NOTES 1. “ F am ily H u n tin g T errito ries and Social Life o f V ariou s A lgonkian B ands o f the O ttaw a V alley,” M e m o ir, G eo ­ logical S u rvey o f C anada, M e m o ir 70 ( 1 9 1 5 ) . 2. D. W. H a rm o n , Journa l o f V oyages a n d T ravels in th e In ­ terior o f N o r th A m e ric a (N e w Y o rk , 1 90 3), p. 3 3 0 -1 . “ Every tribe has its p a rticu lar tract o f c o u ntry; a n d this is divided again, a m o n g the several families, whivh com pose th e tribe. Rivers, lakes, an d m o un tain s, serve th e m as bo un da ries; a n d the limits o f the territory w hich belongs to e a c h family are as well k no w n by the tribe, as th e lines w hich separate farm s are, by the farm ers in the civilized world. T h e In d ian s w h o reside in the large plains, m a k e no subdivisions o f their territory ; for the w ealth o f th e ir c o u n ­ try consists o f buffaloes an d wolves . . . But the case is otherwise w ith the in h abitan ts o f the w o o dy cou ntries . . . should th ey destroy all these anim als in o n e season, they w ould cut off the ir m eans o f subsistence. A p ru de nt Indian whose lands are not well stocked w ith anim als, kills only w ha t are absolutely necessary to p ro cu re such articles as he c a n n o t well dispense w ith .” 3. Stefansson. A n th ro p o lo g ic a l Papers, A m e ric a n M u s e u m o f N a tu ra l H isto ry, xtv, part t ( 1 9 1 4 ) , p. 271. “ E a c h g ro u p (A th a p a s c a n ) then kept very strictly to th eir ow n h un tin g g ro un ds an d only in ex tre m e need followed g a m e into a n eig h b o r’s territo ry . . ■ H. J. Spinden, “T h e N e z P erce Ind ian s” M e m o irs A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ic a l A sso cia tio n , n, p. 242. “T h e N ez P erce tribe w as divided into b an ds u p o n the village o r geo­ graphical basis. E a c h village had its chief, its fishing place a n d its strip o f territory alo ng the river.” C la rk Wissler, “T h e Social Life o f th e Blackfoot In­ dians, A n th ro p o lo g ica l Papers, A m e r ic a n M u s e u m o f N a ­ tural H isto ry, v n, part I, p. 20. " W h e n tw o o r m o re bands chose to occu py im m ed iate parts o f the sam e valley, their cam ps a re segregated and , if possible, sep arated by a brook, a point o f highland, o r o th e r n atu ral barrier. T h e scattering o f bands d u rin g the w in te r w as an eco no m ic necessity, a practice acce n tu a ted a m o n g the T h ick -w o o d C ree an d o ther sim ilar tribes. S om ethin g was lost in defensive pow ers but this was doubtless fully offset by g rea ter im m u n ity from starv atio n.”

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Fin ally in this co nn ectio n atten tio n might b e called to the significant passages in th e w ork s o f R. H. Lowie on “T h e N o rth e r n S h o sh on e,” A n th ro p o lo g ic a l Papers o f the A m e r ic a n M u s e u m o f N a tu ra l H isto ry, II, p art II, p. 208 an d on “T h e A ssinboine” ; in those o f A. L. K ro e b e r o n the A lgo nk ian G r o s V entre, an d in those o f A. B. S k in n er deal­ ing with the n o rth ern Plains-C ree a n d Ojibwa. Cf. “ N otes o n the E astern C ree an d N o r th e r n S aulte aux ” A n th r o p o ­ logical P apers o f th e A m e r ic a n M u s e u m o f N a tu ra l H is­ to ry, IX, p art i, p. 150. “ E v ery adult m a le N o r th e r n Saul­ te au x has a certain well-known ran ge o v e r w hich he has the exclusive right o f tr a p p in g an d h u n tin g gam e, k n o w n as “T zik ew in ’ a w o rd c o rre sp o n d in g to hom e. This, by e x ­ ception to the g eneral rule o f m ate rnal inheritance, d e ­ scends at his d e a th to his nearest living relative, male or fem ale in o rd e r o f age. . . . T h e rules reg ard ing the p u n is h ­ m e n t fo r violation o f the law against hu nting o n a n o th e r m a n ’s lands a re said to have b een very strict at on e time, but a re now lax, a lth o u g h h a rd feelings a n d even blows fre­ q uently result fr o m transgression.” Q uite definitely, indeed, ca n we interpret the m eaning o f w hat R o ger W illiams w rote o f the N arragansett: in R h o d e Island in 1643 in his q u a in t style, K e y in to th e L a n ­ guage o f A m e ric a , Roger W illiam s ( L o n d o n , 16 43 ). P. 189. “Secondly, th ey h u n t by T ra p s o f severall sorts, to w h ich purpose, a fte r th ey ha v e observed in spring time and s u m m e r the h au n t o f the D eere then a b o u t H a r ­ vest, they goe ten o r tw entie together, an d som etim es more, an d withall build up little h u n tin g houses o f b ark s and rushes, . . . a n d so each m a n takes his b o u n d s o f two, three o r foure miles w here he sets thirty, forty o r fifty trap s and baits his tra p s with th a t food the D eere loves an d o n c e in tw o days he walks his ro u n d to view his traps.” F u t h c r on, he rem arks, P. 193. “ P u m p o m : a trib ute skin w h ere a D e e re is killed in the W a te r. T h is skin is c arried to the S achin i or Prince w ithin whose territo ry the D e e re was slain.” Also, q uo tin g G o o d N e w e s fr o m N e w E n g la n d , Y o u n g ’s C h ro n icle o f P ly m o u th , pp. 3 6 1 - 2 , cited in fo o t­ note in sam e edition, p. 193, R og er W illiams Key, etc. “ Every Sachim kn ow eth h ow fa r the bo u n d s a n d limits o f his ow n c o u n try e x te n d e th ; an d th a t is his o w n p rop er inheritance. . . . In this circuit w h osoev er h un teth , if th ey

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kill an y venison, bring h im his fee; w h ich is the fore parts o f the sam e, if it be killed on the land, b u t if in the water, th en the skin th ereof.” 4. “F a m ily H u n tin g T errito ries o f the M ic m a c -M o n ta g n a is of N e w fo u n d la n d ,” M .S . in press. [This seem s n o t to have been p rinted u n d e r th a t title.—Ed.]

5. Land Ownership and Chieftaincy among The Chippewayan and Caribou-Eaters Rev. J o h n C o o p e r and Rev. J. M. P en ard , O .M .I. s o u r c e

:

Rev. John Cooper and Rev. J. M. Penard, O. M. I . , “Land Ownership and Chieftaincy Among the Chippewayan and Caribou-eaters,” Prim itive M an, vol. 2. (1929). Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

T h e D e ne tribe, called C h ip p e w a y a n by the English, was k no w n by the o th e r tribes o f the s a m e fam ily u n d er the n a m e o f C a ribo u-ea ters ( E d sh en n e ld e li). O riginally the C h ip p e ­ w a y a n tribe occup ied the territo ry to the n o rth o f L a k e A thab a s k a an d C ree L ak e aro u n d Lac C a rib o u a n d Lac L a H a c h e as fa r as the territories o f the Yellow knives o f the C o pp erm ine , and o f th e E sk im o o f H u d son Bay. T o the east their territory exte n d e d all the w ay to H u d so n Bay a ro u n d the m o u th o f the C hu rch ill River. O n the south their tribal land m arched w ith th a t o f the M askegon o r eastern C re e alo n g th e C h u rc h ill R iver a n d w ith th a t o f the n o rth ern o r W o o d la n d C re e on L a k e Cree. In the last three h u n d re d years o r so th ey have e xtende d th eir territory co nsiderably to w ard the so uth an d west. T h u s the C h ip p e w ay an w h o have in g reat pa rt em igrated from the territory n o rth o f L ac C arib o u m a y now be said to have C ree L ake as the central point o f th eir territory. T h e y extend to the s o uth all aro u n d L ac He a la Crosse, Lac Clair, Lac d u Boeuf, L ac des lies and L ac la Loche; to the west a r o u n d Lake A th a baska, and along the river o f the sam e n a m e as far as F o r t M c M u rra y . T o the south-w est so m e o f their colonics have even gotten as fa r as the territo ry o f the Prairie C ree at C o ld Lake an d at Lac d e C o e u r near L ac la Biche. So fa r as I can m a k e o u t from the n u m e ro u s accounts given me by the old people o f the tribe, th eir social an d politi­ cal condition has always been o n e o f p ure “a n a rc h y .” W h a t I 76

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O f THE CHIPPEW AYAN

g a th e r from the various acco un ts ab ou t the past an d fr o m that w h ich still survived in th eir usages a n d custom s w h en I first c a m e in c o n ta c t with th em forty years ago, is th a t the ir consti­ tutio n was the following. T h e tribe o ccupied the abo v e-m entio ned territory. A g ric ul­ tu r e was com pletely u n kn ow n a m o n g them . T h e y m a d e use of their territo ry f o r h un ting an d fishing w hich was th eir only m e a n s o f subsistence. It seems th a t the only sign o f pro p erty recognized by them was the o p en ing o f a tr a p line ( E ltsso u ze tro n lo u e ) in the m iddle o f the forest. T h e se trap lines a re considered private property. O ne o f their bitterest co m plaints against the white h u n ters w h o en tered their territo ry is th a t th ey did not respect these trap lines. T h e o p en ing u p o f su c h a tra p line gave to the o w n e r the exclusive right to set his trap s and snares th ere fo r the c a p tu r e o f fu rb e a rin g anim als. If any one else set traps

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the re the p ro p rie to r o f the tr a p line had the right to b reak them an d to a p p ro p ria te w h a te v e r ga m e he m ight ch an ce to find c a u g h t in them. In case o f dispute in a m a t te r o f this kind, it seem s that force was the su p re m e a rgu m e nt, for I have never been able to find tr ace o f an y recognized tribunal to pass ju dg­ m en t in such cases. T h e r e was a special regulation for beaver. T h e right to h un t th e m belonged to the m an w h o was the first to discover a lodge, an d to place thereon his m ark , by planting a pole o n it. T h is m ean t that the lodge had been discovered a n d a new­ c o m e r had no right to to u c h it. T h is custo m is still observed a m o n g them , n otw ith stan d in g the d istu rban ces bro ug ht abo ut in this m a tte r by the invasions o f the w hite trap pers w h o have no respect for the p ro p e rty m ark s o f the C hippew ayan. H ow ever, if these b eav er lodges w ere found in a h un tin g territory ( n a lzh e n e h n e n k k e ) recognized as belonging to a p a r ­ ticu lar hunter, a stra n g e r h ad not th e right to a p p ro p ria te them for himself. T hese h u nting territories ( n a lzh e n e h n e n k k e ) w ere d e te r­ m ined by the limits o f the tr a p line ( eltsso u ze tro n lo u e ) in a c o u n tr y w here th ere was gam e, ordinarily a sm all river e n ­ circled by lakes m o re o r less large and m o re o r less n um erous. T h e extent o f these territories w h ich had no very precise limit was de term in ed chiefly by the radius of w an derin gs o f the p ro ­ p rie to r w h o to ok his station at the ex tre m e tip o f the trap line in his a n n u a l excursions. In all this territory the h u ntin g of furbe arin g an im als as well as o f big ga m e (m o o se an d c a rib o u ) was the exclusive right o f the o w n e r o f the territory. H ow ever, if a stra n g e r sta rted following a trail outside o f the territory he had the right to co n tin u e to follow it until he c a u g h t up to the anim al, and the an im al belonged to him, even if he killed it in the territory o f a n o th e r man. A m o n g the C h ip p e w a y a n the re was no ch ief properly speaking. E ach o n e h u n ted as he th o ugh t proper, provided he cut him self a tr a p line and built up his ow n h u ntin g territory w ith ou t intrud ing on the h u n tin g te rritory o f any one else. This cu sto m gave rise to som e disputes. T hese w ere ordin arily set­ tled in an am icable m a n n e r ; if not, it was force w hich settled th e dispute. H ow ever, it ord in arily h a p p e n e d th a t w h en som e one p ro ved th a t he w as a good h un ter, others m a d e requests of him to join him a n d to h u n t w ith him in his territory. T h u s sm all ba n d s w ere form ed, a n d the o w n e r o f the territory o b ­

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tained the position o f chief, indicating to e a c h on e w h ere he w as to hunt. T h e furs taken by trap o r rifle o r arrow , as well as the pelt o f m oo se a n d caribou, belonged to the o n e w h o had tak en o r killed the anim al. T h e m eat, however, belonged to the w hole b a n d an d the chief m ad e distribution o f it, w ithout asking the consent o f the m a n w ho had killed the anim al. If the chief was not satisfied with an y o f those w h o had thus joined him, he had the right to send th e m a w a y an d to prohibit th em fr o m following him. Likewise, any o n e w h o had joined was alw ays free to se p a r a te him self from the b an d he ha d joined a n d either to p u t him self u n d e r the leadership of a n o th e r chief o r else to h u n t on his ow n account. A t the dea th o f the o w n e r o f a h un ting territory o r o f a trap line, ordin arily one o f his sons to o k o v er possession o f it. T h is w as n o t alw ays the oldest son, but o rdin arily the o n e w ho was re garde d as the m ost capab le o f the sons o r else the o n e to w h o m the fa th e r while yet living h ad given the territory. But if the d eceased h u n te r h ad left only y o u n g o rp han s, their rights w ere regarded as nil an d the first c o m e r to o k possession o f the tr a p line and territory w itho ut trou blin g him self to provide for the needs o f these o rph ans. W h e n these later grew up, the only m e ans they h ad to en ter into possession o f their fa th e r’s ter­ ritory was to resort to force a n d this th ey ordinarily did. In case o f w ar, it is certain th a t the chiefs had m o re abso­ lute a n d m o re definite a u th o rity th an in time o f peace. But I have never been able to discover how they w ere chosen o r w h at precisely w as the ir autho rity . T h e C h ip p e w a y a n themselves seem to be com pletely ig no ra nt in the m atter. It is such a long time since th ey have m ad e w a r on anybody! T h e y a re in fact just n aturally peaceful an d, except as regards w o m en and o rp h an s , they have an innate sentim en t o f j u s t i c e , - s o m uch so that the ft was u n k n o w n a m o n g th em before the w hite man c a m e an d by his e xa m ple ta u g h t them thievery. M oreover, if th ey have m ad e dead ly w a rfa re on the W o o d ­ land Cree, the M askegon, the E sk im o a n d the Y ellow Knives, it ap pea rs th a t this was solely in self-defence o r else in revenge for incursions o f w hich the C h ip p e w a y a n themselves h ad been the victims. T h is is why, w hen the fortu nes o f w a r had m a d e them m asters o f the territory o f the W o o d la n d Cree, th ey did not try to exterm in ate the u n h a p p y re m n a n ts o f this tribe, b u t p e r­ m itted them to live peacefully in th eir midst. O n the oth er h and, in o r d e r to avoid conflicts w ith the M askegon, the Chip-

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pc w ay an ab an d o n e d alm o st com pletely the lower Churchill River; th ey also w ith d re w fro m the territory o f the E skim o on the east an d from th a t o f the Yellow K nives o n the n o rth . T h u s they en ded by forgetting so com pletely the art o f w a r that they no longer recall even how they organized to go into battle. N o t ­ w ithstanding, I have never h e a rd o f th em ev er having had a d is a rm a m e n t conference! T h e y were not at all inhospitable to strangers, a n d if a stran g e r wished to settle peacefully a m o n g th e m they gran te d h im perm ission to h u n t an d fish, provided he observed the C h ip p e w a y a n usages a n d custom s. O f all the aborigines of A m e ric a , the C h ip p e w a y a n a re those am o n g w ho m the white m a n has established him self most easily a n d m ost peace­ fully___ This acco un t seems to sh o w th a t a system o f fam ily land ow nership, identical in its m ain outlines w ith the family h u n t­ ing territories m a d e fam iliar by the studies o f Speck, Low, D avidson, an d others a m o n g the A lg on kian-speak ing peoples o f N e w E ngland, Q uebec, a n d L a b ra d o r, prevails a m o n g the C hip pew yan an d C arib ou-eaters. M oreover, taken in co n ju n c ­ tion with the e vidence from M orice, Lejacq, Sim pson, H a rm o n , G o d d a rd , and E m m o n s , a n d w ith the evidence fro m R ic h a rd ­ son a n d fro m the sources cited by Speck fo r family hunting territories o r th e ir equ ivalen t a m o n g the A th a p a sc a n s o f the M ackenzie, o f the u p p er Fraser, and B abine Lake, an d of A laska, a n d a m o n g som e o f the E sk im o a n d N o rth w est C oast Indians, this n ew er in fo rm a tio n fro m F a t h e r P e n a rd suggests strongly the probability that fu r th e r investigation will sh ow the family hunting territo ry to be m o re o r less prevalent o ver most o f the n o rth ern C a n a d ia n area. T h e w riter has w ithin the last three years fo u nd the system con tinu ou sly prevalen t from w estern Quebec, to the Ja m e s B ay region, u p the A lb any to L ak e St. Joseph, and a ro u n d the R ain y R iver a n d L ake o f the W oods districts. In a s m u c h as it is alm ost certain that the sys­ tem extends a m o n g the O jibw a an d C ree east an d northeast o f L ake W in nip eg F a th e r P en ard 's d a ta extend o u r c on tinuous distribution o f the system a b o u t a th o usa nd miles fa r th e r to the n o rth w es t th an had been previously d eterm in ed, an d p ra c ­ tically enables us to co n clu d e to a total co ntinu ou s distribution o f the family hu nting territory o f a b o u t tw o th o u s a n d two h u n d re d miles from M ain e an d L a b ra d o r to G re a t Slave Lake.

6. The Montagnais— Naskapi Band

E le a n o r Leacock s o u r c e

:

David Damas, ed., C ontributions to Anthropology: Bund Societies (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, Bull. no. 228, 1969). Reprinted by permission of the editor and publisher.

I should like to p reface m y discussion o f the N ask ap i band w ith som e general rem ark s o n history, accu lturatio n, a n d ev o ­ lution, as they are presently viewed. First, it is now recognized th a t aboriginal peoples, especially in th e N e w W orld, were in­ fluenced by E u ro p e a n c o m m ercialism earlier th an w as previ­ ously assum ed. M u c h o f w h a t w as form erly considered to be aboriginal represents instead an early phase o f acculturation, a relatively viable synthesis o f old and new th a t preceded the severe sh akin g u p o r ou trig ht destruction o f Indian societies. So far as I know , it was W illiam D u n c a n S trong w h o first clearly fo rm u lated this point. F ro m his C o lu m b ia University se m in a r on “T im e Perspective an d the P la ins” c a m e studies ol early In dian-w hite co ntacts a n d influences in the Plains and o th e r areas th a t laid the basis f o r m u c h o f the ethnohistorical research that followed. T o d a y it is surprising to re m e m b e r th a t Speck a n d C oo pe r to ok 1670 (th e d a te w hen the first H u d s o n ’s B ay Post was established at Jam es B ay) to represent the significant starting point fo r E u ro p e a n influence in L ab rad o r. It is well know n that fu r trad in g b e cam e a lively enterp rise soon a fte r C o lu m ­ bus’s first voyage to the N e w W orld, an d m a y even, in som e slight degree, hav e preceded it. T h e M icm acs, w h o sighted C a rtie r's ships in 1534, w aved fu rs on sticks to entice the men ashore, and th r o u g h o u t the 16th cen tu ry there was constant co m petition a m o n g F re n c h c o m p a n ies fo r con trol o f the St. 81

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L aw ren ce trade. A p p ro x im a tely forty years before the estab ­ lishm ent o f the Ja m e s Bay Post, C h arles L ’A llem ant w ro te: B efore the time o f the association o f those G e n tle m e n to w h o m the K in g gave this tr a d e fo r a certain time . . . the Savages w ere visited by m a n y people, to such an extent th a t an Old M a n told me he h a d seen as m an y as tw enty ships in the p ort o f T a doussac. But now since this business has been gran ted to the association . . . we see h ere not m o re th a n tw o ships w hich belong to it, a n d th a t on ly once a y e a r ab o u t the beginning o f the m o n t h o f June. T hese tw o ships bring all the m erchan dise which these G e n tle m e n use in trad in g with the Savages; th a t is to say the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts, sheets, hatchets, iron a rrow h ead s, bodkins, sw ords, picks to b reak the ice in w inter, knives, kettles, p runes, raisins, Indian corn, peas, cra cke rs o r sea biscuits, an d tobacco. . . . In ex chan ge fo r these th ey c a rry back hides o f the moose, lynx, fox,"otter, black ones being enco u n te red occasionally, m artens, badgers, an d m usk rats; but th ey deal principally in Beavers, in w hich th ey find their greatest profit. I was told th a t d u r ­ ing o n e y e a r th ey carried back as m a n y as 22,000. T h e usual n u m b e r for one y e a r is 15,000 o r 12,000, at one pistole each, w h ich is not d oing b ad ly .1 M a n y such passages fo u n d in the Jesu it R ela tio n s an d o th e r acco un ts indicate how im p o rta n t early E u ro p e a n influence was in this area. I d o not think it is necessary to review the a rg u ­ m en t th a t one result o f this influence was the d e v elo p m en t o f the so-called “ family h un tin g territo ry ,” actually a trap-line, w hich represented the “su ccessful” accu ltu ratio n p hase o f In ­ dian history. N o w the historical perspective o f the N e w W o rld takes be tter acco un t o f very early E urop ean -a bo rig in al contacts, and, as th e archaeological record has unfolded, a fuller sense o f pre-contact complexities has developed. Previously th ere was a vague notion that the aboriginal societies w hich we painfully a tte m p t to reconstruct h ad existed for u ntold g enerations as m o re o r less stable entities. Scholars n ow take a second look at th e possible p re-E u ro p e an influences o f m o r e com p lex c u l­ tures on sim pler ones, and the re is a g reate r sensitivity to the eb b an d How o f c u ltu re histories as ch ang ing ecological co n d i­

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tions affected subsistence patterns, pop ulatio n density, and m ovem ent. A s fo r evolution, to d a y th ere is no longer great interest in arg u ing “evolution” versus “ history,” th o u g h th ere are, of course, m a n y different phrasings o f the relationship betw een the tw o an d a consensus does not exist. I d o not k n o w how m a n y o f us h ere tod ay w ould see “evolution” as referring to basic an d general historical processes, which, w hen expressed in theoretical terms, enable us m o re easily to interpret se­ quences o f individual and u n iq u e events. In an y case, central to e vo lution ary theory, as it is generally understood, is a sta te­ m e n t o f the relation betw een e co n o m ic a rran g e m e n ts a n d oth er aspects o f society. U p to a point, such a relation is widely accepted as im p o rta n t; th a t is, there is fair ag ree m e n t th a t the ec o n o m y sets obvious limits on possible social developm ents. F o r exam ple, u n d e r un usu ally fav o u rab le circum stances, h u n t ­ ing-gathering-fishing societies can reach a g reater degree of com plexity th a n simple ag ricu ltural societies, b u t I d o u b t if o n e would arg ue th a t th ey cou ld equal the potential opened up by agriculture an d achie ve urb anizatio n. O r, as an o th e r instance, so m e m ay still w a n t to call status differences in preu rb a n societies “classes,” but I believe n o one n ow disputes th a t such “classes” a re different fro m classes in u rb a n society. T h e a rg u m e n t begins w hen the eco n o m y is u n d e rs to o d not just to limit, b u t also to d e te rm in e variou s aspects o f social organization. I do not w an t to in tro du ce a spurious arg u m e n t ab o u t a partly sem an tic m atte r, because, o f course, limitation is necessarily determ in atio n o f a sort, a n d dete rm in atio n can only be d ete rm in in g limits. H ow e ver, the issue is one o f degree, an d o f how actively a n d specifically the e co n o m y influences o th e r parts o f culture. T h e con cept o f d eterm in atio n implies a stron g active influence, but it definitely need not imply a m echa nically n a rr o w influence, an d it certain ly should not im ­ ply a o ne-w ay influence. Determ inistic theories based purely o n productivity fail to give p ro p e r con sideration to the rela­ tionship established a m o n g the m em b e rs o f a society by the form o f productive work. O n the o th e r hand, n onevolutionary ecological a rg u m e n ts, although th ey seem to take these rela­ tionships into account, can also neglect them . .Speck argues th a t the “ family hu ntin g te rrito ry ” resulted fro m the n a tu r e o f available gam e existing in the forested area below the H eigh t o f L a n d in L a b ra d o r c o m p a r e d to the m o re m igra tory anim als

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th a t were fo u n d to the north. T h is is a n ecological arg u m e n t in this n arro w sense. T h e relationship betw een the eco n o m y an d th e rest o f the society is o ften discussed in term s o f “stages,” o r significantly dilferent types o f p rod uc tion techniques, e c o n o m ic a rr a n g e ­ ments, an d related social a n d political forms. In using the co n ­ cept. it is im p o rtan t to avoid too static an im plication; that is, a n overem phasis on the relative eq uilibrium achie ved at each “ level o f integration,” at the e xpense o f a dialectical orientation to w ard s conflicting tendencies th a t lead to a m a jo r o r revolu­ tio n ary reintegration. A n evo lu tion ary a p p ro a c h generally im ­ plies the qualitative leap o f M arx ian -H eg elian dialectics, th o ugh this is not often explicitly stated. F ro m an evo lu tion ary point o f view, social develo pm en t does not simply involve a series o f acc u m u lativ e changes. Instead, th ere is the point at w hich a real tra n sfo rm a tio n is effected, an d som eth in g q u a lita ­ tively different has developed. T h e theoretical problem , w h ich we a re discussing in this sem inar, is to define the n a tu r e o f b a n d organization. One aspect is the question o f w h a t is intrinsic to the huntingg ath ering -“stage.” Service's statem en t con ce rn in g the limits ordin arily set by a huntin g-g atherin g technology expresses, I th ink, virtual consensus ab o u t w h a t can readily be observed, althou gh there w ould doubtless be a rg u m e n ts abo ut one or a n o th e r specific aspect o f his form ulatio n; . . . there are no special e co n o m ic g ro u p s o r special p ro d u c ­ tive units such as guilds o r factories, no specialized o c c u p a ­ tional groups, n o econ om ic institutions su c h as m arkets, no special c o n s u m in g gro u p s o r classes. T h e e co no m y , in short, is not separately institutionalized, but rem ains merely an aspect o f kin ship o rg anizatio n; in the usual m o dern sense o f the w o rd , there is n o form al e co n o m y at all. T h e sam e is true o f o th e r cultural functions. T h e r e is no se p a rate political life an d no g o v e rn m en t o r legal system ab ov e the m od est in fo rm al a u th o rity o f fam ily heads and ep hem e ral leaders. Likewise, there is no religious o rgan iza ­ tion stan din g a p a rt from family a n d b an d ; an d the c o n ­ gregation is the c a m p itself. T h e fact that the family an d b a n d are sim ultaneously the sole econ om ic, political and religious organization greatly influences the c h a ra c te r o f these activities. T h e

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e c on om y , polity, and ideology of the c u ltu re o f b an ds is unprofessionalized an d u nform a lized ; in short, it is familistic only.2 T h u s, it is clea r w hat ban d organization is not. It does not include specialization o f lab o u r b eyond th a t based on sex, nor in clude class divisions, a fo rm a l priesthood, o r hierarchical political organization. In addition, basic so urces o f livelihood a re not privately ow ned. M o re p rob lem atic is the question of w h a t b and organization is. A well w o rk e d o u t sta te m e n t is needed to describe how relationships function in the hunting collective in the ir ow n right as well as h ow th ey c on trast with institutions o f u rb a n society. H ickerson m akes such a state­ m e n t w hen he points out th a t distribution o f food is a right, not an obligation ( o u r c o n c e p t ) , a m o n g simple peoples, and is valu ed as such.3 Service stresses virilocal ex o g am y as basic to b a n d o rg a n ­ ization; th a t is, the stru ctu rin g o f society a ro u n d reciprocally o u t- m a rry in g g roups that have related male hunters as their core. H e writes, “T h e m ost significant rules a m o n g patrilocal bands a re reciprocal band e x o g m a y and the associated virilocal m a rita l residence mode, for it is these that cre ate the patrilocal stru c tu r e o f th e b a n d ”. 1 L ater he elaborates, Both th e internal stru ctu re o f each b a n d an d the external associations a m o n g certain bands are created by rules of exo gam y an d virilocal residence. A “ n a tu r a l” biological g ro u p is a m o r p h o u s except for the d o m in a n c e hierachy, sexual pairs, if any, and m other-child dyads. H ow ever, once reciprocal virilocal m arria g e exchanges betw een tw o such gro u p s have becom e m odal for m o re th a n one generation then the relations betw een the tw o gro up s have a c h a ra c te r invested w ith new, cultural, de term ina nts. T h e simplest is c o m m o n m oiety a r r a n g e m e n t o f two, o r often several g roups a rran g ed as tw o sides w hich in te rm a rry . . / ’ Service re-evaluates m a terial o n those b an ds S tew ard c o n ­ sidered to be eith er “ co m p osite " - th e A lgonkians, A th a b a s ­ cans, A n d a m a n e se , and Y a h g a n - o r at the “ family level of integ ratio n ” - the Basin S h osho ne and E skim o. H e a rgu es th a t all were originally s tru ctu re d a ro u n d patrilocal exo gam o us units. Service writes that in a h u n tin g -g a th erin g society “a

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w o m a n is a m o re ‘liquid asset’ in a b and th an is a m ale ,” a n d “ the fraternity o f m ales is the unit o f most solidarity”. “Virilocality is expectable,” he feels, “ because o f the im p o rta n c e o f the solidarity o f the males in hunting, s h a r in g game, and p a r ­ ticularly olfense-defense. T h is necessity could be expected to c o n tin u e from early to late times, until th e epo ch o f m o d ern a c c u ltu ratio n .” T h us, “all the people are each a part o f their fa th e r's gro up , not the m o t h e r s ; she rem ain s in som e sense an outsider, particularly in the early years o f the m arria g e.” '1 In the L a b r a d o r area, how ever, in n o case, early o r late, is th ere evidence fo r this relatively perm an en t core o f related males w h o a re joined by outside females. T h e r e are no sug­ gestions o f exclusive virilocality, an d until quite recently riot even p re d o m in a n t virilocality. N onetheless, this is an area w here h u n tin g was o f ov erw helm ing im p ortan ce, an d an area w here pressure fr o m the Iroquois to the sou th an d against Ihe E sk im o on the east L a b ra d o r co ast and the n o rth sho re o f ihe lower St. L aw ren ce R iver was im p o rta n t fro m the early post­ co ntac t period. Patrilineally related gro up in gs have been strengthened, as I have d o c u m e n te d elsew here,7 while early records, especially the Jesuit R ela tio n s, sup ply rich evidence for the p rio r im p o rta n c e o f matrilineal ties. O n e finds refer­ ence to matrilocality as the ideal p a ttern f o r the M ontagnais, a n d reference also to in heritance by the sister’s son, as well as m a n y instances w here a m a n e ithe r lives w ith o r close to his w ife ’s father. T h e closeness o f bonds with a son-in-law is re­ vealed in L e Je u n e ’s a c c o u n t o f a dying m a n w h o is being cared fo r by the Jesuits. T h e m a n ’s wife, “ his children, his sons-inIaws, his friends, an d his fellow-savages, his M anitousiouets, sorcerers, o r jugglers” all try to m a k e him c o m e aw a y with them. W h en he persistently refuses, it is a son-in-law w ho stays w ith him until his d e a th .8 R eferences to the role o f w o m en sho w th e m to be extrem ely im p o rta n t in decision m aking. Occasionally th ey were s h a m a n s a n d w ould so m etim es join a hunt. L o ng after the f u r trade an d o th e r external pressures to ­ w a rd the patrilineal “ family h u n tin g te rrito ry ” w ere in tro ­ duced, m atrilocality rem ain ed im p o rta n t in the area. Speck refers a n u m b e r o f times to the p revalen ce o f fa th e r-in -la w son-in-law ties, an d show s at least half o f Mistassini tr a p p in g p artnersh ips to be o f this ty pe.!l In S o u th e a s te rn L a b rad o r, w here the “ h un tin g te rrito ry ” ( o r tr ap-line) system h ad not yet been established by 1950, o n e co uld d o c u m e n t a m ark e d shift fro m prevalent matrilocal ban d exo gam y to w a rd ban d e n d o ­

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ga m y an d a g reate r p ro p o rtio n o f patrilineally stru c tu r e d h u n t­ ing partnerships. F o r instance, there was only on e family at N a ta s h q u a n whose male m e m b ers h ad been born there, and altho ugh this was seen as a n a tu r a l co urse o f affairs, it was o n e th a t was c h an gin g since the y o u n g e r generation n o longer m oved aw ay to marry. A n y suggestion th a t patrilocality increases individual effi­ ciency in a h u n tin g e c on om y , because a m a n w orks in a n area he has k n o w n f r o m childhood, is con trad icted by evidence fr o m L a b rad o r. T h is had been a n o th e r arg u m e n t fo r virilo­ cality. M u c h travelling a b o u t and m ov ing from o n e b and to a n o th e r has been noted, first by the Jesuits and, in fact, by all recorders o f In d ia n life. T h e r e is every indication th a t this m o v em e n t is old an d is well established. C h anges in trad in g post locations, the intrusion o f white tra p p ers an d settlers, and the depletion o f g a m e have c au sed shifts in the general d istri­ b u tio n o f the population, an d (in p ost-contact tim es) in the yearly cycle. H owever, the attitudes expressed by m y in f o rm ­ ants ab ou t individual m o v e m en ts do not indicate th a t this is disrupting w h a t w e re form erly stable groups. Instead , th e r e is a feeling o f constantly increasing restrictions, the m ost recent being against b and exogam y, directly discouraged by tra d in g post officials an d missionaries, an d indirectly influenced by o th e r factors. M a th ie u M edikab o , a m a n o f 60, spoke o f the time when the w hole so utheastern are a was “o n e h u n t,” with St. A u g u s­ tine, M u s q u a ro , a n d N a ta s h q u a n people crossing o v e r the Height o f L a n d to descend to N o rth w est R iver in mid-w inter. N o w there are to o m any w hite people. M a th ie u ’s fa th e r had crossed ov er to h un t in N e w fo u n d la n d one ye ar; he h ad found g ood hunting, b u t the area had th en b ecom e subject to “ a dif­ ferent g o v e rn m e n t” an d it was no longer possible to go there. M a th ieu him self h ad h u n te d at M u s q u a ro until his first wife died an d h a d lived at N a ta s h q u a n abo ut tw enty y ears w h en I w o rk e d w ith him in 1950. His prodigious know ledge o f the a r e a is show n by o n e o f the sketch m ap s he d re w for me. (T h e only m a p 1 had at the time left the L a b r a d o r interior one large b la n k .) T h e territory covered is roughly 4 0 ,0 0 0 s q u a r e miles, yet this m ap does not e x hau st M a th ie u ’s knowledge, f o r at different times he w ould select different sm aller stre a m and p o n d systems to d ra w in detail, a cco rdin g to the to pic o f o ur discussion.10 A lth o u g h M a th ie u M e d ik a b o ’s fam iliarity w ith his environs

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e n co m pa sse d in great detail the territory h u n ted by ab o u t forty m e n in tw o bands, it s eem ed to rep resent fairly stan d a rd kn o w l­ edge for the o ld e r g eneration w ith w h o m I w orked. A m o ­ m e n t’s reflection will m a k e c lea r how im p o rta n t such kn o w l­ edge was for survival in the n o rth cou ntry . F am iliarity with only on e area is fa r too limiting, w hereas intim ate know ledge a b o u t anim al habits in relation to types o f terrain applies widely an d affords a large n u m b e r o f alternative choices for hunting, an d g reate r flexibility o f response to cha ng es in the anim al population, a n d to various intra- a n d in ter-grou p relations. As one in fo rm a n t p u t it. “everyone Indian, n o like’em this one, going to h un t the o th e r o n e.” W h en the Indians b e c a m e d e ­ pen d en t on the f u r trade, th ey b e c a m e m o re tied to their sem i­ p e rm a n e n t lines of steel traps; as h un ters th ey moved about. In su m m a ry , there is n o evidence fo r patrilocality as an organizing principle a m o n g the M o ntagn ais-N ask api. Instead, the evidence favours matrilocality. H owever, as early as 1632 patrilocal as well as matrilocal tent grou ps w ere d escribed by the Jesuits. W as this the result o f m ale-oriented tr a d in g ties an d the d isruption resulting fro m the Iroquois invasions, o r did the exigencies o f life in the n o rth woods, w ith its ex trem ely low population density, always call for the ‘expedie ncy’ ( m e n ­ tioned b y Service as a later c o n sidera tion ) that did not allow a rigid system to be m ain tain ed? O n the o th e r h and, there is little question ab ou t exo gam y being the fo r m e r practice. It persisted until recent tim es in so uthea ste rn L a b r a d o r and characte rize d the even m ore rem ote B arren G r o u n d a n d Davis Inlet Bands as th ey w ere w h e n S tro n g w o rk e d with th e m in 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 . " In f o rm a tio n reg ard ing the exogam ic unit is, h o w ­ ever, lacking for the earlier period. T his brings us b a ck to the original question: w h at was the stru c tu re o f the M ontagnaisN ask ap i b and ? T h e r e is no d o u b t that the large an d loosely organized “c o m p o s ite” b an d , com prised o f relatively independent n uclear families, first described in detail by Speck, is a recent p h e n o m ­ en on that followed the d e p en d en ce o f the M o ntagn ais on ihe f u r trade. E arlie r groupings in S o uthw estern L a b r a d o r d e ­ scribed by the Jesuits in the 17th century, represented seasonal fluctuations in the n u m b e r o f people w h o could g ather a t dif­ ferent times o f the year. T h e y w ere o f fo u r tvpes, o r o rd e rs o f m ag nitu de : 1) the m ulti-fam ily g ro u p in hab itin g one lodge o r “ c a b in ” : 2 ) several such g ro u p s fo rm in g a coo p eratin g unit most o f the ye ar; 3 ) the n a m e d g ro u p usually referred to as

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the ‘b an d ,’ w hich consists o f tw o o r m o re o f the previous g ro u p ­ ings, inhabiting th e s a m e ro ughly defined territory and uniting, o r trying to, for short periods d u rin g the s u m m e r at the St. L a w re n c e coast o r som e large interior lake; an d 4 ) the g a th e r­ ing o f people fro m several such “b a n d s.” It is the relationship betw een the second an d third types o f groups, with respect to exo gam ou s units and po st-contact changes, th a t is b oth the most pertin ent an d the least clear. In a n y case, for o v e r 350 y ears the size, co m position, and location o f the third and fo u rth categories have increasingly been d eterm in ed by the location o f missions and tr a d in g posts, while the first tw o have been u n d e rc u t by the individualizing effects o f fur t r a p p in g and tra d in g .12 T h e relation betw een the second an d third categories is fu r th e r o bscured by the fact that so m e o f the n a m e d g roups considered to be in category three w ere p erh aps originally in c a te g ory four. E x am p les o f seventeenth cen tu ry references to th e fo u r groupings follow. 1. T h e m u lti-fa m ily lo d g e g rou p (Size, 1 0 - 2 0 ) . O ne point is clear; the basic socioeconom ic unit w as not the n u clear fam ily b u t the multi-family g ro u p inhabiting a lodge, although th e b reak in g aw ay o f individual families a p p aren tly began early in cases w here Indians attach ed them selves to missions o r tra d in g posts. T h e Jesuits referred to “ large cab ins” that co nta ine d “ a n u m b e r o f men, w o m e n an d c h ild re n " .13 In a few instances the n u m b e r o f people in such lodges was given. LeJeu n e rep orted 10, 16, an d 19 in the “ cabin s” he w intered in in 16 32-3, with several m a tu re hunters in each. T h e re is a later reference ( 1 6 7 3 ) to 34 persons o ccup yin g tw o cabins. Else­ w here there is reference to the small size o f the average Indian family, with tw o o r three an d rarely m o re th an fo u r children, in con tra st to the F re n c h w h o m ay have h ad eight, ten, or twelve. In isolated areas, the m ulti-fam ily lodge persisted until late. In 1905, W allace m e t a g ro u p o f In d ian s on the G eorge River, including 11 adult males, w ho lived in tw o “w igw a m s,” with three fires in the larger one. T hese Indians, he said, “ had not a c cu sto m e d themselves to the u se o f flour, sugar, and o thers o f the simplest luxuries o f cilivization and th eir food w as alm ost w holly flesh, fish, an d b erries” . 1'1 2. T h e aggregate o f severa l lo d g e groups, o r th e w in ter h a n d (Size, 3 5 - 7 5 ) . In the fall, several lodge grou ps left the shore to g eth er to go inland. Usually by late D e cem b er they w ere forced to sep arate to h u n t o ver a w id er area, rem aining close e n ou gh to lend m u tu al aid. L e Je u n e ’s g ro u p o f 35 split

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into tw o on D e c e m b e r 24, an d w h e n D ruilletes w ent in land in 1647 w ith a p arty o f 50, they divided a r o u n d C h ristm as time. In F e b ru a ry o f 1670, A lbenal, travelling w ith a gro u p o f 15 to 20 met with a “ cabin o f Savages,” an d w ro te o f “tw o large cabins a b o u t 6 leagues fr o m u s” .15 C o n ta ct was also m aintained a m o n g the larger groups. L e Je u n e referred to a n o th e r c a m p o f 45, a d a y ’s travel away, an d several times d u rin g the w inter o th e r Indians cam e to them fo r help. In the case o f Druilletes, f o u r cabins c a m e fro m a no ther, w here th ey h ad been starving. T h e acco un t o f C respieu l’s w in ter in 1763 in the L a k e St. J o h n a re a illustrates the netw ork o f ex p an d in g an d co ntractin g In d ian e n c a m p m e n ts spread th ro u g h the n o rth woods. Setting out in late Septem ber, Crespieul first stayed w ith “five cabins” o f Papinachois. H e th en met a large e n c a m p m e n t aw aiting him at C hicoutim i. He ascended to the interior w ith “six can oes” o r ab ou t twenty-five to thirty Indians w ho were joined by “ fo u r families” o f O utabitibecs. “All to g eth er we en tered the woods, to seek o u r livelihood and to meet a g reat n u m b e r o f Savages w h o w ere to c o m e dow n in the spring.” He spent N o v e m b e r with “ tw o cabin s” o f 34 persons, and, b efo re setting off for H u d s o n Bay, he visited A lbenal, w h o was stayin g w ith “ fo u r cab in s” o f Indians. U p o n his return, he sto p ped with “tw o cab in s” o f O utab itib ecs ab o u t f o u r miles fro m his original gro u p. Crespieul re tu rn ed to p re p a r e for a jou rn ey to the Mis­ tassini an d P apin ach ois a n d revisited A lbenal before leaving. In the spring th ere were w arnings o f Iroq uo is raid in g in the area, an d the Indians he was a cc o m p a n y in g g ath ered a n d forti­ fied themselves. L ater, a fter m ak in g co ntac t with a large cam p , he set out for the C oast, e n c o u n te rin g “ fo u r large cabin s” on th e way. He arriv ed back at C hic ou tim i at the end o f M ay, w h ere m an y Ind ian s aw aited him . In the fall o f 1676, Crespieul left for L a k e St. Jo h n , an d spoke o f “ five cabins” of In dian s fr o m the are a w ho aw aited him , as well as “f o u r families” o f A lgonkins from T h r e e Rivers, a n d several in d i­ viduals w ho c a m e fro m the w oods u p o n h earin g o f his arrival. H e left on N o v e m b e r 30 w ith “eight fam ilies” to “e n te r the fo r e st" .,G A ssu m in g that “ fa m ily ” refers to a n uclear family, the c a m p s m en tio n ed vary from the m in im al unit o f abo ut fifteen people to g ro u p s o f a b o u t seventy-five in ad dition to th e larg er n u m b e r s that tem p o rarily g ath ered in w a r m e r sea­ sons. T h e re are several specific references t o the size o f the m u lti­ lodge groups, w hich the Jesuits o ften refe rred to as “ ban ds,”

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using the term s “ trib e" o r “ n a tio n ” to re fe r to the larger aggre­ gates. In 1646, it is repo rte d th a t Indians arrived at T ad o u ssac “ in sm all bands, o n e a fte r a n o th e r .” In o n e case, 2 00 cam e fro m a “single n atio n ,” but “these p o o r people, w ith draw ing into their forests, usually sep ara te themselves into three b a n d s” 17 T h is w ould indicate groups o f 60 to 70 persons each. In 1642, V im o n t rep orted th a t 13 canoes, c a rry in g a b o u t sixty Atticamegs, arriv ed in Sillery from the ir St. M a u r ic e area. N o uv el visited the Papinachois, to the cast o f T ad ou ssac , som e years later. In the fall o f 1662, he c o n tac ted a g ro up o f 68, w h o h ad fortified their c a m p because o f reports th a t Iroquois were in the area. T h e follow ing spring he m e t a p arty o f 64 at L ak e M an ic o u ag an . A t Seven Islands, a mission served a “trib e ” o f 150 people, th e O u m am io is, w ho “go ab o u t in two small b a n d s” in the w in ter.18 3. T h e n a m ed g rou p c o m m o n ly ca lled th e b a n d (Size, 150 to u pw a rds o f 3 0 0 ) . R eference has a lread y been m a d e to the O u m a m io is g ro u p o f 150, an d a “ n a tio n ” o f 200, the fo rm er divided into tw o “ w inter b a n d s ,” th e la tter into three. On D ruilletes’s 1647 trip, he left T a d o u ssa c w ith a g rou p in eight c haloupes, o r F r e n c h op en boats, and several canoes. T h e as­ sem b lag e divided a fte r crossing to th e sou th sh ore o f the St. L aw rence, a n d D ruilletes’s p arty o f 5 0 left tw o c h a lo u p es at the C oast. T h is w ould in dicate a total aggregate o f ab o u t two hu n d red . D ruilletes’s g ro u p re tu rn ed to the shore o n M a r c h 3, an d by April 14 all had ga thered to pro ceed to T ado ussac a n d f a r th e r u p the St. L a w re n c e River. In 1648, th e A ttic am eg s w ere re p o rte d to have arriv ed in “ th re e b and s,” th e last consisting o f 4 0 canoes, m a k in g the total c onsiderably larger th a n the previously m en tio ned groups. In 1669, to w a rd the end o f M ay , A lben al arrived at the place w here 150 P ap in ach o is w ere assembled. T h is m ay o r m a y not have com prised all In dian s called P apinach ois, b u t the follow ­ ing spring co ntac t w as m a d e w ith a g ro u p o f ab o u t th e sam e n u m b e r. T h e next s u m m e r, he w en t to baptize a b an d on H u d so n Bay, an d o n his retu rn to L ake St. J o h n he met and baptized a p arty o f 150 Mistassini. H e later m et an assemblage o f 2 0 0 Indians, whose identity he did n o t give, a n d exacted a p ro m ise from th e m to c o m e to L ak e St. Jo h n the following year. Still la ter in the su m m e r, the Mistassini b a n d he previ­ ously co n tac ted arrived at L a k e St. Joh n. T h e 1681 records refers to the v ery sh ort periods d u rin g w hich the scattered “ tribes” assembled in g rea ter num b ers. T h e Mistassini a re m e n ­

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tioned gathering, b u t only for th re e weeks, at L a k e K enogam i, w hich is located f u r th e r dow n the Saguenay th an L ak e St. Jo h n “ a fte r w hich th ey sep arate into small bands, for fe ar that, by keep ing tog eth er in too g reat n um b ers, th ey m a y suffer fro m h u n g e r” .10 B u teau x ’s trip in the spring o f 1652 illustrated th a t n u m ­ bers c a m e to g eth er to the extent they could. A lth o u g h in this case the situation w as so m e w h at influenced by the presence o f a priest, it was doubtless sim ilar to the o ld e r patterns. In M a rc h , B u teau x visited a b o u t 4 0 A tticam egs, w ho split into tw o parties to m ake canoes. W h e n finished, his g ro u p set out for a place w h ere “ all” were gathered, arriving M a y 18. Several days later, the entire e n c a m p m e n t e m b a rk e d in 35 canoes (a b o u t 150 to 160 p e o p le ), a n d arrived a t “a n o th e r assembly, ab o u t twenty-five leagues h en ce.” H ere they feasted on moose, beaver, an d b e a r’s fat, an d dep arted f o r a n o th e r gathering, three days aw ay, with 60 canoes ( o r a pp ro xim ate ly 26 0 to 28 0 p e o p le ) . H owever, “ h u n g e r com pelled this g ath erin'; to dis­ perse” .20 4. G a th erin g s o f p eo p le fr o m several b a n d s (Size, u p to 1,5 0 0 ). G ro u p s this large g ath e re d at tra d in g posts in the sp rin g a n d su m m e r. T h e A tticamegs, w h o arrived in 1648 in n u m b ers o f ov er 300, met 4 0 0 In dians at T h r e e Rivers, w h ere a trad in g post had been established for som e thirty years. A post had functioned at T ad ou ssa c, fa r th e r d o w n the St. L aw ­ rence River, since 1599. In 1645 th ere w ere 3 50 hu nters with the ir families at T a d o u ssac, from 1.200 to 1,500 individuals. (T h is is not o u r estim ate, b u t o n e given in the record a n d in ag re e m e n t w ith the average fam ily size m en tio n ed elsew here.21 H o w e v e r this n u m b e r was redu ced by disease, and in the s u m ­ m e r o f 1650 there is a referen ce to only 8 00 Indians having assembled. It is stated th a t in 1669 th e r e w e re ordinarily 1,000 to 1,200 In dian s at the post, b u t bccause o f a sm allpox epi­ dem ic, there were scarcely one h u n d red left. T h ese gatherings in clud ed people o th e r th an M o ntag nais. At C hicoutim i, up the S a g u e n a y from T ad o u ssac , w h e re a post w as established in 1650, Crespieul in the late 1670’s speaks o f A benaki, E skim o, an d A lgo nk in families aw aiting him. as well as people fr o m a n u m b e r o f neig hb ou rin g M o n ta g n a is groups. T h o u g h the m a g n i­ tu d e o f these e n c a m p m e n ts indicates th a t they were post-cxmtact, th ey doubtless had som e ro ots in old patterns o f Indian tr a d e an d visiting. T h e re is reference, for example, to re cip ro ­ cal hunting visits betw een the M on tagn ais a n d Abenaki.

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In later times, as w hite settlem ent increasingly limited the freed o m o f the In dians to m ove ab ou t th e ir territory, the large s u m m e r assemblages in m ost places b e cam e restricted in size, while in th e u p p e r St. L a w re n c e R iver area they b ecam e im­ possible. By the middle o f the 19th c entu ry , the tw o largest gatherings repo rted by H in d o ccu rred at the M ingan an d Seven Islan ds posts, with 5 00 an d 350 In dian s respectively. T he w e ste rn m o st post o n the St. L aw ren ce River, at T adoussac, served only 100 Indians, an d settlem ents at o th e r posts th r o u g h ­ o u t the L a b ra d o r peninsula ranged from 75 to 250.22 Recently, Seven Islands, the railhead f o r the interior iron mine, has be­ co m e a rapidly grow ing ce ntre o f both w hite an d Indian p o p u ­ lations. T o retu rn to ea rlier groupings an d th eir relevance to the question o f a boriginal b a n d stru c tu re : w hich was the exogam ous unit, the sm aller fall an d sp rin g b a n d o r the larg er su m ­ m e r b and ? T o w h a t extent was the larger ban d alread y affected by the fur trade ? W as the 150 to 20 0 figure, with tw o o r three sub-bands, the earlier n o rm fo r o n e b an d , and h ad the A tti­ camegs, close to an old tra d in g post, alread y increased in n u m ­ bers? B u teau x ’s interior g ro u p grew briefly to over th re e h u n ­ dred, but cou ld not m aintain this size fo r m ore th an several days, even in the s u m m e r. Did this g ro u p in g com prise people fro m tw o bands, w h o h abitually cam e to g eth er for socializing, tra din g, an d o ut-m arryin g? F o rm e rly these people h a d traded w ith the H u ro n s acco rd ing to B u teaux ; doubtless so m e trad e in this area was old. W h en som e A tticam e gs invited o n e o f the Jesuits to c o m e to th eir co u n try , th ey po inted o u t th a t tribes fr o m fa r th e r no rth w ould be g ath erin g at the sam e place. C e r ­ tainly peoples com m in g le d on o n e a n o th e r’s band “ territory" w ith great ease. T h e r e is a suggestive reference to the mission at Lake St. J o h n w here missionaries atten d ed gatherings o f the “ P o rc upine nation s,” given in the plural. (T h e ir n a m e a p p a r­ en tly follows fro m the p revalence o f porcupines in the area. Su ch an im al n am es - A ttic a m e g , o r White-fish - w ere rapidly replaced by locality nam es associated w ith tr a d in g posts.) T h e occ urren ce o f o u t- m a rry in g gro u p s at the third level, n u m b e r in g a ro u n d 150, agrees ra th e r well with the recently d isappearing b a n d ex o g am y o f E astern L a b ra d o r. In th a t area th ere were also w in ter h un tin g parties akin to the tent-groups, a n d traces o f tw o ban d subdivisions at St. A u gu stine and N o rth w est River. T h e r e was a feeling o f closeness a m o n g those co ntiguous b an ds th a t m ost c o m m o n ly interchan ged th eir m e m ­

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bers. A s previously stated, the p a tte rn was for people from the N a ta s h q u a n , M usq ua ro , and St. A u gu stine ba n d s to cross over the H eig h t o f L an d an d go dow n to the N o rth w e st R iver for the s u m m e r, and vice versa. Sim ilarly, the n o rth ern w in g of the N o rth w est R iver b and ap p a re n tly fo rm e d a n o th e r inter­ m arryin g an d in terch ang ing n etw o rk w ith the B arren G ro u n d , Davis Inlet, an d o th e r no rth ern peoples. T h e Barren G ro u n d and Davis Inlet people s u m m e re d to gether at In d ian H ouse Lake. A p p a re n tly pop ulatio n was sp arser in the n o rth ern b a r ­ rens th an in the w oo dlan ds to the south, alth ou gh the extrem ely sm all size o f the B arren G r o u n d and Davis Inlet peoples, which, a t the time S tron g w o rk ed with th e m n u m b e re d 56 and 36 respectively, w as the result o f a severe sm allpox an d som e measles epidem ics in 1 9 18.23 In the absence o f direct evidence, it is im possible to say w h e th e r e x o g m a y was a b ind ing o r a p referre d c usto m , or w h e th e r the m in im al exo gam o us unit w as a b a n d subdivision r a th e r th a n the b and. H ow ever, w h atev er the ex o g a m o u s group might have been, an d h o w ev er s tro n g the ex o g am o u s sanction as a principle o f org anization , exo gm ay did o btain, as Service suggests. In add itio n to its persistence in eastern and n o rth ern L ab ra d o r, there was the occu rrenc e in the n o rth e rn m o s t bands o f an institution tied in with closely linked exo gam o us groups; that is cross-cousin m arriage, as well as the kin term s a p p r o ­ priate to the practice. T h e ex ogam y was n o t virilocal, but uxorilocal in em phasis, th ou gh how absolute this was rem ain s a f u r th e r question. In any case, to leave the m a tte r at this, and sim ply substitute uxorilocal ex o g a m y for virilocal ex o g am y as the organ izin g principles o f M o n tag n ais-N as k ap i ban d life, is not sufficient. T h e re is the need, m entio n ed above, f o r a fuller description o f m ea ns w h ereby effective cooperative units are m ain tained a m o n g su c h peoples. M aterial on life in the no rth w oo ds suggests tw o m ech anism s that provide a beginning: c o m p lete ra th e r th a n reciprocal sharing an d a great latitude fo r individual choice. T h e first m akes possible the second, and , both seem essential for survival. T h e stringency o f life in the n orth w o od s enforces so im ­ m ed iate an interd epe nd enc e that sh aring is a m o re total, “s p o n ­ taneo us,” o r ‘u n stru c tu r e d ’ affair th an the regulated reciprocity generally o btaining in m ore settled societies. S tarv ation is a con stantly o c c u rr in g threat, th o u g h usually a fairly' localized one, an d people do n o t hesitate to turn to o th ers fo r help. T h e Jesuits marvelled at the unstinting, unhesitating w ay In dians

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w h o were them selves in tro u b le sha red w ith oth ers w h o were in g reater straits. In the h interlan d it is still unq uestio ned that h elp will alw ays be forthco m in g, even fro m a b itter personal enem y. It m ay be necessary to qu alify th a t in sp eak in g o f “ c o m ­ plete” sh aring by hunters, it would be a b su rd to im ply that everything, including small c atc hes o f fish o r rabbits, is always shared. N o r w ou ld I deny, in m ak ing a differentiation between the sh aring o f g a m e with e ve ryo ne present, an d sharin g w h a t­ ev er there is available in times o f tr ouble, on th e o n e h an d , and the reciprocal ex ch ang e o f simple agriculturalists, on the other, a lo n g-run generalized principle o f reciprocity a m o n g hunters. B ut the reciprocity is generalized, a n d the point seem s to lie in the difference betw een s h a r in g as enabling the d ep end enc e o f an y o n e on a n y o n e else an d regularized sharing as a m eans o f equ alizin g the distribution o f goods. 1 had occasion to question one o f m y inform ants, T h o m a s G regoire, ab o u t a latter da y incident w h ere he h ad given the last o f his flour an d lard to tw o men fr o m a neig hb ou rin g band. T his m e a n t retu rn in g to the post soo ner th a n he had planned, the reb y reducing his possible c a tc h o f furs. I p ro bed to see w h e th e r there was som e slight a n n o y an ce o r relu ctance in­ volved, o r at least so m e ex pectatio n o f a retu rn at so m e later date. T h is was o n e of the very ra re times T h o m a s lost patience w ith me, an d he said w ith deep, if suppressed anger, “ S uppose now, not give th e m flour, l a r d - j u s t d e ad inside.” M o r e re­ vealing th a n the incident itself w ere the finality o f his to ne and the inference o f my u tter in hu m an ity in raising questions ab o ut his action. W ith regard to latitude for individual choice, flexibility in the m o vem ents o f individuals an d grou ps seems indicated from earliest times, with a c o n sta n t shuffling an d reshuffling o f p er­ sonnel to serve several purposes, nam ely 1) th e sensible distri­ b u tio n o f the pop ulation th r o u g h the h u n tin g area, 2 ) the bal­ an c ed age an d sex com position o f any gro up, 3 ) a n o th e r as­ pect o f 2 ) , the re-fo rm in g o f grou ps in cases o f starvation, an d 4 ) the allow ance o f sufficient choice so th a t the tent groups, th ro w n so closely tog eth e r fo r such long periods, could be as congenial as possible. ( T h e Jesuits c o m m e n te d o n how re m a rk a b ly well groups lived a n d w o rked together, b u t LeJeu n e also c o m m e n te d on the de ep gru dges th a t occasionally w ere h eld.) T h e question is w h e th e r this m o v e m en t o f families is a

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“ break ing d o w n ” o f form erly m o re stable groups, o r simply a n “ex pedie nt” response to new conditions, different in its specific content, but not in form , fro m the “exp edie ncy ” always required. In eastern L a b ra d o r, m oving ab o u t is considered d e ­ sirable, w h e th e r to find a spouse, to be w ith a loved relative o r friend, o r sim ply to get to kn o w a new territory. M oves are ph rased as m atters o f individual choice, an d friendship is im ­ p o rta n t in d e te rm in in g h u n tin g partners. P a tte rn s o f m arriage sho w the fo r m a tio n a n d re -form ation o f congenial groups, w ith w eddings o f b ro th e r an d sister pairs, o r parent-child pairs (su ch as a w id ow ed m o th e r an d a son m a rry in g into an o th e r b a n d at the sam e tim e ), as c o m m o n occurrences. As an ex­ a m p le o f family m oving practices, M ath ie u M cdikabo, ihe m a p -m a k e r, c a m e to N a ta s h q u a n at the sam e time as his ste p ­ sister. She “ m a r rie d N a ta s h q u a n ,” a patrilocal m ove when considered by itself, yet w ith h er cam e not o nly h er m other, broth er, an d step-brother, all w idow ed an d w ith m arria g e in m ind, but also h er sister an d sister's h u sb a n d an d children! W h e th e r su c h flexibility was o r was not p re-C o lu m b ian has i m p o rta n t im plications f o r o u r problem o f d eterm in in g w hat is intrinsic to the social o rg anizatio n o f hu ntin g and gathering peoples (or, m o re accu rately, h u ntin g a n d / o r fishing an d or g ath e r in g ) . M ore is kn ow n ab o u t the u p p e r limits o f hunting a n d gath ering econom ies w h ere the predictability, accessibil­ ity, and sufficiency o f food resources a re roughly equivalent to that provided by early agriculture, th a n is know n ab o u t the lower limits. W hile it is agreed th a t the principle o f ex o gam y is essential, limiting as it does com petitiveness w ith in closely coo p era tin g groups, the question is h ow loosely this practice can op erate in relation to post-m arital residence and p e r m a n ­ ence o f ban d affiliation. I have suggested that there are good reasons for to leratin g fa r m o re ambiguities in the uncertain north w oods th an is possible fo r people with larger m o re p er­ m a n e n t residence groups, w h o rely on clea r unilineally defined and m u tu ally exclusive divisions o f the population fo r handling social-econom ic relations, an d w ho m a rry o u t o f the kin group, b u t n o t necessarily out o f the local group. H ow ever, the ex ogam y, cross-cousin m arriage, and related term inology o f eastern a n d n o rth ern L a b ra d o r raise the q ues­ tion: arc these re m n an ts of fo rm e rly existing clans? A similar question is raised by the uneven distribution o f matrilineality, cross-cousin m arria g e and exogam y, a m o n g w estern A th a ­ bascans. A re th ey the result o f N o rth w est Coast influence, as

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is generally felt, o r evidence o f a previously m o re fo rm a l level o f organ izatio n th ro u g h o u t C a n a d a ? Or, to retu rn to L ab rad o r, d o cross-cousin m arria ge and ex og am y represent “ incipient" clan organization, socially desirable alternatives w h ich afford the basis for clans? In his discussion o f cross-cousin m arria ge a m o n g A lgonkians generally, Eggan points o u t that its essence is to “create m ultiple b on ds betw een a limited g rou p o f rela­ tives an d m aintain these fr o m gen era tion to generation, ra th e r th a n tying nonrelatives tog eth er in a n ex p a n d in g syste m ”. He goes on to say th a t this fo rm o f residence tends to intensify local relationships at the expense o f cross-group ties. H owever, w h e n com b ined with local g ro u p exogam y, it strengthens both internal and external ties, just as the fully developed clan does. It is interesting, as E g gan m entions, that cross-cousin m arriage is fou n d scattered th ro u g h the G re a t Basin an d o ften a m o ng the m o r e isolated groups.24 Should f u r t h e r ethnohistorical, archaeological, a n d linguis­ tic rese arch happily co m bin e to clarify the n atu re o f preC o lu m b ia n social org an ization am o n g C a n a d ia n h unters, the question w ould still rem ain: w here do th ey stand in th eir his­ torical relation to huntin g-g ath erin g societies in o th e r parts o f the w orld? T h e A th a b a sc a n an d A lg o n k ian hunters, w ho in­ habit the vast interior o f N o r t h A m erica , far fro m th e centres o f higher culture, provide excellent candidates fo r “ p u re " m a r ­ ginal cultures. T h e re is at best limited influence fro m settled peoples o n the ir peripheries; there seem s to be nothing indi­ cating an ea rlier horizon o f d en ser pop ulatio n like that in the E sk im o area; n o r w ere th ey p ushed into m arg inal regions by ad v an cin g higher cultures in the sam e sense, say, as th e once w idespread B ushm en. F u rt h e rm o r e , the ex trem e m arginality o f the no rth w oods econom y, w ith starvation periods as a re­ c u rrin g danger, c on trasts even w ith that o f the K alah ari Desert. T h e B ushm en m a y have to tighten the ir belts in the dry season an d forego havin g as m u c h m eat as th ey w o uld like, b u t they can rely on the vegetable foods, w hich fo rm the g reater p art o f their diet. C ertain ly the uniquely e la b o ra te d definition o f m a rria g eable p artn ers a m o n g the A u stralia n s was m a d e possi­ ble by the relative dependability, predictability, an d stability o f the m a jo r p art o f their food supply, in co ntrast to the u n c e r­ tainty o f w e a th e r conditions a n d a n im al m ov em ents an d dis­ tribution in the north. A t first, the m arginality o f the C a n a d ia n h u n te rs might seem to m a k e th em good m odels for m o r e ‘prim itive’ o r ‘e a r­

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lier’ form s o f social organization. Y et a m o m e n t’s th oug ht m ak es it clear th a t this is not the case. T h e ir extrem e d ep e n ­ d ence o n m eat, albeit su pp lem ented by fish, and, in the short su m m e r, som e vegeta ble fo od, represents a late an d specialized a d a p ta tio n in the evolution o f m an , so fa r as we can tell from o u r present kn ow ledge.25 T hu s, from the long historic view, we c a n n o t say th a t the ancie nt fo rb ears o f to d a y ’s C an a d ia n hu nters did not have m o re form al organizational patterns a d a p te d to a m o r e sed entary fo raging-hunting e conom y, p a t­ terns w hich w ere lost in adjusting to n o rth e rn conditions, cither in the Old W o rld o r the N e w W orld. A lth o u g h we m a y co nclu de w ith m o r e questions th an a n ­ swers ab o u t M o nta gn ais-N a skap i b a n d organization, som e things can be said with certainty. I h av e spoken o f the w ide latitude afforded the individual fo r choice o f m o v em en t an d g ro u p affiliation an d have suggested it is not a recent breaking d ow n o f a s tru c tu r e but an old adaptive p a ttern that takes place within a structure, o n e tha t, in fact, enables the stru c tu r e to exist. (In deed , it is not so different in kind, a lthough p erhap s in degree, from the flexibility found a m o n g hunting-gathering peoples generally, a good exam ple o f w hich is given by H a rt an d Filling’s discussion o f the A u stralian T i w i ) . 20 In a n y case, it is fa r fro m a sim ple m atter. Albeit m ad de nin g to the field w o rk e r in its lack o f form al definition, it involves a highly sophisticated process o f e v alu a tin g population co m p o sitio n and territorial resources, an d m ak in g o n e ’s choices b oth in relation to th em an d to personal preferen ces o f oneself and others. This m u ch, at least, is very clear: the ‘individualism ’ this b o th neces­ sitates an d enables is far from the ‘a to m is m ’ said to c h a ra c te r­ ize the n ortheastern A lgonkians. Seventeenth century material reveals that minim al units consisted o f not one, b u t several n u c­ lear families, th a t several such units c o o p era ted closely m u c h o f the year, a n d th a t these larg er groupings joined w ith others in a co nstantly fluctuating cycle o f seasonal m ov em en t, ag gre­ gation, an d separation. R ecent field studies indicate th a l in­ g ro u p cohesion a n d o u t-g ro u p ties are strengthene d by e x o ­ g a m y an d a tend en c y to cross-cousin m arria ge, a n d bo th early an d late d a ta in dicate a s tro n g matrilocal emphasis. T his is the stru ctu re within w h ich individual decisions a re made. If their range is wide, it is necessitated by th e conditions o f north w oo ds life an d is only m a d e possible by com plete in terd ep en ­ de nce o r the ‘total’ sh aring o f available resources.

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NOTES 1. R. G . Thw aites, ed., T h e Jesu it R e la tio n s a n d A llie d D o c u ­ m e n ts, 73 vols. (C leveland, 1896—1 9 0 1 ), v. 4, p. 207. 2. E. R. Service, P rim itive S ocial O rganization, an E v o lu tio n ­ ary P erspective (N e w Y o rk , 1 96 2), pp. 108-9. 3. H. H ickerson, S o m e im plications o f the th eo ry o f the p a r ­ ticularity, o r atom ism , o f N o. A lgonkians, (C .f. C h . 14) 4. O p. cit., pp. 6 6 - 7 . 5. Ib id ., p. 69. 6. Ib id ., pp. 4 9 - 5 0 , 67, 69. 7. E. L eacock, “ M atrilocality in a sim ple h u ntin g eco no m y ( M o n ta g n a is - N a s k a p i) ” ( S o u th w e stern Jo u rn a l o f A n th r o ­ p o lo g y 1 1 :1 9 5 5 ) . 8. Jesuit R ela tio n s, v. 6, p. 125. 9. F . G . Speck, “Social S tr u c tu re o f the N o r th e r n A lg o n k ia n ” ( P ublication o f the A m e r ic a n Socio lo g ica l S o cie ty 12: 1 9 1 7 ), pp. 91, 9 7 - 8 ; “ Mistassini h u n tin g territories in the L a b ra d o r P enin sula ” ( A m e r ic a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 2 5 : 1 923 ), p. 4 6 2 ; “F a m ily h u ntin g territories o f the L ak e St. Jo h n M on tag na is a n d neigh bo uring b a n d s” ( A n th r o p o s 22: 1 927)T p. 392. 10. F o r those interested in space orientation, it is n otew o rth y th a t M a th ieu orien ted his m aps aro u n d interior w a te r sheds. A s a result, in the first o n e he drew, the coastline b ecam e qu ite distorted. L ater, a fte r looking at m y m ap , w hich at least gave the coast in full detail, he c o rre c te d his mistake. 1 1. W. D. Strong, L ab ra d o r W in te r ( M s .) . 12. Collectives ties have h o w ever been v ery persistent. It is interesting to note the c o rrectio n I m u s t m a k e in m y state ­ m e n t th a t the m ulti-fam ily gro up s o f south -eastern L a b r a ­ d o r I felt to be closely related to early units existed by co n trast w ith the n u clea r fam ily units reco rd ed in the litera­ tu re for the west, such as a m o n g th e Mistassini an d L ake St. J o h n Ind ian s - T h e M o n ta g n a is “H u n tin g T e rrito ry ” a n d th e F u r T rade (A m e r ic a n A n th ro po log ical Association M e m o ir 78, 1 9 5 4 ), pp. 2 1 - 2 . W h e n R ogers w o rk ed m ore intensively w itn the Mistassini o n this problem , he fo un d th a t n u clea r families still w o rk tog eth er in cooperative units o r “ h u n tin g groups,” a n d som e still occup y co m m u n a l dwellings - T h e H u n tin g G ro u p - H u n tin g T errito ry C o m ­ p le x A m o n g th e M ista ssin i In d ia n s (N a tio n a l M u s e u m o f C a n a d a Bulletin 195., 1 9 6 3 ), pp. 5 4 - 5 . H e also notes the

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13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

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p rob lem these gro up s are faced with in the conflict between cooperative h u n tin g traditions an d the increasing e con om ic independence, as a result o f the individual ow nersh ip of furs by the n uclear fam ily - Rogers, pp. 5 4 - 5 , 68. J esu it R elations, v. 5, p. 105. D. W allace, T h e L o n g L a b ra d o r Trail (N e w Y o rk , 1 90 7), pp. 135-6. Jesuit R elations, v. 73, p. 73. Ibid, v. 60, p. 247. Ibid, v. 29, pp. 139-41. Ib id , v. 49, pp. 5 7 -9 . Ib id , v. 72, pp. 2 2 1 -3 . Ib id , v. 37, pp. 19-63. Ib id , v. 29, p. 123. H. Y. H ind, E xp lo ra tio n s in th e In terio r o f the L a b ra d o r P eninsula, v. 2 (L o n d o n , 1 8 6 3 ), p. 117. Strong, op. cit. F . E sg a n , S ocial A n th ro p o lo g y o f N o rth A m e ric a n Tribes (C hicago, 1 9 5 5 ), pp. 532, 537. T h o u g h decisive steps to w a rd hum anity, ta ken by foraging primitives in w a r m e r climes, m a y well have involved c o ­ o p eratio n an d tool using in o r d e r to add m eat to th e diet, n on e the less foraging a p p are n tly co ntin ue d to fu rn ish the m a in bulk o f subsistence, in the opinion o f som e, intil U p p e r P aleoth ic times. C. W. M . H a rt a n d A. R. Pilling, T h e T iw i o f N o rth A u s ­ tralia (N e w Y o rk , 19 62 ).

7. The Significance of Hunting Territories Today

A d r ia n T a n n e r so u r ce

:

Prepared specially for this volume.

This article in one sense constitutes an ethnological report on a specific institution, the h u n tin g territory, a m o n g m em b ers o f a specific g rou p, the Mistassini ban d o f the no rth ern boreal forest o f the province o f Q uebec. It has been w ritten, however, w ithin the con tcxt o f a lengthy literature on the su bject o f land te n u re a m o n g A lg o n k ian hu nter-trap pers. A lth o u g h I will not a tt e m p t the fo rm id ab le p ro b lem w hich has been the co ncern o f m ost o f this literature, i.e. the question o f the origin o f the institution, the p a p e r will be c on cern ed w ith som e o th e r ques­ tions w hich have been raised by previous writers o n the h u n t ­ ing territory “ p ro ble m .” I will also use earlier literature o n the Mistassini to ob tain a tim e perspective on the o p eratio n o f h u n tin g territories. Because I a m not, in general, concerned with th e issue w h ich inspired m o st o f the w o rk in question: specific references will be few, an d will seldom be in the nature o f a review o f the arg u m e n ts o f others. T h e Mistassini w e re first studied by Speck, largely th ro u g h a series o f visits to the village o f P ointe Bleue betw een ab o u t 1915 an d abo ut 1930. A p p a re n tly a section o f the Mistassini b a n d used this tr a d in g post, w h ich is som e 150 miles sou th of the ir ho m e area, in prefere nce to the post at Mistassini Lake, possibly d u e to k insh ip ties at L a k e St. Jo h n an d to c h ea p e r prices. F r o m these info rm ants Speck ob tained a m a p o f all the Mistassini h u nting territories an d d a ta on the in heritance p a t­ tern, ( 1 9 2 3 ) . In 1971 I o btain e d a c u rr e n t m a p o f the Mis­ tassini h u n tin g territories, w hich, th ro u g h th e use o f genealo­ gical m aterial, sho w ed so m e co ntin uity with the m a p o f Speck, b u t also som e co nsiderable changes. I also questioned p resent 101

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ow n ers a b o u t the principles o f h u n tin g territory ow n ership and inheritance, a n d again received a sim ilar a c co u n t as th a t given b y Speck, b u t w ith so m e c on trad ictio ns o v e r h ow the institution used to o p erate before the in trodu ctio n o f beav er q u otas by the go vern m en t, i.e. in S p eck ’s time. Since I was not prim arily interested in historical re c o n ­ structio n o f the institution o f fifty y ears ago, I could have safely ig nored the p ro blem s posed by these discrepancies. H owever, th e very sam e kind o f discrepancies with S p eck ’s a c co u n t were fo u n d by K n igh t to exist a m o n g the c o n te m p o ra r y R u p e rt H o u se band, an adjac en t g ro u p to the west o f Mistassini, ( 1 9 6 5 ) . T h is p a p e r is a critical ev aluation o f th e solution p r o ­ posed by K nig ht to these discrepancies as it m ight be applied to the Mistassini material. T h is is taking so m e th in g o f a liberty w ith K n ig h t’s article, b u t this c a n be justified in the first place because the o bjections K nig h t m a kes to th e generalized d e ­ scription o f h u ntin g territories by Speck are th e sa m e as the discrepancies betw een m y o w n material and Sp eck’s on the Mistassini territories; and secondly, K n igh t does app ly his analysis o f R u p e rt H ou se d a ta to the n orth eastern A lgonkians g en erally .1 By rejecting at least p art o f K n ig h t’s solution 1 am not th e re b y ta k in g a position opposite to his o n the question o f the origin o f h un tin g territories. K night is also interested in the conditions fo r th e m a in te n a n c e o f a h un tin g territo ry system. By treatin g the system as a set o f ideas as well as an ecological ada ptio n, I h op e to present a m o re a d e q u a te d e ­ scription of the institution th an did Speck, b u t one w h ich takes a c c o u n t of, r a th e r th a n rejects, his initial description o f it. Speck's claim th a t the n ortheastern A lg o n k ian hu nters had a system o f land ow nersh ip h ad fo r a n th ro p o lo g y a double significance. F o r o n e thing, it challenged th e classical ev olu ­ tio n a ry theory o f th e origin o f private pro p erty associate d with the n am es o f M o rg an , M a r x an d Engles. This issue has since p ro d u c ed a lively discussion an d a careful search f o r new facts by both sides. T h e intense interest in this asp ect seem s to have led to a neglect o f the o th e r point o f significance w hich S p ec k ’s “discovery” m a d e reference to, i.e. the family h u n tin g band, n ow som etim es called the h u n tin g gro up. H e called this g rou p “the basis o f A lg on kian social o rg a n izatio n ”,2 b u t in a n u m b e r o f attem pts he n ev er m an ag e d to define it purely in sociological term s, only th a t it was a g ro u p “ united by blood o r marriage, having the right to hunt, tr a p o r fish in a certain in herited dis­ trict b o u n d ed by som e rivers, lakes o r o th e r n a tu ra l lan d ­

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m a r k s ” .3 In the case o f so m e bands, Speck did give a m ore precise description o f how h un tin g territories were defined geographically, b u t the h u n tin g g ro u p is merely described as an ideally patrilocal ex ten ded family, i.e. a couple a n d their m arrie d sons. R ogers has assembled evidence to sh o w th a t al­ m ost a n y agn atic o r affinal link was in fact used in the f o r m a ­ tion o f h u n tin g gro u p s while d a ta given by L e aco ck shows som e gro u p s with n o kin links betw een m e m b e r n u clea r families. It is thus not w ith o u t reason th a t Speck defined th e h un ting g ro up largely in term s o f its rights to a p a rticu lar h u ntin g territory. Because the hunting g ro up has been defined in term s o f the h u n tin g territory, recent changes in th ink ing on the h un ting te rrito ry m ust be considered in o r d e r to ju dg e if this definition rem ain s satisfactory. Until recently the critics o f S p eck ’s c o n ­ cep tion o f th e h u n tin g territory w ere m ainly intent o n pro ving th a t th e institution, as he d escribed it, w as intro d u ce d to the A lg onk ians alo ng w ith the f u r trade, an d th a t it was not part o f the period o f p urely subsistence hunting. K n igh t has a d ­ va nced th e discussion by claim ing th a t fixed territories c o u ld n o t have existed in the long run, even in th e late f u r tra de period. H e also p ro d u ce d c o n te m p o ra r y evidence from R u p e r t’s H o u s e w h ich indicates a f a r greater degree o f mobility o f h u n ters o ver a n u m b e r o f years th a n c a n b e a c cou nte d for b y a rigid notion o f a kin-based h u n tin g gro u p confined to a single fixed territo ry .4 In an earlier p a p e r I sh o w ed fro m Mistassini evidence a sim ilar p attern o f territorial mobility, a n d gave several reasons f o r this mobility. In the first place, h u n tin g territory ow ners d o n o t use their o w n territories ev ery year. A s often as every three o r f o u r y ears they m a y h u n t on o th e r territories, with gro up s led by o th e r men, by practicing a n indirect exch ang e o f h u n tin g privileges. T errito ries are som etim es ab an d o n e d entirely, p articularly if the po p u la tio n o f g a m e anim als' d ro ps drastically o r the o w n e r dies w itho ut heirs. T erritories c a n also be said to “ m o v e” o v e r a period o f time. T his h a p p en s w h en a g ro u p moves into adjacent u nu sed land o r w hen close rela­ tives holding adja c en t territories use the land as a single block f o r a n u m b e r o f y ea rs a n d subsequently divide it into indivi­ dual territories again. A t the sam e time, the folk m odel o f the h un ting territo ry rem ain s essentially as it w as in Sp eck’s time, a n d distinct fr o m the recently in tro d u ced fixed q u o ta are a system o f the pro v incial g o ve rn m en t. F o r the Cree, the re is

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n o c ontra diction betw een th eir system o f territory o w nership an d the long-run need for a d ju s tm e n t.5 H ow ever, in presenting his arg u m e n t fo r the un w orkability o f fixed territories K night has, p erhap s purp osefully, used a disto rted a c co u n t o f the hu ntin g gro up. H e m ak es the point th at if families w ere restricted to a single territo ry ov er a n u m b e r o f g enerations the result w ould be a large variation in the m a n / l a n d ratio betw een different territories. T h e reason given is th a t the d e m o g ra p h ic variability betw een families due to differential fertility an d m ortality w ould result in the en­ larg em ent o f so m e groups and th e redu ctio n o f others over several generations. H ow ever, this arg u m en t assum es th a t the “ fam ily” w hich is the lan d-holding unit is also a biological family. It is tru e th a t both Speck and C o o p e r have consistently spo ken o f the ‘family h u n tin g g r o u n d ” an d the “ family b a n d ” as the g ro u p associated w ith it(! but, as indicated above, the virilocal exten ded family hu nting g ro up is a n d was n o more th an an ideal. A cco rd in g to Leacock, “ [in the L a b r a d o r area] th ere are no suggestions o f exclusive virilocality, an d until quite recently not even p re d o m in a n t virilocality” . T his refers to d a ta on the observed pattern, an d not to a form al rule. O n the o th e r hand, te m p o ra r y uxorilocal residence is prescribed, acc ord in g to Rogers. O v er its life an av erage h ousehold (i.e. the com ensal g ro u p c o n s is tin g o f a n u clea r family with the possible ad d i­ tion o f a w idow ed person and u n m arrie d ad o p te d peo ple) may b elong to several different hu nting groups. A cc o rd in g to H o n ig m a n n , in N o u v e au Q u e b e c “ the m ic ro b an d s [i.e. hunting g roups] in a given territory w ere fluid, people at will breaking off from on e to join a n o th e r” .7 Rogers, o n the o th e r hand, calls the Mistassini h un ting g ro u p “ a relatively stable u n it”, and o n e gets the sam e im pression from reading Speck on the subject. M y own im pression o f the cu rren t situation a m o n g the Mistassini is th a t there is a g re at deal o f variation in stability from o n e h u n tin g g ro u p to ano ther. F o r instance, in the N ichicu n sub -g ro up o f the Mistassini b and most households belong to m ulti-household h unting gro u p s w h ich have som e sort o f long term identity. At the sam e tim e these households fre­ q uen tly join o th e r g roups o n a te m p o ra r y basis for a y e a r or tw o, o r even fo r only p art o f a winter. In recent years, territory ow n ers at N ic h ic u n have spent from a q u a r t e r to tw o th irds of th eir winters as guests o f o th e r hunting groups. D u rin g the time

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they are guests, th eir ow n hu ntin g g ro u p may sep arate into households w h ich becom e the guests o f several o th e r h unting g ro u p s .8 N ic hicu n does not a p p e a r to be typical o f the w h ole Mis­ tassini ban d in this respect, however. T h e region ten ds to be a fron tier zone for the b a n d as a whole, an d Mistassini Post, w hich is the supp ly point an d often the s u m m e r residence for N ic h ic u n families, is o ver th ree h u n d red a ir miles to the south. Because o f its relative isolation, and the associated high ex­ pense o f h u nting there, th ere is a relative sho rtage o f hunters for the n u m b e r an d size o f the territories. T w o ho useho lds is the lowest practical limit fo r a w inter h un tin g g ro u p unless it is w ithin a few hours travel o f em ergen cy facilities. T h u s the p attern o f ex chan ge o f h u n ting privileges betw een the present N ichicu n territory ow n ers perm its the fo rm a tion o f a deq uate sized h un ting groups, and at the sam e time enables ow n ers to retain con trol o f their territories by m ak in g use o f them regularly. T h is fluid p attern o f h u nting g ro u p com position also occurs to a lesser extent a m o n g the gro up s closer to Mistassini Post, w here there is no surplus o f land. T h e p attern also co n fo rm s to the general practice o f an an nu al refo rm a tio n o f hunting groups. As som e auth orities on the subject have p ointed out, it is a p a rtic u la r individual w h o has title to a territory, a n d not a g ro u p o f kinsm en. A m o n g the Mistassini it is this m a n w ho ann ually organizes the fo rm a tio n of the h u n tin g group. E a c h s u m m e r those territory ow n e rs w ho intend to h u n t on their ow n land the following w inter invite o th e r households to join th e m .In som e cases the leader is a p p ro a c h e d by som eo ne w ishing to join his gro up, particularly in the final weeks before d ep a rtu re, w h en everyone is outfitting for the w inter. Some gro u p s join w ith practically the sam e m em b e rs y e a r a fte r year, o r have the s a m e core o f tw o households, to w hich oth er households o r single persons m ay be ad d e d fo r a single winter, o r even for only p art o f the winter. O f course, the h un tin g g ro u p leader does not m a k e the decision on w h o to in clude in his g ro u p by him self. T h e H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y m a n a g e r a n d the provincial g ov ern­ m e n t a d m in is tra to r o f b eaver quotas play key roles. E v e n the b a n d chief o r the nurse m a y be called in to give an opinion, fo r instance, on w h e th e r a m a n can be given sufficient welfare p aym ents to pu rch as e an outfit, o r on w h e th e r a m a n is in good e n o u g h health to join a g ro u p with a n isolated territory. U n d e r

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n o rm al circum stan ces the fo r m e r tw o individuals are stabiliz­ ing influences, m erely th r o u g h the pressure o f b u re a u c ra tic in­ ertia. H ow ever, the C o m p a n y m an ager, by con trollin g credit, also attem pts in a few cases to align efficient trap p ers with rich territories. W ith the c u rr e n t extensive use o f a irc raft he can easily prevent a m a n fro m joining a g ro u p w ith a distant territory. H owever, he m ore o ften uses persuasion, since his m o n o p o ly tod ay consists in his accessibility, w hich m akes it difficult, but not impossible, fo r a tr a p p e r to bypass him. T h e ad m in is tra to r o f b e a v e r q u o ta s places a n u p p e r limit on the n u m b e r o f ad u lt m en w h o can join a p articular gro up, by set­ ting a limit to the total n u m b e r o f b eav er a g ro up is allowed to catch. H ow ever, since the p ro g r a m m e o f b eav er conservation dep end s on the vo lu n tary co o p eratio n o f trappers, he m ust also use persuasion in influencing the fo rm a tio n o f h u nting groups. O therw ise it would be possible f o r individuals to trap b eaver o n a n o th e r m a n ’s q u o ta, o r tr a p his ow n q u o ta in an area o th e r th an the o n e stipulated by the adm inistrator. T h is accou nt o f the ann u al fo r m a tio n o f the h un tin g group has direct bearin g on the issue raised by K n igh t a b o u t S p e ck ’s description o f the hu ntin g g ro u p an d the h u n tin g territory, in the earlie r p art o f this century. K n ig h t’s article concludes that, w ithou t “ reg ular a n d reliable survival security’’9 a c om plete system o f private hu nting territories could not be m aintained. A strict reading o f Sp eck’s description o f h un tin g g ro u p s and h un ting territories has alread y led K n ig h t to the conclusion th a t in the central an d so u th ern regions o f the L a b ra d o r p en in ­ sula this system o f land te n u re suffers fro m a n u m b e r o f d e ­ fects w h ich in the long run th r e a te n survival security. These defects can be su m m a riz e d as: 1) fixed territories 2 ) h unting gro u p m em b e rsh ip d eterm ined by a unilocal residence rule and 3 ) unilineal inheritance o f territories. I ta k e the latter tw o to be at the ro ot o f K n ig h t’s objection to Sp eck’s a ccou nt o f the com position o f the h u ntin g gro up. T h e “ fam ily ” h unting g ro u p is treated in K n ig h t’s article as ha ving the d e m o g ra p h ic features o f a biological unilincal ex ten d e d family. In the long ru n the territories m ay not have been fixed in locality, at least not in the Mistassini region o f the central an d so u th e rn p a rt o f Ihe L a b r a d o r peninsula, except in the ideology o f the present ow ners, an d p erh aps also in the testim ony o f th e ow n ers w ho w ere interviewed by Speck. Shifts in locality d o not necessarily b re a k the continuity o f the system. Also, m e m b e rsh ip in h u n t­ ing gro u p s is static a n d unilineal only in th e ideology o f som e

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inform ants, n o t in the d a ta we n ow have o n actual h unting g ro u p co m po sition in the area. In the question o f h unting group com position, in form an ts usually stress the fa th e r to son in­ heritan ce an d virilocal residence, while in th e sho rt-ru n the factors o f selection are m o re varied; fo r instance, in the annual process o f h un ting g ro u p fo rm a tio n , those o f security and a d a p ta tio n a re im p o rtan t, in ad dition to kinship o r oth er preferences. O n e m ore im plication o f K n ig h t’s w o rk o n h u n tin g terri­ tories rem ains to be exam ined . If the descriptions o f h unting territories by Speck and others w e re in e rro r, was this d u e to th e b i a s ' o f his inform a nts fro m a m o n g either the Ind ian s or th e T rad ers ? K n ig h t’s view is c o n ta in ed in a la ter publication “ A n increasing a m o u n t o f evidence leads m e to believe that ‘T h e A bo rig in al A lg o n k ian F a m ily T e rri to r y ’ was at least p a rtly a m y th pro p ag ated by som e sections o f the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y ( a n d initially d issem in ated by a sm all n u m b e r o f anthropologists an d their stu d e n ts at o n e o r tw o universi­ ties’) ” . 10 H ow ev er, a c c o rd in g to A nd erso n , the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y did n o t a p prov e o f th e idea o f a b e a v e r preserve until 1932. “ Until the tim e w hen M a u d W a tt p e rs u a d e d the P rovincial G o v e r n m e n t to give h e r the lease o n R u p e rt H o u se territo ry [in 1932], no w hite m a n except Jim W a tt had raised a h a n d to help establish the project o f conserving b eav ers.” 11 It is n o t all c lea r h ow the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y ’s reluctant p a rt in the “estab lishm en t . . . o f restricted b eaver territories f o r specific In d ian fam ilies” 1- could explain the pro pag atio n o f th e idea o f fam ily h u ntin g territories, by academ ics at least tw enty y ears previously. A t the sa m e time, it is quite possible th a t Speck’s earliest descriptions did rely heavily on the s u m ­ m a ry accounts o f th e institution fro m h u n tin g g ro u p leaders a n d from H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y m anagers, since at th a i time he was d e p e n d e n t o n interviews at the s u m m e r tr a d in g posts. A s I have alread y pointed out, S p e ck ’s earliest descriptions tally quite closely with the a c c o u n t given to m e by present-day Mistassini h u n tin g g ro up leaders. I will leave aside the qu estion o f the bias of the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y m anage rs, w h o clearly d o m a k e use o f hunting gro u p s in the organization o f fu r p rod uction and trade. O n the o th e r hand, certa in C ree ideas give a n alternate ideological basis f o r land tenure. Lips has pointed o u t th a t m a n y Indians o f this are a believed th a t it was the an im als an d not m en which w ere the true ow ners o f the territories. W h ile so m e present-

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d ay Mistassini also believe this, oth ers a re o f the o pinion that ultim ately G o d ow ns the land. T h is was stated, for instance, b y the y o u n g er o f tw o b ro th ers w h o had sh ared a p articular h u n tin g gro u nd since the de ath o f their father, when questioned a b o u t the ow nership o f the territory. In m atters o f h un ting success a n d w e a th e r control, however, direct p ray er to G o d is not c o m m o n ly practiced. M o re generally, su c h m atters are h an d led th ro u g h som e m ediation o f a n u m b e r o f spiritual enti­ ties. a n d som e living o r recently killed g a m e anim als. T h e y in tu r n deal not w ith G o d . but w ith m ajo r spiritual entities such as wa.'binu, ciw e:tincu: o r the “a n im a l m aste rs” w hich control the m ov em en ts o f various g a m e species. A lth o u g h G o d m ay ultim ately own the land, the territo ry o w n er derives his a u t h o r ­ ity from the animals. Relations w ith anim als were established in m ythic times th ro u g h the curiosity o f certain cu lture heroes such as cika .b is, w h o learned ab o u t the an im als by living with them , and in som e cases m a rry in g th em . O n e m y th a b o u t an im al m arria g e tells o f the dill'cring territorial activities o f certain anim als, a n d the effect o f these activities on the m a n w h o m arried them . It should be re m em b ered that a m o n g the C ree, hunting is an ex­ tr em ely c o m m o n im age fo r sexual relations. ( F o r an analagous situation a m o n g the no rth ern Ojibwa, see R. W. D unning, S o cia l a n d E c o n o m ic C hange a m o n g th e N o rth e r n O jibw a.'"') In the m yth, sexual relations a re explicitly given as the reason that h un tin g tech niq ues in use to d a y originated. T h e sto ry in­ dicates a s tro n g c on trast betw een the relationship o f the hero t o a set o f anim al wives at the beginning o f the story, a n d his later relationship with the b e a v e r w om an. In the version I col­ lected the hero first tries living with, in tu rn , a C a n a d a jay a n d a carib o u ; bo th are in n a tu r e w and erin g anim als. In a ver­ sion o f the m y th from N o r th W est R iver the he ro tries living w ith a fox, caribo u, porcu p ine a n d jay. In bo th versions these first an im al m arria g es have tw o things in c o m m o n w hich c o n ­ trast them to the la ter m arriag e w ith the b e a v e r w o m a n : 1) they a rc n o m ad ic an d 2 ) th ey are tem p o rary . In the case o f the b eav er m arriage, the c h a n g e from m oving c a m p every day to living in a fixed dwelling is a c ondition to w hich the hero agrees in o rd e r to c ontinue the relationship. A lth o u g h the co up le is ev entua lly forced to flee w hen the h e ro ’s bro ther, a s h a m a n , initiates the practice o f bea ver hunting, the m yth m a kes a point o f the sed entary n a tu re o f the beaver. Beaver hunting, like the b e a v e r m arria ge, is con tin uo us (th ro u g h o u t

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th e h un tin g seaso n ) an d im poses som e degree o f sedentariness on th e h u n te r ; h u n tin g o f the o th e r an im als m en tion ed is, by con trast, discontinuous, and involves to so m e exte nt a dopting tem p o rarily the n o m ad ic ch aracteristics o f the prey. Finally, in th e m yth, as in present-day h u n tin g and in c u rr e n t Mistassini ideology, the bea ver ranks ahead o f the o th e r anim als m e n ­ tioned. T h e beaver, in fact, is second in im p ortan ce only to the b e a r in te rm s o f religious ideology. All activities involving bears are d o m in a te d by religious considerations, b u t e co n o m ic­ ally it is not o f m a jo r im po rtan ce. Also, b ear h un tin g is n o r m ­ ally confined to the spring an d au tu m n , so that the bea ver is the p rim ary focus o f ritual activity th r o u g h o u t the winter. T he start o f the w in ter hu nting season is m ark ed by a feast utilizing the first b eav er killed, an d beaver fat plays an im p o rta n t role in the feast held at the time the h un ting g ro u p first m oves into its m ain w inter c am p . A s in the m yth just referred to, a n im age o f symbiosis is used to express the p ro p e r relationship betw een m en and beavers. F o r instance, if a h u n te r is hu rt by a beaver (h e might be bitten while exam in in g the tunnels in the banks o f a b eav er p o n d ) the w o u n d is said to h urt only at night, when beavers a re active. W hen a beav er lodge is first fo u n d pieces o f stick w ith teeth m ark s on th em a re ta ken from the top and f r o m the tu nnel entrances. T hese latter are the re m n a n ts of b e a v e r food, w hich m a y jokingly be referred to as “ bones.” (T h e yellow roo t o f a w a te r lily w h ich a re eaten by beavers m a y be called a “ b a n a n a ” ). T h e ages o f the beavers in the lodge are calc ulated by placing the sticks in the m outh. L a ter these sticks a rc carried back to c a m p a n d sho w n aro u n d and discussed w ith oth ers in the group. Finally, like m a n y divinatory signs and o th e r ritual objects, those sticks with the m arks o f p articu larly large beavers arc placed at the head o f the sleeping place o f the hunter. A final ex a m p le o f the Mistassini notion that the b eh av io u r o f men, in cluding th eir territorial beh aviou r, is paralleled by th a t o f the beavers, refers to the m o v e m e n t o f beavers on land w hich starts in spring. This m o v em e n t is said to be a sign for h u n te rs to tu r n their atten ­ tion to otter, w a te r birds an d m usk rat, an d usually m a r k s the sta rt o f the m ove to the spring cam p. W h a t this material o n m a n - b e a v e r relations indicates is not so m u c h that m a n ’s ecological b eh a v io u r is influenced by that o f the beaver, but th a t the Mistassini m a k e use o f ideas w hich m a k e this kind o f relationship an assum ption. In a d d i­ tion, the re is a c om p lex o f c om m only-expressed ideas w hich

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indicate th a t th e relationship betw een m en an d all species o f ga m e anim als is in a large m easu re c ha nn eled th ro u g h the hu nting g ro u p leader. This m ean s th a t the society m u st have a w ay o f m a intainin g continuity in this relationship at the d e a th o f the h un tin g gro u p leader, a n d also, it appears, at the d e a th o f a sh am a n. M a n y ritually significant transactions betw een m en and anim als a re c h ann eled th ro u g h o ld er individuals. H u n tin g it­ self is a m a jo r m ean s by which such relations are established. T h e h u n te r w ho has, ov er m a n y years, killed an extrao rd in a ry n u m b e r o f a p a rtic u la r species is felt to have a friendship rela­ tionship with th a t anim al. S uch an anim al m a y be spo ken o f as the m a n ’s “p et," an d the relationship is often m a rk ed by the h u n te r collecting an d som etim es dec orating an inedible part o f the animal. T h is is in ad dition to the skull an d forelimbs w hich all hu nters preserve for m a n y animals. Su ch tokens in­ clude the chin o r the claws o f a bear, the head o f a w aterbird, and a rin g o f f u r fr o m the forelim b o f a beaver. T h e y are not displayed as trophies by the hunter, but the “ frien d ” is so m e ­ times given p art o f the credit fo r the kill. Old m en w ho rarely go m o re th a n a mile fr o m the h un tin g c a m p som etim es take credit f o r the success o f active hunters. T h e co ncern o f o th e r hu nters f o r the spiritual p o w e r o f an old person is noticeable w hen such a person dies. T h e no n-ap p earen ce at the grave o f a m e m b e r o f the p a rtic u la r species is ta k e n to m ean th a t the anim al is sad at the d eath of his friend and will therefore leave the are a. In practice, an y un usu al beh av io u r o f su c h an anim al is tak en as a hopeful sign. W h en it is certain th a t the a nim al will stay, the reason fo r its staying is that the friendship has been taken o ver by a n o th e r m an , usually said to be the m a n ’s son. T h e grave sites o f spiritually pow erful m en becom e m ark ed , as they a re visited every few years by descendants. T o b a c c o o r a n im a l bones a re som etim es left th ere f o r the de ad m a n ’s spirit. T h e graves o f o th e r persons buried o n the h un ting territo ry w ere also po inted o u t to me by m em bers o f one N ic h ic u n h u n tin g gro up , alth ou gh the dea d are very rarely spo ken o f otherwise. Som e people believe that the spiritual p art o f a person w hich stays ne ar the grave, c a n be acq uired by a close friend (a category w h ich can in clude sons a n d sonsin-law, an d in o n e case at least, a w ife ). In the case o f anim al friendship, the transference takes place w ithin a sh o rt tim e of

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th e death. O th e r spirital connections rem ain longer associated w ith the g rav e site before they e ithe r vanish o r a re tak en over. Several o th e r te chniques used in m ain taining relations with anim als, in addition to a n im al friendship, also f a v o u r the know ledge an d exp erience o f the aged. F o r instance, stories told a b o u t th e effectiveness o f d ream in g , d re a m in terp re ta­ tion, sorcery, wish p o w er a n d the p ow er o f songs alm ost in­ variably involve a n old m an. F r o m the point o f view o f a study o f land tenure, w h a t is significant ab ou t th e role o f the aged in these ideas is that th ey face the p ro b le m o f inheritance. T h e idea o f the inheritance o f spiritual relations app ears to be a model for the w ay the inheritance o f rights to a n im a l r e ­ sources is co nd ucted . T h e in h e rito r is defined as a co-resident, an d he is defined as being on w a rm term s, as a son, a brother, a son-in-law o r s o m e un related co m p a n io n m ig ht be. H owever, inh eritan ce by such a m an is not the explicit ideal. T h is is the son, b u t becau se o f the fre que nt a doptions, p articu larly in families w ith m a n y children, this kinship cata g o ry is to som e ex ten t defined by residence. T h e cases o f inh eritanc e o f terri­ tories at Mistassini fo r w h ich th ere is detailed inform ation suggests th a t in heritance w ithin the h un tin g g ro u p is most com m on . In practice, in heritance to both the hunting rights, a n d the spiritual relations, o f a h u n te r are g ra d u al processes. As the territory o w n e r gets old he has few er direct e n co u n te rs with anim als, w h ich are left to y o u n g er m em bers. A fte r the death, relations w ith anim als are passed on, not necessarily to a kins­ m an, b u t to uw i:ciw a:kan ( “ his frien d ” and, c onotatively “a co-resident” ), th e sam e te rm used to refer to the m an-anim al relationship. Even prior to death, so m e o f his spiritual pow er can be acq u ired by a close co m p a n io n , including the wife, w ho ca n then use wish p ow e r to influence the h u n tin g success of her h usband. T h e introd uc tion by the g o v ern m en t o f p e rm a n e n t resi­ dences at Mistassini Post, a n d the availability o f w elfare of variou s sorts, has recently ch anged the issue a little. Old people, in the m ajority o f cases, now spend the ir last w inters at Mis­ tassini Post, an d a re buried there. S o m e kind o f tra nsferenc e of h un tin g priviliges m ust th e re fo re ta k e place before death. T h e process o f b ecom ing a territo ry o w n e r begins fo r som e h un ters in their late teens. A y o u n g m a n m a y speak a b o u t a certain p art o f his g ro u p lea de r’s territory as “his.” T h ese divisions

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m ay la ter be forgo tten as g ro u p m e m b e rsh ip changes. H o w ever, in the actual cases in w hich tw o broth ers ow ned adjacent territories, I was usually told that the land h ad been a single territory and had been divided betw een the bro th ers before th e fa th e r died. In so m e cases it app ears that the areas effec­ tively co ntinu ed to be m an age d as a single unit, w ith a single g ro u p altern ating betw een the tw o halves. A lth o u g h the wishes o f d ead people a re respected, it is beco m in g m o re c o m m o n fo r a territo ry to effectively be inherited before a fo r m e r o w n er's death. Mistassini C ree ideology places em phasis on anim als ra th e r th a n land, an d suppresses the p r o b l e m ,o f the definition o f boundaries. A hu ntin g territo ry is a unit w hich is most often referred to by n am in g lakes, rivers o r m ou ntains within it. In practical terms, the definition o f a territory b o u n d ­ ary is not as often used in keeping outsiders off o n e’s land, as it is in m a k in g su re in a d v an ce th a t the h u nting and trapp ing activities o f the g ro u p do not overlap with those o f another. A h u n tin g territo ry is a unit o f m ana ge m en t. E a c h w in ter a g ro up m akes plans to co n d u ct p a rtic u la r kinds o f activities in p a rticu la r areas at particu lar times, a lth ou gh such detailed planning m ay not alw ays be possible. T h e plans can be seri­ ously interfered w ith if a n o th e r g ro u p m a k e s use o f o n e o f these places p rio r to, an d w ith ou t the know ledge of, the first g rou p. T h e sam e is tru e o f the activities o f individual hunters within the h u n tin g gro up. I visited a section o f a hunting g ro up w h ich had tem porarily split into two. A n expedition was m ade to a p a rtic u la r region to hun t for b eav er a n d moose. In one are a we fou n d several be a v e r houses w h ich had been trap p ed earlier th a t w inter by the o th e r part o f the g ro up , on its w ay to its p red ete rm in ed area. It had been und ersto od that they w ould not trap en route. T his m isu nd erstand ing had only m in or c o n sequ en ces in wasted time, but it caused considerable c o m m e n t. Such a case points o u t the need f o r a p rio r know l­ edge o f w here ne ighboring gro u p s will operate. This p ro blem is not confined to the trapp in g o f furbearers. A n y a nim al w h ich confines itself to k n o w n localities in p articula r seasons, such as m o ose with the ir “y a rd in g ” behav iou r, a n d b ea r ca n be m anag ed, in the sense th a t a g ro u p c a n plan w ith a f a ir degree o f certain ty to utilize it d uring a certain period. These kinds o f strategies were observed in an unselected but tiny sam ple o f Mistassini h u n tin g gro up s in 1 9 69 -70 , a n d have recently also been rep orted a m o n g the neighboring W asw an ipi by Feit.

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1 13

T o prev ent overlapping, b o u n d a rie s a re said to be discussed betw een n eighboring gro u p s d u rin g the su m m er. In addition, m a rk e rs are used to in dicate the fact th a t trap s have been set, in the case w hen a h u n te r traps in a n are a peripheral to his neighbor's land. T hese are placed in case a h u n te r should pass by to w a rn him that o thers have already tr a p p e d the area. T o s u m m a riz e the Mistassini material on the ideology of hu n ting territories, the ideals o f fixed tracts o f land an d fatherto-son inheritance, w hich Speck em phasized, are held along w ith o th e r ideological principles w hich em p h asize the m a n ­ ag em e nt an d inheritance o f rights w ith respect to anim als ( r a th e r th an rights to la n d ) by persons, o f w ha teve r kinship status with established residence in the g ro u p o f the owner. W h ile K night d oes indicate that at R u p e rt H ouse the sys­ tem has b rok en dow n, ap p a re n tly d u e to gam e shortages, it d ocs not a p p e a r that the system must necessarily d o so, o r th a t the institution itself is u nab le to survive read justm ent. T h e system as it w as described by Speck is in a d e q u a te in a n u m ­ b er o f respects. H e presented part o f his in f o rm a n t’s ideals ab o u t land tenu re as if it were the system itself. He ignored the role o f the hunting territo ry as an ad m in istrativ e unit for the pro du ctio n o f fu r for the m ark et. But his w ork rem ains the o n e description o f the system w hich com es closest to indi­ cating the sociological basis for A lg on kian land tenure.

NOTES 1. R o lf Knight, “ A re-exam ination o f H u n tin g , T ra p p in g and T erritoriality a m o n g the N o rth e a s te rn A lgonkian In dians,” in A. Leeds an d A. P. V a y d o r ( e d s .) M a n , C u ltu re and A n im a ls: T h e R o le o j A n im a ls in H u m a n E colo g ica l A d ­ ju s tm e n ts (W ash in g to n , D .C.: A m e ric a n Association for the A d v a n c e m e n t o f Science, 1965) pp. 4 0 -4 1 . 2. F r a n k G. Speck, “T h e F a m ily H u n tin g B and as the Basis o f A lgo nk ian Social O rg an izatio n ,” A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo ­ gist, vol. 17, pp. 2 8 9 -3 0 5 . R eprinted above. 3. Ibid. p. 290. 4. Knight, op. cit. 5. A d ria n T a n n e r, “ Existe-t-il des territoires de chasse?" R echerches A m e r in d ie n n e s au Q u eb ec, vol. 1, nos. 4 & 5. (1971).

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6. J o h n M. C o o p er, “Is the A lg o nq uian F a m ily H u n tin g G r o u n d p re -C o lu m b ia n ? ” A m eric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist, vol. 41, pp. 66-67. 7. J o h n J. H o n ig m a n n , “ In dian s o f N o u v e a u -Q u e b e c ,” in J. M alaurie , an d J. J. R ou seau ( e d s .) , L e N o u ve a u -Q u eb ec (P aris, 1964) p. 332. 8. T a n n e r, op. cit., p. 78. 9. K nig ht, op. cit., p. 41. 10. R olf Knight, E cological F a cto rs in C h a n g in g E c o n o m y a n d S o cia l O rganization A m o n g th e R u p e rt H o u se C ree ( O t ­ taw a: N ation al M u s e u m o f C a n a d a , A nth rop olo gical P apers, no. 15, 19 68 ), p. 26. 11. W illiam A. A n d erso n , A n g e l o f H u d so n 's B ay, T h e T rue S to r y o f M a u d W a tt (T o ro n to , 1961), p. 153. 12. K night, 1968, op. cit., p. 26. 13. T o ro n to , 1959, p. 101.

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8

The Ethno-Ecology of the Waswanipi Cree; or How Hunters Can Manage Their Resources H a rv e y A. Feit so u r c e

:

Harvey A. Feit, “L’Ethno-ecologie des Cris Waswanipis; on comment les chasseurs peuvent amenager leur ressources," Recherches Anieriniliennes ait Quebec, vol. 1, nos. 4-5 (1971). Reprinted by permission of the author and pub­ lisher. The author has revised this article for this volume.

It is a c o m m o n assu m ption th a t g a m e anim al hunters exercise little control o v e r th e resources on w hich th ey d ep en d o r the en viron m ents in w h ich th ey live. Peoples w h o have d o m esti­ cate d anim als m a n a g e the e n viron m e nta l side o f the m a n / n a tu r e relationship for they control, to va ryin g degrees, the distribution and rep ro d u ctio n o f som e anim als w h ich they utilize. T his control can be expressed by saying th a t th ey m a n ­ age th eir resources. T h e lack o f such m a n a g e m e n t is often as­ su m e d to be virtually the sin e q u a non o f h un ting as opposed to o th e r subsistence types. W h a t pow ers h un ters have a re u su ­ ally analysed in term s o f how they exercise control over themselves, an d h o w th ey are affected by the u n in ten d ed eco­ logical c onsequences o f th eir o w n actions. H u n te rs regulate the m a n / n a t u r e relationship prim arily by regulating man, by c o n ­ trolling the h u m a n population size, the h u m a n population d e n ­ sity, an d the distribution o f goods and services, a n d h u m a n desire itself. A m o n g the g a m e hu nters the very scarcity, m o ­ bility, unpredictibility an d difficulty o f c a p tu re o f the anim als leave the h u n te r w ith little to h ope for, except that he kills th e anim als he needs and adjusts him self to the results. It has been repeated again an d again, th a t th ere c a n be little planning, an d little foresight because so m u ch o f the o u tco m e o f the hu nt is chance. 115

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Y et studies in c o n te m p o ra r y wildlife m a n a g e m e n t indicate that h u m a n h u nting itself has significant effects on the standing crop, p roduction, yield, age structure, sex balance, a n d often size an d health o f the harvested anim al populations, and studies o f fishing give sim ilar results.- It is possible to anticipate the c o nsequences o f given h u ntin g o r harvesting patterns a n d it is the refore possible for h un ters to control som e o f the critical p aram eters o f the harvested population th ro u g h their choice o f resource utilization strategies. H u n te rs c a n then, at least theoretically, exercise some control o v er the distribution and rep ro d u ctio n o f the anim al p op ulatio ns w hich they harvest, an d m ay in so m e sense m a n a g e their resources as well as them selves. T h is p a p e r explores h ow one g rou p o f sub-arctic hunters, the W asw a n ip i C ree, utilize the resources available to them , in o rd e r to d e m o n s tra te the hypothesis th a t th ey are m a n a g in g their resources. T h e ecological system o f know ledge o f W asw anipi hunters, the ir ethno-ecosystem , itself implies a process o f m anag e m en t.

Som e Features o f W aswanipi E thno-ecosystem W asw anipi h un ters say that th ey only c atc h an anim al when the anim al is given to them. T h e y say that in w in ter the north w ind, ch u ete n sh u , a n d the anim als themselves give them w h at they need to live. In the cu lturally c on stru cte d w orld o f the W asw anipi the anim als, the winds, and m an y o th e r p h e n o m en a are th ou gh t o f as being “ like p ersons” in th a t th ey act intelli­ gently an d have wills and idiosyncracies, an d un derstand and are und ersto od by men. C ausality, th erefo re, is personal, not m echanical o r biological, a n d it is, in o u r experience, always a p p ro p ria te to ask “ w ho did it?” an d “ w hy?” ra th e r th a n “ how does th a t w o rk ?" T h e body o f the anim als the h u n te r receives nourishes him, but the soul returns to be reborn again, so that w hen m e n an d anim als arc in balance, the anim als are killed b u t not dim inished an d both m en an d anim als survive. T h e balance is reciprocal, and in re tu rn for the gifts the h u n te r has obligations to the a n im als a n d ch u ete n sh u to act responsibly; to use w h at he is given completely, a n d to ac t respectfully to­ w ard s the bodies an d souls o f the anim als by observing the highly stru c tu r e d procedures for retrieving th e anim al, b u tc h ­ ering it, con su m in g the flesh an d disposing o f the bones and remains. It is expected that m e n will kill anim als swiftly, and

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avoid causing them u n d u e suffering. It is also c laim ed that m en have the skill a n d technology to kill m a n y anim als, too m an y, an d it is part o f the responsibility o f the h u n te r not to kill m ore th a n he is given, not to “ play” with anim als by killing th em for fu n o r self-aggrandizem ent. T h is last stricture is critical in the W asw anipi e thnoccology, because it m eans th at, in their view, the h u n te r has a con sid erable influence o ver his hunting. W hile fo rm ally men only catc h w h a t is given to th em , in practice w h a t is given to th e m is a fun ctio n o f w hat they have do ne before. T h u s m u ch o f the tim e w hen h u n te rs a re asked ab o u t w hy their hun t was good o r bad, they reply in term s o f how they h u n te d the year before. F a ilu re to c a tc h anim als when expected is a critical co n ce rn o f the W asw anipi. In their view, u ncertainty always attaches to the ir activities, b u t lack o f success is distinguished o n the basis o f d uration . F o r exam ple, b eav er traps set a t a lodge m ay not have any an im als caug ht in th e m w hen they are ch eck ed a fte r th re e o r f o u r days. This is usually bccau se “ the b eav er d o n ’t w a n t to be c a u g h t yet,” an d the traps a re left for an additional three to fo u r days. If how ever, th ere a re n o or few catches w ithin a longer period o f time, m ost inform ants suggest ab ou t tw o weeks, th en a h u n ter is not just co n fro n tin g th e w him s o f the anim al, he is hav in g “ b ad luck.” Bad luck is a result o f a decision on the part o f ch u ete n sh u o r the anim als th a t a m a n sho uld n o t get w h at he wants - usually because he has failed to fulfil one o r m o re o f his responsibilities. O n e of the m ost im p ortan t responsibilities is not to kill too m a n y a n i­ mals. T h u s the h u n te r is o ften co n fro n tin g the consequences of his o w n activity w h en he goes hunting, a n d this co nfro n tatio n o ccu rs th ro u g h the will o f ch u ete n sh u an d the animals. T h e relationships that arc posited in the W asw anipi ethnoecosystem m a k e it possible fo r h u n te rs to choose a n u m b e r of different ways o f hunting. Since it can be k no w n m o re o r less well in adv ance th a t anim als will be “ m a d ” at transgressions o f the h u n ters’ responsibilities a n d will b ring “ bad luck,” a h u n te r c a n to som e degree plan fo r this contingency. T h e striking featu re o f this a ccou nt is th a t while the m ode o f explanation, the causality that an im ates the W asw anipi ethno-ecosystem model, is very different fr o m a scicntific a c ­ count, the stru c tu ra l relationships described are for the most p art isom orphic with those o f a scientific a c co u n t o f the rela­ tionships o f h u n te r to anim al population. Despite the difference in w orld views, the W asw anipi are recognizably c oncerned

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ab o u t w h at we w ould call ecological relationships, an d their views in corpo rate recognizable ecological principles. P r o m in ­ e n t a m o n g these are the equivalents o f the concepts th a t m e n / anim al relationships a re systemic an d th a t a sustained yield use o f the anim al po pulations is possible, th ro u g h a process of m an ag e m e n t. But, is choice, in fact, possible in the sub-arctic region k no w n fo r its relatively large unpredictability? Waswanipi Hunting Recipes W asw an ipi h u n ters utilize a variety o f anim al resources, the m ost im p o rta n t being m oose an d beaver, followed by v ari­ ous species o f fish (p artic u larly pickerel, whitefish, pike, s t u r ­ geon a n d b u r b o t ) , ha re and variou s species o f grouse (sp ruce grouse, ruffed grouse, a n d willow p ta r m i g a n ) . Beaver, m oose an d fish a re the m ost im p o rta n t subsistence resources, p ro v id ­ ing an a v erage o f 34, 30 a n d 7 p ercent o f the total calories available fo r h u m a n c o n su m p tio n d u rin g the w in ter h un ting season, the r e m a in d e r being prim arily p urcha sed foods, with som e hare, sm all fu r-b earin g anim als an d fowl. B eaver and fish a re relatively stable resources. T h e sedentariness, p re d ic ­ tability an d success o f the trap pin g te chniques available fo r b eaver a re well suited to m a n a g e m e n t as has been recognized fo r so m e time.3 Moose, how ever, have generally been co n ­ sidered mobile, erratic a n d sparsely dis tributed an d m oose h u n tin g itself considered a very unreliable activity.4 It is th e r e ­ fore a p p ro p ria te to analyze the W asw anipi recipes fo r moose hunting. T h e pro blem is set well by the statem ents o f W a s­ w an ip i themselves w h o say that, w hen th ey w ant a m oose th ey get a moose, an d w h en a sked w hat happ ens if th ey d o n 't get a m oose on a given day, th ey say th ey try again later, an d they will get a moose. W asw an ip i h u n ters say that it is ch u e te n sh u the n orth w ind w h o controls w in ter precipitation and w h o is especially im p o r­ ta n t fo r the moose hunts. D u rin g the early w inter as th e snow a c c u m u late s the m oose begin to have tro u b le w alking th ro u g h d eep snows as th eir legs p en etrate deeply an d the ir bodies start to drag. Moose, therefore, m o v e to locations th a t have rela­ tively lower sn ow acc u m u latio n s because o f their vegetational co ver an d top og ra ph ic conditions. W asw an ipi say th a t the m oo se m ove to th e h a rd w o o d covered hills w hich are exposed to the wind. By early J a n u a r y such conditions have n orm ally o ccu rred , the m oose are c o n c e n tra te d in these suitable areas, a n d within th e m th ey generally confine themselves to the estab ­

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lished paths o f sn ow p ack ed by repeated use. O n ce this has h a p p e n e d h u n ters say it is easy to h u n t moose. T o locate moose th ey search the hills f o r signs, an d w h en tracks o r signs are fou n d m a n y h u n ters report th a t th ey are h a p p y becau se they “will be eating m oose.” T h e tracks ca n be followed to find the moose. If th e h u n te r is h e a rd o r scented, the moose will flee, b u t the d ep th o f the snow will quickly tire the m oose o u t and it will frequently stop to rest giving the h u n te r a c h a n c e to c a tc h up. A t most, the peo ple say, a fte r o n e a n d a h a lf o r two h ou rs o f steady w alkin g on snow shoes a m an will have c o m ­ pletely exh austed a moose ru n n in g in high snow, and the a nim al will stand his g r o u n d an d be killed. H o w eve r, m a n y hunters say th a t given the sn ow c o nd itio ns th ey ca n predict the flight o f the moose. F u rth e rm o r e , W asw anip i p refer to hu nt on “ m oose days” w h e n there is a slight w in d that covers low noises m a d e by th e h u n te r, w h en the te m p eratu re is cold so th a t w et snow does n o t stick to their snow shoes and m a k e w alk­ ing difficult, b u t n o t too cold so that the snow shoes d o not m ak e excessive noise on the h a rd e n e d sn ow a n d so the branches o f trees a n d sh rub s are not brittle an d easily cracked . U n d e r these conditions it is often possible to avo id a pursuit o f the m o ose entirely o r to term in ate it quickly. T h a t m oo se give themselves to m e n is also indicated, we believe, by the very b e h a v io u r patterns o f m oose themselves. W h en m oose a re alerted b y a noise th ey respond n o t by taking flight im m ed iately b u t by stan ding u p and looking tow ards the direction o f the sound, trying to see o r scent its source." If successful, the m oose will th en flee. T h is is the m o m e n t the m oose offers him self to the h u n te r an d it is the m o m e n t to kill the moose. If it is n o t shot th en , it will run som e distance, the length d epen din g o n snow conditions, a n d then stop an d look back in the direction fr o m w hich it has come. T h e r e are also, acco rding to th e W asw anipi, even better conditions f o r h un ting m oose alth ou gh these only o c c u r briefly to w ard s the end o f the winter. In late M a r c h and early April the sun melts the top m o st layer o f snow an d d u rin g th e nights an d on c o ld e r days an icy cru s t is fo r m e d ov er the snow . Moose b reak th r o u g h this crust as th ey walk a n d cut th eir legs against the edges o f the holes they m a k e in the ice. Moose can hardly ru n u n d e r these conditions a n d often sim ply will n o t - even in full view o f m en. U n d e r these co nd itio ns W asw an ipi say moose h u n tin g is easy an d they are o ften assisted by dogs w h ich are trained to bring a m oose to bay o r to run a semi-circle aro u n d

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th e m o ose so th a t the moose c a u g h t betw een m an and dogs “freezes” . W asw an ip i h u n ters th en have a detailed know ledge o f moose b eh av io u r and so can hu nt moose specifically w hen the anim als are co n cen trated in few locations w hich can be easily searched, w hen the m o ose a re im mobile, o r less mobile th a n the hunter, and at times w hen m oose b e h a v io u r is rela­ tively predictable. M ost o f the relationships W asw anipi recipes dep end s o n have been reported by scientists although m an y have only been scientifically described in the last decade. |)l W asw anipi th en have a very substantial know ledge o f the e n v iro n m e n t in w h ich th ey live an d this k now led ge m akes plausible their claim s fo r the reliability, efficiency and affluence o f th eir subsistence system; their expertise also suggests that it is possible to choose w hen to use resources. F o r each anim al species the W asw an ip i harvest, they attem pt, like fo r the moose, to utilize it at times w h en chan ces o f success a re highest an d the efficiency o f c ap tu re is maximized. T h e W asw anipi ac­ co u n t o f their a n n u a l cycle is a model f o r integrating the v a ri­ ous harvesting activities so th a t each resource is used at periods o f m a x i m u m vulnerability an d efficiency, an d ideally so that at least tw o resources are available at each p eriod th ro u g h o u t the hu nting season. But, given the low productivity o f sub-arctic ecological systems, can decisions on the tim e an d place o f re ­ sou rce utilization actually m a n a g e the resource system, can hu nters con tro l som e critical p a ra m e te r s o f the resources on w hich th ey dep end ? W asw anipi R esource M anagem ent D u rin g the 19 6 8 -6 9 h u n tin g seasons an analysis o f moose an d b eaver c a u g h t by all W asw an ipi h u ntin g g roups indicated th a t m ost g roups c a u g h t m o ose an d b eav er in surplus o f their subsistence requirem ents, th a t no g ro u p was sh ort o f food, and th a t som e grou ps c a u g h t m o re than dou ble th eir subsistence requirem ents. A m ajority o f bush h un ting g ro u p s provided significant q uantities o f m e a t for o th e r W asw anipi residents ne ar towns, an d m a n y groups cachcd m ea t caught in w in ter to ad d variety to their s u m m e r diet. H owever, despite this afflu­ ence, there is considerable v ariatio n in the d e p en d en ce o f differ­ ent W asw anipi h u n tin g g roups on different resources available to them . In a detailed sam ple o f all the foods available for h u m a n co n su m p tio n in fo u r h u n tin g groups, d u rin g the 1 9 6 8 69 h un ting season, b eav er varied from a p p ro xim ate ly 2 0 to 45

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perccnt o f (he total calories available fo r h u m a n con su m p tio n, moose varied from 15 to 4 0 percent, fish from 1 to 13 perccnt. T hese variatio ns suggest that a n u m b e r o f different harvesting strategies are in use a m o n g different h u nting groups, an d th a t a multi-dim ensional m a n a g e m e n t process m ay exist. W e arc still in the process o f getting rough estim ates o f the prod uctio n o f the p rim a ry resources available to W asw anipi h unters, the efficiency o f their harvesting techniques, an d their h u m a n subsistence requirem ents, but the relative values are available an d are p resented here as an initial a p p rox im a tion w hich is of use because u p d atin g o f the values is not expected to alter the o rd e r o f m ag n itu d e differences. T h e pro du ctio n of th e m ajo r an im al resources used by W asw anipi h un ters and m e a s u re d as calories f o r h u m a n co nsum ption p ro d u c ed per sq u a re mile per a n n u m , indicates that fish arc substantially m o re prod uctive th a n beaver, a n d th a t beav er a re twice as productive as moose. T h e pro du ctio n o f h are is not yet clear, b u t obviously varies o ver a considerable range because o f the great a m p litu d e o f its pop ulation cycles. O n the o th e r hand, the efficiency o f harvesting activities, assum ing the present range o f harvesting tim e a n d intensity, varies differently. M oose h u n t­ ing is by far the m ost efficient harvesting te chn iqu e ranging ov er 100,000 Calories for h u m a n con su m p tio n per m an -d ay of w o rk; be ave r efficiency varies with season, but th e seasonal averages are 16,000 to 2 4 ,0 0 0 C a l./ m a n - d a y , while fishing produ ces 10,000 C a l. / m a n - d a y , an d small g a m e c ap tu re 3,000 C a l./ m a n - d a y . F o r c o m p arison averages o f h u m a n subsistence requ irem en ts at W asw an ipi f o r the w in te r b u sh pop ulatio n are estim ated using maximalist assum p tio ns to be 4 ,50 0 Calories per person p er day, o f w hich a m in im u m o f ap pro xim ately 1,000 calorics is provided by pu rchased foods. G iven these p aram eters, it is c le a r that there are a n u m b e r o f altern ate sources o f subsistence th a t could be chosen in a large n u m b e r o f co m binations, to meet h u m a n subsistence re­ q uirem en ts. H o w e v e r since the p rod uction o f m oose a n d b eaver are relatively low, the critical featu re o f such a system is m an agin g the harvest o f m o ose and b eav er so that the p o p u ­ lations o f these species a re not depleted. T his is necessary because it is clear fro m ex perien ce elsewhere th a t be ave r are easily over-hunted, an d it seem s likely from o u r acco un t o f W asw an ipi m oose h u nting th a t this species too could be ov er­ hunted. T h e W asw anipi themselves, as rep orted earlier, say th a t limiting the kill is a p a rt o f their responsibility.

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O ne im p o rta n t w ay th a t W asw an ipi regulate the harvests o f the anim als a n d the p ro d u c tio n and distribution o f anim als as well, is by rotational hunting. By n o t o ccup yin g a given h u n tin g territory ev ery y e a r the h un ters allow the populations a n d harvests o f a n im als to grow. Som e m e n regularly rotate th eir use o f land, oth ers let th e ir g rou nd s rest occasionally, a n d som e practice rotation by dividing the territo ry u p into su b ­ sections, so th a t ea c h section c a n be used in turn. O f the tw enty-tw o territories in use in 1 9 6 8 -6 9 o r 1 9 6 9 -7 0 there w e re o nly six cases w h ere m e n actually h u n te d on the sa m e territo ry o r sub-section both years. F r o m y e a r to y e a r hu nters co nstantly evaluate the state o f the an im al po pu lation s o n the la n d th e y hunt, an d an y d ro p in the success o f the h unt, the n u m b e r o f anim als sighted o r the n u m b e r o f a n im al signs seen, is ta ken as an indication o f o ver-h u n tin g o r o f o th e r tran s­ gressions by the hunter. T h e sta te o f th e a n im al po pulations o n a given territory is con stantly kn ow n a n d W asw anipi always can discuss the tre n d in the p op u latio n o n their territories, and c o m p a r e the po pu latio ns to w h a t th ey were last year, te n years ago, o r w hen th ey first started hunting. R o tatio n o f territories then is a critical m e ch a n ism fo r m an ag in g the size o f the a n i­ mal population. T h e size o f the harvests are directly rela ted to th e frequency o f h u ntin g on a territory. D urin g o u r study, hu nters w h o w ere o n territories th a t w ere u sed the y e a r previ­ ous to the reco rd ed y e a r (e ith er 1 96 8 -6 9 o r 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 ) c a u g h t fewer moose p e r sq u a re mile an d few er b e a v e r p er sq u a re rnilc th a n m en h u n tin g on territories no t u sed o n e y e a r previous to th e reco rd ed y ear, an d these m e n h ad a low er c a tc h density th an m en w ho h u n te d o n g r o u n d n o t u se d fo r tw o o r m o re yea rs previous to the reco rd ed year. In sho rt, the c a tc h densities increased w ith the expected increases in the a nim al popu latio n densities. T h e value o f a sho rt-term ro tatio n system is th a t it allows h un tin g activity to be co n cen trated w ithin a m o re limited geo­ graphical area, th a n if an are a w ere used continuously, thereby m axim izing harv estin g efficiency; and, it m ay also serve to keep the anim al po pu lation at a high rate o f prod uctiv ity c h a ra c ­ teristic o f ex p an d in g populations, by periodically redu cin g the population significantly an d th en allowing it to ex p a n d for two o r th r e e years b efo re re-harvesting. O n territories that were ro tated the av erage harvests of m oo se and o f be a v e r were well below p red icted p o p u latio n in­ crem en ts fo r o n e a n d tw o years o f n o n use f o r e a c h o f these

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species. F u rth e rm o r e , all g roups th a t w ere on territories that h ad been rotated ca ug ht high levels o f m o ose an d b eaver rela­ tive to their subsistence requirem ents. In the f o u r hu nting gro up s fo r w hich we have detailed sam ples it is c lea r th a t w hen m o ose an d b e a v e r catches are high relative to subsistence requirem ents, o ver the 2 ,5 0 0 to 3,500 C a l./ a d u lt - d a y range, fish an d sm all ga m e d o not a m o u n t to o v e r five p ercen t o f the total calories available f o r h u m a n c o n ­ s u m p tio n, an d p urch ased foods d o n o t a m o u n t to o ver 2 0 p e r ­ cent. M oose an d b eaver to g e th er av eraged seventy-five p ercent o f the calories available f o r h u m a n c onsum ption. B ut not all m en can rotate their territories, o r sections thereof, because o f the size o f the ir families o r because o f a lack o f access to o th e r territories. T h e se m e n m ust h un t the sam e land each year. T h o se territories in o u r study th a t w ere h u n te d the y e a r previous to the re corde d y e a r th en represent the critical test case o f how W asw anipi m a n a g e the resources. U n fo rtu n a te ly , the aerial surveys o f m oose an d beav er avail­ able to us for th e region a re not intensive e n o ugh to c o m p a re po pu lations on individual territories. T h e averag ed figures h ow ­ ev er give valuable results. O n these territories the average d e n ­ sity o f anim als killed as a pe rcen tag e o f the average density of the surveyed p op u latio n is the sam e o r w ithin the rang e o f the estim ated p rod uction f o r bo th moose an d beaver. T h e density o f m o ose kills averaged 27 p ercent o f the overall average moose popu lation density. T h e p ro du ctio n o f moose, based on the percentage o f calves a m o n g th e killed anim als (w h ich we believe is not skewed as it w o uld be w ith W h ite h un ters) was 29 perccnt. F o r beaver, the harvest on these territories av er­ ages 1.25 b eav er p e r lodge, based on the density o f lodges and the density o f bea ver kills. G iven that th e p opu lations a re be­ lieved to be generally growing, this is below the 1.5 per lodge harvest limits th a t have been fo u nd to allow fo r m ain tenan ce o f the p op ulation s in n o rth ern Quebec. Beaver lodge counts have rem ained relatively steady ov er the past fifteen years, while W asw a nip i re p o rt a decline in the m oose pop ulation d u rin g the sam e p eriod o f ab o u t fifty p e r cent, pro bab ly due to c hanges in the vegetational c o v e r of the region. T h e average harvests o f m o ose a n d beaver on territories that were hun ted the y e a r previous to the re corde d y ear are a p p are n tly limited to the p ro d u c tio n o f the populations. I t is interesting to note th a t it was only a m o n g g roups using a territo ry h u n te d the y e a r previous to th e reco rd ed y ear

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th a t som e gro up s did not have sufficient m oose a n d be a v e r to m ee t basic subsistence d em a n d s . F ro m o u r fo u r g ro up sam ple it is c lea r th a t w h e n the catch es o f m oose a n d b eav er d ro p be­ low the 2 ,5 00 to 3 ,5 00 C a l. / a d u lt - d a y rang e d ep c n d a n c e on fish, o r sm all ga m e increases to ov er 10 p ercent o f the total calories available fo r h u m a n co n su m p tio n a n d purch ased foods m a y rise to a p p ro x im ately 4 0 p crcent o f the total, moose and b eaver pro viding an av erage o f only 5 0 perccnt o f the total. T h e W asw a n ip i th en use th e m ost efficiently harvestable r e ­ sources, nam ely moose a n d beaver, first, an d th en th ey shift to o th e r less efficiently harvestable b u t m o re p ro du ctive re­ sources, particularly fish a n d / o r to a g re a te r use o f less valued p urcha sed foods.

C onclusions T h e d a ta we collected su p p o rts the interp retation th a t W a s ­ w an ip i h unters d o m a n ag e their harvests o f m oose a n d beaver a n d the distribution an d rep ro d u c tio n o f the harvested p o p u ­ lations, either by rotational use o f the territories, o r by an in­ creased use o f altern ate resources to su p p lem e n t m oose and be ave r in the subsistence die t.0 W asw a nipi h un ters use the anim al resources available to th e m o n a su stain ed yield basis while m ax im izin g the efficicncy a n d security o f th e ir subsistence activities inso far as this is co m p atib le w ith m a x im u m sustainable yields.

Afterword T he priority W asw a n ip i m en give to ecological factors can serve as a m odel f o r the W hites w ho plan to U tilize o th e r re ­ sources in the sub-arctic region. All use should be b ased o n a multiple-use m a n a g e m e n t plan. Such a plan would necessitate th a t W hites recognize that rational m a n a g e m e n t o f the anim al resources o f the region is alread y practised, an d if these re­ sources are affected it will be necessary th a t the In d ian people themselves be represented on the planning body. T h e Indian people o f th e region m u st be allowed to articulate th eir own needs an d to help evaluate the im p a c t o f o th e r uses ori the resources o f th e region. T h e ir ag ree m e n t should be obtained

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before the resources which th ey are now m an ag in g a n d uti­ lizing. 1. This p a p e r is a resu m e o f portions o f a larger stud y now in p reparation, the research f o r w h ich w a s sup po rted by grants from the N a tio n al M u s eu m c f M a n , 19 69 -7 1 ; th e N o r t h ­ ern R esearch C o m m itte e o f McG ill University, 19 6 8 -7 1 ; an d the S teinberg S u m m e r R esearch Fellowships, 1968-9. T h e larger stu dy has benefited fro m the co m m e n ts a n d a d ­ vice o f R ich ard F. Salisbury, m a n y o f w h ich a re in cor­ porated in the present paper. 2. R. F. D a sm a n n , W ild life B io lo g y (N e w Y ork . 1 9 6 4 ): K. E. F . W att, E co lo g y a n d R eso u rc e M a n a g e m e n t (N e w York, 1968). 3. F . G . Speck a n d L. C. Eiseley, “ M on tag nais-N ask api Bands an d F am ily H u n tin g Districts o f the C entral and S o u th ­ eastern L a b ra d o r Pen insu la” ( A m e ric a n P hilosophical S o ­ ciety P roceedings 8 5 ( 2 ) : 1942). 4. R. Knight, “ A R e-exa m in atio n o f H u n tin g , T ra p p in g and T erritoriality A m o n g the N o rth e a s te rn A lg on kian In d ia n s” in A. Leeds an d A. P. V ay da, eds., M a n , C u ltu re a n d A n i­ m a ls (A m e r ic a n Association for the A d v a n c e m e n t of Science, 1965). 5. R. H. D enniston, II, “ Ecology, B eh avio ur an d Pop ulation D y n a m ics o f the W y o m in g o r R o c k y M o u n ta in Moose, A Ices alces shirasi” ( Z o o lo g ica 4 1 ( 2 ) , no. 1 4 :1 9 5 6 ) . 6. It will be realized by ecologists fam iliar with the subarctic th a t this evaluation is based on the principles presently used by various g a m e m a n a g e m e n t personnel as operational rules o f th u m b , ra th e r th an on scientifically acceptable evaluations o f the actual p rod uction and h un ting yields of the an im al populations. H o w ev er the results a re striking, an d it w ould req uire a research team c o m p o s ed o f a variety o f specialists to test the relations betw een harvests and pro du ction in g reate r detail, w hich hopefully will be done in the future.

9. The Cree of Canada; Some Ecological and Evolutionary Considerations A n th o n y D. F is h e r so u r ce

:

Anthony D. Fisher, “The Cree of C anada”, Western Cana­ dian Journal o f A nthropology, vol. 1, no. 1 (1969). Re­ printed by permission of the author and publisher.

In m a n y ways the C ree a re the m ost im p o rta n t N o r th A m e ri­ c a n In d ia n g ro u p in C an ad a. G ra n te d , the Iroquois a n d the H u ro n occup y an elevated position in school-text versions o f C a n a d ia n history. T h e O t­ ta w a have bestowed their n a m e upo n the n a tio n ’s capital. T h e O jib w a have given C a n a d a m u c h th ro u g h the use o f their w oo d lan d lore in Boy Scout hand bo ok s. F o r three-q uarters of th e nin eteenth cen tu ry the B lackfoot-speaking people, in c lu d ­ ing the Blood a n d th e Peigan, lived a s p ecta cu lar a n d heroically violent existence o n the high n o rth e rn plains o f A lberta. A nd , o f course, the K wakiutl, im m ortalized by F r a n z Boas an d R uth Benedict, the T sim pshian, the H a id a , the N o o tk a, the Coast Salish, an d all the tribes o f the N o rth w est have m a d e their m a r k on C a n a d a with totem pole a n d potlatch. N o n e o f these peoples, however, ca n lay claim to the central historic position, to the geographic extensj^eness, o r to the c o n te m p o ra r y signifi­ cance o f th e m y riad C ree-sp eakin g ba n d s spread across C an ad a. G eog rap hically the C ree reside in C a n a d a ’s five central provinces: Q ueb ec, O n tario, M anito ba. Saskatchew an, and A lberta. T h e ir Metis relatives reside in all these provinces and in the N o rth w est T errito ries as well. C ree-sp eakin g gro up s in­ h ab it reserves in M o n t a n a an d N o r th D a k o ta in the United States. T o d a y we find the C re e distributed, west to east, fro m C h ie f S m allboy’s ban d in the foothills o f the R o cky M o un tain s to the c o m m u n ities o f W asw an ap i, Mistassini, an d N e m iscau 126

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in north-cen tral Q ueb ec; an d, south to n orth , from the R ocky Boy Reservation in M o n t a n a to the F o r t V erm ilion A g enc y in n o rth ern Alberta. O f m o re significance, the C re e people have cu ltu ral and linguistic relatives scattered even m ore widely th an th ey th e m ­ selves th r o u g h o u t C a n a d a . Spiraling o u tw a rd , there are su c­ cessive gro up s o f A lg on qu ian speakers related to the C ree th ro u g h the h yp othetical evolution o f the “ P roto -C e n tral A l­ g o n q u ia n ” language. T h e C ree, as well as the Saulteaux, M ontagnais, a n d N askap i, fo r m one g ro u p k no w n as the “ N o r th e r n ” type. O th ers related to the C re e th ro u g h this lin­ guistic system o f classification are the O tta w a an d Southern O jib w a ( C h ip p e w a ) o r “ N o rth - c e n tra l” type; an d the Fox, Sauk, K ic k a p o o , M asco ute n (P r a irie P o ta w a to m i) , M enom ini, Shaw nee, Illinois, a n d others o f the “C e n tra l” type. F a r t h e r to the east are the E astern A lgonquians, the Delaw are, the M ahicans ( M o h i c a n ) , the P o w h a tan o f V irginia; and the m ore closely related “W a b a n a k i” peoples, the A b nak i, Penobscot, P assam aqu od dy , the M ic m a c o f Resitigouche, a n d the M alaceet o f T obique. T o the west o f these E astern A lgonquians are th e close relations o f the C ree, th e peoples o f the early f u r tr a d e : Missisauga, A llum etes, A ttekam egs, Tetes-de-boule, and Nipissings. F a r t h e r west the re a re the Plains A lg onquians, the Blackfoot, the A ra p a h o , the G ro s Ventre, the C heyenne, m ore C re e an d m o re O j i b w a - t h e Plains C re e an d Plains O jibwa, o r Bungi. T h ese linguistic relationships a re c o m p lem e n ted fu r th e r by Indian p op ulations speak in g languages o f different ty pe but with cultural patte rn s closely sim ilar to the C ree an d their A lgo nq uian -sp eak ing relatives. T h e W in n eb a g o fro m Lake M ic hig an an d the A ssiniboine o f the West a re S iouan-speaking peoples whose cultures ap p ro x im a te those o f the O jibw a and C ree. T h e Santee D ako ta, also Siouan-speaking, had m u ch in c o m m o n culturally w ith the C h ip p e w a o r S ou thern Ojibwa. A n d, as C la rk Wissler pointed ou t, m an y aspects o f Plains Indian culture, generally, a p p e a r to have derived fro m the n o rth ern h u nting areas o f th e C re e .1 T h e C ree themselves at one time o ccu p ie d th re e o f the c u ltu re areas identified by Wissler: E astern Sub-A rctic, W est­ ern o r M ack enzie Sub-A rctic, a n d Plains C u ltu re A reas. This so m ew h at im prob able situatio n arises from the conflict in h e r­ ent in the form al typological m eth o d o f classifying static c u ltu re areas as co ntrasted w ith the dy nam ics o f C ree cultu re history.

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It is a p seud o-pro blem o f ethnological classification w hich beban with Wissler stating flatly: Skirting the E sk im o are a fr o m east to west is a g reat belt o f sem i-arctic lands, in clu din g the g re ater p a rt o f th e in­ terio r o f C a n a d a . H u d so n Bay alm ost cu ts it into tw o parts, the western o r larger p art occup ied by the D ene tribes, the eastern by A lgonkins, the S aulteaux, C ree, M ontagnais, an d N askapi. . . . F o r this reason we shall tre at the region u n d e r tw o areas.2 Wissler, like K ro eb e r, attac hed the E a ste rn S u b-A rctic to the E astern W o o d la n d s area (Iroq uo is, a n d C entral an d E aste rn A lg o n q u ian s ). A n d K ro e b e r depicts the w estern ex pansion o f the C ree as a recent m ov em en t, “ . . . in the historic p eriod . . .,” o f “ b o rd e r frag m en ts” into the “. . . tail grass o r p o p la r sa ­ van na, however, not into the true plains . . .” .:t T h e r e a re three issues, th e n : 1) w h e th e r the W estern or M acken zie S ub-A rctic C u ltu re A re a is singularly A tha pascan o r Dene, 2 ) w h e th e r the W estern C ree a re Plains o r SubA rctic in cu lture type, an d 3) w h e th e r it is logical o r sensible to m aintain that o n e " trib e ” occupied three cu lture areas over time o r simultaneously. T h e se issues a re derived from a gen­ eral m isun derstand in g a b o u t the C ree and their role in the eth no histo ry o f the C a n a d ia n Prairie provinces. A n exam ple o f the results o f such a m isun derstand in g of the situation o f the W estern C re e is the difference in estim ates o f aboriginal population an d the relationship o f these estim ates to present-day pop ulation statistics. Jennesss states that “ N u m erically the O jibw a o r C h ip p e w a . . . were the strongest in C a p a d a , totalling even tod ay aro u n d 20,000. . . . It is pos­ sible th ey were exceeded by the C re e ” ;4 w hereas K ro e b e r (fo l­ lowing M o o n ey ) estim ates the po pulations o f the tw o groups as 2 0,0 00 for the C re e ( b o th Plains an d N o r th e r n ) a n d 35,000 for the O jibw a (Plains, Wisconsin, a n d N o r t h e r n ) . 5 C o n ­ te m p o ra r y ( 1 9 6 6 ) population d a ta fo r the three P ra irie p ro v ­ inces show the following for treaty In dians only: Alberta, 25 ,39 6 ( m o re th an h alf a re C re e s p e a k e r s ); Saskatchewan, 3 1 ,2 9 7 (alm o st entirely C re e s p e a k e r s ); M an ito b a , 31,009 (slightly less th an half are C ree s p e a k e r s ) . T h u s , we m ay co n ­ servatively estim ate that a t the tim e o f census there w ere more th a n 60.000 Crce-:-pcaking In dian s in the three provinces. This figure is co un tin g treaty Indians alone, an d excludes the th o u s­

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ands o f non-treaty Ind ian s an d M etis people resident in these provinces. A gain, conservatively, we could identify an o th e r 60 ,000 o r m o re individuals as Cree-speaking, no n-treaty In ­ dians and Metis. Thus, m o re th an 120,000 an d possibly as m an y as 150,000 persons in the three sparsely-settled Prairie provinces a re the d escendants o f those estim ated 2 0 ,0 0 0 Plains an d N o rth e r n C re e Indians o f one h u n d re d and twenty-five years ago. M oreover, in the present-day population figures we have not included th a t p ortion o f the 75,691 treaty In d ia n s of Q ueb ec an d O n ta rio w ho are C re e speaking; n or hav e we in­ clu ded Cree-speaking, n on-treaty Indian an d M etis persons from these provinces, both o f w hose progenitors were included in K ro c b e r’s estim ates. O n e w ay o r a n o th er, historically or biologically, the C ree have been an im p o rta n t but overlooked people. T h e im plications o f the p rob lem o f ethnological classi­ fication and the im plications o f th e g row th a n d migration of C re e p op ulations indicate th a t a new perspective should be tak en in N o r th A m e ric a n ethnological studies. T h e a p p a re n t d e m o g ra p h ic a n d historical im po rta nce o f th e C ree people in C a n a d a is fu r th e r en h a n c e d by c o n te m p o r­ ary anthropological concerns. In th eir d evelopm ent o f theories o f c u ltu re process, a nthropologists have been creating logicalded uctive o r ethnological typologies o f various evo lu tionary sequences fo r h u m a n society. In one sense this task has been a search for origins, as it w as w ith the early evolutionists. In a n o th e r sense, it has been an atte m p t to develop hypotheses ab o u t process and ch ang e, as a m o n g the neo-evolutionists. In bo th concerns, but m ost recently in regard to process an d change, so m e anthrop olo gists have been co ncen tratin g u p o n n orthe rn , A lg on qu ian -spe aking Indians, especially those o f the E aste rn S u barctic region. Since the early p a rt o f this ce ntu ry, 1 9 1 5 -1 9 2 0 , th ere has been co nsiderab le speculation ab out the ecological and social stru c tu ral p atte rns o f these n o rth e rn peoples an d the .relationship o f such patterns to his­ torical changes in the residential an d h unting g ro u p s o f these societies since E u ro p e a n colo nization b egan som e th ree and o ne-h alf centuries ago. F o r processes o f historical change, I have m a in tain ed elsewhere, in reference to the Ind ian s o f the N o rth w e ste rn High Plains, th a t the distinction betw een p r e ­ c o n ta c t ch ang e an d post-contact change, before 1600 o r after 1800, is a largely spurious distinction.7 O n historic g ro un ds alone, particularly in referen ce to n o rth ern fu r -tr a d e dev elo p ­

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m ents, those m a j o r alterations in cu lture p attern a m o n g Indian p o p u latio n w hich are directly tr aceable to E u ro p e a n influence a p p e a r to be v o lu n ta ry Indian ad aptatio n s to en viron m en tal o r ecological changes ra th e r th an Indian ac c o m m o d a tio n to specific, directed, accu lturativ e changes attribu table to c o n ­ scious E u ro p e a n intervention. Logically, this conclusion is not surprising. As long as we m aintain th a t the social organization, political stru ctu re and ecological relations o f n o rth ern C an a d ia n Indian societies are ex am ples o f simple b u t not e x tra o rd in a ry h u m a n society, then we will also have to m ain tain that, in general, these n o rth ern societies will respond to env ironm ental chan ge (includ ing bio­ logical a n d sociological env iro n m e n ts) in the sam e m a n n e r as d o o th e r h u m a n societies. Logically speaking, then, the p r o ­ cesses o f ch an ge o p eratin g b efo re C o lu m b u s a n d Jacques C a rtie r were still o p eratin g a fte r G en era l C u s te r a n d Batoche. All we c a n m a in ta in in terms o f p re-c o n ta c t/p o st-c o n ta c t d if­ ferences is th a t the env iro n m e n tal conditions, particularly the sociological env iro n m e n tal conditions, becam e so m ew h at m ore oppressive ov er time. T h e similarity o f these processes is a p p a re n t in the history o f the a r g u m e n t o v e r the n a tu re o f the fam ily h un ting territo r­ ies an d the family h un tin g bands that o ccu p y them . F r o m its inception to the present, th e discussion has centered o n such issues as territoriality, private property, g a m e conservation, personality traits, the evolution o f social stru cture, a n d general ecological concerns. T h e arg u m e n t has been pu rsued in refer­ ence to the N o r th e r n O jibw a (S a u lte a u x ) , E astern Cree, M o n ­ tagnais, N ask api, an d o th e r N o rth e a s te rn A lg onquians, a n d it has been ph rased in term s o f m o r e o r less ideal o r norm ative types o f organization. Some, b u t not all, o f these discussions treat either the present m anifest organization fo rm s o r the present geographic picture as essentially static, while others tend to restrict c h an g e processes to diffusion o r a cculturation an d to limit effective traceable variables to eith er artifacts or ab stract units o f observable behavior. T o avoid som e possible pitfalls associated with som e o f the earlier a p p ro a c h e s it is p rop o sed here th a t we look at the family hu ntin g b a n d and its territory fr o m the perspective o f th e large w estern Cree population, a n d to exam ine som e o f th e processes involved, keeping in m ind th a t we m ust so m eh o w explain the C ree m i­ gration to the West. T h e C ree people, taken as an ethnological whole — in itself

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a questionable pro ce d u re - m a y be ch aracterized as hav in g had politically a u to n o m o u s, semi-nomadic__bands o f thirty to one h u n d re d individuals. T hese b a nd s were ambilocal, although post-m arital residence tended to w a rd virilocalityT o r residence w ith the natal g ro u p o f the h usband. D escent was bilateral, al­ th ou g h it m ust be ad m itted th a t the ten d e n c y to w a rd viri­ locality m a y hav e influenced e ffective kin ship ties to w a rd the m ale side o f the c o m m u n ity and th ereby skew ed the bilatcrality o f descent, succession, and inheritance. M a rria g e ten ded to be a m o n g first cousins o r classificatory cousins o f the cross-cousin type. Bands w ere a g am o us in th a t one could m a rry either in­ side o r outside o f the band. Subsistence, p rio r to fur-trad e specialization, was based u p o n hu n tin g^ g ath e ring. an d fishing. Regional env iro nm ental an d ecological variation have m ad e it difficult to establish a firm typology o f social organization an d subsistence econom y. This variation, indeed, is a point of m a jo r im p o rtan ce ab ou t the C re e people: regional, tem p oral, an d geographic considerations indicate a high degree o f v a ria ­ bility in C ree organization an d econom y. D epen ding u pon the ecological niche, the poin t in time, an d th e locale in C a n a d a w h e re a p a rtic u la r g ro u p is fo u n d , local “ types” o f C ree o rg a n ­ ization a re frequ ently postulated. T h is fact has allowed e th n o l­ ogists to distinguish betw een Plains Cree, Bush o r W o o d s Cree, S w a m p y Cree, E astern C ree, a n d o th e r ethnic varieties o f C ree s u c h as Cree-O jibwa, Cree-A ssiniboine, an d so on. In m ak in g these ecological, tem po ra l, an d regional distinc­ tions betw een variou s C ree-sp eakin g po pu lation s the eth n o lo ­ gist has unwittingly obliterated the critical variable th a t influ­ ence the shape o f the society he is studying, an d, u n fortun ate ly , he thereby obscures th e processes by w hich “typical” varieties o f C re e society arise. Ecological co nsid eration s are o f the u t­ m ost im p o rtan ce in d eterm in in g the social a n d econ om ic stru c­ tu r e o f C ree com m u nities. Ecological co nsideratio ns are tied to local p lant-an im al resource c om m un ities (a t both the s u b ­ sistence h un ting a n d gath ering stage an d th e specialized furtr a d e s ta g e ), an d, w ith the highly mobile C ree bands, th ey are tied to specific historical periods a n d to specific localities in C a n a d a . E a c h place h as its o w n p a rticu lar resou rce c o m m u n ity a n d its o w n p a rtic u la r historical relevance. H o w ev er, fr o m th e ecological perspective, there are som e similarities. M o st C ree people live in the “ belt o f sem i-arctic lan d s” m en tio n ed by Wissler. It m a y be described as consisting o f the following:

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R a th e r harsh clim atic con dition s th r o u g h o u t the subarctic have p ro d u c e d relatively simple p lan t a n d a n im al c o m m u n ­ ities w hich are noted fo r th eir fluctuating ch aracter. . . . cycles o c c u r in different areas at different times a n d with different d e m o g ra p h ic peak s an d depressions. . . . th e g am e density o f ‘fam ily te rrito ry ’ sized tracts o f lan d ( a p p r o x i­ m ately 4 0 0 to 4 5 0 sq u a re miles) varies c onsiderably fro m trac t to tract at any o n e tim e a n d on an y one tract over tim e.8 T h is state m e n t applies directly to the region just east o f Jam es Bay to L a b ra d o r, the are a o f the E astern C ree, b u t it m a y also be seen to cha rac terize the ecological niche c o m m o n to the Bush o r W o o d s C ree and the S w am p y C ree o f the West. Thus, a lth o u g h they sh are this “b elt” o r region w h ich exhibits ov er­ all hom ogeneity, each local sem i-n om adic b a n d -c o m m u n ity occupies a so m ew h at u nique local biological c o m m u n ity within this region. T h ese biological com m u nities, in w h ich the C ree as h u m a n p re d a to r m em b e rs w ere subject to the sam e e nv iro n­ m en tal rules as w ere th e o th e r n o n -h u m a n m em bers, w ere “ relatively sim ple” with “ fluctuating c h a r a c t e r ’,’, an d so must have been th e C ree bands o ccup yin g them . T h e te m p o ra l and spatial variability o f these ecological c o m m u n itie s in the C a n a ­ dian Sh ield-m uskeg-bush regions m ay be seen as c on trib u ting to the variability in C ree c u ltu re “ty pe,” eith er in internal co n ­ ditions o r in term s o f geographic distribution o f these “ types.” T h e region o r “ belt” o ccupied by the C re e stretches from L a b r a d o r to the Rockies west o f the n o rth P eac e R iver c ou ntry o f A lberta. G ra n tin g regional an d local diversity a n d granting local fluctuations an d variations not exclusively a ttrib u tab le to h u m a n intervention, the absolute rang e o f variation fo r the region is small. F o re sted w ith spruce, p opla r, pine a n d birch, it is subject to periodic forest fires. It is relatively flat, with n u m e ro u s ponds, sloughs, muskegs, lakes, an d slow-m oving m ean d e rin g stream s. It has specific a n d limited an im al re­ sources. Its seasons a re fo u r: winter, w h ich p redom inates, in­ clu din g all b u t about three m onths a yea r; a brief su m m er; break-up ; a n d freeze-up. W ithin these ra th e r sh a r p limitations im posed b y the e n ­ viron m ent, the set o f subsistence tech niq ues developed f o r one a re a w ould apply, broadly, to any o th e r a re a within the EastW est c o n tin u u m . This a d ap tiv e subsistence technology, o f course, pro vides the m e a n s o r process by w h ich C re e cultu re

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a n d org anizatio n m igrated fr o m east o f Ja m e s Bay to the Rockies, an d h ow it diffused fr o m one A lg o n q u ian g ro u p to an othe r. A gain, neglecting local variation, it indicates th e c o n ­ ditions u n d e r w hich the vario us peoples k n o w n as N askap i, S aulteaux , M ontagnais, a n d oth ers d evelope d th eir locally rele­ v a n t b u t regionally sim ilar fo rm s o f organization w hich could loosely be called “C re e .” W h e n local biotic c om m unities.decline, d u e to over-exploi­ tation b y m an, forest fires, w in ter fish kills, o r o th e r “ n a tu r a l” cycles, the ne x t adjac e nt biotic c o m m u n ity is m u ch like the first, a n d m ay o r m a y not be a lready o ccupie d by a b a n d like o n e ’s ow n. T h u s, “ typical” sem i-no m a dism is likely a built-in ecological organizational req u ire m e n t o f th e sub arctic forest region, as is an agam ous, a m b ilo c a l (te n d in g to w a rd v irilocal), bilateral ban d structure. All o f these ch aracteristics ind ica te a kin d o f “in fo rm ality ” in organization. Sim ilarly, a b a n d m ay survive locally by exploiting differ­ ing en viro n m en tal aspects w ithin th eir fam ily b a n d range. A s en v ir o n m e n ta l clim ax and decline c o m e an d go, not necessarily n o r even likely to be sim u ltan eou s fo r all a nim al a n d plant species, only a drastic general decline w o u ld necessitate m a n ’s m o v in g to the next biotic c o m m u n ity . R ath er, people w ould te n d to shift their em p h as e s fr o m one kin d o f resou rce to a n ­ other. Rogers, f o r exam ple, reco rd s a stead y decline o f caribou, a n up su rg e o f moose, an d cyclical pattern s fo r beaver, hare, a n d specific g a m e birds in th e Mistassini area o f w est-central Q uebec." H e n otes the c o rre sp o n d in g shift in subsistence p a t­ terns, a nd , w itho ut pressing th e poin t greatly, w e can envision like cycles an d long-range changes f o r the w h o le region. T h e basic subsistence “ ty p e” o f a n y p a rtic u la r C re e c u l t u r a l / o rg an ization al “types” will d e p e n d u p o n the influence o f these e n v iro n m en tal factors an d the response to th e m chosen by the p a rtic u la r g ro u p at th a t p o in t in time. R eg ion al an d local ecology, how ever, a re only p a rt o f the p ictu re as regards the cultu ral d ev elo p m en t o f the C ree. T h e C re e as h u m a n p re dators in variou s locales w e re also subject t o c lim a x an d decline. A p rim a ry d e te r m in a n t o f this, following E u r o p e a n invasion in the sixteenth a n d sev enteen th centuries, w as epidem ic disease. Smallpox, alth o ugh directly attribu table to E u ro p e a n intervention, c a n n o t be con sid ered a direct accultu rativ e force. R a th e r, it is bette r th o u g h t o f as ano ther, albeit novel, ecological pressure u p o n th e subarctic- peoples. Bailey notes th a t's m a llp o x b r o k ^ O u t a m o r ig T K e E a s te rn A lgo nq uian s

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as early as 1616. In 1635 it was raging a m o n g the M o nta gn ais in Q uebec. By 1638 it was c a rry in g off large n u m b ers o f the W in n eb a g o an d o th e r grou ps in W isconsin, an d M a n d e lb a u m notes o utb re ak s a m o n g the W e stern C ree an d O jibwa in 1736, 1 7 8 0 -8 2 , 1 8 1 6 - 1 8 . 10 Jenness ascribes the “ decline” o f the C ree to such epidem ics in 1784 an d again in 1838.11 A m ore intensive study o f disease patterns am o n g th e Indians o f C a n a d a w o u ld give us a n o th e r insight into the m ig ration an d adaptive p a ttern s o f the su ba rctic peoples. T h e d estruction o f m a n as a p r e d a t o r w o uld , o f course, influence o th e r ele m ents in local ecological systems, and, as studies o f E u ro p e a n epidemics h av e indicated, the social effects o f plague an d o th e r disease a re b ro a d ra th e r th a n specific. T hu s, disease^is quite probab ly a n o th e r c o n trib u tin g fa c to r in the m ig ration o f C re e people to w a rd the R ockies an d the_Athabasca cou ntry . T h e m o v em e n t west, beg u n in the m id-seventeenth c entury ( 1 6 4 0 - 5 0 ) , reached L a k e W in n ip eg by 1680 an d the Rockies b y 1730. T h e u ltim a te spread o f C ree-sp eakin g peoples to the U p p e r Missouri, the north P eace R iver area, L ak e A tha pasca , etc., c a m e a b o u t th ro u g h these kinds o f ecological, cultural, an d historical processes. E a c h a d v an ce in th e w estw ard m ove­ m ent, each historical chan ge in e n viron m en t, bro ug ht w ith it specific an d potentially influential changes in th e cultural “ ty pology” o f the Cree. H a n d in h and, geography, ecology, an d history have built the C re e ty pe o f socio-cultural o rg a n ­ ization. T h is discussion brings us ba ck to the processes b y w hich h u m a n society evolves an d the relationship o f these processes to the variou s C re e com m unities. H u m a n society, in general, has been th o u g h t o f as progressively increasing in complexity, size, a n d in t e c h n o 'r e ic a l sophistication th r o u g h time. It is a p p aren t, how ever, ihat fo r som e “ m arg in al” societies this evolution has not tak en place. T o so m e social th in k ers the ab sence o f this “ n o r m a l” e v o lu tio na ry tre n d is indicative of som e basic biological o r psychological failing a m o n g the indi­ vidual m em bers o f these m arg inal societies. O th ers have fo u n d m argin al peoples to exhibit socially d egenerative c h a ra c te r­ istics. Still others have fo u n d in th e m the preserved history of h u m a n evolution in isolated exam ple. It ap pe ars th a t n one of these views are necessarily corrcct. A n o th e r look at the C ree situation will illustrate this point. x A s n oted above, the basic building b lock o f th e C re e socio­ cu ltu ral system is the fam ily h u n tin g b an d . D ep en d in g upo n

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th e ir size, these g ro u p s m a d e u p the w hole o r parts o f the semin o m a d ic a g am o us bands o f the Cree. T h e bands them selves w ere co m p osed o f individuals w h o occup ied statuses a n d p e r ­ fo rm ed roles, an d w h o in do ing so behaved in such a way that th e ir c o m m o n and freq uen t activities w ithin the confines o f th e ir g ro up a n d w ithin its biological o r ecological c o m m u n ity are said to have stru ctu re an d to com prise a society. Starting w ith this concept, th e fam ily h u n tin g b and, it is possible to derive the basic org anizin g an d evo lution ary p rin ­ ciple o f C ree society. R ogers surveyed the literature on these b a n d s distributed fr o m L ake W in n ip eg to th e M aritim es.12 H e discovered th a t th ey ran ged in size fr o m tw o to five families an d av erag ed just u n d e r a th o u s a n d sq u a re miles in territory. Hallow ell notes th a t m ost h u n tin g ban d s are sm all, built a ro u n d tw o o r three h u ntin g family h eads.13 In the sm aller setting, tw o families joined tog eth er in so m e kind o f social u n io n (m o s t likely fa th e r an d son, o r tw o b ro th ers residing on the ir father's natal t e r r it o r y ) ; these gro u p s h a d to be e x o g a m ­ ous (given the prevalence o f cross-cousin m a r r ia g e ) . In these sm aller groups, especially a m o n g grou ps o f brothers, all o f the offspring o f the family h eads w ou ld call o n e a n o th e r “ b r o t h e r ” o r “ sister,” as th ey w ere e ith e r siblings o r parallel cousins of one another. O n the o th e r hand, the wives o f the family heads o f this minim al g ro u p w ould co m e fro m o th e r sim ilar groups, an d the olfspring o f these g roups w ould be classified as so m e ­ th in g o th e r th an siblings, m ost likely as cross-cousins. T hus, “ typical” C ree kinship term inology a pp ears to take o n both sociocentric ( o r g eneral sta tu s) characteristics an d the e g o ­ centric ( o r p erso nal status) c h a rc t e r o f m ost kin ship systems. W ith in the family h u n tin g b a n d , such individual statuses as father, m o ther, fa th e r’s b ro th er, fa th e r’s b ro th e r’s wife (o r m o t h e r ’s sister?), bro th er, a n d sister (a n d old b ro th e r o r sis­ t e r ) a re term inologically recognized. In affinally related bands o r a m o n g kinsmen not o f o n e ’s ow n b and, m o t h e r ’s b ro th e r is also father-in-law, m o t h e r ’s b r o t h e r ’s wife ( f a th e r ’s sister?) is also mother-in-law, m o t h e r ’s b ro th e r’s son (m a le sp eak ing ) is also brother-in-law , while m o t h e r ’s b ro th e r’s d a u g h te r (fe m ale sp eakin g) is also sister-in-law. T h e re is o n e te rm w hich collec­ tively identifies all cross-cousins as eith er “poten tial sp o u se” (s w e e th e a rt) o r sibling-in-law. T h u s, alth ou gh the minim al tw o-family h u ntin g ba nd is only o n e building block in the totality o f C re e society, it does indicate the stru c tu r e o f C ree society fro m the perspective of

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kin ship an d m arriag e. T h e C re e illustrate th e principle o r p a t­ tern o f “society-w ide affinal d u a lism ”, 14 a n d as Eggan points ou t, th ey see th e ir kinsm en as being o f tw o types, 1) kinsmen a n d relatives, an d 2 ) affines a n d co gnates.15 T h is kin-m arriageresidential principle o r moiety-like division betw een th e m ini­ m al units o f C ree society m a y be tho ug ht o f as a basic o rg a n ­ izing featu re o r stru ctural principle. A t this level o f socio-cultural evolution, m o st o f the im p o r­ ta n t eco no m ic o r social tasks a re p e rf o rm e d w ithin th e family h u n tin g g rou p by non-specialists, except f o r the stron g dichotom ization betw een m ale an d fem ale roles in the sexual division o f labor. F u rth e rm o r e , we have seen above th a t ecological co n ­ siderations limit the size an d p e rm an en ce o f co o p e ratin g social groups. R ogers indicates th a t th e r e a re six n a m e d seasons fo r the Mistassini C ree : the m id-Ju ne to m id -A ug ust s u m m e r e n c a m p ­ m en t; three seasons o f w in ter hun ting , fro m the beginning of N o v e m b e r to the middle o f M ay; and tw o m o re seasons, one fo r spring travel a n d one fo r fall trav el.10 T hu s, the bulk of C ree time was spent w ithin th e tw o- to five-family hunting g ro u p w hich tends to be org aniz ed on o n e side o f the affinal du alism principle. In o th e r w ords, th e d o m in a n t C re e group w as th e specialized small hu ntin g band, tied intim ately to its e n v iro n m e n t an d organized a ro u n d p are nts an d siblings. It does not rcfiect the totality o f C ree social stru cture, w hich, of course, includes the socio-centric relations to w ard affines and cognates. T h ese w id er a n d m o re extensive o rgan izatio nal patte rns o c ­ c u r in the ab b rev iated s u m m e r e n c a m p m e n t season. E th n o logically speaking, all o f th e n o rth e rn a n d eastern A lgonkians h ad a fo rm o f in-gathering d u rin g this s u m m e r season. D e ­ p en d in g u p o n the area an d the tim e period, th ey con cen tra ted u p o n specific c o m m u n a l subsistence activities (fishing, hunting, gathering, o r h arvesting) a n d c o m m u n a l ritual activities. This s h o r t s u m m e r phase o f the overall org anizatio n em phasized the im p o rta n c e o f the o th e r side o f “ affinal d u a lism ”, th e role o f in-laws an d potential spouses. It c on tain ed the potential for “ high er” ev olu tio nary fo rm s o f tribal organization an d the basic necessity o f the la ter fu r trad e organization, the rend ez­ vous, travel an d e n c a m p m e n t a ro u n d the tr a d e fort, an d the c e re m o n ial exc h a n g e o f E u ro p e a n goods w hich c o m p lem e n ted inform al m ean s o f ex chan ge w ithin the fam ily h u n tin g band. T h is alter-ego side o f the C ree organizational system also p ro ­

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vided f o r th e creation o f tra nsien t sodalities f o r special p u r ­ poses (cu rin g, w arfare, horse-stealing, an d the lik e ). T h ese sodalities, non- residential grou ps larger th a n the fam ily h u n t­ ing band, cou ld also lead to higher fo rm s o f evo lu tion ary organization. T h e y to o w e re restricted to the sh o r t su m m e r e n c a m p m e n t season. T hu s, the w ho le o f C ree b a n d stru ctu re w as predicated u p o n the organization al distinction betw een the family h u nting b a n d an d th e affinal-cognate relations elsewhere. T h e evo lution ary potential o f C ree society as a w ho le d e ­ pe n d ed u pon the relative success o f t h e .i n d iv i d u a l hunting bands, fo r upo n th e m th e hig her o r m o r e co m p lex o rg an iza ­ tions d epen ded . T o the degree th a t the local biological c o m ­ munities th a t they d e pen de d u p o n w ax ed a n d w an ed, these local groups prospered, perished, moved, o r changed. T h e basic processes o f C r e e geographical an d evolu tio nary mobility should be seen as th e co m p le m e n ta ry relationships betw een various ecological pressures u p on t h esfi-small hunting g ro u p s. Q uite obviously th e ir ecological success was mitigated against by their shift to f u r tr a d e d ep en d e n c y an d th e shift to w h a t was essentially a “o n e-c ro p ” ec o n o m y ( h u n tin g f o r fu r in contrast to h u n tin g fo r a variety o f foods a n d too ls). D u e to external factors, such as the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y ’s “sta n d ­ ards o f trad e,” this existence w as not m u ch m o re secure th an th e ea rlier m o d e o f survival. Realistically then, little efTect can be attribu ted to early C ree co nta c t w ith the technologically “su p e rio r” E u r o p e a n cilivilzation. Indeed, the rapid expansion o f the f u r tr a d e d u rin g the seventeenth an d eigh teenth c e n ­ turies is attrib utab le m o re to the ecology o f the C ree th an to the technology o f the civilization th a t s u p p o rted th e H u d ­ so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y o r th e N o r t h W est C o m p a n y . In a very real sense the success o f e co n o m ic enterprises initiated by the technologically sophisticated E u ro p e a n s w as d e p en d en t u p o n th e success o f technologically an d structurally sim ple C ree com m unities, w h o in turn w ere d e p en d en t u p o n the sim ple and cyclical ecological c o m m u n ities o f the s u b arctic forest region. T hu s, the evolution, o r lack o f evolution, o f C ree societies is re lated to three variables o f social, ecological, an d historical significance. T h e small family hunting g ro u p and its p attern of social relations based u p o n “affinal d ualism ,” the ecological necessities in term s o f size an d mobility, an d the limited ex ten ­ sions o f family kin ties is o n e such set o f p hen o m e n a . A n o th e r set has to d o with the n a tu re o f the great subarctic “ belt” an d the m icro -e nv iro nm ents w ithin it, w ith th e cyclical o r changing

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n a tu r e o f resources therein, an d limits im posed u p o n th e a s­ sem bling o f large grou ps o f people by th e seasonal climatic conditions. Finally, the historical processes o f mobility, an e v e rm o re prescriptive relationship betw een e n viron m en t, In ­ dian, a n d fu r tr ader, plus disease as an ecological variable, also h a d th e ir effect upo n the evolution o f the Cree. Regional an d historic kinds o f C re e com m un ities reflect re­ gional an d local ecological an d social processes an d not the rise o r degeneration o f e v olu tio nary o r ethnological types. “ N o r ­ m al” evo lu tion ary c han ge w ould have been quite ab n o rm al a m o n g the sub arc tic Cree. T hu s, form alistic recon struction s of c u ltu re types o r c u ltu re areas are misleading in the extreme. R ath er, we need to develop a view w h ich gives full credit to the simple, tenu ou sly-b alan ced system evolved by the C ree themselves, the system upon w hich the f u r traders a n d o th e r explorers relied for the ir co nq uest o f W estern C a n a d a , th e sys­ tem w hich allowed a sufficient n u m b e r o f C ree to survive to p op u late the villages an d reserves o f the P rairie provinces with 120,000 c o n te m p o ra r y offspring. T h ese offspring retain in m an y ways the basic family b a n d elem ents o f historic C ree social organization.

NOTES 1. “C u lt u re o f the N o r t h A m e ric a n In dian s O c c up yin g the C a rib o u A r e a an d its R elation to O th e r T y p es o f C u ltu re s” ( N a tio n a l A c a d e m y o f S cie n c e P roceedings 1 :1 9 1 4 ) . 2. “ N o r t h A m e ric a n C u ltu re A r e a s ” in R. C. O w en, J. J. F. Deetz and A. D. Fisher, eds., T h e N o rth A m e r ic a n Indians: A S o u rceb o o k (N e w Y o rk , 19 67 ), p. 34. 3. A. L. K ro eb er, C u ltu ra l a n d N a tu ra l A re a s o f N a tiv e N o r th A m e r ic a (U n iv e rsity o f C aliforn ia Publications in A m e r i­ ca n A rch aeo log y an d E thn olog y, 19 39), p. 83. 4. D. Jenness, In d ia n s o f C anada (N a tio n a l M u s e u m o f C a n ­ a d a Bulletin 65, 6th ed., 1 9 6 4 ), p. 277. 5. K ro eb er, op. cit. 6. C anada Y e a r B o o k , 1968, p. 213. 7. “T h e A lg o n q u ian Plains?” ( C h a p te r 14, below.) 8. R. K night, “ A R e-exam ination o f H u n tin g , T ra p p in g and T erritoriality A m o n g the N o rth e a s te rn A lg on kian In d ian s” in A. Leeds an d A. P. V a y d a , eds., M a n , C u ltu re a n d A n i­ m als. (W ash in g to n , 1 9 6 5 ), p. 31.

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9. E. S. Rogers, T h e H u n tin g G ro u p -H u n tin g T errito ry C o m ­ p le x A m o n g th e M istassin i In d ia n s (N atio n al M u s e u m o f C a n a d a Bulletin 195, 1 9 6 3 ), p. 34. 10. A. G . Bailey, T h e C o nflict o f E u ro p ea n a n d E a stern A l­ g o n kia n C u ltu res 15 0 4 -1 7 0 0 (St. J o h n , 1 9 3 7 ), pp. 7 7 - 8 ; G. T. H u n t, T h e W a rs o f th e Iroquois: A S tu d y o f In ter­ tribal T ra d e R ela tio n s (W isconsin, 19 40 ), pp. 1 1 9 -2 0 ; D. G. M a n d e lb a u m , T h e P lains C ree ( A m e r ic a n M u s eu m o f N a tu r a l H istory, A nth ro po log ical P a p e rs 37 ( 2 ) : 1 94 0), p. 186. 11. O p. cit., p. 284. 12. O p. cit., p. 57. 13. A. J. Hallowell, “T h e Size o f A lg o n k ian H u n tin g T e r r i­ tories: A F u n c tio n o f Ecological A d ju s tm e n t” ( A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 5 1 : 1 9 4 9 ) , p. 41. 14. E. R. Service, P rim itive S o cia l O rganization: A n E v o lu tio n ­ ary P erspective (N e w Y ork, 19 62), pp. 7 8 -9 . 15. F . E ggan, T h e A m e r ic a n In d ia n : P ersp ectives fo r th e S tu d y o f Social C hange (C hicag o, 1 966 ), p. 87. 16. O p. cit., p. 47.

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10

Variation and Continuity in Kutchin Society

R ich ard Slobodin so u r c e

:

Richard Slobodin, “Recurrent Variation in Kutchin So­ ciety,” in B and Organization o f the Peel R iver Kutchin (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, Bull. no. 179, 1962). Reprinted by permission o f the author and pub­ lisher.

R ecurrent Variation Seasons Physical mobility an d o p p o rtu n is m in social co m b in atio n are, to the K u tch in , e con om ic necessities w h ich have long been values in them selves. T h e Peel R iv er people c o m b in e a n d re ­ c o m b in e into gro u p s o f vario us sizes an d functions a n d of va rying stability. T h e fam ily is th e m ost stable o f Peel R iv er groupings. B an d identity is also a con tinu ing p h e n o m e n o n : fam ily an d b a n d c o ntinu e in being, even w h e n th eir m em b ers a re scattered. T h is is less true, o r not at all tru e, o f th e s tru c ­ tu re s o f in term ed iate size, w hich form , b re a k up, and re-form . T h e local gro up, w h ich m a y e n d u re fo r a generation, com es closest o f all the e x trafam ilial groupings to the co n tin u in g exis­ tence o f the fam ily a n d the band. T h r o u g h o u t k n o w n Peel R iv er history, the s u m m e r o r o pen w a te r season has been cha racteriz ed by the existence o f th e larg er c o m b ina tion s: the fish c a m p for subsistence activity an d the tribal assembly fo r cerem onial. T radin g, at times a s u m m e r activity, was fo rm erly u n d e rta k e n in a large grouping. T h is is n o t to say th a t everyone rem ain ed in large g roups all s u m m e r witness the gold-rush an d m u s k r a t eras and , f o r th a t m atter, the raiding parties o f p ro to -c o n ta ct and early c o n ta c t times. H ow ever, m ost s u m m e r g ro u p activities have o c c u rr e d in the 140

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larg er groupings; put negatively, the p aired fam ily a n d the tr a p p in g p a rty a re not characteristic o f the sum m er, an d nei­ th er, except for sh ort periods, is the isolated n u clear family. T h e w in ter situation is m o r e com plex, d ep e n d in g u p o n the interplay o f several ecological and e c o n o m ic factors. T h e gen­ eralization m a y be m a d e here th a t since the accep tan ce o f the E u ro -C a n a d i a n fu r trade, the m e at c a m p ty pe o f the large g ro u p exists w h ere subsistence activity is o f p rim a ry im p o r­ tance, o f the sm all g ro u p w h ere subsistence a n d extractive activities a re o f a b o u t eq u a l im p ortan ce, a n d o f the fam ily and p aired family w h ere extractive activity is stressed. F a u n a l C ycles T h e activities an d pop ulation distribution o f a people w h o are h unters, trap p ers, an d fisherm en are in large p art dete rm ine d by faunal pop ulation cycles an d m igration, by limits and c h an ges in hunting, trapp ing , fishing, a n d tra n sp o rt technology, a n d by variations in the eco n o m y ; e.g., in the types o f fa u n a eco no m ically im p o rtan t. , T h e m ost im p o rta n t ty pe o f fa u n a in Peel R iv er life has b een a n d is the caribou. E ven now, deeply involved as th ey are in m u s k ra t h u n tin g a n d in w orld-w ide tr a d e conditions, the people find it difficult to im agine life w ith o u t caribou. Indeed, the exterm in atio n o r p e rm a n e n t w ithd raw al o f this an im al fro m the Peel R iv er hab itat w ould affect the c u ltu re m o r e th a n any c irc u m sta n c e k n o w n in Peel R iv er his tory so far. T h e Peel R iver hab itat includes several v arian t migration routes o f the W estern W o o d la n d caribou. In the late sum m e r, these anim als m o v e n o rth w a r d from the cen tral Y u k o n T e r r i­ to r y alo ng th e western slopes o f the C o rdillera, seeking the rela­ tively m ild er clim ate a n d lighter sno w cov er o f the A rctic Coast. As the C ordillera dim inish in altitude tow a rd th e south, they are freq u en tly crossed by substantial n u m b e r s o f caribou in the subarctice Ogilvie M ountains. U n lik e the b a rre n -g ro u n d caribou, w hich, as o f 1947, far o u tn u m b e re d th e m , the Y u k o n carib ou , as th ey a re som etim es called, d o not m igrate in im m ense n u m b ers along r a th e r p re ­ dictable routes. T o the Peel R iver people th ey a re anim als of the hills, usually the lower hills; in the low b u t rugged uplands o f th e Peel R iver co u n try , th e c aribou popu lation is b ro k e n into herds o f no larger than tw o th o u s a n d head, w h ich m ay be lo oked fo r an yw h ere. T h e location, size, an d rate o f travel o f these herds dep en d upon su c h factors as atm o sp h e ric tem p era-

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M a p 5. P e e l R iv e r d r a in a g e a n d e n v iro n s

ture, snow percipitation, state o f fodder, an d insect a n d w olf populations. M oo se are indigenous to the Peel R iver hab itat, alth ou gh in sm aller n u m b e r s th an fo un d in w o o d lan d regions im m ediately to the south. T h e y are associated principally w ith bottom -lands, lakes, an d streams, living alone o r in small fam ily groups. A s m e a t anim als th ey a re replaced in the highest parts o f the R ich ard son s an d Ogilvies by the m o u n tain sheep. M oo se and sheep a re e q u ate d by K u tc h in hu nters in difficulty o f pursuit; very difficult u n d e r certain c ircum stances, relatively easy u n d e r others. C a rib o u are con sid ered easy to a p p ro a c h , except in e x tre m e cold; the difficulty with th e m in so m e y ears is in finding th e herds.

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T h e sm aller anim als w h ich are so ug ht fo r food a n d fu r have closely in terrelated population cycle s.1 T h e Peel River peo ple are well aw are o f the existence o f popu latio n cycles a m o n g anim als, a n d o f so m e o f the interrelations. T h e y have observed th a t a great increase in rodents, especially snowshoe rabbits, mice, voles, an d shrews, is followed a fte r a y e a r by an increase in carnivores, including those in w hich they are eco­ nomically interested. T h ey also know th a t soon a fte r the p o p u ­ lation peak fo r e a c h species h as been reached, there is a m ark ed increase in disease an d m alnu tritio n within the species, fol­ lowed by a decline in population. T h e K u tc h in a re also aw are o f a n n u a l subcycles. O f g re at­ est im po rta nce at present is the yearly m u s k ra t cycle. Im p o rta n t riverine fishing, d epen den t, like carib ou hunting, o n a n n u a l fau nal m igration, occurs at the m o u th o f affluents an d at ‘‘fish eddies.” C o n tin u al chan ge in the geo m o rp ho lo gy o f w atercou rses results in occasional shifting o f fav ou rab le fishing sites. T h e people are aw a re o f such fluctuations but h av e no m eans o f e xplaining o r predicting them. T h e h un tin g o f m igratin g w aterfowl, w hich arrive in g reat n u m b ers in the late spring, has in recent decades gained in im ­ p ortan ce w ith the popu latio n shift to w a rd the lower Peel.

N on-R ecurrent (H istoric) Variation T ech n o lo g y B reech-loading rifles b ec am e c o m m o n in Peel R iver culture d u rin g the gold-rush period. P rior to that, a few families owned muzzle-loaders. T h ese were not very effective, if w e can believe statem ents o f elderly in f o rm a n ts that the b o w an d a rr o w were p referred by m a n y until the ad ven t o f b reech-loading firearms. I t is p ro b ab le th a t firearm s m a y be dis co un ted fo r most nin eteen th ce n tu r y hunting. Large-scale h un tin g o f carib o u was by m eans o f th e s u rro u n d , an enterp rise o f the large band. S u rr o u n d s existed in m an y p arts o f the Peel River ha bita t above timberline, an d it is said th a t Peel River, P o rc up ine River, and C r o w R iver K u tc h in used ea c h other's su r ro u n d s unrestrictedly. P ro b a b ly A rctic R ed River K u tc h in were also involved in this exch ang e o f perm itted use. In the days w h en fur tr a p p in g for tr a d e was o f decidedly se c o n d a ry im po rtan ce, the large g ro u p was characteristic d u rin g w inters w hen carib o u w ere plentiful in large herds.

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W h e n c aribou w ere plentiful but were scattered widely, there was n o technological a d v a n ta g e in the large g rou p; rather, a sm all mobile unit was req uired. F am ilies w ere scattered, in­ dividually an d in pairs, h u ntin g caribo u, moose, a n d sheep. T h e small a n d large g ro u p s th a t did exist sent o u t h un ting parties continually. W h e n carib o u w ere scarce, the mobile sm all g rou p, later to b e c o m e the tr a p p in g party, w as the ch aracteristic w in ter resi­ d en ce unit. G e nera lly in p ro to -c o n ta ct times an d d u rin g the “O ld D ays,” the m obile small g ro u p was associate d w ith hard times, sh ort o f dire em erg ency o r o utrigh t fam ine. T h is unit co m bin ed mobility with the m u tu a l su p p o r t o f a m em b ership large en o u g h to diversify activities in som e degree, th a t is, to scout widely, to set o u t snares wholesale f o r rabbits, an d to e n ­ circle su c h gam e as w as sighted, im proving the chan ces o f a successful hunt. It is related th a t on o n e occasion d u rin g a period o f hardship, a single carib o u was encircled by eight or ten hunters, so urg ent was the need th a t it sho uld not get away. A s has been pointed out, w hen conditions were desperate th ere was a tendency fo r the people to d r a w together, fo rm ing large gro u p s o r a b a n d assembly. Always, it seem s there were a very few families w h o d eclined to face starv atio n w ith the m ajority; on so m e occasions, if tradition is to be credited, it was these people w ho found g a m e and so saved the others. S u m m e r residence th ro u g h o u t most of the nineteenth c e n ­ tury was a t fishing sites along the m ajo r rivers o f the u p p e r Peel basin, in large groupings. O p eratio n o f the types o f fish traps th en used required c o m m u n a l effort; on the o th e r h an d , the large an d fairly d ep en d ab le food supply provided by fishing perm itted those no n-econ om ic activities —c erem o nial and gam es - most characteristic o f the s u m m e r gatherings. F a m i­ lies living individually in the s u m m e r w ere so u n c o m m o n as to in c u r suspicion o f being o r b eco m in g “ bush peo ple”.2 T h e last q u a rt e r o f the nineteen th cen tu ry witnessed the grow ing im po rta nce o f f u r tr a p p in g an d also ihe s ta n d a rd iz a ­ tion o f w in ter travel by d og -team a n d to b og gan , w h ich th e r e ­ to fo re ha d been exceptional. T hese tw o dev elo pm ents a re re­ lated, since ev eryw h ere in the n o rth the d og -team is a tool o f the tra p p e r, and its use has sp re a d w ith the expansion o f the E u ro p e a n fur trade. T h e effect o f the d og -team on the m o d e r n society, as fa r as u prive r tr a p p in g is co ncerned , is to e nc ou rag e a te nd enc y tow a rd dispersion o f social units. T h e breech-loading rifle has also had a centrifugal effect;

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witness the fact th a t d u ring th e K lo nd ike period, w hen caribou h u n tin g w as the m a jor w in te r activity, large groups were fo rm ed d u rin g o nly tw o winters. T h e m ost im p o rta n t technological changes in subsistence activities d u rin g the m u skrat period have been related to su m ­ m e r activities. A ltho ug h netting-tw ine a n d the te chn iqu e o f net-tying h a d been kn ow n since the la ter nin eteenth century, fishing with nets was n o t im p o rta n t d u rin g the K lo n d ik e p e r­ iod. D u rin g the m u s k ra t period, nets, most o f th e m im p o rted r a th e r than ho m e-m ad e, have perm itted som e dispersal o f population in th e s u m m e r. H owever, the large local g ro u p r e ­ mains characteristic for s u m m e r fishing, because the best fish­ ing sites are limited in n u m b e r a n d area, and also because s u m m e r continues to be the season fo r m a jo r g ro u p recreation an d leisure activity. C h an g e in fishing technology has m arkedly re d u ce d the fu nction an d a u th o rity o f the fish-camp leader. E c o n o m ies o f T a n g en t C u ltu res In a sense, the technological changes m en tion ed ab ov e may be su b s u m e d u n d e r this head, since th ey occu rred in Peel River c u ltu re partially at the stim u lus o f the E u ro -C a n a d ia n fu r trade. H ow ever, the referen ce here is not to artifacts an d te c h ­ niques, but to events an d situ ations arising fr o m the c o n fr o n ta ­ tion o f Peel R iver eco n o m y w ith those o f o th e r peoples. In p ro to -co nta ct times the im p o rta n c e o f the larger social units was e n h a n c e d by influences fro m the west a n d southwest. A s has been noted, the sib system, w ealth -rank ing , a n d trade leadership as a social role a p p e a r to have diffused fr o m that sector. In Peel R iver society, all o f these a re associated with th e larg er groupings. In relation to the M ack en zie E sk im o , the pro to -co nta ct Peel R iver people behaved in a m a n n e r in term ediate betw een th a t o f the A th a p a s k a n s east o f the M ack enzie a n d those on the Y u k o n . Like th e B a rre n G ro u n d s Indians, they avoided residence in c o u n tr y subject to E sk im o incursion; like the Y u k o n peoples, th ey regularly raid ed th e Eskim o. T h e esta blish m en t o f the E u ro p e a n f u r tra de tem porarily intensified E sk im o - Peel R iv er hostility, a n d yet at th e sam e time in a u g u ra te d an o rie n tatio n o f the Peel R iver people to ­ w a rd the M ack en zie fo r trad e. T h e w in ter ha bita t o f the band rem ain ed u n c ha nge d. S u m m e r activity n o w included m ove­ m e n t d o w n riv er as a b a n d for a trad in g visit, at first b rief but lengthening in the co urse o f th e n in etee nth century.

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If a few recorded exam ples m a y be con sidered c h a ra c te r­ istic. th e acquisition by som e leading tra p p ers o f m u zzle-lo ad­ ing rifles an d o th e r novel artifacts reinforced th eir status as sm all g ro u p leaders an d en c o u ra g e d the existence o f small gro ups se p a ra te fr o m large aggregations. C on ve rgin g to w a rd this effect w ere m issionary activity an d the pressure o f the tra ders fo r fur, since f u r trapp in g , at least in the E u ro -C a n a d ian trade, has everyw h ere been a function o f sm aller ra th e r th a n larg er social units. Beaver w as the m ost im p o rta n t fu r until the last d ec ade o f the nineteen th century, a n d the tr a p p in g o f b e a v e r here, as in n ortheastern N o r th A m e ric a , was c h a ra c ­ teristically a sm all-group activity.3 T h e gold rush had an effect on the society that was even m o re p aradoxical th an that o f the establishm ent o f th e E u ro C an a d ia n fu r trade. O n the o n e h and, the b and was reoriented tow ard the Y u k o n an d b rou gh t into a close c o n ta c t with o th e r peoples w h ich reinforced sib functions, the prerogatives o f w ealth-ranking, an d the im p o rtan ce o f public c o m m u n ity rit­ ual; on the other, the people gain ed intim ate experience of W estern Civilization in the ra m p a n tly individualistic an d in­ deed a n a rch ic fo rm o f a gold-rush an d fro ntie r boom. As, d uring the gold rush, th ere was no w in ter activity m ore profitable than hunting, and as the mining locations w ere within easy reach o f the traditional Peel River h unting grounds, h un ting in the m o un tain s co ntin u ed as the principal w inter o ccup ation . H owever, d uring the gold-rush winters, th ere was a c o n stan t m ov em en t o f individuals, small parties, an d families betw een centres o f W h ite pop ulation an d the h u ntin g region. T h e r e w as ra th e r high physical mobility in the s u m m e r also, especially for the y o u n g m en engaged in a variety o f novel em ploym ents. H ow ever, the large-scale s u m m e r fishing o n the Y uk on, an d the attra ctio n, indeed the obligations, o f public cerem o nial in the co m p a n y o f Y u k o n people gave tribal and large-b and assemblages a co ntinu ed im portance. T h e rise o f m u s k ra t prices, w h ich has cha racteriz ed the m u s k ra t period, has involved a reorientation tow ard the M a c ­ kenzie m u c h m ore p ro fo u n d in effect th an th a t o f the “ Old D ay s.” In the Peel R iver e co no m y, m u s k ra t h un ting itself i:a n activity for families, p aired families, a n d sm all parties o f individuals d etach ed from their families. T h e steady increase th ro u g h o u t the 1920’s a n d ’3 0 ’s in the d ep en d en ce o f Peel R iv er ec o n o m y upo n the m u skrat, a ccentu ated by a scarcity o f c a ri­ bo u d u rin g those years, so restricted the interests an d m ove­

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m e n t o f th e people to th e lower Peel an d the Delta that, for m an y, the Ogilvies a n d so u th e rn R ich ard son s were n o longer p art o f the h o m e territory. O nly u n d e r the special conditions o f W o rld W a r If did a large p ro po rtio n o f the b a n d venture again into the u p p e r Peel drainage, the “ m a rte n c o u n tr y .” Such a ven tu re has been, alm ost o f necessity, in small groups, since, b y now, a m ino rity o f th e active trapp ers have ex perien ce of the “ m a rte n c o u n tr y ” an d o f m arten hunting. As it w as neces­ s ary for th e y o u n g e r m en to go u p riv e r u n d e r the g uid an ce of e xperienced m en, groups w ere form ed, like Willie L a k e ’s, and in the sam e way. T hese m en did not go in an all-m ale hunting party, because tr a p p in g is very seldom c arried o u t by such a grouping. T h e y d id not go in a large g rou p, because th e large g ro u p in m o d e r n times is not mobile. Its rate o f mobility in earlier times w ould n o t suit the pace o f m o d ern life, w hich, at som e remove, aflfects K u tc h in as well as Whites.

E cologic-E con om ic Factors in M odern P eel R iver G rouping T h e effect o f carib o u m ig ration in m o d e r n Peel R iv er life has been modified by the d o w n riv e r o rientation o f the eco n o m y a n d its integration, m o re direct that heretofore, w ith w orld m a r k e t conditions. T h us, an a b u n d a n c e o f carib ou in the Ogil­ vies, w hich a re situated in the traditional Peel R iver habitat but f a r fr o m th e M ac ken zie Delta, is not exploited n ow unless the fu r cycle an d fu r prices are p ropitious for u priver trapping. T h e relationship b etw ee n th e o c c u rr e n c e o f c arib ou , the po p u latio n cycle o f m a r te n as the m ost im p o rta n t fine f u r at present, the price o f fine fur, a n d the p rev ale n t types o f w inter grou p in g m a y be schem atically represented. T h e pop ulation cycle o f m u s k ra t and the fluctuation o f m u s k ra t prices need n o t be considered, since th e necessity to h u n t m u s k r a t in ten­ sively th r o u g h o u t the rattin g season is a c o n stan t fo r all but a very few Peel R iver families. E c o lo g ic-E co n o m ic F acto rs C a rib o u a b u n d a n t n e a r n o rth e rn R ic hardso ns (lower Peel); f u r prices high; m a r te n plentiful. C a rib o u in Ogilvies an d so u th ern R ich ard son s; f u r prices high; m a r te n plentiful. C a rib o u in n o rth e rn R ich ard son s; f u r prices m e d iu m to low; m a r te n plentiful.

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C a rib o u widely scattered o r scarce t h r o u g h o u t b a n d ha b i­ tat. F u r prices low. M arten pop ulation cycle does n o t a p ­ preciably affect this situation. D em o g ra p h y a n d G ro u p in g U n stab le large groups in no rth ern R ichardso ns; m an y single a n d paired families in u p p e r Peel dra in ag e ; m u c h travel betw een large b and s and tr a p p in g families. M a n y small g ro u p s upriver. M u c h travel. O n e o r tw o large gro up s d o w n riv e r all w inter; ab o u t tw enty families o r pairs o f trap pers upriver. O v e r h alf o f b and at F o rt M c P h erso n , A klavik, an d in large g ro up at m o u th o f Peel, subsisting on g o v e rn m e n t relief. Families, paired families, an d male h u n tin g parties scat­ tered in n o rth ern Richardsons. A very few trap p ers upriver. Little travel.

C ontinuity In the fav ou rab le conditions d u rin g an d just a fte r W o rld W a r II, w h e n f u r prices w ere high a n d fu r relatively plentiful, a significant p ro p o rtio n o f the b a n d sh ow ed willingness and ability to travel an d live in the m o u n ta in o u s u p riv er subregion o f the Peel drainage. T h ey thus, it might be said, “ kept u p the fran ch ise” on this p a rt o f the h abitat —into w hich, in a n y case, no o n e else had m oved. It m ay th e re fo re be m ain tained th a t the Peel R iver K u tc h in have occu p ie d virtually the s a m e ov er­ all habitat d u ring th eir k no w n history. T h e r e is every reason to suppose that the Peel River c o m m u n ity is a c o ntin u atio n of o n e w hich h ad occupied the region fo r m an y generations. A n o th e r persistent fa c to r in Peel R iver life is the d ep e n ­ dence u p o n h u n tin g —the co ntin u atio n o f the dangers, the pleasures, the hardships, an d th e satisfactions o f the chase. N o t only is the hab itat still theirs, but its n atu re has not ch an g ed drastically. T h e anim als are still here: the caribou, with w h o m long ago the people ex changed p art o f th e ir spirit:, so th a t even now the people k n o w how it goes w ith the caribou, a n d the caribou, how it goes w ith the people; the mighty moose, a n d the bear, wiser th an m an; also the little anim als an d birds, steeped in myth. H e re are Weasel and M ink, w h o betrayed their wicked mistress, M in k W o m a n ; C ro w a n d Jokester; the fateful O wl; sh a rp -fac ed W olverine, w h o m the c u ltu re hero

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cou ld o u t-d o b u t not s u b d u e ; and P ta rm ig a n , w h o m o n e can h e a r in the spring, fro m the to p o f a bush, telling o f D a w n Girl. T h e y are all there still, o n every side. T ra p p in g fo r the E u ro -C a n a d ia n f u r tr a d e has certainly in­ au g u ra te d a series o f changes, still continuing, in Peel River culture, b u t w hen one considers the c ha ng es th a t h av e o ccu rre d in m a n y cu ltures d u ring the past century, those affecting the Peel R iv er K u tc h in do n o t seem o verw helm ing. T ra p p in g is a fo r m o f h un ting ; it involves a know ledge o f and a de pen den ce u p o n th e fau n a. T h e sam e types o f tra n sp o rt a re used as in hunting, an d while these to o h av e changed, th ey have n o t been revolutionized. T h e airplan e is the really new elem ent in n o rth ­ ern C a n a d ia n tran sp ort. T h e K utchin , like the E skim o, have ta k e n to th eir hearts the a irp la n e a n d the bush pilot - th e m an w h o flies no nsched uled c h a rte re d flights an y w h e re in the north co untry, settling his light p lan e do w n o n floats o r skis. A ir travel is n o w as m u c h a p a rt o f th eir c u ltu re as it is o f W estern Civilization. It does not, how ever, a p p e a r so far to have p ro ­ fo und ly ch a n g ed an yth ing a m o n g th e Peel R iver K u tch in . O n e m a y pile o n e ’s dogs, to b og gan , a n d outfit into a N o rs e m a n a n d be flown in to a lake fo r trapping, o r m ake a quick trip do w n to A klavik, b u t daily life is relatively unaffected by this. Only, it is true, th e a irp lan e h as facilitated, for those w h o are able to ta k e a dv anta ge o f it, the process o f “getting a h e a d ” o f the local traders. Peel R iv e r social his tory to d a te has b een ch aracterized m o r e by continuity, o r by variations a ro u n d long-established n orm s, th a n b y drastic change. T h e conditions o f c u ltu re co n ­ ta c t d u rin g th e last cen tu ry o r so a n d th e effect o f th a t con tac t h av e been s u c h as to pe rm it the c o n tin u ed op era tion o f w hat m a y be te rm e d the principles o f Peel R iv er social organization. T h e se perm issive co nd itio ns are here listed: 1. R eten tio n b y the tribe o f its p re-co ntact habitat. 2. A b sen ce o f im p o rta n t c h a n g e in the n a tu r a l env iron m ent. 3. T h e policy o f the N o r t h A m e r i c a n f u r trade, an d esp e­ cially o f the m o n o p o ly f u r trade, in limiting th e extent and direction o f c u ltu re change. 4. T h e sim ilarity betw een subsistence activities an d c o m ­ m ercial trapping. 5. T h e p re-co n tact a d ju s tm en t o f the society to tr a d e in w h ic h the Peel R iver peo ple w e re in a su bo rd inate position.

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6. T h e steady b u t relatively low rate o f im m igratio n b y n o n ­ tribesm en, Indian, E skim o, a n d W hite, except for the brief an d ep h e m e ra l gold-rush influx. 7. T h e relatively n o n -tra u m a tic n a tu re o f m ost co ntac t with Whites, an d especially w ith the gold-seekers, w h o had the greatest potential f o r d isruption o f the culture. 8. T h e establishm ent o f fron tier towns, such as Dawson, F o rt Y u k o n , an d A klavik, o n the periph ery o f the Peel R iver habitat, b u t not w ithin it. 9. T h e e n d u rin g influence o f several ou ts ta n d in g a n d longlived personages, such as “ Small N ipples,” A rc h d ea co n M a c D o n a ld , J o h n Firth, an d Julius M artin. M o r e speculative in its cflect is that accident o f history th a t b ro u g h t the E u ro -C a n a d ia n f u r tra de to the b and fro m the M ackenzie, ra th e r th an from the Y u k o n , w h en ce it m ight have co m e .4 If it had c o m e from the Y u k o n , the b a n d w ould p r o b ­ ably have been p erm an en tly involved in the m iddle Y u k o n region. It is unlikely th a t the Peel River peo ple co uld have th en escaped the cultu ral disruption a n d d em o ralization which have ch aracterized m iddle Y u k o n c om m un ities since the gold rush. C u ltu re c o n ta c t has thus far failed to stim ulate o r to force drastic ch ang e in the Peel River social order. T h e m ost g e n eral­ ized pa ttern s o f a d ju s tm e n t in this society a p p e a r to have varied within n arro w limits th r o u g h o u t the k no w n history o f the Peel River people. E xpressed as sen tim ents and values, they m a y be s u m m arize d as follows: 1. H igh valuation o f individual co m p ete n c e in subsistence activity. 2. E g alitarian ism : the range o f all ranking, fro m lowest to highest, is small as rated o n a scale o f h u m a n societies. M oreover, there is very little ascription o f ran k e d status, an d even that m ust be v alidated by personal ac com plish ­ ment. 3. Related to ( 2 ) , b u t not the sam e, is the high valuation o f physical an d o f social mobility, w h ich are linked emotionally. 4. Balancing ( 2 ) an d ( 3 ) is the need to associate as closely a s possible with persons o f relatively high status. T h e re a re tw o p a tte rn s o f a d ju s tm en t w h ich have not been explicitly discussed in this study. T h e first is p erhap s obvious:

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5. Im p o rta n c e o f gro u p m em b ersh ip an d participation as sources o f identity a n d security. T h e other, w h ich in Peel R iver c u ltu re is the converse o f the foregoing, is not obvious, b u t it will be recognized by any one fam iliar w ith h u n tin g peoples o f the n o rth : f e a r o f solitude and o f th e solitary.

NOTES 1. C harles S. E lto n, A n im a l E co lo g y (L o n d o n , 1 9 2 7 ); A n im a l E co lo g y a n d E v o lu tio n (L o n d o n , 1 9 3 0 ); V oles, M ic e and L e m m in g s: P ro b lem s in P o p u la tio n D y n a m ics (O x ford, 19 42 ). 2. See R ich ard Slobodin, “S o m e social functions o f K utc hin anxiety” ( A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 6 2 : 1 9 6 0 ) , p. 127. 3. F ra n k Speck a n d L o re n Eiseley, “ M on tag nais-N ask api bands a n d fam ily h u n tin g district o f the C entral an d S ou th­ eastern L a b ra d o r P en n in s u la” ( P roceedings A m e ric a n P hilosophical S o ciety 8 5 : 1 9 4 2 ) , pp. 238, 24 1; Ju lia n H. Stew ard, “T h e eco no m ic basis o f primitive b a n d s” in Essays in A n th ro p o lo g y P resen ted to A . L . K ro e b e r (Berkeley, 1 9 3 6 ), p. 146; also see S p eck ’s essay in this volum e. 4. See A. A. G oldenw eiser, “H istory, psychology a n d cu lture: a set o f categories fo r a n in tro du ctio n to social science” ( / . O f P hil., P sychol, a n d Sci. M e th o d s, 1 5 :1 9 1 8 ) , pp. 21— 22.

5

11 The Squatter on the Resource Frontier* Richard G . Bucksar

so u r ce

:

Richard G. Bucksar, “The Squatter on the Resource Fron­ t i e r , A rctic, vol. 23, no. 3 (1970). Reprinted by permis­ sion of the author and publisher.

Introduction Beyond the agricultural fringe in W estern C a n a d a an d on the Shield in the east is the area at present te rm e d the “ reso urce fron tier.” T h e settlement p attern consists o f m a n y isolated towns, w hich a re single-enterprise o r single-resource c o m m u n ­ ities. T hese n o rth e rn c o m m u n ities have been experiencing rapid gro w th d u rin g the past tw o decades a n d seem to be particularly v u ln erab le to sq u a ttin g and squatters. U n f o r t u ­ nately, the seasonal e m p lo y m e n t available th ro u g h o u t m u c h of the N o rth serves to attract n u m e ro u s E u ro -C a n a d ia n s a n d n a ­ tive peoples. W ith o u t a d e q u ate housing being available to them , th ey are virtually " f o r c e d ” to sq u a t a n d th e n a re viewed by the m ainstream o f society as being ba ckw a rd , parasitic, o r both. Sq uatting has alw ays been a p art o f fron tier settlement. As a result o f the g ro w th o f sq u attin g in the developing p arts of the world, n u m e ro u s social, eco no m ic, physical, an d political prob lem s have arisen. T h e few available studies o f sq uatting in C a n a d a w ould seem to indicate th a t the a p p a re n t costs involved a re very high. D ev elo p m e n t p ro g ra m s have h ad to be p ost­ po ned ; bitte r enmities have arisen betw een the squ atte rs an d *This paper originally appeared in a research report by the Cana­ dian Reasearch Centre for Anthropology entitled The People O ut­ side. This research project on squatters, shack-town dwellers, and others was funded by the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research. The project was directed by Professor James I.otz. The author wishes to express appreciation to the c c u r r , James Lotz, and the Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology. 152

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th e go v e rn m en t; costs o f m unicipal operatio ns have been in­ creased o w nin g to the pressures o f uncon tro lled fringe settle­ ments; the d an gers to n atu ra l resources have increased because o f forest fires, poaching, pollution, etc.; an d costs o f school o pera tio n have increased d u e to the scattered location of squatters. T h e se prob lem s h av e g row n in m ag n itu d e an d have caused serious difficulty fo r the following reasons: 1) T h e lack o f co ntrol o v e r the erection o f stru c tu r e s on public o r p riv ate lands in the provinces an d territories; 2 ) T h e conflict o f un reg ulated settlem ent w ith th e prin­ ciples o f so u n d c o m m u n ity planning, related to hygiene, sanitation an d vario us public an d social services; 3 ) L a c k o f detailed in fo rm a tio n on squatters, their origin, nu m b e rs, location, attitudes to w a rd s relocation, etc.; 4 ) Insufficient know ledge being available on the techniques o f h a n d lin g squatters in a m a n n e r satisfactory to the individuals c o n c ern ed a n d to the public interest.1 R easons for Squatting A reas to th e sou th ex perien ce th e sam e ty pe o f problem s; h o w ­ ever, th ere a re g reat differences in e co n o m ic m a g n itu d e b e ­ tw een the tw o areas. T h e so u th a n d th e agricultural areas have be en m o r e o f a “ little m a n ’s fro n tie r.” In the no rth the fro n tie r h as alw ays been a big-company, co rpo rate, o r fe deral-fron tier.- T h e isolation o f m a n y such c o m m u n itie s leads to w h at m ight be te r m e d incipient u rb a n iz a ­ tion by b o th w h ite transients a n d native peoples. N e ith e r g rou p wishes to c o m m it itself to e ith e r p e rm a n e n t residence o r p er­ m a n e n t e m ploy m en t. A. L ain g has told us th a t “th e In d ian population is rising rapidly” an d “th a t it is a p p a re n t th a t the reserves c a n n o t su p ­ p ort the In d ian people” .3 F r o m this we ca n assum e th a t there is an d will be a te nd enc y f o r the native peoples to cluster a r o u n d the new settlements. Su ch settlem en t is difficult f o r all co ncern ed. W ith o u t ad e q u a te financial su pp ort, th e general tend enc y is to seek te m p o ra r y e m p lo y m e n t an d to build a te m ­ p o ra ry house on the periph ery o f the townsite. T h e ir c o m m it­ m e n t to e m p lo y m e n t is usually not perm an en t. N o t bein g ac­ c u sto m e d to job w o rk , th ey beco m e disillusioned, quit their jobs and are k n o w n as p o o r jo b risks.4

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If th ey do co m plete their labours, th ey stay in to w n, no longer wishing to go back to the old way-of-life, o r p erhaps being u n able to do so; yet because o f their lack o f accultu ratio n, th ey a re u nab le to survive in the social and econo m ic w o rld to the south. T h e alternative is to rem a in as a s q u atter an d at­ tem p t to d ra w so m e fo rm o f relief. This is not to say, however, th a t it is im possible to rem ov e oneself fro m th e sq u a tte r areas a n d seek c hange.5 T h e y can m ove if the m o ney , the will, and th e desire are present. Since m o ney is not alw ays available and w h a te v e r capital th ey have m a y be invested in a house, o th e r alternatives m ust be sought. S qu atters represent a kind o f “ lowest o r d e r ” settlement. U ntil v ery recently such u n co ntrolle d settlem en t was rarely regarde d as anything b u t a te m p o ra r y pro b lem o f limited scope an d tenure. T h e y have been ignored in regional dev elopm ent plans because e ithe r th e ir existence is not k now n o r it is b e ­ lieved th a t th e y will pose no p ro b lem w'hen it com es to the im p lem entatio n o f regional o r municipal dev elop m e nt p ro ­ gram s. T h e characteristic o f squatters is th a t th e y usually settle on ly tem p orarily in one place. F o r a variety o f reasons they d o n o t w an t to p u t d o w n p e rm a n e n t roots. H ow e ver, they frequ ently get tra p p e d in one area a n d lose th eir mobility. T he experience with the W h iteh o rse sq uatters w o u ld seem to indi­ cate th a t sq uatting represents a good a d a p ta tio n to living in an area w ith an unstable e con om ic base. In m a n y cases if squatters are ap p ro a c h e d by a no n-go vernm en tal agency, by people w h o m th ey feel are sym p ath etic to th eir plight, th ey c a n be convinced o f the necessity to bec o m e m obile an d to move either into existing settlem ents (w ith the help o f a w ide variety o f g ov ern m en t p ro g r a m s) o r to tu r n the ir s q u a tte r settlements into orderly, legal villages. T h e three R ’s (alterna tives) o f squatters then seem to be: rem ove, replace, o r renew. U n ­ fortunately, however, m a n y g o v ern m en t officials seem to b e ­ lieve th a t com plete rem oval (th e b u lld ozer m e t h o d ) is th e only solution to s q u a tte r problems. In th e vicinity o f W hitehorse, w h e re th e s q u a tte r areas have enjoyed a te n u re o f nearly th irty years, attem pts to clear an d relocate th e m have had a m o d e r a te d egree o f success. W hiskey Flats, w h e re m a n y p ro b le m families w e re located, was cleared fo r a city park. T h e residents o f th e W y e area gained title to the ir lan d a n d thus were rem o v ed fro m the s q u a tte r dole.

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D u rin g the last f o u r o r five years, the W hiskey F lats p r o ­ g ra m h ad been at a standstill du e to political pressures and th e inability o f peo ple to find a place to live. H o w e ver, d urin g th e last tw o y ears it b ec am e a p p a re n t th a t m a n y o f th e W hiskey F la ts people were not ow ners, b u t te n a n ts o f absentee lan d ­ lords living in o th e r parts o f the city. A s in m ost cases o f this n a tu r e the re is also a h u m o r o u s side to the story. O ne o ccu ­ pan t, after signing the necessary papers an d being p aid to relo­ cate, m ov ed away. T h e next w eek w h en th e b u lld ozer arrived to c le a r the site, som eo ne else was in the house. T h is person h a d m ov ed in w ith his wife an d m a d e it clea r th at, alth oug h he d id not ow n the house n o r was p aying rent, he w an ted a settlem ent f o r m o v in g o u t.0 It m ay seem p arad o x ic al th a t people w h o m ove into an e m p ty land like the Y u k o n T e rrito r y sho uld settle in an d a r o u n d the to w ns an d villages, but this is w h ere th e e m p lo y ­ m e n t o p p ortu nities can be found. T h e p ro b le m s in W hitehorse illustrate w h a t c a n h ap p en in a region w ith a ten uo us econom ic base, w h ere attractive land an d h o using is scarce n ear the townsites. T h e c lim ate restricts m ov em en t, a n d m a n ’s propensity to g a th e r so th a t he m a y enjoy the amenities o f c o m m u n ity life tend s to create p ro blem s f o r th e plan ner.7

Programs an d P olicy W h e n provincial policy is to ignore squatting, illegal settlement will usually flourish. E u ro -C a n a d ia n s will c o ntin ue to be m o ­ bile a n d will seek o u t c o m m u n itie s w h e re th ey ca n fulfil their individual needs. T h e native peoples will be c a u g h t u p in the d ich o to m y o f F ed eral proposals an d provincial realities. T h e present g o v e rn m e n t p roposals are designed to en d the isolation o f In d ian people fr o m th e rest o f society,8 b u t this c a n n o t be acco m p lished by the p ro p ag atio n o f s q u atter com m unities. “A c quiesc enc e in a trespass ripens it into a prerequisite, and o n ce a sufficient n u m b e r o f squatters have established their stakes, th eir political p o w e r m a y be e n o ug h to d efea t a n y c o r­ rective p ro g ra m . . .” .n If policies are established f o r the control o r elim inatio n o f squatting, th ey c a n n o t be u n ifo rm in their nature. E a c h s q u a tte r “co lo n y ” differs n o t only in geographical location, b u t also in size, nature, an d e con om ic raison d ’etre. In a c u rs o ry e valu a tio n o f s q u a tter be h a v io u r it has been ob served th a t th ere are differences in attitudes, tastes, m o tiva ­

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tions an d perceptions. T h e w ay th e y live, w here th ey live an d the ir tenu re seem to in dicate an elem en t o f choice. In using o bserved location factors as a n index, five distinct categories can be recognized: 1) In s u lar sq u atte rs - isolated ba n d s o f squ atte rs totally outside established com m unities. 2 ) P artite sq u a tters - sq u a tters totally w ithin a c o m m un ity, but living in distinct neighbourhoods. 3 ) A rterial sq uatters - sq uatters w h o sh o w a prefe ren ce for squ attin g alon g the m ajo r roads leading in o r o u t o f a townsite. T h e se are usually outside the political b o u n d ­ aries, b u t w ithin the social a n d e co n o m ic sphere. 4 ) P eriph erial squ atters - sq u atters w ho fo r m a belt aro u n d the developed p arts o f th e townsite. 5 ) Bush sq uatters - those w ho wish to be within the social a n d e co n o m ic sph ere o f influence, b u t prefer to rem ain a p a rt an d unseen in th e b u sh aw ay fro m the to w nsite.10 T h e n u m b ers o f sq u a tters in o r aro u n d a c o m m u n ity may also be im p o rta n t in d eterm in in g policy. It w o uld seem th a t the few er the n u m b e r s involved the g reater th e o p p o rtu n ity for assimilation into the c o m m u n ity ; an d conversely, the g reater the n u m b e r s th e few er the ch an ces o f assim ilation - a n d the g reater the possibility o f ap a rth eid . It is c o m m o n fo r fo r m e r sq u atters to have gaine d land title o r oth erw ise to have m oved into the m a in stre a m o f society w h en the o p p o rtu n ity p resented itself, an d the re b y to have b e c o m e socially acceptable in the c o m m u n ity . It is also c o m m o n f o r the s q u a tte r village to grow to the status o f a sa n c tu a ry c o n tain in g well o ver 50 p er cent o f the total c o m m u n ity , an d the re b y to be u n a ccep tab le by the c o m m u n ity proper. So policies m ust differ. W h e re the sq u atters are relatively few in n u m b e r, th ey m a y be easy to han dle by simply a llow ing th e m a g race period fo r m oving, o r p erh a p s by d efray in g th eir m ovin g costs. In the m o r e established com m unities, it m a y be necessary to place m o re form al san ctio ns against th e squatters. In o th e r cases, it m a y be necessary to elim inate any th o u g h t o f rem oval an d in its place give th ou gh t to aid ing th e sq uatters by helping them to im p ro v e the ir conditions an d to be co m e a p a rt o f the c o m m u n ity .

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C o n clu sio n s S q u a ttin g an d uncon tro lled fringe settlem en t a re often the p ro d u c t o f w ou ld-b e settlers whose h ou sin g needs are in a d e ­ qu ately served. A v o id an ce o f sq uatting seem s to be a m ore im p o rta n t issue th a n dealing w ith the p ro b le m a fte r it has be­ co m e firmly entrench ed. T h e lack o f co n tro l o v e r squatters in m a n y areas h as m a d e it necessary to pass laws and to place san ction s against th e m long a fte r th ey have established a foo t­ hold in an area. E xistence on th e 'r e s o u rc e fro ntier c a n be socially an d eco­ nomically very difficult. T h is predicates the co n tin u a n c e of sq u attin g o n the C a n a d ia n frontier. O ne m ight say th a t with p resent policy th e existence o f s q u atter po pulations is the heri­ tage o f the m an ifest destiny o f th e frontier. G ro w t h is going to take place on th e resource fro ntier; but th ere m ust be so m e m e a s u re o f responsibility im posed to see th a t the c o m m u n ity grow s not only in size, but also in good health. Sq uatting can be avo ided by an ticip atin g the m ov em en ts o f peoples o nto the resource fro ntie r an d m ak ing land o r hous­ in g available to th em , o r simply by p re p a rin g for the ir advance. T o affect a laissez-faire a ttitu d e to w ard s the pro b le m of sq u atte rs w ould be like posting a “s q u a t te r ’s w elco m e” sign. S uch a w elcom e w ould m agn ify the p rob lem s o f regional and c o m m u n ity d ev e lo p m en t that a lready exist on the resource frontier.

NOTES 1. R. G . B u ck sar an d J. Lotz, S q u a ttin g in C anada: A R e ­ search P roposal (u n p ub lished ms.) 2. J. Lotz, “W h a t is th e real prob lem o f N o rth e r n D e velop ­ m ent?” ( C anadian M in in g Journal, July 19 68 ), pp. 5 0 -5 4 . 3. A . Laing, A n A d d re ss to th e C o n v en tio n o f th e In d ia n B ro ­ th erh o o d , F e b r u a r y 25, 1967. 4. A. M. E rvin, “Conflicting styles o f life in a n o rth e rn C a n a ­ dia n to w n ” ( A r c tic 2 2 : 19 69 ), pp. 9 0 - 1 0 5 . 5. R. G . Bucksar, “ M o osonee an d the sq u a tte rs” ( C anadian W elfa re Sept.-Oct. 1 96 8). pp. 15-16. 6. J. M acD on nell, “ Last shack paid f o r ” { Y u k o n D a ily N ew s, Sept. 26, 19 69 ).

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7. J. Lotz, “T h e sq u atters o f W h iteh o rse : A S tu d y o f the problem s o f new no rth e rn settlem ents” ( A r c tic 18: 1965) pp. 173-88. 8. J. C hretien, In dian P olicy: W h ere does it stand? (A d d ress to E m p ire Club, T o ro n to , Oct. 16, 1969). 9. C. A. A b ra m s , M a n ’s Stru g gle fo r S h e lte r in a n U rbanizing W o rld ( N e w Y o rk ; M .I.T. Press, 19 64 ), pp. 12-24. 10. R. G . Bucksar, “T h e p ro b le m o f squ atters in the N o r t h ­ lan d ” ( H a b ita t 13 ( 1 ) : 1 9 7 0 ), pp. 2 4 - 2 7 ; “S qu atters in the N o r t h : an ap p ra isal" ( N o rth ia n 6 ( 4 ) : 19 70), pp. 15-21.

12. Rock, Wood, Water

W m . G . Laatsch so u r c e

:

Wm. G. Laatsch, “Rock, Wood, Water,” in On the Edge o f the Shield (Edmonton: Boreal Institute, Univ. of Al­ berta, occasional publ. no. 7, 1971). Reprinted by permis­ sion of the author and publisher.

In A th a b a sc a L ak e w e again c a m e u pon the edge o f the primitive form atio n. T h e c o u n try a ro u n d F o r t C hipew yan is co m po sed o f roundish masses o f n ak ed rocks, which heaped, as it were, on each other, an d rising as th ey recede f r o m the Lake, attain, at a distance o f a mile fro m the shore, a n elevation o f five o r six h u n d re d feet. T h e valleys a re narrow , th eir sides o ften precipitous, an d the general fo rm o f the hills m ay be te rm e d short conical, b u t the ir o u t­ line is very uneven. T h e rocks also form m an y islands in the lake from tw o to three h u n d re d feet high, an d generally b o u n d e d o n o n e o r m o r e sides by precipices. T h e F o rt seems to stand upo n a granite ro ck . . . ’ T h is description o f the site o f F o r t C h ip e w y a n w ritten by Dr. Jo h n R ic h a rd s o n as he a c co m p a n ie d the F ra n k lin A rc tic E x ­ pedition of 1 8 1 9 - 1 8 2 2 provides us w ith an a p p ro p r ia te descrip­ tion o f F o r t C h ipe w ya n. T h e c o m m u n ity is still d o m in a te d by the resistant granite hills, r o u n d e d a n d sm o o th ed by glaciers som e seven th o u s a n d y ears ago. T h e ir na kedness is thinly cov ered by s tu n te d w hite spru ce ( Picea g la u c a ) an d jackpine {P im is b a n ksia n a ) and an occasional c lu m p o f w hite birch ( B etu la p a p y rife ra ) . F o r t C hip ew y an, A lberta, is located on th e w estern edge o f the shield, that vast e xpanse o f p rccam brian gneisses an d granites that is E astern C a n a d a ’s geologic h e a rtla n d an d occupies on ly the no rth easte rn c o rn e r o f A lb erta in the vicinity o f L ake A thab asca. 159

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T h e floors o f the n a rr o w valleys that slope to w a rd the L a k e at F o r t C hip ew y a n are m antled w ith sandy sedim en t to provide a less severe plant h a b ita t; thus w hen c o m p a r e d with th e su r­ ro u nd in g hills th ey a p p e a r densely w ood ed, w ith forests of w hite spruce, ja ck p in e an d balsam p o p lar ( P o p u lu s balsam ife r a ) p re dom inating. If rock an d w ood are tw o elem ents o f the F o r t C h ipe w ya n landscape, surely a th ird is water. L oca ted in the M ack enzie R iv er w atershed, L ake A th a b a sc a , fed by h u n ­ dred s o f creeks an d stream s, is n ourished by the A th ab asca R iver w hich enters the L a k e fr o m the southwest. T h e L a k e is d ra in e d to the no rth w est by a series o f channels w hich join the P eace R iv er eighteen miles away. A few miles to the south an d west o f F o r t C h ipew yan lies the extensive P eace -A thab asca Delta, cre a te d by deposits o f sed im en t fr o m the silt-laden w aters o f the P ea ce and A th a b a sc a Rivers. T h e in u n d a tio n generally occurs ann u ally w hen, d uring sp ring flood, the level o f the P eace R iver exceeds the height o f L a k e A th a b a sc a and o th e r Delta lakes. T h e sedim enttr a n sp o rtin g w a te r o f the P ea ce R iver re ac h e d so u th ea stw ard to L a k e A th a b a sca th r o u g h its n orm al outlet channels w hich resulted in a flow reversal in the channels d u rin g the sp rin g of each year. It was the c h a ra c te r o f these rivers an d the L ake w hich was m ost influential in the locating o f F o rt C hipew yan. T h e settle­ m e n t was initially situated o n L a k e A th a b a s c a becau se this locality was ab o u t as far west as a fo rt could be placed and still allow canoes from the F o r t to rendezvous at G r a n d P o r ­ tage in the su m m e r, exch ang e fu rs for supplies, and re tu rn to the N o r t h in the fall before ice locked the rivers and lakes. T h e r e was a n additional a d v a n ta g e o f being located o n the so u th sho re o f L a k e A thab asca. T h e L a k e w as not free from ice until m id-Jun e, but since the A th a b a s c a R iver op en ed in m id-M ay , the can oes could be on the w a te r an d m oving south an d east a m o n th earlier. In 1788 F o r t C h ipew y an was sited on a peninsula on the so u th sh ore o f the L ak e w hich c o m m a n d e d a fine view and ha d the a d van ta g e o f hav in g rich fishing g ro u n d s just offshore. H ow ever, in the 1890s the F o r t was m oved from its original site, now k no w n as Old F o r t P oin t, to its present location on the extrem e n orthw est shore. O n e o f the reasons for m o v in g to this m o re adv anta geo us location was its situation n ear the m o u th o f the A th ab asca an d th e ch ann els o f the P eace w h ich seasonally reversed the ir flow. Since the P e a c e experienced

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early b re a k u p ea c h spring, an d because its w a te r n ear the L ak e reversed flow d irection, the ice fro m the D elta w ould be Hushed into L ak e A th a b a sc a fro m the Delta. A s the ice was forced to w a rd the eastern portion o f the L a k e it o ften b ecam e lodged against Old F o r t Po int by the cu rr e n t a n d th e prevailing winds. T h u s, the L a k e adjacent to the new site o f F o r t C h ip e w y a n be­ c a m e op en co nsiderably earlier in the sp rin g and provided ac­ cess to the rivers a n d fishing gro unds. T h e n ew location was also sheltered fr o m the west a n d n orthw est winds th a t swept th e original Fort. F o r t C h ipe w yan th en b e cam e truly a h u b o f th e fu r trade. T o the n o rth was the A rctic Sea, to the west the Pacific was reached by w ay o f the F ra s e r a n d the C o lu m b ia Rivers. T h e vast C hurchill R iv er System an d H u d so n Bay w ere, except for sh o r t portages, accessible by w a te r to the east. T h e basic p atte rn o f settlem ent o f F o r t C h ip e w y a n has ch an g ed only in degree since its founding. M a n has generally avo ided settling on the exposed g ran ite hills th a t wedge t h e m ­ selves into the settlem ent fr o m th e shield on the n o rth . Instead he has so ug ht to place his dwellings, missions, an d co m m ercial a n d service establishm ents o n the sand y alluvium w ith their back s to the shield. Because o f the th rust o f the b arren rocks into F o r t C h ipew yan , the c o m m u n ity is physically divided into three distinct segm ents linked by a d irt a n d gravel ro ad that enters the settlem ent on th e east, fro m th e airp o rt five miles away. A fte r w in din g a ro u n d an d ov er the shield th e ro ad dis­ ap pea rs into m uskeg on the west, w h ich is the term in us o f the w in te r road from F o r t S m ith in the N o rth w est T erritories. T h e largest segm ent o f th e c o m m u n ity is o n the east an d is in the vicinity o f the original f u r trad e post. It consists o f a d ozen o r so indistinct blocks stre tc h in g n o rth from a m ain street that parallels th e L ak e shore. A lo n g th e m ain street are located the offices and dwellings o f the r . c . m . p . , th e Fo rest Service, a P a rk W a r d e n f o r W o o d Buffalo N atio n al P ark , the In d ian A gency, nursin g station, th e A ng lican mission, a tworo o m public school, an d h ou sing fo r M inistry o f T ra n s p o r t e m ­ ployees. T h e business district exists as a clu tte r o f buildings on th e west end o f this segm ent o f the c o m m u n ity . O n th e sou th side o f the street is a cafe, a H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y Store and th e p ow er station. O n the n o rth side o f the street o n e finds a n ew la u n d r o m a t, a co o perative g ro cery store, the post office, m ov ie theater, gas an d fuel station an d a cafe. L oca ted adjacent to this p a rt o f the settlem ent is the C o m m u n it y C e n te r, the

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cu rlin g rink, fire hall and w a te r reservoir. A side fr o m the dwellings o f the F e d e ral an d Provincial personnel w h ich re ­ flect the universal orderliness a n d re gim entation o f go v e rn m en t housing, the dwellings o f the Metis, Cree, C h ip e w a y an d a few W hites present an interesting mosaic. M a n y o f these houses ex em plify a progression o f lessons learned d u rin g variou s p u b ­ lic ho using schemes. T h e oldest ones are too small an d too u n ­ attractive, while the n ew er efforts are larger to a c c o m m o d a te the size o f the av erag e F o r t C hip ew y an family. T h e new er h o m e s a re pleasing in design an d avoid ghetto-like ap p e ara n c es w hich result w h en houses are placed close tog eth er on n arro w lots. N evertheless, a n y m od ern ism o f the n ew ho m es is denied by th e w a te r barrel in the front step (delivered fo r a d ollar a b a r r e l) , o r the canvas sm o k e house in the b ack y ard , o r the fish d ry in g on a high rack o u t o f th e re ach o f dogs. A few o f the dwellings are o f the land ra th e r th a n just placed o n the land. T h ese co m fo rtab le, indigenous cab ins have arch itec tural characteristics that would place their c onstruction at the tu r n o f the century. T h e freq uen t use o f a r o o f ladd er suggests a S can din avian o r F in n ish origin, while several pote a u x su r sole an d p ie u x en terrc cabins sh ow the evidence of the N o r t h W e st C o m p a n y an d later the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m ­ p a n y w ith its style o f con stru ction b o rro w e d fro m F re n c h C a n a d a . It is interesting that so m e individuals are c urrently building log cabins in F o r t C h ipew yan. P rim arily becau se of tran sp ortatio n costs, finished lu m b er is prohibitively expensive. L u m b e r for a sm all one story, five ro om house costs in excess o f $7 ,000. P erh ap s the b uilding o f additional log cab in s using local w hite sp ru ce can help alleviate the ho using sh o rtag e iii F o r t C h ipew yan. As in o th e r no rth ern to w ns w here a housing sho rtag e exists, the scrap w ood, sheet metal an d t a r p ap er shac ks are inevitable ele m ents o f the architectu ral landscape. F o r t C h ipe w ya n is no exception. If a b uilding has the potential o f pro vid in g even the slightest protection from the ele m ents it is prob ably inhabited. A s the roa d threads aw ay from this co m p ac t segm ent of F o r t C h ipe w ya n, it avoids the beach a n d seeks an easy grade o v e r the rocks until, after several h u n d red yards, it passes by the im posing R o m a n C ath o lic Mission. T h e red brick school an d the several buildings w h ic h house teachers do m in ates o n e ’s view o f the c o m p o u n d . N o t too m an y years ago o n e ’s eyes w ould have been d ra w n to a large b arn , o th e r farm buildings an d substantial gardens. A griculture was once p o p u la r at F ort

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C h ip ew y a n ; the b arn s at the Mission an d the n a m e P o tato Island just ofl' sho re attest to that. T h e grow ing season is at­ tractive, lengthened by the c o m m u n ity ’s proxim ity to the Lake, b u t the coarse san d y soil loses its fertility rapidly u n d e r culti­ vation, so only an occasional garden presently remains. Beyond the Mission g rou nd s the ro ad again constricts until it app ro ac h e s the su b -c o m m u n ity o f D og H e a d w h ere ab o u t a fifth o f the 1,500 people o f F o r t C hip ew yan reside. T h e dw el­ lings o f Dog H ead a re nestled indiscrim inately a m o n g the rocks o f the shield w ith only a few perched boldly o n the rocks themselves. In the past the w a terw a ys were the c om m erc ial highways of F o r t C h ip ew y an; th ey re m a in so. T o d ay , the barges o f the N o r th e r n T ra n s p o r ta tio n C o m p a n y call at F o r t C hipew yan every tw o weeks d u rin g the shipping season w hich runs fro m the th ird w eek in M a y to the first o f O cto ber. W hile slow, ship­ m en t o f goods by barge is inexpensive, with bulk freight from F o rt M c M u r r a y costing only fifty cents a h un dredw eight. Barge service is a u g m e n te d y e a r a ro u n d by three weekly flights of Pacific W estern Airlines w h ich b ring fresh p ro du ce, m eat, mail, a n d passengers into the c o m m u n ity an d provides F o r t C h ip e ­ w y an with a reliable link to the outside. R esidents o f F o r t C h ip e w y a n ho pe f o r a cold d ry season as w in ter a p p ro a c h e s so th a t the Delta an d m uskeg will freeze fast an d dee p to enable a w in te r ro ad to be p u t th r o u g h to F o r t Smith, 150 miles to the north. T h e w in ter road eliminates the isolation o f F o r t C h ipe w ya n. People ca n d rive o u t and p ro d u c e can be b ro u g h t in, even th o u g h it is still one tho usand miles via F o r t Sm ith and the M acken zie H ig h w a y to E d m o n ­ ton. Despite the g rea t distance, freight rates by tru ck a re $6.75 a hundredw eigh t, substantially less th an the $ 1 2 .0 0 a h u n d red by air. W ith s u c h tran sp o rtatio n costs it is u n d e rs ta n d ab le why the price o f items in the stores is at least twenty-five percent h ig h er in F o r t C h ipe w ya n th a n f o r the s a m e items in E d m o n ­ ton. It is hop ed th a t there will soon be a w in ter ro ad to F o rt M c M u r r a y only 175 miles to the south. W ith the existing net­ w o rk o f forestry roads, all that needs to be c lea red is a stretch o f less th an fifty miles, so that F o r t C h ip ew y an residents could have access to F o r t M c M u r r a y and also to E d m o n to n , 275 miles beyond. F re ig h t could be trucked in for co nsiderably less th a n $6.75 p er h u n d re d pounds. T h e a n n u a l cycle o f activity at F o rt C h ip ew y an has been sim ilar to m a n y o th e r sm all traditional boreal forest settle­

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ments. F all w as the p eriod o f greatest activity. T h e r e were m oo se (A Ic e s alces) and p erh a p s bison ( B ison b isc n ) to be hunted, an d u p to eighteen y ears ago, c a rib o u (R a n g ife r taranchts). T h e w aters o f th e Delta, lakes, and rivers prov id ed nest­ ing a n d resting spots fo r th ou sand s o f m ig rato ry w aterfo w l that w ere a w elcom e c h a n g e in a d iet th a t consisted p rim arily of moose meat, fish, eggs and ban n o c k . B ut surpassing the hunting activity w as the p rep a ra tio n for th e fu r tr a p p in g season. N ets h ad to be untangled, repaired, set and retrieved so th a t fish could be cau gh t an d dried fo r d og feed on th e trapline. M o re often today, th e sno w m ob ile needs to be p u t in good repair. S om e food an d a great deal o f e q u ip m e n t had to be tran s­ p orted, usually by scow o r freighter ca n o e to the t r a p p e r ’s cam p , thirty to sixty, o r even u p to 150 miles into the bush. A t th e c a m p there w ould be so m e m a in te n a n c e tasks to be c o m ­ pleted, fire w ood to be cut, a n d dogs to be stak ed out. T h e land a ro u n d F o r t C hip ew yan , particularly the Delta, has been rich in m u s k ra t (O ndata zibethica ) a n d beaver (C a sto r canadensis), plus occasion lynx ( L y n x c a n a d e n sis), wolves ( C anis lu p u s ), an d coyotes ( C anis la tra n s). E ven w h en it w as k n o w n th a t the fu r prices would be low (as th ey have been in recent y e a rs ) the talk, the anticipation, the excitem ent, the activity o f a new tr ap p in g season w ere heard an d felt in F o r t C hip ew y an . Fall w as a h ap p y time o f year. Fall tr ap p in g lasted until C h ristm as w h e n in the d e a d of w in ter the an im als m oved little an d m a n m o ve d b ack to the settlem en t with his furs to sp e n d several m o n th s in the w arm th o f his family an d friends until resu m ing tr a p p in g in the spring season w h ich lasted fr o m M a r c h to M ay. In the late spring w ith the ice a w ay fro m the L ake shore the re was fishing, w ith two dozen em p lo y ed in the c om m erc ial fishery a n d m an y fishing on their ow n. T h e re w ould be som e e m p lo y m e n t cutting w ood for S w an so n’s L u m b e r Mill, som e thirty miles fr o m the c o m m u n ity . A fte r s u m m e r fell u p o n the land, the restfulness o f the long days was frequently p u n ctu ated by the call to fight forest fires particularly n u m e ro u s d u rin g the s u m m e r o f 1970. O th e r th a n a limited a m o u n t o f fishing, lum bering o r co n stru c ­ tion work, th ere is little o p p o rtu n ity fo r steady w age e m p lo y ­ m en t in F o r t Chipew yan. In the fall o f 1970, the a p p ro ach in g tr a p p in g season created little enthusiasm . It was not a h a p p y tim e o f year. T h e spring Iloods that had ann ually re new e d th e Delta a n d its h u nd reds o f lakes h ad not c o m e th a t spring. T h e c om m erc ial fishing o p e ra ­

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tion th a t no rm ally was on the w a te r early w as ice b o u n d until late M ay. A re a s o f the lake th a t h ad o n ce p ro d u ced fish are now b are expanses o f m u d th a t p ro d u c e little else th a n low g row ths of willow (S o lix s p p .) . W h a t w ere o n c e lakes an d dis­ tributaries w ithin th e D elta are n ow d ry a n d intricately cracked m u d flats. T h e Delta, m u c h o f it w ith o u t water, c a n n o t su p p o r t the fish a n d fu r b earin g anim als on w hich th e F o r t C h ipe w ya n tr a p p e r depends. M ost o f the vast flocks o f ducks a n d geese th a t fo rm e rly freq uen ted the D elta bypassed it this year. Even th e fish are n o t spared, since the freezing o f shoaling lakes m ay cau se w in te r kill. Fish n u m b ers are f u r th e r redu ced b y the dim inishing s p a w n in g gro unds. F o rt u n a te are the few trappers w h o have tr a p lines on th e shield w here w a te r levels a re not d e p e n d en t u p o n the flooding o f the D elta, an d w h ere the b e a v e r co nstru cts its own d a m s to m ainta in w a te r levels. But these tra p p ers a re n o t w ith o u t problems. M a n y o f th e m are un able to travel to th eir tr aplines with th eir e q u ip m e n t because o f th e low w a te r e n c o u n te re d in the D elta t h r o u g h w h ich m an y o f th e m m u st pass. W h e re on ce a scow w ith a twenty-five horse k icker travelled easily, a sm all canoe w ith just o n e person c a n ­ not n ow navigate. T h e w aters o f the L a k e a n d D elta h av e been low before. T h e y ears o f 1945 an d 1950 stan d o u t in the m ind s o f the natives o f F o r t C h ip ew y an as particularly b ad years. B ut al­ ways, in the spring following a d ry y ear, the ch an nels betw een th e Pe ace a n d the L a k e reversed an d w a te r surged into the Delta. R ain fa ll in th e P e a c e -A th a b a s c a w a te rsh ed has been low fo r the past few years, b u t this sp rin g the n o rm al flood did not occu r, since the w aters o f the Pe ace w ere tra p p e d behind the new ly c on struc te d B ennett D a m in British C o lu m b ia. It is fe a r e d th a t th e B ennett D a m will n ev er allow the D elta to be rene w ed by th e sp rin g floods, since co ntro l o f floods is o n e of th e features o f the D a m . T h e r e a re suggestions th a t the tr ib u ­ taries o f the P ea ce below th e D a m will, d u rin g periods of n o rm a l rainfall, be sufficient to flood th e D elta. S o m e residents po int to the ra p id gro w th o f willow, o c c u rin g u p to a q u a rte r o f a mile o il w h a t w as o n c e th e local sw im m ing beach, and suggest that in just a few m o r e years th e willows will have com p letely colonized the recently exposed lake bo tto m . Even if th e w a ters d o rise the flow will be inhibited an d sedim ent will be tr a p p e d an d deposited, rapid ly filling in the shallow bays.

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W h a t is to be done? T h e people o f F o r t C h ip e w y a n are people o f rock, w ood, and water. T h e ir alternatives f o r a liveli­ h o o d are few. W ag e e m p lo y m e n t is n o t generally available. T h e re is talk o f starting a co op erativ e sawmill in the vicinity. S om e d r e a m o f an electronics assembly plant that w ou ld tap the labo r sup ply o f the c o m m u n ity and p ro d u c e high value, low bu lk c o m p o n en ts, b u t w ith the w ork sched uled a ro u n d the sea­ sonal pursuits o f hunting, fishing an d trapping. T h e r e is hope th a t there w ould be som e m inin g d ev elo p m en t n e a r by, but this seem s unlikely, p articu larly in W o o d Buffalo N ation al P a r k just to th e w est o f the settlement. F u rth e rm o r e , the record o f m in ing develo pm en ts w hich e m p lo y substantial n u m b e r s o f natives is not an enviable one. T h e r e a re n u m e ro u s sh ort-term projects th a t w o u ld benefit th e c o m m u n ity a n d take a dv an ta g e o f the skills th a t are being taug ht to so m e o f the fam ilies at the F o r t C hip ew y an N e w S ta rt School. R oad grading, ditch m aintenan ce, sidewalk con struction , c o m p letio n o f the w ater line to all residents, are the m o st obvious projects. But these projects are limited in m an y respects. A m yriad o f g ov ern m en tal agencies, new smen, scientists an d politicians have visited the c o m m u n ity an d are stu dy ing th e pro blem s o f F o r t C hipew yan. A n d all the time the Delta ecology is changing, an d th e welfare rolls, n ow estim ated as aiding eighty p ercent o f the po pu latio n, a re increasing. T h e sight o f discouraged m en clustered a b o u t th e cafes, c atc hing the late afte rn o o n sun, th eir qu estioning voices m u ted by the rh ythm ic th ro b o f a gen eratin g plant a n d the in term ittent c h o ru s o f howling dogs, is not a h ap p y one. A n d fall has always been a h ap p y time in F o r t C h ip ew y an . P e rh a p s F o r t C h ip e ­ w y a n sh ou ld not exist, save for the rad io b eaco n th a t guides trans-p olar jets. U n fo rtu n ately , F o r t C h ip e w y a n is n o t the only n orth ern c o m m u n ity w hose existence is th reaten ed by som e exogenous force. T h e plight o f F o rt C h ipew y an is just a n o th e r example o f how desperately we need to m an ag e wisely the resources o f rock, w ood an d water, a n d how we m ust conserve the most valuable o f resources, man.

ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS T h e a u th o r thanks the D e p a rtm e n t o f G eo g ra p h y , T he U niversity o f A lb erta , f o r su p p o rtin g this stu d y an d Professor D on Gill for this assistance.

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NOTES 1. J o h n R ich ard so n , “ G eonostical O b servatio ns” in A p pen dix to J o h n F ra n k lin , N a rra tiv e o f a J o u rn e y to th e S h o re s o f th e P olar Sea in the Y e a rs 1819, 20, 21 a n d 22 (L o n d o n , 18 23 ), p. 516.

C A N A D IA N G RASSLANDS

PART THREE: THE GRASSLANDS

S tarting ju st west o f the St. L a w r e n c e -G r e a t L akes forest, a n d stretching to the Rockies, lie the G rasslan ds. T h e se Prairies have a w estw ard tilt tow ard the Rockies, an d are m o r e arid in the West th an in the East. T h e P rairies a re b y no m ean s tree­ less. G ro ves o f T re m b lin g A spen cluster a ro u n d w et de p res­ sions, a n d form con tin uo us stan ds as the G rasslan ds give place o n th e no rth to the Boreal F orest. T h e g a m e species o f the forest - moose, b ear, h are a n d b eav er - a re fo u n d in this m a r ­ ginal forest-and-grass province. M ost im p o rta n t to the ab o rig ­ inal prairie peoples, how ever, w ere the vast h ord es o f bison w hich once rang ed the grasslands. T h e In d ian nations o f this region ad o p ted the ecological stance o f m o u n te d hunters. In a n o th e r section, P ain e presents a c o m p arativ e view o f no rth ern herders and h unters. Downs, in this section, stresses the fact th a t In dians o f the P rairies w ere b oth h erd ers a n d hunters, d e ­ spite a tradition o f studies em p hasizing the h un tin g aspects of Plains life. T h e im p act o f an im al h u sb a n d ry on the Plains p eo ­ ple has been o bscu red so m e w h at by a co n ce rn to recon struct “ aboriginal” life. (cf. the section on the Boreal forest, as w ell). F is h er concurs, deplo rin g the traditional d ic h o to m y betw een an aboriginal G o ld e n Age in w h ich no rm al evolution pro ceeds, a n d the de gen era te “ po st-contact” period. T h is division divides up a fascinating whole, th a t o f Plains Indian culture, whose technology included b oth aboriginal a n d “ p ost-con tact” ele­ m ents - horses a n d guns in particular. As o th e r studies in this vo lum e have done, F is h e r shows the influence o f “ relations o f p ro d u c tio n ” on o th e r aspects of prairie In d ia n social relations (see I n t r o d u c ti o n ) . T h e se rela­ tions o f p ro du ction , however, did not arise solely in a d apta tion to ecological conditions on th e Prairies. In fact, su c h relations w ere conditioned by the f u r tr a d e in the Boreal forest, w h ence the C a n a d ia n P rairie In dians c am e . T h u s, the ir c u ltu re c a n n o t be explained aw ay as a m a tte r o f “ W h ite c o n ta c t” nor, on the 169

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o th e r hand, o f “ ind epen de nt invention.” R a th e r, it is a result o f the capac ity o f the A lg o n q u ia n peoples (p r im a r ily ) to re ­ spo nd to W h ite exploitation o f fu r resources.

13 . Comments on Plains Indian Cultural Development

Jam es D owns s o u rc e :

J a m e s D o w n s , “C o m m e n ts o n P la in s In d ia n C u ltu r a l D e ­ v e lo p m e n t,” A m e r ic a n A n th r o p o lo g is t, v o l. 6 6 (A p ril, 1 9 6 4 ). R e p rin te d b y p e rm iss io n o f th e a u th o r a n d p u b ­ lish er.

H. C ly de W ilso n’s recent p a p e r, “ A n In q u iry into the N a tu r e o f Plains Indian C u ltu ral D e v e lo p m e n t” 1 m akes an im p o rta n t an d long o ve rd ue d e p a rtu re fr o m the tradition in ex am in ing th e In dians o f W estern A m erica. A lth o u g h so m e m ay question th e necessity o f developing this position in W h itian te rm s the classification o f the Plains tribes as pastoral is essential to a p r o p e r evaluation o f these societies ( o r cu ltu re s) in a w o rld ­ wide context. O n e o f the m ost im p o rta n t aspects o f this w o rk is th e re­ p eated assertion both explicitly a n d im plicitly th a t the h orse is n o t a tool no r is it a trait. It is in fact a large a nim al w ith dis­ tinctive patterns o f b e hav ior to w h ich m an m ust adjust before the variou s potentials o f the horse c a n be m a d e useful to h u m a n groups. T h e ado ption o f the horse is not a sim ple m a tte r o f “ bo rro w in g ” a d a n c e o r basketry pattern o r m y th elem ent. On the plains the a d o p tio n o f the horse required m a jo r ad justm en ts o f life which, no m atte r how m a n y traits m ay have been re­ tained fr o m the pedestria n period o f plains culture, m a d e o f it an entirely different kind o f society th a n h ad existed in this are a before. T h e te n den cy to e m ph asize the h un ting aspect over th e h e rd in g aspect o f po st-C o lum bian plains life has led to a general im pression ab ou t the ty p e o f responses w hich ca n be expected a m o n g In dians w h en the horse a pp ears on the ir c u l­ tural horizons. In addition, the accepted m etho d o f dividing plains c u ltu ral d eve lop m en t into the historical periods, p re and

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post reservation has ob scured m u c h d a ta w h ich w ould su p p o r t W ilson ’s classification. In o th e r areas, th e im pact o f anim al h u sb a n d ry has gone quite un no ticed by a n th ro p o lo g y in general d u e to the co ncern w ith the “ab origin al.” E v en a curso ry survey o f the ethno-historic record reveals th a t horses an d o th e r livestock w ere ad o p te d by In d ia n gro up s th r o u g h o u t the U n ite d States w ith o u t the dev elo pm e nt o f a plains ty pe c u ltu re pattern. T h e horse was used th ro u g h o u t the E ast fo r pulling w agons, riding an d packing. Cattle, horses, an d sheep w ere ad op ted, fo rm in g the basis fo r sem i-sedentary pastoralism , n o m a d ic pastoralism , m ixed fa r m in g an d transh u m a n t societies th r o u g h the Southwest. H o rs e h erd ing groups using the anim als f o r b oth riding an d food w ere developed in in terio r C alifornia. In sho rt, the plains c ultural configuration is o nly one o f m a n y responses to the introd uc tion o f E u ro p e a n do m estic anim als a n d its fou n d a tio n s shou ld be so ug ht in e c o ­ logical o r cu ltu ral con tac t situ ations r a t h e r th a n in the c o m ­ parison o f “traits” betw een periods. Wilson adm its th a t the loss o f the buffalo caused the d o w n ­ fall o f the plains tribes an d in deed this is an accepted view. H ow ever, o u r o v e r-co ncern w ith the buffalo has ob scu re d the fact th a t o n e o f th e prim a ry objectives o f m ilitary co m m a n d e rs o pera tin g against hostile tribes w as the d estruction o f horse herds a n d a principle policy o f th e g o v ern m e n t was th e elim in a­ tion o f the herds o f horses held by in carc erated tribes.2 M o r e ­ over, th e m a jo r em ph asis was on co n tain m en t, w hich was p a r ­ tially accom plish ed even b efo re the d isa p p e a ra n c e o f th e b u f­ falo. In short, th e atta ck on Plains In dians was th ree p ro ng ed: de struction o f horse holdings, destru ctio n o f buffalo, a n d re­ striction o f range o n w hich fu r th e r pastoral d ev elo p m en t might have been possible. Plains c u ltu re historians have freq u en tly failed to note that m a n y plains tribes h ad beg u n to shift th e ir attention fr o m the d w in dling buffalo sup ply to the herds o f W h ite o w ne d cattle c o m in g on to th e range. O b sc u re d in the lim b o o f “a c c u ltu ra ­ tion" these post-reservation o r im m ed iately pre-reservation events would a p p e a r to be th e type o f response w h ich we w o u ld expect o f a pastoral people.3 N o r has the significance o f the a do ptio n o f a sem i-sedentary herd in g -farm in g ec o n o m y by such periph eral plains tribes as th e N e z Perce been a pp reciated in this context. Finally, the tribes blessed w ith d edicated an d im aginative agents often d e ­ veloped successful reservation-based p astoralism until these

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p ro g ra m s were killed by W h ite co m p etito rs c h an gin g govern­ mental policies o r the com petition o f w h eat farm ing.4 A p rop er ap preciatio n o f these d evelo pm ents in term s of som e b ro a d e r f r a m e w o rk o f c u ltu re his tory in w h ich the spread o f Old W o rld dom estic stock to the N e w W orld can be ex­ am ine d d epen ds on accepting W ilso n’s classification o f Plains In dians as pastoralists.

NOTES 1. ( A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 65: 3 5 5 - 3 6 9 ) . 2. Board o f Indian Com m issioners, S e c o n d to F ifth A n n u a l R ep o rts to th e S ecreta ry o f th e In te rio r (W ash ing ton , 1870-4). 3. E. S. Osgood, T h e D a y o f the C a ttle m a n (C hicago , 19 29 ). 4. G . M c G re g o r, W arriors W ith o u t W ea p o n s (Chicago, 1946.)

14. The Algonquian Plains?

A n th o n y D. F isher so u rc e:

A nthony D. Fisher, “ T he A lgonquian Plains?” A nthropologica (n.s., vol. 10, no. 2 1968). R eprinted by perm ission o f th e au thor and publisher.

F o r a considerable period o f time there has been a trad itio n in N o r th A m e ric an ethnology o f distinguishing betw een p re -c o n ­ tact an d post-contact aboriginal life on this continent. R elated to this d ich o to m y is a n implicit distinction betw een w h a t might be called “ n orm al ev olu tion ary’’ processes an d accu ltu rative processes. A n u n fo r tu n a te effect o f this form o f dualism is that the essential relatedness o f h u m a n cu ltu ral life and its changes are obscured, and we tend to think o f cultu ral c han ge today as p o st-E u rop ean and c u ltu re change p rio r to the beginning of the nineteenth ce n tu r y as so m eth in g else. A s a result, a n th r o ­ pological th ink ing has been denied the ex am p le o f evolutionaryaccu lturativ e c h a n g e o ccu rrin g hand-in-glove in the creation o f a peculiarly N o r th A m erican cultu re type, that o f the Plains Indian. T h e possibility o f such an ex am p le was placed be fo re us in 19 14 by C la rk Wissler: T h e distribution o f the traits e n u m e r a te d above indicates a fu n d am en tal similarity betw een the m aterial cultures o f the c aribou a n d bison areas. T h e inte rpre tation o f this o bserv a­ tion is a n im p ortan t theoretical problem. H ow ever, Wissler th en led us do w n the ga rd en p ath : “ . . . we have tw o m a jo r alternatives, diffusion fro m a single c e n te r or ind epen den t d eve lop m en t in tw o o r m o re localities” .1 Wissler ap p e a rs to im ply th a t the similarities were locally derived and

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essentially in dep en d e n t o f external forces. W ith modification, this view o f the Plains co ntinu es with us to d ay, despite the im ­ plications o f K r o e b e r’s- inclusion o f the Plains in his E astern a n d N o rth e r n C u ltu re A re a a n d Lowie’s assertion th a t “ A lto ­ g e th e r the Plains cultu re thus a p p e a rs as a specialization o f the W o o d la n d cultures, modified by su bseq uen t bo rrow ings from elsew here an d by regional ad ap ta tio n s to a new e n v ir o n m e n t”.3 T o d a y we have the accepted ex plan a tio n that the people of the P lains have cultures derived from o th e r e th n o g ra p h ic areas, cultures w h ich have bec om e sim ilar du e to the necessity to c h a n g e technology an d subsistence patte rn , a necessity w hich in tu rn derives from the particu lar ecology o f the Plains. (A dissenting but sim ilar view is that o f W ilson that the Plains are best u nd ersto o d as the h o m e o f eq uestrian pastoralists r a th e r th a n as eq uestrian bison h u n t e r s . ) 4 T h u s, at the recent C o n fe re n c e on Plains E th n o lo g y and A rchaeology, E w ers said: N evertheless, th e historical an d tradition al evidence in di­ cates that the tribes resident in this are a (th e N o rth w estern P lains) at the beginning o f the historic period had n o t lived w ithin the are a fo r an ex tended period p rio r to 1800. R a th e r they w ere im m ig ra n ts an d all b u t one (S arsi) were A lg o n q u ia n o r S iouan sp eaking In dians w ho m oved on the N o rth w e ste rn Plains fro m the east. O n e m u s t look to the east f o r the origins o f the o ld e r traits in their cultures rather th an to archaeological rem ain s within the N o rth w este rn Plains. T o find m ean in gfu l answ ers to cu ltu ral problem s in­ volving these tribes o n e m u s t look beyond the b o undaries o f the are a.5 O n e does indeed need to look beyond the b o u n d aries o f the area, a n d one needs to look well beyond the Plains in historic times f o r m eaningful answ ers a b o u t those cultures. It is the co nten tio n o f this p a p e r that to explain m eanin g fully the c u l­ tu r e ty pe o f the Plains Indian one m ust look to th e social organ ization o f the N o rth e r n an d C entral A lg o n q u ian s an d to how this type o f organization related to the f u r tr a d e and its expansion. T h e tribes o f Plains Indian type w h ich will be the con cern o f this p a p e r are those labeled n o m ad ic “T r u e P la ins” by Oliver:

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A Igonquian

O th er

A ra p a h o Blackfoot C he yen ne G ro s V en tre Plains C ree

Assiniboine C om m anche C ro w K io w a K io w a-A pac he Sarsi T e to n D a k o ta

As stressed by Oliver, an d with Eggan co ncu rrin g, these g roups were strikingly similar. T h e y “share a basic p attern o f tribes o r linked bands in the s u m m e r an d dispersed bands the rest of th e y e a r ,” “a p a ttern o f inform al leade rship,” “council patterns followed the sam e lines as the leadership p attern s,” “ the police functioned p rim arily in the s u m m e r m o n th s,” “ h ad societies of som e sort,” “ m ost (ten o u t o f tw elve) had no clans,” and " d eterm in e d status on the basis o f w a r honors, horses, and personal influence” .0 T h ese traits will be accepted as those crucial to the similarities betw een Plains In d ia n societies. A n d , therefo re, the arg u m en ts here will be p hrased in term s o f b andtribal o rganization, lead ersh ip an d g o vern m en tal patterns, so­ cieties, clan stru c tu r e a n d the d e te rm in a n ts o f social status. O th e r things being equal, the m ost effective w ay to address the pro blem w o u ld be to get into the social org anizational sim i­ larities im mediately. U n fo rtu n a te ly o th e r things are not equal. T r y as we m igh t ethnologists have been unsuccessful in estab ­ lishing a consistent pre-historic eth n o g ra p h ic baseline for either the E astern a n d N o rth e r n A lg on qu ians o r f o r the Plains. F o r this reason we m ust first discuss the early f u r trade relations an d th en the p h en o m en a o f A lg o n q u ia n social organization. C on sid erab ly p rio r to E u ro p e a n c o n ta c t and settle m en t of the C en tral A tlan tic coast, con tac t was established w ith the A lg o n q u ian s o f the ty pe now kn ow n as th e M a ritim e C luster (A b n a k i, Malecite, M icm ac, an d P en o b sc o t) a n d the C ree C luste r (C ree, M o ntag nais, an d N a s k a p i) . H ow ev er, we may never ascertain the effects o f initial c on tac t. C a rtie r discovered th e Indians o f C h a le u r Bay (p r o b a b ly M ic m a c ) ready and an xio us to tr a d e f u r for E u ro p e a n goods on his arrival in 1534. T h u s trad in g w as p ro b ab ly established in N o r th A m e ri c a p rior to fo rm al E u ro p e a n colonization and exploration. W e d o know, however, that fro m 1534 to a p prox im ately 1620 the F re n c h

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a n d the E astern A lgo nq uians w ere w o rk in g o u t tr a d e relations, to the a d v a n ta g e o f e a c h side. It is felt th a t in establishing m utually satisfactory trad e rela­ tions each side atte m p te d to use w h a t existed to so m e degree an d tried to enfo rce c ha ng es to som e degree. T hus, by 1626 the established p attern o f s u m m e r co m m u n a l villages alo ng the rivers a n d n e a r the F re n c h and dispersed w inter b an d s o r ex­ ten ded families was a co m p osite o f A lg o n q u ia n - F re n c h origin. F o llow ing H ick erso n an d L eacock it is surm ised : Presum ably, w ith the tran sfo rm atio n o f the old su m m e r fishing season into the all-im p ortant trad in g season, the in­ trod u c tio n o f individualized tr ap p in g m ethods, a n d the d ro p p in g off altog eth er o f c o m m u n a l carib o u -h u n tin g as the a nim al b e cam e virtually extinct . . . the loose ag g regate o f small b an ds w hich traditio nally gath ered f o r the s u m m e r was streng then ed at the expense o f the w in ter h u n tin g units, w hich in turn w ere sh rin kin g in size.7 A s H ick erso n asserts, this cyclical kind o f organization p ro b ­ ably ha s a g reat tim e dep th an d is w idesp read .8 F u r t h e r evi­ de n c e fo r E astern A lgo nq uian c o m m u n a l action is the dis­ ap p e a ra n c e o f the L a u re n tia n Iro qu ois fro m the St. L aw ren ce by 1581. F e n to n opines that the migration from H o che laga and S ta d c o n a was, in part, caused by the b re a k d o w n o f the “ a n ta g ­ onistic c o o p e ra tio n ” betw een the L au re n tian s an d the E astern A lgonquians, b ro u g h t ab ou t by the introd uction o f tr a d e goods fr o m T a d o u ssa c an d, possibly, P ort R oyal.9 T h us, prior to C h a m p l a in ’s seventeenth ce n tu ry expeditions against the Ir o ­ quois, the A lg on qu ian s had successfully “ liberated” the v alu ­ able St. L aw ren ce Valley fro m them. By 1600, then, we have the beginning o f th e cycle o f trade, displacem ent, reorganization, co m petition relating to the fu r trade. It is this initial defeat by the Iroquois w h ich was to lead to the patterning o f the F re n c h f u r trade. T h e collapse of H o chela ga an d S tadc on a allowed the F re n c h to proceed dow n the St. L a w ren ce to H u ro n ia an d, eventually, up the S ag uen ay to th e heartlan d o f the C ree C lu ste r near Ja m e s Bay. But this possibility was not the o n e an d only cause o f contin uin g A lg o n q u ia n - F re n c h relations. T h e A lg on qu ians w ere o f p a r ­ ticular cultural valu e to the F re n c h . N o t only did th ey have the cyclical pa ttern s o f settlem en t and the geographical loca­

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tion, th ey h ad the cu sto m o f p ro du cin g the best b e a v e r pelts. T h ey w ore be ave r robes, an d. in the w ea rin g process, in ad v er­ tently p ro d u c ed “ c a s to r gras d ’hiver,” the most desirable fo rm o f b eaver pelt. T h us, by early seventeenth cen tu ry the symbiosis betw een the A lg onq uian speakers a n d the F re n c h had developed. By m id-seventeenth cen tu ry these relations w ere f u r th e r solidified an d extended by the expulsion o f the H u ro n , T o b a cco , and N e u tral N atio n s fro m present-day O n ta rio by the Iroquois. As Innis notes: T h e penetration o f E u ro p e a n goods a m o n g the w estern I n ­ dians. the e m e rg en ce o f the O tta w a as m idd lem en (r e p la c ­ ing the H u r o n ) , and th e long period o f diplo m acy and w a rfa re h ad im p o rta n t efTccts on Indian life, a n d in turn on the f u r trade. A n im m e d iate result was the settlement o f Indians w ho were unable to go to M o n t r e a l , . . . at points, especially G re e n Bay, w hich gave th e m d irect access to trade in E u ro p e a n com m o ditie s b rou gh t by m id d le m en .10 T his statem en t points to the role o f the N o rth e r n an d C e n ­ tral A lg on qu ians in this phase o f f u r tr a d e expansion. It was at this time, f o r exam ple, th a t th e O tta w a “ tra d e rs” journeyed to the Mississippi, c o ntac tin g the Sioux, an d travelled north tow ard H u d s o n ’s Bay, c on tac ting the Cree. It was also at this ti m e that the M en om in i, Fox, and others gathered at points along L ake M ichigan to gain access to E u ro p e a n tr a d e goods. Some, like the M en om ini, b eca m e f u r producers; others p ro ­ d u c e d a surplus o f “ Indian c o r n ” for the use o f the voyageurs retu rn in g to the f u r trade fairs at M ontreal. T h a t all w e re'co ncerncd w ith the f u r tra de an d the com p etitio n it en gen dered is evidenced by the efforts m a d e by the w estern Indians to inter­ dict trad e betw een the O tta w a and the even m o re westerly Indians, especially the P rairie-P a rk lan d Sioux. A t this time, 125 y ears before the rise o f Plains Indian society, we find the C e n tra l A lg on qu ians in reg u lar co ntac t with, and, if we a re to accept In nis’ evalu a tio n, to som e extent reorganized by the fur trad e. By the 1 6 7 0 -S 0 ’s we also find th a t fo r the m ost pa rt the potential d issem inators o f eastern fur tr a d e ideas have already been co n tac te d by Indian fu r t r a d e r s the Sioux, p ro b a b ly Santee D ak ota, the C ree, the Assiniboine, the C hey enn e, the O jibwa. Indeed, so m e m em b e rs o f these

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tribes joined the O tta w a in their s u m m e r jo u rn eys to M ontreal. F r o m w hat we k n o w o f the historic o r proto -h istoric m igrations o f these gro up s we m ay co n clu d e th a t fro m the fu r tr a d e rela­ tions established at this tim e the potential for fu r th e r diffusion to w a rd the west was here. In the absence o f c o n crete know ledge to the c o n tr a ry we m ay also surm ise th a t betw een 1650 and 1800 the streng the nin g o f c o m m u n a l institutions at the expense o f band -ex ten de d family institutions a m o n g the N o r th e r n and C en tral A lgo nq uian s o c cu rred in a fashion sim ilar to th a t al­ luded to by L eacock fo r the E astern A lgonquians. As it has been m ain tain ed th a t considerable cultural change had gone o n d u rin g the sixteenth century, it is p ro b ab ly u n ­ likely th a t the organization o f the seventeenth an d eighteenth cen tu ry A lgo nq uian s was wholly “abo rig inal,” w hate ver that m ight have been. It can be m a inta ine d, o n the o th e r hand, that w h a te v e r else it m ight h av e been, it was A lgo nq uian . It was the response o f A lg o n q u ia n gro u p s to increasing cultural pres­ sure, prim arily fro m o th e r Indians, to w a rd c h an gin g relations in tr a d e an d w a r derived fro m E u ro p e a n desires to exploit local resources. T h u s we c o n c u r with M u r d o c k ’s assertion that the p ri m a ry o r elem en tary form o f A lg o n q u ia n social organization w as th a t o f the C ree Cluster, C a lle n d e r’s N o r th e r n A lgo nq uia n group, especially C ree a n d S a u lte a u x .11 T h is ty pe o f social o rg an iza ­ tion is chara cterized by a flexible au to n o m o u s ban d system w hich is ambilocal w ith a te nd enc y to w ard virilocal ex tend ed families. W h a t m akes it distinctive, however, is the stren g th o f the pattern o f m atrilateral cross-cousin m arriage. It is fro m this fo rm th a t H o c k c tt linguistically derives the o th e r form s of A lg on qu ian social organization, an d from this, o r a like type, th a t M u rd o c k derives O jibw a organization. M u rd o c k protests th a t the D ak o ta ty pe o f the O jibw a and the O m a h a ty pe o f the C e n tral A lgo n q u ian s are “ alternative fo rm s o f patrilineal organization . . .” w hich rarely develop o u t o f ea c h other. T h u s he m aintain s differences betw een the C en tral gro up s a n d m ore no rth erly g roups are su c h that th ey c a n n o t be derived from the sa m e so u rce.1-' C onsidering the similarity o f a c cu ltu rativ e forces an d the n ineteen th cen tu ry similarities betw een C e n tra l an d N o r t h C entral g roups it seem s H o c k e tt’s reconstruction is the m ore plausible. It is probable, as M u rd o c k suggests, that parallel developm ents have o c c u rre d in societies s h a r in g the basic bi­

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lateral, band org anized , virilocal-ambilocal system, an d that cross-cousin m a r ria g e provides the m ech a n ism by w hich the changes m ay be developed. D u rin g th e seventeenth c e n tu ry increased d e m a n d s f o r tra de surplus in th e ec onom ies o f both C entral and N o r t h C e n ­ tral gro u p s increased intertribal conflict a n d dislocation, and, fo r the N o r th e r n A lg onquians, the exigencies o f their w estern migration caused an increased em phasis upo n c o m m u n a l activ­ ities a n d upo n g ro u p solidarity, m u ch like n in eteenth cen tu ry co m petition on the Plains influenced the level o f tribal intergration d u rin g s u m m e r months, an d as indicated for the E astern A lg onquians. Beginning with the la tter g ro up , the N o rth e r n A lg onquians, the effect was to keep band stru c tu re flexible, but stratified. As D u n n in g points ou t, m o dern O jibwa local groups tend to be c o m p o s e d o f both “m e m b e r ” males as well as “alien” o r affinal m ales.13 T his is a condition w hich eng end ers c o n ­ siderable friction and conflict w h ich is partialiy a m eliorated by joking and gift-giving relations. M u rd o c k in dicates th a t the gro up s o f the O jibw a C luster practiced bride service; a likely situation as in tratribal gift-giving w ould d e tra c t from o n e ’s fur tr a d e surplus. F r o m this the following hypothesis is proposed. T h e e m ­ phasis on cross-cousin m arriag e crea ted essentially three groups o f m ales in ea c h s u m m e r ban d e n c a m p m e n t - y o u n g e r u n m a r ­ ried “ m e m b e r ” males, old er m arried post-bride-service “ m e m ­ b er” males, an d interm ed iate m a rrie d bride-service “alien” males - statuses w hich were recognized an d validated by joking-gift-giving rituals. T h us, if bands tend ed to localize a ro un d p e rm a n e n t f u r trad in g centers in s u m m e r, as did th e C entral A lg onquians, these ritual relations could evolve into a m oiety­ like lineal system o f reciprocal ritual rights and privileges based u p o n virilocal assemblages o f males. O n th e o th e r hand, am o n g the m o re mobile C ree a n d o th e r n orth ern ers it could evolve into social groups o f “ b ro th e rs” in an age-grade-like system. T h e se co nd itio ns w ould allow fo r the O m a h a , D a k o ta and w h a t M u r d o c k te r m s “ Salishan” form s o f social organization to develop w ithin the 125 years betw een co ntac t with f u r trade m id dlem en a n d the em e rg en ce o f nineteen th ce n tu r y fo r m s of Plains, C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian , a n d N o r th C e n tra l A lg on qu ian social o rg an iz a tio n .11 W ith this process in m ind, an d w ith the e co n o m ic pressure o f the fu r tra de to e n su re som e solidarity, th e C en tral A lg o n q u ian type o f social org anizatio n becomes clear an d its affinities to Plains organ ization m o re m arked.

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C alle nde r states fo r the F o x , Sauk, K ickapo o, an d P o ta w ato m i th a t in 1800 th e r e was a cyclical, seasonal e co n o m ic p a t­ tern o f s u m m e r farm ing , w in te r a n d spring hunting. U n d e r this subsistence p attern , the gro u p s co ng reg ated into ill-defined “ village-bands”, w hich, in the case o f the Sauk, c a m e to gether in large tribal g ro u p s for the su m m e r. W ith in this fra m e w o rk o f organ izatio n the a u th o r ity o f village ch ief (O k im a w a ) was limited a n d councils were “ loose.” Also, a c a m p police o rg a n ­ ization existed w h ich was active d u rin g the sp rin g buffalo h u n t a n d d u rin g the m a r c h b ack to th e s u m m e r villages; however, d u rin g the rest o f th e y e a r th e various “village-bands” w ere a u to n o m o u s a n d social control consisted o f “ diffuse san ctio ns.” Distinctively the C entral A lgo n q u ian s (P ra irie g ro up s) w ere organ ize d into patrilineages o f f o u r generations in depth. R elative age distinctions w ithin a n d betw een lineages w e re im ­ p o rta n t. J o k in g relations w ere m a in tain ed betw een in-laws an d betw een cross-aunts an d uncles a n d th e ir nieces an d nephews, likely a r e m n a n t fro m the basic cross-cousin m arriage system. A p p a re n tly the lineage org anizatio n did not influence m arria ge greatly; a lth o u g h “clan s” w ere exo gam ous, th ere was a bilateral extension o f the incest taboo. T h u s, lineages w ere essentially c o rp o r a te grou ps f o r ritual activity an d f o r the inh eritance o f political office. ( H e r e it m ight be c o m m e n te d th a t P rairie A lg o n q u ian lineages a p p e a r to function as d o N o rth w e ste rn Plains A lg o n q u ian age-grade an d o th e r societies.) O w n ership o f non-ritual pro p erty such as land, houses, a n d personal p ro ­ perty w as in d e p e n d e n t o f th e lineage system. Residence was ap p a re n tly ambilocal (virilocality p re f e rre d ) w ith y o un g h u s­ b a n d s req uired to d o brid e service. L ocal grou ps w ere o rga nize d into tw o o p p o sed “clans” or sets o f clans; clans were e p o n y m o u s , with few c o rp o r a te f u n c ­ tions. N a m e s h ad su p e rn a tu ra l p o w e r an d p laced individuals in the organ izatio n o f the s u p e r n a tu ra l world. T h is conception o f the w orld tied individuals to the “ p o w e r” o f ep o n y m o u s ancestors as well as the p o w e r o f vision in duced rituals. Vision experiences w ere given c o rp o re al reality in w h a t C alle n d er has called “ p ack s”. T h e se “ p a ck s” w ere assembled to represen t the p o w e r o f the vision. C lans an d lineages were “ pack org a n iza­ tions” with ea c h level, clan, lineage, individual, being in de­ p en d e n t in term s o f the “ p a c k ” system. V o lu n ta r y associations also held “ p acks” w h ich were directed tow ard specific activ­ ities. ( H e re , too, lineages an d clans a p p e a r an alo go us to Plains age-grade societies, while individual an d v o lu n ta ry association

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“ p ack s” resemble the m edicine b u n d le co m p lex o f the N o r t h ­ w estern Plains grou ps.) C a lle n d e r finds similarities in the organ izatio n o f the W o o d ­ lands type, M en o m in i, w ith th e C e n tral an d P rairie types. T h e y too had s u m m e r villages, fall co m m u n a l activities, an d w inter dispersion; co m m u nities w ere organized in the sam e p attern as the ir P rairie congeners. H o w e ver, th e M e n o m in i org an iza ­ tion b ro k e d o w n shortly a fte r th ey settled n e a r G re e n Bay in 1740. A lth o u g h the b reak d o w n o f M e n o m in i organizatio n is p ro b ab ly attribu table to the proxim ity o f the o th e r In d ian fur tr a d e refugees in G ree n Bay, it m ight also be th eo rized that th ey w ere m o re v ulnerable to the blan dish m en ts o f th e fu r trad er, hav in g minim al c o m m u n a l agricultural o r hu ntin g o rg a­ nization. T h e M eno m ini also had religious “ p a ck s” a n d sem i­ an nu al cerem on ies w hich a p p ro x im ated P ra irie clan rituals. C allen d er also indicates that Illinois an d M iam i o f the Ohio V alley were like the C entral A lg on qu ians, but that the degree o f a p p rox im a tion is im possible to ascertain because o f their pre-nin eteenth cen tu ry d is ru p tio n .15 Before tu r n in g n o rth again to re tu rn to the C ree, N o rth e r n O jibwa, an d S aulteaux we shou ld s u m m a riz e o u r view o f C e n ­ tral A lgo nq uian-P lains similarities. Both “T r u e Plains” peoples an d the C en tral A lgo nq uians “sh are a basic p a ttern o f tribes o r linked b an d s (village-ban ds) in the s u m m e r m o n th s and dispersed b an d s the rest o f the y e a r,” an d shared in fo rm al or loose leadership an d councils. T h e Prairie A lgo n q u ia n s had s u m m e r police groups an d all C entral A lgo nq uian s h ad “p a c k ” societies with clans and lineages function ing o nly as cerem onial societies, n a m in g groups, an d political inheritance bodies. T h ese descriptions, p h ra s ed in term s a p p ro p r ia te to the “T r u e P lains” societies, in dicate the similarities b etw een P rairie a n d C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian s o f the beginning o f the n ineteen th cen tu ry an d the P lain sm en o f fifty years, o r less, later. A l ­ th ou gh it w ould be inco rrect to ignore differences betw een the Plains a n d W o od land s, it is eq ually inco rre ct to dismiss su m ­ marily the similarities as coincidence. It is felt th a t c o m m o n exp erien ce in dealing w ith the outflow f ro m the f u r trad e, inter­ tribal com p etitio n w hich w as always an a d ju n c t to the f u r trade, an d international co m petition betw een various ethnic gro up s o f f u r tra ders provided the catalyst a n d th e potential fo r the d ev e lo p m en t o f C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian a n d T r u e Plains types o f pre-colonial a boriginal society.

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L o o k in g n o rth to the C ree, O jibw a a n d Saulteaux, tw o p h e ­ n o m e n a a p p e a r m ost im p o rtan t. First, these n o rth e rn groups s h a re d the basic A lg o n q u ia n bilateral, virilocal, m atrilateral cross-counsin m arria g e stru c tu r e a n d cyclical organization. S econd, these g ro u p s were vigorous p articip ants in the diffusion cen tres o f the n o rth e rn Plains. Secoy indicates that d u rin g the eigh teenth cen tu ry tw o o f the m a jo r influences u p o n fu tu re P lains life w ere located in cen ters in the n o rth e aste rn c o rn er o f the P l a i n s - t h e ho rticu ltural villagers a n d the w estern-m ost W o o d la n d s peoples. A n d he notes th a t the characteristic ele­ ments and com plexes w hich characte riz e the Plains developed close by this no rth ea ste rn region. F r o m the n o rth e rn Plains the influences sp re a d rapidly to o th e r groups. H e notes th a t the post-gun-pre-horse p atte rn o f w a rfa re e m erg e d in this n o rth ern region, an d he indicates th a t it was basically a “ modification of the E astern W o o d la n d s p a tte rn .” T o this he a dds th a t th e n o r t h ­ w estern Plains post-gun-pre-horse pattern differed som ew ha t fr o m the n o rth easte rn p a ttern an d th a t the final form o f Plains w a rfa re p a ttern was diffused “w ith the a d v an cin g G u n F ro n tie r to co v e r the w hole P lain s”. 16 W e must surm ise, th erefore, th a t the u ltim ate form o f com p etitio n betw een Plains societies, w h ich w as o n e o f the co nstituents o f Plains ecology, diffused across the P lains w ithin a p atte rn derived directly fr o m the E astern W o od land s, i.e. C e n tra l A lg on qu ian-San tee D ako ta, an d modified slightly by the n o rth w estern P lains groups, i.e. Cre6, Blackfoot, G ro s V entre. T h u s the differences betw een the C re e a d a p ta tio n to the f u r trade an d the C e n tral A lgo nq uian a d a p ta tio n to the fu r trade should a c co u n t in large m easu re fo r the v ariation w ithin w h at we w o u ld call “A lg o n q u ia n Plains” social organization. A s M a n d e lb a u m an d o thers h av e p ointed out, the w estern C re e o r Plains C re e share w ith their eastern cousins the basic A lg o n q u ian social o rganization, the m a jo r difference being in th e de gre e o f cross-cousin m arria g e ( o f the w estern C re e only th e “C allin g R iver P e o p le ” w ere k now n to practice cross-cousin m a r r ia g e ) . T hu s, as he indicates, the C ree b ro u g h t this basic A lg o n q u ian social organ izatio n to a n d on to the Plains, indeed, w ith so m e gro up s effecting a c o m p ro m ise betw een Plains and P a rk la n d life. F u rth e r, so m e C re e g roups carried this o rg an iza­ tion into d irect sym biosis with the H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m p a n y as in the case o f the “H o u s e P eo p le” . T h e im p o rta n c e o f this aspect o f C re e life is e m p h as iz ed by this statem en t by M a n d e lb a u m :

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. . . th e C re e becam e an am a lg a m o f m a n y different tribal stocks. N o t only d o we find the Assiniboin, M onsoni, O jibw ay a n d the A lg on kin to the east a n d so uth lived a m o n g the Cree, b u t even their enemies, th e D a k o ta , the A th a p asc an s , an d the B la ckfo ot occasionally ca m p e d with a n d m arrie d into ban d s o f the C re e .17 T h e Cree, then , are playing the role o f the O ttaw a, w ith som e modification, as th e m id d lem en in the fur tr a d e an d as carriers o f ele m ents o f the f u r tr a d e - scattered peoples and fu r trade tr a d e cultu re - to the west b e y on d L ake Winnipeg. A s such it is difficult to envision “th e C r e e ” as a ho m o g en eo u s cultural grou p. T h e y a p p e a r to be displaced persons m oving w estw ard carry ing the effects o f f u r tr a d e exploitation yet keeping in to u c h w ith th eir exploiters. A s M a n d e lb a u m emphasizes, they w ere: . . . greatly de pen de nt u p o n the aliens n o t only fo r arm s, cloth ing a n d utensils, b u t even fo r provisions. F r o m the self-sufficiency plane o f aboriginal existence, by 1740 they have passed into a state o f e c o n o m ic subservience. T h ey w e re specialists in f u r tr a p p in g .18 T h e C ree, this a m a lg am o f n u m e ro u s groups, d e p e n d e n t upon the f u r trade, were the p e o p le ( s ) w h o in tro d u ce d the gun to the Blackfoot in the 1730’s an d w ere likewise en gag ed w ith the M a n d a n in 1736. Indeed, as Ew ers indicates these N o rth e r n G r o u p s d o m in a te d the tr a d e activities in the m a jo r tr ad in g c e n te r of th e M issouri drainage, M an d a n -H id a tsa , until 1805. H e f u r th e r notes: T h e n o m a d ic tribes w h o traded at the tw o p rim a ry cente rs o n the M issouri a p p e a r to be p articu larly e a g e r to obtain quantities o f co rn to su p p le m e n t th e ir p rim a ry m e at diet. In Ja n u a r y , 1734 A ssinib oin chiefs o f the low er p a r t o f L ake W in n ip e g told L a V e ra n d ry e th a t they w ere leaving as soon as spring o p e n e d to go to the ( M a n d a n ) to bu y c o rn .10 By this time the C ree an d A ssiniboin were em b roile d in c o n ­ flict w ith the Sioux, yet th e tr a d e in In d ia n corn, th e staple o f the f u r trade, goes on. By this tim e those A lg o n q u ian s dis­ persed by th e f u r trad e a re o n the m o v e head ing west into the

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P lains, arm ed w ith th e few g uns p ro c u re d fro m In d ia n m id d le­ m en an d in cau tio u s F re n c h fu r tra d e rs .-0 S im u ltan eo u sly , the M issouri tra d e cen te rs b ec a m e foci fo r diffusion o f fu r tra d e w ealth, a fte r th e fash io n o f G re e n B ay a ce n tu ry e a rlie r.21 As Jab lo w notes th e early ex p lo re rs a n d tra d e rs o f th e A m e rica n w est w ere d e p e n d e n t u p o n this re a d y m aize su p p ly a n d slipped in to th e tra d e p a tte rn existing a lo n g th e M issouri. T h e in c lu ­ sion o f W h ite tra d e rs in this p a tte rn ca u sed co n sid e ra b le fric ­ tio n and, as b efo re, the n o m ad s w ith access to tra d e goods and th e settled fa rm e rs tried to forestall th e tra d e b etw een W hites a n d m ore w esterly In d ia n s.22 A s Secoy notes th e in tru sio n o f th e W h ite tr a d e r in to the P lains . . m ad e it u n n ecessary fo r th e P lain sm en to leave th e ir ecological zo n e an d risk d isaste r by en te rin g th e W o o d ­ lan d s” .23 A s E w ers ind icates th e old m id d lem en recognized th e ir im p en d in g d oom a n d fo u g h t. T h u s, o n th e P lain s w e have a re c re a tio n o f th e d ra m a p lay ed successively to In d ia n a u d i­ ences o f th e U p p e r St. L aw ren ce, S ta d co n a a n d H o ch elag a, H u ro n ia, th e S aguenay , M a n ito u lin Islan d , G re e n Bay, the U p p e r M ississippi an d n o w th e M isso u ri, a d ra m a reflected in th e e th n o g ra p h y o f th e ty p ical o r “T ru e P la in s” In d ian s. T h e sim ilarities am o n g th e v ario u s P lain s tribes, especially th e A lg o n q u ian a n d S io u an sp eak ers, is d eriv ed n o t fro m th e ecology o f th e G re a t P lain s, b u t th e eco lo g y o f fu r tra d e ex­ ploitation. W e m ay see th e cyclical p a tte rn o f trib es o r lin k ed b a n d s as a necessity u n d e r fu r tra d e co n d itio n s, w h e th e r o n th e P lain s o r in th e W oo d lan d s. O n th e o n e h a n d , seaso n al clim atic ch anges d ic ta te th e p a tte rn o f tra d e , th e p a tte rn o f trap p in g , th e p attern o f subsistence. O n th e o th e r h an d , in te rtrib a l c o m ­ petitio n fo r m aize, access to tra d e goods an d fre ed o m o f pas­ sage w as in h e re n t in th e tra d e p a tte rn , if n o t fo m e n te d by fu r tra d e rs an d th e ir In d ian m id dlem en . A n d , as E w ers a n d Jab lo w indicate, p ro v id in g f o r a tra d e su rp lu s m ean s econom ic specialization. P a tte rn s o f lead ersh ip , co un cils an d police fu n c tio n s a re also related to tra d e exigencies. T h e d ep en d en ce o f In d ian peoples u p o n tra d e goods a n d th e necessity fo r flexibility in subsistence fo reo rd ain s su ch m ech a n ism s o f social co n tro l. A l­ th o u g h as good a case c a n n o t be m ad e fo r th e sim ilarities here, it is im p o rta n t to realize th e role o f in d iv id u atio n o r fra g m e n ­ ta tio n o f tra d itio n a l In d ia n g ro u p s in th e fu r tra d e . I t was im p o rta n t to b o th W h ite tra d e r a n d In d ia n m id d lem an to p ro ­

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m o te divisiveness a m o n g th e ir clients to fo restall effective re­ sistance to th e ir efforts to ex p an d th e ir m a rk ets. A s H ick erso n n o tes: T h e m ovem ent o f th e A lg o n k ia n s in to th e L ake W in n ip eg region was d ic ta te d not by th e re q u ire m e n ts o f th e a b o rig ­ inal w ay o f life, b u t by relatio n sh ip s w ith E u ro -A m erican s. In fact, these m igrations, w h ich b egan in th e la te sev en ­ te e n th c e n tu ry as a co n seq u en ce o f th e ex p an sio n o f F re n c h tra d e in to th e L ake S u p erio r region, rep rese n te d a p ro fo u n d c o n tra d ic tio n o f existing socio p o litical fo rm s. T h e old p a tri­ lineal clans occu p ied p a rtic u la r te rrito rie s on th e G re a t L ak es and in th e a d jac en t in te rio r. M o v em en t in se arc h o f fu r to m eet in creasin g d e m a n d m ean t th e d isru p tio n of established te rrito ria l p attern s an d th e b re ak d o w n o f clans in to n u clea r o r lim ited ex te n d e d fam ilies. O nce th e hab it o f w an d erin g had b ecom e firm ly estab lish ed , th e fam ily was based no t on p atrilin eal d escen t, b u t on sim p ly th e affilia­ tion o f one o r tw o ju n io r a d u lt m em bers . . . to th e sen io r m a n : hence it w as p a trila te ra l a n d u su ally virilocal, b u t w ith m any u x o rlo cal instan ces. A ttitu d es c o u ld no t help but reflect th is chan g e fro m c o rp o ra te d e scen t g ro u p s to ­ w ard sm aller g ro u p s - fam ilies - in a c tu a l o r p o ten tial c o m ­ petitio n w ith each o th e r.-4 S uch a to m izatio n w ould necessitate th e looseness o f re m a in in g c o m m u n a l stru c tu re s exem plified by n in e te e n th c e n tu ry C e n ­ tra l A lg o n q u ian s a n d n in e te e n th c e n tu ry typical P lain s p e o ­ ples. A s noted, th e p atri-c la n s o f th e C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian s w ere p rim arily cerem o n ial o rg a n iz a tio n s, n o t c o rp o ra te g roups w ith jo in t land ten u re. A lth o u g h this asp ect m ay be post­ c o n ta c t, it indicates th e ad a p ta b ility o f th o se societies. T h e c o m p lem en tarity o f special in terest societies a n d in d iv id u al re ­ ligious “ pack s” a m o n g th e C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian s is a fu rth e r fe a tu re illu stratin g th is p h e n o m e n o n - religious life co u ld be c o n d u c te d e ith e r sep arately o r in c o m m o n ; so to o fo r th e T ru e P lains. T h e age-graded societies a re re m a rk a b ly close analogies to th e landless clan s o f th e F o x a n d P o taw a to m i, a n d the ex istence o f societies p e r se a m o n g all th e P lain s people in d i­ cates th e v iability o f such ritu a l o rg an izatio n , an d th e cause o f th e absen ce o f clan s am o n g ten o f th e tw elve T ru e P lains societies.

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T h e co m p etitio n b etw een fam ilies m en tio n ed by H ick erso n is reflected in th e em p h asis on ac h iev ed sta tu s a m o n g the P lainsm en, d eterm in ed by success in the fu r tra d e a n d a b o rig ­ inal tra d e p a tte rn s; w ar h o n o rs, horses, a n d p erso n al influence. T h e m ain difference betw een th e P lain s so cieties an d th e N o rth ­ e rn an d C e n tra l A lg o n q u ian s is in th e u ltim a te in ten sity o f tra d e relations, allow ing th e a c c u m u la tio n o f tra d e su rp lu s and in th e possibility o f ex ch an g in g im m o b ile cap ital, tools, utensils, m aize, etc. fo r m obile cap ita l, horses. T h e m ain po in t to be raised , how ever, is th a t th ese changes, inspired by th e fu r trade, w ere c o n d u c te d a n d fra m e d in n o rm al ev o lu tio n ary term s, term s ap p ro p ria te fo r these societies, s o ­ cieties w ith th e co m m o n W o o d lan d s A lg o n q u ia n bases. F o r this reason it is essential to see the d iv erg en t p ath s o f social chan g e o f th e C ree C lu ster, th e C e n tra l C lu ste r, and th e C h ey en n e an d B lackfoo t C lu sters as bein g essentially th e sam e process: th e response o f kin based so cieties to th e ir ch an g in g to tal ecology an d the “ p ro fo u n d c o n tra d ic tio n s” im p lied by these changes. W e m ay th e re fo re co n c lu d e th a t in larg e m easu re the dis­ tin c tio n betw een p re-c o n tac t an d p o st-co n tac t P lain s In d ian societies is sp u rio u s a n d m isleading. T h e p ecu liarity o f Plains In d ian societies is not p rim a rily a resu lt o f “ W h ite -c o n ta c t” n o r is it p rim arily a m a tte r o f “ in d e p en d e n t in v e n tio n ” o r “ p arallel d e v e lo p m en t.” It is th e re su lt o f th e efforts o f E u ro ­ pean gro u p s to ex p lo it this co n tin e n t a n d th e p o ten tial o f those exploited, th e W o o d lan d A lg o n q u ian s, to a d a p t o r resp o n d to exploitation.

NOTES 1. “C u ltu re o f th e N o rth A m e ric an In d ian s O ccu p y in g the C a rib o u A rea and Its R elatio n to O th e r T y p es o f C u ltu re ” ( P roceedings o f th e N a tio n a l A c a d e m y o f S c ie n c e 1: 1 9 1 4 ), p. 54. 2. C u ltu ra l a n d N a tu ra l A re a s o f N a tiv e N o r th A m e ric a (B erkeley, 1 9 3 9 ). 3. Indian s o f th e P lains (G a rd e n C ity, 1963, p. 226. 4. H . C. W ilson, “A n In q u iry in to th e N a tu re o f P lain s In d ian C u ltu ra l D ev elo p m e n t” ( A m e r ic a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 65: 1 9 6 3 ), p. 367.

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5. J. C . E w ers, “W as T h e re a N o rth w este rn P lain s S ub­ c u ltu re? A n eth n o g ra p h ic a l ap p ra isa l” {P lains A n th ro p o lo ­ gist 1 2 :1 9 6 7 ), p. 173. 6. S. C . O liver, E co lo g y a n d C u ltu ra l C o n tin u ity as C o n trib ­ u tin g F actors in th e Social O rg a n iza tio n o f th e P lains In ­ d ians (U n iv ersity o f C a lifo rn ia P u b licatio n s in A m erican A rch aeo lo g y an d E th n o lo g y 4 8 :1 , 1 9 6 2 ), pp. 4 6 -5 1 . 7. E . H . L eacock, T h e M o n ta g n a is ‘H u n tin g T e rrito ry ’ a n d th e F u r T ra d e (A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ic a l A ssociation M em o ir 78, 1 9 5 4 ), p. 22. 8. H . H ick erso n , “S o m e Im p licatio n s o f th e T h e o ry o f the P a rtic u la rity o r ‘A to m ism ’, o f th e N o rth e rn A lg o n k ia n s” (C u rre n t A n th ro p o lo g y 8: 1 9 6 7 ), p. 324. 9. W . N . F e n to n , P ro b lem s A risin g F ro m the H isto ric N o r th ­ eastern P osition o f th e Iro q u o is (S m ith so n ian M iscellan ­ eous C ollections 100, 1 9 4 0 ), p. 174. 10. H . A . Innis, T h e F u r T ra d e in C anada (T o ro n to , 1 9 5 6 ), p. 55. 11. G . P. M u rd o ck , “ A lgon k ian Social O rg a n iz a tio n ” in M. S piro, ed., C o n te x t a n d M e a n in g in C u ltu ra l A n th ro p o lo g y (N e w Y o rk , 1 9 6 5 ), p. 25 ; C. C a llen d e r, S o cia l O rganiza­ tion o f the C en tra l A lg o n k ia n In d ia n s (M ilw a u k e e P u b lic M useum P u b licatio n s in A n th ro p o lo g y 7, 1 9 6 2 ), p . 44. 12. O p. cit., p. 29. 13. R. W . D unning, “ R ules o f R esid en ce a n d E co lo g y A m o n g th e N o rth e rn O jib w a” (A m e ric a n A n th ro p o lo g ist 61: 1959), p. 813. 14. O p. cit., p. 31. 15. O p. cit., p. 1 2 -3 6 . 16. F. R. Secoy, C hanging M ilita ry P a ttern s o n th e G reat P lains (M o n o g ra p h o f th e A m e ric a n E th n o lo g ic al Society 21, 1 9 5 3 ), pp. 8 9 -9 0 , 91. 17. D . A . M a n d elb au m , T h e P lains C ree (A m e ric a n M u seu m o f N a tu ra l H isto ry A n th ro p o lo g ic a l P a p e rs 3 7 : 2, 1 9 4 0 ), p. 180. 18. Ib id , p. 176. 19. J. C . E w ers, T h e In d ia n T ra d e o f th e U p p e r M isso u ri B e ­ fo r e L e w is a n d C hirk: A n In terp re ta tio n (B u lletin o f the M issouri H isto rical Society 10: 1 9 5 4 ), p. 4 3 3 . 20. Secoy, op. cit., pp. 6 9 -7 0 . 21. J. Jablow , T h e C h eyen n e in P lains In d ia n T ra d e R e la tio n s 1 7 9 5 -1 8 4 0 (M o n o g ra p h o f th e A m e ric a n E th n o lo g ic a l S o ­ ciety 19: 1 9 5 0 ), p. 22.

THE GRASSLANDS

22. E w ers, op. cit., p. 443. 23. O p. cit., p. 70. 24. O p. cit., p. 326.

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PART FO U R : THE PACIFIC REGION

It is n o t easy to su m up th e n a tu ra l region w h ich is now B ritish C olum bia. T h e region is a m ixed b ag o f coastal, m o n ta n e and su p alp in e v egetation. In th e forests o f this region, conifers p red o m in ate, w ith w estern red c e d a r an d w estern h em lo ck at low er altitu d es, d o ug las fir a n d lodegpole p in e o n h ig h e r slopes. Im p o rta n t g am e an im als a re elk , m ule, d e e r, m o u n ta in sheep a n d black b ear. C oastal peoples to o k h a ir seals, sea lions, w hales an d sea o tte rs as w ell. M ost o f th is a re a h as a P acific d ra in a g e , an d th o se river valleys w hich w ere not to o steep o r w hose falls w ere n o t too high h ad th e ir an n u a l salm o n sp a w n in g ru n s. E ven a people as fa r u p riv er as th e C a rrie r on S tu a rt L ake w ere able to reap th e h arv est o f this sea-grow n c ro p : “A lth o u g h less w ealth y th an th e co ast In d ian s, th e C a rrie r fo u n d living n o t as p recario u s as am o n g th e tribes east o f th e C o n tin e n ta l D ivide b ey o n d the h ab itat o f th e salm o n ” (S te w a rd , b e lo w ). S an g er a g re es: sa l­ m on w ere ev id en tly very im p o rta n t th ro u g h o u t th e c u ltu re his­ to ry o f th e F ra s e r R iv er d ra in a g e . T h e fish w h ich so en rich ed the lives o f in te rio r peo p les o f th e F ra se r, C o lu m b ia and S keena d rain ag e as well as c o astal peoples a re h errin g , olachen, h alib u t, five species o f Pacific salm o n an d th e steelh ead , a searu n rain b o w tro u t. A w ell-k n o w n c h a ra c te ristic o f th e Pacific salm on is th e ir “h o m in g in stin c t” w h ich brings th e m b ack to spaw n in th e riv er in w h ich th e y w ere b o rn : “salm o n fro m a s h o rt coastal stre a m like th e Q u im a u lt (in W ash in g to n S tate) re tu rn there, an d those fish fro m the u p p e r reaches o f a s u b ­ w atersh ed o f a g re a t system like th e F ra s e r re tu rn th e re ” (A .F .S .C ., b e lo w ). S tew ard sp eak s o f th e “w 'ealthy co ast In ­ d ia n s” , an d so have e a rlie r ob serv o rs. T h is is especially tru e o f th e S o u th ern K w ak iu tl trib es, w h o w ere strateg ically placed on b o th sides o f Q ueen C h a rlo tte S trait so as to m ak e th e most o f salm on an d h e rrin g runs. Is it a n y w o n d e r th en , th a t R u th B enedict sp oke o f “th e fan tastic su rp lu s e c o n o m y ” o f the 191

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K w ak iu tl tribes? (in P attern s o f C u ltu re, page 173; H o u g h to n M ifflin, 1 9 3 4 ). B ut surplus, as W ein b e rg show s, is a relative term . S cholars since B enedict have co m e to sp eak , n o t o f K w ak iu tl “affluence” b u t, as we m ig h t p u t it, o f K w ak iu tl “ a u ste rity ”. In this view , th e K w atiutI w ere n o t so m u ch a b o ri­ ginal n o u v e a u x riches, as B enedict suggests, b u t ab o rig in al im ­ p o verished g entlefolk, giving e la b o ra te e n te rta in m e n ts w hich left th e ir lard ers nearly bare. T h e re w as d o u b tless som e tru th in this view o f S o u th e rn K w ak iu tl life as “sh ab b y g en tee l” clearly fish runs, as o th e r g am e p o p u latio n s, m u st fluctuate. F o r exam ple, R u d d ell’s essay show s th a t th e N o o tk a , w ho sh a re d V a n co u v er Island w ith the K w ak iu tl tribes, faced food sh ortages in late w in te r and e a rly spring. M o re significant fo r th e N o o tk a, p erh ap s w ere th e facts o f g eo g rap h ical a n d y early v ariatio n s in food surpluses. Sockeye salm o n , fo r exam ple, sp aw n ed in som e stream s bu t n o t o th ers, so n o t all N o o tk a n s c o u ld harvest this species. M o re o v e r sockeye an d in fa c t all salm on species show cycles o f a b u n d a n ce a n d scarcely in th e ir sp aw n in g runs, so th e “o w n ers” o f sockeye stream s m ight h a r­ vest little in som e y ears (w h ich th ey w o u ld ek e o u t w ith h e r­ ring, w aterfow l, sea m am m als a n d sp rin g sa lm o n ). A n d as the A m e ric a n F rien d s Service C o m m ittee show s, salm o n a re ex­ tre m ely sensitive to n a tu ra l h a za rd s o f all k inds, fu r th e r c o n ­ trib u tin g to fluctuations in fish harvests. T h e ob served fa c t o f v a ria tio n in fish p o p u latio n s has led som e to sp ecu late th a t th e p o tla tch m ig h t be a m eans o f e v en ­ in g o u t regional disparities in subsistence. T h u s, a village b en e­ fiting from a b u m p e r c a tc h o f fish c o u ld sh a re th e ir w ealth by p o tlatch in g th e ir less fo rtu n a te n eig h bo rs. P o tla tc h in g in this view m ay be seen as a sort o f in ter-village O x fa m relief. T his in te rp re ta tio n is certain ly an im p ro v e m e n t o v e r those o f e a rlie r w riters, w ho em phasized in d iv id u a l riv alries in p o tla tc h e s a n d o th e r, feasts an d en te rta in m e n ts (e.g ., see th e section on “T h e P o tla tc h ” in In d ia n s o f th e N o rth P acific C oast in this se rie s). U n d o u b ted ly th e re w ere in d iv id u al rivalries, b u t several recent w riters have gone on to ask q u estio n s a b o u t th e social and ecological fu n ctio n s o f those p o tla tc h riv alries (see sugges­ tions fo r F u rth e r R eading, b e lo w ). T h e se a re c e rta in ly the p ro p e r so rt o f q uestions to ask. W h e th e r th ese w rite rs have c o m p letely answ ered th e q u estio n s th ey have raised is h a rd to say a t this w riting. O nly m o re facts a b o u t th e N o rth Pacific C o ast e n v iro n m en t w ould tell us w h e th er localized fam in es o c c u rre d , an d w h eth er inter-village feastin g c o u ld relieve them .

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R u d d e ll’s assu m p tio n s a re so m ew h at different. In h e r view, th e pow er to give p o tlatch es a n d o b lig ate o th ers in exchange relationships, in cluding m a rria g e alliances, w ere p a rt o f th e N o o tk a n c h ie f’s b ag o f political strateg e m s. H e u sed such strateg em s to gain access to a v ariety o f b iotic reso u rces. H is follow ers ex p ected n o t o nly a n a d e q u a te diet, b u t th e N o o tk a n version o f th e “good life” -a c c e s s to a v arie d food su rp lu s. P o t­ latches an d o th e r feasts d id d istrib u te goods a m o n g villages, b u t these feasts w ere p a rt o f th e N o o tk a n ’s “ good life” - th ey w ere not relief sh ip m en ts fo r n eedy neighbors. W ein b e rg also m ak es sense o f p o tlatch es given o n w h at m ust have been a ru in o u s scale aro u n d th e tu rn o f th e cen tu ry . She show s th at, w ithin c e rta in lim its o f scarcity and ab u n d an ce, th e p o tlatch fu n ctio n ed to m a in ta in K w ak iu tl society. W hen th e K w akiu tl b eg an w o rk in g fo r W hites, these lim its w ere passed. U n lik e th e N o o tk a n chiefs, K w ak iu tl ch iefs co u ld no longer co n tro l th e access o f C o m m o n e rs to w ealth. T h e ru in o u s riv alry p o tlatch es o f this perio d m ay be seen as an a tte m p t to redress th e social balance. A t this p oint, how ever, th e p o tlatch co u ld no longer fu n ctio n as a co n tro l m ech a n ism in th e face o f very different relatio n s o f p ro d u ctio n . In fact, th e p h e n o m ­ enal g ro w th in th e scale o f p o t'a tc h e s m ay have c o n trib u te d to th e b reak d o w n o f trad itio n ..! K w ak iu tl cu ltu re . Ju st th a t seem ed to have h ap p en e d am o n g th e C a rrie r: “ w ith red u ced resources, p o tlatch in g a te in to cap ital th a t w ould ta k e m an y y ears to replenish and ten d e d to p a u p erize th e co m m o n people w ho had to su p p ly p o tla tch g o o d s.” (S tew ard , b e lo w ). T h e u p sh o t o f this chan g e w as th a t th e C a rrie r ceased to su p p o rt th e ir chiefs an d , by th e tim e o f S te w a rd ’s w ritin g (a ro u n d 1940) had “ fo rg o tte n ” th e system o f chiefly titles. W e need n o t tak e S tew ard seriou sly w h en , a fte r d etailin g ch an g es in e n ­ v iro n m en t an d th e relatio n s o f p ro d u ctio n , he states th a t th e en d o f C a rrie r p o tlatch in g w as b ro u g h t a b o u t “ m ain ly by n o n ­ eco nom ic fa c to rs” . F o r th e C a rrie r, as fo r all th e peoples dis­ cussed here, th e w ays in w h ich th eir su b sisten ce activ ities are o rg an ized has h ad a g re at effect on th e ir o th e r social relations. W h eth e r su ch eco n o m ic o rg an izatio n s - “ relatio n s o f p ro d u c ­ tio n ” - a r e “eco n o m ic” o r n o t is a m o o t point.

15. Development of the Pacific Northwest Plateau Cultural Area: Historical and Environmental Considerations D av id S anger s o u r c e

:

David Sanger, “D evelopm ent of the Pacific Northw est Pla­ teau C ultural A rea: H istorical and Environm ental Considrations,” in David D am as ed., Ecological Essays (O ttaw a: National M useum of C anada, Bull. no. 230, 1969). Re­ printed by permission of the author and publisher.

T h is is a w o rk in g p a p e r designed to co n sid e r th e influences o f en v iro n m en tal a n d historical fa c to rs in th e d ev elo p m en t o f the Pacific N o rth w e st P lateau C u ltu re A rea. T h e P late au C u ltu re A re a, as defined by V . R ay, lies b asin-like b etw een th e R ocky M o u n tain s on th e east and th e C a s c a d e /C o a s t R an g e m o u n ­ tain s o n th e w est.1 T o th e n o rth the a p p ro x im a te lim it is a t the g re a t b end in the F ra s e r R iver, w hile to th e so u th th e c u ltu re a re a m erges w ith th e C o lo ra d o P la te au . T h e N o rth w est P la te au is d ivided into tw o m a jo r p h y sio g rap h ic reg io n s: th e n o rth e rn secto r, k now n as th e In te rio r P la te a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia; an d th e so u th e rn p o rtio n , referred to h ere as th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u a fte r the C o lu m b ia R iv e r w h ich d rain s th e region.

E nvironm ental Factors T h e In te rio r P la te a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia is a rolling u p lan d s av erag in g 3 ,0 0 0 -5 ,0 0 0 feet ab o v e sea-level w ith peaks u p to 7 ,0 0 0 feet. D eeply incised in to th e In te rio r P la te au arc tw o m a jo r rivers, th e F ra s e r an d its co n flu en t th e T h o m p so n . S o u th o f th e T h o m p so n R iv er is th e C a n a d ia n O k a n a g a n , a lake sys­ tem w hich d rain s so u th w ard th ro u g h th e C o lu m b ia River. T h ese rivers p rovided c o m m u n ic a tio n 'ro u te s fro m one a re a of th e In te rio r P lateau to a n o th e r an d in ab o rig in al tim es a ttra c te d 194

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th e m ajo rity o f th e a re a ’s in h ab itan ts. T h e valleys o f th e F ra s e r an d T h o m p so n rivers, to g e th e r w ith th e O k an a g a n , co m p rise th e d ry grass belt w ith a n n u a l p recip ita tio n av erag in g 15 inches o r less. D o m in ated to d a y by sa g eb ru sh (A r te m is ia ), cactu s ( O p u n tia fr a g ilis ), an d ‘c h e a t g rass’ (B r o m u s te c to r u m ), early acco u n ts in d icate th a t b u n c h grasses (A g r o p y r o n ) w ere typical valley flora in early h isto ric tim es ( 1 8 0 0 - 5 0 ) p rio r to overg razin g by in tro d u ced c a ttle and horses. H ig h e r u p th e valley slopes, th e vegetation is less d esert-like, w ith b u n c h grasses, p o n d ero sa pine, D ouglas fir, a n d ev en tu a lly o p en a lp in e m ea­ dow s. E astern W ash in g to n is d iv id ed into tw o p h y sio g rap h ic units b y th e C o lu m b ia R iver. T o th e n o rth an d w est a re th e O k a n ­ ogan H ighlands an d th e fo rested fo o th ills o f th e C ascad e R an g e; to th e so u th is the C o lu m b ia P la te a u p ro p e r, a n ele­ v ated , loess-covered tab le land, u n d e rlain by n u m e ro u s basaltic lava flows, dissected by trib u ta rie s o f the C o lu m b ia, and the S nake, an d b y v arious d ry coulees. L ik e th e B ritish C o lu m b ia In te rio r P lateau , overg razin g o f th e b u n ch grass has led to the in creasin g d o m in an ce o f sag eb ru sh an d B ro m u s in the low er valleys, but in th e h ig h er reach es o f th e n o rth e rn an d w estern u p lan d s p o n d ero sa pine fo rests prevail. C o m p a rin g th e gross p h y sio g rap h ic fea tu res o f th e tw o p lateaus, it is p ro b ab ly sufficient to n o te th a t th e re a re m an y sim ilarities b etw een th e B ritish C o lu m b ia In te rio r P la te a u and th a t p o rtio n o f C o lu m b ia P lateau n o rth an d w est o f th e C o ­ lu m b ia R iver. S o u th o f th a t d ivide th e te rra in is less rugged, th e av erage a n n u a l p re cip ita tio n is less, an d th e flora m ore x ero th erm ic. F ro m a h u m a n subsisten ce p o in t o f view , how ev er, p e rh ap s th e m ost im p o rta n t reso u rce w as th e tre m e n d o u s n u m b e r o f salm on (O n c h o rh y n c h u s s p .) a n n u a lly ascen d in g th e m ajo r rivers an d th e ir trib u ta rie s. S alm on no t o n ly p ro v id ed an im ­ p o rta n t source o f pro tein d u rin g th e su m m e r m o n th s b u t fu r­ n ished food in d rie d fo rm th ro u g h o u t th e w in ter. S u p p le m e n t­ ing th e salm on w ere elk, m o u n ta in sheep, th e u b iq u ito u s m ule d eer, an d a w ide variety o f v eg etab le foods. E arly acco u n ts n ote th e rich salm o n reso u rces av ailab le to th e in h ab itan ts o f th e F ra s e r a n d C o lu m b ia rivers, a n d there is little evidence to suggest th a t one system w as an y m o re p ro ­ d u ctiv e th a n th e o th er. F ish in g tech n iq u es w ere essen tialy sim i­ la r ex cep t th a t d ip -n et fishing m ay have been b e tte r su ited to th e m o re m u rk y F ra s e r' R iv er w aters. It seem s possible, how ­

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ever, th a t In d ian s living in th e In te rio r P la tea u a n d exp lo itin g a re a s n o rth and w est o f th e C o lu m b ia R iv er m ig h t h av e e n ­ joy ed su p e rio r big g am e reso u rces. D e e r are fo u n d in som e n u m b ers in trib u ta ry cany on s d ra in in g in to th e ea ste rn (le ft) b a n k o f th e C o lu m b ia, alth o u g h these h u n tin g te rrito rie s are lim ited. T h e C o lu m b ia P lateau p ro p e r is n o t well su ited to d e e r an d elk. V egetable foods are likew ise m o re p len tifu l in the regions n o rth an d w est o f th e C o lu m b ia w h ere th e g re a te r re­ lief tends to lengthen the g ro w in g season o f an y p a rtic u la r species. T h e deg ree o f d ep en d e n ce upo n veg etab le fo o d s p ro b ­ ab ly varied g reatly fro m area to a re a an d y e a r to y ear, b u t it seem s likely th a t m an y archaeo lo g ists have u n d erestim a te d the im p o rtan ce of roots an d berries in the to tal e c o n o m y o f the P la te a u people. D u rin g the last m a jo r ad v a n ce o f th e W isconsin ice-sheet, th e In te rio r P lateau o f B ritish C o lu m b ia w as heavily g laciated . T h e fact th a t striae have been n o ted at elev atio n s o f 6 ,0 0 0 to 7 .0 0 0 feet suggests an ice-sheet at least a m ile high. S p read in g o u t o f th e O k an o g an H ighlan d s, ice reach ed in to all b u t the so u th e rn p o rtio n s o f the C o lu m b ia P lateau . P ro b a b ly p rio r to 11.000 years ago, d eg laciatio n , m elt-w ater p o n d in g , a n d su b ­ se q u en t d rain ag e p a tte rn s c h an g ed th e m o rp h o lo g y o f the C o lu m b ia P lateau . In the B ritish C o lu m b ia P la te a u , how ever, th e re is no evidence th a t th e re w as d eg lac iatio n until a b o u t 10.000 years ago, th e earliest d a te fo r p ost-glacial p eat bog fo rm a tio n . A t th is tim e som e o f th e m elt w aters fro m the a b latin g C o rd illeran ice-cap in B ritish C o lu m b ia d rain ed so u th th ro u g h th e C o lu m b ia R iver d ra in a g e system , sw elling th a t riv er to a volum e n ev er since eq u alled . T h e 10,000-year-old R o a d c u t site (W S 4 ) a t T h e D alles in O reg o n , w hich w as a p ­ p a re n tly located on th e then existing sh o relin e, is now 35 feet ab o v e m ax im u m flood stage. By ap p ro x im a tely 9 ,3 0 0 y ears ago, how ever, th e b u lk o f th e C o rd ille ra n ice-cap in B ritish C o lu m b ia d rain ed w est via th e F ra s e r River. A nalysis o f m any bog sections in th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u has in dicated to H an sen th a t th e local post glacial seq u en ce o f clim atic co n d itio n s parallels th o se recognized in m u ch o f the N o rth e rn H em isp h ere.- C o m p a ra tiv e ly few pollen profiles have been analysed from th e In te rio r P la te au , b u t those th a t have ex h ib it th e sam e g en eral in crease o f ch en o p o d s and co m p o sites b etw een 5,0 00 an d 7,000 y e ars ago. A c c o rd in g to H a n sen , how ever, th e period o f m ax im u m w a rm th a n d arid ity w as not so p ro n o u n ced in th e m ore m o u n ta in o u s In te rio r P la te a u .3

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O n e o f th e m ain h y p o th eses o f th is p a p e r is th a t th e c h an g in g post glacial clim a te p lay ed a m a jo r role in th e d e ­ velo p in g C o lu m b ia R iv e r c u ltu re s b u t w as o f negligible im ­ p o rta n c e to th e p reh isto ry o f th e In te rio r P la te a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia. T h e b iotic zones in th e In te rio r P la te a u a re d e p e n ­ d e n t largely u p o n altitude. A n in crease in arid ity w o u ld c o n ­ ceivably lessen th e deer- and elk -g razin g p o te n tia l in the valleys, b u t a t th e sam e tim e it w ould in crease th e ra n g e of b u n c h grass in th e h ig h er levels. In sh o rt, th e u p w ard m ig ratio n o f th e p la n t co m m u n ities w as p ro b a b ly n o t d e leterio u s; o n the co n tra ry , a th in n in g o u t o f th e p o n d ero sa a n d fir fo rests alo n g th e F ra s e r R iver w ould e n c o u ra g e th e p resen ce o f elk, g e n e r­ ally a m ore d esirab le gam e anim al th a n d eer. F in a lly , an y re­ c o n stru ctio n o f p reh isto ric clim atic co n d itio n s in th e In te rio r P la te a u should n o t be b ased u p o n th e m o d ern flora in the valleys. As d o cu m en ted prev io u sly , th e p resen ce o f sag eb ru sh a n d cactu s is related to e a rly h isto ric o v erg razin g , w h ich re­ su lted in th e in tro d u c tio n o f th e h ard ie r, m o re x e ro th e rm ic species. In a d d itio n to th e paly n o lo g ical ev id en c e co llected b y H a n ­ sen, th e arch aeo lo g ical reco rd o f th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u suggests a significant clim atic shift b etw een 8 ,0 0 0 a n d 4 ,5 0 0 y e ars ago. D a u g h e rty notes th a t b etw een th ese d ates th e C o lu m b ia P late a u assem blages c o n ta in fo o d -g rin d in g im p lem en ts, g en erally rem i­ niscen t o f th e D esert c u ltu re .4 A lth o u g h th e P la te a u g ro u p s w ere n o t d e p e n d e n t u p o n sa l­ m on to th e sam e degree as the N o rth w e st C o a st p eo p le w ere, th e re is no d o u b t th a t salm o n w as very im p o rta n t in e a rly h is­ to ric tim es o n b o th th e C o lu m b ia a n d F ra s e r riv e r system s. S alm on m ay have been in th e F ra s e r R iv e r system sin ce th e first w ell-established presen ce o f m an in th e region a b o u t 9 ,0 0 0 y ears ago. A t th e M illiken site in th e F ra s e r C a n y o n , B orden h as circ u m sta n tia l b u t plau sib le ev id en c e fo r salm o n fisheries a t this ea rly d a te .5 T h e earliest sk eletal rem ain s, how ev er, com e fro m a site in th e In te rio r P la te a u , ra d io c a rb o n d ate d to 7,500 years. Salm on rem ain s are n o te d in o th e r n e a rb y sites, ranging in age from 7 ,0 0 0 y ears to th e histo ric p erio d . T h e co n tin u o u s presen ce of salm o n in th e F ra s e r R iv er system rep re sen ts an ecological co n sta n t w hich m u st be c o n sid ered e x trem ely signifi­ c a n t in the overall d e v elo p m e n t o f In te rio r P la te a u c u ltu ra l developm ent. T o th e so u th th e situ a tio n is m o re c o m p licated . H e re , the e a rliest salm on rem ain s reco v e re d a re fro m th e 10,000-year-old

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levels a t T h e D alles. In the m o re recen t levels o f th e sa m e site, how ever, all tra c e s o f salm o n van ish . E a st o f T h e D alles, bu t still o n C o lu m b ia R iver, S h in er notes th e su d d e n ab sen ce o f salm o n bones a n d th e increase o f riv er m ussel shells in th e C old S p rin g s site.0 P u zzlin g this situ atio n , S h in e r w o n d ers if, fo r so m e inexplicable reason, th e a n n u a l salm o n ru n s ceased. A se a rc h o f th e p u blished litera tu re , in a d d itio n to co rresp o n d e n c e w ith several reg io n al specialists, has failed to rev eal a n y a p p re ­ c ia b le salm on rem ain s in sites d a te d b etw een 6 ,0 0 0 a n d 1,000 y e ars ago. D u rin g th e 1965 IN Q U A c o n fe ren c e th e ecologist D o n a ld B. L aw ren ce d rew m y atte n tio n to the C a sc ad e lan d slid e a n d its p ro b ab le effect u p o n th e a n n u a l m o v em en ts o f salm o n . T h e C a scad e landslide, located 60 m iles d o w n stream fro m th e p res­ en t tow n o f T h e D alles, O reg o n , blo ck ed th e C o lu m b ia R iver, c re a tin g th e L ak e o f the G o d s. R ad io c a rb o n d ates on tw o trees d ro w n e d by th e L a k e o f G o d s av erag ed A .D . 1265. T h e C o lu m b ia R iv er ev id en tly h a d risen o v e r 2 0 0 feet b e h in d the landslide d am b efo re it overflow ed a n d b eg an d o w n cu ttin g . By historic tim es, how ever, th e o rig in al g ra d ie n t o f th e river h ad not y et been atta in e d , a n d th e rem a in in g 3 7 -foot d ro p be­ cam e k now n as th e C ascad e R apids. A s th e C o lu m b ia R iver c u ts th ro u g h th e C ascad e R an g e, it p o u rs th ro u g h th e C o lu m b ia G o rg e and o v er a series o f p recip ito u s w aterfalls a n d rapids. A t th e head o f th e gorge is C elilo F alls, th e fa m e d m eeting place o f C o astal a n d P la te a u c u ltu res, an d th e lo catio n o f T he Dalles* arch aeo lo g ical sites. F o r th e next 60 m iles th e C o lu m b ia R iv er falls 123 feet, b u t 119 o f these 123 feet o c c u r in tw o localities, to tallin g less th a n o n e -th ird o f th e d istan ce (F ig u re 1 ). T h u s th e effect o f th e lan d slid e w as th e creatio n o f tw o lad d ers assisting th e salm o n o v e r C elilo F alls, w h ich h ad a l­ low ed few fish to ascend in th e 5 ,0 0 0 y ears previous. T h e d rop a t C elilo F alls, w hich th e L aw ren ces c a lc u la te a t 60 feet, p ro b ­ ab ly began w ith th e slack en in g o f the h igh v o lu m e o f w a te r as th e F ra s e r R iv er b eg an to d ra in m o re o f th e In te rio r P la te a u .7 T h is, co m b in ed w ith arid ity d u rin g th e H y p sith e rm a l a n d n o r­ m al d o w n cu ttin g , served to c re a te a fo rm id ab le o b stacle to sa l­ m on betw een 6 ,0 0 0 an d 1,000 y e ars ago. In su m m arizin g this b rie f discussion o f th e en v iro n m en tal facto rs, th e follow ing points a re n o ted : 1. T h e P acific N o rth w e st P la te a u is d o m in a ted b y tw o m ain riv er system s - the C o lu m b ia a n d th e F raser. 2. T h e p rogression o f m o ist to a rid to m o d ern clim atic

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co n d itio n s p revailed , alth o u g h th e c o n tra sts w ere a p p a r­ ently m ore p ro n o u n c e d in the C o lu m b ia P lateau . 3. T h e effect u p o n the re so u rc e p o ten tial fo r th e p reh isto ric in h a b itan ts w as not e q u a l. It is suggested th a t th e In te rio r P la te a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia g ro u p s co n tin u e d to exploit large m am m als, veg etab le foods, a n d salm o n . T h e C o ­ lu m b ia P lateau in h a b ita n ts, on th e o th e r h a n d , enjo y ed salm on in early post glacial tim es, b u t b etw een a p p ro x i­ m ately 6,000 an d 1,000 y ears ag o , few , if an y , live sa l­ m on got p a st the b a rrie r a t C elilo F alls. T h e C ascad e landslide, d a te d to a b o u t A .D . 1265, m ad e av ailab le once again th e C o lu m b ia R iv er sp aw n in g beds. H istorical Factors A cco rd in g to C ressm an , D a u g h e rty , Jen n in g s, an d o th e rs, the c u ltu ra l ties o f th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u e x ten d to th e so u th a n d so u th east. T w o ra th e r d istin c tiv e tech n o lo g ical tra d itio n s and subsistence p a tte rn s are k n o w n fro m th e earliest p e rio d ; the bison h u n tin g p a tte rn exem plified by th e L ind C o u lee site w ith p ro b a b le P lan o T ra d itio n p ro jectile p o in t affiliations, an d the riv erin e -o rien ted system k n o w n fro m T h e D alles. B oth areas d a te to a t least 9 ,0 0 0 y ears ago, an d p ro b a b ly o lder. C h ro n o ­ logically follow ing these e arly riv erin e and big g am e h u n tin g p a tte rn s is th e O ld C o rd ille ra n c o n cep t o f B u tler.8 R ed u ced to its o n e m ain d iagn ostic fe a tu re , this c o m p lex is recognized by th e presence o f assem blages w ith exclusively leaf-sh ap ed p ro ­ jectile points in stone. A b o u t 6 ,0 0 0 y e ars ago, o r e a rlie r, M t. M a z a m a ejected a distin ctiv e ash across m u ch o f th e Pacific N o rth w est. C o m p o n en ts stra tig ra p h ic a lly above th e ash c o n ­ tain a few leaf-shaped p o in ts, b u t larg e sid e-n o tch e d points w ith co n cav e to straig h t bases a re m o re co m m o n . F o o d -g rin d ­ ing im plem ents, basically sim ila r to those fo u n d in th e G re a t Basin arc n o ted here. B etw een 3 ,0 0 0 to 4 ,0 0 0 y ears a g o the side-n o tcch cd points w ere rep laced by p o in ts w ith p arallel and c o n tra c tin g stem s, w h ich in tu rn w ere fo llo w ed by basal and c o rn e r-n o tc h e d points. T h ro u g h o u t this p erio d o f close to 7,000 y ears th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u is th o u g h t to have p a rtic ip a te d in th e W estern In te rm o n ta n e T ra d itio n , w hich, a c co rd in g to D au g h erty , ex ten d e d from B ritish C o lu m b ia to M ex ico .1' It is only a fte r A .D . 1 th a t th e C o lu m b ia P la te au d eveloped in to the N o rth w e st R iverine T ra d itio n w ith an e co n o m y based upon intensive utilization o f th e riv er resources.

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Sw anson proposes a su d d en c u ltu ra l efflorescence on the C o lu m b ia R iv er in w hat he calls the “e m erg en ce o f P la te a u c u ltu re ”. 10 H e speaks o f a su d d en re o rie n ta tio n o f subsistence, settlem en t, an d co m m u n ity p a tte rn s in th e fo rm o f intensive riv erin e ex p lo itatio n an d th e a p p e a ra n c e o f hou sep it dw ellings a rra n g e d in villages. T h is em erg en ce is d a ted b etw een A .D . 1200 a n d A .D . 1300. T h e p re h isto ry o f th e In te rio r P late a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia, as it is p resen ted h ere, is b ased upo n o n e len g th y an d n early co n tin u o u s cu ltu ra l seq u en ce a n d a series o f sc a tte re d sites. T h e sequen ce, w hich is fro m th e L y tto n -L illo o et region o n the F ra s e r R iv er in th e h eart o f U p p e r T h o m p so n eth n o g rap h ic te rrito ry , indicates o c c u p atio n fo r a t least 7 ,5 0 0 y e ars - the o ld est rad io c a rb o n d a te th u s fa r received. F ro m th e v ery be­ g innings o f th e sequence th e re are significant d issim ilarities w ith assem blages o f c o m p a ra b le a n tiq u ity o n th e C o lu m b ia R iver. T h e L y tton-L illooet p ro jectile p o in ts are q u ite d istin ct fro m th o se to th e so u th and in d ic a te clo ser rela tio n sh ip to p o in t styles k n o w n in th e C a n a d ia n P ra irie s a n d n o rth -c e n tra l B ritish C o lu m b ia. A ssem blages fro m B ritish C o lu m b ia also co n tain m icro blades an d m icro b lad e co res fro m th e 7 ,5 0 0 -y ear-o ld c o m p o n en t u ntil a b o u t 2 ,0 0 0 y ears ago. A t tim es m icro b lad es c o n stitu te 50 p e r cen t o f all a rtifa cts in assem blages. A nalysis o f th e m icroblades an d , m o re im p o rta n t, th e m icro b la d e cores in dicates th a t th e closest sim ilarities exist w ith c erta in m icro ­ b lade cores d esig n ated “to n g u e -sh ap e d ” b y Irv in g , d istrib u te d n o rth th ro u g h th e Y u k o n , A lask a, a n d in to A sia .11 T o date o n ly tw o m icro b lad e-b earin g co m p o n e n ts h av e been re p o rte d fro m th e C o lu m b ia P lateau . A n o th e r m a jo r d istin ctio n involves h ab itatio n s. A b o u t 3 ,5 0 0 y ea rs ago th e first k now n sem isu b ­ te rra n e a n h ousepits a p p e a r in th e In te rio r P la te a u . W ith one o r tw o exceptions, h ousep its in the C o lu m b ia P la te a u a re a fe atu re o f th e C h ristian era , w ith th e m a jo rity d a tin g to the p ast 1,000 years. T h u s th e p re h isto ric C o lu m b ia P la te a u cu ltu re s m ay have sh a re d m any tra its w ith th e v ario u s D esert C u ltu re s to th e so u th u n til a b o u t A .D . 1000, w hen c e rta in tra its, long associated w ith th e In te rio r P lateau o f B ritish C o lu m b ia, m ak e an a p p e a r­ an ce. T h ese in clu d e the ho u sep its, th e w ell-developed w o o d ­ w o rk in g com plex, a n d an intensified riv erin e o rien tatio n . T w o o th e r lines o f evid en c e re in fo rc e th e arch aeo lo gical in te rp re ta tio n . In defining th e P la te au C u ltu re A rea, R ay notes th e presence o f certain d iv isio n s.1- B ased largely u p o n n o n ­

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m aterial elem ents o f c u ltu re , R ay d o cu m e n ts a cu ltu ra l b reak a t a b o u t th e p resen t In te rn a tio n a l B o u n d ary . T h e linguistic division betw een In te rio r S alish a n d S ah a p tin sp eak ers, h o w ­ ever, is 180 m iles to th e so u th . S uttles a n d E lm e n d o rf, and m o re recen tly E lm e n d o rf, h av e discussed th e P la te a u C u ltu re A re a w ith referen ce to linguistic, c u ltu ra l, a n d ecological b o u n d a rie s.13 T h e cu ltu re o f th e In te rio r S alish area , w h ich is c o n sid ered to be a d a p te d to th e fo rested valleys o f B ritish C o lu m b ia, is th o u g h t to have m oved so u th w ith th e o n set of th e m o ister M e d ith e rm a l clim atic phase, circa 4 ,0 0 0 y ea rs ago. P re se n t archaeological evid en ce suggests th a t'th is d a te m ay be to o early , how ever, fo r th e so u th w ard diffusion o f cu ltu ra l tra its associated w ith th e In te rio r P la te a u . In su m m ary , th e evidence p re se n te d h ere p o in ts to a lo n g ­ te rm sep a ra tio n b etw een th e tw o p o rtio n s o f th e P la te a u , w ith th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u affiliating w ith th e D e sert C u ltu re s a n d th e B ritish C o lu m b ia In te rio r P la te a u sh a rin g tra its w ith the C a n a d ia n P rairies a n d th e S u b arctic. T h e o b serv ed sim ilarities in eth n o g rap h ic tim es are a p p a re n tly th e resu lt o f a late ( circa A .D . 1000) influx o f In te rio r P la tea u c u ltu ra l tra its, in clu d in g In te rio r Salish languages. T h re e d ates, e a c h d eriv ed in d ep en d e n tly , co in cid e, in a suggestive m an n e r. F irst, th e re is th e A .D . 1000 d a te fo r th e re co g n itio n o f sh a re d tra its in clu d in g h o u se p it villages and w o o d w o rk in g im plem ents. S eco n d , th e re is S w an so n ’s in ten si­ fied riverine o rie n ta tio n a n d “ e m erg en ce” d a te d to A .D . 1 2 0 0 1300. A n d finally, th e re is th e A .D . 1265 d a te fo r th e C a scad e lan d slid e a n d th e re in tro d u c tio n o f salm o n in to th e C o lu m b ia P lateau . D iscussion T h e series o f e n v iro n m en tal a n d h isto ric al ev en ts leading u p to th e h isto ric P la te a u C u ltu re A re a m ay now b e su m m a r­ ized an d in teg rated . In th e C o lu m b ia P la te a u th e e a rlie st in ­ h ab itan ts o f w hich w e have an y re c o rd w ere ev id en tly m ak in g ex tensive use o f th e salm o n reso u rces. B ut a ro u n d 8 ,0 0 0 to 6 ,0 0 0 y ears ago th e salm o n ex p lo itatio n p a tte rn w eak en ed , and it w as a t this tim e th a t c o n ta c ts w ith th e D esert C u ltu re o f th e G re a t B asin intensified. T h e loss o f salm o n m a y have been due to th e lessening o f th e w a te r v o lu m e d u rin g th e T h e rm a l M ax i­ m u m , w hich co m b in ed w ith d o w n c u ttin g to c re ate a b a rrie r at C elilo Falls. W ith th e g en eral d essicatio n a n d loss o f salm on,

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th e C o lu m b ia R iv e r gro u p s m ay have been obliged to reo rie n t th e ir subsisten ce p a tte rn s, a d a p tin g th em to tech n iq u e s alrea d y w ell established in th e d ese rt regions to th e so u th . T h e n a basic ch an g e in subsistence a n d se ttlem e n t p a tte rn s, e q u ate d w ith S w an so n ’s “em ergence o f P la te a u c u ltu re ,” o c c u rre d a t ro u g h ly th e sam e tim e th a t salm o n once again b egan ascen din g th e C o lu m b ia R iver past C elilo F alls. C o in c id e n t w ith this w as influx o f In te rio r S alish sp eak ers fro m B ritish C o lu m b ia. T h e g re a t im p o rtan ce in historic tim es o f T h e D alles as a m eeting p lace o f C o astal a n d In te rio r cu ltu re s m ay w ell have its roots in th e old u p riv e r lim it o f th e salm o n . S h o rtly b efo re a n d d u r­ in g th e early y ears o f the h isto ric p erio d , influences fro m the C h in o o k an d fro m th e P lain s c u ltu re s stro n g ly affected the C o lu m b ia P la te a u cultures. T h e In te rio r P la te a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia w as p ro b ab ly p o p u lated initially by gro u p s c o m in g o u t o f the d eg lac iated C o lu m b ia P lateau . A rtifa c ts o f gen eral n o rth e rn affiliation, su c h as m icroblades, ap p e a re d by 7 ,5 0 0 y e ars ago. C o n ta c ts w ith th e w estern C a n ad ian P ra irie s w ere ev id en tly m ain tain ed fro m this period until h isto ric tim es. In th e last 2 ,0 0 0 y ears B ritish C o lu m b ian groups, now sp eak in g In te rio r Salish, p u sh ed so u th w ard , p ossibly th ro u g h th e O k an a g a n V alley. T h e In te rio r S alish b ro u g h t w ith them a c u ltu re a d ap te d to th e riv erin e re ­ so u rces and th e fo rested hills o f th e F ra s e r d ra in ag e system . N e a r th e en d o f th e p reh isto ric p erio d th e In te rio r Salish w ere influenced by ideas o rig in atin g fro m the N o rth w e st C o a st and fro m th e Plains. A t o u r c u rre n t sta te o f k n o w led g e c o n ce rn in g th e p reh isto ry o f th e N o rth w e st P lateau , th e fo reg o in g discussion ap p e a rs to in clu d e som e o f th e m ost significant h isto rical and e n v iro n ­ m en tal facto rs. T h e im p licatio n s fo r th e e arly histo ric P lateau so cieties have y et to be w ork ed o u t in d e ta il, bu t several o b ser­ v atio n s seem pertin en t. T h e speed w ith w hich th e C o lu m b ia R iv er g ro u p s re ­ o rien ted th eir subsistence, settlem en t, an d c o m m u n ity p a ttern s is o f interest. If S w an so n ’s d a te s o f A .D . 1200 to A .D . 1300 fo r th e “em erg en ce” are c o rre c t, it w o u ld seem th a t re o rie n ta ­ tion follow ing th e C ascad e landslide a n d th e ren ew ed p resen ce o f salm on in A .D . 1265 w as alm o st im m ed iate. It d o es not a p p e a r as if th e C o lu m b ia R iv e r peo p les w ere m ak in g a slow tria l an d e rro r ty p e o f a d ju stm en t to the new riches o f th e river. P attern s prev iously w o rk ed ou t in n early six m illen n ia of

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e x p e rim e n ta tio n o n th e F ra s e r R iv er m ay h av e been b o rro w e d w ith only slight ad ju stm en ts. R ay notes th a t it is in religion a n d w h at he calls social a ttitu d e s th a t th e C o lu m b ian P la te a u g ro u p s ex h ib it th e g re a t­ est divergence fro m th e B ritish C o lu m b ia societies.14 R ecently I h av e co m p a re d a rtifa c t lists fro m late p re h isto ric sites in the tw o sectors o f th e P lateau a n d have co m e to th e conclu sio n th a t th e m ost srtik in g differen ces d o in fa c t co n c e rn artifa cts w h ich a re n o t p rim arily asso ciated w ith su b sisten ce te c h ­ niques. H ere m ay be a case o f lo n g -stan d in g religious an d social a ttitu d e s being little influenced b y a ra p id ly c h an g in g en v iro n ­ m ent. Subsistence an d settlem e n t p attern s, on the o th e r hand, m ay h av e been su b stan tially altered . F in ally , h o u sep it villages a p p e a re d in th e In te rio r P late a u o f B ritish C o lu m b ia a b o u t 3 ,5 0 0 y e ars ago, w h ereas th e settle­ m en t p a tte rn m ig h t be a fe a tu re o f th e p ast 1,000 to 1,500 y e a rs o n ly in th e C o lu m b ia P la te au . It seem s possib le th a t th ese lo n g -term differences in se ttle m e n t p a tte rn h av e h ad im ­ p o rta n t im p licatio n s fo r d e v elo p in g c o m m u n ity p a tte rn s, k in ­ sh ip, a n d political system s in th e tw o p la te a u s a n d m ay offer a p a rtia l ex p lan a tio n fo r th e d ic h o to m y d o c u m e n te d by R ay.

NOTES 1. C u ltu ra l R ela tio n s in th e P lateau o f N o rth w e ste rn A m e r ic a (L o s A ngeles, 1 9 39 ). 2. H . H an sen , “ P ostglacial fo re st succession, clim ate a n d ch ro n o lo g y in th e P acific N o rth w e st” ( T ra n sa ctio n s o f the A m e r ic a n P hilosophica l S o c ie ty 2 7 : 1 9 4 7 ). 3. H . H an sen , “P o stg lacial fo re sts in so u th ce n tral a n d c e n tra l B ritish C o lu m b ia ” ( A m e r ic a n Jo u rn a l o f S cie n c e 2 53: 1 9 5 5 ). 4. R. D a u g h erty , “T h e In te rm o n ta n e w estern tra d itio n ” ( A m e r ic a n A n tiq u ity 2 8 ( 2 ) : 1 9 6 2 ), pp. 145, 147. 5. C. B orden, “ D jR i:3 , a n ea rly site in th e F ra s e r C an y o n , B ritish C o lu m b ia ” in C o n trib u tio n s to A n th ro p o lo g y ( N a ­ tio n al M u seu m o f C a n a d a B ulletin 162, 1 9 6 0 ). 6. J. Shiner, T h e M c N a r y R eservo ir: A S tu d y in P lateau A rc h a e o lo g y (B u re a u o f A m e ric a n E th n o lo g y B ulletin, 179, 1 9 6 1 ), p. 190. 7. D . B. L aw ren ce an d E . G . L aw ren ce, “ B ridge o f th e gods

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9. 10. 11.

12. 13.

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legend, its origin, h isto ry an d d a tin g ” ( M a z a m a 4 0 : 1 9 5 8 ), p. 35. B. R. B utler, T h e O ld C ordilleran C u ltu re in th e P acific N o rth w e st (O ccasio n al P a p e rs o f th e Id a h o S tate C ollege M u seu m 5, 1 961). O p. cit. T h e E m erg en ce o f P lateau C u ltu re (O ccasio n al P a p e rs o f th e Id a h o S tate C ollege M u seu m 8, 1 9 6 2 ). W . Irving, “A provisional c o m p ariso n o f so m e A lask an a n d A sian sto n e in d u stries” in P rehistoric C u ltu ra l R e la tio n s B e ­ tw een the A r c tic a n d T e m p e ra te Z o n e s o f N o r th A m e r ic a (A rc tic In stitu te o f N o rth A m e ric a T ech n ical P a p e r 11, 1 9 6 2 ). O p. cit. W . S uttles a n d W . E lm e n d o rf, “ L in g u istic ev idence fo r Salish p re h isto ry ” ( P roceedings o f th e A m e ric a n E th n o lo g ­ ical Society, 1 9 6 2 ); W . E lm e n d o rf, “ L inguistic an d g eo ­ g rap h ic relatio n s in th e N o rth e rn P la te a u A re a ” ( S o u th ­ w estern Journal o f A n th ro p o lo g y 2 1 : 1 9 6 5 ). O p. cit.

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16

Determinism in Primitive Society?

D r. Ju lia n H . Stew ard so u r ce

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Dr. Julian H. Steward, “D eterm inism in Prim itive So­ ciety?” Scientific M onthly (Dec., 1941). Reprinted by per­ mission of the publisher and the author’s estate.

T h e re h as recently been ren ew ed in terest in th e gen eral p ro p o sitio n , stated in m any w ays a n d w ith v ary in g deg rees of m o d eratio n , th a t technological a n d eco n o m ic changes largely p re d e te rm in e social an d political tren d s. P olitician s, business m en an d laym en arg u e th e p o w er o f som e fo rm o f “eco n o m ic d eterm in ism ” as ag ain st ideologies. W h a t h as an th ro p o lo g y , cen te rin g its atte n tio n largely on th e sim p le r peoples o f the w o rld w here it should be easier to isolate th e causes o f social ch ange, to say o f this p ropositio n ? A n th ro p o lo g ists have long recognized th a t th e sp rea d of cu sto m s fro m o n e g ro u p o f p e o p le to a n o th e r —“diffu sio n ’ in a n th ro p o lo g ical term in o lo g y - a cc o u n ts fo r a t least n in e te n th s o f th e c u ltu re o f an y g roup . O n its face, this w ould seem to assign a n y kind o f eco nom ic d eterm in ism an insignificant role. A n "analysis o f this p ro b lem , h ow ever, in th e light o f w h a t is k n ow n o f c u ltu re ch an g e am o n g p rim itiv e peoples, b o th b efo re a n d a fte r they have ex p erien ced a c c u ltu ra tio n resu ltin g fro m c o n ta c t w ith E u ro p e a n cu ltu res, exposes its co n sid e ra b le c o m ­ p lexity. U n d e r c e rta in co n d itio n s, su b sisten ce p a tte rn s - th a t is, th e activities c o n cern ed w ith a c q u irin g food, clo th in g , sh elter a n d o th e r things indispensab le to ex isten ce - h av e im posed v ery n a rro w lim its o n possible v a ria tio n o f so cial a n d e co n o m ic o rg an izatio n . U n d e r o th e r c o n d itio n s, it is e v id en t th a t co n sid ­ e ra b le la titu d e is possible in th e so cio -eco n o m ic stru c tu re . Be­ fo re a tte m p tin g a n y g en eralizatio n s, th e re fo re , an th ro p o lo g y is c o m p elled to ascertain in specific c ircu m stan ces th e m a n n e r and 205

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e x te n t to w h ich subsistence p attern s have affected th e total cu ltu re. S ubsistence p a tte rn s have been e x tra o rd in a rily p o te n t in sh ap in g th e social o rg an iza tio n o f a n u m b e r o f p rim itiv e h u n tin g an d g a th e rin g peoples in d ifferent p arts o f th e w orld. A m o n g the B ushm en, A fric a n a n d M alay sian N eg rito s, A u s­ tra lian s, T a sm a n ia n s, F u eg ia n s, so u th e rn C a lifo rn ia In d ian s, a n d several o th e rs certain fe a tu re s o f th e relatio n sh ip o f m an to his e n v iro n m en t a re very sim ila r a n d have p ro d u c e d alm o st id entical social p attern s. A ll th ese peo p les live in areas o f slim food resources a n d low p o p u latio n density. T o o b ta in a d e q u a te food, it is n ecessary th a t single fam ilies fo rag e alo n e d u rin g m ost o f the y ear. L a rg e r p o p u la tio n ag gregates a re possible o n ly fo r b rie f perio d s o f a b u n d a n c e w h en a few c o m m u n al en terprises are c a rrie d on. B ecause h u n tin g p ro v id es th e m ost im p o rta n t food, it is cu sto m a ry fo r a m a n to re m a in in the te rrito ry in w hich he has been raised a n d has learn ed to know intim ately. H e hu n ts alone o r w ith a few o th e r m en w h o do n o t v e n tu re b ey o n d th e ir te rrito ry an d d e fe n d it fro m trespass by outsiders. A s th e local g ro u p rarely n u m b ers m o re th a n 50 p eople, its m em bers are usually related so th a t it is necessary th a t a m an ta k e his w ife fro m a n o th e r g ro u p . E ach g ro u p c o n ­ seq u en tly consists o f people related th ro u g h the m ale line. It is a p atrilin eal, patrilo cal, ex o g am o u s, lan d -o w n in g b an d . T his p a ttern is rep eated so con sisten tly u n d e r identical eco n o m ic an d en v iro n m en tal co n d itio n s th a t a cause-and-efTect re latio n ­ sh ip betw een th e la tter a n d th e fo rm e r in u n m ista k a b le .1 A lth o u g h th e essential social p a tte rn s o f th e trib es just m en tio n ed d eveloped d irectly fro m fa c to rs th a t a re m ainly econom ic, diffusion w as also at w o rk in so m e cases. In n o rth ­ e rn A u stra lia, m atrilin cal m oieties - d u al divisions reck o n in g d escen t th ro u g h th e fem ale line - h ad sp re a d a m o n g m an y tribes an d been su p erim p o sed o n p atrilin e al ban d s to c re ate a c o m p licated system o f m arria g e classes. In so u th e rn C alifo rn ia p atrilin eal m oieties had been a d o p ted by several trib es w ith p atrilin eal b ands. A n d am o n g all th ese trib es, a n u m b e r of m in o r details o f society w ere clea rly d e riv ed fro m n eig h b o rin g areas. Subsistence p a tte rn s im p o sed even n a rro w e r lim its o n the social stru c tu re o f S h o sh o n ean tribes in th e G re a t Basin area o f th e w estern U n ited S tates.2 In ab o rig in al days, the S ho sh o n ean s d id little h u n tin g , as gam e w as to o scarce. T h e y relied p re d o m ­ in an tly on w ild seeds th a t g ro w sp arsely in the sem i-deserts.

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B ecause these seeds o c c u r so m ew h at erra tic a lly fro m y e a r to y e a r it w as n ecessary th a t fam ilies, u su ally w a n d erin g a lo n e in th e ir food q uest, g a th e r seeds w h e re v er th ey co u ld be found. T h is b ro u g h t o v erlap p in g sub sisten ce a rea s and a co m p lete lack o f o w n ersh ip o f n a tu ra l resources. T h e lo n e fam ily, th e re ­ fore, w as usually th e m ax im u m eco n o m ic u n it an d , rarely e n ­ jo y ing th e c o m p an y o f o th e r fam ilies, it w as th e o nly stab le social unit, being linked to o th e r fam ilies o nly th ro u g h loose k in sh ip bonds. B ut th e e n tire socio-eco n o m ic s tru c tu re o f ce rta in S h o ­ sh o n ean s w as altered by a single fa c to r in tro d u c e d by th e W h ite m an . T h e horse w as ad o p te d a t an e arly d a te by th o se g ro u p s o ccu p y in g grasslands. T h e tra n sp o rta tio n a l ad v an ta g es o f the h o rse not only en h an ced th e im p o rta n c e o f h u n tin g am o n g th o se n e a r bison co u n try , b u t e n ab le d co n sid e ra b le n u m b ers o f p e o p le to live to g e th e r in p erm a n e n t association. I t w as no lo n g er necessary th a t fam ilies rem ain n e a r th e ir sto re d foods in vario u s p arts o f th e co u n try ; food c o u ld be tra n sp o rte d to a c e n tra l point. T h ese S hosh o n ean s q u ick ly d eveloped b an d s o f co n sid erab le size. T h e q u estio n o f w hat lim ita tio n su b sisten ce p a tte rn s im ­ po sed o n th e social stru c tu re o f h u n te rs a n d g a th ere rs in a m o re fertile e n v iro n m en t w as in vestigated a m o n g th e C a rrie r In d ian s o f B ritish C o lu m b ia. T h e C a rrie r In d ia n s in h a b it an a re a o f c o m p arativ ely a b u n d a n t fo o d reso u rces. L ik e th e ir A th a p ask an -sp eak in g relatives o f the M ack en zie b asin , they tra p p e d fu r-b e a rin g anim als a n d h u n te d larg e g am e c h a ra c te r­ istic o f th e n o rth w oods. But, like th e trib es o f th e n o rth P acific coast, they also took co n sid erab le q u a n tities o f fish, especially salm on, fro m the h ead w aters o f th e F ra s e r a n d S k eena R ivers. A lth o u g h less w ealth y th a n th e co ast In d ian s, th e C a rrie r fo u n d living no t as p re c ario u s as am o n g th e trib es east o f th e C o n tin en tal D ivide b eyond th e h a b ita t o f the salm on. T h e history o f th e C a rrie r In d ia n s is k n o w n in co n sid erab le d etail d u rin g th e c e n tu ry a n d a q u a rte r th a t has elapsed since th e first E u ro p e a n visited th e m in 1805. C e rta in events d u rin g th e p reh isto ric p erio d ca n be in fe rre d w ith reaso n ab le ce rta in ty . T h e C a rrie r subsistence p a tte rn th a t w as k now n a t th e be­ g in n in g o f th e historic perio d p ro b ab ly ex ten d s back several c en tu ries. It rested on a b ala n c e o f co m p le m e n ta ry activities c a rried on d u rin g th e su m m e r a n d w in ter, respectively. In su m ­ m er, people re m a in e d in p e rm a n e n t villages n e a r th e ir fisheries

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a n d ca u g h t g re a t q u an tities o f salm on. C o m m u n a l en terp rises, su ch as th e c o n stru ctio n o f fish w eirs, c o n trib u te d to g ro u p so lid arity . In late fall, w hen fu rs w ere p rim e, fam ilies, alo n e o r in sm all groups, took to th e stre a m s a n d forests to tra p beaver, m u sk rat, m ink, fox an d o th e r fu r-b e a rin g an im als a n d to h u n t d eer, b e a r an d carib o u . T h e y rem ain ed , how ev er, w ith in easy d istan ce o f th e ir villages b ecau se h u n g e r co m p elled th em to re tu rn hom e fro m tim e to tim e to th e ir sto res o f sm o k ed salm on. C a rrie r socio-econom ic o rg an izatio n m u st o rig in ally have been based o n som e kind o f loose b an d s like those o f the in te rio r A th ap ask an s. I f th e C a rrie r w ere d istinctive, it was p ro b ab ly becau se salm o n gave th em g re a te r secu rity a n d p e r­ m itted p erm an en t villages, w h ereas A th a p ask a n s b eyond the salm o n h a b ita t h ad to w a n d e r o v e r th e ir h u n tin g lan d s th ro u g h ­ o u t th e y ear. T h e re is no reaso n to believe th a t th e C a rrie r had a n y kind o f p riv ate o w n ersh ip o f fo o d resources. A s am o n g o th e r A th ap ask an s, all m em b ers o f th e village o r b a n d p ro b ­ ab ly had th e right o f using th e g ro u p ’s fishing statio n s and h u n tin g area. In th e course o f tim e, how ever, th e C a rrie r w ere exposed to influence from th e Pacific coast, w h ere th e trib es h ad a stro n g ly m atrilineal society w ith an aristo cra cy based on w ealth - a so cio-econom ic o rg an izatio n u n iq u e a m o n g A m e ric an In ­ d ians. T h e N o rth w e st C o a st trib es a rc o rg an ized in to tem ic m oieties a n d clans. A child belongs by b irth to his m o th e r’s g ro u p . E ach clan an d m oiety h ad c e rta in h e re d ita ry titles of n o bility w hich w ere held by in d iv id u al m en and passed on to th e ir sisters’ sons, thus re m ain in g in th e clan a n d fam ily. W ith these titles w ent rights to th e p ro d u c e o f certain fisheries and o th e r n a tu ra l resources an d th e privilege o f re q u irin g o n e’s c lan sm en o f th e co m m o n class to help am ass goods fo r g reat feasts at w hich presents w ere d istrib u te d to rival ch iefs o r nobles. T hese feasts, called p o tlatch es, w ere essential to e stab ­ lish a title an d the w ealth it rep resen ted , fo r th e N o rth w e st C o ast po in t of view held th a t p ro o f o f w ealth lay in d istrib u tin g ra th e r th a n h o ard in g goods. C o m p letely foreign to A th a p a sk a n society as this N o rth ­ w est C oast p a tte rn w ould seem , it sp re a d u p the S keena R iv er fro m th e T sim sh ian In d ian s to th e C a rrie r o f B abine L a k e and finally to those o f S tu a rt L ak e. Its a p p e a ra n c e a m o n g th e C a r­ rier, how ever, w as in c o m p a rativ e ly late p reh isto ric tim es, fo r it w as still sp re a d in g w hen th e W h ite m an a rriv ed . S om e C a r­

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rie r ad o p ted it only w ithin the p ast h u n d re d years. T h e S tu a rt L ak e people, how ever, had th e w hole system w hen th e E u ro ­ p eans first arriv ed as several facts show . T h e su ccession of m atrilineally inherited land an d titles can he tra c e d back to this tim e. M oreover, several historic in cid en ts d e m o n stra te the im p o rtan ce o f w ealth to the e a rly C a rrie r. It is related th at in 1823 Jam es D ouglas, w ho w as in ch arg e o f F o rt St. Jam es, h ad tw o In d ian s p u t to d e a th fo r th e m u rd e r o f tw o soldiers. T h e g re a t c h ie f K w ah en tere d th e fort to avenge th e m atter. H e objected not to th e d eath sen ten ce im posed on th e In d ian s bu t to th e ir bodies having been th ro w n to dogs. As K w ah th re aten ed to to kill D ouglas, a q u ick -th in k in g w om an began to p o tlatch him w ith tobacco , b lan k ets a n d o th e r goods th ro w n fro m th e loft. N o C a rrie r n o b lem an co u ld c o m m it m u rd e r in th e face o f such gifts an d D ouglas’s life w as sp ared . So fa r as can be ascertain ed , th e tra n sitio n fro m a sim ple b an d system to th e N o rth w e st C o ast ty p e o f society o cc u rre d w ith o u t a single im p o rta n t ch a n g e in th e m eth o d s o f p ro d u c ­ ing w ealth. H u n tin g , fishing a n d fu r-tra p p in g w ere still c a rrie d o n w ith devices th a t a re w id esp read a n d clea rly old in th e n o rth - b o w s a n d arro w s, trap s, nets a n d sn ares. In n o v atio n s w ere n o t in m eth o d s o f p ro d u ctio n b u t in o w n ersh ip an d d istrib u ­ tio n. L and th a t previously h a d b elo n g ed to th e w hole g ro u p w as now divided am o n g m en h o ld in g p o tla tch titles. O th e r p eo ­ ple co n tin u ed to live o n th e p ro d u c e o f th is lan d b u t m ig h t be obliged to supply th e needs o f th e ir p o tlatc h in g n o b lem an , w ho m ight also be a kinsm an an d a so u rc e o f so m e p rid e to them . In sh o rt, w ealth w as now ow n ed a n d m u ch o f it co n su m ed by a h e re d ita ry aristocracy. T h e only eco nom ic fa c to r th a t m u st be co n sid ered in this new C a rrie r social o rd e r w as salm o n fishing. T h e w e a lth th a t salm o n m ad e possible w as insufficient to c re a te a new system , b u t w ith o u t it th e system co u ld n o t have been in tro d u c e d . T his is show n by th e d istrib u tio n o f clan s a n d p o tlatch in g . W h ereas th e y w ere finally ad o p ted by p ractically all the trib es on the salm o n stream s w est o f th e C o n tin e n ta l D ivide in n o rth e rn B ritish C o lu m b ia, they did n o t a n d alm o st certa in ly c o u ld n o t have sp read to th e p o o re r A th a p a sk a n s o f th e M ack en zie basin beyond the h a b ita t o f th e salm on. T h e first effect o f co n ta c t w ith the W h ite m a n w as to in ­ ten sify ra th e r th a n a lte r th e m o tiv atio n s an d stru c tu re of C a rrie r society. Steel trap s m a d e it possible to ta k e m o re fu rs, g uns to sh o o t m ore gam e an d steel tools to c o n stru c t w eirs

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th a t w ould catch m ore salm o n . T h e fu r-tra d e in tro d u c ed a w ealth o f E u ro p ean goods. P o tla tc h guests enjo y ed p resen ts in g re a te r variety an d q u a n tity th a n ever. B ut at best, C a rrie r p o tlatch es w ere so rry affairs co m p a re d w ith those held by In ­ d ian s o n the coast, w here n a tu ra l reso u rces a re fa r greater. A w ealth y co ast noble m ight n o t o nly d istrib u te q u a n tite s o f food, h u n d red s o f H u d so n ’s B ay b lan k ets, an d o th e r presents, b u t, to prove th a t his w ealth w as u n lim ited , kill a slave o r b u rn a c a n o e in sh eer b rav ad o . A p o tla tc h in g C a rrie r gave each g u est a bit o f fo o d , p erh ap s a p a ir o f m occasins o r leggings, and a q u a rte r o r a sixth o f a H u d so n ’s Bay b lan k et. It w as said th a t a m an w ho h ad been p o tlatc h e d o ften m ight receive en o u g h pieces o f b lan k et to sew th em to g e th e r in to a w hole blanket! In the course o f tim e, o th e r influences e m a n a tin g fro m the W h ite m an began to u n d erm in e th e nativ e C a rrie r system . But th e tran sitio n to a new kind o f society w as effected grad u ally , th ro u g h a scries o f cu ltu ra l rein teg ratio n s. T h e C a rrie r ex­ perienced a m inim um o f th e sh o ck th a t has d em o ralized so m an y Indian trib es a fte r th e im p act o f E u ro p e a n c u ltu re on th e ir ow n. Som e o f the ease w ith w hich ch an g e w as a c c o m ­ plished m ay be a ttrib u te d to th e p o w erfu l p erso n ality o f F a th e r M o rice, a C ath o lic m issionary am o n g th em d u rin g th e crucial y e ars o f th eir tra n sfo rm a tio n . A n h isto rian a n d eth n o g ra p h e r, F a th e r M o rice stu d ied the nativ e C a rrie r c u ltu re and succeed ed not only in stam p in g out m an y fe a tu re s d isap p ro v ed by the C h u rc h but in developing th e C a rrie r a lo n g new lines. O ne o f th e first blow s a t the nativ e sy stem w as to d isru p t th e m echanism fo r in h eritin g w ealth a n d titles b y b an n in g cross-cousin m arria g e. It h a d been th e cu sto m th a t a m an m arry his m o th er’s b ro th e r’s d a u g h te r, live fo r som e y e a rs in his u n c le’s hou seh o ld , an d finally in h erit his u n c le ’s land a n d title. W ith a p ro h ibition on cousin m arria g e, this in h e rita n c e m a ch in ­ ery w as th ro w n o u t o f gear. It w as still possible, o f co u rse, fo r a m an to give his w ealth and titles to his sister's so n b u t, w ith ­ ou t cross-cousin m arriag e, h is ow n d a u g h te r received nothing, so th a t these w ere alien ated from his im m ed iate fam ily. M o re ­ over, th e C a rrie r w ere c o n tin u ally exposed to the W h ite m a n ’s system o f p atrilin eal ow n ersh ip a n d in h e ritan c e. In th e course o f tim e, th erefo re, certain m en c am e to co n sid e r it b e tte r to d ivide th e ir estates am o n g th e ir ow n sons a n d re p u d ia te the a n cien t obligation to give th e m to th e ir nephew s. O n e o f the first to follow th is in d ep en d e n t co u rse w as C h ie f K w ah , ow ner

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o f th e highest titles and largest te rrito ry at F o rt St. Jam es. H e divided his land eq u ally am o n g all his sons. A n increasing n u m b e r o f m en follow ed K w ah 's ex am p le so th a t to d a y very few C a rrie r fam ilies lack tra p p in g g ro u n d s. D e scen t fro m fa th e r to son is th e rule. T h e new system o f lan d te n u re and in h e rita n ce in tu rn de­ stro y ed the basis o f th e old titles an d p o tlatch in g . F o r a few years, m en co n tin u ed to pass th e ir titles to th e ir nephew s even w hile giving th e ir land to th e ir ow n sons. B ut a title is w o rth ­ less unless a p o tla tc h feast can be held to estab lish it, an d a p o tlatch can not be given w ith o u t am p le resources. P o tla tc h in g th e re fo re w as d o o m ed an d titles w ere em p ty . O ne o f K w a h ’s sons atte m p te d to u su rp K w a h ’s title w h ich , by th e fo rm e r rule, sh o u ld have gone to th e nephew . T h is n o t o nly v iolated native usage b u t, having little w ealth, K w a h ’s son w as u n ab le to p o tlatch fo r his title. H e w as refu sed reco g n itio n . T o d a y m ost S tu art L ak e C a rrie r n o t o n ly do n o t k n o w w ho w o u ld be eligible fo r titles b u t have fo rg o tten w h at m ost o f the titles w ere. P o tlatch in g w as also u n d e rm in e d w hen th e In d ia n s began to learn th a t it is b e tte r to h u sb an d goods th a n to give th em aw ay. T h e im p o rtan ce o f this b ec a m e v ery c le a r a fte r th e fu r ta k e h a d begun seriously to d eclin e as a resu lt o f im m o d e ra te tra p p in g w ith steel trap s an d a fte r th e salm o n c a tc h h ad all b u t v anished w hen th e g o v ern m en t p ro h ib ite d th e u se o f w eirs and w hen th e d o w n -stream can n eries cu t heavily in to e ac h salm o n run. U n d e r ab o rig in al co n d itio n s, d ep leted fo rtu n e s cou ld have been restored in tim e w ith h a rd w ork. N o w , w ith re d u c ed re­ sources, p o tlatch in g ate in to cap ital th a t w ould ta k e m an y y ears to replenish an d ten d ed to p a u p erize th e co m m o n p eo ­ ple w ho h ad to su p p ly p o tla tc h goods. In a few p arts o f B ritish C o lu m b ia w h ere secret p o tla tc h e s are o ccasio n ally h eld to d a y in defiance o f P ro vincial law , p u b lic officials a re n o little a n ­ noyed th a t co m m o n ers w ho have im po v erish ed them selves fo r p o tlatch es sh o u ld c la m o r fo r g o v e rn m en t relief! A m o n g th e last featu re s o f th e old C a rrie r social system to fade w ere the m atrilin eal, ex o g am o u s clan s. T h ese co u ld , o f co urse, have persisted a fte r p o tla tch in g w as a b a n d o n e d . B ut th ey w ere w eakened w hen th e In d ia n s accep ted C ath o licism . T h e clan s had consisted o f people w ho felt th em selv es re la ted to one a n o th e r because they h a d th e co m m o n bon d o f an a n i­ m al totem as w ell as eco n o m ic fu n ctio n s. W h en the C a th o lic C h u rc h d estro y ed th e system o f m y th s a n d beliefs th a t h ad san ctio n ed th e su p e rn a tu ra l n a tu re o f th ese to tem s, th e b o n d

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b etw een clansm en w as greatly w eak en ed . T h e sense o f kinship b egan to fade an d m arriag es betw een clan m em b ers becam e m ore frequent. P resen t-d ay C a rrie r society a t S tu a rt L ak e consists o f in­ dividual fam ilies th a t have exclusive rights to certain trap lin es th a t are registered w ith an d p ro tec ted by th e P ro v in cial G o v ­ ern m en t. T h e fam ily is th e k in sh ip and eco n o m ic unit. P o t­ latching, statu s based on w e a lth and ex o g am o u s clan s have disap p eared . T h e tran sitio n to th e new so cio eco n o m ic system was caused m ainly by n o n -eco n o m ic fa cto rs - a b so rp tio n of the W h ite m a n ’s ideology, especially C ath o licism . D epletion o f native resources w as only an in cid en tal, c o n trib u tin g facto r. Its effect will p ro b ab ly be co n su m m a ted in the fu tu re , w hen the native econom y g ra d u a lly gives p lace to a system o f jobs an d w ages and th e C a rrie r are a b so rp ted in th e b ro a d e r e c o ­ n o m y o f the W hite m an. F ro m this review , it is ev id en t th a t the influence o f s u b ­ sistence p attern s on the general fo rm o f socio -eco n o m ic o rg a ­ n ization is g reat am o n g the h u n tin g a n d g a th e rin g peoples in a reas o f low p ro d u ctiv ity . A m o n g th e C a rrie r, at least, the fram ew ork o f a given econ o m y p erm itted several very unlike kinds o f society, th e choice betw een th em d ep en d in g on the influence o f ideas from o th e r peoples ra th e r th an u pon e co n o ­ m ic necessity. A n th ro p o lo g y will not, h ow ever, be in a position to fo rm u late a n y im p o rtan t gen eralizatio n s a b o u t d eterm in ism in social chan g e until this p ro b lem has been an aly zed in m any societies o f different kinds. E a c h analysis m u st clarify th e c o m ­ plex in teractio n o f eco nom ic technology, en v iro n m e n t, socio­ eco nom ic o rg an izatio n and diffusion o f ideas.

NOTES 1. Ju lia n H . S tew ard , “T h e Social and E co n o m ic Basis o f P ri­ m itive B ands.” In E ssays in A n th ro p o lo g y in H o n o r o f A lfr e d L. K ro eb er, B erkeley, C alifo rn ia, 1936, pp. 3 3 1 350. 2. Scientific M onthly, 4 9 : 5 2 4 -5 3 7 , D ecem b er, 1939.

17. The Fish and Their Environment A m erican Friends Service C om m ittee

so u r c e

:

American Friends Service Comm ittee, “The Fish and Their Environm ent,” in U ncom m on Controversy: Fishing Rights o f the M uckleshoot Payallup, and N isqually Indians (Seat­ tle: U niversity of W ashington Press, 1970). Reprinted by permission of the au th o r and publisher.

T h e F ish T h e fish w hich are th e su b ject o f th e c o n tro v e rsy an d th e a n ­ cien t c e n te r o f Pacific N o rth w e st In d ia n life are five species of P acific salm on ( g en u s O n c o r h y n c h u s ). In c lu d e d w ith th ese in th e p resen t disp u tes is th e steelh ead tr o u t ( S a l m o g a ird n erii), a sea-ru n rain b o w tr o u t.1 L ike alm o st all o th e rs o f th e fam ily S a lm o n id a e, these six are a n a d ro m o u s fish - th ey h a tc h in fresh w a ter, go dow n to th e ocean as y o u n g fish a n d live m o st o f th e ir lives th ere, a n d re tu rn to th e fresh -w ate r strea m s to d e ­ p o sit th e ir eggs. T h e steelh ead , like th e related A tla n tic salm o n (S a lm o sa la r), m ay retu rn to th e ocean a fte r sp aw n in g an d c o m e b ack to lay eggs ag ain ; b u t all species o f Pacific salm o n sp aw n o n ce an d th en die. E a c h species has a p a rtic u la r seaso n fo r th e sp aw n in g m ig ratio n , b u t o v e rlap p in g b y th e v ario u s species is co n sid erab le. T h e eggs are d ep o sited in th e g ravel in sh allow w ater, usually in sm all stream s. T h e new ly h a tc h e d fish, called alevins, also spen d th e ir earliest life in th e gravel, e m erg in g only a fte r th e yo lk -sac is ab so rb ed . T h e se fish a re all carn iv o ro u s, living o n sm aller fish, sh rim p , a n d v ario u s o th e r sm all a q u a tic anim als. H o w ev er, th e a d u lts fo r th e m ost p a rt d o n o t e a t a fte r re-en terin g th e rivers. O n e o f th e w ell-know n c h ara c te ristic s o f th e P acific salm o n is th e ir “ hom in g in stin ct,” w h ich brings th e a d u lt fish b ack to sp aw n in th e riv e r in w hich it w as b o rn — m an y tim es even to th e sam e sm all trib u ta ry creek . T h e salm o n fro m a sh o rt co astal 213

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stre a m like th e Q u in a u lt re tu rn th ere, a n d those fish fro m th e u p p e r reaches o f a su b -w atersh ed o f a g re a t system like the F ra s e r retu rn th ere. S alm on even o f the sa m e species th e re fo re v a ry greatly in th e distances th ey travel to sp aw n , d e p e n d in g on th e river o r p a rt o f th e riv er w h ich w as th e ir b irth p lace. T h e h o m in g ten d en cy also varies so m e w h a t w ith th e species. S o ck ­ eye and chinook possess it to a re m ark a b le degree, w h ile c h u m a n d silvers som etim es “w a n d e r,” re tu rn in g n o t to th e natal stre a m but to a n earb y sim ilar on e. T h e fa c t th a t salm o n are specialized to th e ir rivers in this w ay is a co m p lic a tin g fa c to r in th e ir co n serv atio n . If the e n v iro n m en t is d estro y ed in a p a rtic u ­ la r river, they can n o t sim ply sh ift to a n o th e r river. F u rth e rm o re , if suitable co n d itio n s are la te r resto red in th a t river, it d o es not necessarily follow th a t salm o n will co m e in to it again. T h e largest o f th e salm o n is th e c h in o o k ( O . ts h a w y tsh c a ), also called king, tyee, spring , o r q u in n a t salm on. T h o se ca u g h t av erage from tw elve to tw enty-five p o u n d s, b u t th e re are reco rd s o f sp ecim en s o v er o n e h u n d re d p o u n d s. T h e C o lu m b ia R iv er system has been the g re a t b ree d in g g ro u n d o f this species. T h e Chinook’s av erage age fo r sp aw n in g is fo u r o r five years. T h ey show co n sid erab le v aria tio n in th e ir p a tte rn s o f re tu rn to th e sp aw n in g areas. Som e e n te r th e rivers in th e sp rin g and rem ain until fall, w hen they spaw n. T h e fry th en tend to rem ain in th e ir fresh -w ater hom e fo r a y e a r b e fo re going to sea. O th ers ru n in the fall an d spaw n im m ed iately , an d th e fry d escen d to th e ocean on hatching. C h in o o k trav el en o rm o u s distances, b oth to and from th e ir sp aw n in g g ro u n d s a n d in th e ocean itself. T h e chinook is co m m ercially o n e o f th e m ost im p o rtan t salm on, a n d it is also one o f th e th re e w hich are im p o rta n t in th e sp o rt fishery. It is one o f the tw o species m o st am e n a b le to artificial p ro p ag atio n . T h e silver salm o n o r coh o (O . k is u tc h ) is a n o th e r w h ich is im p o rtan t to b o th co m m ercial an d sp o rt fisherm en. S ilvers reach m a tu rity a t th re e years, w ith an av erag e w eig h t o f ten p ounds. T h e y o ung fish sp en d th e ir first tw elve o r fo u rteen m o n th s in th e rivers. A lth o u g h all salm o n are trav elers, the silvers d o not c o v cr the distances chinook o r sockeye d o in th e ir o cean life. S ilver salm on also respond well to artificial rearing. T h e sockeye ( O . n e r k a ), also k now n as b lu eb ac k , q u in a u lt, o r red salm on, is o n e o f th e sm a lle r species b u t is c o n sid e re d by m an y to be th e choicest o f all. It is rarely ta k e n by sp o rtsm en , bu t has long been o f th e g re ate st im p o rta n c e co m m ercially . A t fo u r years, th e u su al age o f m atu rity , th e av erag e w eig h t is fo u r

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to seven p o u n d s, v ary in g fro m o n e riv er system to an o th e r. Sockeye ru n o n ly in stream s w h ere th e re are lakes, w h ich serve as re a rin g areas fo r th e y o u n g fish d u rin g th e ir first one to th ree y ears.2 Spaw ning o ccu rs a t th e edges o f th e lakes o r n e a r th em in th e stream s, b o th abo v e a n d below . T h e F ra s e r R iv e r system o f C a n a d a is th e g reat p ro d u c e r o f sockeye. L ike ch in o o k , so ckeye travel trem en d o u s d istan ces b o th in th e rivers a n d o c ean ; an d alth o u g h th ey m ay have to go h u n d re d s o f m iles to re a c h th e ir sp aw n in g g ro u n d s, th e y d o n o t e a t a fte r th ey re ­ e n te r th e rivers. N o g re a t success has been achieved in a tte m p t­ ing to re a r sockeye artificially. T h e sm allest o f th e five is th e p ink salm o n ( O . g o rb u sc h a ) , also called h u m p y o r h u m p b a c k because o f th e p ro n o u n c e d h u m p w hich th e ad u lt m ales d ev elo p. It m a tu re s in tw o years, w h en it w eighs fo u r o r five p o u n d s. In W ash in g to n stream s, p inks ru n only in o d d -n u m b e re d years. T h e y o u n g fish m ove to w ard th e ocean as so o n as th e y h atch . T h e ir o cean trav els are in co m p letely u n d ersto o d , th o u g h it is k n o w n th a t th ey sp en d so m e tim e in fa v o rab le a reas n e a r th e sh o relin e w h en th ey first e n te r th e sea. T h e pink salm o n is th e th ird species im p o rta n t to b o th sp o rtsm en an d co m m ercial fisherm en. P in k s a re n o t artificially reared as extensively as ch in o o k s a n d silvers. T h e ch u m o r dog salm o n ( O . k e ta ) is th e last species to re tu rn to the rivers in th e fall, an d fre q u e n tly th ey go o n ly sh o rt distances u p stream to spaw n. T h o se ca u g h t av erag e eig h t to tw elve p o unds. L ike th e p inks, th ey e n te r sa lt w a te r sh o rtly a fte r h atching. M a rk in g stu d ies h av e p ro d u c e d a co n sid erab le b o d y o f k n ow ledge a b o u t th e o cean m o v em en ts o f th e o th e r species o f salm on, b u t so fa r alm o st n o th in g is k n o w n o f w h ere c h u m go. T h ey sim ply d isa p p e a r fo r th e th re e to five y e ars w hich elapse betw een th e tim e they e n te r th e sea a n d th eir re tu rn to spaw n. T o d a te c h u m have n o t resp o n d ed well to efforts at artificial p ro p ag atio n . S teelhead tr o u t sp en d th e ir first tw o y e ars o f life in the rivers b efo re d escen d in g to th e o cean , w h ere th e y rem ain a n ­ o th e r tw o years. T h ey are fo u r y e ars old w hen th ey first re tu rn to th e ir natal rivers to spaw n, fo r they also have th e h o m in g c h aracteristic. T h ey occasio n ally m ak e th e sp aw n in g m ig ratio n as m an y as th re e o r even fo u r tim es. M a tu re steelh ead w eigh a b o u t ten p o u n d s, b u t a few a tta in a w eight o f u p to th irty p o u n d s.3 Steelhead, w hich are ra re ly ca u g h t in th e o cean , are p e rh ap s th e m ost highly p rized o f g am e fish. T h is species is artificially p ro p a g a te d w ith g re at success.

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All o f these species are im p o rta n t to W ash in g to n In d ian s. H o w ev er, the In d ian s on P u g et S ound tak e alm o st no sockeye w h ich req u ire a riv er system th a t co n tain s a lake fo r th e re a r­ ing o f th e juveniles. A m o n g th e M u ck lesh o o ts, P u y allu p s, and N isq u ally s th e ch inook, silvers, an d ste a lh e ad are im p o rta n t in th e w aters o f all th ree tribes. P in k s as well are im p o rta n t to th e P uyallups, w ho also tak e som e chum .

Environm ental R equirem ents S alm o n rivers v ary from th e great system s o f th e C o lu m b ia and th e F raser, w hich flow th ro u g h m an y k in d s o f to p o g rap h y a n d clim ate, to the sh o rt strea m s o f th e m oist, fo rested Pacific c o ast.4 Som e include lakes in th eir courses. Som e e n te r salt w a te r th ro u g h extensive estu arie s, so m e q u ite ab ru p tly . Som e flow into in lan d w aterw ays like P u g et S ound, a n d som e reach th e ocean d irectly . T h e fo u r rivers in w h ich th e N isq u ally , P u y allu p , an d M uck lesh o o t p eo p le fish all rise high in th e C a s­ cades, th ree o f th em - th e N isq u ally , th e P u y allu p , a n d the W h ite - in th e glaciers o f M o u n t R ain ier. All flow in c o m p a ra ­ tively sh o rt courses from th e w estern C asca d es to P u g et S ound, w h ich the N isq u ally an d the P u y allu p e n te r th ro u g h th e ir own estuaries. T h e W h ite an d th e G re e n rivers en te r, respectively, th ro u g h th e P u y allu p an d th e D u w am ish riv e rs /’ W h ate v er th e v ariatio n s, all salm on rivers are alike in c e r­ ta in respects. W h en R o b ert J. S ch o ettler, th e n W ashington S tate D ire c to r o f F isheries, w ro te in 1953 th a t the req u irem en ts o f salm on arc sim ple - they need only th a t th e ir stre a m s rem ain cool an d p u re an d th e ir sp a w n in g g ro u n d s accessible — he w as d escrib in g th e im p o rtan t c h a ra c teristics o f salm o n rivers.0 T h e ev ents o f these rivers set in m otion responsive m ech an ism s in th e salm on an d steelhead. It is th ro u g h th e fitting to g e th e r of th o se responses w ith th e n o rm a l o c c u rre n c e s in th e riv ers — freshets, te m p e ra tu re chang es, and so on - th a t the fish are able to accom plish th e ir life activities. Let us th e re fo re look in som e detail at the needs o f salm o n a n d at w h a t ch an g es in th e e n ­ v iro n m en t m ay im ply. A n u m b e r o f c h a racteristics o f th e w a te r itself are im p o r­ t a n t - p u rity , c u rre n t, tu rb id ity , v olum e, te m p e ra tu re , dissolved oxygen c o n te n t — an d th e re a re , besides, th e fa c to rs o f food su pply, gravel bars, an d u n im p ed ed m o v em en t in th e river. W a te r p u re en o u g h fo r som e fish m ay n o t be so fo r salm on.

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It m ust, o f co u rse, be free o f noxious su b stan ces d ire ctly h a rm ­ ful to th e salm on an d to th e life fo rm s on w h ich th ey depend. E q u ally im p o rta n t a re su b stan ces w hich, th o u g h no t in th e m ­ selves h arm fu l, induce d e trim e n ta l changes, su ch as red u ctio n o f th e a m o u n t o f oxygen d issolved in th e w a te r, In g en eral, the to leran ce o f salm on to an y k in d o f pollu tio n is low, w ith the fry m ore v u ln erab le th a n th e adu lts. C u rre n t also influences th e salm o n . A stre a m n o rm a lly does n ot proceed o v e r its course at a u n ifo rm rate, b u t is deflected a n d o b stru cted by th e unevenness of its bed, a n d th ere b y o ver sh o rt distances is a ltern ate ly reta rd e d a n d a ccelerated . T h e a d u lt salm on m oving u p th e riv er have a c h a n ce to rest in the q u ie te r w ater, a n d the y o u n g fish co m in g do w n ca n b o th rest a n d feed there. T h e pools affo rd hid in g places. A t th e sam e tim e, response to c u rre n t seem s to be p a rt o f th e set o f m e c h a n ­ ism s w hich en ab le th e salm o n , b o th y o u n g fish a n d a d u lts, to get w h ere they m u st go. C h a n g e s in c u rre n t co n n ected w ith th e increased ru n o ff o f ra in fa ll o r m elting snow a p p e a r to be a m o n g th e facto rs w hich in d u c e th e re tu rn in g salm o n to m ove u p th e stream s. O rd in arily o p tim u m co n d itio n s fo r salm o n m ean th a t the w a te r is clear. H ighly tu rb id w a te r m ay affo rd p ro te ctio n fro m p re d a to rs to y o ung fish, b u t it m ay also in h ib it th e g ro w th o f th e ir food. T u rb id ity associated w ith runoff, p e rh a p s alo n g w ith the increased v o lu m e o f w ate r, ap p ea rs to stim u la te th e m o v e­ m en ts o f the fish; an d th e in creased v o lu m e o f fresh w ater co m in g from a riv er m ay be a stim u la n t in d u sin g the fish w ait­ in g a t th e m o u th to e n te r it. T h e th erm al to leran ce o f salm o n a n d steelh ead is e x ceed ­ ingly low - th ey th riv e a n d even survive o n ly w ith in n a rro w ran g es o f te m p e ra tu re . F o r th e develo p in g eggs, th e d ifference o f a degree o r tw o changes th e re q u ire d in cu b a tio n tim e (u s u ­ ally a b o u t tw o m o n th s) by several days. F o r b o th y o u n g fish a n d ad u lt, to o high a te m p e ra tu re can im p a ir v itality o r cau se d eath . R esponses to te m p e ra tu re v aria tio n s associated w ith seasonal changes, rain , o r snow m elt also a p p e a r to be p a rt o f th e m echanism s ind u cin g th e salm o n to m o v e as re q u ire d ; slight c h an g es accelerate o r delay th e m o v em en ts o f th e fish. O xygen is a n o th e r p rim a ry fac to r. M an y kinds o f fish can th riv e in w a te r w ith a low er dissolved oxygen c o n te n t th a n can salm o n an d steelh ead . O xygen is especially n eed ed in th e w a te r passing th ro u g h th e gravel in w h ich th e fry a re developing. O xygen c o n te n t an d the am o u n t o f oxygen re q u ire d by th e fish

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a re b o th affected by te m p e ra tu re , an d also by th e m o v em en t o f w ater. S tan d in g o r lak e-b o tto m w a te r ten d s to lose its d is­ solved oxygen. Substances in th e w a te r also affect it - large am o u n ts o f decay in g o rg an ic m aterial, fo r ex am p le, use u p the oxygen. F o o d is p rin cip ally a need o f th e y o u n g fish so fa r as salm o n in th e rivers are co n cern ed . In g en eral, goo d en v iro n m e n t fo r th e salm on is also best fo r th e tiny an im als o n w h ich th e salm o n live. C hanges w h ich in h ib it th e ir g ro w th o r stim u late c o m p e t­ ing species not useful to salm o n a re d e trim e n ta l to th e fish even w hen th e re are no d irectly ad v erse effects. G rav el b ars a re as essential as th e rig h t co n d itio n s o f w ater, fo r they are th e n u rseries o f th e salm o n a n d steelh ead . W hile eggs are d eveloping in it, th e gravel m u st rem ain c o v ered by sh allow w ater, it m ust rem ain p erm eab le so th a t w a te r c a n p e r­ co late th ro u g h it and aro u n d th e eggs, a n d it m u st be free fro m d istu rb an ce until th e fry have em erged. Finally, th e fish m ust get fro m the gravel b ars w h ere they a re b orn dow n to th e o cean , a n d th en as a d u lts b ack u p the rivers to th e gravel. E ith e r w ay. it m ust be possible fo r th em to travel a t th e ra te req u ired by th e ir dev elo p m en t. S alm on and steelh ead need to be able to m ove u n im p ed ed th e w h o le length o f th e ir rivers. In fact, salm o n seem in m an y respects to be am o n g the m ost specialized o f fish, an d th e ir “sim ple re q u ire m en ts” a c tu ­ ally to be q u ite com plex. T h e n u an ces o f th e riv er are b u ilt in to th e ir m ovem ents. T h e rivers a n d th e la n d h av e a set o f relationships w ith e ach o th er, a series o f d e licate balan ces, each river w ith its ow n w atersh ed ; an d the salm o n , over th o u san d s an d th o u san d s o f fish g en eratio n s, have b eco m e interw oven in to th o se relatio nships. Sm all ch an g es a n d ad ju stm en ts o c cu r co n stan tly , b u t w h at hap p en s w h en th e c h an g es a re d rastic and fu n d am en tal? E nvironm ental C hanges and T heir Effects T h e m ost d ra m a tic ch an g e in the salm o n e n v iro n m e n t in W ash in g to n an d o th e r w estern states a n d provinces is th e series o f g reat d am s w hich have b ee n b u ilt in th e last thirty-five years. So fa r as salm o n are c o n cern e d , the obv io u s effect is to block th e rivers —to cu t off the sp aw n in g m ig ratio n s. M u ch effo rt has been exp en d ed to en ab le th e fish to get a ro u n d som e o f these. “ F ish lad d ers” have been b u ilt a t B onneville a n d m a n y o th e r

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d a m s o n the C o lu m b ia. A t M u d M o u n tain D am o n th e W hite R iver, too high fo r a fish lad d e r, the fish a re tra p p e d a n d c a r­ ried by tru c k a ro u n d the d a m . T h e new M ayfield D a m on the C o w litz R iver has a com p lex co m b in a tio n o f fish la d d e r, ele­ v a to r, an d tru ck in g , as w ell as a p ip elin e su sp en sio n b rid g e to co n v ey th e y o u n g fish dow n p ast the d am . A t best, how ever, th e d am s delay th e fish, b o th a d u lts a n d o cean -b o u n d y o u n g fish w hose b u ilt-in tim in g d e m an d s th a t th ey rea c h a c e rtain p lace by a certain tim e. Im p o rta n t as all th e h elp in g devices are, th ey d o n o t m ake u p fo r th e difficulties cau sed by the d a m s, a n d they a re su b ject to failu re as w ell - d isre p a ir or h u m a n erro r. In the op in io n o f som e, th e g reat d am s p resen t th e g reatest o f all the en v iro n m en tal th re a ts to th e fish. A n th o n y W ayne S m ith, p resid en t a n d g en eral co u n sel o f th e N a tio n a l P ark s A ssociation, w ro te in a p e rso n a l letter: T h e g re a t th re a t to all th e a n a d ro m o u s fish in th e N o rth ­ w est is th e big dam s, w h ich c u t off th e runs. N o th in g else has an y th in g like su ch im p o rtan c e , w h e th er over-fishing, pollution, o r o th e r causes. E very o n e o f th e big d am s w h ich is built, regardless o f efforts to get th e fish o v e r by fish ladders, delays th e m ig ratio n an d red u ces th e n u m b e r reach in g spaw ning g ro u n d s.7 N o w ay has been p ro v id ed aro u n d som e dam s, a n d above th em th ere arc n o m ore salm o n . G ra n d C o u lee is o n e o f these. It w as too high fo r a fish la d d e r, a n d no o th e r w ay w as p ro ­ vided fo r th e fish to pass it to c o n tin u e to th e u p p e r C o lu m b ia in W ash in g to n an d C a n a d a , a n d th e ru n s w ere destro y ed . G re a t a reas o f this w atersh ed , p a rt o f th e g reatest ch in o o k -p ro d u c in g riv e r in th e w orld, no lo n g er p ro d u ce salm on. E x cep rts from th e in tro d u c to ry d iscu ssio n o f a 1938 rep o rt by th e W ash in g to n State D e p a rtm e n t o f F ish eries o n a c o o p e ra ­ tive stu d y fo r th e U .S. B u reau o f R eclam atio n d o n e by the S tate D e p artm en t o f G a m e an d th e U .S. B u reau o f F isheries illu strate reco g n itio n , alb eit fruitless, o f th e p ro b le m : In th e first b u rst o f en th u sia sm th a t th e w h o le N o rth w est felt a t th e cu lm in atio n o f its plans [fo r c o n stru ctio n o f G ra n d C o u lee D am ], th e fa c t th a t th e c o n stru c tio n o f this d a m w o u ld strik e a serio u s blow to th e C o lu m b ia R iv er fishery w as ov erlo o k ed by th e g en eral pub lic. W h e n the

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plans fo r th e high d am w ere finally ap p ro v ed , it becam e a p p a re n t . . . th a t salm o n c o u ld n o t be p u t o v er a d am o f th is height. . . . T h e sto ck o f salm o n sp aw n in g in so m e 1,100 m iles o f riv er and trib u ta rie s w as to be p e rm an en tly destro y ed . F u rth e r stu d y revealed th a t th e a lte rn a tiv e m ethods fo r p reserving these ru n s w o u ld be expensive, if they w ere possible. T h e re w as a feeling th at the v ast eco ­ nom ic gains to be derived fro m this p ro ject sh o u ld n o t be en d an g ered by co n sid eratio n o f the fish. It w as even felt in som e q u a rte rs th a t the fish w ere not w o rth th e m oney th a t it w ould tak e to preserve th em . T h a t this last sta te m e n t w as erro n e o u s is at once a p ­ p a re n t from a glan ce a t th e facts . . . th e e x p e n d itu re o f a sizeable sum o f m oney to p reserv e th e salm o n ru n s o f the u p p e r C o lu m b ia is justified p u rely fro m a financial view ­ point. T h e re is a fu rth e r co n sid e ra tio n fro m th e n a tio n al view point; th a t is, th a t a necessary basic p ro tein fo o d re­ so u rce sh o u ld not be d estro y e d . . . . F o o d resources m ust be preserved fo r th e fu tu re . T h e re is no reason w h y a g ri­ c u ltu re an d a q u ic u ltu re c a n n o t exist sid e by side.8 H o w ever, as noted above, n o provision w as m ad e fo r passage o f th e fish, and the sp aw n in g beds on 1,100 m iles o f riv er and trib u ta rie s w ere th u s elim inated . Besides th e big dam s, a g re a t n u m b e r o f sm all d am s, o ften h ard ly noticed, close off th e u p p e r re ach es o f m an y sm all stream s, cau sin g trem en d o u s ag g reg ate loss o f sp aw n in g areas. R ecently sm all d am s have been c o n stru cte d to fo rm lakes fo r w a te rfro n t p ro p e rty in new subdivisions — a g ro w in g tren d c a p ­ able o f ap p reciab le d am ag e .11 D am s have been b uilt on e ac h o f th e fo u r rivers o f this stu d y - A ld er D am on the N isq u a lly ; a p o w e r d a m a t E lectro n on th e P u y allu p ; M ud M o u n tain D am a n d a w a te r diversion d a m o f T a c o m a C ity Light on th e W h ite; a n d H o w a rd H an so n D am o n the G reen. B ecause o f th e riv er changes th ey b ring ab o u t, d am s affect salm o n in o th e r w ays th a n in terfe rin g w ith th e ir m ovem ents. T h e fry jo u rn ey in g d o w n stream e n c o u n te r new d a n g ers in p ass­ ing th ro u g h tu rb in e s o r o v e r spillw ays. A lth o u g h m o re and m o re effort is being m ade to p ro v id e fishw ays an d o th e r aids, o ften th ere is still n o w ay fo r th e y o u n g fish to pass th e dam ex cep t by going o v e r it o r th ro u g h th e p e n sto ck s; in ju ry and

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m o rtality rates are high in sp ite o f c o n tin u in g w o rk to im prove design to redu ce th e dangers. In d u cin g th e fish to e n te r th e fishw ays rem ain s a p roblem . B ecause o f th e ir n a tu ra l responses to c u rre n t, th e ad u lts are re lu c ta n t to m ove o u t o f th e fast w ater a t th e foot o f th e dam to th e slo w er w a te r o f the fishw ay; ad u lts o r y o u n g m ay b ecom e c o n fu sed w hen they find them selves in th e q u ie t w a te r above th e d am , w ith d e trim e n ta l d elay s resulting. Ju v en iles m ay be p rev en ted fro m m oving in a c c o rd a n c e w ith th eir o p tim u m d e ­ v elo p m en t - so m e species, like the silvers, have o nly a sh o rt tim e to get dow n to salt w ater. T h e a d u lt salm o n , if to o long d elayed, m ay d ie b efo re re ac h in g th e sp a w n in g g ro u n d s o r be to o sp en t to spaw n a fte r arriv in g . W h ere th ey m u st be trap p ed a n d ac tu a lly tra n sp o rte d past th e d am , as a t M u d M o u n tain , som e delay and in ju ry are un av o id ab le. W a te r c u rre n t below a d a m m ay also be m odified to the d e trim e n t o f spaw ning. F o r p o w er g en eratio n , th e c u rre n t m ay be m ain tain ed a t a c o n stan t ra te , w ith a c o n sta n t v o lu m e o f w ater, w hich, becau se it n ev er slack en s an d the w a te r never low ers, can m ak e sp aw n in g im possible. T h e w a te r w hich backs u p b eh in d th e d a m , called th e fo re ­ bay, in u n d ates th e gravel b ars in th e strea m above, a n d so fu rth e r co n stricts n a tu ra l b ree d in g areas. T h is process has gone so fa r on the C o lu m b ia th a t if th e p resen tly p ro p o sed Ben F ra n k lin D am is built, th e re will be no n a tu ra l sp aw n in g g ro u n d s left in th e m ain river. Sockeye, w hich freq u en tly spaw n a t th e edges o f lakes, find a special d an g er in th e reserv o ir. T h ey have so m etim es ad ju sted to chan g e by laying th eir eggs a t th e edges of th e artificial lake b eh in d a d am . If th e w a te r level is low ered th e d e v elo p in g fish a re d e stro y e d .10 O ne p u rp o se o f dam s is to m o d ify ru n o ff in o rd e r b oth to sto re w a te r an d to p revent floods.11 T h is m eans th a t n a tu ra l ch an g es associated w ith ru n o ff - ch an g es in te m p e ra tu re , tu r­ b id ity, volum e o f w a te r — to w hich the salm o n a re g e ared to respond, a re also m odified. T h ese changes in tu rn se t off oth ers - te m p e ra tu re affects dissolved oxygen, b o th affect fo o d su p ­ ply, all th ree affect the m ov em en ts o f th e fish as well as th eir g en eral w ell-being. Several ch an g es o c c u r in th e w a te r o f th e lake b eh in d a d am . Its basin, som etim es d escrib ed as a h a lf lake, is q u ite u n ­ like th a t o f a n a tu ra l lake, an d th e m ovem ents o f w a te r in it

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co n seq u en tly are also differen t. W a te r at th e to p becom es w a rm ; cold w a te r sinks to th e b o tto m , a c c u m u latin g in the d eepest p art, an d rem ains th e re u n d istu rb e d ; an d , b ecau se it is u n d istu rb ed , it loses its dissolved oxygen. W a te r released from e ith e r th e to p o r th e b o tto m brings a su d d en ch an g e to th e river below , an d e ith e r the w arm w a te r o f the to p o r the d ead w ater o f the bottom , if let out in volum e, c an b rin g d isa ste r to m i­ g ratin g salm on. D am s fo r w a te r diversio n d rastica lly affect the stream e n ­ v iro n m e n t below . A t tim es so little w a te r is left in th e W hite R iv er below th e T a c o m a C ity L ight d am (w h ich is above the M uck lesh o o t reserv atio n ) th a t th e te m p e ra tu re rises to a p o in t u n su itab le fo r salm o n , an d th e h a b itat is fu rth e r im p a ire d by th e changes b ro u g h t ab o u t in th e o th e r life fo rm s in th e w ater. R ivers are also ch anged by events o th e r th an dam s. E sp e ­ cially in p opulous areas, they a re freq u en tly dik ed a n d stra ig h t­ ened as a m a tte r o f flood c o n tro l. T h ese ch an g es o b literate the c h a ra c te ristic o f a lte rn a tin g pool and gravel bar, slow w ater an d fast w ater, an d so elim in a te the n a tu ra l resting, feeding, an d hiding places, besides d e stro y ing sp aw n in g places. D ik in g an d ch an n elin g have been c arrie d o u t on m an y P uget S ound rivers, in cluding th e G reen , th e W hite, the P u y allu p , an d to a lesser extent the N isqually. D iversion o f w a te r fro m a stre am , as fo r irrig atio n , can also be d an g ero u s fo r th e fish. If it is d o n e w ith o u t p ro p e r screening, th e fish ca n get lost in th e irrig a tio n ditches. R oad building an d logging o p eratio n s, as well as o th e r c o n ­ stru c tio n and land clearing , also ch an g e rivers. Slides an d the rapid pile-up o f ero d ed m ate rial, fre q u e n t b y -p ro d u cts o f these activities, create o b stru ctio n s, so m e sm all, som e sizable, b u t all serio u s w hen ad d ed to g e th e r.1- C o n stru c tio n in w h ich sm all stream s are filled o v e r w ith o u t p ro p e r cu lv erts also block o u t th e fish. T h e gravel o f th e riv er b ars a n d sm all stream s, th e in d is­ pensable salm on n u rsery , is also d a m ag e d by ero sio n w hich th ese activities set off. T h e ero sio n brings in to th e w a te r exces­ sive am o u n ts o f fine silt, w h ich acts as a cem e n t to th e gravel. T h o u g h th e gravel m ay look n o rm al, th e fish c a n n o t d ep o sit th e ir eggs in it, w a te r c a n n o t g et in to it to th e develo p in g eggs w hich m ay alread y be there, a n d it m ay b eco m e a sealed prison to fry read y to em erge. In ad d itio n , rivers o fte n a re easily accessible so u rces o f grav el fo r ro ad s an d o th e r co n stru c tio n . T a k in g gravel at a

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given p o in t causes sh ifts in th e riv er bed w h ich m ay e x te n d as m u ch as a m ile in e ith e r dire c tio n , i f im p ro p e rly tim ed , th e re ­ fore, it can d estro y th e eggs n o t o nly a t th e p a rtic u la r site b u t a t m an y m ore besides. T h e W h ite R iv er is extensively u sed as a so u rce o f gravel. L ogging, a m a jo r eco n o m ic activ ity th ro u g h o u t th e N o rth ­ w est, in clu d in g th e areas d ra in e d by th e fo u r rivers, is a n im ­ p o rta n t influence o n salm on a n d steelh ead h ab ita t. L og g in g is fre q u e n tly c arried o n in th e u p p e r p a rts o f a w atersh ed , in places w hich in clu d e m any o f th e rem a in in g su itab le sp aw n in g areas. L ogging causes sud d en an d d ra stic ch an g es in th e lan d an d in th e stream s w hich d ra in it. Besides th e slides a n d e ro ­ sion, logging activities have fre q u e n tly left stream s b lo ck ed by debris. M an y o f th e riv er ch an g es alre ad y discussed a re in som e d e g ree associated w ith logging, in clu d in g ch an g es in ra te a n d a m o u n t o f runoff, te m p e ra tu re , silt c o n te n t, a n d som etim es ch em ical co n ten t o f th e w a te r as w ell, esp ecially if th e re is fire. T h e deco m p o sin g d eb ris in th e stream s - a fo rm o f pollu tio n - e x h au sts th e dissolved oxygen. T h e need fo r g re at q u an tities o f gravel fo r logging ro a d c o n stru c tio n , to g e th e r w ith its ac ­ cessibility in th e stream s in logging areas, can lead to d e stru c ­ tio n o f eggs an d y o ung fish. T h e cem e n tin g a ctio n o f silt on th e gravel is alm o st u n av o id ab le w ith th e ero sio n w h ich fol­ low s d estru ctio n o f th e fo rest cover. T h e se ch an g es a re no t necessarily p e rm a n e n t, an d m o re and m o re a tte n tio n is being p aid to stre a m c lea ran ce a n d tre e p lan tin g . H o w ev er, a g re a t deal o f d ete rio ra tio n has a lre a d y o c c u rre d b ecau se o f p ast neg­ lect, neglect w hich has by n o m ean s en tirely ceased; a n d as w ith th e dam s, som e d estru c tio n is inevitable. F in ally , th e re a re chang es cau sed by p o llu tio n , w h ich is p erh ap s w h at m ost people th in k o f first in co n n ec tio n w ith d a m ag e to th e fish en v iro n m en t. P o llu tio n is also o ften th o u g h t o f as cau sin g d irect h arm . T h is so m etim es h ap p en s - th e new s­ p a p ers from tim e to tim e c a rry stories o f specific fish k ills.13 H o w ev er, m u ch g re a te r d am ag e is o ften less a p p a re n t. A U .S. P u b lic H e a lth Service b u lletin n o tes th e follow ing: “W a te r p o llu tio n ex erts its g reatest toll on th e fishery n o t b ecau se o f in d ividual kills b u t by d estro y in g h a b ita t. S erious fish kills seldom o c c u r in badly pollu ted w a te r b ecau se th e re are usually few o r no fish left in th e stre a m to die.” 14 M an y p o llu tan ts are n o t d ire ctly h a rm fu l, b u t th ey e x h au st th e oxygen in th e w a te r - fo r ex am p le, sew age a n d o th e r o r­

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g anic substances, in clu d in g th e d eb ris o f logging. T h e d e c o m ­ position (o x id a tio n ) o f these m aterials is m o re th a n th e w aters can c a rry o u t u n aid ed . C ertain o th e r su b stan ces are them selves h a rm fu l. T hese in clu d e th e traces o f a g ric u ltu ra l sp ray s w h ich ev en tu a lly reach th e rivers, so m e w astes fro m th e H a n fo rd ato m ic p lan t on the C olum b ia, and m ost p u lp mill w aste. H o w ­ ever. an y kind o f pollution sets in m otion o th e r changes d e tri­ m en tal to th e fish and. u su ally w ith o u t killing th e m directly , m akes the w a te r unlivable. T h e g re a te r p a rt o f p re sen t-d ay p o l­ lution is o f in d u strial origin. In th e P uget S o u n d region a p rin cip al source is the w astes o f one o f its m ost im p o rta n t in dustries, th e pulp and p a p e r m ills. Since m an y o f th ese are lo cated a t the low er ends o f rivers, th ey especially affect the y o u n g fish d u rin g the tim e th ey a re en te rin g a n d a d ju stin g to salt w ater. A t the p resen t tim e, o f th e fo u r rivers o f this stu d y only the N isqually flows th ro u g h co m p a ra tiv e ly u n d istu rb e d ru ral land as it reaches its m outh. Its fu tu re is u n c e rta in - th e P o rt o f T a c o m a A u th o rity plans in d u strial d ev elo p m en t th e re .15 T h e w aters o f the o th e r th ree rivers reach P u g et S ound th ro u g h highly in d u strialized a reas in S eattle and T ac o m a . Since 1900 th e P uget S ound region has c h an g ed fro m a thinly p o p u lated region w ith m u ch w ilderness still in tact to one o f reasonably dense p o p u latio n , w ith tw o larg e cities, b oth grow ing, an d m any sm all on es; intensive a g ricu ltu re; a n d in­ c reasin g in d u strializatio n , p a rtic u la rly p ulp an d p a p e r a n d w ood p ro d u cts m a n u fa c tu rin g . In d ian s h ad n o th in g to d o w ith any o f this ch an g e. T h a t it has affected the salm o n an d steel­ head, how ever, is beyond d o u b t. P uget S o u n d salm o n lan d in g s fo r a perio d o f years as rep o rted by th e W ash in g to n D e p a rt­ m ent o f F ish eries confirm the ch an g e. T h e re a re ups and dow ns an d th e re are certa in ly o th e r facto rs affecting catch , su ch as changes in g ear reg u latio n s. H o w ev er, if n u m b ers ta k en are any indication o f th e n u m b ers p resen t, th e overall trend since 1913 has been d o w n w ard .

NOTES 1. P rin cip al sources for this discussion an d th e sectio n on e n ­ v iro n m en tal facto rs a re : J. F . A n d re w a n d C . H . G cen , S o c k e y e a n d P in k S a lm o n P ro d u ctio n in R ela tio n to P ro ­ p o se d D a m s in th e F raser R iv e r S y s te m , In te rn a tio n a l P a ­

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3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10. 11.

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cific .Salmon F ish eries C o m m issio n , B ulletin X I (N ew W estm inster, B.C., 1 9 6 0 ); M ilo M o o re e t al., Fisheries, V ol. I ll; M ilo M oore, S a lm o n o f th e Pacific. W ashington .State D e p a rtm e n t o f F ish eries (O ly m p ia , I9 6 0 ? ); D e p a rt­ m ent o f F ish eries A n n u a l R eports. Sm all lan d lo ck ed sockeye, called k o n ak ee o r silv er tro u t ( O . n erka K e n n e rlii), are fo u n d in som e lakes. A p p a re n tly they, to o , te n d to b eco m e a n a d ro m o u s if given th e o p p o r­ tunity. H earings o f th e S u b c o m m itte e on In d ia n A ffa irs, U .S. C o n ­ gress, “ In d ian F ish in g R ig h ts” (W ash in g to n , 1 9 6 4 ), p. 28. T h e discussion is in term s o f salm on, b u t the req u irem en ts o f steelhead are essentially sim ilar. [See chap. ii o f th e orig in al so u rce.]— E d. A n n u a l R e p o rt, 1953, p. 2. L etter to W a lte r T ay lo r, Jan . 13, 1966. W ashington S tate D e p a rtm e n t o f F ish eries, “ R e p o rt o f P re­ lim in ary In vestigations into the Possible M eth o d s o f P re ­ serving th e C o lu m b ia R iv er S alm on a n d S teelh ead a t the G ra n d C o u lee D a m ” (S ea ttle [?], 1938, m im e o ), p. 2. See A n n u a l R e p o rt, 1963, p. 65, a n d la te r A n n u a l R eports. See “A N u rsery in N o M a n ’s L a n d ,” A n n u a I R e p o rt, 1962, pp. 5 3 -5 4 . R ivers m ay be m ore su b ject to flooding now th a n in a b ­ o riginal tim es, an d th e need fo r flood co n tro l g re a te r, be­ cause o f th e d estru c tio n o f the n a tu ra l vegetativ e cover. T h e p rim a ry reason fo r flood c o n tro l, how ever, is th e ex­ istence o f expensive stru c tu re s beside the rivers. Such in cid en tal effects o f o th e r activ ities are u n in ten d ed . H ow ever, th a t they a re allow ed to o c c u r is o ften d u e to in­ difference w hich verges o n irresponsibility. A sp e c ta cu lar ex am p le w as th e blockag e o f the F ra s e r R iver, w h ich , w hile fo rtu n ate ly not irreversib le, w ent u n rem ed ie d fo r 32 years. In 1913 th e C a n a d ia n P acific R ailw ay, c o n stru c tin g a ro u te dow n the F ra se r, blasted off a n o v erh an g in g cliff in the H ell's G a te G o rg e a b o u t 120 m iles u p th e riv er a n d below th e m ain sp aw n in g g ro u n d s o f this g re a t system , all but com pletely o b stru ctin g the stream . T h e sockeye ru n d ro p ­ ped from m illions in 1913 to 4 ,0 0 0 fish in 1945. In th at y e a r a fishw ay w as o pen ed , c o n stru cte d by the In te rn atio n al Pacific S alm on F isheries C o m m issio n , an agency se t u p fo r th a t an d o th e r purposes c o n cern ed w ith th e con serv atio n o f F ra s e r R iv er salm on , a n d fo r th e allo catio n o f the catc h

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o f F ra s e r R iv er sockeye b etw een C a n a d ia n and A m e rica n fisherm en. T h e sockeye have co m e b a c k , th o u g h n o t to th e ir fo rm e r num bers. In discussing declines in salm o n ru n s in its 3950 A n n u a l R e p o rt, th e D e p a rtm e n t o f F ish eries said o f th e blockage o f th e H e ll’s G a te G org e th a t it “cau sed a loss o f n early o n e billion d o llars in ca n n e d salm o n p o ten tial fro m 1913 th ro u g h 1950” (p . 5 ) . 13. A n u nusual k in d o f pollu tio n caused a fish kill in th e W h ite R iver in N o v e m b e r 1965. It w as b ro u g h t a b o u t by flushing o p eratio n s a t th e M ud M o u n ta in D am , w h ich c a rrie d such a g re a t a m o u n t o f silt in to th e river th a t th e gills o f th e fish w ere filled an d th ey died. T h e n ew sp ap ers rep o rted th a t the M uck lesh o o t trib e fo rm ally p ro tested this kill, as d id T h o r T o llefso n , present d ire c to r o f th e D e p a rtm e n t o f F isheries, in a sh a rp ex ch an g e w ith th e A rm y C o rp s o f E ngineers. A cco rd in g to th e new s re p o rt, how ever, th e co rp s said th e o p eratio n w ould co n tin u e because o f flood co n tro l needs. 14. P o llu tio n C a u sed F ish K ills, U .S. P u b lic H e a lth Service, B ulletin N o. 847 (W ash ., D .C .: G o v t. P rin tin g Office, 1 9 6 4 ), p. iii.

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Models of Southern Kwakiutl Social Organization

D an iela W einberg so u r ce

:

Daniela Weinberg, “Models of Southern Kwakiutl Social O rganization,” in General Systems, Y earbook of the So­ ciety for G eneral Systems Research, vol. 10 (1965). Re­ printed by permission of the author and publisher.

I W h en an an th ro p o lo g ist has a free ch o ice o f to p ic fo r study, h e m ay e ith e r look fo r an u n d er-in v estig ated su b ject o r ap p ly new d a ta to th e in te rp re ta tio n o f a w ell-know n on e. F ro m this p o in t o f view, th en , it w ou ld seem fru itless to stu d y th e so u th ­ e rn K w aiu tl - a c u ltu re w hose p a st is a m y stery b ecau se o f the lack o f archaeological rem ain s a n d w hose p resen t, th a t is, its h istorical p eriod, has b eco m e its a c c u ltu ra te d fu tu re too rapidly. A lth o u g h th e first eye-w itness a c co u n t o f the K w aiu tl was reco rd ed in 1792 by V an co u v er, serious an th ro p o lo g ica l w ork w as not begun until ab o u t a h u n d re d y ea rs la te r by F ra n z Boas. W e know fro m historical an d ad m in istra tiv e reco rd s th a t by this tim e th e K w aiutl w ere b eau tifu lly a rtic u la te d w ith W hite C an ad ian society; in deed, th e last d e cad e o f th e n in eteen th c e n tu ry and th e first o f th e tw en tieth a re o ften refe rre d to as a p erio d o f flow ering fo r th e K w ak iu tl. B ut even a t th a t tim e o f flow ering, we c a n see th e beg in ­ n in g o f th e end. T h e last d escrip tio n o f th e W in te r D an ce c erem o n ial dates fro m 1895 a n d the c u ltu re goes in to a rap id d ecline until by th e th ird d e cad e o f this c e n tu ry even th e p o t­ latch - th a t h allm ark o f K w a k iu tl c u ltu re - “ a p p e a rs to have re ach ed th e final stage o f its ex isten ce.” 1 C h a rle s N o w ell, th e K w akiutl su b ject o f F o rd 's 1941 b io g rap h y , was b o rn in 1870, 227

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and even had he possessed flaw less a n d in cred ib le pow ers o f recall reg ard in g his ow n life fro m b irth , th a t life began too late to be o f any use in re c o n stru c tin g th e ab o rig in al K w akiutl c u ltu re . A nd, o f co u rse, th e in fo rm a tio n he received as a child fro m his eld ers m ust be con sid ered seco n d -h a n d in fo rm a tio n a n d used acco rd in g ly in an y a n th ro p o lo g ic a l study. C learly , then, w e have little hope th a t new d a ta will a p p e a r unless it takes the relatively useless fo rm o f “ m o re o f th e sa m e ” tam ily genealogies, p o tlatch histo ries an d ac c o u n t books —all o f it, o f course, co m in g out o f th e m o d ern , literate p erio d o f K w aiutl history. K w ak iu tl, m oreover, is n o t in an y sense a “ new c u ltu re .” It has been studied, analyzed , classified, a n d m etap h o rized al­ m ost to th e to lerab le lim its - p erh a p s b ecau se th ere is so m e ­ th in g very tem p tin g to an th ro p o lo g ists a b o u t a n a rea fo r w h ich all the retu rn s a re in w ith no possibility fo r a n e m b arrassin g recount. A ctually ev e r since Boas d id his field w ork in B ritish C o lu m b ia a t th e beginning o f this c en tu ry , th e K w a k iu tl have been consid ered a closed su b ject fo r a n y th in g b u t C a n a d ia n g o v ern m en t a c cu ltu ratio n stu d ies. Boas, leading th e Jesu p e x p ed ition to the N o rth w est C o ast, co m p iled a highly d etailed cata lo g o f m aterial cu ltu re traits. In th e n ex t few y ea rs he collected K w akiutl m ytholo g ical texts, fam ily h istories, and m eth o d s o f food p re p a ra tio n . O n th e basis o f his ow n o b se r­ v ation an d the rep o rts o f in fo rm a n ts, assisted by the K w ak iu tl G e o rg e H u n t - he published m aterial on social o rg an izatio n , tech nology, art, K w akiu tl g eo grap h ical n am es, daily life, and cerem onials. T his m assive, d etailed , an d even illu strated w ork, how ever, adds u p to little m o re th an the su m o f its p arts; Boas w as, a fte r all, a m a n o f his tim e. H is first p u b licatio n on the K w ak iu tl ap p eared only tw en ty y ea rs a fte r M o rg an ’s A n c ie n t S o ciety. A n th ro p o lo g y as a science, ra th e r th a n as o n e o f the h u m anities, w as in its in fan cy ; a n d . in B oas’ m ind, it had to be established as a k in d o f n atu ral history, em p h asizin g h a rd fact a n d m in im izin g philosop hic sp ecu latio n . N ev erth eless, h o w ­ e v e r m u ch he m ay have th o u g h t o f h im self as a d escrip tiv e scientist, pure d escrip tio n is in conceivable. E ven w ith no o v ert evid ence o f in te rp re ta tio n in his w ork, we can safely say th a t his an aly tic a n d th eo retical fra m e w o rk w as a t least o f the “ L ook how different these peo ple a re fro m us!” v ariety. B ecause o f B oas’ v o lu m in io u s w ork, how ev er, and because o f th e rapid d ecline o f K w a k iu tl c u ltu re , v irtu a lly no new field w o rk has been d o n e since th e tu rn o f th e c en tu ry . B ut the

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K w ak iu tl have by no m ean s been n eglected. N o t o n ly has the c u ltu re been in te rp re te d an d re in te rp re te d , b u t the d a ta g a th e r­ ed by Boas h av e been q u o te d , p a ra p h ra se d , dism issed, c o r­ rected, a n d occasionally, o n e suspects, re w ritte n . U p o n closer ex am in atio n , th en , o n e is te m p ted to leave the K w ak iu tl and find som e undiscovered civ ilizatio n in A n ta rc tic a , an d w ith it a w ealth o f d a ta o n a prim itiv e skiing, p en g u in -to tem izin g cu l­ tu re w ith a su bsistence base o f w ater. I t is not so easy, how ever, to find new cu ltu re s o r even new d a ta fo r know n cu ltu res. W ith th e M e rc u ry satellite p roject, even th e C an to n Islan d ers o f th e E a ste rn P acific h av e en tered th e sp ace race. T h e problem is p a rtic u la rly a cu te in N o rth A m e ric a w here fo r som e tim e n o w an th ro p o lo g ists have been largely lim ited to guessing a b o u t b iologically ex tin ct cu ltu res o r d o ing “arch aeo lo g y o f th e living,” as S ch o rg e r p u t it, on g ro u p s th a t a re alm o st ex tin ct cu ltu ra lly . P e rh a p s this is a good tim e to pause an d re-ev alu ate o u r m eth o d s, fo r, in th e absence o f reliable d a ta an d in th e co n fu sed sea o f in te rp re tiv e m a­ terials, w h at w e need m ost is a stead y h an d a n d c le a r vision. In th is p ap er, th en , w e p ro p o se to stu d y b o th th e d a ta - w h at w e k n o w ( o r w e th in k we k n o w ) a b o u t th e S o u th ern K w ak iu tl - and, in so far as these can be se p arated fro m th e d a ta , th e c o n ­ clu sions o f p revious inv estig ato rs - w ays o f seeing th e S o u th e rn K w ak iu tl. F inally, w e will a tte m p t to m ak e a synthesis, a new w ay o f seeing th e K w akiutl. II T h e S o u th ern K w ak iu tl a re a co astal g ro u p , living in vil­ lages on th e N o rth w e ste rn , N o rth e rn , a n d N o rth e a ste rn coast o f V a n c o u v e r Islan d and on th e o p p o site sh o res o f th e B ritish C o lu m b ia m ain lan d , roughly b etw een C ap e M udge an d R ivers In let. T h ey a re b o u n d ed on th e m ain la n d by the high C o astal R ang e, an d o n th e island by a c e n tra l m o u n tain ran g e, som e o f w hose peaks reach 7 0 0 0 feet. T h e d istan ce b etw een island an d m ain lan d shores is n o g re a te r th an a b o u t tw en ty m iles at th e Q ueen C h a rlo tte S trait, an d , at m an y po in ts so u th o f th ere, barely a m ile, w ith several large a n d sm all islands serv in g as ste p p in g stones. Like th e rest o f th e A la sk a n In lan d W ate rw ay o f w hich this is a p art, th e a re a is c h a ra c te riz e d by h eav y ra in ­ fall (o v e r 80 inches a n n u a lly ), rich co n ifero u s v eg eta tio n in ­ lan d , an d n u m ero u s tiny islands, in lan d lakes, co astal fjords a n d inlets filled w ith the cold w a te r ru n n in g do w n fro m m o u n ­

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tain stream s in to th e sea. T h e co astal clim ate is m o d erated by th e Ja p a n C u rre n t, an d te m p e ra tu re s ra n g e b etw een th e 30s in th e w in ter a n d th e 70s in th e su m m er. R ed an d yellow c e d a r are am o n g th e m o re a b u n d a n t c o n i­ fers, an d berries an d roots o f all kinds are available. L and a n im als include b e a r, m o u n ta in goat, a n d d ee r; th e sea yields su ch m am m als as h a ir seal, sea lion, and p o rp o ise (th e sea o tte r is now alm o st e x tin c t), fish, especially salm o n , h erring, h alib u t, o lach e n , an d sm elts, an d a v ariety o f shellfish an d w aterfo w l. T h e S o u th ern K w akiutl are d istan tly related in language to th eir neighbors on V a n c o u v e r Island, th e N o o tk a. B oth la n ­ guages are o f th e W ak ash a n sto ck a n d th o u g h t to be related u ltim ately to A lg o n k ian . A lth o u g h K ro e b e r co n sid ers these W a k ash an peoples as a “ m ad e -o v e r riv er c u ltu re ” o rig in a tin g in th e C o lu m b ia -F ra se r basin, D ru c k e r’s th e o ry seem s m o re p lausible: th a t th e W ak ash an s w ere o rig in ally a so u th ern e x ­ ten sion o f E sk im o id c irc u m p o la r c u ltu re an d m ain tain ed close c o n tac t w ith th e W estern E sk im os until peoples fro m th e in ­ te rio r m oved into the n o rth e rn p a rt o f th e c o a st a n d b ro k e these ties.2 H e cites as evidence fo r his view th e follow ing c u ltu re item s w hich co u ld not have diffused th ro u g h casual c o n tac t b u t re q u ired an on g o in g an d fairly in tim ate c o n ta c t in o rd e r to tak e hold an d be m a in ta in e d : th e p re -E u ro p e an use o f iro n (cf., P u n u k ho rizo n on St. L aw ren ce Island, c. 1000 A .D .); th e ty p e o f sealing h arp o o n w ith its finger rest, th ro w n in the m a n n e r o f th e a tlatl; th e h a rp o o n rest o n th e c an o e ; th e ritu al use o f h u m an rem ain s; m ech a n ically o p erate d m asks and p u p ­ p ets; th e use o f u rin e as a d eterg en t. F u rth e rm o re , th ese item s a re to d ay p e cu liar to the cen tra l region o f th e N o rth w e st C oast. D ru c k e r sees no signs o f c u ltu ra l influences fro m th e in te rio r on th e W ak ash an s them selves. It has been estim ated th a t th e ab o rig in al p o p u la tio n o f th e S o u th e rn K w akiutl n u m b ered a b o u t eig h t o r ten th o u san d . R ap id d ecim atio n (m ain ly th ro u g h sm allp o x , m easles, and O ther E u ro p e a n diseases) b eg an soon a fte r co n ta c t, at som e tim e b efo re 1837. By 1885 th e re w ere o n ly a little m o re th an tw o th o u sa n d K w ak iu tl, a n d this n u m b e r d ecreased steadily until it w as halved by 1924, a t w h ich tim e a slow increase began. T h e K w akiutl lived seaso n ally in p e rm a n e n t villages, m ov­ ing d u rin g th e spring, su m m er, a n d fall a m o n g several village sites located fo r th e ir fishing possibilities. H o u ses w ere b u ilt o f h a rd w o o d plan k s u p o n a fra m ew o rk o f h eav y poles. T h e

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p lan k s w ere set into notches, h o rizo n tally , a n d w ere easily re ­ m oved an d ta k e n to th e n ext fishing statio n w h ere sim ila r house fra m ew o rk s stood fro m p rev io u s years. T h e c o n stru ctio n o f the house itself w as a m a jo r fe a t o f p rim itiv e te ch n o lo g y w h ere h u m a n la b o r w as th e c h ie f tool. A fte r E u ro p e a n c o n ta c t, the K w ak iu tl used sto re-b o u g h t p lan k s a n d ap p lie d th em v ertically (a n d p e rm a n e n tly ) w ith sto re -b o u g h t iro n nails. H o u se fron ts w ere o ften p ainted w ith crests, a n d “ to tem po les” (p o les ca rv e d w ith crests) stood d irectly in fro n t o f th e ho u se o r serv ed as th e d o o r pole in th e fram ew o rk . T h ese houses w ere large an d re c ta n g u la r a c co m m o d a tin g an av erage o f th irty o r fo rty p eo p le e ac h a n d p ro v id in g fo r th e ir o ccu p an ts a large cen tral a re a fo r c o m m u n al cook in g , e n tertain in g , an d just g ath erin g , as well as a raised b o rd e r o f se p a ra te sleeping room s fo r n u c le a r fam ilies, e a ch w ith its ow n sm all fire an d sto rag e space. T h e only fu rn itu re in th e ho u se was fo r seatin g an d sleep ­ ing; c e d a rb a rk m ats w ere used fo r b o th a n d a w o oden back rest, usually d eco rated w ith fam ily crests, c o n stitu te d a k in d o f floor-level b en ch . T h e K w ak iu tl excelled in w o o d w o rk in g , and th e ir houses w ere filled w ith exam ples o f i t - b o x e s o f ev ery d e scrip tio n an d use w ere w oven o r sh ap ed o f b e n t c ed a rb a rk , o ften fluted, p ain ted , an d carv e d , o ccasio n ally d e c o ra te d w ith inlays o f anim al teeth . T h ese w ere used fo r sto rag e, as w a te r b u ck ets, c erem o n ial d ru m s, qu iv ers, crad les, a n d co o k in g u te n ­ sils. D ishes w ere m ad e o f ho llo w ed ald e r, o fte n sh ap ed into h u m an o r an im al fo rm s; spoons, th e o nly e a tin g cu tlery , w ere o f m o u n tain g oat horn ex q u isitely sm o o th e d , m o ld ed , a n d d e co rated . A coastal village consisted o f a single row o f th ese houses, all facin g th e sea. E a c h h o useh o ld h ad its o w n section o f b e ach d irectly o pposite, a n d a “su m m e r se a t,” a k ind o f w o o d en p ier o n w hich th e m en g a th ered to talk. H ouses facin g th e sea w ere m ost a p p ro p ria te , fo r th e K w ak iu tl dep en d ed largely on the sea fo r th e ir subsistence. T h e re w as no a g ric u ltu re u ntil late histo ric tim es w h en p o tato es a n d som e o th e r vegetables w ere gro w n on a v e ry sm all scale in h o usehold g a rd e n s ), an d th e K w ak iu tl d id very little h u n tin g o f la n d anim als. T h e w om en at c e rta in tim es o f the y e a r w ent in lan d to g a th e r roots an d b erries, b u t th e m ain food w as fish, especially salm o n an d olach en . S om e o f th e fishing w as d o n e in stream s, using e la b o ra te trap s a lo n g th e k n o w n salm o n runs, an d som e w as d o n e a t sea (th o u g h n o t to o fa r fro m th e sh o re )

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in stu rd y w ooden can o es o f th e d u g o u t type. Sails w ere ad o p ted very early fro m visiting E u ro p e a n s, in 1790, b u t gasoline engines w ere not used u ntil 1911 by w h ich tim e th e K w akiutl had becom e co m m ercial fisherm en. Sea m am m als w ere h u n ted o nly by ce rta in chiefs w ith sp e­ cial “ rights” to d o so an d did n o t c o n stitu te a m a jo r food item ; th e ir skins an d fu rs w ere used fo r clo th in g an d c e rem o n ial gear. T h e o rd in a ry dress o f th e K w a k iu tl w as m inim al, ab o rig in ally : d u rin g th e w arm m o n th s (th e g re a te r p a rt o f th e y e a r) m en w o re n o th in g an d w om en w o re at m ost a w oven m ap le-b ark sk irt: rain g e a r an d cold w e a th e r clo th in g consisted o f capes o f c e d a rb a rk m attin g , robes o f w oven yellow c e d a rb a rk , fu r robes, an d b ask etry hats - th e last th ree also h aving c e re m o n ­ ial valu e and desig n atin g high social statu s. In histo ric tim es th e b u tto n b lan k et b ecam e th e “ sta tu s sy m b o l” ; it w as sim ply a sto re-b o u g h t b lan k et, d e c o ra te d e la b o ra tely in fam ily crest designs w ith sto re-b o u g h t b u tto n s. N o fo o tw e a r was used a t any tim e o f the y e a r (the N o rth w e st C o ast is u n iq u e in this respect) an d personal o rn am en ts w ere m ad e o f d e n ta lia shell (n e c k ­ laces, e a r p e n d a n ts ) an d strip s o f sea o tte r fu r (tig h t anklets an d b ra c e le ts).

Social S tru ctu re Social s tru c tu re is p erh a p s the m ost co n fu se d sp h ere of K w a k iu tl c u ltu re , from th e p o in t o f view o f w h at w e know . It is easy en o u g h to see a n d rep o rt d ried salm o n din n ers, w ooden sto rag e boxes, a n d re g u la r fishing trip s, b u t it is not a t all easy even to ascertain w h a t a re th e in terp erso n al and social relatio n sh ip s o f a g ro u p , let alone to re p o rt th ese re la tio n ­ ships w hich m ay be q u ite fo reig n to th e o bserver. T h e litera ­ tu re is vag u e and c o n tra d ic to ry on this su b ject, a n d th ere is also th e persistent p roblem o f tim e: w h at w as K w ak iu tl social stru c tu re ab o rig in ally ; w h at w as it th a t V an c o u v e r, th e early In d ian agents, Boas, C odere, a n d o th ers a ctu a lly saw ; an d , finally, w hat did C h arlie N ow ell h im self see o f th e Social O rg an izatio n w hich su rro u n d e d him ? W e a re faced h ere w ith th e problem s o f psychological versus so c ial-stru c tu ra l reality (th e K w ak iu tl versus th e a n th ro p o lo g ist), eg o cen tric versus so cio cen tric reality , an d in d eed , the q u estio n o f reality itself. It w ould seem th a t th e m ost useful m odel o f social stru c tu re - th a t is, th e o n e th a t asks th e right g en eral q u estio n - is th e

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c h ie fd o m level o f so cio cu ltu ral in teg ratio n . T h e follow ing su m ­ m ary d escrip tio n o f a c h iefd o m seem s to be a co m p lete a n d a c c u ra te d escrip tio n o f K w ak iu tl so ciety : it m akes som e sense o f th e ju m b le o f specific d a ta w e have o n th e subject, A c h iefd o m is largely fam ilistic b u t is n o t e g a lita ria n ; it has no g o v ern m en t b ut d o es h av e au th o rity and c en tralized d ire c tio n ; th e re is n o p riv a te p ro p e rty in reso u rces o r e n tre p re n e u ria l m a rk e t co m m e rc e , yet th e re is u n eq u a l c o n tro l o v er goods a n d p ro d u c tio n ; th e re a re ra n k differ­ ences but no c lea r socio eco n o m ic o r p o litical classes.3 T h e sm allest stru c tu ra l u n it in K w a k iu tl society w as th e n u m a y m , o r lineage, w hich w as b o th a resid en tial u n it an d a so d ality, as w e shall see late r. A village co n sisted o f o n e (o r, rarely , m ore th a n o n e ) n u m ay m , th e m e m b ers o f w h ich w ere residentially d is trib u ted am o n g several houses, each h o u se b e ­ in g ra n k e d acc o rd in g to its g en ealo g ical d istan c e fro m th e o riginal house (th a t is, the a n c e stra l o r living fo u n d e r o f the n u m a y m ). A tribe, as w e shall use th e te rm , w as sim ply a g ro u p o f villages recognizing a clo ser rela tio n sh ip a m o n g th e m ­ selves an d usually speakin g the sam e su b -d ialec t - th u s, the N im k ish , th e K u ex a, th e M a m a lliliq u a la , etc. T h e K w ak iu tl na tion w as a linguistic u n it co n sistin g o f all the trib es sp eakin g th e K w ak iu tl language, an d to o k its n a m e fro m th e highestra n k in g o f these, th e K w ak iu tl. W h a t D ru c k e r calls a co n ­ fe d era cy was sim ply several trib es m oving in to th e sam e village are a, b ehaving generally as a single trib e b u t alw ays m ain ­ tain in g th e ir se p a ra te o rigin al identities. T h is te rm w as a p p li­ cab le to th e “ F o rt R u p e rts ,” th e fo u r trib es (K w a k iu tl, W alas K w ak iu tl, K u ex a, an d K u m k u tis) w h o estab lish ed an Ind ian village a t F o rt R u p e rt in o rd e r to benefit fro m this E u ro p e a n c e n tre an d tra d in g p o st estab lish ed in 1849. A co n fed eracy , th en , w as a special g ro u p a n d n o t a b asic u n it in th e social stru c tu re . A u th o rity in these gro u p s w as essentially by co m m o n c o n ­ se n t ra th e r th a n b y legal coercio n . E a c h ho u se h ad a ch ief, the o ld est m an in th e d irect line o f descent, an d th e village ch ie f w as sim ply th e house c h ie f o f th e highest ra n k in g ho u se in the village. N o chief, how ever, h ad tru e political pow er. In case o f a d isp u te, a se ttlem en t had to be re ach ed by m u tu a l acce p ta n c e a m o n g th e parties involved. W arfa re , if su c h a term c a n be used, w as a very in fo rm al a n d im pulsive u n d e rta k in g a n d u su ­

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ally to o k th e fo rm o f a q u ic k , stea lth y ra id o n th e un su sp ectin g a n d u n a rm e d “ en em y .” T h e c h ie f s p rim e fu n ctio n , it m ay be said, w as to c a rry o n the tra d itio n s o f his fo re fa th e rs an d to a d m in iste r th e fam ily lands, reso u rces, a n d titles. A lth o u g h c o n sid ered th e “o w n e r” o f these, he m erely serv ed as cu sto d ian a n d th u s, in Service’s sense, th e “ re d istrib u to r.” It w as he w ho gave p o tlatch es, th o u g h in th e n am e o f an d b enefiting th e e n ­ tire n u m ay m . A s th e re d istrib u to r o f reso u rces, a sh a re o f the c a tc h o f ev ery fishing p a rty in th e village c am e to him - as befitting his high position, fro m th e v illag ers’ p o in t o f view, b u t actu a lly v alid atin g th a t position. In ad d itio n to th e chief, a ho u se w as o ccu p ied by a gro u p o f n u c le a r fam ilies o f sev eral g en e ra tio n s - th e y o u n g e r b ro ­ th ers o f th e chief, th e ir w ives, y o u n g c h ild re n , a n d m a rrie d sons w ith th e ir ow n n u clea r fam ilies. T h e m a rita l residence ru le was u sually b u t not stric tly virilocal. T h e m a rria g e ru le itself was by p referen ce exog am o u s (th a t is, m arria g e o u t o f th e n u ­ m a y m ), b u t th e p rescrib ed en d o g a m y w as d eterm in e d m ore b y ran k th an by num aym . In o th e r w o rd s, o n e trie d to m a rry o u t b u t o n e h a d to m arry so m eo n e o f eq u iv a le n t ra n k . M a r­ riage to fairly close relativ es w as no t u n u su a l u n d e r c e rta in c ircu m stan ces (p a rtic u la rly a fte r E u ro p e a n c o n ta c t a n d the ex trem e p o p u latio n decline, w h en th ere w ere sim ply n o t en ough possible m ates o f ap p ro p ria te ra n k e x c e p t w ith in th e sam e n u m a y m ). In v ery u n u su al c a s e s - w h e n c e rta in crests be­ lo nging to a p a rtic u la r n u m a y m w ere d esired b u t no m a te was av ailab le in th a t n u m ay m - it w as possible to m arry “ an arm , o r leg, o r th e h o u sep o st o f a n o th e r c h ie f” .4 S uch a m arriag e w as form alized ju s t as any o th er, w ith a m a rria g e p o tla tc h and an exchange o f gifts fo r crests and nam es. W ith these rules o f m a rria g e a n d m a rita l resid en ce, a so­ ciety will soon lose its sense o f lineality (so cial ex p ed ien ce being m ore highly v a lu e d ), a n d it will a p p ro a c h a co g n atic system o f d escent an d in h eritan ce. T h is is ex actly w h a t was h ap p e n in g in K w ak iu tl society. T h e eg o c e n tric term in o lo g y , m o reo v er, fits th e situ atio n p erfectly : E go d istinguishes his relatives o n ly o n th e basis o f g e n e ra tio n a n d sex, since “statuses o f ra n k in p a rtic u la r, an d p e rh ap s o th e rs, have o v errid d en statu ses based o n degrees o f k in sh ip w ith in g e n e ra tio n s” / ’ R an k - t h e d e te rm in a n t in so cio cen tric s t r u c t u r e - i s based fu n d a ­ m en tally on b irth , an d it is g en erally re ck o n ed by p rim o g en i­ tu re in th e m ale line. T h e c o n c ep tio n o f d escen t, th e n , b eco m e s n o t m erely one

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o f co m m o n d escen t w ith o th e rs fro m sh a re d an cesto rs, as in trib al society, th o u g h su c h a g en eral co n c ep tio n m ay rem ain. In this co n c e p tu a lly u n d e rsto o d d escen t system th e re is a m ain line o f first-b o rn sons o f first-born sons, a line o f first-born sons o f sec o n d -b o rn s, seco n d -b o rn o f seco n d -b o rn , an d so on. T h is is th e so -called c o n e-sh ap ed genealogy. D escent, in th ese term s, reflects th e u n e q u a l ran k s o f all co n tem p o ran e o u s d escen d en ts o f th e fo u n d e r.6 T h is system is fu rth e r reflected in c e rta in K w ak iu tl suffixes to th e te rm designating n u m ay m affiliation - th e “ ho u se n a m e .” -ts!E d ze = m ale, “ offspring o f (trib e X ) ” -k y lo tE m = m a rrie d fem ale, “ o n e side o f face is (trib e X ) ” In a m arriag e b etw een m em b ers o f d ifferen t trib es th e w ife’s n am e is suffixed w ith a p article m ean in g “ m a rrie d fa r o u ts id e ,” th u s reflecting th e v iralo cal ru le o f resid en ce a n d d e m o n stra tin g th e so d ality asp ect o f th e n u m a y m ; th a t is, a w o m a n rem ain s affiliated w ith h e r b irth g ro u p even th o u g h she no lo n g er re ­ sides w ith them . T h e privileges an d titles ( “ crests” a n d “ n am es” ) th a t ac­ c ru e d w ith ra n k w ere o f tw o ty p es th e ho u se n am e a n d its crests, w hich co u ld n ev er leave th e line o f p rim o g en itu re, an d th o se n am es an d rights w hich c o u ld be given aw ay in m arria g e. B oas h as co m p ared these to th e fam ily h eirlo o m a n d o th e r fam ily p ro p e rty in E u ro p e a n society. H eirlo o m jew elry, fo r ex am p le, is h an d ed dow n in th e fam ily w o rn by th e eld est so n ’s w ife, by th e ir eld est s o n ’s w ife, a n d so on (see F ig u re 1 ). N a m e s an d crests a re in h erited from tw o d ifferen t so u rces: fro m E g o ’s fa th e r d irectly , a n d fro m E g o ’s m a te rn a l g ra n d ­ fa th e r th ro u g h his fa th e r to w h o m these n am es an d crests w ere given a t m a rria g e to be held in tru st fo r E go, th e first-born son. In th e first case, it is th e house n a m e a n d crests th a t a re passed o n d irectly to th e eldest son; in th e seco n d case, o th e r less v a lu ­ able n am es an d crests are passed o n in th e co llate ra l line. T o clarify th e system , it will be h elpful to re c o n s tru c t the situ atio n w hich b ro u g h t E go into th e w o rld . E g o ’s fath e r, h a v ­ ing c o m e to age (h e w as p ro b a b ly a b o u t tw enty-five) a n d h av in g am assed eno u g h p ro p e rty to b u y h im self a b rid e, m ad e an offer to his p ro sp ectiv e fath er-in -law , a m an o f his ow n fa th e r’s stan d in g in th e c o m m u n ity . (A ll k in sh ip te rm s an d statu s co n cep ts in th is ex am p le a re d ra w n u n ash am ed ly , an d

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F or the sake of simplicity, we are assuming strictly male prim o­ geniture, om itting any sons beyond first-born, and we follow out only the “black” num aym (a t left, heavy line). Solid line = direct inheritance from father, e.g., house nam e and crests). Broken line = indirect inheritance from m aternal grandfather through father. Double line = direct inheritance in a related lineage. so m etim es frivolously, fro m o u r ow n society, fo r th e sa k e o f sim p licity .) T h e p rice ag reed u p o n , th e m arria g e w as arra n g e d . A t th e w edding d in n e r a n d recep tio n , to w hich th e m em b ers o f both n u m ay m s w ere invited, the b rid e-p ric e w as p aid p u b ­ licly, an d th e b rid e ’s fa th e r p resen ted th e g ro o m w ith gifts, in cluding som e nam es an d privileges to be held in tru st fo r the first g randson. T h e y o u n g c o u p le w en t to live w ith th e h u s­ b a n d ’s fam ily, an d in d u e co u rse a child w as b o rn - E go, a son. A t th e age o f fo u r days, E g o w as given his first n am e, a few y ears la te r his second, an d finally, a t a b o u t th e age o f pu b erty , his th ird . S om e o f these nam es o rig in ate d w ith E g o ’s m a te rn a l g ra n d fa th e r; som e b elong to E g o ’s ow n fa th e r, in h erited by

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him in sim ilar m anner. O n e ac h o ccasion, E g o ’s m ate rn al g ra n d fa th e r b ro u g h t gifts w h ich w ere given aw ay, in E g o ’s nam e, a t a p o tlatch feast given by E g o ’s m o th e r to h e r h u s­ b a n d ’s (E g o ’s) n u m ay m w ith w h ich she w as living. T h ese gifts co n stitu ted p art o f the how a n a ka , o r “ re d e m p tio n ” - th e brideprice repaid w ith interest o v e r a p erio d o f years. W hen E go had received his th ird p o tlatch n a m e in this m a n n e r, it w as tim e fo r him to begin to am ass p ro p e rty and give his ow n p otlatches, v alid atin g the right to use his n am es an d to pass th e m on to his c h ild re n . In th e m ean tim e, E g o ’s m o th e r w as com ing clo ser a n d clo ser to co m p lete “ re d e m p ­ tio n .” F inally, h e r b rid e-p rice w as fully rep aid w ith su b stan tial in terest - attestin g to th e “g re a tn e ss” o f h e r fa th e r’s (a n d h e r o w n ) n u m ay m - and sh e was a free w om an. H er m a rria g e held (u n less h e r fa th e r fo un d a n o th e r su ito r an d d ecid ed to have h e r rem a rrie d fo r a new b rid e -p ric e ), b u t h e r h u sb an d was very likely a t this critical po in t to sh o w er his fath er-in -law w ith new gifts, thus p ro v in g him self w o rth y o f his h ig h -ran k in g w ife a n d renew ing th e cycle o f social in d eb ted n ess w ith h e r n u ­ m aym . O u r frien d E go m ay be th e c h ie f’s o ldest son, o r he m ay be a y o u n g e r son, o r any son o f alm o st an y fa th e r in th e n u m ay m . T h e social scale is a co n tin u u m o f ranks, a n d v e ry few m em ­ bers o f th e village co m m u n ity h av e su c h low statu s as to lack an y n am es o r crests an d , th u s, n o t to be involved in th e social sy stem o f p o tlatch in g , in h eritan ce, cerem o n ial m arria g e, and so on. T hese nam eless indiv id u als are called “ c o m m o n e rs” by a n th ro p o lo g ists, an d only the slaves (in ab o rig in al tim es u su ­ ally w ar cap tiv es) are below th em in statu s. T h e slaves, h o w ­ ever, c o u n t no m ore th an d o th e d o m estic ate d dogs in th e village an d so are not co m p a ra b le even to the co m m o n ers. In ab o rig in al days, w hen th e re w as a fixed a m o u n t o f p ro p erty a n d w ealth in the co m m u n ity , it w as alm o st im possible fo r an in d ividual to chan g e his position on th e ran k c o n tin u u m : each single position w as filled by a single person. O n ly if he w ere a p a rtic u la rly gifted c a n o e-m a k er, fo r ex am p le, a n d th u s m ore valuable to the co m m u n ity th a n his ra n k w ould ind icate could he be raised in stan d in g by h av in g the c h ie f c o n fe r h ig h erran k in g nam es u p o n him . S im ilarly, if he fell o u t o f fav o r q u ite seriously an d becam e a liability to th e village, he m ight lose his statu s. W hen E u ro p e a n c u ltu re in tru d e d upo n the K w ak iu tl, how ever, th e e n tire system w as th re a te n e d w ith d isru p tio n , a n d c h a n g in g statu s (usually m ov in g u p w a rd in ran k ) w as co m m o n .

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T h e “W in te r S e a s o n ’ T h is social system based o n ran k w as at th e sam e tim e b oth c o m p etitiv e an d co o p erativ e - th e first fro m the in d iv id u al’s p o in t o f view , a n d the seco n d in the larg er fram ew o rk o f the society. A system o f statu s d ifferential, a fte r all, im plies c o m ­ p ariso n o f individuals w ithin th e system , an d so it m ay be view ed as a n essentially social, g reg ario u s system . C ertain ly in K w akiutl society, th e m a n n e r o f assertin g a n d p ublicizing p e r­ sonal statu s w as a social a n d g reg ario u s o n e : th e p o tla tch . D u rin g th e “w o rk y e a r” - sprin g, su m m er, a n d fall - social­ izing w as d o n e largely on an in te rp e rso n al a n d intrav illag e level, but d u rin g th e w in ter large-scale so cial ev en ts to o k place a n d w hole villages m ad e ex te n d e d visits (so m etim es w interlo n g ) to o th e r villages. T h is w as th e c e rem o n ial season, and socializing su rely has cerem o n ial asp ects: fo o d g a th ere d and sto red e a rlie r in th e y e a r w as co n su m ed a t g re a t feasts; m a r­ riages and c h ild re n 's nam e-giving cerem o n ies took p lace ; and p o tlatch es w ere given. A p o tlatc h w as held u pon th e d e a th o f a c h ie f by th e new c h ie f (u su ally his o ldest s o n ), h o n o rin g the sta tu s o f th e old ch ief an d v alid atin g his h e ir’s rig h t to fill th a t statu s. A p o tlatch m ight also be given by a c h ie f w ho, having am assed a large am o u n t o f w ealth, w ished to reaffirm o r defend his chiefly statu s o r to c o n fe r statu s o n his relatives; his ran k m ay have been q uestioned by a rival ch ie f o r even flaunted, e ith e r d elib erately o r accid en tally , by so m e social slight. P o t­ latches o f th e la tte r type u su ally involved th e d estru c tio n o f p ro p e rty , a kind o f “co n sp icu o u s c o n su m p tio n ” : su ch things as blankets, canoes, slaves (in th e old d a y s ), o lach e n oil (th e “ grease fe a st” ) , a n d co p p ers (th e “ h erald ic sh ield s” o f the K w a k iu tl). T h e re w ere, then, tw o general categ o ries o f p o tlatch es th o se w hich w ere given in th e n a tu ra l co u rse o f so cial life to v alid ate a m an 's know n statu s, a n d th o se w h ich o cc u rre d as th e result o f u n u su al circu m stan ces involving sta tu s rivalry. T h e com petitive elem en t w as im plicit in th e first case, being based on th e ra n k h ierarc h y , a n d o v e rt in th e seco n d case of riv alry fo r position on th a t h iera rc h y . In e ith e r case a p o tlatch w as given by th e c h ie f o f one n u m ay m (a house c h ie f o r the village ch ie f) to th e m em b ers o f a n o th e r n u m ay m . T h e chief, how ever, w as o n ly th e sp o k esm an ; all th e m em b ers o f the n u m ay m w ere th e hosts, fo r it was in th e ir best in terest to have

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th e c h ie f v alid ate his position. T h e y c o o p e ra te d w ith him to th e g reatest ex ten t, b o th by c o n trib u tin g w ealth goods to be d is trib u ted a t th e p o tlatch an d by o p en in g th e ir hom es to and giving feasts fo r th e visitors. In re tu rn (th o u g h not in d ire c t c o rresp o n d en ce to th e specific c o n trib u tio n s) th e c h ie f w ould c o n fe r h o n o rs o n his people a t th e p o tlatch - n ew fishing rights, titles, an d so on. C o n trib u tio n s o f w ealth goods th a t ca m e fro m o u tsid e th e n u m ay m (f o r exam ple, fro m th e c h ie f s fath er-in -la w ) w ere c o n sid ered loans an d w ould be rep aid w ith in terest a t th e p o t­ latch given fo r th a t n u m ay m . T h e p o tla tc h itself co n sisted o f feastin g (fo o d w as a “fre e ” item , to be given a n d n o t tra n s ­ a c te d ), gift-giving to m em bers o f th e gu est n u m ay m in o rd e r o f th e ir ran k , an d th e co n fe rrin g o f n am es an d crests o n th e h ost c h ie f’s ow n relatives. T h e p o tla tc h w as also th e occasion fo r su ch p erip h eral activities involving sta tu s as n am e-giving to c h ild ren , p a y m en t o f h o w a n a ko by th e c h ie f’s fath er-in -law . a n d th e sale o f a co p p er. T h e cerem o n ial system o f “ relig io n ” w as b ased o n a so m e­ w h a t different h ierarch y fro m th a t o f th e so cial sy stem : the so-called secret societies. T h e se w ere ra n k e d in im p o rta n ce a n d th e actu al cerem o n ial activ ities associated w ith th e m in ­ v o lved th e in itiatio n o f new m em b ers. T h e c e rem o n ies w ere d ra m a tic reen actm en ts o f the origin m yths associated w ith each society, a n d e ach m em b er w as co n sid ered a c o n te m p o ra ry in ­ c a rn a tio n o f th e o rig in al fo u n d e r, h u m a n o r anim al - fo r ex­ am p le, th e H a m a tsa , o r C an n ib al society (th e highest in ra n k ) . T h e actu a l “ d a n c e ” given by each society - th e “ in itiatio n rite ” - w as carefu lly an d secretly p la n n ed in a d v a n c e , even to th e e x te n t o f m ak in g a rran g em e n ts w ith th o se m em b ers o f the a u d ien ce w ho w ere to be “ b itte n ” by the H a m a tsa (a n d duly re p a id in p o tlatch gifts a fte rw a rd ). T h e d an ce p a ra p h e rn a lia w as e lab o rate, co n sistin g o f costum es, m ask s w ith m o vable p arts, and even such devices as tra p d o o rs in th e floor an d ceil­ ing fo r th e sud d en e n tra n c e an d exit o f acto rs in the d ra m a . T h e K w akiutl w ord fo r th e w in te r cere m o n ia l, tsitsika , m eans, a p ­ p ro p riate ly en o u g h , “ev ery th in g is n o t re a l”.7 T h e d a n c e was in effect a carefu lly staged, reh earsed , and highly effective p e r­ fo rm an ce; it is n o t c e rta in how m an y in th e au d ien c e w ere co m pletely aw are o f th e degree o f artifice involved. T h ese sam e q u alities o f d ra m a tic intensity a n d artifice w ere p resen t in the p o tla tc h : it is kno w n th a t in som e cases o f c o m p etitiv e pot-

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latches th e “ rival” chiefs ag reed in ad v a n c e and secretly as to how fa r they w o u ld go in th e 'd e stru ctio n o f p ro p e rty before callin g it off an d d ecla rin g th e m a tc h a draw .

H isto ry K w ak iu tl h isto ry can be divided into fo u r general p erio d s: e x p lo rato ry , m aritim e fu r tra d e , o v erlan d fu r trad e , an d fishing. T h e earliest co n tac ts w ere m ad e fro m th e W est by E u ro p e an ex p lo rers (C o o k in 1778 and V an co u v e r in 1792) a n d ship c ap ta in s en gaged in tra d e betw een E n g lan d o r B oston, th e N o rth w est C oast, an d th e P acific and A sia. T h is activ e m a ri­ tim e trad e involving N o rth w e st C o a st furs (esp ecially sea o tte r) began a b o u t 1785 a n d co n tin u e d in to the 1830’s. D u rin g this period E nglish, F re n c h , a n d A m e rica n trad in g co m p an ies an d ex p lo rers w ere p ushing back th e w estern fro n ­ tie r o f the n o rth e rn p a rt o f th e c o n tin e n t; th e H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p an y a n d th e N o rth w e st C o m p a n y w ere c o m p etin g fo r th e Indian fu r trade. In 1821. as b o th w ere a p p ro a ch in g the P acific coast, they m erged a n d began to establish tra d in g posts at w hich E u ro p e a n b lank ets a n d o th e r m a n u fa c tu re d goods w ere ex ch an g ed for fu rs o f inland an im als (th e su p p ly o f sea o tte r w as alread y seriously d e p le te d ). D u rin g th is p erio d o f o v erlan d fu r tra d e , coal w as disco v ered in K w ak iu tl te rrito ry (1 8 3 5 ) and gold in C a lifo rn ia (1 8 4 8 ) . E n g lan d b egan to sec th e potential v alu e o f hold in g title to th ese N o rth P acific lands, and in 1849 F o rt R upert w as estab lish ed o n V an c o u v e r Island - chiefly to c o o rd in ate th e c o al-m in in g o p e ra tio n , using Indians as lab o rers, but also as a tra d in g post. It w as a t this tim e th a t th e F o rt R u p e rt “co n fe d e ra c y ” w as c re a te d , the In d ian village com posed o f fo u r different K w ak iu tl tribes. D u rin g the next tw en ty o r th irty years th e K w ak iu tl, especially th e “ F o rt R u ­ p erts,” took full ad v an ta g e o f th e ir position w ith respect to the E u ro p ean s. T h ey trad ed fu rs to the B ritish - u su ally a ctin g as m iddlem en fo r inland an d n o rth e rn In d ian s, th u s increasing th e ir profits; an d they w o rk ed fo r w ages in th e local B ritish establishm ent. T h e K w ak iu tl also b eg an to fish co m m ercially , selling ra th e r th an sto rin g som e o f th e ir su rp lu s fish a n d u sin g the m oney to buy item s w hich th ey h ad prev io u sly m ad e th e m ­ selves o r had never even h e a rd o f (b lan k e ts, sew ing m achines, to b acc o , fo od goods, e tc .) . By 1880 co m m ercia l can n eries

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ex isted in the territo ry , em p lo y in g K w ak iu tl w o rk ers. B oth fishing an d can n in g being so m ew h at seasonal activities, th e K w ak iu tl h ad little difficulty a d ju stin g to th eir new w ork a n d enjoyed the profits th a t cam e o f it. T h e C a n a d ia n g o v ern m en t, a lre a d y active in reg u latin g In d ian affairs unofficially (p ro h i­ b itin g d rin k in g , p o tlatch in g , w in te r d an cin g , a n d so o n ) , now c rea ted th e K w aw K ew lth A g en cy on V a n c o u v e r Isla n d in 1881. By this tim e th e K w ak iu tl w ere fully a rtic u la te d w ith the C a n a d ia n (h e n c e also the E u ro p e a n ) eco n o m y , th ro u g h th e ir w o rk in the fishing industry . T h e ir p a rticip atio n in th e C a n a d ia n eco nom y in clu d ed the acquisitio n o f new m ate rial goods an d w ants an d , thus, a degree o f d ep e n d en c e on th a t eco n o m y . In the late 1890's the Ja p an ese e n te re d the fishing in d u stry and th e C a n ad ian s began to inten sify th e in d u stry u n til it re ach ed a p eak in 1915. W hen the p o st-w ar w o rld w id e d ep ressio n cam e in 1921, th e K w ak iu tl suffered eco n o m ically alm o st as m u ch as an y E u ro p e a n o r C a n ad ia n . By this tim e K w ak iu tl p o p u la ­ tio n w as reach in g its low est p o in t - p e rh a p s ten p e rc c n t o f w h a t it h ad been aboriginally. T h e period o f g reatest p ro sp e rity fo r the K w ak iu tl, roughly b etw een 1839 and 1921, w as also the p erio d o f a co n sp icu o u s e la b o ratio n in th e po tlatch . “T h e ir earn in g s fro m E u ro p ea n so u rces an d th e ir p o tlatch w ere m u tu ally re in fo rc in g ”.8 T h e e n tire K w akiutl social system w as affected also by th e sh arp ly d ecreased p o p u latio n . A m o n g the “ F o rt R u p e rts,” fo r exam ple, th ere w ere 658 ran k positions b u t o nly a b o u t 5 0 0 people to fill them . T h is situ atio n n a tu ra lly increased th e co m p etitiv e asp ect o f th e p otlatch en o rm o u sly : th e re w ere e m p ty places in the h ie rarch y , an d freq u en tly one o r m o re “ c o m m o n e rs” w as able to claim a position in th e ab sen ce o f an y rig h tfu lly titled person. P rio r to a b o u t 1849 th e m o st co m m o n an d a b u n d a n t p o t­ latc h “g ift” w as a b lan k et m ad e o f ce d a rb a rk , m o u n tain goat hair, d eersk in , o r fu r, an d th e p a rtic u la r ty p e o f b lan k e t given d ep en d ed d irectly on th e rank o f th e recipient. F ro m 1849 on th ere is an alm ost to tal rep lac e m e n t o f these h o m e m a d e and differentially grad ed b lankets by E u ro p e a n sto re-b o u g h t b la n ­ kets, all hav in g the sam e fixed v alu e, an d th e re is also a sh a rp increase in the q u a n tity d istrib u ted at a single p o tla tch . A n estim ate o f th e total n u m b e r o f b lan k ets d istrib u te d a t all re ­ co rd ed o r rem em b ered p o tlatch es b efo re 1849 w as 3 8 8 6 ; b e ­ tw een 1890 and 1909, how ever, th e g ran d to ta l was 8 6,176.° T h ese tw enty y ears seem to have been a p erio d o f flow ering

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b o th o f th e p o tla tc h an d th e fishing in d u stry . D u rin g th e sam e p eriod, gifts o f o u trig h t cash w ere beco m in g co m m o n , a n d a to ta l cash d istrib u tio n o f $ 1 0 0 0 is reco rd ed fo r one p o tlatch . T h e follow ing tab le, an a d a p ta tio n fro m C o d ere, su m m arizes d ram atically th e grow th o f th e p o tlatch fro m th e p o in t o f view o f b lankets d istrib u ted . T h e figure in th e “ B lan k ets” co lu m n rep resen ts th e to tal n u m b e r o f b lan k ets given o u t a t th e g reatest p o tla tc h in th a t tw en ty -y ear p erio d . (I have sup p lied th e p ro b ­ able d ate o f th a t p o tlatch , in p a ren th eses follow ing th e n u m b e r o f b lan k ets.) Dates Before 1849 1849-1869 1870-1889 1890-1909 1910-1929

1930-1949

Blankets 320 9000 7000 18000 14000

(1869) (circa 1889) (1893) (1921, at the G reat Village Island potlatch given by the M am allilikulla) 33000 (1936, the last recorded pot­ latch )

B ecause o f h arsh g o v ern m en tal restrictio n b eginning a b o u t th e tu rn o f th e cen tu ry , som e p o tlatch es w ere held “ p riv ately ,” b u t it is reaso n ab le to assu m e th a t th ese w ere relatively sm all p o tlatch es since it w ould no t be so easy to con ceal a larg e one. It is reaso n ab le to m ak e th e fu rth e r a ssu m p tio n th a t th e law , co m b in ed w ith o th e r facto rs in K w a k iu tl life, w as en o u g h to d am p en th e incentive to p o tla tc h : b ecau se o f th e ex p an d ed eco n o m ic o p p o rtu n ity , it had b ecom e m o re difficult fo r a n y b u t th e w ealth ier K w ak iu tl to keep up w ith th e p o tla tch system (th e G re a t V illage Island p o tla tc h w as seven y ears in p re p a ra ­ tio n ), and the risk o f d isco v ery w as g reat. In 1951, w ith a revision o f th e In d ian A ct, th e C a n a d ia n g o v ern m en t fo r the first tim e o m itte d the clause fo rb id d in g th e p o tlatc h . T h is fact, ta k en to g e th e r w ith o u r o th e r d a ta , leads to th e final assu m p ­ tio n : th a t certain ly b y 1951, a n d very likely earlier, th e p o t­ latch had b ecom e a thing o f th e past. Ill “A system is a w ay o f lo o k in g a t th e w o rld ”. 10 B ecause th e p o tlatch is su ch a co n sp icu o u s p h en o m e n o n to th e w estern a n th ro p o lo g ist - b o th in its stead y state a n d in its

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m o re recen t ch an g in g asp ect - m ost an aly ses o f the K w akiu tl have dep en d ed heavily on th e in v estig a to r’s w ay o f seeing the p o tla tc h . In a superficial view , w e can dism iss this situ a tio n as eth n o cc n trism a n d label it “in ev itab le” a n d even “a c c e p ta b le ,” y ield in g useful results in sp ite o f th e flaw in m eth o d . D e sc rip ­ tio n, how ever, leads im m ed iately to analysis and ex p lan a tio n , a n d o n e ’s w ay o f seeing beco m es th e fo u n d a tio n o f o n e’s c u l­ tu re p arad ig m . W h at the a n th ro p o lo g ist sees is c o n stru e d as w h at is significant an d fu n d a m e n ta l to th e cu ltu re, a n d - t h e o th e r face o f th e coin - w h a t in terests th e an th ro p o lo g ist (based on his ow n c u ltu ra l fra m e o f re fe re n c e ) is w h a t he will look fo r a n d see in o th e r cu ltu res. D o in g eth n o lo g y involves selection a n d decisio n-m aking, an d th e selections a n d decisions are inev i­ tab ly based on this k ind o f n o rm a tiv e tru th . E ven if th e a n th ro ­ p ologist faith fu lly reco rd s “ ev e ry th in g ,” as B oas u n d o u b ted ly believed he w as doing, it will o n ly be “ev ery th in g ” th a t he sees. In w ritin g a b o u t a c u ltu ra lly e x tin c t g ro u p like th e K w a ­ k iu tl an d using th e m aterials o f o th e r a n th ro p o lo g ists, w e m u st so m eh o w electrolyze th e “ facts” fro m o u t o f th e p arad ig m s. B efore we can co m e to co n clu sio n s a b o u t th e c u ltu re th a t satisfy us, w e m ust d o a h eu ristic analysis o f o th e r a n th ro ­ pological studies, these bein g th e only “d a ta ” av ailable. W e find th a t these studies are o f th re e g en eral ty p es: th e m e ta ­ p h oric, th e subjective, and th e objective. T h e first type, th e m eta p h o ric, is th e m o st heavily d e p e n ­ d e n t on n o rm ativ e tru th an d , specifically, on th e a n th ro p o lo ­ gist’s w ay o f seeing the p o tlatch . S o m etim es th e p o tla tc h is tra n sla te d in to a W estern valu e system ; fo r ex am p le: A H a id a [or K w akiutl], in stead o f statin g d irectly th a t Soand-so has n ev er given a p o tla tc h , will co m m o n ly re so rt to a circu m lo cu tio n and, “ H e n e v er d id a n y th in g fo r his c h il­ d re n .” T h e p rim a ry m o tiv e b e h in d th e p o tla tc h th u s stan d s rev ealed .11 T h e p o tlatch is p rim a rily an d essentially a social ritu al. . . . It is a m eans o f satisfy in g o n e o f th a t class o f needs th a t can be served w ith o u t d ra w in g u p o n th e reso u rces o f th e external w orld - except in cid en tally , p erh ap s, an d then only as a m eans to an en d . It is a social gam e, an d it is no m ore m ade a n eco n o m ic in stitu tio n by th e “len d in g o f p ro p e rty at in te re st” a n d th e ex tra v a g a n t d estru c tio n o f p ro p e rty at th e feast th a n chess is m ad e an e co n o m ic a c tiv ­ ity because ivory ch essm en co st m o n ey .12

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T h is an th ro p o lo g ist is really p lay in g th e gam e o f m e ta p h o r: not only docs he present his ow n, b u t he also singles o u t a c o n ­ flicting m e ta p h o r fo r attack . O thers tra n sla te the p o tla tc h into a W estern econom ic system : T h e u n d erly in g p rinciple is th a t o f th e in terest-b earin g in­ v estm en t o f p ro p e rty .13 T h e p o tlatch w as a m ean s o f av o id in g an x iety a b o u t beco m in g p o v erty -strick en : it fu n ctio n ed as a b a n k in g sys­ tem fo r th e in v estm en t o f cap ita l - a so rt o f old-age in ­ su ra n c e .14 A m ore e la b o ra te an d “ m o d e rn ” v ersion o f th e econom ic m e ta p h o r is presen ted by C o d ere. By using “scientific m e th o d ,” she com es to th e conclusio n s th a t 1) th e p o tlatch is an eco ­ no m ic device an d th e K w ak iu tl w o rld is a “ w orld o f finance” ; 2 ) th a t this eco n o m ic device im p lem en ts th e e q u atio n , “ P o t­ latch equals F ig h tin g w ith P ro p e rty ,” an d finally red u cin g the m e tap h o ric type to ab su rd ity , 3 ) th e conclu sio n th a t “ K w akiutl c u ltu re and W estern E u ro p e a n c u ltu re m u st be p ro fo u n d ly alike” . 15 H er d a ta consist o f m aterials (m o stly n u m erical, re­ flecting the ch an g in g p o tla tc h ) fro m C a n ad ia n In d ian Service reports, co rresp o n d en ce, a n d m em oirs, a n d th e fa c t th e e v ery ­ one else has said so .1