Cult, Ritual, Divinity and Belief in the Roman World 1351219642, 9781351219648

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VARIORUM COLLECTED STUDIES SERIES

Cult, Ritual, Divinity and Belief in the Roman World

Duncm Fi~hwic:k

Duncan Fishwick

Cult, Ritual, Divinity and Belief in the Roman World

I~~?io~f !;n~~;up LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2012 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 TbirdAvenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledgeis an imprint of the Taylor & FrancisGroup, an informabusiness This edition© 2012 by Duncan Fishwick Duncan Fishwick has asserted his moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Fishwick, Duncan, 1929Cult, ritual, divinity and belief in the Roman world. - (Variorum collected studies series ; CS994) 1. Rome - Kings and rulers - Religious aspects. 2. Emperor worship - Rome. 3. Rome - Religion. I. Title II. Series 292.2'13-dc22 Library of Congress Control Number: 2011934459

ISBN 9781409436867 (hbk)

VARIORUM COLLECTED

STUDIES SERIES CS994

For Bibi

CONTENTS

Preface

xi

Acknowledgements

1. DIVINITY I

XlV

AND POWER

Votive offerings to the emperor?

121-130

Zeitschriftfur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 80, 1990

II

Prudentius and the cult of Divus Augustus

475-486

Historia 39, 1990

Ovid and Divus Augustus

III

36-41

ClassicalPhilology86, 1991

IV

Seneca and the temple of Divus Claudius

137-141

Britannia22, 1991

V

Soldier and emperor

63-72

Ancient History Bulletin6, 1992

VI

A silver aediculaat Merida

615-622

RevuedesEtudes Anciennes97, 1995

VII

The deification of Claudius

341-349

ClassicalQuarterly52, 2002

2.

THE IMPERIAL NuMEN

VIII

The Imperial numen in Roman Britain Journalof Roman Studies59, 1969

76-91

CONTENTS

viii

N umenAugusti

IX

231-234

Britannia20, 1989

X

Le numenimperial en Afrique romaine

83-94

Afrique du Nord antiqueet medievale,spectacles, vieportuaire,religions;(115e Congresnationaldessocietessavantes,Avignon, 1990, Ve Colloquesur l'histoire et l'archeologie d'Afrique du Nord, Paris), 1992

NuminibusAug(ustorum)

XI

127-141

Britannia25, 1994

XII

NumenAugustum

247-255

Zeitschriftfur Papyrologie und Bpigraphik 160, 200 7

XIII N uminibusdomus divinae

293-296

Zeitschriftfur Papyrologie und Bpigraphik 159, 2007

3.

THE IMPERIAL CULT: REVIEW AND DISCUSSION

XIV

Review of S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Powe1:The RomanImperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1984)

225-230

Phoenix40, 1986

XV

A critical assessment: on the imperial cult in Religions of Rome

129-174

ReligiousStudiesand Theology28, 2009

4.

RITUALS AND CEREMONIES

XVI

The cannophori and the March festival of Magna Mater

193-202

Transactionsand Proceedings oftheAmerican Philological Association9 7, 1966

XVII Hastiferi

142-160

Journalof Roman Studies57, 1967

XVIII Pliny and the Christians: the rites ad imaginemprincipis AmericanJournalofAncient History 9, 1984 [1990}

123-130

CONTENTS

a

XIX

Un don de statues d'argent Narbo Martius AcademiedesInscriptionset Belles-lettres: ComptesRendusdesseancesde l'annee,1992

XX

Imperial processions at Augusta Emerita

lX

381-401

31-47

Cu/toImperial.·polfticay poder, edsT. NogalesandJ Gonzalez (Actas de/ CongresoInternacionalCu/toImperia/.·polfticay poder,Merida,Museo NacionaldeArte Romano, 18-20 May, 2006). Rome,2007

5.

AINIGMATA

XXI

29-41

An early Christian cryptogram? CanadianCatholicHistoricalAssociation:Annual Report, 1959

49-61

XXII The Talpioth ossuaries again New TestamentStudies 10, 1964

XXIII On the origin of the ROTAS-SATOR square

39-53

The Harvard Theological Review57, 1964

XXIV Un code secret

a Shugborough

Hall?

153-168

JournaldesSavants,2009

Index of names

1-6

Index of places

1-4

This volume contains xiv + 326 pages

PUBLISHER'S NOTE

The articles in this volume, as in all others in the Variorum Collected Studies Series, have not been given a new, continuous pagination. In order to avoid confusion, and to facilitate their use where these same studies have been referred to elsewhere, the original pagination has been maintained wherever possible. Each article has been given a Roman number in order of appearance, as listed in the Contents. This number is repeated on each page and is quoted in the index entries. Journals are abbreviated as in L'Annee Philologiquewithmodifications customary in English. See also the useful list of authors and books given in The OxfordClassical Dictionary,Oxford 2003, xxix-liv. For epigraphical collections and their abbreviations the indispensable source is the latest edition of F. Berard et al., Guidedel'Epigraphiste, Presses ENS, Paris.

PREFACE

The twenty-four papers contained in this volume focus on the religious content - the rites, ceremonies and beliefs - of a broad range of cults that flourished in the Roman world. At an early stage of my career I became involved with puzzles and enigmas that unexpectedly bordered on aspects of early Judaism, though in a recent study of the Shugborough inscription I found myself grappling with a supposed code dating from as late as the neo-Classical period. A further early interest that caught my attention was the cult of Cybele, one of the Hellenistic religions that have been the theme of M.J. Vermaseren's fundamental series Etudes Preliminairesaux ReligionsOrientalesdans /'Empire Romain. I had at one time planned to accept the editor's invitation to write a book on the festivals of Cybele but this idea was quickly overtaken by my growing interest in the cult of the Roman emperor. Most of the other articles included in this collection relate in one way or another to the topic of ruler cult, its ritual and ceremonial. I hope that some of these papers will fill the gap in my researches regretted by commentators who have observed that the structure of my multi-volumed opus, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, has not and clearly never will bring the thread of the work to intensive discussion of what I understand by the emperor's divinity. An early summary published in Aufttieg und Niedergangder riimischenWelt (1978) seemed on reflection too political in tone and was consequently modified in a later version of the monograph published by the University of Leiden as part of the sixteen or so papers associated with my Leiden doctorate in 1977. Despite the fact that close to 300 copies of this were sold commercially, the revised view seems not to have become widely known and it is in the hope of repairing this deficiency that I now offer a collection of essays, many of which bear directly or indirectly upon the topic of divinity and the Roman emperor. My basic position is that, despite the well-argued opinions of others, it seems to me that outside of Egypt, which was always an idiosyncrasy, I see no evidence for any conviction that, with the possible exception of the occasional formula habeas propitium Caesarem,the cult of the living emperor ever inspired true religious belief; that is, that he was thought to function as a "real" god, one who cured disease, influenced the weather, or increased the yield of the crop, all benefits for which the believer prayed to the gods in antiquity. More particularly, I see no evidence for genuine piety expressed in the form of ex-votos to the living emperor recorded in response to blessings for which the worshipper had made a vow to the emperor or

Xll

PREFACE

offered him a prayer, for in time of sickness or peril one turned to the gods rather than to the emperor. Even so, given that in iconography the emperor was often enough advertised as a god or represented in the company of the gods, it would be unreasonable to discount the possibility that someone somewhere in the empire, perhaps more often than might be imagined, will in fact have taken the divinity of the emperor at face value, in a literal sense, though speculation of this kind, no matter how sympathetic a cord it may strike, is very different from hard evidence in the form of literary, epigraphic or archaeological record. The deified emperor is in a different category as there seem grounds for holding that, like other mortals, the good emperors - in particular Augustus, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Julian - were open to prayer post mortem and able to give divine help to the pious believer. Apart from stray bits of evidence that point in this direction, I would suggest that the testimony of the poets cannot be wholly discounted and that behind poetic conceit and imagery a vein of popular belief may lurk below the surface. Closely conected with the question of the emperor's divinity, particularly the efficacy of the deified dead, is the concept of numen, which was evidently conceived as an immanent quality, divine power working through the agency of the human emperor, rather than a concomitant deity like the genius Augusti. This is surely a fundamental reason for excluding the pro salute formula from what is normally meant by imperial cult, especially when in practice such invocations were really intended to benefit the subject rather than the ruler: salvis Augustis ... felix Tarraco is the plain message on a well known bell at Colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco. As the topic of numen has attracted surprisingly little interest in the past, despite the extremely voluminous bibliography on ruler worship in general, the articles grouped under this heading bring together my own reflections on the subject. One of them, on the Imperial numen in Roman Britain, has already appeared earlier in a revised form, but I thought it worthwhile and in keeping with the purposes of Variorum if I include the original version here with a new appendix, especially when several related studies bear particularly on Roman Britain and when the same theme has been explored in Roman Africa. By and large it seems a strange idea to conceive of the emperor as possesing numen yet not himself a numen, a distinction that must often enough have escaped the authors of epigraphic references to the Imperial numen, clear though the difference appears in theory as reflected in the sources. One new point here that seems never to have been noticed before is that, in addition to the emperor, other members of the domus divina could also be conceived to possess numen. During the fifty years or so in which these papers have been in preparation I have received beneficial criticisms from far too many colleagues to give a detailed accounting of their individual names. To all of them I express my sincere gratitude for their assistance. I should also record my appreciation for the help of the Social

PREFACE

Xlll

Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and my gratitude for the financial support that allowed me to visit so many sites and to work in libraries overseas, especially in Europe. Without this assistance many of the select papers assembled here could never have been written. Lastly, I remain as grateful as ever to my wife for her forebearance and patience, which has so often allowed me to work without interruption or disturbance.

DUNCAN FISHWICK Edmonton Ju!J2011

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The following journals and publishers have kindly given permission to reproduce the articles collected in this volume: Zeitschriftfur Papyrologieund Epigraphik and Dr Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn (I, XII, XIII); Historia and Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart (II); ClassicalPhilology(III); Britannia (IV, IX, XI); Ancient History Bulletin (V); RevuedesEtudesAnciennes(VI); The Classical Association (ClassicalQuarter!Y)and Cambridge University Press (VII); JournalofRomanStudiesand Cambridge University Press (VIII, XVII); Afrique du Nord antique et medievale(X); Phoenix (XIV); Religious Studiesand Theology(XV); Transactionsof theAmerican Philological Associationand Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD (XVI); AmericanJournalofAncient History (XVIII); ComptesRendusAcademie des Inscriptionset Belles-lettres(XIX); the editors of Cu/toImperial.-politicay poder,Museo Nacional de Arte Romano (XX); the Canadian Catholic Historical Association (XXI); Ne1v Testament Studies and Cambridge University Press (XXII); Harvard TheologicalReview (XXIII); and Journal des Savants (XXIV).

I

VOTIVE OFFERINGS TO THE EMPEROR? "It must be emphasized that no one appears to have said his prayers or did sacrifice to the living Augustus or any other living king in the hope of supernatural blessings." Nock's view that prayers, whether public or private, were at no stage part of the imperial cult was repeated on various occasions through his writings. 1 The doctrine is stated at its most positive in Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 10,481: "The touchstone of piety in antiquity is the votive offering, made in recognition of supposed deliverance in some invisible manner from sickness or other peril. This we do not find directed to rulers dead or living." In a study published towards the close of his career Nock himself provided a clear exception to this principle, an Egyptian text - it should be noted - from the Ptolemaic period, 2 but his insistence on the basic absence of ex-voto's to the emperor has by and large remained the standard view until now. In a recent paper S.R.F. Price argues precisely the opposite case. 3 In addition to various literary passages, Price points to a small number of inscriptions which he takes to attest votive offerings to the emperor. If so, these would be crucial to the whole question of prayer in the imperial cult, not that Price views prayers as in any case a fundamental element of religion. "The aspects of practice which are particularly controversial are prayers by private individuals and the votive offerings made as a result of sucessful prayers."

The main concern of the present paper is with the analysis of these and similar epigraphical texts, which on closer inspection may not prove as unequivocal or decisive as seems the case at first sight. Nock's verdict could in that case still stand, at least in regard to the living emperor. The discussion in no way undermines the possiblity, however, that

1 A.D. Nock, Gnomon 8, 1932, 517; cf. id., 1:-uvvao~ 0£6~. HSCP 41, 1930, 14 (= id., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World [ed. Z. Stewart], Oxford 1972, 212); further Gnomon 27, 1955, 245. See in general H.S. Versnel, Heersercultus in Griekenland, Lampas 7, 1974, 152 with n. 167. 2 A.D. Nock, Deification and Julian, JRS 47, 1957, 115 (= Essays 834), citing 0. Rubensohn, Neue · lnschriften aus A.gypten, APP 5, 1913, l56f.: a dedication to King Ptolemy and Queen Berenice, theoi soteres , by three individuals with Greek names, after deliverance, in payment of a vow. See further D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West (EPRO 108), Leiden 1987, Vol. I, l, 38f. 3 S.R.F. Price, Gods and Emperors: The Greek Language of the Roman hnperial Cult, JHS 104, 1984, 91-93.

I 122

petitionary prayers were directed to deified members of the imperial family, more particularly to good emperors such as Augustus or Marcus Aurelius.4 A text from Pednelissus (?) in Pisidia is in Price's view the prime example of a votive offering set up to the emperor as a result of sucessful prayer; the reading seems safe despite 5 the restoration [a.vE011]KEV:

.Ai.-~o"ev (first century A.D.); va:6~ trov D:j:lacrtc1>v (reign of Vespasian); ibid., 400, citing CIL IX. 5068: sacerdos Augustorum; cf. CIL II. 1338, 1471; IX. 234T sacerdos Divorum Augusto rum. 21 Fishwick, 'The Temple of the Three Gauls', in ICLW, Vol. I, 2 (1987), 308-16; Meyer, op. cit. (note 17, 1975), 400. 22 Fishwick, 'Numina Augusto rum', op. cit. (note 2), 392f. So also G. Alfoldy, 'Ein Tempel des Herrscherkultes in Comum', Athenaeum lxi (1983), 362-73, at 371.

XI

II. ROMAN RELIGION AND THE NU MEN OF THE EMPEROR

A survey of the anthropological development of early Roman religion 23 introduces the relations of the Romans with their own gods and leads in turn to the problem of deification in the Hellenistic world. The only way to accommodate the enormous power of Hellenistic kings, Mann argues, 'was to decide that they really were gods and not men ... Men could accept such enormous power, if they could persuade themselves that the wielders were really gods and not merely men at all' (p. 175). Whether anyone actually believed that a ruler was a god is very debatable. In any event the situation is surely that rulers and others were treated like gods because they seemed like gods and acted like gods. In other words cult was a reaction to power - whether to power pure and simple or to its beneficial exercise. 24 One paid divine honours because this was the only appropriate reaction to a ruler or benefactor whose accomplishments matched or even exceeded the blessings one had earlier asked of the gods. In itself this is a step well below the threshold of believing that the wielder of power was really a god and not a man at all. When the Romans entered the Greek world, Mann continues, they naturally had to come to terms with attempts to deify them. As Dio reports (LI. 20.7), Augustus allowed only peregrini to dedicate temples to him as a god. (That Dio's testimony is deficient on this point is confirmed by Suetonius (Aug. 52, cf. Tac., Ann. IV. 37) and the combined epigraphic and numismatic evidence: the rule was that the emperor might be worshipped by non-Roman provincials only in combination with the goddess Roma. 25 ) 'The Roman gods would clearly have been offended by Roman citizens paying cult to living emperors as divine beings, so no such cult was tolerated' (ibid.). Here it is important to observe a basic distinction. Official policy might emphasize Republican forms, key abstractions, the worship of state gods closely associated with the ruler, above all the notion that divinity was something Augustus and later rulers might achieve after death, but unofficial policy, as reflected in the court poets in particular, looked the other way. In practice the emperor's subjects - outside Rome at least - were patently free to worship as they chose, at least at the municipal and private levels. Far from not tolerating emperor cult by Roman citizens, the attitude of the regime was one of benign laissez-faire. As is clear from the wide variety of cult forms attested, communities and individuals were in practice at liberty to overstep the boundaries that the emperor had officially laid down. 26 There would therefore be nothing surprising in the supposed temple of Augustus built at Puteoli by L. Calpurnius: [L. C]alpurnius L. f templum Augusto cum ornamentis d. s. f (C/L X. 1613) (Mann, ibid.); though in point of fact this has been thought to be a restored Capitolium. 27 In any event such temples are known elsewhere 28 - Pliny proposed to build a shrine that would house a statue of Trajan

23

See further H.J. Rose, Ancient Roman Religion (1948), 9-49. S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (1984), 29f., 43, 52, 244, 247f.; Fishwick, ICLW, Vol. I, I (1987), 6, 11, 46, 185; idem, Phoenix xl (1986), 225f. 25 On Dio's omission of Roma and the inclusion of the goddess in the cult see Fishwick, /CLW, Vol. I, 2 (1987), 126-30. 26 Fishwick, ibid., 91f. with nn. 52-6. Cf. I. Gradel, 'Mamia's dedication: Emperor and Genius. The Imperial Cult in Italy and the Genius Coloniae in Pompeii', Analecta Romana lnstituti Danici xx (1992), 43-58, at 44-8. 27 For discussion see H. Hiinlein-Schiifer, 'Veneratio Augusti', Archaeologica 39 (1985), 278-80, citing Castagnoli's proposed re-construction of the text: [L.] Calpurnius L. f [llvir col.] Aug. [Put. cum] ornamentis d. s. r[ef] On the archaeological evidence the podium belongs to the second century B.C. 28 cf., for example, the Caesareum at Beneventum (C/L IX. 1556 = !LS 109: Hiinlein-Schiifer, op. cit. (note 27), 141f.) and at Volcei (/nscrlt III. I. 25: eadem, 143f.); also the Augusteum at Firmum Picenum (AE, 1975, 354: eadem, 146), at Ferentium (AE, 1911, 184: eadem, 146f.), and at Pisae (CIL XI. 1420: eadem, 148). Gradel, op. cit. (note 26), 57, n. 3 I adds CIL Xl. 948, 7270. 24

XI NUMIN/BUS AUG(USTORUM)

1 33

with those of earlier emperors on a private estate that the council of Tifernum allowed him to choose himself (Ep. X. Sf.). On the whole, then, Tacitus' irony must be judged closer to the truth: 'nihil deorum honoribus relictum, cum se temp/is et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes colli vellet' (Ann. I.I0.5).29 However, it is far from certain that an inscription set up by Roman traders on the Gulf of Hammamet is dedicated to the living Augustus as a god (Mann, ibid.): Augusto deo I cives Romani I qui Thinissut I negotiantur I curatore L. Fabricio (/LS 9495). Such a dedication would be isolated in the Roman world, 30 and in an area where the Di Augusti are well in evidence (below p. 137f.) it seems more plausible to understand a reference to 'the Augustan god' :31 that is, the god who protects the emperor. 32 The urge on the part of Roman citizens to deify the emperor, since it could not be accepted, was rather diverted into the cult of dead emperors (Mann, ibid.). Thus Augustus allowed Roman citizens to establish sacred precincts for Divus Julius (with Roma, it should again be added 33 ) and the fashion subsequently spread even to Italy (Dio LI.20.6). At first sight that might seem to offend the gods of Rome, to endanger the pax deorum, but this was not the case in practice since deceased Divi Augusti were only honorary gods. They were never expected to act as real gods, since they had no ability to do so, having no numen or 'divine power'. This plainly emerges from the fact that 'no-one, whether Roman citizen or peregrinus, made vows to the divine emperors - the dead divi Augusti - in the expectation that they would act as requested by the person making the vow. In other words the divi Augusti were not real gods as indeed the use of the word divus indicates: a real god was deus or dea ... The point is ... that the divi Augusti lacked any divine power. In other words numen cannot be attributed to the deified emperors' (Mann, p. 176). 34 Here the argument is surely self-defeating. If the ability to respond to vows is the hallmark of possessing numen, it follows that the living emperor should have been the recipient of vows - which does not seem to be the case. 35 Conversely, if vows were not in fact made to the living emperor, what was the point of his possessing numen? 36 The

29 'No honour was left for the gods, when [Augustus] allowed himself to be worshipped with temples and statues of deit.ies through flamens and priests.' 30 Mann adduces (p. 175) an inscription set up at Stobi, Macedonia, by three Augustales, who were evidently Roman citizens and in all probability freedmen: deo Caes(ari) Aug(usto) Ip. p . ... (AE, 1939, n3; cf. G. Alfoldy, 'Augustus und die Inschriften: Tradition und Innovation,' Gymnasium xcviii (1991), 289-324. at 303, n. 32, referring the text specifically to Augustus. But this evidence is hardly apposite. For one thing the inscription probably dates from the end of the third century, before the partial transformation of the theatre into an arena (AE, 1958, 244). For another, the text occurs in a Greek context (cf. AE, 1939, 114), so the use of the term deus may be influenced by the marked Greek tendency for bestowing the epithet 01:oc; on the emperor. See Fishwick, ICLW, Vol. I, 2 (1987), 28 with n. 49 and refs; S.R.F. Price, 'Gods and emperors: the Greek language of the Roman imperial cult', JHS civ (1984), 79-95. It is true that there are dedications to Augustus in which the term sacrum puts him technically on level terms with a god, but in none of these is the emperor given the epithet deus. For discussion see Fishwick, 'Augusto ut deo', in ICLW Vol. II, I (1991), 436--45; Alfoldy, op. cit., 303f. 31 D. Fishwick, 'Augustus Deus and Deus Augustus', in Hommages a Maarten J. Vermaseren, Vol. I (1978), 375-80; idem, 'Augustan Gods', in ICLW, Vol. II, I (1991), 446-54, at 452f. Contra Alfoldy, op. cit. (note 30), 303, n. 32. 32 Alfoldy, op. cit. (note 30), 304, understands Augustus in the sense of 'heilig', contra, Fishwick, op. cit. (note 31) 1991,447f. 33 For Dio's mention in this case of the inclusion of Roma see note 25. 34 cf. Mann, p. 177: ' ... excluding the so-called divine emperors, who in fact had no divine power at all, and thus

no numen'. 35

D. Fishwick, 'Votive offerings to the emperor', ZPE lxxx (1990), 121-30. Contra Price, op. cit. (note 30), 91-3. An example, perhaps isolated, of a vow made to the Numen Augusti - not to the emperor himself - occurs at Narbo: ... numini Augusti votum I susceptum a plebe Narbolnensium inperpetuom I. .. (C/L XII. 4333 = /LS II2, 11. 4-6). Cf. Fishwick, /CLW, Vol. II, I (1991), 502. But there seem to be no examples of the form numini Augusti I numini I numinibus Aug(ustorum) v. s. I. m. For dedications to the Imperial Numen in combination with a god to whom a vow is paid see below, note 53. 36

XI 134

attempt to tie vows to the concept of numen misfires. In point of fact the Divi seem better placed than the living emperor in this respect; for, although no vow may have been made to an individual Divus, the Divi were certainly associated with the Olympians in the payment of vows. In the Acts of the Arva! Brethren in particular vows are recorded to have been paid regularly to Divus Augustus, Diva Augusta and Divus Claudius in combination with Jupiter and other deities at least down to the Flavian period, when the practice seems to have stopped - probably to save expense.37 No doubt the rite originally arose because the Divi were formally enrolled among the state gods; at all events the distinction is not one accorded the living emperor. It might be added that the Divi are likewise put on the same footing as the Olympians in the swearing of oaths, as when one invokes Iuppiter Optimus Maximus ac Divus Augustus ceterique omnes di immortales (CIL II. 172 = /LS 190; see further below p. 140). The whole question of the status of the Divi is worth a word at this point since it is their supposed inability to act as 'real' gods that underpins the assumption they could not possess numen. Mann draws a parallel (p. 176) between the Divi as honorary gods and the way a member of the Royal Family is a Field Marshall or Admiral of the Fleet: he is not expected to command as such. Essentially this is a re-formulation of the long-established view of Charlesworth, Nock et al. that the Divi are to be conceived as adlected members of a posthumous Hall of Fame. 38 To adapt Mann's comparison, deification is like the award of a posthumous O.B.E. for services rendered during life, an outlook strikingly endorsed by a text that might be appropriately cited in this connection: 'qui consecrantur non ad fidem numinis sed ad honorem emeritae potestatis' (Minucius Felix, Oct. XXI.9 [XXIV.1; Kytzlerl). 39 Such a rationalistic interpretation of apotheosis is perfectly acceptable in itself and was undoubtedly the view of some intellectuals, as the text puts beyond doubt. The difficulty is that not every member of the Roman Empire was a rationalistic theologian. As it happens, we have traces in the literary sources of a very different outlook: a belief in the divine efficacy of the deified deceased, the ability of good Divi in particular (Augustus, Marcus Aurelius, Julian) to hear and respond to prayer. Some of the pertinent texts are admittedly poetical, 40 testimony which is usually jettisoned as rhetorical or literary affectation, but it is worth observing that poetry can sometimes preserve a particularly clear reflection of popular attitudes and practices. It might be noted too that, as Nock demonstrated in detail, it was a commonly held notion in antiquity that all mortals are open to prayer after death, 41 a fortiori therefore the Divi. In a tirade against pagan practice, for example, Prudentius represents the devotee prostrate at the pulvinar of Divus Augustus and asking for responsa; we are not told that his prayers were answered. 42 A passage in the Vita of Marcus Aurelius recounts that even before his funeral he was spontaneously acclaimed a propitious god - one who will show divine mercy - by the Senate and people acting in concert, an unprecedented action that was never repeated (SHA, M.Ant. 18.3). Still today, the Vita states, statuettes of Marcus Aurelius stand among the Di Penates in many a house (18.6). Divus Marcus is also

37 G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (1874), 102f. Cf., for example, C/L XI. 1331 (= /LS 233): ... voto compos posit Iovi luno[ni] I Minervae Felicitati Romae Divo Augusto. 38 See in particular M.P. Charlesworth, 'Some observations on ruler-cult, especially in Rome', HThR xxviii (1935), 5-44, at 36, 42; A.D. Nock, 'Deification and Julian,' JRS xlvii (1957), n5-23, at 121 with n. 4 (= idem in Z. Stewart (ed.), Essays on Religion and the Ancient World (1972), 844 with n. 47). 39 • ... who are consecrated not to testify to their divinity but to honour the memory of their reign.' 40 D. Fishwick, 'Ovid and Divus Augustus', CP lxxxvi (1991), 36-41; idem, op. cit. (note 35), 128, n. 27, citing Livy I. 16. 3; Suet., Jui. 85; Vergil, Eel. IX. 46-9; Georg. I. 24-42; Aen. I. 286-90; Val. Max. I. 6. 13; Ovid, Ex Ponto IV. 9. 127-34; IV. 13. 24; Met. XV. 869f. 41 Nock, op. cit. (note 38), n6, 121 (= Essays 835,843); Fishwick, op. cit. (note 40, 1991), 37. 42 For discussion see D. Fishwick, 'Prudentius and the cult of Divus Augustus,' Historia xxxix (1990), 475-86.

XI NUM!NIBUS AUG(USTORUM)

1 35

reported to have prophesied in dreams to positive effect: 'nee defuerunt homines qui somniis eum multa praedixisse augurantes futura et vera concinuerunt' (18.7). 43 Similarly, passages in Libanius refer to Julian's posthumous ability to hear prayers and rain down blessings (Or. xv.36; xvm.304; xxrv-40). The same notion, it could be added, lies behind Seneca's allusion to Claudius as µwpoi:; EUtAa:toi:;,'a well-disposed fool' (he should have said 'god'); that is, a newly consecrated Divus open to prayer (Apoloc. VIII.3).44 Attention might also be drawn in this connection to the dedication of a theatre to Divus Augustus on behalf of the salus of the emperor Claudius: Divo Augusto sacrum I pro salute T. Claudi I Caesaris August. German .... ( CIL XIII. 1642: Segusiavi). On the other hand there is no evidence in the West for any mysteries of Divus Augustus such as those attested under Hadrian at Pergamum, when the Divus was perhaps expected to hear the prayers of the µucnm and grant aid. 45 The picture which emerges from these various testimonia, then, is that a deified emperor could be imagined as acting like a 'real' god in a way that does not seem to be true of the living emperor. 46 To attribute numen to a deified emperor would appear on the above evidence to be entirely unobjectionable, therefore. A final point that might be made in this connection is particularly relevant to military dedications in Roman Britain, including the Benwell text (above p. 127). We now know from the Feriale Duranum that the liturgical calendar of the Roman army brought one anniversary after another at which sacrifices were made, sometimes to the old gods of the Roman Republic, sometimes to the Genius of the reigning emperor, above all to the deified emperors and empresses of Rome. 47 No less than twenty-one of the forty entries in the preserved part of the official list were taken up by rites of the latter kind. Even if such sacrifices were in theory honorific, 48 as with sacrifice to ancestors, 4 9 it is stretching credulity to suppose that the Roman soldier, on so many occasions for so many years of his military career, will have made a mental reservation to the effect that what he was doing was really an empty formality. One would have thought that for the most part he hardly thought about it at all, so routine did the whole performance become, and that the Divi were consequently set unthinkingly on the same level as 'real' gods. Against such a background, it would hardly be surprising, then, if soldiers ascribed numen to deified rulers, just as they did to the living emperor, and set up dedications that plainly attest the fact. The conclusion to be drawn is that there is no reason on purely religious grounds to hold that numen could not have been attributed to deified rulers; indeed in some respects the concept would appear more appropriate of dead emperors raised to the rank of state god than it is of the living Augustus. Can one in that case confirm the point by direct epigraphical evidence? The answer is that inscriptions attesting the numen of the deified Augusti have indeed survived, if in small numbers. Mann dismisses these as erroneous and finds corroboration for his

43 'Nor were there lacking men who observed that he foretold many things by dreams and were thereby themselves enabled to predict events that did come to pass.' Cf. J. Bayet, Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion romaine (1957), 190: 'On est loin des ironies sur l'apotheose des pamphletaires rationalistes, Seneque au !er siecle ou Lucien au lie.' 44 D. Fishwick, 'Seneca and the temple of Divus Claudius', Britannia xxii (1991), 137-41, at 140 (for the correct Greek see 137); 'The Temple of Divus Claudius at Camulodunum' (forthcoming). 45 Fishwick, op. cit. (note 39), 38; idem, ICLW, Vol. II, I (1991), 567, 573f. with refs. 46 D. Fishwick, 'Prayer and the living emperor', in R.M. Wilhelm and H. Jones (eds), The Two Worlds of the Poet. New Perspectives on Virgil (1992), 343-55. Simpson, op. cit. (note 3), arrives at a similar conclusion by a different route. 47 R.O. Fink, A.S. Hoey and W.F. Snyder, 'The Feriale Duranum,' YCS vii (1940), 1-222; D. Fishwick, 'Dated inscriptions and the Feriale Duranum', Syria !xv (1988), 349-61; idem, 'Soldier and emperor', Ancient History Bulletin vi (1992), 63-72. 48 S.R.F. Price, 'Between man and god; sacrifice in the Roman imperial cult', JRS lxx (1980), 28-43, at 36 with n. 80; Fishwick, /CLW, Vol. I, 1 (1987), 37 with n. 39. 49 A.D. Nock, 'Luvvaos 0£64-769ar 772, 782. 110. Fishwick(above, n. 47), (1998), 102( 111. For example, C/L 13, I 675: Mars Seg()tno;I. Piso, "Epigraphica (XI),'' Potaissll2 (1980): 123-131 ac 125-127: (Matronae) Gesahenae-a by-nan1e of che Matronae in the Rhineland (cf. CIL 13, 7889(, 8496). 112. Fishwick,/CLWII, 1 (1991), 441-445; III, 3 (2004), 289-303.

113. See now Fishwick,ICLWllI, 3 (2004), 354, cf. 360, noting the case of rhe n1artyr Achatius, who was willing to call on Christ on behalf of the en1peror's stt/uJ llut as a Christian could not supplicate che c1nperor's imago,a rite api)rDeKaµias KaAevSwv 'A Trpi"A.lwv 8lv8pov 1rlTvs \

"""

7rapa TWV

~

~

,J...I

oevopo'f'opwv

~,I.. I

,

.---.

E~EpeTo ev Ts convincing interpretation the March cycle remained a festival of mourning until the time of Antoninus

Pius.

91 Th.L.L., s.v. As Ma was assimilated to Bellona, it would be appropriate for her guild to have a Latin rather than a Greek title. 98 Cf. Daremberg-Saglio I, 685-6, s.v. Bellona, quoting Winckelmann, Monum. ined. I, 36, n. 29, who

recognized Bellona in a fragmentary relief of an anned fem ale figure standing on a cippus. 93 That Bellona should be associated with the spear is likely enough in view of her close connection with Mars, who was certainly represented with a holy spear: Wissowa, RUKR 2 144. It may also be relevant that before the old temple of Mars Bellona stood the columna bellica over which the pater patratus with special formula threw a lance into ' foreign territory ' to symbolize the outbreak of war: Ovid, Fasti v1, 207. The ceremony was still kept up in the time of Marcus Aurelius (Dio L, 4,5 ; LXXI, 33,3). Cf. Wissowa, RUKR 9 151 f; F. Bomer, P. Ovidius Naso : Die Fasten (Heidelberg, 1958), 348 ad VI, 199 ff. 9 ' Th. L.L., s.v. hastifer.

XVII 156 With these literary texts can be compared an important the wife of a/ anat£cus :

inscription

from Rome set up by

Q. Caelio Appollinari (sic) Ifanatic.o de aede I Bellonae Pulvin., I cu-iusmon£to (sic) hasta I in aede I Bellona (sic) -inluco I dicata est, J Firmia Tyche I coniugi suo benemerenti I sibi postetisque suis ( fec'it ... (GIL VI, 2232 = ILS 4181). Clearly the spear is here a ritual emblem duly dedicated by a devotee. To this body of evidence may possibly be added two coins: the denar£us of P. Licinius Nerva (above, p. 152), showing Ma-Bellona (?) equipped with the spear and shield; and the figure of a woman armed with the spear on a coin of the Bruttii. 95 This divinity has been interpreted both as Bellona and Athena, with whom Bellona is in any case closely associated (Plut.,

Sulla

IX,

7-8).

The cumulative effect of this evidence is to provide a more substantial basis for the proposed interpretation of the hastifer'i.. It suggests that the spear was in fact a cult symbol of Bellona and that the hastiferi were a guild who bore her ensign. More light would be thrown on the question if there were any clue to the civil occupations of the hastif eri, since the sacred duties of a religious guild were often appropriate to their secular employment. While nothing approaching proof is possible, a tempting speculation on the point may perhaps be permitted at Ostia. The inscription set up on the temple of Bellona (I) gives the names of the duov£ri who allocated the site, one of whom was P. Lucilius Gama/a f. praef(ectus) Caesar(is). If one adopts the suggestion of Meiggs that the Caesar in question was L. Aelius, the adopted son of Hadrian, this would bring the construction of the temple down to A.D. 137 or 138, a date which fits the brickwork and the style of lettering of the dedicat_ory inscription. 96 When the guild of the hastiferi was instituted at Ostia is not known, but the dedication in A.D. 140 of T. Flavius Epigonus, an honoratus or ex-officer of the college (D) implies that it was certainly in existence in 139. It is possible, then, that the formation of the guild was contemporaneous with or a little later than the construction of the temple. For if the hastiferi had been in existence before the temple of Bellona was begun, one would have expected some connection between the two-for example, that the building expenses would have been met at least in part by members of the corporation ; just as the hastiferi at Castel restored the collapsed mons Vat£canus. What we do know is who paid both for the original costs (I) and when the scale of the work was later enlarged (opere ampliato : J). These benefactors are nowhere stated to be hastiferi, but it would be reasonable to· expect that some at least of the l£ctores, viatores, servi public£, etc., would have found a place in the college once instituted. If so, these would have been strikingly appropriate professions from which to draw members of a guild with duties of the kind that have been suggested for the hastif eri. The relationship of Bellona to Magna Mater being that of pedisequar£a,it would be fitting for Bellona's guild to consist of minor officials who were in a roughly analogous position to their superiors and in the broadest sense of the term pedisequarii themselves. Further, both lictores and v£atores bore the symbols of their superiors' office. Lictors carried rods (bacilli), the insignia of the duoviri whom they attended, as the monument of C. Cartilius Poplicola at Ostia shows. 97 That this could also be true of viatores, who ran 95 L. Breglia, La prima f ase della contaztone romana dell'argento (Rome, 1952), 67 ff. The figure appears on the reverse of a head of Ares/Mars. Cf. E. S. G. Robinson, Num. Chron. 1v, 1964, 37-64 (at 56). 96 For a late Hadrianic date see in general the arguments of Meiggs, 364 f. The earliest dendrophorus from the area (GIL XIV, 97) is dated A.O. 139, the same year in which we have the earliest evidence for the presence of the hastif eri. Time would surely have been very short, though not impossibly so, for Antoninus Pius to have installed a large-scale cult of Magna Mater with its various appurtenances, if both dendrophori and hastif eri were already organized

in guilds as early as 139, the first year of his reign. It is true that Hadrian's enthusiasm for the metroic cult is nowhere very apparent in the West, but he was 1Tep1epy6TaTOS in matters of religion (Dio LXIX, 22, 1) and certainly concerned for Ostia ; cf. J. Beaujeu, La Religion romaine a ['Apogee de l'Empire (Paris, 1955),. r, 270-2. For Hadrian's interest in the Cybele cult in Asia Minor see Graillot 148 ; Th. Macridy-Bey and Ch. Picard, 'Attis d'un Metroon (?) de Cyzique ',.. Bull. Corr. Hellen. XLV, 1921, 453-5; F. R. Walton ' Religious Thought in the Age of Hadrian ', Numen IV, 1957, 168 f. 97 Meiggs 174, n. 1, with refs.

XVII 1 57

HASTJFERJ

messages for the magistrates, is shown by a denar£us of P. Porcius Laeca showing a via tor standing behind a pro-magistrate whose rank he defines by the two rods of office (virgae) in his left hand. In his right he raises vertically a spear, the badge of -imperium.98 Whether there is any substance to these speculations is hardly open to proof, but if they do hold a grain of truth, they give further reason to view the hast if erl as bearers of the holy spear of Bellona. Some tentative conclusions may lastly be drawn regarding the original institution of the hastiferi. At Ostia both the construction of Bellona's temple and the presence of her guild there seem to date from the last years of Hadrian's reign when a full-scale cult of Cybele was installed. This means that the hast if eri must have already been part and parcel of the metroic cult when the establishment by the Porta Laurentina began to assume its present form. Since there is no certain evidence for the college earlier than the dedication of T. Flavius Epigonus (D) it is impossible to determine exactly how long before A.D. 140 they first came into being. 99 A number of factors are nevertheless suggestive. It has been argued that the procession in which the hastif eri took part was almost certainly that of the Lavatio. This rite was founded in the reign of Claudius, which thus provides a terminus post quem. 10 Further, the similarity of the. name to that of the dendrophori, also instituted by Claudius, 101 led Mommsen to take hastiferi as a Latinization of the Greek term. 102 As there is reason to believe that Bellona may already have been attached to the cult of Cybele before the Claudian reform, it is quite possible that the origins of the hastiferi go all the way back to Claudius' reign and that Bellona was given her guild to form part of the cortege on the Lavatio when this festival was first organized by Claudius. 103 Otherwise their institution must be attributed to one of the emperors in the period from Nero to Hadrian.

°

V. CONCLUSIONS

The main results of this protracted discussion can now be drawn together. Far from being a municipal militia, the hastijeri clearly formed a college of an exclusively religious nature serving the cult of dea Bellona : so much at least is made certain by the position of their schola facing Bellona's temple in the Ostian 1netroon. The remains at Ostia further show that this primary affiliation obtained within the wider context of the cult of Magna Mater. As a consequence of this connection the hastiferi at Castel erected an altar in h.d.d. numin. Aug. on the festival of Attis' death in A.D. 224-no doubt a reflection in stone of the customary vota for the emperor's salus pronounced by the archigallus of Magna Mater on the dies sanguinis. Similarly, twelve years later the college restored the mons Vaticanus, the name of which is unmistakably derived from the Frigianum of Magna Mater on the Vatican hill in Rome. The origin of this double relationship may well go back to Republican times, perhaps even to Sulla, when Ma-Bellona was probably introduced into Rome under the wing of Magna Mater, the cognate Phrygian divinity who had been officially received in the capital more than a century earlier. Certainly in the Imperial period Bellona is dea pedisequa to Cybele and it seems very likely that the hastif eri served her in this capacity, that is on some occasion when she brought up the train of the Great Mother. This in all probability was during the ritual parade of the Lavatio, the great festival of 27 March founded by Claudius. In view of the similarity of their name to that of the dendrophor£, whom Claudius 98

'Hasta-Summa lmperii ', AJA pl. S, nos. 4-5; pl. 9, no. 3. Inscription Fis now lost, so that it is impossible to date the presence of the hastif eri at Vienne. The Corpus gives no indication of the date of E and no secure indication of date is given by the letter-forms, to judge from the photograph kindly provided by the Museum at Cologne. The Romisch-Germanisches only clue to the date of CIL VI, 2232, recording the dedication of a hasta by a devotee of Bellona (above, p. 156), is Henzen's note ad. loc.: ara marmorea litteris LXIII,

A.

Alfoldi,

1959, 5, 7, n. 75;

99

optimis. 100 Above, n. 19. The Lavatio is first attested in the Menologium Colotianum of ea. A.D. 50 ; GIL VIII, 2305. 101 The natalicium of the dendrophori was on the

same day as that of their imperial founder (rst August). The earliest epigraphical evidence for the college in Italy is A.D. 79 (GIL x, 7) and at Rome A.D. 97 (GIL VI, 641). For a dendrophorus of JulioClaudian date from Vienne see AE 1956, 61 ; cf. above, p. 147. 102 cf. above, p. 147. 103 While there is nothing to connect the hastiferi directly with Claudius, a link with the official institution of the March festival in his reign is possibly to be seen at Ostia in traces of a JulioClaudian structure beside the later temple of Cybele ; perhaps also in the earlier walling of Attis' shrine, which may go back to the same period ; cf. Calza 203 ; Meiggs 364, 366 (noting that Claudius was a frequent visitor to Ostia) ; Squarciapino 2, 6, 17.

XVII 158 associated at that time ,vith the new festival of 22nd March, it is quite possible that Bellona was given her guild of hastif eri as part of the Claudian reform. The title dea pedisequa itself may also date from then. What was the role of the college is less easy to determine, but the distinctive ending of their name must mean that the hastif eri carried a spear in procession. The literary and epigraphical sources, while not plentiful, are sufficient to give some basis to the supposition that the spear was a holy emblem of the war-goddess Bellona. Beyond this one may go only with great caution. The interpretation of the name pastores, in particular, raises problems that cannot in my opinion be satisfactorily ·answered on the basis of the evidence now available. What seem to be the most relevant factors as starting points for conjecture are set out in the appendix following. One further point might be raised to round the argument off. At Castel in A.D. 236 the hast-iferi restored the mons V aticanus, which has been taken to be associated with the initiation rite of the taurobolium. In this connection the choice of date, the Volcanalia of 23rd August, may be significant. The taurobol£um itself was not tied to any particular date, but meetings of religious confraternities were often simply an excuse for wining and dining. 104 If the hastiferi at Castel were organized along the lines of a mystery association, as there is reason to believe, a corporate activity on this day would be consistent with the carnival atmosphere which the old Roman festival had assumed by the third century A.D. These conclusions are in varying degrees of probability and the most that can be hoped is that they make a reasonable approximation to the facts. If such is the case, then the importance of this puzzling college is considerably greater than might be imagined from the meagre traces it has left behind. For it throws light on a question which is still very much a matter for debate : the nature and development of the Phrygian mysteries of Magna Mater.

APPENDIX

HASTIFERI SIVE PASTORES

The basic problem is that pastores occurs as an alternative to hastiferi only in G. Otherwise I have found a single example of what may be a similar usage of the term on a stele found near the baths at Morsot. In a niche to the right Saturn is represented seated and flanked by two bulls(?) ; in a second niche on the left is an unidentified goddess also flanked by two quadrupeds, one of which is destroyed, the other probably a ram. At the base are four divinities of whom only the heads remain. The inscription reads: [Dati?]vus et oxor (sic) pastores (ILAlg. I, 2872). There seem to be no other comparable examples of the word elsewhere-at least none is known to me and none is listed in the incomplete and unpublished testimonia of the Th.L.L. s.v. (A dedication to the Shepherd-Gods or pastores recently found at Oberengadin is clearly unrelated to the problem: Festschrift f. Emil Vogt, Zurich, 1966, 227 f.). With only two possible instances of the word to work with, therefore, and with the precise function of the hastiferi still sub z"udicethe following points are at best tentative and exploratory. 1. The most promising explanation is that suggested long ago by Crusius in equating pastores with J30UK6Ao1.Two inscriptions are of interest in this regard. The first, SIG 3 I I I 5 ( = I. Perg. 485; cf. 222, 486-8), belongs to the first century A.D. and is one of a series concerning the mysteries of Dionysus Kathegemon at Pergamum. It records the masculine names and titles of an cxpx1r,oVKoi\os and eighteen f30VK6i\01along with two vµvo616cx011).KTA. I P.G.M. 4, BI. 26, p. I 46, lines 2353-4: f3oq,op . evo1eoocpw6. 1ooq>c.u6 • 1c.u . awc.0w8w . u>a"i.

tCA:>• K'TA.

et passim.

Sometimes it is combined with a variant on the name of Jahweh: I P.G.M. 4, BI. 35, p. r78, line 3265: [6 cr] e(wv 'lwep~116&noµo/ ·'iaw6 Ia(3cxoo6. o-etcraw . I KTA. Cf. I P.G.M. 5, BI. 7, p. 196, line 480.

Again, it can form the ending of a magical word: I P.G.M. 1, col. 4, p. 14, line 261: ... Mapµo:picxwe. µcxpµcxI p1cpeyy11 .... I P.G.M. 4, Bl. 6, p. 84, lines 367-8: ... KCXTCXTov Mapµa(p )eA6apa CXT8apcx6cxv6c.uA8apo: T6apcx8au8wA6o:pa 80:pcxecxv8001'.6apa apa9av8eu1'.8o:po: po:0av8wA8apa:

t tiµiv I KCXi TOVT(p OlKCp. & I µ11v (II P.G.M. Christliches 6, p. 194, lines 1-5). With this may be compared the formula on another amulet: ,lno-ov]s, ~1110-ovs, 'IT)o-ovs,AW, 'A6oovcx{, 'EAoocxf, Et-.we eseeeee 11111111111111 1111111 0000000 (II P.G.M. Christliches 1 I, p. 199, lines 1~2). Similarly in the Paris papyrus the name Jesus is followed by magical words which include variant abbreviations of both 10:oooveand LCX~cxooe:6pK{3eu O'E Ka-TO: 'TOV eeov 'TWV ~E(3paiwvI )l110-ov. ta(3cx. 1a11• >A~pcxwe. cxia . e~e . EAE • I ei\eu... (I P.G.M. 4, BI. 33, p. I 70, lines 3020-1). Is it too fanciful to suppose that in the Talpioth graffiti we have an early example of such Judaeo-Christian syncretism? What I am suggesting is that far from identifying the person whose bones were contained within the burial chest the name Jesus actually forms part of the magical iµscription. If so, such an interpretation would raise an interesting new problem, for it would follow that these are ossuaries bearing magical names and apotropaic symbols but otherwise devoid of any mark of identification. 3 Why then were they left unnamed? All one can do here is to speculate, when one man's guess is as good as another's. In general practice ossuaries seem to have been left without a name only in the case of stillborn children or if the deceased had 1

Simon (above, note 3, p. 54), pp. 407-8.

2 Cf. St John Chrystostom, Ps. viii. 3: K~av epOO'T11C11JS cnrrovs 61a 'Ti eO"Tavpwoa-re TOVXP10"T6v;AEyovcnv Ci>S 7TACXVOV 1>,celebre meditation sur le caractere ineluctable de la mort, peint par !'artiste franc;ais Nicolas Poussin (cf. infra). Le bas-relief, ainsi que les dix lettres ciselees sur la base, sont entoures d'une arche rustique qui, pense-t-on, a ete con9ue par l'architecte Thomas Wright, lequel commen9a a travailler sur la structure de pierre en 1748. Cet ensemble comprend aujourd'hui l'entablement corinthien (?) de la fac;ade d'un temple grec, ajoutee par James Stuart, probablement en 1763 (fig. 3). De fa,;on incongrue I' entablement est soutenu de cote par des piliers provenant des bases - mais non des chapiteaux - de dix colonnes doriques flu.tees, bizarrement empilees sens dessus-dessous, l'une sur l'autre. Le Shepherd's Monument, comme on le nomme communement, date du milieu du xv111e siecle, quand George Anson, nomme lord Anson en 1747, puis 1. Je suis tres redevable, pour leurs avis et leurs informations, a Richard C. Kemp (DSD), directeur general du domaine de Shugborough, ainsi qu,a Russell Gethings (DSD), responsable du marketing de Shughborough Estate, qui m'a aimablement procure les photographies reproduites ici. Je dois egalement remercier le National Trust, Staffordshire County Council, et le site internet de Shugborough Estate, www.shugborough.org.uk. 2. Pour le code, voir le site internet de Shugborough.

XXIV 1 54

Premier Lord de 1'Amiraute en 1751, se retira clans la demeure de ses ancetres a Shugborough, .Son observation selon 6. Tandis que George Anson rapporta de ses navigations une elegante collection d' objets chinois qui se trouvent encore exposes dans la demeure, Thomas, qui connaissait bien la langue latine, fit un grand tour de l'ltalie, voyage qui influen~a sa passion pour l'art classique. 7. M. Baigent, R. Leigh et H. Lincoln, Holy Blood, Holy Grail, New York, 1983 (ci-apresHBHG), p. 184, cf. pl. 23, remarquaient que l'enigmatique inscription n'a jamais etedechiffree. 8. Le Prieure de Sion aurait ete responsable de la creation des chevaliers templiers, ordre de moines guerriers qui, au de but du XIVe siecle, apres avoir existe pendant deux siecles, fut dis sous a la suited' accusations d'heresie et de profanation de la croix. Pour un survol pratique, voir HBHG, p. 64-95, r 11-30, et aussi le site priory-of-sion. corn. 9. La grand-mere de l'actuel lord Lichfield, un descendant des Anson, qui vit encore a Shugborough, presentement propriete du National Trust, a interprete l'inscription comme les premieres lettres d'une ligne de vers : >

XXIV 158

laquelle cette simple approche produisait une solution elegante fut appuyee par son mari, Oliver Lawn, mathematicien renomme et cryptanalyste tout comme sa ' femme, mais non specialiste de l'epigraphie latine. A son avis, !'inscription etait soit latine, soit grecque, et reposait sur quelque evenement historique. L' episode s' arreta la, sans permettre de conclure entre les differentes hypotheses, les equipes en faveur d'un code secret marquant un net avantage face aux partisans de la solution de

S. Lawn

10

•

- II On peut certainement admettre que toute association de l'inscription avec le Saint-Graal, les Templiers, le Prieure de Sion, OU meme un tresor cache a Oak Island, Mahone Bay en Nouvelle Ecosse (tel que propose clans la chronique d'un journal anterieur), est pure fantaisie, mais l'elegante solution de S. Lawn pose difficultes. Premierement, on ne peut developper arbielle-meme d'insurmontables trairement une abreviation. Si le texte est en effet latin, toute solution sur les mots doit se conformer aux normes d' abreviations communes de la periode romaine. 11 faut ainsi remarquer qt1e nulle part V n' est atteste comme abreviation de V ( iduus), A ne peut pas etre complete en A ( mantissimus), ni V V etre completes en V ( ovit) V ( irtutibus). Deuxiemement, la solution proposee, >, ne se combine pas grammaticalement. Optima (nominatif feminin deux fois) ne peut se rapporter ni a U ( xoris) ni a S(ororis) (genitif tousles deux). V(iduus) A(mantissimus) (nominatif masculin) pourrait etre interprete comme , mais V(ovit) V(irtutibus) signifierait >et non.Meme si le latin devait etre corrige, toute version conforme a ce dechi:ffrement est a rejeter en raison de l'impossibilite de completer ces abreviations telles que proposees. Cependant, en depit de tous ses points faibles, la version de S. Lawn presente I' eminent merite de reconnattre clans le latin la langue sous-jacente de !'inscription. La presente etude a pour but de proposer une solution au pretendu code, reconnaissant d' evidence que le lettrage du monument est une inscription la tine composee (presque) entierement d'abreviations communes de mots latins communs. ,;

10. Pour !'ensemble des informations sur le congres, voir, par exemple, N. Tweedie,>, The Daily Telegraph, vendredi 26 novembre 2004, p. 11. Je suis grandement redevable a Barbara Parks de m' avoir informe de cet article de journal. Des rapports de journaux semblables sur le congres de Bletchley sont accessibles sur Internet via Google, s.v. Shugborough Code. A l'epoque de la redaction plusieurs de ces reimpressions ont ete enlevees du site web, mais les rnilliers des pages internet restantes traitant ce sujet temoignent d'un interet continu et mondial sur le pretendu code de Shugborough Hall.

XXIV UN CODE SECRET

A SHUGBOROUGH

HALL ?

1 59

Les lettres D et M, qui se trouvent a un niveau inferieur de chaque cote de l'inscription, fournissent un indice immediat. Comme je l'ai fait remarquer clans mon message electronique a Bletchley Park, jeudi 20 mai 200 5, ces memes lettres apparaissent sur des milliers d'inscriptions funeraires clans tout !'Empire romain d' Occident et sont une abreviation de D (is) M ( anibus) 11 , , originellement les dieux du monde souterrain en charge des trepasses en general, et plus tard des esprits des morts eux-memes 12 • Sou vent, ces lettres sont combinees avec S - D (is) M ( anibus) S ( acrum) - et se trouvent au de but ou a la fin d'une inscription, mais elles peuvent aussi etre placees une lettre de chaque cote, encadrant le texte comme on le voit ici (fig. 4) 1 3. Le fait que !'inscription de Shugborough Hall suive exactement ce schema devoile son auteur comme un bon connaisseur des inscriptions latines que ce texte du milieu du xv111e siecle prend en modele ; on peut done s'attendre a ce que les abreviations utilisees soient conformes aux usages habituels de I' epigraphie latine classique. L'usage des abreviations est, naturellement, extremement repandu clans les inscriptions de !'Empire romain, cependant un texte fait uniquement d'abreviations sans aucun mot entier serait inhabituel 14 • On peut penser que l'auteur etait determine a montrer ses connaissances et son experience dans les raffinements des inscriptions latines. Quant aux autres lettres 1 s, si nous commen9ons par la fin, V V peut etre soit V(ivus) V(ivae), >,soit V(t) V ( overat), >.Comme une reference a un homme vivant apparait deplacee clans un texte compose selon les lignes d'une inscription funeraire, la solution V ( t) V ( overat) semble preferable. II est important de noter clans ce cas 11. Pour la formule, voir l'abreviation clans les ouvrages cites £nfra, n. 15. Aucune des autres expansions possibles de D M ne semble s' appliquer ici : IJ.(ea)- M ( agna) ; D ( eum) M ( ater) ; D ( ecurio) M ( unicipii) ; D (eus) M ( ithras) ; D ( olus) M ( alus). Ces lettres sont ignorees clans la solution de Lawn, cependant elles fournissent un indice pour comprendre !'inscription ainsi que le monument tout entier. 12. E. Meyer, Einfuhrung in die lateinishe Ep-igraphik, Darmstadt, 1973, p. 71. Au sujet du Di Manes, voir H. Cancik et H. Schneider ed., Der neue Pauly. Enzyklopiidie der Antike. Das klassische Altertum und seine Rezeptionsgeschichte, Stuttgart, 2003, vol. VII, col. 803-804, s.v. Manes, avec bibliographie. ' 1 3. A aucun stade de la discussion, on n' a realise que la position marginale du D et du M confirme l'argument qu'il s'agit d'une imitation, du moins partielle, d,un texte funeraire latin incorporant la dedicace initiale habituelle aux Di Manes. Mon collegue L. Morin me rappelle que la formule D M etait si incrustee dans rame romaine qu'elle apparait meme sur les premiers monuments chretiens (cf. n. suivante). 14. Je suis redevable au Professeur W. Eck, de l'Institut fur Altertumskunde, alte Geschichte (Cologne), pour sa citation d'un texte classique compose entierement d'abreviations, presque toutes de lettres initiales trouvees sous Saint-Pierre de Rome,>,Zei"tschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 65, 1986, p. 262. Ce qui presente un interet particulier pour notre propos present, ce sont les positions de D et de M de chaque cote de la dedicace centrale. 1 5. Pour les abreviations communes dans les inscriptions latines, voir les listes a la fin de R. Cagnat, Cours d'epigraphie latine, 4e ed., Paris, 1914 (toujours utile en depit de son anciennete) ; E. Meyer, op. cit. (n. 12) ; K.P. Almar, Inscriptiones Latinae. Eine illustrierte Einfuhrung in die lateinische Epigraphik (Odense University Classical Studies 14), Odense, 1990. )

XXIV 160

D(is)

PRAECEOEREVOLVISTI SANCTISSIMACOIVX

M(anibus)

VT ME RELINQVEAES IN LACHRIMIS SI EST ALIQVIT IN tNFEANAS PARTES BENE

EGO AVTEM SINE TE VITAM SOAOIDAM EXIGO ESTO FELIX ET IBI DVLCISSIMATHALASStA EDVCATRIX C(larissimi) V(iri) ET MIHI IN CONVVIO PER ANNOS XXXX PAPIRIVS VITALIS ARTE PICTORIA MARITV[SJE:1vs FEMINAE INCOMPARABILIFECIT SIBf ET [SV]IS FIG.

4. - Inscription

funéraire

de Rome, placée par Papirius

Vitalis en mémoire

de son épouse Thalassia

(CIL VI, 9792 : IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.). Ce texte présente un certain intérêt pour la position de D et de M respectivement aux marges gauche et droite, et aussi pour les nombreux interpunctiones placés à mi-hauteur de la lettre qu'ils suivent (d'après K.P. Almar, op. cit. [n. 15], p. I 12, n. 68).

que U est représenté comme un V, suivant l'usage courant du lapicide dans l' Anti. , qu1te. V A est plus facile en quelque sorte. Cela pourrait être une abréviation pour V ( ixit) A ( nnis), > ; cependant, comme cela exigerait à la suite un chiffre, ce dont il n'y a pas de trace dans le texte, l'interprétation V(ices) A (gens), ,semble plus plausible. La notion fondamentale derrière vices est ordinairement celle d'agir en tant que remplaçant, à la place de quelqu'un ; cf. ( V ( ices) A (gens) P ( raesidis), ·> 16 • Cependant, ainsi développée, cette construction exige le génitif de la 16. W. Eck remarque aimablement que v ( ices) a (gens) n'apparaît pas dans les inscriptions tombales et que u ( t) v ( overat) est très inhabituel dans de telles circonstances : ce qu'on attendrait normalement avec Dis M anibus est un nom propre, dont aucune trace ne se trouve ici. Il est cependant important de souligner que le texte n'est pas tant une épigraphe sépulcrale - qui aurait été gravée sur la tombe familiale de la paroisse de Coldwych - qu'une notice qui incorpore des éléments d'une inscription funéraire romaine. Inscrit sur un

XXIV UN CODE SECRET À SHUGBOROUGH

HALL ?

personne remplacée, ce qui n'est pas le cas dans les solutions proposées pour les lettres qui suivent. Si par contre on l'utilise en soi, la phrase signifierait; cf. v( otum) a(nimo) s( olvit) l(ibens) m( erito). Votum vovere est certainement du latin normal. U, sous cette forme, ne peut que renvoyer à U (xor), >. Il n'y a trace de cette lettre dans aucune liste d'abréviations donnée dans les manuels, pour la simple raison que le U était inscrit comme V dans l' Antiquité. L'abréviation pour uxor en particulier est V. Cependant, dans le cas présent, V pourrait tout aussi bien être une abréviation de vir, , parmi plus d'une vingtaine d'autres mots. Ainsi, le fait que cette inscription donne U est d'un intérêt particulier, puisqu'il n'y a aucun doute que l'intention soit uxor. Le texte de Shugborough est, bien entendu, un document du XVIIIe siècle et non un document romain. Il reste deux lettres. L'abréviation initiale du texte est 0, qui doit clairement être associé de quelque manière que ce soit à U ( xor). 0 pourrait être une abréviation de O(fficina), O(ptio), H(ora) et O(ssa), qui est bien entendu d'un grand intérêt dans un texte funéraire ; cependant comme le premier O est clairement associé à U ( xor), l'expansion la plus probable est O (ptima) comme il a été antérieurement suggéré dans mon message électronique à Bletchley Hall. Si c'est le cas, le second 0, selon toute probabilité, sera l'abréviation pour O ( ssa). En dernier lieu, S est particulièrement difficile du fait qu'il convient comme abréviation à plus de quarante mots. Parmi eux, S ( epulchra) pourrait convenir au contexte, mais il s'associerait difficilement au point de vue syntactique à V(ices) A(gens), V(otum) A(nimo) ou V(t) V(ovit). Un développement plus probable pourrait être S(uus), S(ua) ou S(uum) - selon le mot auquel il s'accorde 18 -, mais la manière de. développer la plus convaincante ici est de lier S avec le O précédent : dans ce cas 0( ssa) S (ita) convient parfaitement à un monument commémoratif d'une personne décédée; cf. la formule O(ssa) H(ic) S ( ita), traditionnelle des inscriptions funéraires. L'omission d~ H ( ic) ·dans l' inscription de Shugborough est importante étant donné l'inhumation de lady Elizabeth \

monument approprié, érigé à une distance de plusieurs milles, il indique simplement qu'un époux afiligé a honoré ses vœux de donner à sa femme un enterrement décent. 17. Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. agere 24, 28, 29; s.v. vices, 5. 18. S(uus) peut être compris comme en latin classique, ou se rapporter à l'objet - direct ou indirect comme en latin provincial. \ 1oir Corpus lnscript,ionum Latinarnm, vol. XIII, 3162: primo unquam in sua civitate · posuerunt ; cf. CIL XIII, 1675, avec la discussion chez D. Fishwick, The Imperia[ Cult in the Latin West. Provincial Ruler Cult : Institution and Evolution (H. S. Versnel et R. van den Broek éd., Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, vol. CXLV), Leyde, 2002, vol. III, p. r50-151.

XXIV

Ansan à St Michael and All the Angels, l'église paroissiale de Coldwych, dans le voisinage 1 9. Il reste la question des interpunctiones qui suivent chaque lettre de l'inscription, sauf le V final de la ligne supérieure. Comme dans l' Antiquité, le lapicide doit avoir travaillé d'après une ébauche préparée par le responsable de la rédaction. Cet auteur à son tour doit avoir pris son exemple dans quelque livre d'inscriptions qu'il a pu posséder ou a pu consulter dans une des grandes bibliothèques, la Bodleian ou le British Museum par exemple. Tout cela soulève la question de la pratique durant la période romaine où l'utilisation d'interpunctiones est extrêmement courante, parfois même illogique, avec des arrêts placés absurdement entre les lettres d'un même 20 cet usage semble avoir été arbitraire, sans règles strictes, suivant • En général mot plus souvent la fantaisie de l'auteur du texte.DM en particulier, peut apparaître sans interpunctiones, avec Utî seul (D• M), avec deux (D• M•), ou même avec quatre (•D• •M•). Le fait qu'un arrêt soit omis à la fin de la ligne supérieure à Shugborough ne semble donc pas avoir de conséquence particulière. Il est possible que cette De omission ait eu lieu par inadvertance, l'équivalent d'une erreur typographique. telles erreurs sont assez communes dans les inscriptions romaines. Cependant, R.C. Kemp et son équipe, après un nouveau et attentif examen de l'inscription, pensent que l'omission du punctum à la fin de la première ligne est intentionnelle plutôt que fautive. Dans ce cas, le point peut avoir été omis afin de maintenir l'équilibre symétrique des lettres de la ligne supérieure. C'est une conclusion vérifiable à partir de la photographie (fig. 2), qui montre clairement que le premier 0 et le dernier V - sans le punctum- sont équidistants à partir du coin de la pierre. Une interprétation de lignes du point de vue mécanique plutôt que cabalistique semblerait l'explication la plus probable de cette irrégularité particulière. Ce qui est encore plus important c'est que, durant la période romaine, l'usage le plus universel consistait à placei I'interpunctio à mi-hauteur de la lettre qu'il suivait. Que cette mode ait été exactement suivie à Shugborough prouve, au-delà de toute autre discussion, que le prétendu code est en fait une imitation délibérée d,une inscription latine. Quant à l'identité de la personne qui a rédigé l'inscription, la date du Shepherd's Monument suggère fortement comme candidat possible Thomas Ansan, le frère érudit de George qui était également avec lord Sandwich un membre fondateur de la Société des Dilettanti ( 1732) 21 • r9. \ 7oir thepeerage.com/p1692.htm. Cela exclut la possibilité que le Shepherd's Monument ait été le lieu familial d'enterrement d'Elizabeth Yorke, comme dans le cas Diana Spencer, par exemple. Je suis redevable de ce parallèle moderne à mon épouse Birgit Fishwick. 20. Sur Worttrennzeichen, voir E. Meyer, op. cit. (n. r 2), p. 36-37 ; K.P. Almar, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 43-45, remarquant l'usage semblable de feuilles arrêt, fruits, oiseaux et autres. 21. Sur la Société des Dilettanti, voir A.M. Small et C.M. Small, >,Antiquaries Journal, 79, 1999, p. 304-345.

XXIV UN CODE SECRET

À SHUGBOROUGH

A' la lumière de cette analyse, les abréviations façon suivante :

HALL

pourraient

;)

être développées

de la

D(is) M( anibus) O(ptimae) U ( xoris) O(ssa) S (ita) V(ices) A (gens) V(t) V( overat) ou V(otum) A(nimo) V(t) V(overat) Une traduction

littérale donnerait

:

Aux Dieux Manes. Les os de cette excellente épouse ont été déposés (mis au repos), s'acquittant de sa tâche comme il l'avait promis/ comme il avait promis à son esprit. >> >

(1640-1642), qui se trouve actuellement au Louvre, et un canevas antérieur,> (v. 1630) qui se trouve à Chatsworth House, au Derbyshire. La version de Giovanni Francesco Guercino (1621-1623), qui est la plus ancienne représentation de ce thème, montre deux bergers en arrêt devant un crâne humain placé sur un bloc de maçonnerie tombé portant l'inscription 2 7.Dans les tableaux de Poussin, trois bergers apparaissent devant un sarcophage, l'un lit avec mélancolie l'inscription de la tombe -peut-être celle d'une bergère 28 • Le titre latin, interprété comme un memento attribué faussement à Virgile était originellement mori, un rappel de la mortalité - >, en quelque sorte une extension du latin original. En tout état de cause, on ne peut se tromper sur le caractère funéraire du chef-d'œuvre de Poussin. Les circonstances ne laissent aucun doute sur le sujet car la même scène fut copiée de la même manière sur un bas-relief du xrxe siècle à Rome, marquant l'endroit même de la tombe de Poussin. On remarque que le Shepherd's Monument est placé prés d'un énorme if - l'arbre de la mort - qui s'étend maintenant sur une acre. De plus, les deux colonnes que James Stuart a placées de chaque 25. Je dois cette référence à mon collègue B. Kavanagh. Il va de soi qu'il n'y a pas de lien entre l'Arcadie de Virgile et l' Acadie du continent nord américain, en particulier la région orientale des Maritimes, au Canada. 26. Pour le développement du thème de l'Arcadie dans n'existe à Shugborough, il y a seulement une inscription latine tracée entièrement en abréviations. En définitive, ceux qui déduisaient qu'il s'agissait d'un message privé d'une personne à une autre, furent les plus proches de la vérité 3 8 • Mais ce qui est inscrit, ce ne sont pas les lettres introductrices Sa première apparition certaine est dans la peinture de Guercino, dont certaines œuvres traitent ,, des thèmes maçonniques, au moins vingt ans avant l'apparition des loges maçonniques en Angleterre et en Ecosse. ' . 37. A propos des rites au confluent du Rhône et de la Saône, près de Lugdunum (Lyon), voir D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West (M.J. Vermaseren éd., Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'empire romain, 108), Leyde, 1987, vol. I, r, p. 103-104, avec n. 47 et références. Pour la possibilité de rites au confluent de l'Ana (aujourd'hui le Guadiana) et du Barraeca (aujourd'hui l'Albarregas), près d'Augusta Emerita (Mérida), voir D. Fishwick, The Imperia/ Cult in the Latin West. Provincial Ruler Cult, Part 3 : The Provincial Centre; Provincial Cult (H.S. Versnel et R. van den Broek éd., Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, vol. CXLVIII), Leyde, 2004, vol. III, p. 48, n. 20 avec références. 38. Cf. la solution de S. et O. Lawn (cf. supra), qui devinèrent correctement que le était écrit en latin et rappelait quelque événement historique.

XXIV 168

d'une ligne de vers, c'est le testament d'un époux qui a enterré sa chère épouse, comme il se doit, tout comme il l'avait promis. Quant à la théorie selon laquelle ces lettres cachent le message , H étant interprété comme un khi, la première lettre du mot grec désignant le Messie, quiconque ayant quelques notions de grec sait bien qu'un khi majuscule est X, tandis que H est un èta majuscule. Le meilleur exemple de ceci, bien entendu, est dans l'abréviation IHS. Lire dans ce texte une réfutation de la divinité du Christ semble donc décidément aller chercher bien loin Au-delà de la signification de ses lettres gravées, divers traits du Shepherd's Monument suggèrent fortement que celui-ci devint un mémorial dédié à la femme de Anson. A' côté des colonnes latérales et de l'if proche, les mots mêmes de l'inscription peuvent avoir été ébauchés par son beau-frère, Thomas Anson, et la totalité des dix monuments de Shugborough indiquent un vaste parc de souvenirs édifiés, au moins partiellement, en son souvenir. Il n'y a rien d' explicite pour lier les Anson à la franc-maçonnerie, mais le dessin des monuments à travers le terrain, les symboles magiques sur les colonnes doriques encadrant le Shepherd's Monument, peut-être même des modifications délibérées dans la ciselure inversée de la peinture de Poussin - aussi mystérieuses qu'elles demeurent - font cependant penser que les rumeurs de cette participation à des sociétés secrètes avaient bien un fondement 39.

39. R.C. Kemp remarque qu'un documentaire de la BBC sur les monuments et le code mystérieux de Shugborough, , avait été produit en 1974 par Henry Lincoln, et que le même auteur avait écrit en collaboration avec Michael Baigent et Richard Leigh The Holy Blood and The Roly Grail, œuvre qui devint l'une des principales sources du roman best-seller de D. Brown, Da Vinci Code.

INDEX OF NAMES ½.bdmelquart: X 87 Abraham: XXII 52; XXIII 45 L. Aelius: XVII 156 Aemilius Cartus: XVII 145 Aesculapius: XVIII 126; XIX 383 Aeternitas: XII 250 AFA; see Arvals Agamemnon: III 3 7 Agrippina: IV 139; V 68; VII 341,345,346; X 88 Agrippa: XIX 392 Albinus: XV 136; XX 31, 32 Albuus: XX 31 Alcestis: III 37 Alexander Augustus: VIII 81 Alexander Severus: III 37; VIII 87, 89; X 90; XVI 202; XVII 154; XVIII 124 Alexander of Abonuteichos: III 3 7 Alexandrians: IV 137 Almo: XVI 198; XVII 154 Altar of Three Gauls: VI 618; XX 35, 42 Ambarvalia: XX 45 Ampurias: XIX 395 Anson: XXIV 156, 167, 168 Anson, E.: XXIV 154, 163, Anson, G.: XXIV 153, 154, 156, 162, 165, Anson, T.: XXIV 154, 156, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168 Antinous: I 128; II 4 7 5, 484; III 39 Q. Antistius Adventus: VIII 90 Antonia: X 88 Antonines: XII 248 Antoninus Pius: II 4 77; VI 616, 620; VIII 83; X89;XV144;XVI194, 197,199,200, 202; XVII 145, 154 Apocalypse: XXI 35, 39; XXIII 48 Apollo: II 4 76; XII 252 Apollonius: II 482 Appian Way: VII 349 L. Apronius Caesianus: XIX 384 Ara Numinis Augusti: II 476; IX 232; X 84; XI 140; XII 247; XV 149; XIX 398 Ara Pacis: V 69 Arco de Traiano: XX 40 Aries: II 480

C. Arruntius Catellius Celer: XX 33 Artemis: VI 617, 620; XIV 229; XX 35, 36 Arvals: I 129; II 476,477,484; XI 134; XV 134 Asklepius: XIV 229; XX 36, 40 Atespatus: I 124; XX 32 Attis: XVI 194, 196, 198, 199; XVII 144, 146, 148, 150, 152, 153, 155, 157, 159, 160 C. Aufidius Victorinus: XI 136 Augusta Emerita; see Emerita Augustales: X 86; XV 144, 145 Augusti: XV 136 Augustus: I 122, 124, 125, 128, 129: II 475, 476, 477,481; III 36, 37, 38, 39, 30; IV 137, 141; V 63, 68; VI 617; VII 341, 343, 344, 346; VIII 84, 89; X 84, 85, 87, 88; XI 128, 130, 132, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140; XII 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 253, 254; XIII 294, 295; XIV 225, 226, 230; XV 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 138, 139, 141, 144; XIX 383, 386, 388, 389, 392, 400; XX 32, 42 Aurelian Moors; VIII 88 Marcus Aurelius: I 122, 128; II 483, 485; III 39, 40; IV 140; V 67; VI 616; VIII 90; XVII 151; XIX 385; XX 34, 36, 37 Azzanathkona: XXI 29 Bacchus: II 475 Balbinus: V 64 Baltis Dea: XII 252 Barnabas: XXI 36; XXII 50, 52; XXIII 45 Barsaba: XXII 54, 61 Barsabas: XXII 50 Bellona: XVI 199; XVII 145, 146, 147, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160 Bigerriones: XI 138 Bituriges Cubi: I 124; XX 32 ·Boudicca: XV 133 British Museum: XXIV 162 ·Britons: IV 140 Bruttii: XVII 156 ·Brutus: XVIII 123 Burrus: VII 345 Cabinet des Medailles: VI 617

2

INDEX OF NAMES

Q. Caecilius Fuscus: XVI 196 L. Caecilius Urbanus: V 65; XIII 295 Caeles Vibenna: VII 346 Caelestis Augusta: XII 254 Caesar: I 129; II 476,481; III 37, 38, 40; V 68, 69; VII 343, 344; XVIII 126; XIX 385, 392 L. Caesar: II 4 7 6 Caesar Augustus: VIII 83 Caligula: XVIII 126; XIX 383 Calpurnia Chelido: XVI 196 L. Calpurnius: XI 132 Sextus Calpurnius Agricola: XI 127 Campus Martius: II 476; VII 344, 346 Capitol: II 476; VII 345 Capitolium: VI 618, 619; XI 132; XV 145; XVIII 125, 126, 127; XIX 385, 387, 390, 391,392,393,394,395,396,398,399, 400,401 Capitoline Triad: I 127; XVIII 125 Caracalla: I 126, 127, 128; V 65, 70; VIII 79, 82, 83; XI 128; XIII 295; XIV 229; XIX 385 Q. Cascellius Labeo: XII 250 Cassius: III 3 7; XVIII 123 Castor: X 86 Christ: XXI 30, 35; XXII 49, 51, 60; XXIV 156, 168 Christianity: III 40; X\l 129, 147; XXII 61; XXIII 48 Christians: II 482; XVIII 123, 124, 125, 126; XX 35, 42; XXI 37; XXIII 44, 43, 45 Church of England: XXIV 156 Cicero: X 90; XI 140 Circus Maximus: II 481 Claudius: IV 137, 138, 139, 140, 141; V 68; VII 341, 346 347,349; VIII 83; XV 133, 139; XVI 194,201; XVII 144, 157; XXI 37 Claudius Gothicus: XVI 194; XVIII 126; XIX385 Clement: XXIV 166 Cleopatra: XVIII 126 Cohors XX Palmyrenorum: VIII 89 M. Comminius Aemilianus: XV 146 Commodus: I 123, 124; V 71; VIII 90; XI 128; XIII 293; XIV 229; XVII 146, 148, 149, 150, 154 Concordia Panthea Augusta: XII 254 Concordia Sospes: V 68 Consentius: XIX 394 Constantine: III 40; XIV 228; XXI 31; XXII 52; XXIII 45

Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus: XXI 31 Cornelius Anthus: XIX 381, 385, 386, 387 Cossus Cornelius Lentulus: X 87 Crispina: XVIII 124, 127 Crixus: I 125 Cybele: II 475; XVI 195, 196, 198, 199, 200,201; XVII 145, 146, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160 Darwin: XXIV 156 Dasius: XVIII 124 Dea Caelestis: V 69, 70, 71 Dea Dia: II 4 77 Dea Syria: XII 252 Demetrius Poliorcetes XIV 230 Deus Mars Augustus: XX 32 Deus Mercurius Augustus: XII 254 Di Augusti: X 89; XI 133, 138; XII 254; XV132 Di Caesares: XII 254 Di Conservatores: XII 254 Di Iuvantes: XII 254 Di Militates: XII 254 Di Penates: XI 134 Diana: VI 615,616,617,618, 619; XV 145; XX40, 42 Diespiter: IV 138; VII 341 Diodorus Pasporos: XIV 225 Dionysius: XVII 148, 152 Dionysus: XVI 198; XVII 159, 160 Dionysus Kathegemon: XVII 158, 159 Diva Augusta: II 484; X 88; XI 134; XV 136; XX31, 32 .Diva Faustina: XIX 385 Diva Poppaea Augusta: I 126 Divi Augusti: I 126; XI 140 Divus Antoninus Pius: VI 615, 617, 618, 620, 621 Divus Augustus: I 125, 129, 130; II 475,476,477, 478,479,480,481,482,483,484,485; III 37, 38, 39, 40, 41; IV 138, 139; VI 620; VII 341, 349; X 88, 90; XI 134, 135, 138, 140; XII 249, 250; XV 136, 141; XIX 388,389,393, 398; XX 31, 32, 35, 36,42 Divus Augustus Pater: II 477,479 Divus Claudius: I 129: IV 137, 138, 141; VII 341, 345; X 88; Xl 134; XV 133, 136 Divus Iulianus: VI 620 Divus Iulius: XI 133; XV 131, 132, 138 Divus Marcus Aurelius: I 130; IV 140; VI 620; XI 134

INDEX OF NAMES Domitia Civitas: XVI 196 Domitian: XI 130; XII 251, 254; XVI 201; XVII 144; XVIII 126; XIX 384, 385, 393; XX36 L. Domitius Ahenobarbus: XV 149 Q. Domitius Aterianus: XVI 196 Drusilla: VII 34 7, 349 Drusus: VII 344; X 88; XV 133 Eias: XXII 53 Elagabalus: V 70; XV 135 Elusates: XIII 295 Enigma: XXIV 156 Verius Eubulides: XV 145 Eutyches: XVII 151 Ezekiel: XXI 39; XXII 59 Faustina: VI 617 Felicitas: I 125 Feriale Duranum: II 477; V 63, 72; Xl 135; XVIII 124 Feriale Cumanum: II 479; VIII 89 First Aelian Cohort: VIII 84 Flavians: IV 141 T. Flavius Epigonus: XVII 143, 156, 157 T. Flavius Felix: I 127 Franklin: XXIV 166 Frigianum: XVII 144, 157 C. Fulvius Maximus: V 67, 69 Gaetuli: X 87 Gaius: II 476, 477; V 68; XI 130, 139 Galba: XI 130 Galli: XVII 145, 149 Gallos: XVI 195, 196 Gallienus: I 128; VIII 90 M. Gavius [?Appalius Maximus]: XI 136 M. Gavius Squilla Gallicanus: XVII 158 Gayangos: VI 615 Genius Augusti: II 476; XV 140, 141 Germanicus: V 68; X 88 Geta: I 127; V 65; XI 128; XIII 295 Glaucius: I 126 Glycon: III 3 7 Gordian I: V 67; VIII 81 Gordian III: V 64 Gracchus: XVIII 123 Grannus: V 68 Gratian: XIX 393 Guercino: XXIV 164, 166

Hadrian: I 123, 129; II 475; III 38; VIII 83; IX 233; X 89; XI 135, 137; XIV 229; XVI 199; XVII 146, 156, 157; XIX 384, 391, 392, 397, 396, 398, 399; XX 33 Hebrew: XXII 49; XXIII 47 M. Helvius Melior Placentius Sabinianus Samunianus: XV 146 Hercules: II 475; IV 138; VII 344 Hercules Augustus: XII 254 Hercules Ro1nanus: V 71 Hercules Saxsanus: I 12 7 M. Herennius Albanus: XIX 384 Herod Agrippa I: XXII 50 Herodian: XVII 150 Hiempsal: I 129 Hilaria: XVI 195; XVII 148, 152, 154 Himilis: X 83 Historia Augusta: II 483 Holy Grail: XXIV 156, 158, 167 Hygiaia: XX 36 Iddibal: X 87 Iddibal Caphada Aemilius: X 83 Cornelius [Ina?]chus: VI 618; XIX 381,382 Gaius Indutius Felix: I 126; XI 136 Iscanius Prima: XVII 143 Isis: XVII 153 Israelites: XXII 5 9 Ithyphallikos: XIV 230 C. Iulius Nymphus: XIX 385 C. Iulius Vercondaridubnus: XV 135 L. Iunius latro: XX 33 Iuno: XII 252 Iuppiter Numen: IX 232; X 85 Iuppiter Optimus Maximus: VI 618; XII 252; XIX 382, 383, 385, 390, 391, 397, 400 Jahweh: XXII 54, 57, 58, 59; XXIII 49 Jehu: XXII 53 Jesus: XX 42; XXII 49, 50, 51, 53, 59, 60; XXIV 156, 168 Jews: XXI 36, 38; XXII 51, 60; XXIII 43, 52, 53 Joseph: XXII 51 Josephus: XXII 50, 51, 53 Judaism: XXI 40; XXIII 47 Judas: XXII 51 Judas Iscariot: XXII 50 Julia: I 127 Julia Augusta: V 71 Julia Domna: V 69, 70, 71, 72

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4

INDEX OF NAMES

Julian: I 128; II 484; III 40; XI 134, 135 Julianus: VII 347 Didius Julianus: VII 348 Julius: III 38 Julius Proculus: VII 343 Juno: XVIII 125; XIX 393, 394 Jupiter: I 129; II 475,476; IV 137; VI 618; VII 344; XI 134; XVIII 125, 126; XIX 393,394 Jupiter Capitolinus: II 482; XV 145; XIX 381, 383, 386, 394, 397, 399 Jupiter Optimus Maximus: VI 619 Kemp: XXIV 162, 165, 167 Kippurim: XXIII 48 La Nuestra Senora de Cavadonga: XXIV 154 L. Laelius Herrenianus: XVII 146 Lar Martis et Pacis: V 68 Lararium: XVIII 123 Lares: II 476, 477; X 85; XX 43 Lares Augusti: XV 140, 141, 144; XVIII 124 Lavatio: XVII 154, 155, 157 Lawn, 0.: XXIV 158 Lawn, S.: XXIV 156, 158 Lazarus: XXII 51 Legio XXII Antoniniana Primagenia Pia Fidelis: V70 Lex Irnitana: XV 141; XX 36 Lex Municipalis: XV 141, 143; XX 36 Lex Narbonensis: XV 135, 137, 149; XX 33 Libanius: II 484, 485 P. Licinius Nerva: XVII 152, 156 Livia: I 124, 125; II 475,476,477; IV 137; V 68; VII 343, 344, 346; X 88; XII 250; XV 136, 141, 149; XX 32, 36, 42 Livius Geminus VII 349 Livilla: X 88 Livy: III 40 Loraine C.: XXIV 164 Luna: XVII 152 Ma: XVII 145, 152, 153, 154, 156 Ma Bellona: XVII 145, 150, 153, 157 Maia Augusta: XIX 384 Maison Carree: XV 141 Magna Mater: XV 130; XVI 194, 195; XVII 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160 Mal(agbelo): XII 254 Marciana: VII 348

Marcus Aurelius: XI 127, 128, 134; XVI 197,200, 201 Marius Gratidianus: XVIII 123 Mars: II 475,476; XII 252; XVII 142; XIX 392 Mars Ultor: XIX 385, 395 Martha: XXII 51 Mary: XXII 51 Maternus: XVII 154 Mattathias: XXII 49, 50, 53 Mausoleum: VII 344 C. Meddignatius: XVII 143 Mediomatrici: I 127 Megalesia: XVI 194 Menologium Colotianum: XVI 201 Mercurius Augustus: XIX 384 Mercury: II 475; IV 139; VII 342 Minerva: XII 252; XIX 393, 394 Miriam: XXII 49, 53 M. Modius Maximus: XVI 195 Moses: XXI 38; XXIII 4 7 Namerius Euprerpes: XVII 143 N eptunalia: XVII 144 Neptune: II 476 Nero: I 125,126, 129; IV 138, 140; V 68; VII 341, 342,346,347; VIII 83; XI 130; XV 139; XVII 157; XIX 383,384; XXIII 46 New Testament: XXII 54 New Year's Day: VIII 88 Numen: IX 232, 233; XII 247, 248, 250, 253, 254; XIII 295 Numen Augusti: I 128; IX 232, 233; X 86, 89; XII 247,250, 251; XV 144; XVII 150 Numen Augustum: XII 249,250,251,252,253, 254,255 Numen Divi Augusti: XI 141 Numen I-Ierculaneum: X 85; IX 232; XII 254 Numen Idaeum: IX 232; X 85; XII 254 Numen Volcanus: IX 232 Numerius Att:icus: VII 343 N umina: I 126 Cn. Numisius Modestus: XIX 384; XX 33 Ocilitani: XII 251, 253, 255 Octavian: II 476,477,483; III 38, 40; XIV 225, 226; xv 132, 134, 139 Olympians: II 482; III 39; IV 138, 140; VI 620 Optatus: V 66 Orphism: XXI 38 Ovid: III 36, 37, 40, 41; XVIII 123

INDEX OF NAMES Oxyrhynchus: XIX 382 Palais des Papes: XX 45 Palermo relief: II 4 79 Pan: XVI 199 Pantheon: XIX 391, 392, 399 Passover: XXII 59 Paternoster: XXI 40 Paul: XXII 50 Pax: II 476; IX 232 Perennis: II 482 Pertinax: VII 34 7, 348 Peter: XXII 50 Philocalus: XVI 193, 194, 195, 200; XVII 144, 159 Pietas: II 476; IX232 Pilate: XXII 60 Pliny: XV 146; XVIII 123, 124, 126, 127; XIX 385; XX 42 Plotina: XX 35 Pollux: X 86 Poly carp: II 482 Pompeia Agrippinilla: XVII 158 Pompey: III 37; XIX 395; XXI 38; XXIII 47 Pontifex Maximus: II 478; XII 250 Popidius Priscus: XXI 36 Poppaea: II 481 P. Porcius Laeca: XVII 157 Poussin: XXIV 153, 164, 165, 166, 168 Praetorian Guard: VII 34 7 Praetorians: IV 138 Priapus: II 4 7 5 Priscilla: XXII 52 Priory of Sion: XXIV 156 Providencia: II 476; IX 232 Prudentius: II 4 7 5, 4 7 6, 4 79, 485, 486; III 39; XI 134 C. Publicius Fortunatus: XI 136 Publius Paquius Proculus: XXI 30 Pupienus: V 64 Quirites: X 84 Rabbi Akiba: XXI 40 Rabbi Aquiba: XXIII 48 Rabbi Elizier: XXI 40: XXIII 48 Raecius Gallus: XV 146 Real Academia de la Historia: VI 615 Renaissance: XXIV 164, 166 Revett: XXIV 154

5

Roma: I 125, 129; IV 141; VI 617; X 87, 88; XI 131, 132, 133; XV 131, 132, 135; XIX397 Romans: XXI 3 7 Romaia Sebasta: XX 3 7 Romulus: III 40; VII 343 Rosaliae: V 64 Rospigliosi: XXIV 166 Sabaoth: XXII 5 7 G. Sallustius [Ap?]pianus: I 130 Salmon: I 122, 123 Salome: XXII 51 Salus: II 476; XX 40 L. Sammius Aemilianus: XV 146 Sandwich: XXIV 162 Sangarios: XVI 19 5 Saphira: XXII 51 Saturn: II 4 75 Saturnalia: XVII 144 Saturninus: XVIII 123 Scheemakers: XXIV 153, 165, 166, 167 Schemone Esre: XXI 40; XXIII 47, 48, 52 Segusiavi: XI 135 Seneca: IV 138, 139, 140; VII 345, 346, 349 T. Sennius Sollemnis: XV 146, 149 Septimius Heraclitus: XIX 386 Septimius Severus: I 126; V 65, 70; VII 346, 347, 348, 349; VIII 82; XI 128; XII 252; XIII 295 Servius Tullius: VII 346; XV 140 Severus: VIII 79 Severus Alexander: V 63 Severi: V 70; X 89, 90; XI 128; XIX 386 Sextus Fadius Secundus Musa: XIX 389, 390, 391, 396 Sharon: XXI 34 Shepherd's Monument: XXIV 153, 154, 156, 162, 164, 165, 168 Shugborough Hall: XXIV 167 Gaius Silvanus: XI 139 Silvanus: I 126; XI 136; XIX 384, 385 Simeon Barsaba: XXII 49, 53 Q. Soillius Val.erianus: XV 146 Q. Solonius Severinus: XV 146 Sow: XXIV 167 Spaniards: IV 137; VIII 84; XV 136, 141 Stephanos: I 123 St Andrew: XXI 32 St Irenaeus: XXI 30

6

INDEX OF NAMES

St Luke: XXII 60 St Nlichael: XXIV 162 St Paul: VI 617; XXI 37; XXIII 43 St Peter's: XVII 14 5 Stuart: XXIV 154, 153, 164 Sulla: XVII 145, 152, 154, 15 7 Sydney P.: XXIV 164 Tabula Banasitana: XI 130, 131 Tacitus: VII 346 Tahnud: XXIII 48 Tarquinius: XIX 393 Tarracina: XV 145 Tarraco: XI 138; XX 44 Templars: XXIV 156, 158 Iulius Terentius: V 63 Theon: I 123 Tiberius: II 4 76, 4 77; IV 137; V 68; VII 347, 349; IX 232; X 84, 85, 86, 88; XI 130, 138, 140; XII 248, 249, 250; XV 141, 149; XVIII 126; XIX 384, 388, 390, 399; XX 35, 36, 42 Tiberius Augustus: XIX 384 L. Titinius Glaucus Lucretianus: I 125 Titus: I 124; XX 33 Trajan: VII 348; VIII 80; XI 132, 137; XII 251, 254; XVIII 126; XIX 385, 397; XX 35 Q.Trebellius Rufus: XV 147 Trent: XXIV 167 Tres Galliae: XV 133; XX 40 Trinity: XI 140 Triptolemus: XXI 38 Tyrimnas: I 130 Valerian: VIII 8 7; X 90 V alerianus: VIII 90 Valerius Maximus: III 40 Vardullians: VIII 88

Varinia Flaccina: XV 146 C. Varinius Pieta: XV 146 Vaticanum: XVII 145 Velleius Paterculus: XV 149 Venus: II 475; XVII 152; XIX 385 Venus Erycina: XIX 384 Venus Genetrix: XVIII 126; XIX 383, 392 Vergil: III 40: XXIV 164 Lucius Verus: XI 127, 128; XX 35 Vespasian: I 124; XV 133, 136, 138, 146; XVIII 125; XX 34 Vesta: II 477,478,479,480 Vestalia: II 4 79 Vestals: II 4 78, 479 Vesuvius: XXI 36; XXII 52; XXIII 46 Vica Pota: IV 138: VII 341 Caelius Vibianus: VIII 88 Victoria: IX. 232 Vigna Randinini: XXIII 49 Villa Albani: II 478, 47 9 Vipsanius Agrippina: X 88 Virgo Caelesris: V 70 Virtus: XVII 152, 153 Virtus Bellona: XVII 150, 152, 154 Voconius Romanus: XV 146 Volcanalia: XVII 144, 158 Volcanus: XVII 144 M. Volteius: XVII 154 Vulgate: XXI 34 Washington: XXIV 166 Wegwood: XXIV 156 Wright: XXIV 153, 167 York E.: XXIV 154, 163, 165 Zeus: XIX 397 Zeus Kapitolios: XV 147

INDEX OF PLACES Abdera: XIX 395 Abonuteichos: III 37 Abusina: I 127 Abyssinia: XXI 31 Africa: V 71; VIII 84; X 87, 89, 90, 91; XI 140; XII 248; XIV 229; XV 132, 136, 141, 143, 145,146 Alexandria: II 476 Almo XVII 154, 155 Altofen: XXI 30 Amastris: XVIII 125 Amiens: XIX 395 Ampurias: XIX 395 Anatolia: XVII 152 Antioch: XXII 50 Apamaea: XIII 294 Aphrodisias: V 68 Aquileia: XVIII 124 Aquincum: I 128; XV 144; XX 40; XXI 30, 32; XXIII 53 Aquitania: VIII 87; XV 138; XVII 151 Arabia: XV 133 Arcadia: XXIV 164 Ardeche: XXI 30 Arelate: XV 132, 139; XIX 398 Arles: See Arelate Arsinoe: VI 619: XIX 385; XX 35 Artemisium: VI 618; XX 36 Asia: XIV 225,230; XV 132, 138, 141; XVII 154 Asia Minor: XIV 226,230; XV 145; XVIII 125; XIX 383· XX 35 ' Assisi: XX 44 Athens: XIV 230; XIX 397 Augst: XV 139 Aurelia Vina: X 94 Aurillac: XXI 30 Autun: XIX 393 Auzia: X 93 Avaricum Biturigum: I 127 Aventicum: XIX 395; XX 35, 36, 38, 42, 45 Avignon: XX 45 Baalsamin-a-Si: XVII 160 Babylon: XXII 60

Badminton House: XXIV 167 Baetica: IV 137; IX 232; XI 136, 138; XV 136, 137,138,141,142,143,145,146,149 Balearic Islands: I 126 Belgica: VIII 82, 87, 88 Benwell: XI 127, 135 Bethany: XXII 50, 51 Betriacum: XV 140 Bibilis: XIX 395 Bitburg: VIII 82 Bithymia: XX 42 Bletchley: XXIV 156, 159, 161 Bonn: V 66 Bordeaux: XIX 393 Bougie X 93 Bourges: I 127 Bozuk Kuyu: I 123 Brescia: XIX 386 Britain: IV 137, 140, 141; VIII 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90; IX 231, 233, 234; X 89, 90; XI 127, 136; XV 133 Brixia XVIII 125 Budapest: XXI 30 Burgh-by-Sands: VIII 88 Caecina: I 125 Caerleon: VIII 88; IX 234 Caesaraugusta: XV 138 Caesarea: XX 35 Cala: XII 250 Calle Holguin: XX 40 Cambodia: XIV 229 Camenae: V 68 Camulodunum: IV 137, 141; XV 133; XIX 395; :XX40 Canopus: XVII 150 Cappadocia: XVII 151, 152; XXI 31 Carales: XX 36 Carlisle: IX 234 Carthage: XV 139 Carvoran: V 70 Castel: XVII 143, 145, 156, 158 Castilla: XV 138 Cerro del Calvario: XX 40

2

INDEX OF PLACES

Chateauneuf-les-Boissons: I 129 Chatsworth House: XXIV 164 Chesterholm: IX 234 Chinon: XXI 30 Cirencester: XXI 29, 35; XXIII 53 Claudiopolis: I 128, 129 Clunia: XIX 395 Coela: XIII 294 Colchester: see Camulodunum Comana: XVII 145 Conimbriga: XIX 395 Corduba: XI 136; XX 36, 40, 43, 44 Corfinium: XVII 145 Cortona: XV 138 Cyrenaica: XV 134 Cyrene: XV 134 Dijon: XIII 295 Eboracum: VII 349 Egypt: I 128; V 63; XX 35; XXII 60 Elbe: XV 149 Emerita: VI 615,616,617,618,619,620,621; XV 139; XIX 388; XX 32, 33, 34, 35, 40, 42,43,45 England: XXIV 154 Ephesus: VI 617,618,620; XIV 229; XVII 159 XX 35, 36 Eryx: XIX 384 Esher Place: XXIV 165 Euphrates: XV 130; XXI 29 Paras: XXI 31 Fayum: XXII 53 Forum Clodii: IX 232; XI 138; XII 249, 250, 252, 255; xv 138 France: XV 145 Gallia Comata: XV 133 Gallia Lugdunensis: V 65; XIII 295 Gallia N arbonensis: VIII 77; XV 136, 137, 141, 146, 147; XX 36 Gaul: XI 140 Geneva: XIII 293 Germanies: VIII 77, 82, 83, 87, 88 Germany: XV 133; XXIV 156 Gigthis XII 252 Gloucestershire: XXIV 167 Gortyn: XV 138 Greece: XV 145; XVIII 125; XIX 383; XX 35

Greetland: VIII 79, 82 Gytheum: XX 35, 37, 42, 44 Hades: IV 139; VII 342 Hammamet: XI 133 Heddernheim: XVII 14 7 Henchir-Cheraga: X 93 Herculaneum: XV 139, 144; XVII 159; XXI 37; XXII 52; XXIII 44 Hippo Regius: X 92, 94; XI 137 Hispani: XV 141 Hispania citerior: XI 130; XII 248; XV 135, 136, 137,138,141, 14~ 143,145,146,147 Hither Spain: see Hispania citerior Iol Caesarea: X 88 Ipagrum: IX 232; XI 138; XV 138 Iran: XXII 60 Italy: XI 133;XV 140, 141;XVII 152,154; XVIII 125; XXI 38, 41; XXIII 49 Jarnac: XXI 30 Jebel Mansour: XII 254 Jerusalem: XIX 397, 399; XXI 39; XXII 52, 59 Kirby Lonsdale: VIII 76, 90 Lacipo: XIX 395 Lactora: XVII 151 Ladik: I 123 Laodicea Combusta: I 123 Lambaesis: V 64, 65, 66; XIII 294; XIII 294, 295; XV 138; XIX 384 Langres: XIII 295 Lauriacum.: XV 143 Lemelle£: X 94 Lepcis: X 85, 86, 87, 88 Lepcis Magna: V 68; IX 232; X 83, 92; XI 138; XII 248, 253; XV 132 Loches: XXI 30 London: VIII 83 Lower Germany: V 67 Lower Pannonia: IV 141 Lucina: XXII 52 Lugdunum/Lugdunensis: IV 137, 141; VI 618; VII 346; VIII 82, 87, 88; XI 131; XIII 293,294; XV 134, 135, 139, 142, 143, 148; XVI 197; XVII 145, 146; XIX 384,385,391, 395, 396; XX 35, 40; XXI30

IND EX OF PLACES Luna: I 125, 129 Luni: XIX 395 Lusitania: VI 618; XV 135, 136, 143, 145; XX 32, 43 Lyon: see Lugdunum/Lugdunensis Madaura: XVII 151 Madrid: VI 615 Mahone Bay: XXIV 158 Mainz: V 69, 70, 71 Malaca: XI 140 Marcouna: X 92 Marengo: XX 35 Maryport: VIII 88 Mauretaniae: XV 136, 137, 141, 146 Medinaceli: XII 248, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255; XV138 Merida; see Emerita Milan! XXI 30 Miletus: XV 143 Milton Keynes: XXIV 156 Moesia: XV 146 Mogontiacum: V 70; XVII 143 345, 346; XV 133 Mons Caelius: VII 3L1-2, Mons Vaticanus: XVII 142, 144, 146, 150, 151, 156, 157, 158, 160, Morsot: XVII 158, 160 Moulinasses: XIX 387, 390, 391, 393, 394, 395, 396,397,399,400,401 Mount of Olives: XXII 50, 51 Murrabba'at: XXII 51 Mytilene: XIV 228 Naples: XX 45 Narbo: I 128; VI 618; IX 232; X 84, 86; XI 138; XII 24 7, 248, 250, 253, 255; XIV 226; XV 130, 137, 138, 143, 144; XIX 383, 384,386,388,389,390,391,393,394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 401; XX 36, 40; XXI31 Narbonensis: VIII 77; XII 248; XV 145 Narbonese Gaul: XV 137 Narbonne: see Narbo Nemrud Dag: XX 35 Nescania: XI 136 Netherby: VIII 84 Neuilly-le-Real: I 124; XX 32 New York: XX 45 Nimes: XI 139; XV 141; XVIII 124; XIX 390 Noricum: XV 138 Norroy-sous-Premy: I 127

3

Nova Scotia: XXIV 158 Oberengadin: XVII 158 Oeta: VII 344 Oinoanda: XX 35, 44 Olympus: IV 137, 138, 140; VII 341,342 Ostia: XIII 294; XV 139, 144; XVI 199, 200; XVII 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 157, 160; XIX 388,394, 397,398,399 Pagus Condatensis: XX 40 Palatine: II 477,478,480; VII 345; XVI 195, 196; XVII 154 Palermo: II 477 Palmyra: XXII 52 Pannonia: XV 146; XVII 151 Pannonia Inferior! XXI 30 Paris: XXII 57, 60 Paros: XIX 393 Pednelissus: I 122, 123 Peloponnese: XXIV 164 Pergamum: I 128; II 484; III 38; XI 135; XII 251; XIV 225, 229; XVII 150, 158, 159 Perge: XII 251 Perigueux: XIX 39 5 Perpignan: XX 45 Philippi: VIII 81, 82 Phrygia: I 123 Pisidia: I 122 Plaza del Parador: XX 40 Pompeii: VI 617; XI 138; XV 138, 139, 140; XVII 159; XVIII 124; XIX 394; XXI 30; 36, 37, 40; XXII 52; XXIII 39, 43, 45, 46, 47,52 l:)ontus: XVII 151; XX 42 Pontus-Bithynia: XV 133, 134; XX 42 Porta Laurentina: XVII 146, 157 Proconsularis: XII 248, 252; XV 137, 145, 146 Ptolemais Evergetis: XV 134, 147 Puteoli: XI 132; XVI 197; XXI 37; XXIII 44 Raetia: I 127; XXI 33 Regium Iulium: XVI 201 Rennes: XIX 395 Rhodes: XVII 150 Roma: XV 137, 139; XlX 388 Rome: II 475,476,478; III 41; VIII 83; X 84, 86; XII 248,251; XIV 226; XV 129, 131, 133, 134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142,

4

INDEX OF PLACES

Rome (cont.) 144, 147; XVI 194, 201; XVII 145, 153, 152, 154, 156, 157; XVIII 125, 126; XIX 384,393,394,395; XX 31; XIX 383, 385, 399; XX 42; XXI 36, 37, 39; XXIII 44, 46, 49; XXIV 164 Rue Bourdeau: XX 40 Ruscino: XIX 395 Rusicade: XV 138 Sabratha: X 87 Sacred Way: IV 139 Saint-Germain-Pres: XXI 30 Salpensa: XI 140 Sardinia: XV 136, 137, 143, 145 Sarmizegtusa: XV 148 Savaria: XX 40 Savoie! I 129 Seville: XX 45 Shugborough: XXIV: 153, 159, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168 Sicily: XX 37 Smyrna: IV 137 ~ogut: I 126 Somerdale Keynsham: I 126; VIII 82; XI 136 Soria: XII 248 Sorrento: II 4 77, 4 79 Spain: XV 133, 142, 145; XX 36 Staffordshire: XXIV 153, 165 Stockstadt: XVII 145 Surrey: XXIV 165 Synnada: I 126 Syria: XV 133, 145; XVIII 126 Talpioth: XXII 49, 50, 51, 54, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61; XXIII 48, 49 Tarraco: IX 232; XII 250; XV 136, 138, 139, 141,

142, 144; XIX 384, 388, 391, 395, 396; XX 33, 36, 42 Terventum: XV 138 Testour: X 93; XI 141 Thagura: X 92 Thibaca: X 93 Thinissut: XII 254 Three Gauls: see Tres Galliae Thugga: XII 251 Thuria: XVII 160 Thyatira: I 130 Tifernum: XI 133 Tipasa: X 92 Tomi: XVIII 123 Torre Nova: XVII 158, 159 Toulon: XIX 388 Toulouse: XVI 195; XIX 393 Tres Galliae! VIII 77, 82, 83, 87; XIV 226; xv 134, 135, 1.45, 146, 148 Trier: VIII 81 Troas: XV 138 Tupusuctu: I 129 Turin: XX 35 Ulubrae: XV 139 Vaga: X 93; XII 252, 255 Valbon.nais: XXI 30 Verecunda: XII 251 Vienne: XV 139; XVII 1.43, 147, 160; XIX 400 Vieux: XV 1.49 Volubilis: XIV 226 Westminster: XXIV 153 Wiesbaden: XVII 143 Zattara: X 92; XI 137