Crown and Veil offers a broad introduction to the history and visual culture of female monasticism in the Middle Ages, f
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English Pages 352 Year 2008
Table of contents :
List of Illustrations vii
Foreword
Caroline Walker Bynum xiii
Acknowledgments xix
Introduction: Histories of Female Monasticism
Jeffrey F. Hamburger i
Early Monasteries and Foundations (500— 1200): An Introduction
Jan Gerchow with Katrinette Bodarwe, Susan Marti,
and Hedwig Rockelein 13
11 The Time of the Orders, 1200—1500: An Introduction
Jeffrey F. Hamburger, Petra Marx, and Susan Marti 41
hi Between This World and the Next:
The Art of Religious Women in the Middle Ages
Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Robert Suckale 76
iv Church and Cloister:
The Architecture of Female Monasticism in the Middle Ages
Carola Jaggi and Uwe Lobbedey 109
v “Nuns’Work,’’“Caretaker Institutions,” and “Women’s Movements”:
Some Thoughts About a Modern Historiography
of Medieval Monasticism
Jan Gerchow and Susan Marti 132
vi The Visionary Texts and Visual Worlds of Religious Women
Barbara Newman 15
1
v 1 1 Patterns of Female Piety in the Later Middle Ages
Caroline Walker Bynum 172
viii Time and Space:
Liturgy and Rite in Female Monasteries of the Middle Ages
Gisela Muschiol 191
ix Founders, Donors, and Saints: Patrons of Nuns’ Convents
Hedwig Rockelein 207
x Pastoral Care in Female Monasteries:
Sacramental Services, Spiritual Edification, Ethical Discipline
Klaus Schreiner 225
xi Household and Prayer: Medieval Convents as Economic Entities
Werner Rosener 245
xii Wanderers Between Worlds: Visitors, Letters, Wills, and Gifts
as Means of Communication in Exchanges Between Cloister
and the World
Gabriela Signori 259
Works Cited 275
Picture Credits 317
CROWN AND VEIL
Crown and Veil FEMALE MONASTICISM FROM THE FIFTH
TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURIES
EDITED BY Jeffrey
F.
Hamburger and Susan Marti
Translated by Dietlinde
Hamburger
Foreword by Caroline Walker
Columbia University
New
York
Press
Bynum
Columbia University
Press
Publishers Since 1893
New York
Chit hester, West Sussex
English text and translation copyright
©
Original copyright Frauenklostern; hrsg.
© 2008
2005 Krone und
Columbia University Kunst aus
Schleier.
Press
mittelalterlichen
von der Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland, Bonn, und
dem Ruhrlandmuseum
Munich: Hirmer, 2005.
Essen.
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Krone und
Crown1. and
veil
2.
edited by Jeffrey
F.
:
Schleier. English.
female monasticism from the
Hamburger and Susan Marti
commissioned
the fifteenth centuries /
translated
by Dietlinde Hamburger.
cm.
p.
Essays originally
;
fifth to
Krone und
for the exhibition
Schleier:
Kunst aus mittelalterlichen Frauenklostern. Includes bibliographical references
(p.
isbn 978-0-231-13980-9 (cloth Christian art and symbolism
:
and index.
)
alk.
paper)
— Germany—Medieval, 500—1500. women— Germany— Medieval— Germany.
Monasticism and religious orders for 3
Convents 5. II.
—
Germany— History.
Nuns
in art.
Marti, Susan. V.
VII. KunstVIII.
III.
Gerchow,
I.
History.
4. Art,
Hamburger, Jeffrey
Hamburger, Dietlinde. VI.
Jan.
F.,
1957-
IV. Frings,Jutta.
Ruhrlandmuseum
Essen.
und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland.
NRW-Forum
Kultur und Wirtschaft Dusseldorf.
N7850.K76213 704'. O882719OO43
Columbia University
Press
books
IX. Title.
2008
dc22
are printed
2OO7O44186
on permanent and durable
acid-free paper.
Printed in the United States of America c 10
Jacket Illustration:
987654321
Coronation of
St.
Clare, part
of a winged
probably from the Poor Clares of Nuremburg, Nuremburg, Private collection, Great Britain.
altarpiece,
ca.
1350/ 1360.
Contents
List
of Illustrations
vii
Foreword Caroline Walker
Bynum
Acknowledgments
xiii
xix
Introduction: Histories of Female Monasticism Jeffrey F.
Hamburger
i
Early Monasteries and Foundations (500— 1200): An Introduction
Jan Gerchow with Katrinette Bodarwe, Susan Marti, and Hedwig Rockelein
11
The Time of the Jeffrey F.
hi
13
Orders, 1200— 1500: An Introduction
Hamburger, Petra Marx, and Susan Marti
Between This World and
The Art of Religious Women Jeffrey F.
the Next:
Middle Ages
in the
Hamburger and Robert Suckale
iv
Church and
Uwe
76
Cloister:
The Architecture of Female Monasticism Carola Jaggi and
41
in the
Lobbedey
109
Middle Ages
“Nuns ’Work,’’“Caretaker
v
and “Women’s Movements”:
Institutions,”
Some Thoughts About
a
Modern
Historiography
of Medieval Monasticism Jan Gerchow and Susan Marti
132
The Visionary Texts and Visual Worlds of Religious Women Barbara Newman 15
vi
v
1 1
Patterns of Female Piety in the Later Caroline Walker
Bynum
Time and
viii
Middle Ages
172
Space:
Liturgy and Rite in Female Monasteries of the Middle Ages Gisela Muschiol
ix
191
Founders, Donors, and Saints: Patrons of Nuns’ Convents
Hedwig Rockelein
x
Pastoral
207
Care in Female Monasteries:
Sacramental Services, Spiritual Edification, Ethical Discipline Klaus Schreiner
Household and
xi
Prayer: Medieval
Convents
Werner Rosener
xii as
Wanderers Between Worlds:
Means of Communication
in
225
Economic
Entities
245
Visitors, Letters, Wills,
and
Gifts
Exchanges Between Cloister
and the World Gabriela Signori
Works Cited Picture Credits
[Vi]
as
259
275
317
CONTENTS
Illustrations
Figure
i.i.
Fragment of ambo with peacock from the abbey of San vatore/Santa Giulia, Brescia, northern tury
Figure
1.2.
Italy,
Donor image with Abbess Mathilda 982
1.3.
II
and Duke Otto of
1.4.
Germany, 1.5.
Stift
ca.
Radegunde
1.6.
Figure
1.7.
1.8.
1.9.
of the
Stift
Stift
Radegunde
century
31
Gandersheim, Gander-
35
Nottuln,
Roman,
ca.
50—30
36
Rune
Dome dle
Figure 2.1.
seal
mid-thirteenth century
casket
eighth century
Figure
Poitiers, late eleventh
Onyx-Alabastron from B.C.
Figure
(?),
the glossed Carolingian Gospel
30
Matrix of the great
sheim
23
author, miniature in the Vita of St.
from Sainte-Croix, Figure
in
century
Essen, northeastern France or northwestern
800
as
the Hortus deliciannn of the abbess
late twelfth
Beginning of Genesis
Book from Figure
Essen, after
Stift
20
The nuns of Hohenburg in Herrad of Hohenburg,
Figure
mid-eighth cen-
18
Swabia from the Otto-Mathilda Cross from
Figure
Sal-
from
Stift
Gandersheim, Anglo-Saxon,
36
reliquary from Stift Elten, Cologne, ca. 1185 and
of the nineteenth century
Female
sacristan at a
liturgical
late
mid-
37
mass for the dead, single leaf from
manuscript, south Germany,
ca.
1420/1430
47
a
Figure 2.2.
Middle section of the Marian
altarpiece
from the Cistercian
convent of Frondenberg, Master of the Frondenberg Altarpiece, ca. 1410/1420
Figure 2.3.
48
group from the Dominican convent of
Visitation
nenthal, Constance, ca. 1320
Figure 2.4.
Group of Christ and of
St.
St.
Kathari-
49
John from the Dominican convent
Katharinenthal, Master Heinrich of Constance, ca.
1280/ 1290
30
Figure 2.5.
St.John the Baptist from
Figure 2.6.
Dominican nuns
of Constance,
ca.
Katharinenthal, Master Heinrich
St.
1280/ 1290 at a
loom,
30
from the Passion
detail
Dominican convent of Heilig Grab Figure 2.7.
St.
The Marian icon
in
Bamberg,
ca.
tapestry,
52
1495
convent of Unterlinden, tinted pen
in the
drawing from the Liber miraculorum (Book of miracles) of the
Dominican convent of Unterlinden quarter of the fifteenth century
in Colmar, Colmar, third
54
Figure 2.8.
Mary Magdalene from
Figure 2.9.
Passion of Christ, detail from the antependium with the
1250
Freiburg, Freiburg or Strasbourg, ca.
36
of Christ from the convent of Poor Clares Vienna,
ca.
1340/1350
Figure 2.10. Paradise garden with Ebstorf, before 1487
Figure 2.11. “Guidonian
at
life
Konigsfelden,
57 relics
from the Benedictine convent of
60
Hand” from
a
manuscript for musical instruc-
tion at the convent of Ebstorf, late fifteenth century
63
Figure 2.12. Abbess’s crosier from the Cistercian convent of Medingen,
HermenWorm
66
(Liineburg), 1494
Figure 2.13. Ebstorf world map, original Ebstorf or Liineburg, (destroyed in
WWI
Figure 2.14. Coronation of ably
68
I)
winged
St. Clare, part of a
3.1.
altarpiece,
probca.
71
The martyrdom of
St.
Bartholomew and
the veneration of
Bartholomew
the patron by the nuns; detail of the
Figure
1300
from the Poor Clares of Nuremberg, Nuremberg,
1350/1360 Figure 2.15.
ca.
choirstall
hanging from Kloster Lime, 1492
73
Abbess Hitda giving the codex to
St.
page in the Hitda-Codex from
Meschede, Cologne, sec-
Stift
ond quarter of eleventh century
[
VIII
]
79
ILLUSTRATIONS
Walburga, dedication
Figure
3.2.
Crown from century
Stift
Essen, western Germany, tenth-eleventh
80
Figure
3.3.
Sword from
Stift
Figure
3.4.
The Herod
scenes from the
Essen, sheath,
Lower Saxony,
3.5.
The
Stift
3.6.
Opening from in
3.7.
3.8.
3.9.
83
a list
of the names of the living
Campo
di
Marzo, Rome, probably 1061—1071
Cmcifixus dolorosus (plague cross) from
St.
Maria im Kapitol,
go
(
imperium
sacerdotium)
et
detail
from the tapestry of
Agnes of Meissen, abbess of Quedlinburg,
Count Leodegar presenting to St. Walburga, dedication
of Benedictine Figure 3.11.
88
Personifications of the Virtues and of secular and sacred rulership
Figure 3.10.
sisters,
86
Cologne, 1304 Figure
quarter of
Judgment, panel painting from the Frauenstift Santa
Last
Maria Figure
first
the necrology of the Frauenstift Obermiinster
Regensburg with
1177-1183 Figure
Book of Abbess
Niedermiinster in Regensburg,
the eleventh century
Figure
81
82
Crucifixion miniature in the Gospel
Uta from
1000
wooden doors of St. Maria im
Kapitol, Cologne, ca. 1049 or 1065
Figure
ca.
ca.
image in the Salbuch of the abbey
TheViheli family celebrating Mass, Swabia,
Figure 3.12. Altarpiece from the monastery of
ond opening, Cologne,
to the
bed of his
Flanders, ca. 1300
(
ca.
gi
the monastery he has reformed
nuns,, St. Walburg, Eichstatt,
Figure 3.13. Mystical marriage
1205
1360
connubium
St.
1360 ca.
92
1410
94
Clara in Cologne, sec-
95 spirituale):
Christ descending
bride, miniature in the Rothschild Canticles, 101
Figure 3.14. Crucifixion of Christ by the Virtues, full-page miniature
from the lectionary of the Dominican convent of Heilig
Kreuz Figure 3.15.
Regensburg, Regensburg, 1270—1276
in
102
Presentation of book and coronation of Kunigunde, dedication
the
image
Stift
in the Passionale
of the abbess Kunigunde from
of St. George in Prague,
1310/ 1320
ca.
Cyriacus in Gernrode, south side
Figure 4.1.
St.
Figure 4.2.
The west 1000
103
113
choir of the former Stiftskirche Essen, probably ca.
116
ILLUSTRATIONS
[
IX
]
Figure 4.3.
View toward
the western nuns’ gallery of the former Cister-
nunnery of
cian
St.
consecration 1222 Figure 4.4.
Thomas an
der Kyll (Rhineland Pfalz),
122
Nuns’ choir of the forrher Cistercian nunnery ofWienhausen (Lower Saxony), view toward the
Figure 4.5.
Speaking
grille
east, ca.
1330
from the former monastery of Poor Clares
Pfullingen (Baden- Wurttemberg), ca. 1300
Figure 4.6.
View from
teenth century
5.1.
Mary and
125
half of the four-
first
127
The nave of Vadstena,
the Swedish
Dutch woodcut,
Birgittine order,
Figure
at
the north toward the former monastery of Poor
Clares at Konigsfelden (Canton Aargau),
Figure 4.7.
123
mother monastery of the
early sixteenth century
129
with the signature of the Poor
a saint, miniature
Clare Sibylla von Bondorf, prefacing a Clarissan rule from the Bickenkloster in Villingen, late fifteenth century
Figure
5.2.
Birth of Christ,
Codex
Initial
Gisle, a gradual
near Osnabriick, Figure 6.1.
Pieta ca.
P opening the
ca.
134
Christmas liturgy in the
from the Cistercian nunnery of Rulle
1300
136
from the former Dominican nunnery of Adelhausen,
1360/ 1370
133
Figure 6.2.
Christ in the Trinity, miniature in the Rupertsberg Scivias
Figure 6.3.
Charity and the Trinity, miniature for the
manuscript of Hildegard of Bingen,
ca. 1165
138 first
vision in
Hildegard of Bingen’s Liber divinorum operum, Mainz, 1230 Figure 6.4.
The
ca.
139
Christ Child in the Heart with the five
wounds and
instruments of the Passion, southwest Germany, 1472
the
162
Figure 6.5.
Christ Child with garments and crown from the convent of
Figure 6.6.
Double
Heilig Kreuz in Rostock,
1500
ca.
intercession, initial to
163
Psalm 101 in
a psalter
from the
double monastery of St. Andrew in Engelberg, second quarter
Figure
7.1.
of the fourteenth century
168
Catherine drinking blood from the side
wound of
Christ,
colored drawing in Der geistliche Rosgart (A spiritual rose garden), a St.
German
translation
of
Raymund
of Capua’s
life
of
Catherine of Siena, transcription by Elisabeth Wariissin,
nun
in the Katharinenkloster
[x]
Augsburg, 1466
ILLUSTRATIONS
174
a
Figure
7.2.
Catherine of Siena flagellating geistliche
Rosgart (A spiritual rose garden) a ,
of Raymund of Capua’s
Rhine or Alsace, Figure
7.3.
A
colored drawing in Der
herself,
first
German translation
of St. Catherine of Siena, Upper
life
half of the fifteenth century
180
Dominican nun embracing the blood-covered Christ
in
her arms, miniature from the cover of a book of hours from the convent of St. Margaret and half of the fifteenth century
Figure
7.4.
Adoration of the host in
a
Agnes
in Strasbourg, second
182
monstrance, panel painting from
the former Cistercian nunnery of Wienhausen, ca. 1450—
1460 Figure
7.5.
183
“Throne of Mercy” reliquary from the former Cistercian nunnery of Holy Cross in Rostock,
Figure 8.1.
Procession with nuns and
Figure 8.2.
Ornamental page
Sainte Abbaye,
Maubuisson
abbey of Chelles, Figure 8.3.
Nuns
in a
late thirteenth
clerics, (?)
century
prefatory miniature to La
(France), before 1294
in the Sacramentarium Gelasianum
750
ca.
Corpus
186
194
from the
203
Christi procession, miniature
on
a letter
of indulgence from the Cistercian monastery of Herkenrode, 204
1363
Figure 9.1.
Tunic of tria,
Figure 9.2.
Antependium
from
from the abbey of Chelles, Neus-
monastery
the
of Heiningen,
ca.
1170
217
foundations of female monasteries and foundations of
female monasteries with Marian dedications, 400—1300 Figure 9.5.
A
comparison of the number of dedications to
the Baptist, and John the Evangelist, 400-1300
Figure 9.6.
The percentage of dedications tist,
Peter,
all
218
John
218
to Mary, Peter, John the
and John the Evangelist among
monasteries, 400—1300
Bap-
foundations of female
218
Figure 9.7.
The “Golden Madonna” from
Figure
St.
10.
ca.
the church of the former monastery of
Walpurgis in Soest,
New
2og
214
Antependium from St.
Figure 9.4.
Balthilde
second half of seventh century
1260 Figure 9.3.
Queen
the
Stift
Essen,
980/990
222
Augustine with canons and canonesses from the double
monastery of Marbach-Schwarzenthann in Alsace, colored drawing in the Codex Guta-Sintram, 1154
ILLUSTRATIONS
[
XI
]
236
Figure ii.i.
The Ages
Figure
12. 1.
territorial possessions
of
Stift
Essen in the High Middle
249
Brooches from the treasury of “en ronde bosse.” Pans,
[XII]
ca.
1400
Stift
Essen, gold and enamel
270
ILLUSTRATIONS
Foreword
The
“Krone und Schleier” opened
exhibit
in the spring
of 2005.
Many
I
listened to their
who
of those
the exhibit were an overflow
comments
in
two venues, Bonn and Essen,
attended the
Bonn
portion of
crowd from the Egyptian exhibit next door. they walked from case to case, clutch-
as
ing tickets stamped with the waiting time until they could be admitted to see Egyptian gold.
puzzling:
“Crown and
As
I
listened,
Veil.” Surely
I
it
court and cloister in the Middle Ages ecclesiastical
and
secular,
elry cases to prayer
and on
realized that they
must be an exhibit on the
—
that
womens
books and ivory
found the
is,
art
“Crown” and
by nuns
they espoused Christ.
also
as
triptychs.
As viewers
realized that
it’s
was
a
first
disap-
ornaments taken on
symbol of betrothal but
of enclosure away from the world. The crown had nothing to do with
worldly power; the
veil
of
from aquamaniles and jew-
“veil” were, they learned,
The
art
on female patronage, both
the exhibit concerned female monasticism, they expressed at
pointment.
title
it
was an emblem not only of heavenly glory but
wounding of Christ.
I
overheard more than one viewer
nuns.” But then, as attendees
went from room
to
say:
also
“Oh
of
dear,
room, something hap-
pened. There was increasing excitement in the comments. For the items exhibited there the
way
—many of them gorgeous, many very
strange
—
all
opened
into a fascinating world. Moreover, they raised fundamental ques-
tions about issues as basic as the nature
place of the visual in culture, and the role
we mean by “art,” the of gender in religion. Not only a of what
resounding “yes” to the question whether there were female the Italian Renaissance
asked
—
the exhibits
—
a
question that, oddly enough,
Bonn and
at
many
in
still
on the
cases
call
women
the “visual
especially
arts.”
The
female monasticism (and other forms of organized
such
as
this
book one should not
tions that lie behind.
makes the
It is
some
scholars may, in
The
translation
religious
life
surprising.
earlier twentieth
embedded
of the large theoretical ques-
lose sight
at
religious
Recent work
in
male
all
some com-
that
both English and German on the
beyond the concern of the
women
artists
history of women as a
and
writers;
institutions.
It
as characteristically
also
means
that
it
now
must be in some way
context means that one
women did, painted, commissioned, and wrote
or institutions
may
are not raised. This
life
were structured, but one cannot
their institutions activities
that
on female monasticism means
European
century simply to find
can describe what
—however much posing them—
an early stage in
gender history To take gender
in
in
of this volume into English so important.
focus of the exhibit
seem
be
involves an understanding that
is,
to understand the
womens
“Krone und Schleier .” But
topic of women and religion has progressed far
to
and
visuality
the adumbration of these issues
cases,
parative questions about at first
with
houses of canonesses and beguines) that was the setting for the
objects displayed in both parts of the exhibit
reading
still
essays that follow focus
background necessary
technical
sometimes
Essen also raised the question whether
medieval religious culture associated
hence with what we
is
before
artists
and
how
say anything about these
“female” without comparison
both male and female
roles
—
that
expectations of behavior appropriate to individuals of one or the other
—
biological sex usually
are
employed
is
understood to be imagined and prescribed (the word “constructed”) by both
write, educate others,
which began
to
statements about to
women
emerge
in the 1970s, implies that, for
womens
piety and/or cloistered life
womens
life,
of men, with the
women, and with contemporary
about what
cal
This
is
act,
many
descriptive
lives
of secular (and
writing by both
men and
values and lives ought to be.
in part because the scarcity
comparison in many
are only
they
comparison needs
In most of the essays in this volume, such comparison at.
as
and wield power. This understanding of gender,
be made with the monastic
even dissident)
men and women
is
only hinted
of medieval sources makes
cases impossible.
It is
statisti-
in part because historians
beginning to undertake the complex task of drawing compari-
sons. The wealth
of recent scholarship on
[
XIV
]
womens
FOREWORD
institutions,
such
as (to
two examples)
give only
on nuns,
Felten
has provided us with so
need time to absorb religious
life
draw more
it
much of the
detail
We
class
can restructure our history of organized
to include
women more
given here
centrally in
or 1
and
intrinsically interesting
is
what work they
ate,
how
composition of various houses and is
it
institutions.
learn about the material conditions of
(what they owned, what they
Such information small
we
information that
and so
did,
about regional variations in their architecture, and about the
forth),
and
much new
comparisons between male and female
stands without comparison.
womens lives
we
before
Middle Ages
in the explicit
Furthermore,
ofWalter Simons on the beguines and Franz
that
it
changed over time.
necessary if we are to understand both
number of womens houses
in medieval
social
how a relatively
Germany could produce
such a large number of manuscripts, panel paintings, devotional objects,
and embroideries and
reliquaries, liturgical vessels,
how
so
many of
the
products of this wealth and talent have managed to survive to the present.
Moreover, there
A
tion of gender.
enclosure
made
is
much
in
what follows
that does bear
number of essays point out
in cloistered female lives
on the ques-
the fundamental difference
and the connection of the
radical
separation from the world prescribed by the bull Periculoso (1298) with dieval conceptions
of womens bodies
as
dangerously porous and
spirituality as especially receptive to visual stimulation. The chapters
Gerchow and Susan Signori also
show
Marti, Carola Jaggi and
us that, despite the stress
Uwe on
(or refused to
well to the bustle of surrounding urban
hence to the needs of relatives sisters in
If
monasteries
one reads
enclosure,
so)
;
carefully, there
is
they were connected
cloister
to place their daughters
men and women and
and
comparisons be-
and world.
objects so beautifully set out in the exhibit
“Krone und Schleier”
not only about monasticism and gender but also about
As Jan Gerchow and Susan Marti point often used ambiguously in the in size or in artistic merit.
last
out, the phrase “nun’s
art.
work” was
century to designate works small either
Recent study by
Jeffrey
Flamburger has thor-
oughly banished from our vocabulary such easy judgments about has
as
considerable comparative material in these
tween
it
clois-
supervised
or the splendor of courts and
life
who wanted
both comparisons between
raise questions
women’s
who
as religious specialists to say prayers for their souls.
essays,
The
do
by Jan
Lobbedey, and Gabriela
tered lives were closely connected to those of the clergy
and celebrated mass for them
me-
womens
moreover rendered deeply problematic any implication
FOREWORD
[
XV
]
quality;
that either
devotional objects used in
such
as
as
Christ dolls, or
stylistic
be associated with illuminations from particular
characteristics that can scriptoria,
women’s houses, such
round
and pink cheeks,
faces
be described
are to
unsophisticated and childish or as,^in any simple sense, feminine or ternal. Indeed, this observation participates in
of
sions about the nature era before art .” to feel
2
art itself in
as
ma-
important current discus-
what Hans Belting has
called “the
For the papier-mache prayer cards that enabled the pious
with their fingers embossed images of the instruments of Christ s
torture as they prayed, like the large and beautiful statues rightly valued by
connoisseurs (such
as
the Katharinenthal Christ and St.John group), were
not created for the often dispassionate viewing suggested by our ern
museums with
their
boutique lighting and didactic
labels identifying
primarily the “artist” and the nature of the materials employed.
“Krone und Schleier” exhibit were made
jects in the
dressed and undressed, censed with
was often lodged not in
smoke and
a naturalism
to
or by the
through
fact that
way they enabled
it
spices, kissed.
Their power
or realism that reflected the world or
they actually contained
users to transcend
and
eralization
human
bits
a sacrality
of holy bodies
experience by going
(sometimes in pain and ugliness) to an incarnate God. As Jeffrey
Hamburger and Robert Suckale put religious
The ob-
—handled,
be used
even in a beauty that conjured visions of heaven but rather in
conveyed either by the
mod-
is
it,
works of art do not just document
social relations; they establish
and secure them. Such
a
gen-
true in a special sense of the objects described in this volume.
For they are not so
much “art” in
the
modern
resentation (and even nonrepresentational
sense of decoration or rep-
modern
art explores the issue
of
representation) as they are the very stuff of religious practice.
me to of women and
This brings issue
proportionate
the major theoretical issue raised by these essays: the
amount of both
visual material
visualization can be associated with
number of
number of
the visual. As a
womens
early antependia, altarpieces,
the authors
stress,
a dis-
and material encouraging
houses.
A
surprisingly large
and panel paintings come from
female monasteries. Books of hours and books of revelations are almost female genres
—
that
is,
created either by or for
women.
Figures such as
Angela of Foligno, Julian of Norwich, and Gertrude the Great found in physical crucifixes both doctrinal instruction and devotional inspiration.
The
art
The
they saw fed the content of their prayers and visions. association of women with images
ization was, as
both Barbara
[
Newman XVI
]
and
I
and with techniques of visualpoint out below, owing in part
FOREWORD
to St. Paul’s
woman
warning
against female speech, in part to the association
women
with body often made by both
Whether or not
advisers.
were made by
women
“Krone und Schleier” exhibit
the objects in the
(and indeed
of
themselves and their male
“made by”
in the case of medieval de-
who comwho formed
votional objects often better describes the activity of the patron
missioned the work than that of the sculptor or illuminator it),
many
found in both sermons for nuns and
clearly reflect the emphasis,
books by them, on visualizing the experiences of Christ and saints
and martyrs, heaven and
hell
The nexus between women and and
ration
on the
refining.
It is
one of the
and
and the
alization
visual are not the
men and by
urged by
virtues of this
book
same
women’s
thing.
piety
to put
it
is
Much
textual
squarely
note that these es-
also
important caveats.
implicitly, suggest several
the visual in late medieval
mother,
the visual suggested here needs explo-
But we should
table for further discussion.
says, explicitly
his
3 .
visu-
First,
of the emphasis on
—
that
is,
women
are
each other to go from verbal description to interior
imagining. Such visualization can actually bypass visual objects or even contain implicit criticism of them
Second, and connected to visualization in writing for
as
this,
external or material.
on the
the stress both
and about
women
partly of course because the female bodies
it
often suspicious of
is
and
indicate, the bodily
by some
rejected
women
visual quality
who
themselves,
and imageless approach to
God
of
much
Newman, and
female piety was also
preferred to stress the interior
or even the dangers of visions.
denigrating ambiguity about both the female and the visual lined in recent
how
strates
work by Dyan
preachers and
they also encouraged
Deep and under-
is
that
demon-
inquisitors persecuted exactly the visualizing
4 .
women
Third, the visuality associated with
may indeed be
visual. It
and Nancy Caciola
Elliott
a limitation
was often more
tactile
women
kissed choir seats, drank the
nursed and dressed and cradled Christ tic artistic
Lenten white
—
a
with the
wash water of priests and
dolls.
Among
products of female monasteries were
(or hunger) cloths
medium
in
than
of modern notions of art to separate
sharply touching (even tasting) from seeing. As these essays point out,
gious
it,
was associated with were
themselves suspect in a misogynist culture. As Hamburger, I
and on
visual
reli-
saints,
the most characteris-
textiles,
and some of these
made by nuns and canonesses were white on
which
the art
is
as
much
felt
eyes.
FOREWORD
XVII
with the fingers
as
seen
summer of 2005 who saw the gorgeous illuminated manuscripts and the Golden Madonna at Essen or puzzled over the devotional sculpture and panel paintings at Bonn had an experience that cannot be Visitors in the
reproduced by translating the catalog
But thanks here
made
to
Columbia University
Press, a
ground necessary
many
That audience
from “Krone und
number of these
Schleier.”
objects are
an audience that could not
travel
will find in these articles a rich
back-
available in reproduction to
to the Rhineland.
2005 but
essays
to understand not only the objects displayed in
summer
others as well. Moreover, the essays provide glimpses of the
everyday world of medieval nuns that go well beyond what these particuobjects conjure up, and they raise theoretical questions about visuality,
lar art,
and gender
that medievalists
and
art historians generally will
do well
to explore further.
—
Caroline Walker
Bynum
Notes 1.
Simons 2001b; Felten 1992, 2000a, 2000b, 2001.
2.
Belting 1994.
On
the Belting thesis, see
Thuno and Wolf 2004 and
Schmitt 2002:50-53. 3.
Kessler 2004:45-46.
4. Elliott
2004; Caciola 2003.
[
XVIII
]
FOREWORD
J.-Cl.
Acknowledgments
This collection of
of a
far
medieval monastery, represents the result
essays, like a
more complex
collaboration than a glance at the table of contents
alone could possibly indicate. As in a monastery, behind those roster a
of prominent
whole
series
be
to
be named here.
originated in the catalog prepared to
national loan exhibition
Frauenklostern.* Yet
it
Krone und
Schleier:
accompany the
inter-
Kunst aus mittelalterlichen
does not simply reproduce that catalog. Although
most of the contributions from the here, with
the
or contributor, stands
as editor, translator,
it
fill
of sponsors and donors, not to mention the labor of col-
numerous
laborators too
The book
offices,
who
no more than modest
English-speaking readers, two
essay section of the catalog appear
editorial adjustments to
introductory essays in this
accommodate
—one
volume
by Jan Gerchow, with collaborators, and the other by Jeffrey E HamburgPetra
er,
rial that
*
Die lik
Marx, and Susan Marti originally
Krone und
und
represent revised conflations of mate-
was spread over various sections of the
Schleier:
friihen Kloster
—
catalog.
The
Kunst aus mittelalterlichen Frauenklostern. Ruhrlandmuseum:
Stifte,
500—1200. Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepub-
Deutschland: Die Zeit der Orden, 1200—1500. Eine Ausstellung der Kunst- und Aus-
stellungshalle der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Bonn, in Kooperation mit
landmuseum Essen ermoghcht durch
die Kunststiftung
NRW,
See www.krone-und-schleier.de/and Cat. Bonn/Essen 2005.
19.
Marz
dem Ruhr-
bis 3. Juli 2005.
two
essays originally written in English
and Barbara
—which had
Newman
—by
Caroline Walker
be shortened to
to
this
accompanied them has had
toriography, by Jeffrey
E Hamburger,
with explanatory captions, and tion catalog but
and
free
a
of items that were
needed introduction
sarily
Added
the
to ah
a representative selection
of images
bibliography based on that in the exhibi-
enhanced with references to English-language scholarship specific to entries
are not included here. In short, this
scholars
cut.
of method and his-
a new, general introduction, addressing issues
is
some of
alas,
be
to
in the catalog,
fit
have been restored to their original length, although, pictorial material that
Bynum
from both
book
is
on
designed to serve
as a
which
much-
by an array of international
to a long-neglected topic
sides
individual works,
of the Atlantic, bringing together (without neces-
seeking to harmonize) various disciplines and approaches. As with
any such introduction, the book hardly seeks to say the
hope of ah the contributors
last
word;
like the exhibition
rather,
it
from which
is
the
it
derives, will help galvanize further research, scholarly collaboration, and,
not
least, interest
on
hundred loans
it,
the part of students and the general public alike.
Objects of course are six
that
that
at
Of the approximately
the heart of any exhibition.
were obtained for the exhibition
at
und
the Kunst-
Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Art and Exhibition
Hall of the Federal Republic of
museum
in Essen in
Readers interested
summer
Germany)
in
Bonn and
the Ruhrland-
2005, only a handful can be reproduced here.
in taking in the splendid conspectus provided
color illustrations in the catalog are encouraged to consult
however, serves
a different,
independent function and
ferent audience. Like the essays in the catalog, this
on
the
German Empire
employing
as a
different
but also incorporates,
This book,
addressed to a dif-
volume provides the
attempt to tackle the topic of female monasticism ety of historical perspectives and
is
it.
by the
whole, from
first
a vari-
methods. The focus
at least for
is
the early Middle
Ages, a broader European perspective including Frankish Gaul, Langobard Italy,
and Anglo-Saxon England, which
velopment of
this distinctive
form of
is
required to understand the de-
religious
life
in the Christian West.
In the absence of the catalog entries describing the art objects gathered for
the exhibition, the emphasis in this book, in contrast to the catalog,
longer on works of art, hence the slight change in the
is
no
subtitle.
We wish to express our thanks to our original collaborators and contributors,
without whose cooperation and
efforts
the exhibition and catalog that preceded
[XX]
it,
over
many
years this book, like
would never have seen the
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
light
of day. Together with Jeffrey
Essen,
now
Historisches
Hamburger (Harvard
F.
University), the exhibi-
by Jan Gerchow (formerly Ruhrlandmuseum,
tion was originally conceived
Museum,
Frankfurt) and
Robert Suckale (Tech-
nische Universitat, Berlin). They were joined as curators by Lothar Altringer,
Hedwig Rockelein. Ulrich Bors-
Carola Jaggi, Susan Marti, Petra Marx, and
of the Ruhrlandmuseum in Essen, and Wenzel Jacob, director
dorf, director
of the Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle in Bonn, were instrumental in making it
possible for us to realize
Essen,
home
our ambitious
to an early medieval female
important treasury of these
No
less
NRW
among
(Nordrhein-Westfalen),
Ruhr Museum
publish this book. To
our repeated, all
in
monastery and probably the most
the world today preserved in
(the
situ.
all
in turn
who
these sponsors and those
heartfelt thanks.
the libraries,
We
museums, and
A
other foundations and enterprises.
former Ruhrlandmuseum) and the Al-
Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach-Stiftung
fried
was the Domschatz
important was the generous financial support of the Kunststiftung
grant from the
to
artifacts in
plans, as
would
made
direct
possible to
it
them,
also like to express
we
offer
our gratitude
once again
ecclesiastical institutions that
granted us permission to reproduce works in their collections.
We owe
a final
and support is
turning,
much
art
on the
language that unfortunately
The
translations in this
sent
one attempt
subject is
ried out the copyediting in a at
published. Although the tide
available exclusively in
no longer
as
widely taught
communication
as- it
German,
a
once was.
Press,
Wendy
our proposal to publish
Bynum, not only
the passion and scholarly
gap. Sarah St.
Onge
most meticulous manner. Our thanks
Columbia University
Caroline Walker
is
quite simply the fact that
is
volume, provided by Dietlinde Hamburger, repre-
to bridge this
enthusiastically to
without whose help
of the German Middle Ages has for so long
in English-speaking countries
scholarship
our editor
to several others
book could not have been
this
one reason the
been neglected so
word of thanks
this
for her essay
commitment
car-
also to
Lochner, for responding
volume, and, not
least,
and foreword but
also for
that she has
to
brought to the study of
female monasticism, which have repeatedly reminded others of its enduring significance in our world
Note
to
Readers tions.
as
well
as that
of the
past.
Readers will observe that
Books and
we
have employed a short form for
articles are indicated
all
by name of author or editor
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
[
XXI
]
citaor, in
a
few
instances,
title,
followed by the date and,
if necessary,
page numbers.
Catalogs of exhibitions are indicated by the place where they were held,
followed by the date. All are
listed alphabetically in the bibliography,
which
also includes additional references.
German and
Latin terms have been translated systematically, except
where no exact English equivalent
—
provided. One, however
Frauenstift (literally, a
resists felicitous translation,
that there
is
which
exists, in
so
we
have simply
no adequate English equivalent
is
XXII
]
foundation for left it
women) The fact
unaltered.
telling in itself.
Jeffrey F.
[
case definitions are
Hamburger and Susan Marti
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
CROWN AND VEIL
Introduction Histories of Female Monasticism
JEFFREY
M
edievalists are
HAMBURGER
F.
accustomed
working with sources
to
scarce as they are intractable.
that are as
The most formidable
obstacles
to furthering knowledge of virtually any aspect of medieval
history and culture, however, are quite simply neglect and lack of interest,
not to mention prejudice. As
far as
historical record, for the early
Middle Ages but
up
to the
Reformation,
female monasticism
is
concerned, the
also for later periods, right
remains thinner than for
male monasticism. The
reasons for this paucity of information are manifold. They extend, er,
beyond the
of Germany, asteries
tered
it
vagaries of survival.
It is
ironic, to say the least, that in parts
was only due to the Reformation
of the Middle
that certain female
mon-
Ages, for example, the so-called Heidekloster clus-
on the Liineburg Heath, survived where Catholicism
In areas
howev-
virtually intact to
prevailed, female monasteries
modern
times.
were sometimes
suppressed, abandoned, or, if they survived, transformed under the pressures
of modernization.
The
sources, however, are not nearly as scarce as
Imagine
a single
book
documentation of the
that, in
Imagine further that
this
often maintained.
addition to providing virtually complete
liturgical life
detailed reconstruction of the
is
of a Benedictine convent, permitted
ways and means by which
book provided
a vivid
it
a
was reformed.
account from the hand
of the prioress recounting her role in the process of reform, her struggles with various
ecclesiastical officials, and,
not
least,
her day-to-day dealings
with craftsmen and
much
artists
of
As
kinds.
all
were not already too
if that
to ask, imagine yet further that this
same book not only docu-
mented the deeds of this enterprising
prioress but, in addition, provided
extensive first-person accounts in her
own hand
she did. For social historians, a
of information about daily
paradisiacal. list
made
For the historian of
of monastic
offices
as this
why
she did
would be
in
life
institutions,
—including
menting the origins of various
would
it
not simply a
offer
of
materials, rates
—
used to renovate the abbess’s apartment
For
art historians,
it
it
would
inventories and accounts docu-
images and the spaces in which they were
of every
cost
most
that in
would provide
and even the
inflation,
names of the craftsmen employed and the number and
of.
to
but a detailed picture of just what the execution of
kind of information
only dream
down
some monasteries anything but
those various duties actually entailed. For economic historians, offer the
what
gold mine
a
in a late medieval convent, right
life
the conflicts and tensions that
book such
as to
nail
cases they could
detailed descriptions of
installed, in short,
much of the
data required to reconstruct a plausible history of their patronage, function, and, to a certain extent, their appearance. The
same book would even
include something for historians of literature and music, be lent
of
a Liber ordinarius, a plan for the
it
the equiva-
performance of chant throughout
the liturgical calendar, material for the history of liturgical drama, or,
remains quite
rare,
even in
medieval sources,
late
a diarylike
what
account of
personal experience, not only an autobiography of sorts but also in this case an autograph written in the
There
is
no need
to
first
person.
imagine such
a source;
it
exists. It is
the Buck im
Chor of Anna von Buchwald (1484— 1508), prioress of the Benedictine convent
at
Preetz in Schleswig-Holstein, and
such sources that have yet to be
book of this kind would have long of reference in the ever-growing
its
riches, apart
to
go back
represents but
fully exploited for a
ranging history of female monasticism.
remains unedited and,
it
effectively,
1
since
become
thorough
a steady, standard point
unknown. The only
article
have thought that a
on female monasticism. Yet
from consulting the manuscript
to a fine,
comprehensive, wide-
One would
literature
real
itself or a
by an economic
rather than taking the
Ho Is tei n ische
book whole,
Geschichte,
for
all
that
monasticism and the manifold ways in which
microfilm of it,
[2]
JEFFREY
F.
it
can
is
historian, Friedrich
an essay
it
it
way of accessing
Berthau, published in 1917 in a relatively obscure journal, the Gesellschaft fur Sch leswig-
one of many
that,
tell
Zeitschrift der
by
its
nature,
us about female
intersected with the sur-
HAMBURGER
rounding
society, focuses to the virtual exclusion
of
all
else
on whatever
information the Buck im Chor can contribute to the economic history of this particular part
of Germany in the mid- to
late fifteenth century.
much more complex
fabric
In
of female monasticism
short, rather than considering the rich material
part of the
2
of medieval history in
as
variety,
all its
the author, in keeping with his expertise, pulled a single thread and fol-
lowed state
Today,
we
he could within the boundaries imposed, in
as far as
it
of the historical
we
art as
it
was practiced
part,
by the
in his day.
or ought to be, in a position to do better, not because
are,
but because
are necessarily better historians
we
are
more
inclined to
collaborate and have vastly greater resources at our disposal. This does not
mean, however,
that
we
should scoff
at
the accomplishments of earlier
generations of scholars. Quite the contrary: they
we
by what
today might regard
prejudices, but they also
had
requisite languages, not to
and, in
some
cases, the sheer
perspective, confronted ship,
as
may
have been hampered
outdated methodologies and outworn
at their
command
mention technical
formidable training in the skills
such
as
paleography
ambition to undertake what, from the present
by the
vast
accumulation of specialized scholar-
seems almost impossible or perhaps even presumptuous, namely,
comprehensive,
at
In this respect,
it is
both instructive and humbling to return to one of
monuments and continuing
the early
classics in
the historiography not
only of female monasticism but also of medieval history
Powers Medieval
A simple pressive,
a
times “universal,” history of their subject.
English Nunneries,
resume of its
table
c.
1273
to 1333, first
tout court
:
Eileen
published in 1922. 3
of contents gives a small suggestion of its im-
almost implausible, range, a coverage and reach that no subsequent
study has ever rivaled. After two introductory chapters in which Power discussed novices and abbesses, including their social characteristic
way of life, her book went on
—one of —but
not in terms of mysticism
most often treated today
background and
their
to discuss female monasticism,
the contexts in
which the
subject
is
rather in terms of its situation in the world:
the property holdings of female monastic institutions, their sources of in-
come and at
expenses, their methods of administration. She then discussed
considerable length the internal administration of such communities,
including the whole hierarchy of officeholders beneath the abbess or prioress,
and
which
their integration into the daily life
these monastic houses
of the towns and
villages in
were embedded. Far from painting an
ized picture of female monasticism,
Power devoted
a
ideal-
subsequent chapter
HISTORIES OF FEMALE MONASTICISM
[3]
to
documenting the
endowments
that plagued
most female communities. Following
of economic
tailed consideration
mismanagement, and inadequate
financial difficulties,
ajid administrative issues, she
this
de-
then turned
her attention to the education of nuns from the Anglo-Saxon period until the late Middle Ages, including their role not only as students but also as teachers of novices and secular children. Subsections of this chapter pro-
vide an agenda for subsequent scholarship, be
womens
or
libraries
in the cloister, including dancing
of private
life
it
on female
literacy
and
contribution to the history of medicine. Daily
and private property to monastic
of enclosure, the conduct of
life
and the keeping of pets, the relationship
visitations, the
enforcement
ideals, the
range of exchanges between
inhabitants and outsiders, attempts at reform, reports of scandal, and, not least,
the representation of nuns in medieval literature, whether sermons or
fabliaux
The
Powers astonishing book.
find their place in
all
present
volume does not attempt
to provide for the history
male monasticism on the Continent what Power,
and refinements
aside, so
all
precociously provided for England.
in an exhibition catalog, the
of fe-
subsequent revisions Its
primary focus of which was the
origins
lie
of female
art
monasticism. As in the exhibition catalog, however, the essays seek to provide an interdisciplinary set of introductions, written by a wide range of
but addressed to students
specialists
as
well as scholars,
on many,
if
not
of the topics that Power touched on in her magisterial book almost century ago,
why
has
many
it
which
ask, has
in
Roman
changed since Power wrote her book, and
one must keep
in
mind
the
between feminist scholarship and the history of women per
its
various forms it
puts
on
first forays,
As noted by Caroline
per
se, is
—
witness
Power s work
traditional scholarship.
others, a synthesis
Bynum in
ative perspective required
women
Empire. 4
taken so long for a study that focuses for the most part on Ger-
the pressures represent
of
Holy
to appear? In contemplating an answer,
distinction
a full
they relate to female monasticism predominantly in
at least as
the German-speaking lands of the
What, one might
all,
—
se,
predates feminism and
Some
essays in this
volume
of work previously accomplished.
her foreword to
this
by the study of gender,
as
volume, the compar-
opposed
sometimes lacking. Nonetheless,
to the study
much of
represented here could not have been undertaken without the
the
work
first
wave
of feminist scholarship on the Middle Ages, which began around 1980 and provided
much of the
impetus for
a revival
male monasticism, lending the topic
[4]
JEFFREY
new F.
of interest in
all
aspects of fe-
legitimacy, even urgency.
HAMBURGER
Feminism
stands in a special relationship to scholarship
man Middle Ages. As
a scholarly
France and the United I,
German
interest in
States,
movement,
where
had
it
its
traditionally, at least since
which
is
in
One mundane
German
German
as a
sources,
quite simply, the steady decline of interest
is,
Another
foreign language.
political,
and
third) place to other
reason for this neglect, despite the rich-
several decades ago, the continuing focus
on economic,
World War
often construed as pan-Euro-
pean in character) consistently taken second (or even
ness of the
origins primarily in
language, culture, and history has (with the excep-
tion of the Carolingian material,
regions of Europe.
on the Ger-
is,
more than
or was, until no
of German medieval scholarship
institutional history, often to the exclusion
female monastic institutions. To
this
of
must be added what certain German
scholars themselves characterize as continuing skepticism concerning the
legitimacy or value of womens history,
have a
much
The
let
alone feminist approaches that
broader purview than the study of women alone.^
relative lack
of interest,
at least until recently, in
the history of fe-
much more unfortunate given not just the extraordinary wealth of the German material but also its extraornot only two dinary interest. Why, despite the ravages of so many wars world wars, but also the Thirty Years’ War in the seventeenth century so much more material survives in German-speaking regions than from any male monasticism in Germany
is
that
—
other region of northern Europe
One
worthy of study.
conservatism that prevailed in
modernism
that,
is
a
complex question
contributing factor
German
because of changing
that
imposing
vented or
title,
at least
known
tastes, in is
that
would
which slowed the
them
is
of
the political fragmentation and
collectively as the empire, that, despite
remained fractious and fragmentary. Regionalism pre-
hindered the imposition of sweeping centralization and institutions
life.
Yet another consideration, cerned,
forces
other regions often brought
encouraged the proud preservation of local traditions and the that lent
itself be
certainly the general cultural
lands,
destruction in their wake. Another factor
regionalism of the regions
is
—
at least as far as
the history of art
is
con-
the irregular impact of iconoclasm, despite the Reformation, in
contrast to the despoiling
and destruction of monastic communities
in, for
example, the Netherlands. Patterns of appropriation and secularization also play a role. Whereas in England the monasteries were dissolved before the
establishment of national,
let
alone local, institutions that might systemati-
cally preserve their property, libraries included, in
Germany, secularization
HISTORIES OF FEMALE MONASTICISM
[5]
only took place in the early nineteenth century, precisely in the context
the
rise.
As
a result,
more evidence
not to the same extent. 6 In some respects,
at least
survives in
Germany
other regions north of the Alps,
comparison to
in part because, in
more was
created in the
first
—foundations no adequate English term—
regard, the distinctive character of Frauenstifte
which
for
there
is
for canonesses
as
widely or deeply entrenched
role within
its
political as well as
monasticism and
7
religious structures. All this, however,
its
compare apples and oranges. Our picture of female
at least in part, to
religiosity in
medieval France would be vastly different
had simply the library of Metz, which housed incalculable
numerous monasteries and beguinages, not been
ated in 1944 by a
fire set
treasures
bourg’s library, destroyed in the Franco-Prussian war,
Herrad of Hohenburg’s Hortus
deliciarum,
among
luminated manuscripts of the entire Middle Ages.
noted that in the Middle Ages, both to the empire’s sphere
from
largely obliter-
off by grenades tossed into the storage chambers
where the manuscripts were housed. 8 The same could be
No
as
of the empire, in part because they played such an important
in the lands
city’s
Although
be found in other parts of Europe, nowhere outside
of German-speaking regions were they
the
place. In this
offer a case apart.
similar institutions can
is,
time when,
monastic collections, although dispersed and displaced,
were not destroyed, or too,
at that
of nascent romanticism, national self-consciousness was on
of influence
cities
as
of Stras-
said
which once housed
the most elaborately
il-
should nonetheless be
It
belonged
as
they did to the
much,
if
not more,
kingdom of France.
consideration of female monasticism in the Middle Ages
would be
complete without some consideration not only of the degree to which female monasticism was in fact distinctive, and in what respects, but also
of
how and
to
what extent
its
study should be integrated into the study
of medieval monasticism in general as a
in
whole. At issue
all its
is
all.
more broadly
still,
medieval culture
not simply the question of how female monasticism
various forms differed from male monasticism (which was
varied) but also the define,
or,
and
ways in which modern scholarship should
discuss such differences, to the extent
it
no
less
structure,
acknowledges them
In schematic terms, one might say that scholarship
on the
at
subject can
have two goals, which are not always easily reconciled: on the one hand, to integrate the history
—
of female monasticism
religiosity, liturgy, art, architecture,
or music
—
its
institutions, literature,
into a larger,
history of medieval society and monasticism and,
more
on the other hand,
emphasize those respects in which female monasticism was in
[6]
JEFFREY
F.
inclusive
HAMBURGER
to
fact distinc-
no need
tive. There is
of
tive readers
One issue
choose between these two
volume
this
different points
to
of difference,
a
is
recall that the
call for a
same holds
to
of research on gender. Those
to pay
much
the
mention
their
of wom-
comparative approach, however, would do well to true,
perhaps with even greater emphasis, for the
of scholarly investigation that long found
attention at
all
why more
one more reason
down on
critics
history of male monasticism, let alone of the medieval church their entirety, fields
choose
delicate subject.
of where one comes
Comparison of categories (not
a precondition
who
en’s history
complex and
proper history of female monasticism can only be writ-
ten in comparative terms. dismantling)
this
clear: regardless
is
and atten-
will notice that different contributors
of emphasis in handling
thing, however,
alternatives,
to the history
research
and society it
in
unnecessary
of female monasticism. This
on female monasteries, which
is
still
but lags
behind that on male monasticism, remains an ongoing desideratum.
how
Just
ing
its
One sity
to integrate the history
of female monasticism without deny-
distinctive character will differ
purpose of a volume such
from one area of research
as this,
however,
is
to insist
to another.
on the neces-
of seeing the subject whole. For example, without understanding the
reasons
why many
smaller
endowments than did many of their male
female monasteries in the later Middle Ages had
understand the character of their
artistic
counterparts, one cannot
patronage. The same holds true of
the liturgical requirements of strict enclosure, a careful plotting
much
which
and reconstruction of architectural
in turn necessitates
settings.
By
the same
measure, without understanding the challenge posed by the efflorescence
of female piety in the High and to write a history
very
much
later
Middle Ages,
it
would be impossible
of the male monastic orders that were entrusted, often
against their will, with the pastoral care of nuns.
Take the example of literacy. Despite the emergence of the history of reading
as
an important area of historical research, until recently,
women
did not figure prominently in accounts of early medieval libraries or ary transmission, in part because
were so
limited.
More
recently,
samond McKitterick and
it
was assumed
their literacy
and learning
however, the work of scholars such
Katrinette Bodarwe, building
be the case
9 .
far
more
literate in Latin
as
Ro-
on contributions
by Bernhard Bischoff, Peter Dronke, and others, has shown
more women were
liter-
that
many
than was previously held to
In this instance, even if female literacy operated within limi-
tations that themselves
form an important
part of this history, the distance
between male and female monasticism has narrowed. The
HISTORIES OF FEMALE MONASTICISM
later
[7]
Middle
Ages
offer a different picture.
Beginning
in the twelfth century, then ac-
celerating in the thirteenth, female literacy increasingly
not Latin, literacy To ferent, insofar as
this extent,
most enclosed
the universities. This
is
vernacular,
female spirituality was, by definition, dif-
women
only indirect access to Latin learning as at
meant
had only limited and, even then, was conducted and disseminated
it
not to say that there were not complex conduits
of interconnection; witness the example of Meister Eckhart (1260—1328),
who
not only preached in the vernacular, for the most part, to
whose theology responded to the spirituality of women it
as
women but
he encountered
in enclosure.
As
this
and other examples make
the Middle Ages as a whole. cific areas
clear,
The same
many of
enormous
spiritual
the spe-
volume. Whereas in
essays in this
numbers of aristocratic
religious houses could wield
about
difficult to generalize
holds true for
of investigation treated by the
the early Middle Ages, small
it is
women
affiliated
with
and temporal powers,
in
the later Middle Ages, their possibilities for action in the world diminished considerably.
Looking
the history of female monasticism within such a
at
longue duree permits reconsideration of other questions
mously posed by Joan Kelly-Gadol sance?”
—
in that
“Did
the world had set in long before the Reformation.
be recognized that the price of separation was history of female monasticism, however,
as that fa-
women have a Renaisof womens scope for action in
in 1977:
much of the diminution
—such
is
10
To
this extent,
it
should
new forms of inequality. The
not simply one of subjugation,
although that aspect should never be ignored. With separation came the need, born out of a combination of compensation and
should be added sheer
acts
creativity, to
which
of will, to develop alternative ways of life, com-
munication, prayer, and devotion. To recognize or even to emphasize aspect of female monasticism
make of medieval nuns
is
not to romanticize the subject,
proto-feminists;
it is
degree female spirituality differed from that of the to
German
much open
emphasize
and
been more reluctant
to admit any distinction. This
do with ize,
different points
may
it is
German
historians tended to focus
whether the history of a
[8]
single monastic
JEFFREY
F.
what
Whereas
on the whole,
in part have to
difficult to general-
and numerous distinguished exceptions could be
quite recently
to
the distinctive char-
scholarship has,
of emphasis. Although
is
laity at large.
acter of female piety
practice,
alone to
simply to give them their due.
In this context, one question that remains very
Anglo-American scholarship has tended
let
this
cited,
on
whereas until
institutional issues,
house or the history of monastic
HAMBURGER
orders,
much, although by no means
on
to focus
haps
at
American scholarship
has tended
individuals or specific bodies of literature, with special, per-
times inordinate, emphasis
mundane
all,
matters.
on mysticism
Although by no means
of more
to the exclusion
book was de-
all-inclusive, this
signed to bring together and, to a certain extent, confront American and
Continental approaches to a subject that in
its
importance and
interest
transcends any one set of approaches or any single historiographic tradi-
For
tion.
host of reasons that extend well beyond linguistic barriers or
a
the impediments posed
travel, there
remains
far
too
little
exchange between German and American medievalists. We hope
scholarly that this
by trans-Atlantic
book
represents a contribution to increasing collaboration.
Whatever the
differences in approach
between various
gation and different scholarly traditions, in
some
areas
it is
areas
of investi-
deny
difficult to
not only that differences between male and female monasticism existed but also that they had
a significant
area quite literally involves the for
women
claustration
impact on women’s
lives.
One
enforcement of enclosure. The
was often so
alone male mendicants, brings in
its
much more wake
strict
a host
such
fact that
than for monks,
let
of defining differences,
the ramifications of which are profound and wide-ranging. These include,
but are by no means limited
to,
such topics and issues
as
the
economic un-
derpinnings of female monastic communities, the character of their gies, their
litur-
patronage, the range of their contacts with outsiders, their view
of the world, their visual culture (which includes but extends well beyond the types of images that were available to
them
to include such matters as
the nature, forms, and function of visionary experience), and, not architecture of their communities,
enforcing enclosure in the
first
which provided the
place. All these topics,
principal
among
least,
the
means of
others, are
discussed in the essays gathered here.
A in
word should be
said
about the origins of
one form or another, were
originally
this
book. All the
commissioned
for the exhibi-
tion Krone und Schleier: Kunst aus mittelalterlichen Frauenklostern Veil:
essays,
(Crown and
Art from Female Monasteries of the Middle Ages), held simultane-
ously at
two venues, the Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland in
Bonn and
2005. The exhibition, the
the
first
Ruhrlandmuseum
in Essen, in the spring
the development not simply of female monasticism in Europe, with phasis
of
its
on
the
Holy
visual culture
Roman and
of
of its kind, aimed to provide an overview of
Empire, but, more
character.
particularly,
As indicated by the
on the
title,
HISTORIES OF FEMALE MONASTICISM
em-
history
the emphasis
[9]
of the exhibition was on those works of art that in many respects provide the most complete and most vivid testimony to the legacy and impact of
—almost an
female monasticism over the course of the period
—
lennium
that the exhibition
took
as its span.
entire mil-
In Essen, the focus was
on
the early Middle Ages, from late antiquity until the late twelfth century; in
Bonn, the emphasis was on what we
called the
“Time of the
Orders,”
the period following the establishment of the mendicant orders,
whose
growth and continuing influence dominated developments right up the time of the Reformation.
Over
until
hundred objects from approxi-
six
mately 150 lenders gave the culture and character of female monasticism in
varied forms vivid visual presence.
its
This book
is
not,
and cannot
be, a re-creation
of the irreplaceable and
unrepeatable experience offered by the exhibition. Readers wishing to get
some
sense of the
full
range of objects displayed are encouraged to consult
which
the catalog, in
virtually
all
of them are reproduced, along with
broad range of comparative material. The is,
out of necessity,
to give
some
much more
illustrative
material provided here
although
restricted,
sense of the extraordinary and,
it
a
it
should
still
must be added,
suffice
distinctive
character of the visual culture of female monasticism. Especially in the later
Middle Ages, be observed
this distinctiveness
in the earlier
emerges with
period
as well,
be
special clarity, but
can also
of subject mat-
in the choice
it
it
combination of techniques employed in the creation of these
ter or the
eloquent objects. All but two of the chapters offered here in translation are 2.
essays
their
from the catalog stripped of its
own. The remaining two
Marx and
the other by Jan
essays
entries. They nonetheless
—one by
Jeffrey
Gerchow and Susan Marti
can stand on
Hamburger and
—
Petra
represent reworked
amalgamations of introductory materials
that, in the exhibition catalog,
were employed to open various
They have been
sections.
recast here to
provide an appropriate initiation to the broad range of historical materials
covered by
this
tended, above
book, which,
all,
as a
like the exhibition that stands
stimulus to further and
much needed
behind
it, is
in-
research.
Notes 1.
Faust 1984:498-511;
Buchwald 3
.
Much
Hamburger 1998^67-71.
1897; Bertheau 1917;
Kelm
1974, 1974/1975.
the same could be said of another classic and a milestone in the histori-
ography of the Middle Ages: Eckenstein 1896/1963. For Powers contributions and
[io]
JEFFREY
F.
HAMBURGER
place in medieval studies, see
out that Power remained
Berg 1996 and McCallum Chibnal 2005, which points
first
and foremost an economic and
social historian,
not a
historian of women. 4.
A
comparable,
if less
coordinated, collection of essays that has a pan-European
focus and covers a period extending from late antiquity to the present
is
Les
reli-
gieuses 1994. 5.
A
terliche if
glance
the bibliographies in Goetz 1995 and 1999:318—29 (“Mittelal-
at
Frauen- und Geschlechtergeschichte”), both of which provide excellent,
hardly comprehensive, overviews of scholarship, confirms that, despite
noteworthy contributions from German
scholars, this
American scholarship undoubtedly took the ness” of
German
generally toward
Mediavistik
ist
lead.
womens
bis
remain
an area in which Anglo-
Goetz himself notes the “cool-
medievalists not only toward feminist approaches but also history,
as well: aside
more
observing that “eine solche Skepsis der etablierten
heute keineswegs iiberwunden
established medieval studies has to this day hardly obstacles
is
numerous
from
a
[this
skepticism
on the
been overcome]”
(321).
part of
Other
handful of references under the rubric of
nonverbal forms of communication, the history of medieval art and the scholarship
of historians of medieval
art find
no place whatsoever
in
Goetzs otherwise compre-
hensive survey of all corners of the discipline. 6.
See
7.
See Lorenz and Zotz 2005.
8.
See Louis 2004 and Metz enluminee 1989.
9.
McKitterick 1994/2004:1-35; Bodarwe 2004.
10.
cat.
Schussenried 2003.
Kelly-Gadol 1977/1984. See
also
Herlihy 1985.
HISTORIES OF FEMALE MONASTICISM
[
II
]
I
Early Monasteries and Foundations (500—1200)
An
Introduction
GERCHOWWITH KATRINETTE BODARWE, SUSAN MARTI, AND HEDWIG ROCKELEIN
JAN
rom
F
the beginnings of monastic
have served
Taking the
in the West, veil
and symbols of women leading
as signs
veil
life
veil functions as a bridal veil that
virgin to Christ.
The
was often added to the
act
crowns were employed. From the strips
late
Middle Ages, crowns made of
of cloth decorated with red crosses symbolic of the wounds
documented. Crown and 1
veil thus represent life
titude of church fathers
by nature closer
and theologians toward
to Christ than
Pope Gregory the Great
(in office
of the Middle Ages, basing
of religious
his
is
veil the
religious
possible for
men. At
590—604) maintained
women
dalene. Because of this tradition, throughout the
of women were thought to be especially tury, the
ambivalent at-
women. Women least this at
argument on, among other
that after the Resurrection Christ first appeared to a
larly
both the outer
Middle Ages.
This religious symbolism, however, itself serves to
are
vow of chastity.
symbolizes the betrothal of the
requirements and the spiritual significance of the in the
in the
veiling, also has a bridal connotation. In this ritual,
actual
are
life.
of coronation, which from the tenth century
white
of Christ
a religious
was and remains the most important element
changing of clothes that virgins perform on taking their
The
and crown
is
what
the beginning things, the fact
woman, Mary Mag-
Middle Ages, the prayers
efficacious. In the twelfth
French theologian Peter Abelard (1079— 1142) expressed
cen-
a simi-
high estimation of the dignity and spiritual standing of women in his
— of the Paraclete
letters to Heloise, the abbess
theless,
one can
also find in
opposite extreme:
relics,
time of Dionysius of Alexandria
own
of their
(d.
the sacramental vessels or
them
the altar cloths, even if they were given to
offices. In the
None-
Abelard s writings positions that point to the
No nun may touch “the
cally unclean.” As a result,
(in office 1135—1164).
for cleaning.”
265), women
2
From
were regarded
the
as “culti-
they were considered unable to assume spiritual
few instances religious lives
which
in
—
women were
as in, for
able to define the rules
example, the case of Heloise
s
own
monastic rule or that of the abbess Hildegard of Bingen (1098—1179)
one does not find such
restrictions or deprecatory statements regarding
womens
any
capabilities. In
such ambivalence, throughout
case, despite
community remained an
the Middle Ages, participation in a religious
at-
and highly admired way of life.
tractive
For the early Middle Ages,
it
makes sense
to adopt a broad,
European
perspective, not simply because of the relative scarcity of sources terials relating to
and ma-
the later Middle Ages but also because of the close con-
nections and intensive exchanges that took place at this time between the
dominant Frankish culture extended well beyond nation-states.
its
wide-ranging
its
and scholars but
from the time of late
as
women
also
by
sanctimoniales (literally, fe-
pursuing a spiritual
life
of
women
cities
We know
and widows,
sixth centuries
of numerous
in the cities
usually played itself
where they had grown
under the protection and with the support of
the local bishop.
fifth
had been
Overview
out in the houses of their parents, in the
virgins
life
antiquity.
Until the sixth century, the religious
up,
ties that
boundaries without the restrictions imposed by
male servants of the holy),
Historical
the center and
These networks were established and cultivated not only by
missionaries, pilgrims,
called
at
relatives,
women “dedicated
overseen by
to
God,” both
of Italy and Gaul from the fourth to the
and in smaller numbers
century, however, these veiled
at a later date.
women
were placed
Beginning in the in
newly founded
monasteries, in keeping with the rulings of councils such as that held at Saint Jean de
the
first
It is
Losne between 673 and 675. Why was
it
only
at this
time that
female monasteries came into being?
certain that the fundamental transformation of civic culture of late
[14]
JAN
GERCHOW
ET AL.
antiquity into a
new
social structure based
on
gentile dynasties encour-
women
aged the establishment of monasteries. Religious
on protected
as Marseille, Arles,
protection of monasteries in order to pursue a religious
of their parents or husbands. The Poitiers, Austreberta
of
Radegunde
saints
by the seventh century, the Church
ecclesiastical office that
had been open
women,
to
of the deacon. Female deacons had previously helped with the baptism
women
and had taken care of
ing of women leading a religious
their scope
The edge
is
may
were
This downgrad-
ill.
have contributed to the
women new
ecclesiastical roles,
rise
of
even
if
remained limited to the monastic community.
we
female monastery in the West of which
first
the one of John Cassian
followed by female monasteries in little.
women who
life
female monasteries, which offered
very
against the will
and Burgundofara of Faremoutiers-en-
Pavilly,
testify to this trend. In addition,
had abolished the only that
of
have sought the
life
of the Merovingian
lives
cities
Tours, Poitiers, Laon, and Autun)
Many women may
were increasingly unable to provide.
Brie
weakened
spaces and functioning institutions that the
of late antiquity (such
of
were dependent
(ca.
360—430/435)
have any knowl-
in Marseille (ca. 410),
Rome, about which, however, we know
The number of foundations only
increases
from the beginning
of the sixth century, the most important being the monastery of Saint-Jean in Arles,
founded by Bishop Caesarius of Arles
his sister, Caesaria,
around 503. Caesarius
specifically for a female monastery, the
of holy
virgins).
Put to the
test
also
its
by Caesaria
new
time a completely
wrote the
way of life),
make of the
sure
was designed
rity,
located in the middle of the
to
all,
dedication to prayer
were never to disturb
to forsake the protection
Toward the end of the
(rule
and
obedience to the ab-
vita
communis
enclosure.
women
for reasons of secu-
and
outside world.
of their
walls,
(common
Unbroken enclo-
an island of safety.
on behalf of the
them by entering
settled in France,
life,
which was,
guarantee the chastity and virginity of the
rule
notion of what a monastery
strict
cloister, city,
known
Regula sanctarum virginum
of private property, and the
the rule stresses, above
first
in her capacity as abbess
should be. In addition to binding admittance for bess, the renunciation
502—542) and
Regula sanctarum virginum
further elaborated by her and her brother, the
represented for
(in office
It
also served to
their undisturbed
The holy women
and neither was anyone
the monastery.
sixth century,
Columban, the
Irish
abbot of Iona,
where, by virtue of having founded the monastery of
Luxeuil in the Vosges, he exercised considerable influence on subsequent
EARLY MONASTERIES AND FOUNDATIONS
[
15
]
developments.
cultivated contacts with
women
of the ruling
class, as a
of which the number of monastic foundations increased consider-
result ably.
He
From then
on, monasteries were
no longer
mediate vicinity of old Gallo-Roman rules that far
period
(ca.
cities
established only in the
im-
but also in rural regions.
The
and away were the most widely followed
new
500—750) derive from the
more common than
its
reworking by Aure-
by Abbot Waldeberts of Luxeuil
student of Columban Donatus, the bishop of Besan^on
The Benedictine
(d.
(ca.
670) and the
625/626—660).
rule appears only to have acquired increased influence in
the eighth century. This development
lumban only prescribed entering the
Merovingian
monasticism of Columban. Far
the older rule of Caesarius and
lian are the rules written
in the
cloister),
is
important insofar
as
the rule of Co-
passive enclosure (the prohibition against outsiders
whereas Caesarius and Aurelian added to
this strict
active enclosure (the absolute prohibition against leaving the cloister).
The
3
preference for passive enclosure might possibly be attributed to the
fact that
only after the arrival of Irish itinerant
mention made of double monasteries,
monks does one
institutions in
find any
which monks and
nuns lived together or near one another, for the most part ruled by abbesses. at
Among
other places, paired institutions of this kind existed in Gaul
Faremoutiers, Jouarre, Remiremont, Nivelles, Laon, and Chelles. Given
that Irish monasteries
of enclosed precincts,
were known
were characterized by it
as peregrini ,
seems
likely that the
wandering
strict separation.
monasteries permitted the
(ca.
455—525),
women.
vows
monks and nuns
monks
who
lived to-
to carry out the spiritual care (the peralso, to a
In the early period, however, clerics or
as priests
monks,
In addition, at least in rural areas, double
formance of Mass and parish functions) and the
Irish
and lack
introduced their native customs to France. At the
monastery of St. Brigit of Kildare gether without
their great openness
were not required
degree, to protect
monks who had
taken
to carry out such functions as the daily
performance of the Office or the taking of confession and the absolution of
sins, as
abbesses were able to perform these duties themselves, as were
their fellow nuns.
In the Frankish
kingdom of
the Merovingians, that
is,
from 500
until
the middle of the eighth century, a total of around 115 female or double
monasteries were founded. at
the hands of the
and eighth centuries; these institutions can
Many
Normans
of them, however, suffered destruction
or Saracens in the course of the seventh
in the following Carolingian period, only sixteen still
l6]
be documented.
JAN
4
GERCHOW
ET AL.
of
Given
that, in the British Isles, the
and Whitby were only founded
Anglo-Saxon
girls
went
female monasteries of Hartlepool
middle of the seventh century,
in the
to Faremoutiers, Chelles,
to receive a religious education
and lead
and Andelys-sur-Seine
a religious
life.
The
following
no fewer than
two
centuries, however, witnessed the founding of
five
female monasteries in Britain of which nineteen are attested with
certainty as double monasteries. As a rule, they
sixty-
were governed by abbesses,
often from royal households. Important imperial synods were held at the
Northumbrian
which kings
bishops, to burial.
on
monastery ofWhitby, whose monastic school trained
royal
Aldhelm
(ca.
virginity for the
England.
and which
of
also served as their place
640—709), the bishop of Sherborne, wrote his
treatise
nuns of Barking, which, by praising the cloistered
as a better alternative to
larity in
retired
marriage or widowhood, contributed to
its
life
popu-
5
Anglo-Saxon missionaries and church reformers introduced the period of Franco-Irish dominance in the Frankish kingdom. They were in
dependent on the support of the female and double monasteries in homeland. tius
It
was above
all
(672/675—754) and Lul
and nuns
them
the
their
two archbishops of Mainz, Winfrid-Bonifa710— 786), who corresponded with abbesses
(ca.
in their native land, requested
for the
fact
books from them, and recruited
development of monasteries
in the Frankish
female companions (among them, Tecla and
St.
kingdom. Their
Lioba) founded the
first
female monasteries to the east of the Rhine (including Tauberbischofsheim, Kitzingen, Schornsheim, and Wurzburg). St.Walburga, the the
sister
of
two missionaries Willibald and Wunnibald, led the double monastery
of Heidenheim near Eichstatt. Like that of the Anglo-Saxons, the influence of the Irish can be traced all
the
way
to
Italy.
In
Rome
as in
the Langobard kingdom, there had
been numerous female monasteries from the
early fifth century.
Among
the wealthiest and largest of these convents was that of San Salvatore/
Santa Giulia, founded in Brescia around 754 by the royal Langobard couple Desiderius
period, royal
and Ansa
women
(fig.
i.i).As in England and the early Frankish
played a notable role
as
founders and abbesses, dedi-
cating a significant part of their lives and their wealth to the foundation
of female houses. 6
From ish
the middle of the eighth century (Synod ofVer, 755), the Frank-
common life women living
church underwent reforms that repeatedly addressed the
of monks and canons and, in
this context, that
of nuns and
EARLY MONASTERIES AND FOUNDATIONS
[
17
]
1
Figure lia,
1
Fragment of ambo with peacock from the abbey of San Salvatore/Santa Giu-
.
Brescia, northern
Italy,
mid-eighth century, marble,
Storia, Santa Giulia, Brescia, inv.
a canonical life
(
the Pious. For the
first
communities
Aachen under
the direction of Emperor Louis
time, binding forms of in the
Benedict for monks and
St.
clergy.
For women, the
were prescribed
life
empire of the Franks, that
Germany, France, Switzerland, and northern of
e
canonicae) as well. This process culminated in 816 at the
imperial synod convened in
religious
cm. (Musei Civici d’Arte
h. 73
MR5829.)
a
Italy.
newly written
is,
for
all
modern-day
These included the rule rule for canons for the
Institutio sanctimonialium, for
which the authors
had frequent recourse to the rule of Caesarius, was compiled. 7 Contrary to
what
is
sometimes maintained, however,
a conceptual or a It
normative distinction between
would be more accurate
established
came
this rule
no more than
to the formation
a
stricter
a
monastery and
a
Stift.
to say that the text’s twenty-eight chapters
“framework of possibilities
for acting”
when
it
of ways of life for female religious communities. 8
Although the regulations governing enclosure terms
did not establish either
are in fact formulated in
than those found in the rule of Benedict, in other decisive
matters, for example, the election of the abbess, the opposite obtains. Thus, for example, contrary to the Benedictine rule, a
no provision
binding vow. At the same time, however, no provision
8]
JAN
GERCHOW
ET AL.
is
is
made
made
for
for the
of returning to the world. In the highly important matter of
possibility
whether private property would be permitted, the visages three alternatives:
the right to enjoy
nity,
its
its
Institutio actually
renunciation or consignment to the
use
as
long
as
one remained
alive,
and
en-
commu-
its
free use
through the intermediary of a worldly administrator. The basic provision
of equality contradicts the possibility of maintaining ones
and
own
dwellings
servants.
In the
wake of the synod, the
Institutio,
along with the rules for can-
ons and the Benedictine rule, was widely disseminated. Yet
know of or put
a single
them
community
into practice.
very vague. Only rarely
women who cae).
are
is
9
that expressly
Rather, they are generally referred to
in the sources remains
drawn between those
nuns ( monachae) and those
not
adopted these institutions
The terminology
the distinction
we do
who
religious
are canonesses
(
canoni -
as sanctimoniales. In like fashion,
known to have adopted the Benedictine rule: the monastery of Remiremont in the Vosges, founded in 817, and even there only one
hardly
community
years had
fifty
previous
is
way of life.
gone by before the convent had returned
to
its
In light of the unsettled course of developments in
the ninth and tenth centuries, there
is little
point in insisting on a set of
oppositional terms.
The
eastern
Rhine and
kingdom of the Franks which was
the Elbe,
first
in the region
conquered
in the
between the Lower
Saxon wars shortly
before 800, witnessed a regular groundswell of foundations of religious institutions for
women.
mented between
only other regions with a significant
with
new
In this region, over sixty
convents can be docu-
the ninth and the middle of the eleventh century.
fifteen; Alsace,
number of Frauenstifte
10
are Lothringen,
with seven; and the area around the Bodensee,
with seven. 11 As their
rules,
we
can assume that
all
The
these convents
also
modeled
themselves on the wide range of possibilities represented by the Institutio.
Among these new foundations institutions as Essen
could be found such rich and long-lived
and Gandersheim (both founded
in 852)
and Quedlin-
burg (founded in 936), which enjoyed very close relationships with the ruling Liudolfing-Ottonian family
(fig. 1.2).
burg were named eleven times and Essen female communities, suggesting
that,
six
Gandersheim and Quedlintimes as the
model
for other
by the end of the eleventh century,
conditions had developed that were accepted and adopted elsewhere
as
normative. The circumstances in Saxony, however, are deceptive, insofar
as
these three female convents
were both unusually well endowed and
EARLY MONASTERIES AND FOUNDATIONS
[
19
]
close
Figure 1.2
Donor image with Abbess Mathilda
Otto-Mathilda Cross from
could not be taken
as
dersheim and Essen
was in
a
and Duke Otto of Swabia from the
at least in these respects,
exemplary In 987 an abbess such
(in office
1001/1012— 1039),
3.)
a sister
as
Sophia of Gan-
of Emperor Otto
powerful enough position to refuse to receive the
local bishop,
Osdag of Hildesheim, and
of Mainz, serve in conflict over
was only
II
Essen, after 982. (Domschatz Essen, inv.
house and therefore by definition,
to the royal
III,
Stift
who
his place.
was in
settled after
insist that
veil
from the
the archbishop, Willigis
She thereby trigged the so-called Gandersheim
fact responsible for
armed
conflict.
12
It is
Gandersheim,
striking to
a struggle that
what extent abbesses
in this period felt free to act independently, just as their predecessors in
the Merovingian period, such as
documentary record
reveals
Radegunde and
them
acting
Balthilde,
less as religious
had done. The leaders than as
powerful female rulers conscious of their dominion within the boundaries
of their monasteries.
[20]
JAN
GERCHOW
ET AL.
In the ninth
and tenth centuries, only one monastery besides Remire -
mont can be shown of
St.
to have followed the Benedictine rule: the
Margaret in Waldkirch, founded around 910. In typical fashion, the
document of Emperor Otto names two male monasteries
III
as
that touches
on
the matter, dated 994,
models. Only toward the end of the tenth
and in the course of the eleventh centuries did there emerge nition and differentiation of the basic forms of nities,
monastery
which
monastery or
a clear defi-
commu-
for female
life
in their aims presented a clear choice: female Benedictine Frauenstift.
The forged foundation document
for the
Stift in
Essen, attributed to Bishop Altfrid of Hildesheim but in fact dated around 1090, testifies to this process: in anticipation of the curia (houses of the ca-
nonesses) that
would
later
benefices and households. that, already in the
divided
among
be in possession of the 13
From
sanctimoniales,
other documents,
it
can also be deduced
tenth century, the property of the
community was
the abbess, the prioress, and the convent, to
were added canons. Essen was on the way to becoming was
in 1246, however,
its
new
Asnida,” the secular (female)
status
Stift
made
speaks of
it
which now
a Frauenstift.
Only
explicit: “secularis ecclesia
de
of Essen. everyday
Frauenstifte are generally referred to, in scholarship as well in
speech, as foundations of canonesses, female foundations, or even as “in-
dependent, secular, and high aristocratic” (“freiweltlich-hochadelig“). All these terms, however, characterize a
way of life
that could
be found only
from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries onward and then only in small
number of
foundations, such
as
Essen, Quedlinburg, and
sheim, to which could be added Herford, Freckenhorst,Vreden,
im Kapitol and ster in
am
Federsee.
were in
Nivelles in
From
this
Maria
St.
Stephan in Strasbourg,
modern-day Belgium,
as
well
Buchau
as
time until the secularization, these foundations
fact reserved for the
shown, the same cannot be
high aristocracy. Yet,
said
as
has recently
been
of the early and High Middle Ages. 14
Early evidence of entry payments (from 779 onward) makes
dependents or those without means hardly ever found stitutions.
St.
Ursula in Cologne, Niedermiinster and Obermiin-
St.
Regensburg, the Fraumiinster in Zurich,
Remiremont, and
a
Gander-
it
clear that
a place in
Rather, until the middle of the twelfth century,
it
such in-
was the
entire
spectrum of the “free” that both disposed over landed property and could afford a monastic
The
life.
aristocracy
and royalty were, however, the indispensable
pillars
of
female religious institutions, without whose enormous endowments for
EARLY MONASTERIES AND FOUNDATIONS
[
21
]
the establishing and outfitting of monasteries and
been
none could have
Stifte
The practice of commemorative become the focal point of a family
created, let alone have survived.
prayer permitted a female convent to
and contributed
to the formation
and manors. Over and above the
of rulership,
as did, at a later date, castles,
of families in whatever
interest
spiritual
women
services “their”
nuns could perform, the motivation of the
a religious life
and
cetic exercises
should not be underestimated. Moreover, female monastic
own
to contribute to their
communities were the only places where, Ages, ploy
women
it,
be
could acquire
makers of textiles,
as authors, scribes, painters,
it
as-
and High Middle
thorough education and, what
a
through
sanctification
in the early
to lead
is
or,
more, emnot
least, as
patrons and directors of building projects. In the world, as opposed to the cloister, all these activities
ly
were matters
for
men. Female monasteries hard-
represented dead ends off the beaten track and leading nowhere. Until
— —monasteries remained
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries tion of cities
the period witnessing the founda-
focal points in western
and central
Europe, surrounded by large territorial holdings and endowed with nu-
merous nearly living.
rights.
all
Thus
The
life
alone for most
From the increasingly
tence that
material
households;
lay
in a
endowment of a monastery exceeded
as a result, it offered a
lasted longer than a life in the world.
tenth century onward, the growing
compromised the
relative
had enjoyed
in
in the ecclesiastical
transformation.
by popes
as
priests.
Reforms of
(canons)
of compe-
in the face
so highly prized
of private masses,
The development culminated
economic,
the church that
late
eleventh and twelfth
intellectual,
and
religious
were vehemently supported
well as by various monastic congregations also had a dramatic
impact on previously accepted ways of
New
which had been
and monastic reforms of the
centuries, a period of great social,
areas
monastic services in the Merovingian
Middle Ages, was diminished
which could only be celebrated by
number of priests
independence and
period. The value of the prayer of virgins, in the early
of
monastery was certainly healthier and for that reason
women
women
that
very attractive standard of
life
within female monasticism.
concepts of reform were tried out, alternative ways of life proposed,
and stronger
sets
of norms enforced, a process that ultimately led to the
formation of various different orders. As always, criticism of received traditions provided the reformers tion.
with their point of departure and legitima-
At the Lateran Synod of
Pope Gregory VII,
1059, the
in office 1073-1085)
[22]
JAN
Roman
cleric
condemned
GERCHOW
the
ET AL.
Hildebrand
Aachen
(later
Institutio
as
uncanonical because
eral councils,
violated the principle of apostolic poverty. Sev-
it
culminating in the council ofVienna in 1311, repeated the
prohibition of this rule and required the adoption of either the Benedictine rule or the
still
were
In this, they
stricter
Augustinian rule for canons and canonesses.
Saxony
successful. In greater
alone, twenty-three such
convents were converted into Benedictine communities, foundations of
Augustinian canonesses (Chorfrauenstifte) or male monasteries. In France ,
and England, not one monastery of the early medieval period became an aristocratic Damenstift
during the
later
Middle Ages. Those sources
that
accuse canonesses of immorality and lack of discipline requiring reform
were, for the most part, written from a clerical perspective that often masks the political motivations of male reformers.
15
To
ship often uncritically repeats such prejudiced
modern
this day,
judgments of this
scholarreligious
way of life.
From
the twelfth century onward, however,
set the tone.
it
who
was the reformers
Benedictine reform congregations, such
as
Hirsau and Sieg-
among others, reformed canons (both male and female Augustinians), and new orders such as the Cistercians and Premonstratensians were henceforth responsible for the majority of new monastic foundations. Although no numbers are available for the German Empire, those for burg,
France and England give
a
good impression of the dynamic of religious
change: between 1080 and 1170 the
by
these regions increased
a factor
number of female monasteries
in
of four, from around one hundred to
four hundred. 16
Double monasteries of the Benedictine or Augustinian of a convent of
forming
a legal
women
and another of
men
order, consisting
in close physical proximity
and organizational unity under the direction of the abbot
of the male community, constitute part of the transformation. These double
which spread from the reform center of Hirsau
monasteries,
into the south-
western region of the Empire and modern-day Austria, took the apostolic ideal of women and
Many left
ful
men
of them, however, survived for only
behind
ground
substantial material traces.
for the
lar literature.
ate in Latin,
17
a short period,
Double monasteries
model
of Christ.
and only
a
few
offered a fruit-
development and transmission of early forms of vernacu-
Rules were translated for women,
18
as their
living together in service
prayers
who
were not always
liter-
were glossed and elaborated with instructions in the
vernacular, and original religious poetry
was composed. 19
the author of the Speculum virginum (Mirror of virgins),
It is
possible that
whose name
EARLY MONASTERIES AND FOUNDATIONS
[23]
is
not
known, came from
ated around 1140 to serve in the pastoral care of the
female communities.
with numerous virtues
20
cre-
many newly founded
was castdn the form of a dialogue and embellished
It
of which served an ideal founded on the
illustrations, all
of humility,
work was
the reform circle of Hirsau. His unusual
and obedience,
love,
Closely related to the Speculum virginum in
its
use of text and image
as
didactic media, although very different in terms of its content and conception,
is
a
work written about
forty years later, the encyclopedic Hortus
ciarum (Garden of delights) of the abbess
Herrad of Hohenburg
deli-
in Alsace
1176—after 1196). Studying the most modern theological texts
(in office ca.
from contemporary
circles at the university
of Paris, Herrad wrote
a
book
covering the entire history of Christian salvation and held that theological
and encyclopedic knowledge of this kind, which was otherwise hardly
women, was
available to
tary piece
appropriate for her nuns.
of manuscript evidence
of the Hortus
deliciarum,
which was destroyed by
only from drawings after the original
No
salvation.
a single
fragmen-
fire in
1870 and
is
known
21
from the Speculum virginum
less different
are the ideas
of the char-
Bingen (1098—1179) concerning the best
ismatic visionary Hildegard of
way of achieving
(fig. 1.3).
Only
the style of the miniatures
testifies to
Her
distinctive point
of view emerges in ex-
emplary fashion from the celebrated controversy in which she engaged
withTenxwind of Andernach
(d. after 1152),
community of
the head of a
Augustinian canonesses.Tenxwind, in conformity with the content of the Speculum virginum bitterly opposed the manner in which Hildegard s nuns ,
conducted themselves during the celebration of the Divine Office, with
unbound
hair,
white
garments, and crowns embroidered with gold. In
silk
contrast, Hildegard regarded this festive
kind of foretaste of heavenly glory.
The way of life
way of celebrating
the liturgy
as a
22
represented by Frauenstifte, without binding vows and
many women
enforced enclosure, appears to have remained attractive to
well into the later Middle Ages. In the fourteenth and early fifteenth
members, and
centuries, private households, close relations with family a relaxed tic
approach to enclosure could frequently be observed in monas-
communities
become
so
that previously
once again
in the
were
strictly
enclosed and that would
second half of the fifteenth century. For
example, Elsa von Reichenstein
(ca.
1408—1486), abbess of
Cologne, patron of Stefan Lochner s famous Madonna of ocesan
Museum, Cologne) and [24]
JAN
the initiator of a
GERCHOW
St.
Caecilia in
the Violets
(Di-
new program of stained
ET AL.
Tub. XII
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