Critical pragmatic studies on Chinese public discourse 9780429346408, 0429346409, 9781000699371, 1000699374, 9781000699616, 1000699617, 9781000699852, 1000699854

Table of contents :
Research background --
Theoretical foundations --
Social mentalities behind Chinese business names --
"Pragmatic traps" in Chinese advertisements --
"Suspected" discrimination in Chinese public discourse --
(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse --
Personalization in Chinese public discourse --
Subjectivity in Chinese journalistic discourse.

Citation preview

Critical Pragmatic Studies on Chinese Public Discourse

Public discourse constitutes the language environment of a town or a city, which forms part of the social environment of a country or a region. Based on extensive first-hand data collected from public places, mass media, and the Internet, this monograph attempts critical pragmatic studies of public discourse in the contemporary Chinese context. By applying pragmatic theories and analytical instruments to the analysis of the data, including business names, advertisements, public signs and notices, and news, the book showcases such discursive practices as personalization and subjectivization and reveals such social problems as unhealthy social mentalities, “pragmatic traps”, suspect discrimination, and vulgarity. It exemplifies a way of combining the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach and the pragmatic approach with a clear focus on the pragmatic issues. This book will not only be a necessary addition to the academic discipline of pragmatics in general, and critical pragmatics in particular, but also lay bare the problems existing in the use of public discourse and suggest several ways to improve such use. While it addresses the Chinese data only, the proposed analyses may contribute to international readers’ understanding of public discourse in contemporary China and serve as a reference for similar researches worldwide. Xinren Chen is a professor of English and linguistics in Nanjing University, China, specializing in pragmatic theory and application.

China Perspectives

The China Perspectives series focuses on translating and publishing works by leading Chinese scholars, writing about both global topics and China-related themes. It covers Humanities & Social Sciences, Education, Media and Psychology, as well as many interdisciplinary themes. This is the first time any of these books have been published in English for international readers. The series aims to put forward a Chinese perspective, give insights into cutting-edge academic thinking in China, and inspire researchers globally. Titles in linguistics currently include: The Use of L1 Cognitive Resources in L2 Reading by Chinese EFL Learners Shiyu Wu On Aesthetic and Cultural Issues in Pragmatic Translation Xiuwen Feng Complementarity between Lexis and Grammar in the System of Person A Systemic Typological Approach Pin Wang Language Policy A Systemic Functional Linguistic Approach Bingjun Yang, Rui Wang Patterns and Meanings of Intensifiers in Chinese Learner Corpora Chunyan Wang Assessing Listening for Chinese English Learners Developing a Communicative Listening Comprehension Test Suite for CET Zhixin Pan Research on Functional Grammar of Chinese I Information Structure and Word Ordering Zhang Bojiang, Fang Mei Research on Functional Grammar of Chinese II Reference and Grammatical Category Zhang Bojiang, Fang Mei For more information, please visit https://www.routledge.com/series/CPH

Critical Pragmatic Studies on Chinese Public Discourse

Xinren Chen

First published in English 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Xinren Chen The right of Xinren Chen to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. English Version by permission of The Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-35441-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-34640-8 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of figures List of tables Preface Acknowledgments 1 Introduction

vi vii ix xi 1

2 Research background

14

3 Theoretical foundations

22

4 Social mentalities behind Chinese business names

42

5 “Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

53

6 “Suspected” discrimination in Chinese public discourse

71

7 (Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

88

8 Personalization in Chinese public discourse

120

9 Subjectivity in Chinese journalistic discourse

149

10 Conclusion

166

Appendices References Index

171 208 221

Figures

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 5.1 5.2 6.1 7.1 8.1 9.1 9.2

Types of DA Critical approaches to discourse analysis Orientations of CPA The structure of a pragmatic theory A revised version of the structure of a pragmatic theory Procedure of CPA A multimodal model of pragmatic analysis Promotion with the small character “起” (up) Promotion with the small characters “第二杯” (second cup) “Post-90s” as modified An advertisement for the letting of an office building The continuum of style The [BUY] frame The [Basketball Match] frame

24 28 29 37 38 40 41 65 66 79 95 121 155 156

Tables

3.1 3.2 4.1 4.2 6.1 6.2 6.3 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5

The six maxims of Leech’s (1983) Politeness Principle The ten maxims of Leech’s (2014) GSP Common names used by hotels in Nanjing Common names for beauty and hair salons in Nanjing The distribution of different types of news events concerning “post-90s” discourse as retrieved from Google and Baidu The proportion of words with different semantic preferences in the collocations “Post-90s” highest-frequency collocations Do you frequently come across vulgar advertisements? (92 samples) In which type of media are the vulgar advertisements you encounter usually presented? (multiple choice) To what extent would you accept advertisements that involve the following factors? The types and occurrences (including percentage occurrence) of signs in the teaching building Politeness markers in the signs of the teaching building Politeness markers in the traffic signs under study Traffic signs performing indirect speech acts The types, numbers, and percentage values of supportive speech acts in traffic signs A pragmatic account of personal involvement in public discourse Types of speech acts in print advertisements across four time periods Subtypes of expressive speech acts in print advertisements across four time periods Distribution of first-person and second-person referring expressions in print advertisements across four time periods Types and distributions of generic referring expressions in print advertisements across four time periods

33 33 46 48 78 78 79 97 97 98 107 110 113 116 116 136 137 138 139 140

viii Tables 8.6 Use of politeness strategies in the advertising discourse across four time periods 8.7 Distribution of second-person pronouns in print advertisements across four time periods 9.1 NEs in the disaster news reports

141 143 162

Preface

This monograph reports on a series of critical pragmatic studies on a variety of public discourse in the contemporary Chinese context, using extensive first-hand data collected from public places, mass media, and the Internet. In focus is the genre of language used in public spheres by various social bodies (administrative, commercial, financial, educational, etc.) for the primary purpose of transmitting public information or messages. Unlike personal or institutional discourse, public discourse has its distinctive features such as wide coverage, extensive influence, and open accessibility. Public discourse constitutes the language environment of a town or a city that forms part of the social environment of a country or a region. As a kind of soft power, public discourse is an important window to know the quality and efficacy of public service and administration offered by a society. It can mirror, as well as serve to affect, the social mentalities, moral standards, and ideological inclinations of a society. Its level of appropriateness and civility can in large measure reflect the degree of pragmatic civilization of its social bodies, thus having a direct and far-reaching impact on the building of their public or international image: Public discourse . . . reflects how well people living in the society are culturally, ethically and spiritually educated. To get an idea about what an epoch, a society, a country, or a city looks like, we get derive some first impressions from the standard of public language use in it. (He, 1997, p. 155) Given its intensive importance, public discourse has rarely been a target of systematic inquiry from a pragmatic point of view, let alone a critical pragmatic perspective. As far as Chinese public discourse is concerned, existing pragmatic research is largely sporadic, primarily concerned with its pragmalinguistic features, functions, presuppositions, implicatures, and communicative effects. While a couple of previous pragmatic studies have touched upon explicit and straightforward problems such as vulgarity and discrimination, they have left many implicit problems unexplored or underexplored. In terms of the theoretical framework adopted for analysis, existing critical discourse analysis on public discourse is primarily dependent on systemic functional grammar. While helpful and effective

x

Preface

in tackling some problems, the theoretical framework may not prove to be as useful or applicable in the analysis of other problems. Moreover, in terms of critical orientation, existing research on the critical study of Chinese public discourse is overwhelmingly negative in nature. Finally, existing research is based on limited and sporadic data instead of sizeable and systematic data. In response, this book aims to occupy these niches by constructing a new framework based on pragmatic theories and then critically investigate some major issues and problems (such as unhealthy social mentalities, pragmatic traps, discrimination, incivility, personalization, and subjectivity) in Chinese public discourse on the basis of suitable first-hand data, from negative, neutral, and positive points of view. It is hoped that the present enterprise will provide an alternative path and solution to critical discourse analysis and, via the analysis of public discourse, provide a new window for understanding contemporary China. It must be acknowledged that there may be other issues and problems in contemporary Chinese public discourse than those addressed in this book. Issueoriented instead of theory-driven, the structure of the book already partly reflects the diversity and complexity of the issues. Thus, more critical work can be and should be done in the future. Thus considered, this book is at best a sample analysis of such issues and problems from a critical pragmatic perspective. Meanwhile, it might be added that each issue addressed could have been approached from the perspective of some other pragmatic theories; or, at an extreme, all the issues could have been tackled by following a unified theoretical framework. These might be future directions we can pursue.

Acknowledgments

I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the assistance of the following people: Professor He Ziran, from Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, for his unfailing support and encouragement; my former or current students including Li Min, He He, Li Juan, Deng Zhaohong, Jiang Qingsheng, Xia Jie, Feng Wenjing, Jin Yingzhe, Liu Hao, Wang Jiayun, Zhao Yun, You Fei, Wang Qian and others for their assistance in collecting data, doing translation, preparing the index, proofreading, and more; Judith Heaney for copy-editing; Mr. Liu Huachu from Shanghai Foreign Language Education for his support on this English version and Ms. Cai Yiming from the same press for her help with the previous Chinese version. This book is dedicated to Ms. Chen Jing, my dear wife, who has always been a strong support behind me.

1

Introduction

1.1 Objective of the study The objective of this book is the study of public discourse (PD)1 in the context of contemporary China. 1.1.1 Definition of public discourse By public discourse, we refer to the genre of language used in public spheres (Verschueren, 2016) by various social bodies (administrative, commercial, financial, educational, etc.) for the primary purpose of transmitting public information or messages. The term “public spheres” refers to public places, public media, public networks, etc., which are open and accessible to the public and which are subject to the general public’s observation and supervision. Thus, we have public places such as airports, railway, coach or bus stations, piers or wharfs; scenic areas like parks, museums, and historical relics; places of public entertainment like cinemas, theatres, karaoke bars, and ballrooms; and spa centers, sports centers, banks, shops, supermarkets, hotels, post offices, telecommunication offices, hospitals, streets, and roads. We also have public media such as newspapers and magazines, television, and radio. Furthermore, we have public networks such as the Internet-based QQ, WeChat, blogs, and bulletins. Discourse that occurs in these public spaces and that provides the general public with access to public information constitute what is termed public discourse. On the other hand, discourse that occurs between or among individuals and thus is not accessible to other people in these public spaces does not belong to this category. Understandably, public discourse is the most frequent and encompassing form of language use in daily social life, compared with institutional discourse like courtroom and classroom discourses or interpersonal discourse in face-to-face or non-face-to-face encounters. Essentially, public discourse is different from the interpersonal discourse that occurs between or among individuals2 and the institutional discourse that occurs in institutional contexts. As a category of language use, public discourse is socially situated and publicly oriented. Producers of public discourse are generally social entities, whereas the recipients are the general public or certain special but non-specified groups of people. In contrast, interpersonal discourse serves as a bridge between individuals who can be intimates or old acquaintances,

2

Introduction

such as parents-children, husband-wife, friend-friend, and colleague-colleague, or who can be strangers or new acquaintances. Likewise, institutional discourse is restricted to communication in institutional or organizational contexts such as police stations, courtrooms, labor arbitration centers, insurance companies, traffic bureaus, classrooms, parliaments, congress rooms, meetings, and conferences. The participants in the interaction are certain social bodies or organizations and certain specific individuals or groups, respectively. In general, public discourse can be classified as being several important types. According to Wang and Yuan (1999), in terms of content type, it comprises advertising language (also including posters and peddlers’ shouts); advocating language (including all forms of slogans); public signs (including tips, directions, warnings, reminders, and so on); service language, news reports, and commentaries; commodity instructions; and social catchphrases and neologisms.3 Even shop names, brands, plate names, labels, and public notices are all forms of public discourse. As they rightly highlight, public discourse, denoting all forms of language use between non-individuals, is a form of language use with an extremely broad definition and obscure boundary, to the extent that it is hard to draw a clear demarcation line between it and non-public discourse. In addition, in terms of register, public discourse can take both written and spoken forms. The former encompasses posters, public signs, tourist brochures, written advertisements, news reports, etc., whereas the latter includes news broadcasting and advertising on TV or radio, oral announcements of messages in public places, public speeches, etc. In view of representativeness, extensiveness, and feasibility, this book will limit its attention to business names, advertisements, public signs, public notices, news headlines and reports, weather forecasts, and the like. 1.1.2 Functions of public discourse Public discourse plays a multitude of roles in our social life, as classified and illustrated below. 1) To inform One of the primary social functions of public discourse is to provide specific and useful information to the general public. For example: (1) 紧急出口 (Emergency Exit) (2) 售票处 (Ticket Office) “Emergency Exit”, as in sign (1), may be used inside buildings to inform the public of the evacuation route in the event of fire or other emergencies. Similarly, we may find “Ticket” or “Ticket Office” in public places where admission is by ticket only. With the information provided by sign (2), the public are informed as to where to buy tickets to gain access to tourist spots, exhibits, performances, transport vehicles, etc.

Introduction 3 Although information provision is one of the primary functions of commodity descriptions, notices, posters, road signs, advocating discourses, etc., it is not necessarily their only function. Take journalistic discourse, for example. One of its primary functions is also to inform by providing the public with the latest news; however, since news reports often embody the political viewpoint of the reporters or their agencies, they may sometimes have an additional ideological function. The latter role, characteristic of news discourse, is often the target of critical discourse analysis (e.g., Chen, 2017; Fang, 2001; van Dijk, 1998; Wang, 2015). To avoid repetition, we will instead approach the subjectivization issue of journalistic discourse in Chapter 9. 2) To direct The second most important function of public discourse is to direct the public in how to perform certain acts. For example, (3) 请按顺序排队 (Please queue up.) (4) 请依规定整齐停放 (Please park [your bicycle] in order.) In many public places such as bank counters, hospital clinics, canteen service points, etc., we find a “Please queue up” sign, like that in (3), whose function is to avoid disorder or chaos. Also, signs like “Please park [your bicycle] in order”, as in (4), are found in public places where bicycle riders are requested to correctly park their bicycles. It should be noted that directive public discourse can be strong or weak in tone. For example, (5) 所有行李必须接受安检 (All luggage is subject to inspection.) Compared with those in examples (3) and (4), the form of direction in (5) is much stronger. In public places such as security checkpoints at the airport, at metro or railway/coach stations, passengers are required to comply with directions, such as that given in (5), to a greater extent than in other locations. 3) To remind or warn While giving directions is generally in the general public’s interest, issuing reminders or warnings generally attends to the addressees’ interests or welfare. For example, (6) 小心玻璃 (Mind the glass.) (7) 有电危险 (Danger! Electric shock risk!) Out of consideration for the public’s safety, health, property, and so on, some public discourses are displayed in public places to serve as a reminder or warning, where

4

Introduction

facilities or utilities are exposed to the public. “Mind the glass” in (6) reminds the public to be cautious that they do not hurt themselves by unintentionally breaking the glass. On the walls of power distribution centers, the use of “Danger! Electric shock risk!”, as in (7), serves to protect members of the public from electrocution. It is worth noting, though, that a reminder like (6) can also have an additional directing function because it can be interpreted as directing the addressee not to break the glass, which is also beneficial for the addresser. 4) To forbid Contrary to directive public discourse that serves to take certain actions, proscriptive public discourse is meant to disallow, forbid, or ban certain acts. For example, (8) 禁止携带易燃易爆物品 (Inflammables and explosives are forbidden.) (9) 请勿带宠物入内 (No pets are allowed.) “Inflammables and explosives are forbidden”, as in (8), is commonly found at airports and stations and on trains, coaches, buses, etc., and “No pets are allowed”, as in (9), is commonly used in parks, entertainment centers, universities, and so on. Proscriptive public discourse serves the interests of the majority by restricting the (improper) behavior of individuals, although there are exceptions. For example, one may legally erect a “No Parking” sign at the front of one’s house or premises to prevent others from parking in a private space. 5) To persuade This is the primary function of advertising public discourse. By means of various techniques, both manufacturers and advertisers seek to attract the attention of the public and persuade them to purchase goods or services. For example, (10) 市中心生态庭院 (An ecological courtyard downtown) The advertisement in (10) is for real estate. By highlighting the advantages of being located in a downtown district but being ecological in nature, the advertiser seeks to attract the attention of potential purchasers. 6) To educate Public discourse like advocating slogans are primarily used to publicize and popularize proper conduct and, at the same time, discourage misconduct, thereby educating the public in the ways of civility and morality. For example, (11) 尊老爱幼是一种美德 (Respecting the elderly and loving the young is a virtue.) (12) 保护环境 (Protect the environment.)

Introduction 5 Unlike directive public discourse that targets explicit and specific acts, the advertising slogans in (11) and (12) convey general codes of proper conduct, which can then be applied to specific directive discourses, such as “Please give your seat to the elderly” on metro trains or buses or “No dumping here” in an open, public place. 7) To provide rapport Although it is primarily oriented towards the public rather than individuals, public discourse is sometimes directed towards performing affective functions for its social members. For example, (13) 欢迎光临/欢迎您再次光临 (Welcome/Welcome back.) (14) 用户至上 用心服务 (Clients are our priority We serve whole-heartedly.) At the reception areas of restaurants, hotels, karaoke bars, etc., we may find signs such as (13) being used with signs similar to (14) being located on the inside or outside of banks, telecommunication centers, and so on. These discourses convey respect, care, and goodwill to the targeted public, thus fulfilling the function of emotional engagement. From the perspective of Speech Act Theory (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969), the first function of public discourse corresponds to the performance of assertive speech acts; the second to the sixth functions correspond to that of directive speech acts, with the last function corresponding to that of expressive speech acts. For the second to sixth functions, there is variation in terms of rank of imposition, with binding effects of varying degrees on the public. It might be misleading to list the various functions of public discourse as presented above, though. Thus, three caveats are necessary. First, the list is by no means exhaustive. Second, not every instance of public discourse involves all the functions concerned. More often than not, a single instance of public discourse performs only one primary function. Third, some (complex) instances may enact two functions at the same time, as in (15): (15) 禁止垂钓 保护环境 (Fishing is forbidden. Protect the environment.) The public sign in (15) is a complex case in that it has two parts and performs two functions. The first part (“Fishing is forbidden”) conveys the imperative message of forbidding fishing in the current location (i.e., a river or a lake), whereas the second part (“Protect the environment”) communicates the educational message of protecting the environment. Yet, it should be noted that the two functions are not on an even par; rather, in the current context, the first function is the primary one, while the second function is secondary or supportive. Basically, the educational message in the second part serves to support the forbidding role of the first part. Similarly, some advertisements not only persuade, but also provide rapport, a function that we shall investigate in Chapter 8.

6

Introduction

Indeed, the functions of some public discourses may be very vague or these functions may be hard to demarcate. For instance, we are unlikely to take the weather information broadcast on radio or TV, or the notices of real estate transfer printed in newspapers, etc., as being solely informative. Rather, by providing the relevant information, the producer of these public discourses aims to influence the public’s behavior by reminding them to put on proper clothing (or bringing an umbrella, avoiding thunderstorms, etc.) or by encouraging them to purchase the real estate under transfer and so on. Furthermore, some public discourses perform one function on the surface but enact another underneath that could be described as an indirect speech act performance (Searle, 1969) in speech act theoretic terms. For instance, (16) 此地禁止吸各种香烟! 连皇冠牌香烟也不例外 (No smoking here. Not even the Crown brand.) The public sign in (16) is apparently one that stipulates a rule against smoking. In fact, it is a carefully designed advertisement for the Crown brand of cigarette. 1.1.3 Properties of public discourse What properties does public discourse possess? Different scholars have different answers to this question. For example, Wang and Yuan (1999) consider public discourse to be characterized by publicity, utility, diversity, productivity, innovativeness, and conciseness. In comparison, Lan (2004) understands public discourse as being short-lived, highly efficient, memetic, rule-breaking, novel, indigenous, field-specific, and department-specific, etc. On the basis of previous research, this book summarizes the properties of public discourse as follows: 1) Publicity As a type of language use found in public space, all instances of public discourse are characterized by publicity in the following senses. First, it is oriented towards the general public, serving all social members within a community and even beyond. In general cases, each and every social member enjoys the service of public discourse. In other words, people from all walks of life, whatever their locality, profession, age, social class, religion, and ethnicity, can have an equal opportunity and right to obtain information from public discourse. Second, public discourse is used in public spaces, including public space, public media, and public networks, which all provide unrestricted and undifferentiated access to all people. Third, public discourse is open to all people, unlike interpersonal discourse, which is often somewhat private and confidential. Thus, it is fair to say that publicity, or openness, is the defining feature of public discourse (Wang & Yuan, 1999).

Introduction 7 2) Practicality A second important property of public discourse is its practicality. Intricately relevant to people’s daily lives, it provides them with all sorts of useful information, regulates their daily behavior or educates them in such ways to become good citizens. Goal-oriented, it conveys practical information (e.g., information about the weather, commodities, tourist routes, risks, and dangers, etc.). For instance, the goal of advertising is to persuade the public to purchase certain goods or services, the goal of news discourse is to disseminate the latest information about certain events, and the goal of public signs is to inform the public of the functions of public facilities, to direct the public towards doing something for the benefit of the public or themselves or to forbid the public from doing hazardous or indecent acts. 3) Normativity In general, public discourse, which is used in public places, public media, and public networks conforms to widely observed lexico-grammatical, generic and pragmatic norms or conventions. As it is part of the public’s daily life, its proper use plays an important role in the accurate transmission of public information and the maintenance of language purity and health. Yet, we cannot afford to ignore the fact that, influenced by popular culture, popular mentality and exotic trends, public discourse faces the risks and problems of vulgarization and contamination. Its normativity has become an issue of wide concern that calls for the attention of linguists. 4) Diversity The diversity of public discourse is manifested in various ways (Wang & Yuan, 1999). First, users of public discourse are diverse because they originate from different social groups: ethnic, social, religious, political, economic, regional, educational, occupational, professional, gender, age, etc. Second, public discourse may embrace different types of situations, registers, and genres. Thus, it may have differing degrees of formality; it may be spoken or written; it may be mono-modal or multimodal. For example, advocating discourse in newspapers is different from broadcasts on the radio. Third, public discourse enacts different actions and performs diverse functions (as previously discussed). Fourth, public discourse may take diverse linguistic forms, ranging from a single word (e.g., “Exit” and “Stop”); through a phrase (e.g., “No Parking” and “Parking Lot”); a sentence (e.g., “Please do not smoke” and “Smoking is dangerous to health”); to sentence clusters (e.g., “Water is the source of life. Please save water”); and even a complete text (such as a poster or a public notice). Owing to its diversity, public discourse may follow different types and degrees of normativity. It is understandable that public discourse, which occurs in different places and for different purposes, may vary in normativity. For example, compared to the discourse used for

8

Introduction

social mobilization, advertising discourse may be flexible and loose in terms of the requirement for normativity. 5) Conciseness Public discourse generally uses explicit, straightforward, and concise language, spoken and written alike, to facilitate the public’s comprehension. This property is inherently related to the requirement of public communication. From the recipients’ perspective, it is important to ensure that public discourse is accessible to poorly educated people. Also, from the perspective of communicative efficiency, it is important that the public is enabled to obtain key information from public discourses as quickly as possible. The use of obscure and complex language will cause the public to quickly lose interest in the public discourse. Particularly in the case of advertisements, concise language will ensure that the promoted information is available to more people by immediately attracting their attention. Similarly, only by using simple and direct language on road signs can passengers and drivers quickly obtain the relevant traffic information whilst driving. In modern society where “Time is life, speed is money”, public discourse needs to be concise and straightforward in order to fulfill its social functions. Apart from the basic properties mentioned above, some cases of public discourse may have one or more peripheral property. First, some categories of public discourse are specific to certain regions, fields, or social sectors. For example, in economically developed regions, advocating discourse used on streets or walls may be indicative of some advanced ideas on economic development and construction. (For details, refer to Chapter 7.) In contrast, in less developed regions, the advocating discourse used often lags behind the current times. In other words, some instances of public discourse may well mirror the level of economic development and social civility, providing a window on the political, economic, cultural, spiritual, and daily life of the society concerned. Also, different fields have their own forms of public discourse that differ from those used in other fields. For example, restaurant staff may use some forms of public discourse that differ from those used by staff in hotels or postal offices. Second, some cases of public discourse are extremely productive in that they may be imitated by others. Thanks to their “attractive” content or form, they may be used repeatedly or replicated. For example, entering a different province, city, town, or even a village in China, we might witness the use of “X省(市、县、 镇、村) 人民欢迎你” (“People of X Province, (City, Town, Village) Welcome You”). Similarly, slogans such as “X光荣, X可耻” (“X is a glory, X is a shame”) are widely used in public places to advocate virtuous acts and discourage hideous acts owing to its antithetic structure, as in “讲卫生光荣, 不讲卫生可耻” (“Paying attention to hygiene is a glory; it is a shame not to”); “节约光荣, 浪费可 耻” (“Saving is a glory; squandering is a shame”); and “护绿光荣, 毁绿可耻” (“Protecting greenery is a glory; destroying it is a shame”). The duplication or mimesis that gives rise to the productivity of the slogans also underlies the naming of products, shops, restaurants, and so on. For example, some restaurants like

Introduction 9 “壶外壶” (“Pot Beyond Pot”), “天外天” (“Sky Beyond Sky”), “海外海” (“Sea Beyond Sea”), “泉外泉” (“Spring Beyond Spring”), and “村外村” (“Village Beyond Village”), have names that are replications of the well-known restaurant “楼外楼” (“Building Beyond Building”). Third, the validity of some public discourse may expire with the passage of time. A public discourse designated for a particular event may lose its value once that event is over. For example, after the Beijing Olympic Games, many instances of public discourse such as “北京与奥运同行” (“Beijing in Step with Olympics Games”) and “迎奥运, 贺新年” (“Welcome to Olympic Games, Celebrate the New Year”) adopted for this event are no longer utilized. It is strange, though, that we can occasionally find sporadic “relics” of this event in some public places in Beijing, Shanghai, Nanjing, and other cities. The slogans or signs, while still in existence, are actually “dead” and no longer fulfill the function of serving the public. Bearing in mind the confusion these signs could cause, administrative bodies should be tasked with removing them. Fourth, some exceptional instances of public discourse would appear to be creative or innovative, in that they may “deliberately” distort certain Chinese idioms, sayings or proverbs. For example, “一毛不拔” (literally meaning “Not a hair is to be plucked”), used in an advertisement for a brand of toothbrush, distorts the meaning of the idiom, which originally meant parsimony or meanness; “聪明不必 绝顶” (“You can be clever without having to be bald”), used in an advertisement for a type of hair lotion, takes advantage of an idiom that involves a pun, either conveying the meaning that clever people are bald or saying someone who uses the hair lotion will become extremely clever. Finally, as an increasing number of Chinese places and fields become internationally recognized, and with the fast pace of globalization, many public signs in these areas are becoming bilingual or even trilingual. In tourist areas, for example, a significant percentage of public signs are not only in Chinese, but some also contain English, Japanese, or Korean.

1.2 Orientations and characteristics 1.2.1 Disciplinary orientations In the field of pragmatics, there have been two rather different traditions or camps, known as the Anglo-American tradition and the European Continental tradition (Culpeper & Haugh, 2014, pp. 5–7) respectively. According to Ariel (2010, p. 1), pragmatics can be defined by two approaches: one is to specify the research topics first and then assume pragmatics to be a field concerned with the study of these topics, and the other is to first specify the fundamental properties of pragmatic research and then take pragmatics to be a field of research with such features. These two approaches correspond roughly to what Mey (1993/2001) differentiates as microscopic pragmatics and macroscopic pragmatics. The first approach is typical of the Anglo-American tradition. For example, Levinson (1983) establishes deixis, (conversational) implicature, presupposition,

10

Introduction

speech act, conversational structure, and so on to be the research topics of pragmatics. Grundy (1995) is broadly similar, but he adds the topic of politeness; so too is Thomas (1995), but she omits conversational structure and presupposition and instead includes politeness. Huang (2007) also adopts the Anglo-American tradition, although he adds Relevance Theory (Sperber & Wilson, 1986/1995) at the interface between pragmatics and cognition whilst relinquishing conversational structure. In the second approach, Ariel (2010) proposes such features as context dependency, inferentiality, and non-truth conditionality to be the defining features of pragmatics. A more influential view originates with Jef Verschueren (1987, 1998, 1999), who defines pragmatics to be a “general cognitive, social, and cultural perspective on linguistic phenomena in relation to their usage in forms of behaviour” (Culpeper & Haugh, 2014, p. 7; Verschueren, 1999, p. 7). This view is representative of the European Continental tradition. Other scholars in this camp also include Haberland, Mey, Jan Ötsman amongst others. In this approach, pragmatics is not the study of language at one particular layer, but rather it penetrates into every layer of language use. More fundamentally, it represents “a socio-cultural perspective on the functioning of language” (Culpeper & Haugh, 2014, p. 7). It is understood to embrace many areas of study such as metapragmatics, pragmatic acts, literary pragmatics, societal pragmatics, and cross-cultural/intercultural pragmatics. Clearly, this second approach, while less focused than the Anglo-American approach, effectively broadens the scope of pragmatic research. By aiming to conduct critical pragmatic analyses of public discourse in the Chinese context, this book naturally falls within the scope of pragmatics in the European Continental tradition. Specifically, instead of examining interpersonal discourse, we shall examine macroscopic pragmatic issues that occur in public spheres. In particular, we shall focus on public discourse ranging from business, advertisements, news headlines and reports, public signs and slogans, through to environmental discourse. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that currently there is a tendency for the two traditions to merge with each other, termed integrative pragmatics, as embodied in Culpeper and Haugh (2014). This book will also endeavor to regard public discourse in the Chinese context as the site where microscopic pragmatic analysis will be integrated into a macroscopic discussion situated within the wide sociocultural background of the country. 1.2.2 Main characteristics This book has several main, distinctive features. First, this book will include various types of public discourse in the Chinese context as its objective of pragmatic analysis, with a view to enriching the scope of pragmatic research. In the vast literature on the use of Chinese, and perhaps other languages too, researchers have long focused their attention on the daily usage of language amongst individuals. This partly explains how classic pragmatic theories have arisen. Despite occasional investigations into some genres of public

Introduction 11 discourse such as advertisements and news reports, these are more theoretically oriented than practically motivated. Thus, it would be meaningful to explore how the classic theories can be applied to the analyses of public discourse for practical purposes. Second, it will complement existing pragmatic research on public discourse in China, and elsewhere, by adopting a critical perspective. To date, pragmatic research on public discourse in China, though limited in number, tends to focus on such issues as the politeness strategies used, the adaptation processes observed, the pragmatic meaning conveyed and the cognitive mechanisms involved (e.g., Cheng, 2013; Li & Wei, 2007; Yang, Y., 2009; Zhao, 2006). To date, there has been little effort expended in critically examining public discourse from the theoretical perspective of pragmatic theories and exploring the impact of Chinese socio-cultural factors. Third, this book will adopt a pragmatic perspective to complement the existing critical discourse analysis of public discourse in China. In the field of linguistics, there have been numerous critical discourse analyses of public discourse in China (e.g., Ji, 2001; Xin, 2005) and elsewhere (e.g., Brookes, 1995; Fairclough, 1993, 2000; Marston, 2004; Richardson, 2006; Teo, 2000). Invariably, these studies employ theoretical tools from (systemic) functional grammar that was initiated by Michael Halliday (1994) and his followers, such as the transitivity system and Appraisal Theory (Martin, 2000; Martin & White, 2005). Most noteworthy is the utilization of the analytical framework proposed by Fairclough (1992). With the emergence of critical pragmatics (Chen, 2013a; Chen, X., 2009; Mey, 1993/2001; Verschueren, 2011), it will prove worthwhile to investigate public discourse by drawing on pragmatic theories. Fourth, we will explore some issues in public discourse that have not been tackled by traditional critical discourse analysis. While critical linguists have long been interested in such issues as the ideology of certain organizations or nations, the stance of certain social bodies such as news agencies, power relations of one social class over another, and social inequality among social groups, this book will also address some other social issues such as improper naming practices, economic fraud, discrimination against or stigmatization of certain social groups, personal features, subjectivity in news headlines and reports, and the civility or vulgarization of public discourse. Finally, this book will benefit from sizable first-hand data, some of which are multimodal. By resorting to both qualitative and quantitative analyses, it will provide sufficient concrete evidence for the critical pragmatic discussion of the issues under scrutiny.

1.3 Significance of the study The orientations and characteristics of this book imply that it may be significant in both linguistic and practical ways. Linguistically, the present study has generic and disciplinary implications. First, the critical pragmatic analyses will enrich and deepen our generic knowledge of

12

Introduction

public discourse. Apart from the list of properties that were outlined in Section 1.1, we will discover how public discourse can be purposefully deployed to serve the interests of a few at the expense of the majority, how it can be an appropriate resource for transmitting positive values and how it can evolve as a response to the constant needs of its users. Second, the critical pragmatic analyses may help develop the field of pragmatics per se, illuminating the social mission and function of the field. Third, the analytical framework developed in this section will serve as a reference guide for future critical pragmatic analysis and beyond. Practically, the present study has two main functions. First, it will serve to discover and condemn inappropriate or negative pragmatic practices in contemporary China and to enhance the public’s awareness of the problems. For example, this study aims to reveal the social and cultural mentalities that govern the naming discourse for shops and hotels in the Chinese context (for details, see Chapter 4), uncover some common “pragmatic traps” or “pragmatic games” in advertising discourse that lead to “pragmatic frauds” (for details, see Chapter 5) and expose the “suspect” discrimination or prejudice against some social groups in news discourse, advocating discourse, and advertising discourse so as to facilitate the elimination of discord and disharmony in Chinese society (for details, see Chapter 6). Second, this study will showcase and promote some appropriate pragmatic practices in the Chinese context, such as the trend towards personalization (for details, see Chapter 7) and rapport management (for details, see Chapter 8), with a view to providing reference to the related governing bodies and thus contributing to the building of “pragmatic civilization” in China. We shall also pinpoint the subjectivity and stance taking of news discourse as well as its varied manifestations (for details, see Chapter 9). By and large, this study will help us to understand contemporary China and its people in different fields. Intricately relevant to people’s daily lives, public discourse is an important window on society. Public discourse not only reflects the economic development of a society, but also marks the degree of its social civilisation, serving as a window on its construction of social and intellectual civilisation. In the meanwhile, it also reflects the cultural literacy, moral cultivation and mental outlook of its social members. Thus, to get to know what an era, a society, a country, or a city is like, one can get a preliminary impression from the appropriateness of its public discourse. (He, 1997, p. 155)

1.4 Structure of the book Public discourse has many types and subtypes, to the extent that it would be impossible to cover the entire genre in a single book of this scale. However, is it unnecessary to do so, as further follow-up studies may ensue from the current attempt. Even for a single type or genre, for example advertisements, we may discover a variety of problems that are more amenable to a critical pragmatic analysis that employs different theories. However, given the scope of the present book, it

Introduction 13 is not our goal to exhaust every problem in the genre either, thus leaving scope for further exploration. In addition, we attempt to use different pragmatic theories in our critical pragmatic analysis of the various types of public discourse instead of applying a single pragmatic theory throughout. Thus, in this sense, our approach will be largely illustrative of how pragmatic theories can be availed upon for the purpose of conducting critical pragmatic analysis. Although we have applied certain theories when discussing some cases, this does not mean that we cannot reach a similar conclusion by adopting other theoretical routes. Thus, as a result of the above considerations, this book will identify some frequent, salient issues that have been noted in the literature or by the public and then investigate them by applying a suitable pragmatic theory. The book is comprised of ten chapters, as detailed briefly below. Chapter 1 is the introduction, which states the objective of the research, the disciplinary orientation of the study, its main characteristics and the academic and practical significance of the endeavor. Chapter 2 is a brief review of existing research on public discourse in the Chinese context from both the classical pragmatic perspective and the critical discourse-analytic perspective, thereby highlighting the need for the present study. Chapter 3 lays the theoretical foundations for the book. After presenting critical pragmatics as a sub-branch of pragmatics, a cursory and relevant presentation will be made of the pragmatic theories to be used in the later analysis, followed by the construction of the theoretical framework to be adopted in the critical pragmatic analysis of subsequent chapters. Chapters 4 to 9 are separate critical pragmatic studies revolving around the selected social issues from across different genres. Each chapter will build on one or more specific pragmatic theories, while its critical discussion is based on Chinese socio-cultural factors. The critical analyses may be positive or negative. In the former case, we aim to promote appropriate social-pragmatic practices and exhibit some positive pragmalinguistic changes in Chinese public discourse. In the latter case, we reveal and denounce some negative social-pragmatic practices. Chapter 10 concludes the entire study by summarizing the main findings from the previous chapters, acknowledging the principal limitations of this study and raising some suggestions for future research.

Notes 1 In this book, “public discourse” is used in two ways: as an uncountable noun when we refer to the public type of discourse in general and as a countable noun phrase when we refer to specific instances of such discourse. 2 Institutional discourses are usually not accessible to the general public unless specially designated. For example, an individual may audit a courtroom trial, if permitted. Also, a teacher’s classroom teaching may be observed by administrators or other teachers, if permission is given. Nevertheless, the auditors or observers do not directly participate in the discourses, although they may produce some effect on them. 3 Literary works might also be categorized as public discourse, as they display some basic features of this category.

2

Research background

2.1 Introduction Public discourse, as one form of language use, has been extensively investigated in the existing literature. To differentiate this exploration from previous research and, more importantly, to determine the limits or boundaries for the present study, this chapter will review the pragmatic and critical discourse studies on various genres of public discourse in the Chinese context that pertain to this study. Specifically, Section 2.2 presents a survey of related studies on public signs, while Section 2.3 reports those related to advertisements, and Section 2.4 concerns those dealing with news headlines and reports. Section 2.5 details some major changes and problems that have occurred in the use of public discourse in China, in order to provide some background for the understanding and interpretation of the issues addressed in subsequent chapters. Finally, Section 2.6 summarizes the review and determines the research space to be occupied by this book.

2.2 Pragmatic and critical discourse studies on Chinese public signs To date, a major aspect of pragmatic research on Chinese public signs is concerned with their translation. For example, Dai (2009) proposes some suggestions as to how to translate public signs after an analysis of their pragmatic functions. Xu (2012), based on the theory of pragmatic equivalence, addresses both pragmalinguistic and sociopragmatic failures in the Chinese-to-English translation of collected traffic signs, proposes such principles as normativity, accuracy, brevity, visibility, appropriacy, and readability and advances such techniques as appropriation, imitation, and conversion for the purpose of achieving pragmatic equivalence. Sun and Chen (2017) explore the translation of public signs from the perspective of formulaic language. Based on the translation of the formulaic language in the national Guidelines for the Use of English in Public Service Areas, they propose the notion of politeness equivalence derived from the perspective of pragmatic translation. Other pragmatic research on Chinese public signs involves the discussion of their pragmalinguistic features and strategies. For example, Chen (2001) studies

Research background 15 the use of signs in the setting of estate management, analyzes the pragmalinguistic features and strategies underlying the sign discourse from the perspective of linguistic adaptation (Verschueren, 1999) and draws on urban social-pragmatic construction in modern China. Yuan and Chen (2010) explore the pragmalinguistic features and politeness strategies employed in environmental protection public signs, finding that these pragmatic features are chosen to adapt to the current social and psychological contexts of the country and reflect the producers’ humanism and pursuit of pragmatic harmony in current times. Li, Y. (2008) explores the issue of face in English and Chinese public signs, highlighting that they exert different effects in different ways on the public’s positive and negative face and employ different politeness strategies to mitigate the threat to their face. Yang (2009) recognizes public signs as being both linguistic and social phenomena and conducts a sociopragmatic analysis of “good” and “bad” ones on the basis of numerous examples. From a critical point of view, there have been relatively few attempts made, though. Pan (2014), for example, finds that “bad” public signs are characterized by a focus on power relations, an exclusive concern with money making, improper value guidance, wicked abuse, or wanton intimidation. Li (2015) also adopts a critical linguistic perspective; however, his concern is primarily with problems in the translation of public signs. By nature, the studies conducted by Yuan and Chen (2010) and Yang (2009), as mentioned above, are also “critical”, primarily in a positive way because they commend “good” public signs that transmit positive values and serve the purpose of building good linguistic environments, rather than criticizing “bad” ones.

2.3 Pragmatic and critical discourse studies on Chinese advertisements It might be an exaggeration to state that there is an abundance of pragmatic literature on the study of Chinese advertisements, but there certainly is a sufficient quantity for analysis. In terms of the types of advertisement, existing research explores such sub-genres as cosmetics advertisements (e.g., Jiang, 2007); personal/dating ads (e.g., Zhang, 2006), real estate advertisements (e.g., Yan, 2006); and female product advertisements (e.g., Zhan, 2007). In addition, some studies (e.g., Chen, 1998; Zhou & Mao, 2009) undertake a comparative pragmatic investigation of different types of advertisements. Different theoretical models have been deployed, such as Grice’s (1975) Cooperative Principle (e.g., Pei, 2007; Xu & Peng, 2009; Yang, Z., 2008; Zhang & Liu, 2005; Zhou & Zhou, 2009) (these studies mainly investigate how advertisers take advantage of flouting the maxims to produce certain special advertising effects), Leech’s (1983) Politeness Principle (e.g., Fang, 2003; Jiang, 2007) (these studies deal with how politeness strategies are employed for the purpose of attracting purchase), Austin’s (1962) and Searle’s (1969) speech act theory (e.g., Jiang, 2007) (this studies the performance of speech acts in advertisements), Sperber and Wilson’s (1986/1995) Relevance Theory (e.g., Liu & Qiu, 2008; Pei, 2007; Shen,

16

Research background

2004; Sheng, 2006; Tang & Guo, 2007; Xiao, 2004; Zhou & Mao, 2009) (these studies explore how advertisers use appropriate discourse that is consistent with the presumption of optimal relevance to achieve the expected communicative effects), Verschueren’s (1999) Adaptation Theory (e.g., Cui & Wu, 2009; Cui & Rui, 2009; Wei, 2002; Xu, 2007; Zhang, 2008) (these studies are mainly concerned with how advertisers adapt to certain contextual factors such as the consumers’ social culture and psyches in order to lure them to purchase), etc. Some studies employ a mixture of theoretical models. For example, Guo, X. (2008) and Ma and Yin (2008) combine the use of Relevance Theory, Adaptation Theory, and Memetics; Wang, J. (2009) approaches the analysis of advertisements from the perspective of both Adaptation Theory and Memetics. In terms of the targets of pragmalinguistic analysis, existing research encompasses a wide variety of features, such as linguistic variation (e.g., Wei, 2002); presupposition (e.g., Chen, 1998; Cui & Wu, 2009; Duan, 2009; Li, 2007; Liu, 2003; Zhao & Lan, 2008); code-switching (e.g., Yang, Y. H., 2008); metaphor (e.g., Liu, 2009); interdiscursivity (e.g., Guo, X., 2008); memes (e.g., Ma & Yin, 2008; Wang, 2009); fuzzy expressions (e.g., Zhao, 2008); puns (e.g., Pei, 2007; Yao & Liu, 2009); personal pronouns (e.g., Zhang, 2005); modality (e.g., Yang, S., 2007); euphemisms (e.g., Sheng, 2006); and imperatives (e.g., Zhou, 2004), etc. It is remarkable that, while the majority of previous studies are oriented towards uncovering the effects of the various pragmalinguistic methods used, some others explore the underlying pragmatic strategies and social mentalities. For example, Duan (2009) reveals how advertisers take advantage of the consumers’ psyche, and Zhang (2008) shows how advertisements on online university flea markets are actively adapted to the recipients’ mental world. It is also worth noting that many researchers conduct critical linguistic studies on Chinese advertisements, as reported in brief below. Most importantly, some researchers focus on the issues of inappropriateness and deceptiveness. For example, Zong (2001) highlights, from the perspective of speech act performance, three problems of inappropriateness that afflict some advertisements: a) the transmission of negative social morals and cultural values; b) the lack of truth in content and politeness in behavior; c) deviation from the norms of language use. Chen (1998) analyzes the potential deceptiveness of some advertisements, which is derived from the unidirectionality, subjectivity, and latency of the presupposition used. Jiang (2008) also highlights the deceptiveness of some advertisements, which results from the communication of conversational implicatures. Qian (2015) performs a critical analysis of the vague expressions used in some deceptive advertisements by drawing on the theory of pragmatic enrichment. Chen and Chen (2012) explore the motivation of advertisers’ use of fuzzy language and the potential for misunderstanding that such use may create among potential consumers. Using real estate advertisements as examples and examining the frequency, content, and types of fuzzy language used in this form of print advertisement, the authors show that the use of fuzzy language may serve to enhance the advertising effects, may lead to falsity and

Research background 17 consequently may give rise to commercial disputes. Considering that previous studies of advertisements have revealed the potentially misleading or deceptive use of vague language, but have failed to explore the socio-psychological mechanism behind the use of misleading or deceptive vague discourse, Shen and Chen (2015), adopting the methods of audience survey and interview, investigate the socio-psychological factors adopted by advertisers in the use of misleading vague discourse within the framework of critical pragmatics. The analysis shows that TV shopping advertisers tend to focus on prospective customers’ psychological tendencies (such as blind faith in technology and authority, the pursuit of a good deal and novelty and herd mentality) and adapt negatively to those mentalities in their use of vague discourse to mislead potential customers into buying their products. Chen (2018), on the basis of existing, relevant research, adopts the critical pragmatic perspective, in conjunction with the Theory of Pragmatic Identity as a theoretical tool. It focuses on the types, distributions, and discursive strategies of identity construction in the available, sizable database of real estate advertisements. By uncovering the adaptation features underneath, it reveals the “identity traps” that real estate advertisers establish. Another important strand of critical research is that some studies reflect on the ideologies underlying Chinese advertisements. For example, Qian (2007), by identifying the different ways of representing the two genders in advertisements, reveals the differing attitudes that advertisers hold regarding consumers of different sexes. Xia and Fu (2014) explore how advertisers promote their sales of gender-related products by projecting and constructing female social identities in China. Lin (2012) uncovers the mechanism of power construction via implicit means, as exemplified in the notion of “science and technology as humanoriented”. Yin and He (2008) adopt Fairclough’s tripartite framework and analyze how commercials try to influence consumers by popularizing various modes of life and ideologies. Wu (2008), adopting the three metafunctions of systemic functional grammar, addresses the interrelations between language, power, and ideology that exist in some advertisements. Drawing on the theory of intertextuality, Li (2008) suggests that the use of intertextual features in some medical advertisements may represent the hegemonic struggle between normative medical discourse and medical advertisements, highlighting that consumerism is colonizing such domains of social life as medical health. Similarly, in a diachronic study, Chen (2013b) discovers that an increasing number of discourse features that are characteristic of interpersonal communication appear in advertisements, suggesting that advertisers take advantage of personalized language to reconstruct relationships with consumers with a view to strengthening the affective influence and persuasive power of their advertising discourse. There are some critical studies on other issues. For example, Fang (2003) explores the pragmatic failures in advertisements, and Xiao (2004) diagnoses some unsuccessful advertisements from a cross-cultural perspective. Li (2012) conducts a critical analysis of the linguistic deviations in some Chinese advertisements from the perspective of discourse orders.

18

Research background

2.4 Pragmatic and critical discourse studies on Chinese news headlines and reports There has been an abundance of research on Chinese news headlines and reports from various pragmatic perspectives and involving various topics. In terms of theory application, related research involves the following theoretical models: Speech Act Theory (e.g., Hu, 2006; Zhan, 2009) (these studies explore news discourse as performing speech acts), Cooperative Principle (e.g., Chen, 2007; Guo, 2008; Jin, 2010; Liu, H., 2010; Wu, 2007) (these studies investigate the deviations from the maxims of the principle in news headlines or reports as well their pragmatic functions), Relevance Theory (e.g., Hu, 2005; Jia, 2009; Zhang & Sun, 2008; Zhu, 2010) (these studies analyze how news discourse, and news headlines in particular, achieve some expected communicative effects by using various means of expression consistent with the presumption of optimal relevance), Adaptation Theory (e.g., Chen & Xu, 2006; Wu & Chen, 2008; Wu & Ma, 2009; Xie, 2009) (these studies examine the use of pragmatic presupposition, the issue of subjectivity and intertextuality, and so on), Identity Theory (Chen & Yuan, 2010), etc. In terms of the objective of this study, existing research is focused on the following pragmalinguistic topics: code-switching in entertainment news discourse (e.g., Zhao & Qin, 2005); catchy words (e.g., Yang & Xiong, 2010); metonymy (e.g., Zhu, 2010); subjectivization and subjectivity (e.g., Duan & Yang, 2006; Xin, 2000); presupposition (e.g., Huang, 2008; Wu, 2007; Wu & Chen, 2008; Xiang & Li, 2007; Xu, 2006); memes (e.g., Wang, Z., 2009); and the use of “narrative” newspaper headlines (e.g., Wang & Chen, 2015). From the critical point of view, there have been a number of different strands of research on Chinese news headlines or reports, although a number of studies (e.g., Tang, 2009) concern the critical analysis of the improper or unfavorable representation of China’s image in international newspapers, whilst others (e.g., Lai, 2009) are a more theoretical exploration of the ideology in news discourse based on Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework or the theory of intertextuality. Zong and Liu (2007) conduct a critical multi-dimensional analysis of reports on Koizumi’s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine that were published in four news outlets: People’s Daily (Chinese version) and PLA Newspaper (Chinese version) of China, Jiji of Japan, and CNN of the United States. The study shows that, while CNN adopts a generally neutral stance, the other three news agencies have a strong bias despite their apparent objectivity. Tang (2008) adopts a multimodal positive critical analysis of daily life news that was broadcast by the News Workshop channel of Shanghai TV station over 10 consecutive days. It shows how the media provide a multimodal discourse platform for the underprivileged and how it contributes to the construction of a harmonious community. Liu, Y. (2010), drawing on Martin and White’s (2005) Appraisal Theory, explores the engagement dimension of a 2-month-long report on drunk driving in Straits Metropolis Daily. It shows that engagement means, such as negation, refutation, support, agreement, acknowledgment, and estrangement, are used to effectively promote positive factors in the news report.

Research background 19

2.5 Changes and problems in Chinese public discourse With the development of Chinese society, comes the evolution of its public discourse. For example, Tian (2008, p. 180), in her research on commercial advertisements, highlights that “more and more use of personal pronouns like “我” (“I”, “me”) and “你” (“you”) can add a sense of friendliness and narrow down the distance, thus reducing the psychological obstacle to making purchases”. Such deictic phenomena also occur in other situations such as posters, public notices, newspapers, and public signs in China. It suggests that Chinese public discourse has “appropriated” some features of non-public discourse. Another positive change is the use of heartwarming words. For example, we frequently find phrases like “为了您和他人的家庭幸福, 请您注意行车安全” (“For the happiness of you and your family, please drive with care”) and “您的家人在等 您平安回家” (“Your family are waiting for you at home”) being used as replacements for “注意行车安全” (“Drive with care”), which is devoid of emotion (for details, refer to Chapter 7). While the increased use of personal pronouns in Chinese public discourse might be considered a positive change, some negative pragmatic phenomena have also arisen in the context of social and economic reforms in China. For example, Ran (2006, pp. 173–175) highlights that the following pragmatic deviations have occurred in Chinese public discourse: a) the abnormal mentality in favor of exotic things; b) the abnormal mentality of pursuing bossiness; and c) the abnormal mentality of seeking novelty, queerness, and oddity. Lan (2004) summarizes the problems in Chinese public discourse as follows (but does not include those that occur among individuals): a b c d e f

the abuse of the original complex form of the contemporary simplified Chinese characters; obscure use of language, e.g., “零度激情” (“zero passion”) and “天子门生 电子产品” (“emperor’s pupils”) for shop names; forms with bizarre interpretation, e.g., “白瓜” (literally “white + gourd”, meaning “idiot”), “神童” (literally “godlike + child”, meaning “neurotic child”); “特色” (literally “special + color”, meaning “extremely lecherous”); new pidgin, e.g., “好IN” (“very fashionable”); MP3 (“ass-kisser”); distortion of idioms, e.g., “口蜜腹“健”[剑]” (an advertisement for a nutritious tonic, using “health” to replace “sword”); “橙”[诚]心“橙” [诚]意 (an advertisement for an orange juice, using “orange” to replace “honesty”); semantic sexiness e.g., “泡妞” (meaning “girl chasing”) (a children’s food); “想知道清嘴的味道吗” (meaning “Do you know the taste of kissing?”) (an advertisement for a gum branded as “清嘴”).

He (1997, pp. 158–162) discusses the negative effects of the rising economic tide on the use of Chinese. One such negative effect is that English and dialects are frequently used together with mandarin Chinese in local newspapers, whilst another is that mandarin Chinese is frequently distorted, twisted, and “recreated”

20

Research background

to attract the public’s attention, as in “咳 (刻) 不容缓” (an advertisement for a cough-curing tonic, using “cough” to replace “instant”). In his opinion, although these uses are novel, they lead to violations of the language conventions and could lead to the misuse of idioms. However, this is controversial, as other researchers consider it to be a positive thing and represents the creativity of language. Thus, to ascertain the acceptability of such language phenomena, a widespread survey is needed.

2.6 Summary The above analysis of the existing research on Chinese public discourse, conducted from a pragmatic perspective and a critical discourse-analytic perspective, shows that the main achievements of previous researchers are primarily as follows: First, pragmatic interpretations and explanations of the pragmatic features, meaning, motivation, mechanisms, and effects of Chinese public signs have been forwarded, which have enabled a better and deeper understanding of the production process and purpose of public signs in Chinese contexts; Second, critical discourse-analytic explorations have been undertaken into the ideological issues primarily within the framework of systemic functional linguistics, which have highlighted such issues as subjectivity and bias; Third, existing research has focused attention on the various problems encountered in Chinese public discourse, particularly with regard to the deviation from language norms. There has also been sporadic discussion of other problems such as vulgarity and obscenity, which provides a good point of departure for the present study; Finally, a tendency to combine pragmatic and critical discourse analysis has emerged. For example, Ji (2009) integrates the theory of pragmatic presupposition into the analytical framework of crucial discourse analysis and highlights that presupposition is an effective means of expressing attitude and opinion, naturalizing certain ideologies and manipulating readers. Thus, the study also reveals the social and ideological functions that have been overlooked by classic pragmatics. However, the following niches that have emerged from the previous literature review need to be addressed: a

b

While existing pragmatic research on Chinese public discourse is primarily concerned with its pragmalinguistic features, functions, presupposition, implicature, and communicative effects, it is less oriented towards societalpragmatic issues. Admittedly, a couple of pragmatic studies have touched upon these issues, but they are more concerned with the problems of linguistic non-conventionality and purity. More crucially, the problems they have been addressed are usually explicit and straightforward, with many implicit problems being unexplored or underexplored; In terms of the theoretical framework adopted for analysis, existing research is primarily dependent on systemic functional grammar. While helpful and

Research background 21

c

d

effective in tackling some problems, the theoretical framework may not prove to be as useful or applicable in the analysis of other problems. As we shall demonstrate, adopting some theoretical tools of pragmatics may prove powerful in revealing implicit issues such as social discrimination and economic deception; In terms of critical orientation, existing research on the critical study of Chinese public discourse is overwhelmingly negative in nature. Greater effort is therefore required in order to conduct a positive critical analysis. Indeed, as we shall demonstrate, a positive critical pragmatic perspective may contribute to the exploration of the pragmatic harmony and civilization that is currently occurring in China. Methodologically, existing research suffers from a high degree of subjectivity, as the majority of it is based solely on the linguistic forms of Chinese public discourse. Moreover, with the exception of a few studies (e.g., Liu and Qiu (2008) conduct an empirical study to explore the poetic effects of advertising language from the perspective of cognitive pragmatics), the majority of related studies are based on limited and sporadic data instead of sizeable and systematic data.

In view of the above-mentioned gaps and problems, this book aims to occupy these niches by constructing a new framework based on pragmatic theories and then critically investigate some major issues and problems in Chinese public discourse on the basis of suitable first-hand data, from both a negative and positive point of view. It is hoped that the present enterprise will provide an alternative path and solution to critical discourse analysis and, via the analysis of its public discourse, provide a new window for understanding China.

3

Theoretical foundations

3.1 Introduction Since its inception, the value obtained from conducting Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has been witnessed in its extensive application to the study of discourse in a multitude of social domains. During the early 1990s, there arose a need to perform critical analysis in the field of pragmatics. In particular, pragmaticists tend to focus on language users and uncover the implicit ideology-laden meaning behind their discourse by benefiting from the strength of pragmatic theories. This has led to the emergence of critical pragmatics (Chen, 2013a; Chen, X., 2009; Mey, 1993/2001). This new approach has injected vigor and momentum into the existing critical analysis of discourse, which has essentially been based on systemic functional grammar (SFG). This book adopts critical pragmatics as its theoretical framework. To prepare for the critical discussions in the forthcoming chapters, this chapter will provide a detailed introduction to the approach, covering its origin, aims, targets, paths, theoretical underpinnings, and methodologies. However, at the outset, we will briefly outline the history of Critical Discourse Analysis and present its theoretical basis and major concerns. By addressing some of its drawbacks, we aim to highlight the necessity and significance of a pragmatic perspective.

3.2 Critical linguistic perspective on discourse analysis Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) made its debut in the late 1970s and early 1980s. As a linguistic term, it originated from Fairclough’s Language and Power (1989). A related, sometimes mutually exchangeable, term is critical linguistics, which was initiated by Fowler and Kress in their monograph, Language and Control (1979). As a research perspective or tradition, CDA has rapidly developed over the past 40 years, resulting in an important research paradigm in sociological and linguistic fields. It has been widely used in socio-political criticisms with farreaching influence (Xin, 1996). CDA has a profound ideological foundation. In Western social sciences, “critical social theories” have their origin in the Frankfurt School and its successor, the Neo-Frankfurtians after World War II, of whom the best known is Jürgen

Theoretical foundations 23 Habermas. According to these scholars, since the researchers’ perspective and interest may influence their interpretation of the target of research, there are no “naked” facts in any discipline, particularly in humanities and social sciences. Influenced by the “critical social theories”, critical linguists do not take language to be an abstract system of signs or an objective medium of communication between people and between people and reality; rather, they regard language as a kind of social practice. As a system of social semiotic signs (Halliday, 1978; Widdowson, 2004), language represents its users’ values and opinions. Used on TV, in newspapers, political propaganda, and official documents presenting certain ideologies, it is amenable to critical linguistic analysis. The ultimate goal is to uncover inequalities in power relations, racism, gender discrimination, and so on, which form the basis of the discourse, and promote the readers’ anti-control consciousness by heightening their sensitivity to all forms of implicit manipulation (see Dai & Chen, 2004). 3.2.1 Aims and targets of CDA As an important approach to discourse analysis (DA), CDA has increasingly attracted the attention of linguists. The majority of CDA analysts in the UK are university scholars conducting theoretical research. However, their ultimate goal is not to study the nature of language or discourse, but rather, by performing text analysis, to explore the social problems inherent in discourse. In practice, they conduct the analysis of the linguistic features of non-literary discourse such as news and political texts in an effort to reveal the underlying relationships between language and power and between language and ideology. Their primary goal is to uncover the implicit “social inequality” (Wodak, 2001, p. 2) in language use and explore power abuse in discourse in order to disclose and resist social injustice (van Dijk, 2001, p. 96). In essence, CDA is consistent with social critical theories, in that it also launches the critical analyses of social phenomena from the perspectives of rationality and theory. This explains why Widdowson (1995) conceives critical linguistics as lying between social studies and political polemics. Their difference, however, lies in the fact that, whereas sociological criticism does not focus on discourse, critical linguistics takes discourse as a form of social practice (Fairclough, 2001), critically analyzes all forms of social phenomena from the viewpoint of discourse and explores “the relation between discourse as social practice and other forms of social practice” (Fairclough, 2001, p. 123). As indicated by an analysis of the existing literature, CDA often concerns the following targets of criticism: a) unequal power relations (e.g., van Dijk, 1996; Wodak, 2001; Zeng, 2008) or power manipulation (e.g., Wu, 2008); b) social discrimination (e.g., Sun, 2004) or national discrimination (e.g., Tang, 2009); c) racism (e.g., van Dijk, 1988, 1991, 1993; Wodak & van Dijk, 2000); d) neoliberalism (e.g., Fairclough, 2000); e) ideology or political stance (e.g., Lv, 2005; Wu & Lan, 2007), etc. It is worthy of mention, though, that nowadays CDA is not always negative because the so-called positive critical analysis has emerged (as in Hu & Yi, 2009; Tang, 2008), whose goal is constructive.

24

Theoretical foundations Objective DA DA

Negative CDA CDA

Positive CDA

Figure 3.1 Types of DA

In summary, as shown in Figure 3.1, CDA, as a genre of discourse analysis, is opposed to objective discourse analysis and is composed of negative CDA and positive CDA. 3.2.2 Theoretical frameworks in CDA While bordering on sociology and social psychology (Meyer, 2001), CDA adopts discourse as its axis and locus of analysis. For this reason, although various critical linguists may differ in their theoretical models and goals (ibid., pp. 14–31), they invariably draw on linguistic theories and methodologies. As is manifested in existing literature, CDA analysts primarily adopt the analytical tools from Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2004) systemic functional grammar, such as the three metafunctions, transitivity system analysis, mood system analysis, thematic structure analysis, and so on, on the premise that language is conceived as being a social semiotic (Halliday, 1978; Widdowson, 2004). For instance, Wu (2008) employs the trichotomy of the three metafunctions of language in SFG in the exploration of the interrelations between language, power, and ideology in Chinese advertising language. Lv (2005), drawing on such notions as the transitivity system and the interpersonal system, investigates the varied ideologies embodied in several major English-language newspapers. Lv and Zhou (2009), also adopting the transitivity system as an analytical tool, diagnose a campaign speech given by the former American president, Barack Obama. Another frequently cited framework, namely three-dimensional analysis, is credited to Fairclough (1989, 1995, 2001, 2003). For example, by adopting his tripartite framework, Yin Baolian and He Weina (2008) explore how producers of commercials attempt to persuade consumers into accepting various modes of life and ideologies. A further commonly used theoretical framework is Martin and White’s (2005) Appraisal Theory, which is comprised of three facets (i.e., judgment, engagement, and graduation). For instance, by drawing on his appraisal theory, Liu Yin (2010) conducts a positive critical analysis of the engagement dimension of a 2-month-long report on drunk driving in Straits Metropolis Daily. Other theoretical frameworks include Bakhtin’s theory of intertextuality (as exemplified in Lai, 2009) and multi-modal CDA (as implemented in Chen, M., 2009; Tang, 2008).

Theoretical foundations 25 3.2.3 Problems with CDA Clearly, CDA has contributed significantly to the exposure of the ideologies, power relations, social or national discrimination, and the stance behind journalistic or political discourse, increasing the general public’s awareness of the subjectivity of such discourse in social practice. However, despite its expansion of influence, some researchers (e.g., Schegloff, 1998; Widdowson, 1995, 2004; Xin, 2004; Zhao & Tian, 2008) have begun to question and even challenge the critical tradition. Some problems that have been highlighted are as follows: a

b

CDA is clearly too subjective. Both Widdowson (1995) and Schegloff (1998) argue that CDA starts from a prejudiced basis in that, prior to their analysis, they have already formed their subjective stance or ideology. This bias motivates them to select those discourses that suit their purpose, and naturally, the result of their analysis will be supportive of their intended interpretation (Widdowson, 1995, p. 69). Thus, Widdowson (2004, p. 104) suspects those mechanisms or criteria that lead critical linguists to focus on some fragments instead of others. Another manifestation of the subjectivity of CDA is that analysts generally do not distinguish between the semantic meaning of linguistic units in texts and their pragmatic meaning; rather, they interpret the meaning potential of the former as being preexisting and fixed in meaning (Widdowson, 2004, pp. 96–97). The analytical process behind CDA is not explanatory. A common practice in this paradigm of research is as follows: first, decide on a certain issue to be explored; then, describe and analyze the specific context (including the more general social context); and next, focus on some linguistic features in the chosen discourse (such as transitivity, modality, lexicon, and tense) and highlight that these linguistic choices in the discourse convey a certain implicit meaning or allude to the stance of the author of the discourse. We can take, for example, a discourse analyzed by van Dijk (1996), selected from the British newspaper, The Sun, which reported on the country’s large-scale immigration situation. In his analysis, van Dijk links the use of some words with the racism underlying the report. For example, he highlights that the three negative expressions (“invaded”, “army”, and “illegals”) in the headline of the report (“Britain invaded by an army of illegals”) are all related to immigration; thus, behind the use of such expressions lies the implicit racism of the report’s author. However, van Dijk fails to explain how he has derived the implicit meaning of racism from these words. In other words, CDA tends to establish a direct and straightforward link between linguistic forms and ideologies, leaving the process of interpretation unexplored. As admitted by Fairclough (1992, p. 86), a leading CDA scholar, one major problem with CDA is that it does not have a powerful explanation as its conclusion. Consequently, its conclusion is not necessarily right or decisive. As Widdowson (1995) rightly highlights, owing to its subjectivity, CDA’s conclusion is not necessarily correct. Rather, its conclusion is open to discussion (Fairclough, 1996).

26

Theoretical foundations

c

The targets of criticism in CDA are too heavily ideological. Oriented towards social problems, CDA is constrained by its theoretical background of critical social theories. As a result, critical analysts are primarily concerned with the relationship between language and power and with that between language and ideology. Their aim is to resolve social injustice, power imbalances, and so on. However, there are many other social issues and problems that underlie the use of language. Discourses that reflect or create social problems such as economic and telecommunication fraud, linguistic vulgarity and obscenity, unhealthy social mentalities, and social group-oriented stereotyping are all worthy of exploration. Meanwhile, discourses that mirror civilized language service, harmony building, and being environmentally friendly may also be subject to positive critical analysis.

To complement existing CDA research and rectify some of its defects, we deem it necessary to introduce a pragmatic perspective into the critical enterprise by: a) integrating the context of language use into the analysis of linguistic forms to avoid the mechanical mapping between their semantic meaning and certain ideological values; b) broadening the scope of critical targets, both negative and positive, to diversify the critical aims and roles of the enterprise while avoiding a solely ideological orientation and preoccupation; and c) improving the methodology of CDA with a more in-depth use of empirically based and viable methods.

3.3 Critical pragmatic analysis Since its emergence, pragmatics has placed an emphasis on language users by focusing on how they make use and sense of language in a dynamic context. However, while the majority of pragmatics literature has explored implicit meaning such as the language users’ presupposition and implicature, and their social meaning such as their politeness behavior and identity construction in relation to a variety of factors like rank of imposition, power relations, and social distance, it has largely ignored an array of other issues underlying language use, namely unhealthy ideologies, discrimination, deception, vulgarity, harmony, and civilization. It is our contention that pragmatics should not only be involved in the research of interpersonal meaning in socio-cultural contexts, but should also address the social meaning of public discourse. As a less heeded sub-field, critical pragmatics (Chen, 2013a; Chen, X., 2009; Mey, 1993/2001), which aims to investigate the ideologies and value orientations behind language use and to promote appropriate modes of language use, may fill in these gaps. 3.3.1 Origin of critical pragmatics Critical pragmatics has a similar academic background to CDA because it also originates from the critical European Continental tradition. In 1979, Jacob Mey, one of the main figures of the European Continental School (as opposed to the

Theoretical foundations 27 Anglo-American School), published an article in German entitled “Zur Kritischen Sprachtheorie” (“Toward a critical theory of language”). In the paper, he discussed the basic conditions of linguistic emancipation. However, it largely went unnoticed, perhaps as a result of being written in German. In his work entitled Whose Language? A Study in Linguistic Pragmatics (1985), Mey used Marxist dialectics to analyze language use in society and in particular the language of labor disputes and its reflection in the media. He highlighted that “to find what language is used for, you have to find the user, and determine what makes him or her speak” (2001, p. 316). In other words, we need to find out how they “word the world” (Mey, 1985, p. 166). In his opinion, there exists an imbalance in language use. As a social science, pragmatics needs to help people realize the imbalance between power and linguistic discrimination and try to prevent these social problems. In 1993, Mey proposed the notion of critical pragmatics for the first time, in his work entitled Pragmatics: An Introduction. As Mey (1985, 1993/2001) stresses, we need to address the question of “whose language” and place the language user in a “critical” position. Critical pragmatics tackles “the problems of social language use” (Mey, 1993, p. 316) when people “word the world” by focusing on “those areas where language use was critically determined by the relations of power in society” (Mey, 1993, p. 316). By placing language users in a “critical” position, such problems of social language use as discrimination, social oppression, naturalization, and deceit are addressed in their socio-cultural context (Chen, 2013a; Chen, X., 2009). In 1999, Jef Verschueren, another eminent scholar of the European Continental School, highlighted that (speech) communicative events are hardly separable from ideology in his book entitled Understanding Pragmatics. Taking The Economist’s editorial introduction to The World in 1996 as an example, he revealed how hegemony and marginalization are implicitly realized in the discourse through the analysis of such discourse features as deixis and metapragmatic markers. At the tenth annual pragmatics meeting of Japan in 2007, he stressed that pragmaticists should keep language use in the public sphere under consideration because all types of socially related ideas (or ideology) reside in and are transmitted through discourse. He defined ideology as “any constellation of fundamental or commonsensical, and often normative, beliefs and ideas related to some aspect(s) of ‘reality’” (Verschueren, 1999, p. 238). It is a form of “taken-for-granted” or tacit meaning that is not explicitly encoded and can easily go unnoticed. However, since pragmatics excels in analyzing implicit meaning, ideology falls naturally within its scope. Thus, it is a mission of pragmatics to uncover and, therefore, resist all forms of dominance patterns in public discourse. Basically, critical pragmatics hinges on the use of pragmatic theories, thus distinguishing it from other critical approaches, as indicated in Figure 3.2. 3.3.2 Defining “critical” in this book In the tradition of “critical social theories”, the basic or original meaning of “critical” is to “comment” and “evaluate” and thus does not possess overtones such as “complaint” and “fault-finding”, as characteristics of its daily use (Chen, 1995;

28

Theoretical foundations SFG-based socio-semiotic approach Critical approaches

pragmatic approach cognitive linguistic approach other approaches

Figure 3.2 Critical approaches to discourse analysis

Fowler, 1991, p. 90, 92). In subsequent CDA literature, “critical” has three meanings (Zhong, 2005): a) to reveal and explicate something implicit and hidden (like ideology and power relation) (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997, p. 258), in other words, to bring to light opaque things in the discourse. In Fairclough’s research, for example, power can be obtained through discourse by implicit means (Fairclough, 1992, p. 50); b) to put theory into action. Van Dijk highlights that critical linguistics is “criticism against social injustice”. Fairclough advocates that critical linguists and social activists join hands when conducting critical research and to try this in various social movements. Clearly, this proposal has a political overtone; and c) conduct reflection and self-criticism. Discourse is a form of social practice, and so is CDA. Critics need to reflect on their own position, methodology, and so on. In critical pragmatic analysis (CPA), the interpretation of “critical” is slightly closer to its interpretation in CDA, than to its interpretation in “critical social theories”. This is evidenced by Mey’s proposal on “pragmatics and social struggle”, “linguistic emancipation”, and so on. (1993, p. 308). Yet, he does not go as far as to advocate putting theory into practice; nor does he mention reflection or selfcriticism. In this book, in addition to subscribing to the commonly held belief that “critical” indicates a “reflective, examining stance towards the phenomena of life” (Mey, 1993, p. 315), we take “critical” to have the following features: first, CPA is a form of linguistic comment; second, the comment targets both positive and negative social issues in public discourse; and third, by examining the positive and commendable language usages on the one hand and uncovering the negative or condemnable values, beliefs, or practices in the discourse on the other, it seeks to influence people’s minds and behaviors by means of appropriate comments. In our case, CPA does not have any political orientation. As such, CPA is subjective, in the sense that the analyst has a goal in mind before undertaking the analysis and therefore is deliberate in choosing data for examination. However, methodologically, it needs to be objective, in the sense that the analyst must derive his or her conclusion from the pragmalinguistic analysis of systematic data or typical cases. 3.3.3 Goals and orientation of CPA CPA aims to contribute primarily to the development of pragmatic harmony and civilization in public spheres. In order to achieve this principal goal, it seeks to

Theoretical foundations 29 Positive CPA CPA

(neutral CPA) Negative CPA

Figure 3.3 Orientations of CPA

influence the public’s behavior, thoughts, and beliefs by virtue of critical comments on the strengths of pragmatic theories. Specifically, it endeavors to promote positive and appropriate modes of language use (which we term positive CPA) on the one side and discourage and resist negative and inappropriate modes of language use (which we term negative CPA) on the other side. In positive CPA, critics are meant to focus on all forms of appropriate modes of language use in public spheres, such as civilized language service (as in service encounters and slogans), harmony-building communication (as in public signs), and environmentally friendly language use (as in public signs and advertisements for public welfare). In negative CPA, critics are expected to focus on all forms of inappropriate modes of language use in public spheres, such as deceptive economic and telecommunication discourse (as in advertisements); vulgar and obscene use of language (as in public signs and advertisements); the naming of unhealthy social mentalities or stereotyping discourse oriented by social group (gender, age, social class, race, countryside, province, region, profession, etc.) (as in advertising and journalism discourse). Between these two extremes, CPA may have an additional or minor role to play. Notably, it can contribute to our recognition and understanding of language users’ subjectivity or stance that underlie all forms of public discourse, particularly with regards to journalistic and political discourse. As we are not commending or denouncing anything, the CPA conducted in this manner could be characterized as being neutral. Thus, CPA has two major orientations (positive and negative) and a minor orientation (neutral), as represented in Figure 3.3.

3.4 Theoretical tools for critical pragmatics The critical pragmatic analyst needs to be armed with theoretical tools. Whereas existing CDA or critical linguistics generally depends on Halliday’s SFG (including the transitivity system and interpersonal system) and Martin and White’s (2005) Appraisal Theory, critical pragmatics draws mainly on various pragmatic theories. The following section will detail a few well-known pragmatic theories that will be used in the critical analysis of the following chapters. However, this should not be construed as meaning that other pragmatic theories do not apply (for example, Relevance Theory and Perspective Theory in cognitive pragmatics are employed in our critical analysis) (For details, refer to Chapters 7 and 8).

30

Theoretical foundations

3.4.1 Deixis By deixis (derived from the Greek meaning “anchoring” or “pointing”), we refer to a phenomenon of language use that is indicated by some linguistic expressions whose referents are identifiable only in the relevant context. Five types of deixis are often identified: person deixis (like “I” and “you”); place deixis (like “here” and “this place”); time deixis (like “now” and “this morning”); social deixis (like “您”, deferential “you”); and discourse deixis (like “this chapter/section/ paragraph”). Deixis has an intrinsic property called egocentricity. Therefore, the deictic centers, or the specific points that deictic expressions are anchored to in the communicative event, are generally assumed to be oriented to the speaker himself or herself, such that: • • • • •

the central person is the speaker; the central time is the time at which the speaker produces the utterance; the central place is the speaker’s location at the utterance time; the social center is the speaker’s social status and rank, to which the status or rank of addressees or referents is relative; and the discourse center is the point at which the speaker is currently in the production of an utterance.

Of particular relevance to this book are person, time, and, most importantly, social deixis. Person deixis has two dimensions of distinction: one is based on the distinction between the participants’ roles (like the speaker “I” and “we” and the hearer “you”), and the other is based on the distinction of number (like the singular “I” and the plural “we”). Interestingly, “we” can be used in the following three ways, of which the last two are strategic and are exploited in public discourse: a b c

“We”-inclusive-of-addresser/addressee (e.g., teacher to students: We’ll have a break after the discussion.) “We”-exclusive-of addresser (e.g., teacher to students: Can we be quiet?) “We”-exclusive-of-addressee (e.g., students to teacher: We want to ask you some questions, sir.)

Time deixis encodes temporal points and spans relative to the time at which an utterance is produced. A distinction is drawn between deictic time and calendric time: whereas the former is relative time, the latter is absolute time. In public discourse, the deliberate use of relative time instead of absolute time may lead to deception. Social deixis indicates the social status of the participants in the discourse and their relationships. For example, whereas the use of “您” (corresponding to “vous” in French) encodes respect for the addressee, that of “你” (corresponding to “tu” in French) signals communication on equal terms. Chinese is particularly rich in social deixis, as we shall find in the discussion of Chinese public discourse.

Theoretical foundations 31 3.4.2 Speech act theory Speech Act Theory, which was originally proposed by J. L. Austin and then developed significantly by John Searle, argues that, in producing an utterance, we are performing an action. It was first introduced in Austin’s (1962) distinction between constative utterances (when we produce an utterance like “China has the biggest population in the world”, we are merely describing a portion of the facts or the state of affairs that we know) and performative utterances (i.e., when we produce an utterance like “I promise I’ll come here tomorrow on time”, the utterance itself accomplishes a certain action or effects or changes the world in some way). However, the distinction was rejected by Austin in favor of a more general framework of speech act analysis, according to which every utterance performs a speech act and this act itself can be seen as consisting of component acts that are of three types: a locutionary act (the act of verbally saying something), an illocutionary act (the intended act behind saying something), and a perlocutionary act (the effect of an illocutionary act). The proposal of the tripartite analysis gives recognition to the fact that language users, rather than language per se, perform acts, and they often do so via the use of language. Language use is assumed to fall within a limited number of types of speech act. On the basis of John Austin’s classification, John Searle (1969) proposes a taxonomy of five types, namely representatives (or assertives), directives, commissives, expressives, and declarations, on the basis of the following criteria: a b c d

Illocutionary point (this relates to the purpose or intention of the speaker rather than that of the hearer) Direction of fit between words and the world (whether the propositional content of uttered words for some acts, like assertions, matches or opposes the world) Propositional content Psychological state expressed or propositional attitude towards the propositional content

According to Searle, for a speech act to be successful, happy, non-defective or, technically speaking, felicitous, it must meet certain conditions, i.e., felicity conditions, as stated below: a b c

General conditions: Interlocutors can understand the language being used and they are not play-acting or being nonsensical. Propositional content condition (or propositional rule): This concerns the state of affairs portrayed in an utterance, e.g., an expressive that performs the act of congratulating must point to a past act of the hearer. Preparatory conditions (or preparatory rules): These conditions refer to those existing prior to the utterance, e.g., for a directive statement to have the force of an order, the speaker must have authority over the hearer and that hearer must recognize that authority.

32

Theoretical foundations

d

Sincerity condition (or sincerity rule): This relates to the speaker’s state of mind, e.g., for a commissive statement to be taken as a promise, the speaker must intend to do X. Essential condition (or essential rule): The utterance must be recognizable as an instance of a particular illocutionary act.

e

Sometimes we perform one illocutionary act indirectly while performing another act, which gives rise to what are termed indirect speech acts. An indirect speech act can be seen as consisting of a primary illocutionary act (indirect force) and a secondary illocutionary act (literal force). For instance, in the case of “Can you pass the salt?”, the primary illocutionary force is to make a request for the hearer to pass the salt, whereas the secondary illocutionary act is an inquiry about the hearer’s ability to pass the salt. Some indirect speech acts are highly conventional (as marked by the use of “Can you . . .?” and “I wonder . . .”), whereas some others (like the use of “It’s hot here” to request the addressee to turn on the air-conditioner) are not. In addition, a certain speech act may not be performed via a single sentence. Rather, it may be realized in a sequence of two or more sentences. In the sequence, one of the sentences is primary and the other(s) is secondary and supportive, providing justification, expansion, explanation, and so on (Ferrara, 1980). It is worthy of note that both Austin and Searle have largely ignored that speech acts are forms of social actions that are constituted, operated, and constrained by social factors. Different social agents, such as individuals and institutions, may enact the same speech act quite differently. Moreover, the performance of speech acts may vary across registers. While existing discussion has basically focused on the performance of speech acts in daily life, less attention has been given to the phenomenon in public spheres. As we shall discover, the theory is particularly relevant to the critical pragmatic analysis of public discourse because it will enable us to examine whether social agents have conformed to the felicity conditions and performed the related speech acts appropriately. 3.4.3 (Im)politeness theories Human communication, as shown by the performance of speech acts, is primarily social in nature. In interpersonal communication, politeness plays an important role. According to Leech (1983), communicators generally observe various rules of good behavior, which he terms the Politeness Principle. Specifically, people engaged in communication prefer to express polite beliefs, rather than impolite ones (ibid., p. 26), as characterized below (ibid., p. 81): a b

Maximize (other things being equal) the expression of polite beliefs. Minimize (other things being equal) the expression of impolite beliefs.

Under these two general requirements, Leech lists six specific maxims, as summarized in Table 3.1.

Theoretical foundations 33 Table 3.1 The six maxims of Leech’s (1983) Politeness Principle Maxims I. Tact Maxim II. Generosity Maxim III. Approbation Maxim IV. Modesty Maxim V. Agreement Maxim VI. Sympathy Maxim

Sub-maxims a. Minimize cost to other b. Maximize benefit to other a. Minimize benefit to self b. Maximize cost to self a. Minimize dispraise of other b. Maximize praise of other a. Minimize praise of self b. Maximize dispraise of self a. Minimize disagreement between self and other b. Maximize agreement between self and other a. Minimize antipathy between self and other b. Maximize sympathy between self and other

Table 3.2 The ten maxims of Leech’s (2014) GSP Maxims

Sub-maxims

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X.

Place a high value on O’s wants Place a low value on S’s wants Place a high value on O’s qualities Place a low value on S’s qualities Place a high value on S’s obligation to O Place a low value on O’s obligation to S Place a high value on O’s opinions Place a low value on S’s opinions Place a high value on O’s feelings Place a low value on S’s feelings

Generosity Maxim Tact Maxim Approbation Maxim Modesty Maxim Obligation (of S to O) Maxim Obligation (of O to S) Maxim Agreement Maxim Opinion Reticence Maxim Sympathy Maxim Feeling Reticence Maxim

Later, Leech (2007, 2014) reformulates the six maxims into ten specific pragmatic constraints (see Table 3.2) under a single super-constraint termed the Grand Strategy of Politeness (GSP): in order to be polite, S expresses or implies meanings that place a high value on what pertains to O (O = other person[s], [mainly the addressee]) or places a low value on what pertains to S (S = self, speaker). Another well-known theory of politeness in the so-called first-wave of politeness research is Face Theory (FT), which was proposed by Brown and Levinson (1978/1987). In this theory, “face” means the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself or herself, or the emotional and social sense of self that

34

Theoretical foundations

everyone has and expects everyone else to recognize. It consists of two related aspects: negative face and positive face: a b

Negative face: the basic claim to territories, personal preserves, rights to noninterference, i.e., to the freedom of action and freedom from imposition; Positive face: the positive consistent self-image or “personality” (crucially including the desire that this self-image be appreciated and approved of) claimed by interactants.

According to Brown and Levinson, some illocutionary acts that speakers perform are intrinsically face-threatening acts (FTAs) because they run contrary to either their own face wants or those of their hearers (H). Since certain illocutionary acts are intrinsically face threatening, it is necessary that we have available some face-oriented politeness strategies and perform them appropriately in the relevant context. These strategies mainly include positive politeness strategies (oriented towards the maintaining or enhancing of the positive self-image that H claims for himself) and negative politeness strategies (oriented towards reducing the threat to the freedom of the action that H is claiming). When opting for positive politeness, S tries to emphasize his solidarity with H by using one or more of the following strategies: claim common ground between S and H; and/or convey that S and H are cooperators. When opting for negative politeness, S makes the effort to partially satisfy H’s negative face – his basic need to maintain his claims of territory and self-determination by using one or more of the following strategies: being conventionally indirect; not presuming or assuming; not coercing H; communicating S’s want not to impinge on H; and/or redressing H’s other wants. It is worth noting that interpersonal communication is not just about politeness, as it can also involve the issue of impoliteness. As a result of studies such as Culpeper (1996, 2011), Bousfield (2008) and Bousfield and Locher (2008), it has been found that impoliteness, though closely related to politeness, is not always its antithesis. According to Culpeper (2011), impoliteness may include the following (in order of predominance): patronizing, inconsiderate, rude, aggressive, inappropriate, and hurtful. He also finds that impoliteness has its own set of conventionalized impolite formulae. In his data, by far the most frequently observed impolite formulae type is insults (including personalized negative vocatives, personalized negative assertions, personalized negative references, and personalized third-person negative references.) Apart from insults, other important impoliteness formulae types are pointed criticisms/complaints, challenging or unpalatable questions and/or presuppositions, condescensions, message enforcers, dismissals, silencers, threats, curses and ill-wishes, and non-supportive intrusions (Culpeper, 2011). As we shall find, public discourse also involves the issue of (im)politeness. It will be argued that the proper use of politeness is an important indicator of pragmatic harmony and civilization (to be defined and explained in Chapter 7), which is open to positive critical analysis; by contrast, the use of impoliteness deviates

Theoretical foundations 35 from pragmatic harmony and civilization and is thus amenable to negative critical analysis. 3.4.4 Pragmatic presupposition By using the term pragmatic presupposition, we are referring here to everything that the speaker assumes to be in existence or true prior to making the current utterance. Thus, it concerns not only actual information but also expectations, desires, claims, attitudes, fears, and beliefs. Unlike semantic presupposition (which points to a form of semantic relationship between two statements or propositions), pragmatic presupposition concerns the relationship between an utterance and the speaker. Speakers, not sentences, statements or propositions, have pragmatic presuppositions. In other words, we are more concerned with how speakers or writers make use of presupposition as a means of communicating implicit meaning. To communicate a pragmatic presupposition, one can also depend on various linguistic forms, which are termed presuppositional triggers. Different languages have some common triggers, whilst also some unique ones. The following triggers in English, as listed by Levinson (1983), have their Chinese equivalents: a) definite descriptions; b) factive verbs or adjective phrases (like “regret”, “realize”, and “know”, “be aware that . . .”, “be sorry that . . .”); c) implicative verbs (like “manage”, “forget”, “happen”, “avoid”); d) change-of-state verbs (like “stop”, “finish”, “begin”, “leave”, “enter”, “turn”); e) iteratives (like “revisit” and “repeat”); f) adverbs or adverbial phrases (like “back”, “again”, “too”); g) verbs of judging (like “accuse”, “charge”, and “criticize”); h) temporal clauses and phrases (like those introduced by “before”, “after”, “since”); i) cleft sentences; j) counterfactual conditionals; k) questions; and l) marked stress. Theoretically, the information that has been pragmatically presupposed by the speaker must be shared with the hearer. This property of pragmatic presupposition is called the common ground or mutual knowledge requirement. Suppose S says, “Will you open the door?” to H. When he utters it, he assumes that H knows that the door is closed at that moment in time. Thus, when the speaker of an utterance U pragmatically presupposes some information I, U is appropriate only if I is mutually known to both the speaker and the hearer. This felicity condition of pragmatic presuppositions is context-sensitive and affects the appropriateness of speech acts. However, as we shall find in Chapter 5, in some public discourse like advertising language (as in a medicine advertisement like “为什么这样多 的患者服用X？ [“Why do so many patients take X?”]), this felicity condition

36

Theoretical foundations

is deliberately violated by using pragmatic traps (it was later reported that the medicine is a new product and not many people are familiar with it), thus leading to deception. In other cases, (unconscious) misuse of pragmatic presupposition may engender resentment or complaint. For example, in 2009, Nanjing Metro stations used the “reminding” sign “乘客们, 让我们养成先下后上的文明习 惯, 做一名彬彬有礼的南京人” (“Passengers, let’s develop the civilized habit of letting others get off first and be a genteel Nanjinger”). There are at least two offensive messages presupposed by the sign: first, the passengers have not had the civilized habit of letting others get off first; second, the passengers are all or want to be genteel Nanjingers. Soon, the sign was replaced with “亲爱的乘客们, 今天 你先下后上了吗？” (“Dear passengers, have you let others get off first today?”). 3.4.5 Adaptation Theory Originally conceived as a general pragmatic theory (Verschueren, 1999, p. 67) or outlined as an operationalized pragmatic perspective on language use in general, Adaptation Theory (a shortened form for Pragmatics as a Theory of Linguistic Adaptation) has been extensively used to account for a multitude of pragmatic phenomena. According to the theory, pragmatics is the study of linguistic adaptation or adaptability. Thus, it undertakes the analysis of verbal communication as a form of adaptation vital to life and survival. More specifically, it treats conversation, and communication in general, as being driven by the goal of satisfying communicative needs (Verschueren, 1999, p. 61). The adaptability of language is made possible by its variability and negotiability. By “variability”, Verschueren refers to “the property of language which defines the range of possibilities from which choices can be made” (ibid., p. 59). By “negotiability”, Verschueren refers to “the property of language responsible for the fact that choices are not made mechanically or according to strict formfunction relationships, but rather on the basis of highly flexible principles and strategies” (ibid.). Finally, “adaptability” refers to “the property of language which enables human beings to make negotiable linguistic choices from a variable range of options in such a way as to approach points of satisfaction for communicative needs” (ibid., p. 61). These three related notions must be invoked to understand the dynamic process of choice-making that is characteristic of language use. Characteristically, talking or using language expressively and/or communicatively consists of constantly making linguistic choices, consciously or unconsciously, for language-internal (i.e., structural) and/or language-external reasons: a b c d

These choices are made at every possible level of the linguistic structure. These choices also involve communicative or pragmatic strategies. These choices are made with various degrees of consciousness. Not only do speakers make linguistic choices, but hearers also choose how to interpret the utterances produced by them.

Theoretical foundations 37 e f g

Choices are made even when the options available to them are not entirely suitable. Choices are made from options that are not equivalent. Choices are made in such a way that the choices evoke their non-selected alternatives.

To make negotiable choices, competent language users must adapt their language use to the context involved. According to Verschueren, context is composed of the communicative context (including the physical world, the social world, the mental word, the utterer, and the interpreter) and the linguistic context (Verschueren, 1999, p. 76). It is to be noted, however, that for Verschueren, context is not something static and given, but is generated from a virtually infinite range of possibilities in the course of language use by the dynamics of the interaction between utterers and interpreters. Communicators, utterer, and interpreter alike, construct a context on the basis of their assumptions about all the ingredients in that context that they believe are relevant to the ongoing interaction. For the purpose of pragmatic analysis, it is advisable that we discover the very ingredient of the context that some salient linguistic choice is forced to adapt to. As proposed by Verschueren, the structure of a pragmatic theory consists of four angles of investigation, namely the contextual correlates of adaptability (including any ingredient of the context listed above); structural objects of adaptability (including structures at any layer or level of organization as well as the principles of structuring); the dynamics of adaptability (i.e., the unfolding of adaptive processes in the interaction); and the salience of adaptation processes (i.e., the status or perceptibility of those processes in relation to the cognitive apparatus). These four angles can be incorporated into the analysis of any adaptive linguistic behavior, as shown in Figure 3.4 (where “locus” is used to define the combination or matching of some linguistic structure and some contextual ingredients of the adaptive phenomena, and “status” concerns the degree of conscious choice-making).

CONTEXT locus STRUCTURE DYNAMICS SALIENCE

processes status

Figure 3.4 The structure of a pragmatic theory Source: Verschueren, 1999, p. 67.

meaningful functioning

38

Theoretical foundations

FUNCTION CONTEXT

locus

CONTENT---STRUCTURE

DYNAMICS

processes

SALIENCE

status

meaningful functioning

Figure 3.5 A revised version of the structure of a pragmatic theory Source: Chen, 2014.

Considering that language use involves mapping between the content/structure of an utterance and its function in a dynamic context, rather than between (only) the structure of an utterance and the context, Chen (2014) proposed a minor amendment to the theory, as shown in Figure 3.5, both to enable the analysis of choosing what is said aside from how it is said and to depict the role of context as influencing the choices made for enacting certain functions. It should be cautioned that, being a general approach to language use, the operation of the theory has to depend on various specific theories, linguistic, cognitive, and beyond. It is not sufficient to claim that some adaptation happens (because it is generally irrational of people not to do so if they wish to achieve their communicative needs). What matters is the need to pinpoint the exact contextual correlate(s) of the adaptation and the ensuing impact of such adaptation on linguistic choices. Towards this end, it may be suggested that analytical models, such as the Face Theory and Principle of Least Effort, should be integrated into the adaptationist-theoretic framework (indeed, these theories would have greater explanatory power if they were treated as coming under a more general framework like the Adaptation Theory; for instance, it is the adaptation of the face need towards satisfying a particular communicative goal that makes it necessary to execute some facework). Thus, future researchers need to enhance the theoretical construct with applicable working modules. In the critical pragmatic analysis of public discourse, Adaptation Theory will serve as an important theoretical framework. As we shall demonstrate, underlying many forms of language use in public spheres, we may find various adaptions, positive or negative, of various hidden social and psychological beliefs and values. Through the critical analyses, these invisible factors will surface and come to the notice of the general public. It should be noted that some other theories not from pragmatics, such as the Frame Theory and semantic prosody, will also be utilized. Instead of presenting them here, we will introduce them in the relevant chapters.

Theoretical foundations 39

3.5 Methodology of CPA To conduct subjective CPA objectively requires proper methodology. At the macro level, when commenting on how pragmatics serves public spheres, Jef Verschueren (2007) proposes the following steps: Step 1, drawing on pragmatic theory, design a convincing methodology that can be used to analyze ideologies in the discourse. Step 2, promote the awareness of “discourse-ecology” through analyzing the data concerned by some means. Step 3, participate in (international) communication, monitor the discourse, etc. In terms of the specific procedures, we may tackle the following steps when conducting CPA: First, look for and observe “sensitive” cases of public discourse. By “sensitive” cases, we refer to those that are of some CPA value or interest, including: a) instances of public discourse embodying civilized language service (as in service encounters and slogans), exemplifying harmony-building communication (as in public signs) and denoting environmentally friendly language use (as in public signs and advertisements for public welfare); b) instances of public discourse involving potential economic and telecommunication deception (as in advertisements), showing vulgarity or obscenity (as in public signs and advertisements), reflecting unhealthy social mentalities (as in business names) or conveying stereotyping oriented by social group (gender, age, social class, race, countryside, province, region, profession, etc.) (as in advertising and journalistic discourse); and c) instances of public discourse with marked ways of expression that connote strong subjectivity or a certain attitudinal stance (as in journalistic discourse). Second, conduct a detailed analysis of the “sensitive” discourse with respect to its content or form. It is relatively easy and straightforward to identify, by means of critical content analysis, instances with explicit discriminatory, vulgar, obscene, or destructive content or those with explicit harmony-promoting or image-raising content. For instances of “sensitive” discourse with less obvious problems, pragmalinguistic analysis, in accordance with the appropriate pragmatic theory, is required to highlight the implicit ideology or intention such as discrimination, deception, obscenity, and condescension. In particular, we may compare the pragmalinguistic form in question with what people generally use in the same context. Third, for targeted instances of public discourse either because of “sensitive” content or form, draw on the Adaptation Theory and explore the contextual ingredients that the producer of the “sensitive” discourse is trying to adapt to. Fourth, comment on the “(in)appropriateness” of the discourse concerned by referring to generally accepted and promoted social ethics, norms, conventions, etc., and reveal the underlying motive. Finally, make suggestions as to how to influence the behavior, beliefs, or ideas of the producer in particular, and the public in general, so as promote

40

Theoretical foundations harmonious and civilized language usage and ideologies and eradicate disharmonious and uncivilized language usage and ideologies.

The procedure outlined above can be diagrammed in Figure 3.6. For any particular CPA study, we can either pursue a qualitative analysis of various interesting case(s) of public discourse, carry out comparative research on public discourse across regions, domains, time periods, professions, etc., or conduct a large-scale field survey and then perform a quantitative analysis. It is worth noting that, since public discourse makes frequent use of multiple modalities, it will prove beneficial to conduct a multimodal analysis of it. In this respect, analysts should make reference to the analytical framework proposed by Chen and Qian (2011) for conducting a multimodal pragmatic analysis, as shown in Figure 3.7. As illustrated in Figure 3.7, the multiple sources of information that are subject to pragmatic analysis are three-fold: situationally related, participant-related and media-related. Each source of information contains a variety of means by which certain messages are conveyed, foregrounded, or backgrounded. Two main

1. look for and observe “sensitive” discourse

2a. interpret discourse content

2b. analyze discourse form by comparing with default form in the context and uncover implicit ideology or intention

3. examine the contextual ingredients that the “sensitive” discourse made to adapt to and reveal the underlying motive

4a. comment on “(in) appropriate” explicit content by referring to social ethics, norms, etc.

4b. comment on “(in) appropriate” implicit ideology or intention etc. by referring to social ethics, norms, etc.

5. raise relevant suggestions as to how to influence those concerned and people at large

Figure 3.6 Procedure of CPA The two paths of analysis can be performed separately or together, depending on whether the “sensitive” instances of public discourse are “interesting” in content, form or both.

Theoretical foundations 41 Non-linguistic factors

information bearers

relationship with language

linguistic factors

weather setting situational

noise

facial expressions eye contact participants

tone

phonetic complementary

semantic

volume

syntactic

gesture

stylistic non-complementary

textual generic

font size media

figure picture color emoji

Figure 3.7 A multimodal model of pragmatic analysis Source: Based on Chen & Qian, 2011.

types of relationship exist between non-linguistic and linguistic factors, namely complementary and non-complementary. Complementary relationships could be addition, iteration, and implication; non-complementary relationships could be contradiction and contrast. Different modalities work in coordination and harmony to generate various explicit and implicit meanings to satisfy the communicative purposes of the language users in social contexts.

4

Social mentalities behind Chinese business names

4.1 Introduction In China today, business names are increasingly attracting people’s attention. Consequently, a number of rather bizarre and absurd business names have been exposed in various media and academic literature. Here are some typical examples: a small restaurant is named “黑店” (“unscrupulous shop”), which actually means that the restaurant is also open at night; a newly established steamed stuffed bun restaurant is named “胆大包天” (“extremely audacious”), suggesting that the filling in the buns is so big (and the buns are fully filled) that the buns can cover the sky; a hair salon is named “非发走丝” (“illegal smuggling”), which actually means that the hairdresser here is very skillful; another hair salon is named “最 高发院” (“the supreme court”), which is intended to imply that first-class hair service is available here; and a bathhouse is named “棕楠海” (pronounced like “ 中南海”, the central headquarters for the Central Government of China), which is meant to imply that it is a great place to visit. Admittedly, all businessmen can and want to choose a suitable name for their enterprises. In effect, an enterprise with a sonorous name may create a lasting impression on consumers. However, in naming a business, one does not intend to create unpleasant feelings. The names mentioned above are hard for people to accept. According to the Provisions on Administration of Enterprise Name Regulation issued by the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC) in 1991, the names of companies should not contain those of political parties, government and army offices, mass organizations, and social groups. Although the hair salon named “最高发院” does not use exactly the same characters as the Chinese name for “the supreme court” (“最高法院”), it has the same pronunciation, which could mislead the public and cause negative feelings. Strange business names have also received criticism from linguists. For example, by examining the language used in business names, He Ziran has discovered that there is an abundance of “exotic” names or brands, which may be used to create “exotic effects”(1997, p. 163). Some enterprises and products only adopt the names translated from foreign words as their shop or company names to add an exotic quality. For example, “士多” in a shop name “X士多” is translated from the English word “store”. Ran (2006) also highlights that shop names such as “喔拷”, a vulgar colloquial expression in Chinese and “鸭吧”, an expression with an associative

Social mentalities behind business names 43 meaning of illegal sexual service, reveal the rather bizarre mentality of some businessmen in the pursuit of individuality, which may negatively affect society and lead to chaos in language use. He warns that, if such negative usages are not appropriately regulated, they may cause serious social, as well as sociopragmatic problems. Despite a few relevant studies, no survey on Chinese business names has been performed, and little research has been conducted to enable an in-depth pragmatic analysis of the issue to be made. For example, to what extent do the abovementioned problems exist in Chinese society, and what are the attitudes towards these problems among Chinese people from different walks of life? This chapter aims to address this gap in order to provide the necessary empirical support for decision making in the industrial and business administration sectors. Meanwhile, drawing on Verschueren’s (1999) Adaptation Theory, we will attempt to explore the social and cultural root causes for these various strange business names.

4.2 Principles and regulations for business names It would appear to be common sense that, in naming an enterprise, the following general principles should be recognized and followed: First, a business name needs to be distinctive. It is inappropriate to copy existing business names. An enterprise with a distinctive name is more likely to be identified. Second, a business name should reflect its philosophy of management and the categorization of its product or services. A good business name should be able to arouse pleasant associations. Third, a business name should be concise, sonorous, and even rhythmic so that it can be easily understood and remembered by consumers. Fourth, a business name should abide by social and legal norms, so that it can be protected by law after it has been registered. To name a business is a social act that requires adherence to relevant laws and regulations. The State Administration of Industry and Commerce of China issued the Provisions on Administration of Enterprise Name Regulation on May 21, 1991. According to its ninth clause, enterprise names shall not contain content or words that are: (1) (2) (3) (4)

detrimental to the public interests of the country and society; likely to deceive or mislead the public; names of foreign countries (or regions) or international organizations; names of political parties, political and army offices, mass organizations, and social groups; (5) Chinese pinyin (except for those in foreign names) and numbers; (6) banned by other laws or administrative regulations. Businesses are not allowed to register if their names do not comply with the regulations. Those who conduct business activities without legal registration, or

44

Social mentalities behind business names

change business names randomly, will receive administrative punishment from the industrial and administrative offices in accordance with the regulations. In 1996, the State Administration of Industry and Commerce issued The Notification to Further Eliminate the Unhealthy Cultural Phenomena in Enterprise Names. According to the notification, names that have the following features are banned: (1) names which are colonial in nature and which are detrimental to national dignity and people’s feelings, such as “大东亚” (“Grand East Asia”) and “大 帝国” (“Grand Empire”); (2) names that relate to feudal culture, such as “魔鬼城” (“the City of Ghosts”); (3) names that are against the customs of minorities or include racial prejudice; (4) names that arouse unpleasant mental feelings or misinterpretations, such as “ 丑八怪美容店” (“The Beauty and Hair Salon for the Ugly”); (5) names that have negative political influence, such as “黑太阳” (“the Black Sun”) and “大地主” (“Big Landlord”), or names of reactionist political figures or notorious antagonists; (6) names that contain vulgar and even pornographic content; (7) names of party or government leaders or revolutionaries of the older generation. Clearly, the bizarre business names mentioned at the beginning of this chapter have more or less violated these regulations. For example, the name “棕楠海” has a similar pronunciation to “中南海”, the central headquarters for the Central government of China. For this reason, we can resort to the law to deal with the chaotic phenomenon of business naming among individual businesses, especially the use of those names that are detrimental to the interests of country and society. The use of such inappropriate names prompts us to reflect on the reasons why some business owners openly and deliberately violate the law. One might say that the wording of the regulations is sometimes vague. For example, the expressions that “引起不良心理反应或误解的” (“arouse unpleasant mental feelings or misinterpretations”) and “格调低级、庸俗” (“vulgar”) are hard to delimitate. But this is clearly not the cause. Rather, we would argue that it is some popular social mentalities in contemporary China that have led to the use of bizarre business names. To support this argument, we will now report on some surveys that we have conducted.

4.3 Two surveys on business names 4.3.1 Questions for the surveys Since various business types exist with their own distinctive features, it is not possible to cover all types of enterprise in the current surveys. Based on the descriptions of enterprises in newspaper and journal articles, this study conducts surveys on the names of two types of enterprise: names of hotels and names of beauty and hair

Social mentalities behind business names 45 salons. With the enhancement of people’s living standards, there is an increasing demand for both travel accommodation and beauty facilities, which has led to an increase in the number of hotels as well as beauty and hair salons. In order to survive the fierce competition encountered within these types of enterprises, businessmen often have to rack their brains to find attractive names for their organizations, giving rise to a rich variety of business names that are worthy of academic investigation. The following are the questions that were devised for the surveys: a b c

How are the businesses (hotels and beauty and hair salons) named? What problems do the business names suffer from? What are the public’s attitudes towards these names?

4.3.2 Data collection The data for this study were collected in the city of Nanjing, China. Unlike highly modernized cities such as Shanghai and Beijing, Nanjing is representative of numerous medium-sized Chinese cities. Another reason for choosing Nanjing is a matter of convenience and familiarity, as the author has been working in the city for more than a dozen years. Survey 1: Hotel names in Nanjing Since hotel information is primarily available online, the researcher made use of the Internet to search for relevant information. The website Dingding Wang (http://nj.ddmap.com/map/25) provides information on the main hotels in Nanjing, including hotel names, star ratings, a brief introduction, location, and contact telephone numbers, for example,

Ruidi Hotel Star rating: three-star hotel Brief introduction: Ruidi, meaning Research and Development in English. The Ruidi Hotel is managed by the national scientific research institute – Nanjing Water Conservancy Institute. It is a three-star hotel according to international standards. Location: No. 23, Guangzhou Road Telephone number: 025–85828666.

During data collection, we discovered that some hotels provided no information regarding their star rating or location. In examining the names of different grades of hotels, we grouped together those hotels that provided no information regarding their star rating.

46

Social mentalities behind business names

Members of the research group randomly selected 200 hotels from the website as samples and deleted all the chain hotels such as The Confucius Guesthouse, The Home Inn, The Kending Hotel, the Motel 168 Hotel, the Hanting Hotel, the Green Inn, the Jinjiang Inn, the Super 8 Hotel, the Smart Chain Hotel and the TNT Hotel. In total, we obtained the names of 128 hotels, of which 34 hotels were rated with 4 to 5 stars and 32 hotels were rated with 1 to 3 stars. Survey 2: Names of beauty and hair salons in Nanjing Members of the research team collected 120 names of beauty and hair salons in downtown areas of Nanjing. The data were collected in a wide variety of places and, therefore, could be said to be representative of the features of beauty and hair salon names in Nanjing. Interview: Public attitudes towards business names To support our analysis of the survey results, members of our research group randomly interviewed nine citizens in Nanjing: three senior citizens, three middleaged citizens, and three young citizens. The interview questions were concerned with their evaluation of, and attitudes towards, the names of the hotels and beauty and hair salons collected in the survey. Some interview questions were directly related to controversial business names. For example, a

b

Do you like hotel names or beauty and hair salon names such as “好懒人家短租公 寓” (“The Short-rented Apartment for the Lazy”), “格兰德威尔·丽景国际酒店” (“Grand View International Hotel”), “情人女子护肤中心” (“Lover and Lady’s Skin Care Center”) or “1+1美容护肤中心” (“1+1 beauty and hair salon”)? What do you think are the reasons for the choice of these business names?

4.3.3 Results of the surveys 4.3.3.1 Names of hotels in Nanjing Table 4.1 shows the common names used by hotels in Nanjing. Table 4.1 Common names used by hotels in Nanjing Types of common names

饭店 宾馆 X酒店 酒店 招待所 Others Total 大酒店 旅馆 guesthouse grand hostel/inn restaurant X** hotel rest house hotel hotel

Number 31 Percentage 24.2%

18 16 14.1% 12.5%

14 10.9%

14 10 8 10.9% 7.8% 6.3%

17 128 13.3% 100%

Note: **The X in X hotel refers to international, holiday, resort, business, express, convention center, and spa.

Social mentalities behind business names 47 The guesthouses include business, holiday, and state guesthouses. Others include mountain villa, apartment, holiday village, holiday resort, edifice, and state guesthouse. It was discovered that hotel names in Nanjing commonly used the structure of “(Nanjing) + specific name + common name”. There were various common names, among which “宾馆” (guesthouse/hotel), “大酒店” (grand hotel), “旅馆” (旅舍、旅社、旅店) (hostel), “饭店” (restaurant), “酒店” (hotel), and “招待 所” (rest house) were the most frequent. There were also a few exceptional cases that did not contain a common name, such as Nanjing Agricultural Science and Technology Edifice. It can be seen from the survey that the majority of hotel names in Nanjing were properly chosen and conformed to the basic naming principles for enterprises. However, among the hotel names that we collected, there were still some names that sounded rather similar to those that have been criticized in newspaper and journal articles. They had the following problems: a b c

in poor taste or being erotic in nature, such as “好懒人家短租公寓” (“Shortrented Apartment for the Lazy”) and “台北沃阁恋馆” (“Taipei Woge Love Mansion”); alluding to a feudal palace, such as “东宫大酒店” (“The East Palace Grand Hotel”) and “天宫饭店” (“The Heavenly Palace Restaurant”); and craving an exotic quality, such as “巴厘原墅SPA温泉酒店” (“Bali Villa SPA Hotel”).

Thus, though limited in number, problematic hotel names, as criticized in newspaper and journal articles, do exist in Nanjing. 4.3.3.2 Names of beauty and hair salons in Nanjing We now turn to the results of our second survey. The structure of beauty and hair salon names studied in Nanjing was “specific name + common name”. The common names of the beauty and hair salons under analysis are shown in Table 4.2. It can be seen that there are various types of common names, displaying the diversity in naming salons. While such familiar common names as “理发店” (“barber’s shop”) and “美容店” (“beauty and hair salon”) are typical names in the beauty industry, none of them occur in our data. This may have been the result of the limited scope of our survey. Despite this, it can be seen from Table 4.2 that these common names are no longer popular or commonly used. In addition, the most traditional common name “店” (“shop”) was still used by some shop owners, although very infrequently. The name “中心” (“center”) was the most frequently used common name, followed by “院” (“salon”). Names without the use of any common name were also frequently employed. The move away from using traditional names towards adopting those names without a common name may be a reflection of the social trend of pursuing distinctive branding being employed by an increasing number of businessmen.

48

Social mentalities behind business names

Table 4.2 Common names for beauty and hair salons in Nanjing Types of common names

others Total No 店 (X) 公司 沙龙 生活馆 屋 中心 院 center salon common shop company salon life hall house names

Number 43 27 24 Percentage 35.8% 22.5% 20%

7 4 5.8% 3.3%

4 3 3.3% 2.5%

2 6 1.7% 5%

120 100%

By examining the names of the beauty and hair salons, we found similar problems to the naming of hotels in Nanjing: a

b

c

Craving for an exotic quality. The exotic color of the hair care salons can be represented in the following three ways: a. the use of foreign place names or figures, such as “巴黎春天美容美体SPA中心” (“Paris Spring Beauty and Body Care SPA Center”), “佐登妮丝·索菲娜美容SPA生活馆” (“Zodnis Sophina Beauty SPA Life Hall”), “特莱维女士专业护肤中心” (“Trevi Women’s Skin Care Center”), and “可诺丹婷美容美体中心” (“Kenuodanting Beauty and Body Care Center”). All these names portray a feeling of foreignness; b. the use of exotic common names. For example, the word “屋” (“house”) in芳芳发屋 “Fangfang Hairdressing House” is commonly used in Japan; c. the use of mixed codes in names, such as “香住SPA” (“Xiangzhu SPA”) and “泡普POP美发沙龙” (“Paopu Pop Hair Salon”). Even though such usage is very limited, it still portrays how foreignness is pursued, and even worshipped, in the beauty and hairdressing industry. Pursuit of absurdity. One example is the use of numbers in the names of beauty and hair care salons, such as “1+1美容护肤中心” (“1+1 Beauty and Skin Care Center”), which displays the distinctiveness of the shop, but meanwhile appears vague and bizarre. Resort to ambiguity and vulgarity, as in “情人女子护肤中心” (“Lover and Lady’s Skin Care Center”).

4.4 A critical analysis of the business names Based on the analysis of the two surveys, we discovered some clues as to the social mentalities of some business people in Nanjing. Assuming that business names in Nanjing are fairly representative of Chinese business names in general, we can apply our findings to contemporary China as a whole. 4.4.1 Positive social mentalities underlying some business names Amongst others, the following social mentalities, which are embodied by some businesses, are worthy of note. First, business owners place an increasing emphasis on distinctiveness and individuality. This can be represented in the following ways: a) Compared with the use

Social mentalities behind business names 49 of monotonous common names in the past, hotels and beauty salons and hairdressers now use a range of common names. b) Some hotels and beauty and hair salons do not even use a common name. c) Instead of following the tradition of using place, industrial, and enterprise names for a business, the names of business owners are sometimes used, particularly in the case of beauty and hair salons, exemplified by “刘远平中医美容院” (“Liu Yuanping Herbal Medicine Beauty and Hair Salon”) and “佩佩美容美体中心” (“Peipei Beauty and Body Care Center”). Second, business owners are attaching an increasing importance to taste and fashion, which can be represented in the following ways. a) High-level hotels and beauty and hair salons tend to use common names that display their status, such as the “大酒店” (“grand hotel”), “国际酒店” (“international hotel”), “X中心” (“X center”), and “X院” (“X salon”). b) Some hotels and many beauty and hair salons pay particular attention to the connotations of their names, such as “苏友商务酒 店” (“Suyou Business Hotel”), “丽锦花园酒店” (“Lijin Garden Hotel”), “知足 常乐美容美发休闲超市” (“Contentment and Happiness Beauty and Hairdressing Leisure Supermarket”), and “品蓦自然美美容中心” (“Pinmu Natural Beauty Care Center”). c) Some enterprises opt for the “go-international” strategy, such as “金陵江滨国际会议中心酒店” (“Jinling Riverside International Convention Center”), “江苏国贸国际大酒店” (“Jiangsu International Trade Grand Hotel”), “花神国际大酒店” (“Flora International Grand Hotel”), “香港超妍美容集团 有限公司” (“Hong Kong Chaoyan Beauty Care Group Corporation Limited”), and “阿玲国际美容美发” (“Aling International Beauty and Hair Salon”). d) There is an obvious appeal for sounding professional, particularly when naming beauty and hair salons, such as “常喜专业发型设计” (“Changxi Professional Hair Design Center”), “乔娜专业美容院” (“Jona Professional Beauty and Hair Salon”), and “特莱维女士专业护肤中心” (“Trevi Women’s Skin Care Center”). Third, business owners are placing an increasing emphasis on beauty. Traditional beauty and hair salons (or hairdressing shops, to be precise) would have emphasized their hairdressing function. However, our data showed that some beauty and hair salons even avoided using such a functional message when choosing their shop names. Instead, they included beauty-related messages, such as “美发中心” (“hairdressing center”), “美容院” (“beauty and hair salon”), and “美 容中心” (“beauty center”) in their choice of common names along with words of beauty, such as “妍” (“beautiful”), “秀” (“pretty”), “莹肌” (“glistening skin”), and “秋韵” (“autumn beauty”) in their shop names. 4.4.2 Negative social mentalities underlying some business names However, our data also show that some unsatisfactory practices exist in business naming, such as pursuing vulgarity and poor taste, worshipping foreignness and seeking bizarreness. We contend that such problems are not incidental. According to Verschueren’s (1999) Adaptation Theory, devising business names is an act of choicemaking. When choosing a business name, the owner may be subjected to the influence of certain contextual factors. In other words, those inappropriate names reflect the negative social mentalities that business owners have adapted to, as listed below.

50

Social mentalities behind business names

1) The belief that foreignness is superior As a consequence of reform and the opening up of China, an increasing number of Chinese people now have the opportunity to know about the outside world. Unfortunately, some nurture the idea of “favoring the exotic over the native”. As is sometimes satirized, some even believe that the moon in foreign countries appears rounder than in China. A number of business owners have catered to the mentality of such people (perhaps even including themselves) by borrowing foreign names such as “华盛顿餐馆” (“Washington Restaurant”) and “巴黎春 天美容美体SPA中心” (“Paris Spring Beauty and Body Care SPA Center”) for their shop names. Ran (2006, pp. 173–175) highlights that there is an abnormal tendency toward “foreignness” in public discourse, which is a kind of pragmatic anomaly. Admittedly, to follow international conventions is, in essence, normal and should be encouraged. But, using a foreign name to appear exotic is deceptive if the quality of the business is poor. Regarding the practical effects of these exotic names, He (1997) argues that shops with exotic names do not necessarily attract consumers and attain the desired economic benefits. 2) The assumption that bizarreness is beautiful Another abnormal social mentality, as manifested in the business names analyzed, was the pursuit of absurdity, fantasy, and bizarreness. For example, business names such as “熬·韵·诗美颜中心” (“Torture·Charm·Poetry Beauty Center”), “泡普POP美发沙龙” (“Paopu POP Hair Salon”), and the aforementioned “1+1美 容护肤中心” (“1+1 Beauty and Skin Care Center”) all displayed such problems. Although these names appeared to be unique and distinctive, they tended to mislead consumers due to their vagueness and eccentricity. They might initially attract people’s attention, but then are unable to hold on to consumers, in the long term, if they fail to provide a satisfactory service. 3) The treatment of names as a source of profit People tend to associate a good business name with satisfactory services and facilities. Taking advantage of this popular belief, some basic hotels use names like “X大酒店” (“X Grand Hotel”). Many tourists who have ordered these hotels online have found themselves cheated. Although this tactic might initially prove successful, it will fail in the long term, and these hotels risk ruining their reputation and being blacklisted. 4) The exploitation of imperialism He (1997) launches a fierce attack against the use of business names such as “天子娱乐中心” (“Emperors’ Entertainment Center”), “皇宫酒楼” (“Imperial Palace Restaurant”), and “皇朝食府” (“Dynasty Restaurant”). These names give the false impression that “All people are emperors and kings are everywhere on

Social mentalities behind business names 51 the street”. Such usage was also evident in our surveys. For example, “东宫大酒 店” (“East Palace Grand Hotel”) uses words with feudalistic connotations. We are very supportive of He’s view that names bearing strong feudal overtones are not compatible with mainstream ideology in contemporary China and, therefore, should be abandoned. 4.4.3 Results of an interview on the acceptability of bizarre business names To determine the attitudes of consumers regarding the above-mentioned problems, we conducted informal interviews with nine citizens of Nanjing. With the exception of one young woman whose attitude was “neither like nor dislike”, all the other eight interviewees conveyed their attitudes of “dislike” or “dislike very much” for business names such as “好懒人家短租公寓” (“The Short-rented Apartment for the Lazy”), “格兰德威尔·丽景国际酒店” (“Grand View International Hotel”), “情人女子护肤中心” (“Lover and Lady’s Skin Care Center”), and “1+1美容护肤中心” (“1+1 Beauty and Skin Care Center”). This demonstrates that, in general, bizarre and foreign business names are not favorable with consumers. Regarding the second interview question, five interviewees replied that business owners use such names to display their uniqueness and attract people’s attention, four interviewees stated that owners employ these names to follow fashion or international conventions in an attempt to enhance their taste and style, and two interviewees believed that business owners adopt such names impulsively without much consideration. Therefore, although most consumers did not believe there were good intentions behind the use of these business names, a few were positive about the business owners’ motivations.

4.5 Summary In this chapter, we analyzed the features of hotel and beauty and hair salon names based on the results of two surveys, highlighted the problems with the naming of these enterprises and, through the use of interviews, investigated the attitudes of citizens towards these problems. The surveys demonstrated that the names of enterprises (hotels and beauty and hair salons) in Nanjing were generally appropriate and displayed the pursuit of uniqueness, taste, fashion, and beauty. Meanwhile, the surveys also showed that some business owners worshipped foreignness, pursued absurdity or entertained poor taste when naming their enterprises. In the latter case, there appeared to be a negative adaptation to contextual factors, including vulgar concepts such as the belief that foreignness is superior, the assumption that bizarreness is beautiful, the equating of names with profits and the exploitation of imperialism. It is advisable that the government (particularly the industrial and business administrative sectors), media, researchers, businessmen, and consumers jointly attempt to solve the above problems. The industrial and business administrative sectors should strictly monitor business names, avoid approving unsuitable and

52

Social mentalities behind business names

vulgar business names and ban inappropriate business names. The Notification to Further Regulate Enterprise Names issued by the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC) ([1998], No. 200) requires that bizarre enterprise names that violate the regulations should be removed to maintain the respectability of Chinese business names and to contribute to the construction of socialist spiritual civilization. The media should uphold positive values and expose bizarre and vulgar business names. Furthermore, as researchers, we should reveal the harmful effects of such inappropriate business names. Consumers should become more aware of business names and avoid visiting those enterprises with inappropriate names. More importantly, businessmen themselves should not pursue absurdity and risk violating laws and regulations, when choosing business names. It is encouraging that some well-known businesses are positively formulating rules for the naming of their shops. For example, the IT shopping mall has formulated rules, which include the following:

Rules for Shop Names 6. 7.

It is forbidden to use words containing messages about sex, lust, hatred and racist discrimination in shop names. It is forbidden to include the following contents or words that * * * * * *

8.

are detrimental to the country and the public interest; contain exaggerated propaganda and are likely to cheat or mislead the public; contain the names of international organizations, the names of countries and words like the national flag, national emblem and army flag; contain politically sensitive words including, but not limited to, the names of political leaders and political parties; are detrimental to the socialist moral values or have other negative effects; are banned by other laws and regulations.

Shop names should not contain other false contents, contents that are likely to mislead consumers, as well as other inappropriate contents identified by the Pacific IT shopping mall.

(www.pconline.com.cn/m/help/rule/store/open/0903/1601252.html)

Admittedly, there is nothing wrong with using a sonorous name for a newly opened shop, since an engaging business name can attract customers. However, in selecting business names, we should follow some basic principles and obey the relevant laws and regulations. We believe that, with the concerted efforts of all involved in the naming of businesses, negative and vulgar Chinese business names will disappear, while positive and respectable business names will prevail.

5

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

5.1 Introduction Advertising seems to be indispensable to modern life. It not only conveys information but, sometimes, also amusement. We are often impressed by those welldesigned, memorable, humorous, original, and artistic advertisements that showcase the designer’s wisdom and captivating language. For example, a cosmetic advertisement declares “趁早下斑, 请勿痘留” (“Get rid of the spots and pimples as soon as possible”), which is homophonic with “趁早下班, 请勿逗留” (“Go home from work as early as possible and don’t linger”). The advertisement cleverly uses the pairs of homophones [ban]: “班 (work)/斑 (spot)” and [dou]: “逗 (linger)/痘 (pimple)”. Some advertisements use puns. Take, for example, a Chinese breast enhancement advertisement that says “做女人挺好”. This means both that being a woman is quite good and that a woman needs to have a large bosom. However, some advertising may be problematic. For example, the famous wool brand “Hengyuanxiang” advertised its product during TV prime time. During the course of a minute, the voiceover recited from “rat ratrat” to “pig pigpig”, covering all 12 signs of the Chinese zodiac. The monotonous design of the advertisement was widely criticized by the audience and was eventually removed. Yet, a more serious problem with Chinese advertising is that many advertisements are misleading and deceptive. In order to regulate advertising activities, promote the healthy development of the advertising industry and protect the legitimate rights and interests of consumers, the Chinese government has enacted a special law, namely “The Advertisement Law of the People’s Republic of China” (Adopted at the Tenth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 27, 1994, effective as of February 1, 1995). Articles 3, 4 and 5 of the “General Provisions” of Chapter 1 of the law stipulate as follows: Article 3 Advertisements shall be truthful, lawful and in conformity with the requirements of socialist spiritual civilization construction. Article 4 Advertisements must not contain false content and must not deceive or mislead consumers. Article 5 Advertisers, advertising operators, advertising release and advertising activities shall abide by laws and administrative regulations and follow the principles of fairness, honesty and credibility.

54

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

However, despite these regulations, some advertisers still produce fraudulent advertisements in the pursuit of wealth. Thus, it is worthwhile exploring the following questions: How do some unscrupulous advertisers deceive consumers by using pragmalinguistic devices? How do these pragmalinguistic devices reflect the advertiser’s grasp of consumer psychology? Based on existing research and combined with some first-hand data, this chapter intends to conduct a multi-level discussion on the practice of deception in advertising language with the aim of raising consumer awareness, thereby enhancing self-protection and improving the consumer’s ability to identify the “pragmatic traps” used by advertisers.

5.2 Pragmatic research on deception in advertising It is a legal requirement that advertising language should be factual and should prevent unethical or illegal practices that deceive or mislead consumers. However, as a matter of fact, some advertisers either intentionally or unintentionally design their discourse in such a way that it can easily deceive consumers. In the field of pragmatics, some researchers have oriented their study towards an exploration of fraud in advertising language. For example, Chen (1998) found that pragmatic presupposition is often exploited “strategically” by advertisers to deceive consumers. From the perspective of pragmatic principle, Zong (2001) used typical examples to reveal the deception behind certain advertising terms. Jiang (2008) showed that some advertisers made use of conversational implicature to attract the attention of the audience and stimulate their desire to consume, thus persuading them to buy the advertised products. The implicit promise conveyed through the implicature, however, is deceptive. Zhao (2008) highlighted that, while the use of vague expressions can help advertisers achieve their goal of promotion by making the advertising language more attractive and persuasive, it violates Grice’s Cooperative Principle, resulting in inconsistency between the text of the advertisement and the reality, which could be accused of misleading and deceiving consumers. The above research provides an important reference point for us to further explore, from the perspective of pragmatics, the possible fraud behind some advertising language. Since fraudulent advertising is more widespread than the examples mentioned in these studies, there is still much research work to do.

5.3 “Pragmatic trap” in advertisements 5.3.1 Advertising categories suspected of fraud Generally speaking, deceptive advertisements can be of two types: false advertising and misleading advertising. False advertising refers to those advertisements whereby the advertiser intentionally deceives the consumer and the advertised content (such as product ingredients, functions, and corresponding services) is inconsistent with the facts. For example, an advertisement for glasses claims,

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 55 运用矫正近视新技术, 不需手术, 安全无痛, 无任何毒副作用, 不受年龄 限制, 适应症者有效率达100%, 可使600度以下的近视恢复自然视力, 3个 月后巩固稳定, 帮助近视患者彻底告别近视 The new technology for correcting myopia needs no surgery, and causes no pain or toxic side effects. It is safe and applicable to all ages. The curative ratio reaches 100%. It can restore those with myopia below 600 degrees to natural eyesight. After 3 months, the therapeutic effect will stabilize and those sufferers can bid farewell to myopia forever. In fact, the outcomes mentioned in this advertisement are simply impossible to achieve in reality; thus, the advertisement is deliberately deceptive. Misleading advertising refers to advertisements in which advertisers or the advertisement producers use certain words and patterns that lead consumers to misunderstand specific information and instigate unrealistic expectations of the advertised products. As with false advertising, misleading advertising also has the effect of deceiving consumers. It is difficult to differentiate between the two types and, therefore, we do not distinguish between them in our sampling and discussion. Honesty is a basic principle that should be observed when conducting business. Unfortunately, some business people rather divorce themselves from this principle. As was observed in the last chapter, when naming their stores, some businessmen deliberately exaggerate and attempt to attract customers with dazzling names, such as “总统酒家” (“Presidential Restaurant”) and “总统风味” (“President’s Flavor”). Quack doctors even claim their prescriptions to be a “宫 廷秘方” (“secret court recipe”) in an attempt to swindle patients (Ran Yongping, 2006, p. 174). In newspapers, we read such claims as “药效明显, 没有毒副作 用” (“the drug has a beneficial effect but no toxic side effects”), “药品为纯中药 制剂” (“it is pure, traditional Chinese medicine”) or “祖传秘方” (“it is a secret ancestral prescription”). As an example, consider the advertising terms used for hepatitis. “Turning negative”, used in the advertising language of hepatitis B, is generally regarded as the most important indicator as to whether hepatitis B treatment is effective. In newspapers, on radio, or on TV, advertisements make extensive use of expressions such as “阳转阴”率高达90%” (“up to 90% of positive cases turning negative”), “转阴王” (“champion in turning negative”), “肝炎克 星” (“hepatitis nemesis”), “乙肝难关已由某某突破” (“a breakthrough made by X in curing hepatitis B”), “成果获国内、国际金奖、震惊世界” (“the achievement shocked the world and won domestic and international gold awards”), and so on. Yet consumers cannot verify any of these claims. Some manufacturers use celebrities, experts, and authoritative organizations to create publicity. They exploit the influence that these celebrities have over the general public by getting them to make statements such as “经过临床实验, 该药的确能杀灭乙肝病 毒, 是中医治疗乙肝的一大研究成果” (“Through clinical trials, the drug can indeed kill the hepatitis B virus. It is a great achievement for traditional Chinese medicine in the treatment of hepatitis B”). It can be noted that these are all false

56

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

advertisements because they depend on untrue content, but this is not the primary concern of this study. This chapter focuses on pragmalinguistically misleading advertising. To this end, we have collected some data and have attempted to analyze them in terms of the pragmalinguistic “strategies” and psychosocial bases that lie behind them. To illustrate the relevant practices, we refer to the fraud or misleading practice by pragmalinguistic means as a “pragmatic trap”, to distinguish it from content-based or nonverbal deception in false advertising. 5.3.2 Potentially misleading “pragmatic traps” Due to the limitations of data range and size, in this chapter, we are only able to analyze some common “pragmatic traps” on the basis of the pragmalinguistic features found in the collected data. 1) “Deictic trap” Deictic expressions refer to those such as “I”, “today”, “here”, and “the preceding section”. It is difficult to determine their referents out of context (Levinson, 1983). For example, we are unable to decide who the “I” refers to in the utterance “I like the city of Nanjing” unless we know who is talking in the current context. Similarly, only by knowing where the speaker is speaking or writing are we in a position to know where the “here” in the utterance “I like living here” refers to. It can be seen that deictic expressions are highly dependent on the context, which is essential to their use and understanding. Due to the asymmetry and opacity of the two parties in terms of contextual information, the contextual dependency of deictic expressions is vulnerable to exploitation. Imagine that Zhang San left the office to do something and wrote “我十分钟后回来” (“I will be back in ten minutes”) on the door. Theoretically, he could return at any time because no one knows when he left the office, as the message uses a deictic expression of time “in (a period of time)”, whose understanding needs a specific reference point in that situation, that is, Zhang San’s departure time. Advertisers may not understand the theory of deixis, but they can make use of deictic expressions in their promotions. Shoppers are familiar with signs like “大 甩卖最后三天” (“the last 3 days of the clearance sale”), the reason for which could be “要拆迁” (“business removal”), “要换季” (“new season”), “要改业” (“new business”), etc. Even some street sellers will scream “the last 3 days”. The question is: from which day is the “third day” counted from? Nobody knows. Though the possibility is not excluded that the street seller is indeed doing the last 3 days of “大甩卖” (“a clearance sale”), customers tend to find that “最后 三天” (“the last 3 days”) of business are not literally the “last 3 days”! Although most customers are not so naïve as to take the words literally, some customers will indeed buy the goods before “the last 3 days” run out. In other words, this business strategy does indeed work.

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 57 At a deeper level, the reason why a “deictic trap” such as “the last X days” can grab the attention of some customers is that businessmen deliberately adapt to a form of consumer social psychology, which can be termed “last-coupon psychology”. Some people hurry to purchase the product fearing they might not get another chance to get it, before even considering whether it is something that they really need. Of course, such adaptation is not sincere cooperation because “the last 3 days of the clearance sale” actually violates the Maxim of Quality (Grice, 1975) if the message is fictitious. The problem is that this form of violation is not meant to convey a certain conversational implicature, but to deliberately deceive consumers; thus, it is not a polite behavior (Leech, 1983). Before analyzing the second type of pragmatic trap, we will turn our attention to another “deictic trap”, this time used in a commodity description and not an advertisement. Some products, although marked with the message “七日内饮 用” (“Drink within 7 days”), do not provide information about the date from when the “7 days” are counted. Occasionally, we will see the information “自购买之日 起X日内饮用” (“Drink within X days from the date of purchase”). It appears to provide a start date, but this is actually a facade because, in this case, the “date of purchase” is a relative time and not an absolute calendar time. The exact time of purchase, though not a deictic expression, depends on when the purchase takes place. It is worth noting that we should not confuse “drinking within X days from the date of purchase” with “effective within X days from the date of purchase”. The latter is not a gimmick, but a genuine contractual statement. The difference between the two is determined by the nature of the commodity and the content agreed upon in the contract. The guarantee or commitment of the quality of the goods is calculated from the date of purchase. As Ran (2006, p. 33) observed, “in many cases, time deixis has been deliberately used to convey uncertain or vague time information, and it is not rare to find similar phenomena in commercial advertisements”. Some of the examples given above are evidence of that observation. 2) “Presuppositional trap” As introduced in Chapter 2, presupposition refers to the assumptions held by the speaker when producing a certain utterance, the felicitous conditions to be satisfied in communication and the premises that must be satisfied in order to ensure the appropriateness of the utterance. Broadly speaking, any form of linguistic context and communicative background belongs to the category of pragmatic presupposition. Pragmatic presupposition, which is part of the context, must be known to both parties of the conversation or to the general public. However, sometimes presupposition is a subjective assumption on the part of the speaker about what is being talked about and cannot be testified by semantic analysis alone. Only by relating the utterance to the speaker, the hearer, and the context can it be fully and correctly understood. It is precisely because presupposition is sometimes the speaker’s subjective assumption that, in a particular context, the content of the speaker’s presupposition

58

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

may not be known to the hearer; that is, the mutual knowledge of presupposition may be deliberately “strangled” by the speaker. Due to the asymmetry of contextual information, the content of the presupposition is owned solely by the speaker. The hearer is supposed to accept what the speaker presupposes to be true. In commercial advertisements, businessmen can make use of the asymmetric “loophole” of presupposition to achieve their goal of deceiving consumers. Some advertisements use the presuppositional trigger “为什么. . . ?” (“Why. . . ?”). For example, an advertisement for a brand of wine states, “为什么说从红高粱种子开 始, 决定了X酒是有机食品” (“Why is X Wine organic? Because it starts to use organic red sorghum seeds in its manufacturing.”). The message presupposes that the X Wine is organic, starting with red sorghum seeds. Theoretically, this presupposed information is a fact. However, because only the producer knows whether the information is true or not, we may also believe that he or she uses the strategy of presupposition to convey some untrue information as being factual. In so doing, he or she will give consumers a “hint” that the quality or effect of X Wine is very good, well regarded, and consumed by many people. Such a hint can trigger a so-called “herd mentality” among consumers, enticing them to buy the product. One promotional utterance that is often employed by business people is “数 量有限, 欲购从速” (“Limited quantity. Buy it as soon as possible.”). There is a problem with authenticating the presupposed information in the utterance because whether the amount is “limited” or not is only known to the producer of the message, and not to the consumer. The reason why some business people presuppose information is not necessarily to share known information, but to activate and exploit consumer panic to further their commercial pursuit of profit making. As in the case of a “deictic trap”, a “presuppositional trap” deliberately violates the Quality Maxim of Grice’s (1975) Cooperative Principle and is both immoral and illegal. 3) “Implicature trap” As introduced in Chapter 3, implicature refers to the meaning beyond what is literally said in actual language use. It includes conventional implicature (triggered by a specific linguistic form and is independent of the context) and conversational implicature (dependent on the context). The latter can be further subdivided into generalized conversational implicature (which needs the linguistic context but not any particular contextual information) and particularized conversational implicature (which not only needs the linguistic context, but also particular contextual information as well). Our data shows that advertisers often deliberately take advantage of conventional implicatures to achieve the promotion of sales. For example: (1) X大厦在售房源仅卖9900元/平方米 (X Mansion is only selling for 9,900 yuan/m2.) (2) X小公馆春节前最后一次给力 (The last time for X Small Mansion to be on sale before the Spring Festival)

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 59 As consumers, we are all aware that, when someone states that goods or services “only” (or “just”) cost a certain sum of money, the conventional implicature is that the price is lower than what was expected or previously offered. This would be fine if this was indeed true, but this is sometimes not the case. When consumers see the word “only”, they tend to believe that the marked price is at its lowest possible value. Business people can easily mislead consumers by utilizing this mechanism of deception. The “last time . . . before . . .” in (2) also conveys a conventional implicature; that is, before the Spring Festival, there will be no more sales. This will undoubtedly pressure the potential house buyers being targeted by the advertisement, thus “forcing” them to make the purchase as soon as possible. The problem is, however, who can guarantee that this really is the “last time” for X Small Mansion to be on sale before the Spring Festival? He (1997, p. 74) cites a report concerning a cinema’s use of street banners, shown in (3) and (4) below, in a downtown area after it had obtained the exclusive screening rights for the American film, “True Lies”: (3) 聪明的人看《真实的谎言》 (Smart people see “True Lies”.) (4) 有知识的人看《真实的谎言》 (The knowledgeable see “True Lies”.) The words on the promotional banners angered some citizens, who submitted a letter of protest to the city court: consumers should themselves decide whether or not to see the film “True Lies”. It was absurd for the cinema to arbitrarily refer to all those who watched the film as smart or knowledgeable while, at the same time, implying that those who did not were fools. The letter of protest stated that the cinema’s use of offensive language to publicize “True Lies” was insulting to citizens and demanded that the cinema publicly apologize to them. However, the film company believed that the slogan was merely a misunderstanding, rather than a significant mistake, and refused to apologize. However, what two cinema managers had to say regarding this issue may be of some interest to our understanding of social-pragmatic issues: Manager A: “Our purpose to use such slogans is nothing but to make the film sound special, original and more attractive”. Manager B (surprised, angry): “Of course a fool doesn’t go to the movies because he can’t understand them. Our cinema has never served fools. Why don’t they sue Tianjin’s 狗不理 (literally “even a dog does not care”) steamed bun? Those who do not eat the steamed stuffed bun are dogs! That is also obvious!” According to the two managers, the “True Lies” advertisement may not be a hoax, but in effect, it will encourage people to see the film. Ironically, the managers “did not expect” that the designed trap would result in the unexpected sociopragmatic effect of “hurting people” and causing public outrage. Here are two further discriminatory slogans from Chinese advertising: (5) 洋河蓝色经典: 男人的情怀 (Yanghe Blue Classic: Man’s sentiment) (6) 洁云卫生纸: 聪明女人的选择 (Jieyun toilet paper: Smart women’s choice)

60

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

Example (5) suggests that any man who drinks the advertised wine will feel like a man, implying that those who do not consume this wine will not. Example (6) implies that any woman who chooses that particular brand of toilet paper is smart, suggesting that those who do not select this brand are not. 4) “Elliptical trap” Verbal communication generally follows the Economy Principle (Chen, 1994). Naturally, utterances are full of ellipses. Ellipses can be categorized into linguistic ellipsis and pragmatic ellipsis. The former refers to grammatically driven omissions, such as the omission of the subject in imperative sentences. The latter refers to omissions motivated by communicative needs such as efficiency and emphasis, as shown by the omission of, “attend the meeting next Friday”, from the utterance, “Yes, I will”, in response to the question, “Will you attend the meeting next Friday?” By omitting some dispensable information, the speaker can highlight the information he is trying to convey more directly, swiftly, and unambiguously. For example, in the conversation “Where did you find the wallet? – In the restroom”, the respondent omits “I found the wallet”, but allows the other party to obtain the required information quickly and accurately. In advertising language, pragmatic ellipses can be exploited to perform “another” function. Specifically, business people sometimes use ellipses very “cleverly” to mislead consumers, thereby inducing them to buy their products. He (1997) exposed such elliptical traps in advertisements. For example, “买一送一” (“Buy one, and get one free”) in a water heater advertisement can lead to the customer misunderstanding that, by buying a water heater, he will get another water heater for free. The truth is that, if a customer buys a water heater, the only thing he will get for free is a toothbrush! The “one” offered for free is not the same thing as the bought “one”. This is a typical misleading promotion because, according to the conventional understanding of the grammatical structure, what is bought and what is given for free should be the same thing, otherwise we cannot use the elliptical structure. Article 9 of the “Advertising Rules” of “The Advertisement Law of the People’s Republic of China” clearly states that the information about the function, origin, use, quality, price, producer, expiration date of the goods or the information about the content, form, quality, price, and service guarantee should be explicit and clear in the advertisement. Advertisements that sell commodities or provide services with gifts attached to them should indicate the variety and quantity of such gifts. Unfortunately, some advertisers often fail to comply with the law in the pursuit of making a profit. Another misleading promotional discourse with ellipsis is to omit a certain premise or condition of sale. For example, some restaurants advertise their promotional activities as “一元一只鸡” (“One yuan for a chicken”), “一元 一条鱼” (“One yuan for a fish”), “一元一斤虾” (“One yuan for one jin of shrimp”) (jin is a unit of weight, which equals 1/2 kilogram) or “免费吃海鲜”

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 61 (“Free seafood”) (He, 1997). These sometimes cause quite a sensation, but only temporarily. The underlying reason is that the above-mentioned sales prices, while appealing, do not come without conditions. It is impossible for a customer to enjoy a chicken, a fish, or one jin of shrimp by paying only 1 yuan, or indeed free seafood, without further expenditure, or expenditure that is in excess of a certain amount. Restaurateurs deliberately do not mention the preconditions behind the discount, but fool customers into their premises by using very tempting promotional language. The fundamental reason why they can achieve their goals is that many consumers have the psychology and impulse to purchase things cheaply. By grasping and understanding this psychology, sellers are often the winners. It is also worth noting that shopping malls often use promotional language like “消费满200元送50元” (“Get 50 yuan in return when you spend 200 yuan or more”). Such promotions are also suspected of being misleading because customers who spend 200 yuan in cash cannot get back 50 yuan in cash or deduct 50 yuan from their 200 yuan spent. What business people are trying to convey through the incomplete promotional message is that customers must continue to spend the “50 yuan” (discount) they receive from a certain amount of expenditure. Businesses make more revenue through promoting a second round of expenditure, which is more or less mandatory (because few people are willing to relinquish their 50-yuan discount). This trick is more attractive than the usual method of discount promotion used in the past and, at the same time, more deceitful! What is similar to “Get 50 yuan in return when you spend 200 yuan or more” is promotional language such as “充100送100” (“Get 100 yuan for recharging 100 yuan”) used by the telecommunications sector. It should not be assumed that this huge “discount” can be enjoyed unconditionally. There may indeed be a discount on offer, but it might not be applicable to everyone or for as large an amount as would first appear. First, consumers wishing to avail of the discount must have a certain minimum spend; second, the 100-yuan discount is not credited to their account all at once, but on a month-by-month basis. This information is crucial for consumers when deciding whether or not to purchase the offer. However, the information is not available in the promotional discourse provided by the telecommunications sector! Is it an accidental omission? Probably not. In terms of the Cooperative Principle, it is obvious that businessmen have deliberately violated the Maxim of Quantity (non-informative), and the non-cooperation caused by this non-informative strategy is in fact a highly immoral practice. He (1997, p. 172) highlighted that food advertisements such as “one yuan for a chicken” are misleading and fraudulent and violate China’s Consumer Protection Law. It is an evil lurking under the economic tide. Such false advertisements with confusing contextual assumptions occur frequently in industries such as catering, real estate, retail, etc., and could lead to a loss of consumer trust in such advertisements. They could also harm the credibility of the business itself. It is good news that “the price should be implemented once marked”, and some shop owners are removing one deceiving “flag” after another.

62

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

5) “Ambiguity trap” In the absence of context, every sentence may be ambiguous. By ambiguity, we mean that a sentence (or phrase) allows two or more interpretations. For example: (7) 最终, 那双黑手还是被斩断了 (In the end, the black hands were cut off.) (8) 那是一只能吃的鸡 (That is an edible chicken./That is a chicken eating like a horse.) Ambiguity may be caused by variability in the meaning, pronunciation, and spelling of certain words. For example, “black hands” in (7) can be used literally to refer to a pair of blackened hands or, figuratively, a person committing corruption and bribery. Ambiguity may also be caused by certain sentence patterns or modifications that can be analyzed in different ways. For example, in (8), “能吃 的鸡” can refer to both a chicken with a good appetite and a chicken that is edible. Accordingly, ambiguity can be categorized into lexical ambiguity and structural ambiguity (or syntactic ambiguity). Ambiguity can be distinguished from another perspective, namely, linguistic ambiguity and pragmatic ambiguity. The former is triggered by linguistic factors, while the latter by contextual factors. Examples (7) and (8) are representative of linguistic ambiguity. For pragmatic ambiguity, consider the following example: (9) A: Do you know Zhang San? B: He’s my friend. In the above dialogue, A’s question can be interpreted in two ways. One interpretation is that A is ascertaining whether B knows Zhang San, and the other is that A is indirectly asking B whether he can ask Zhang San for help, or something else. Similarly, B’s answer can also be interpreted in two corresponding ways. One is to confirm to A that he knows Zhang San, and the other is to express to A that he can help A because Zhang San is his friend. It can be seen from the above analysis that linguistic ambiguity involves the interpretation of the propositional content or literal meaning of sentences, whereas pragmatic ambiguity involves the interpretation of the illocutionary act or conversational implicature. In commercial advertisements, ambiguity can also be seen from time to time, although its motivation is not necessarily appealing to the audience. Consider the following restaurant promotion: (10) 本店酒水全面超市价 (The prices of the drinks in our restaurant all exceed those in the market./The prices of the drinks in our restaurant are all the same as those in the supermarket.) There are two ways to interpret this promotion: one is that “the prices of the drinks in our restaurant all exceed the market price”; the other is “the prices of the

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 63 drinks in our restaurant are all the same as those in the supermarket”. It is clear that the latter interpretation is in the interest of consumers and is therefore attractive to them. After all, there is a basic consensus among consumers that drinks in restaurants are much more expensive than those in the supermarket, which is why many consumers buy alcohol in a supermarket and then bring it with them to a restaurant when they entertain guests there. Some restaurants often have so-called “hegemonic” restrictions and do not permit consumers to bring their own drinks with them (the pretext being it is unclear who is ultimately responsible if something is wrong with the consumer after they eat in the restaurant). Of course, this restriction has also triggered dissatisfaction amongst consumers leading them to boycott these premises. It is clear to see how restaurants use this slogan to send “goodwill” to consumers: they do not have to bring their own beverages because the restaurant will not overcharge them for drinks. However, since the first interpretation is also likely, a problem can arise because the restaurant owner may still raise prices. To “haggle” with consumers, the arrogant owner will use the first interpretation, and the astute owner will quibble that “all at supermarket prices” is only a general expression. It implies that the drinks are reasonably cheap, but their prices are not “exactly the same as those in the supermarket”. This third interpretation is derived from the pragmatic ambiguity of the statement. 6) “Fuzziness trap” Many expressions are fuzzy, such as “red”, “big”, “high”, and “flat”. Fuzziness means that there is no clear-cut line between the boundary of a certain category and another adjacent category or that the characteristics of the category are clear at its core, becoming gradually more blurred in the peripheral areas. For example, there are many kinds of “red”. The change between “red” and “yellow” and “red” and “black” is a gradual process, so some people would say that something is red, while others would say that the same thing is yellow. Take “big” as another example. “Big” and “small” are in a continuum, with no natural dividing line between them. No matter how small a baby elephant is, it is bigger than a large mouse, so it is hard to decide what kind of mouse is a big or small one. While the use of fuzzy expressions is sometimes unavoidable, making full use of them may be a business ploy. For example, many advertisements claim that “there will be an effect as long as patients take their medicine long enough”. In this statement, both “long” and “effect” are fuzzy language. If there is no effect from the medicine, the businessman selling it will say that the medicine has not been taken for long enough. If the effect is not obvious, he will say that the “effect” does not necessarily mean an obvious effect. Similar fuzzy expressions include “high efficacy”, “obvious efficacy”, “no obvious toxic side effects”, and so on. All in all, with the help of fuzzy expressions, their promotional language will appear to be watertight and forever invincible. On the other hand, if patients continue to take the medicine for a long time, they will have to spend a large amount of money. The drug seller’s endeavor to make a profit will therefore be easily realized.

64

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

The use of vague language is prevalent in dating advertisements. Let us consider the following example: (11)

现役军官 5.5万 本科 173cm 1983年 白羊座 已购房 已购车 忠诚, 厚道。 交友要求: 1985年至1988年 稳定 160cm至165cm 3.5万元以上 南京 专科 未婚。 Active officer, 55,000, undergraduate, 173cm, 1983, Aries, purchased a house and a car. Loyal, kind. Requirements for the girl: Between 1985 and 1988, settled, 160cm to 165cm, more than 35,000, Nanjing, junior college graduate, unmarried.

In this short marriage advertisement, the active military officer uses vague words such as “loyal” and “kind” to describe himself. The semantic scope of these words is actually difficult to determine, and the understanding may vary between people. Even “purchased a house and a car” is ambiguous to some extent because the house may be big or small, and the car may be luxurious or mediocre. Imagine a girl who has decided to meet this officer. If she found that the officer’s house was just a bachelor apartment, and his car was just a regular one, she would feel disappointed. However, there is no valid reason for her to conclude that the officer was dishonest when introducing himself. On the surface, the use of vague language is inevitable in the limited space of an advertisement. This does not seem to be the full truth of the story, however, because there is often a deliberate exaggeration or whitewash behind the vague language used. People who seek spouses through marriage advertisements and end up happily married are not in the majority. An important reason for this is that the actual person is often quite different from the one described in the advertisement. For example, a woman whose face is not pock-marked and scarred, but is less eye-catching, is said to be “good-looking”. A man less than 1.6 meters in height is described as being of “medium height”. Theoretically, these expressions may very well describe the relevant man or woman. The problem is that the publishers of the advertisement (perhaps not the marriage seekers themselves) often use the “lower limit” of the relevant expressions (to “sell” the marriage seeker more easily). The targeted partner, however, often interprets the expressions from the average or even the upper limit. This is in line with our expectations based on the Pollyanna Principle (Leech, 1983) in daily communication, which states that people tend to understand the relevant information in a favorable direction. However, the cognitive gap between the two sides will eventually destroy the marriage-seeking activity. 7) “Politeness trap” According to Leech (1983), we often follow the Politeness Principle in verbal communication; that is, we maximize the expression of politeness and minimize the expression of impoliteness, to the other party. This general principle is

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 65 embodied in six maxims: tact, generosity, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy (see Chapter 3, Section 3.4.3). In advertising or promotional discourse, we often observe how temptation is created by low prices, as in the following ways: (12) 你只需要. . . . (You only need to. . . .) (13) 首付只需X元。(Only X yuan is required for the down payment.) Here, the use of “only” helps to convey the implicature: advertisers try to make consumers pay less, which is in line with the first sub-maxim of the tact maxim – minimize the cost to others. In fact, this is just a means of persuasion. After all, consumers have to pay all the fees (they have to pay more interest to the bank). Moreover, it is difficult to say whether the down payment is favorable. However, whether or not it is favorable, the word “only” will make people feel differently about it. Some advertisers even use the claim “free” in their advertisements. For example, some fitness equipment advertisements claim “免费试用” (“free trial”), “免费测量血压” (“free blood pressure measurement”), etc. Some drug advertisements even claim a free course of treatment. On the surface, the design concepts of these advertisements make use of the tact maxim – maximize the benefit to others, but the real intention is to seduce consumers into using their products. Drug companies will initially give the consumer some medicine, saying that it is free, but it will only be effective if taken over a long period of time. This “long-term” use of the medicine will cost the consumer a considerable amount of money. 8) “Multimodal trap” Verbal communication conveys information not just through language, but is often accompanied by a variety of nonverbal modalities (see Chapter 3, Section 3.5). This is not only true of daily communication, but also of advertising language. Let us take a look at the following simplified graphs based on actual usage. In Figure 5.1, the restaurant deliberately writes “起” (“up”) in such a small font size that it is barely noticeable. The effect is that passers-by will believe that lunch

15

15

up

Every Day

Extra-value lunch

Figure 5.1 Promotion with the small character “起” (up)

66

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

Second cup

50% off

2

Figure 5.2 Promotion with the small characters “第二杯” (second cup)

costs 15 yuan. In fact, most lunches will cost more than 15 yuan. The “第二杯” (“second cup”) in Figure 5.2 also uses a small font size. The direct impression given by the promotion to consumers is that all cups are half price. In addition to the misleading use of multimodality such as the size and font type of words, false information may also be transmitted through other forms of nonverbal modality, which we may examine further in the future.

5.4 A case study: “tricks” of the real estate market In recent years, the real estate market has become one of the most active markets in Chinese society, attracting the attention of almost all citizens and affecting almost everyone. In order to sell housing and gain favor with the public, real estate agencies have turned the real estate market into a competitive arena. Naturally, housing advertisements have become one of the best indicators of market competition and business operations in China. By studying advertising discourse in the real estate market, we can directly and intensively observe the strategies behind advertising promotion and even the manipulation of public psychology. Take for example Nanjing, one of the biggest and most developed cities in China. A variety of housing advertisements can be seen throughout the city, even huge advertising billboards. Moreover, from time to time, Nanjing residents will receive short text messages from real estate agents. In the following section, we shall focus on the pragmalinguistic features of five advertisements received in the form of short text messages.

(14)

宋都美域 – 峰景阁44套纯板式户户全景观洋房12月31日盛装亮市！无 敌视野, 超大楼距, 至尊品质堪称绝版, 1万抵10万超值优惠。 86406999 SongduMeiyu – Fengjingge 44 sets of foreign-style pure-panel houses that are dressing up on December 31st! Panorama for every house! Invincible vision, super building distance, supreme quality that is out of this market, ¥10,000 = ¥100,000. Telephone: 86406999

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 67 (15) 【左右阳光】启幕2011南京楼市“高科时间”。品质楼盘敬献全 城 – 样板示范区现已华丽绽放！1月8号即将盛大开盤！品鉴专 线: 85320299 [zuoyouyangguang housing estate] (left-right sunshine housing estate) Start the 2011 “high-tech time” in Nanjing property market. High quality of the real estate dedicated to the whole city – model house demonstration area is ready in all its glory! The grand opening will be held on January 8th! Telephone for viewing and inspection: 85320299

(16) 盛世公馆: 河西30–60平精装公馆, 总价38万起, 河西价格低 谷。18日前VIP限量排号进行中, 尊享开盘特惠！电: 68199111 Shengshi Mansion: 30–60m2 fine decorated flats to the west of the Yangtze River. Minimum total price 380,000, the low ebb in the west part. The limited VIP is lining up before the 18th, and enjoy the opening special offer! Telephone: 68199111

(17) 托乐嘉日光经典两房, 岁末稀缺上市！限量尊享, 火热预约中！5 万商圈绝版 金铺发布重金悬赏令寻找投资家, 引荐成功即享黄 金一公斤！52129988 Scarce Tuolejia classic daylight two rooms on to the market at the end of the year! Limited! Hot reservation! Out-of-market profitable shop in the 50,000-business zone issued a big reward for investors. Successful referrals enjoy a kilo of gold! Telephone: 52129988

(18) 银河湾卓苑, 城北首席御品级花园豪宅, 华光实力锯献; 多层美景 花园洋房, 超高得房率, 80–120平米全系户型盛大公开！莅临品 鉴: 84819088 Yinhewanzhuoyuan (Galaxy Bay Garden), the chief royal-grade garden mansion in the north of the city. Huaguang offer respectfully with strength. Multi-story beautiful garden house. Super high room rate. Grand opening for all 80–120m2 houses! Telephone for gracing to view and inspect: 84819088

It is relatively straightforward to ascertain that the above advertisements use various strategies to deliver the information, such as the use of “限量” (“limited”), “稀缺” (“scarce”), and other words to highlight that the houses are not available everywhere, or at any time, or the opportunity cannot be missed and the use of “排号进行中” (“lining up”) and “火热预约中” (“hot reservation”) to appeal to people’s herd mentality. In addition to those strategies, they also have the following pragmalinguistic features: a

They use noble, elegant, and high-sounding expressions when referring to the real estate, such as “洋房” (“foreign-style house”), “公园” (“mansion”), “花园豪宅” (“garden mansion”), and “样板示范区” (“model demonstration area”).

68

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

b

They use words meaning extreme or top level, or other exaggerated expressions to describe the real estate, such as “无敌” (“invincible”), “超大” (“super”), “绝版” (“out of market”), “至尊” (“supreme”), “超高” (“super high”), “经典” (“classic”), “首席” (“chief”), “盛大” (“grand”), and “户户全 景观” (“panorama for every house”). They use honorific and respectable language, such as “品鉴” (“viewing and inspection”), “莅临” (“gracefully visit”), “敬献” or “巨献” (“offer respectfully”), and VIP. They use metaphorical language, such as “盛装” (“dressing up”), “高科时 间” (“high-tech time”), “华丽绽放” (“in all its glory”), “低谷” (“low ebb”), and “重金悬赏” (“big award”). They use exclamation marks to make general statements sound emotional.

c d e

These pragmalinguistic expressions of the property market are very different from everyday language. They are particularly straightforward to attract people’s attention. They adapt or cater to people’s need for housing and stimulate their desire for a comfortable and bright residence. In fact, this is not the most crucial point. What really matters is that the quality of a sizable quantity of the housing deviates considerably from what is described in the advertisements, which is evidenced by reports in some media outlets (such as the Nanjing property market channel) or the experiences of some owners. When the beautiful linguistic veil of these property advertisements is stripped away, what is left behind is often inferior and rough construction. The housing advertisements mentioned above basically consider the real estate itself. Some other advertisements consider the surroundings in which the property is located. There is a passage in “Baidu Library” (http://wenku.baidu.com/ view/42275b2f0066f533 5a8121fa.html) that vividly and aptly depicts how some of the property market advertisements either whitewash or overstate the surroundings:

偏远地段 – 远离闹市喧嚣, 尽享静谧人生 Remote location – stay away from the hustle and bustle of the city, enjoy a quiet life 紧邻闹市 – 坐拥城市繁华 Close to downtown – right in the flourishing part of the city 挨着臭水沟 – 水岸名邸, 上风上水 Near a smelly ditch – famous residence on the waterfront, the upper wind, and upper reaches 挖个水池子 – 东方威尼斯, 演绎浪漫风情 Dig a pool – Venice of the Orient, romantic feeling 挖个水沟 – 亲水豪宅 Dig a ditch – a mansion close to water 水能流动 – 叠水丽景 Flowing water – beautiful scenery with flowing water 外立面贴砖 – 托斯卡纳风格 External facade tiling – Tuscan style 楼顶是圆的 – 巴洛克风格 The top of the building is round – Baroque style 楼间距小 – 邻里亲近, 和谐温馨 The distance between buildings is short – intimate neighborhood, harmonious, and warm 能看见一丝海 – 无敌海景 Can see a trace of the sea – invincible seascape

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements 69 边上有家银行 – 紧邻中央商务区 There is a bank around – close to the central business district 边上有个居委会 – 中心政务区核心地标 There is a neighborhood committee around – the core landmark of the central government district 边上有家学校 – 浓厚人文学术氛围 There is a school around – strongly academicflavored atmosphere of humanity 边上有家诊所 – 拥抱健康, 安享惬意 There is a clinic around – embrace health, enjoy peace of mind 没有电梯 – 洋房 No elevator – western-style house 有电梯 – 两户两梯 (含楼梯) There are elevators – two elevators for two households (including stairs) 挨着地铁线 – 一线生活 Next to the subway line – life in the fastest circle 公交车多 – 立体交通 Many buses – multiple traffic 没有公交 – 私属领地, 坐拥升值空间 No bus – private territory, right in the appreciation space

There are many other housing advertisements like those used to hoodwink potential buyers. Here are some examples:

地势高 – 视野开阔, 俯瞰全城 High ground – wide view, overlooking the city 地势低洼 – 私属领地, 冬暖夏凉 Low ground – private territory, warm in winter and cool in summer 郊区乡镇 – 回归自然, 享受田园风光 Suburban towns and villages – return to nature and enjoy the pastoral scenery 户型很烂 – 个性化户型设计, 紧跟时尚潮流 Poor design – personalized design, keeping up with fashion trends 边上是荒草地 – 超大绿化, 满眼绿意 Waste-grassland around – extraordinary large area of green, full of greenery 边上有家小卖店 – 便利生活触手可及There is a small store around – convenient life within easy reach 边上有个垃圾站 – 人性化环境管理 There is a garbage station around – humanistic environmental management 边上有火车道 – 交通便利, 四通八达 There is a railway around – convenient transportation, extending in all directions 边上什么也没有 – 简约生活, 闲适安逸 Nothing around – simple life, leisurely, and easy

According to Grice’s (1975) Cooperative Principle, verbal communication will follow the Maxim of Quality, that is, say what you believe to be true and do not say anything for which you lack evidence, unless you have some implicature to convey. Some real estate developers do not tell the truth. Are they conveying an implicature? This is not the case. Neither do they follow the Maxim of Quality, nor do they follow the basic Cooperative Principle in the first place. According to Grice, there are two reasons for a person not to follow the principle. The first

70

“Pragmatic traps” in Chinese advertisements

reason involves being unable to cooperate. For example, a spokesperson at a press conference cannot cooperate and disclose an important piece of factual information because of issues of confidentiality. It is a case of opting out of cooperation. The second reason involves a speaker deliberately deceiving to achieve some motive. Obviously, some of the motives behind the non-cooperation of real estate advertisers belong to the latter. They want to hoodwink the public with the express purpose of profiteering. Besides, the use of honorific language by advertisers is apparently a positive politeness strategy aimed at being respectful of consumers, but this form of politeness is not derived from sincerity. Rather, it is profit-driven. In essence, real estate business people exchange politeness for profit.

5.5 Summary By employing various pragmatic theories, this chapter analyzed the pragmalinguistic features of a large number of advertising data, revealing some common “pragmatic traps” that may exist in advertisements. Also, we paid particular attention to some tricks employed in real estate market advertisements, with the aim of increasing consumer vigilance so that the unfavorable motives behind deceptive and misleading advertising expressions can be identified. We are aware that, with the expansion of China’s market economy, the issue of commercial integrity has become increasingly prominent. Countless fraudulent and shoddy cases are investigated each year by the national industrial and commercial system, which has given rise to widespread concern and worry. The Chinese nation has a lengthy tradition of honesty, harmony, and faith. As is noted in the Chinese classics, a person cannot live, a family cannot be harmonious, a business cannot become prosperous and a country cannot stay peaceful without integrity. As China is now entering a new stage of reform and opening up, its enterprises need to compete and cooperate with other enterprises in the same markets at home and abroad. In this age of competition, the integrity of a corporation is crucial to its sustainable development. It is precisely because of this that some corporations have adopted the slogan, “survive by quality, develop by honesty”. However, slogans are sometimes just that, slogans. The most important thing is to implement them. Enterprises should actively adapt to the situation; establish a self-discipline mechanism for integrity management; and ultimately achieve the goal of win-win for themselves, society, and consumers.

6

“Suspected” discrimination in Chinese public discourse

6.1 Introduction This chapter primarily examines the issue of “suspected” discrimination in Chinese advertising and journalistic discourse to draw attention to the need and importance of constructing harmony in the country. First, based on a review of the existing literature on language-encoded or discourse-constructed discrimination in Section 6.2, this chapter then reports on a case study of a street banner in Section 6.3, revealing that the inappropriate use of referential terms may lead to disharmony. Then, focusing on online news headlines and reports regarding “post-90s” China in Section 6.4, the study highlights the fact that the online news headlines in question are not conducive to a positive image of current Chinese teenagers or to a positive image of China in the international community. With the adverb “也” (“too”) as an example, Section 6.5 explores the presuppositions triggered by this adverb, indicating that the relevant presuppositions trigger, or even accelerate, the formation of social stereotypes, thus leading to the spread of social discrimination.

6.2 Existing research on discrimination in discourse Discrimination is an unjustified or incorrect attitude, usually derived from a onesided overgeneralization. It may concern sex, race, age, place of birth, urban-rural areas, social status, etc. Discrimination has long been a contentious topic in linguistics. Early discussions concerned the issue at a linguistic level. In Mandarin Chinese, for example, many words without morphological markers would appear to suggest the neglect of, or contempt for, women, such as “局长” (“director”), “法官” (“judge”), “总统” (“president”), “科学家” (“scientist”), and so forth. If women achieve these positions, morphological markers need to be added to these words to address them. Many Chinese characters containing “女” (“female”) usually have a derogatory meaning, such as “妖” (“demon”), “奸” (“evil”), “妒” (“jealous”), “嫖” (“visiting a prostitute”), “婪” (“greedy”), and “奴” (“slave”). Some popular sayings or proverbs, such as “妇人之见” (“women’s opinion”) and “头发长见识短” (“long hair, short wit”), have a strong overtone of discrimination against women.

72

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

Some Chinese words like “小姐” (“miss”) and “农民” (“farmer”), which are constantly changing as a result of social changes, have gradually acquired some discriminatory meaning. The discriminatory use of these words is gradually being questioned and criticized by the public and scholars. Take “农民” (“farmer”) for example. According to the Modern Chinese Dictionary (2002, p. 235), “farmer” refers specifically to those engaged in agricultural production in rural areas. Farmers who have made a considerable contribution to the development of society and people’s lives are essentially kind and pure. Therefore, the term “farmer” has traditionally been associated with virtues such as kindness, simplicity, sincerity, and diligence. Nowadays, however, we find that some people use the word “农 民” (“farmer”) to humiliate someone for being rustic. Sometimes, the word can also be used to imply being sloppy, untimely, or simple-minded, as in the sentence “你这样想太农民了” (“You’re a true farmer if you think that way”). It can be seen that, in these cases, this word has gradually deviated from its conventional meaning and standard usage. In the pursuit of novelty and to attract attention, some media outlets do not balk at hurting unattractive people or the disabled by highlighting their appearances. This has been criticized by some scholars. Yang, H. (2007), for example, points out that there are many instances of linguistic discrimination in some news reports. On the photo-illustrated front page, there is a headline called “小矮人卖烧饼比 拼洋糕点” (“The dwarf selling sesame cakes to compete with foreign pastry”); on another front page, a report uses a picture as a lead-in, headlining the story “两 矮人创业卖烧饼自比武大郎” (“Two dwarfs calling themselves Wu Dalang start to sell biscuits”) and highlighting that “the height is 1.1 meters and the weight is 24 kilograms for both” (Wu Dalang, an historic figure in the well-known novel Outlaws of the Marsh, is notoriously short). This kind of report stems from the inappropriate use of certain words, thus intentionally or unintentionally being discriminatory towards people of small stature. In the context of building a harmonious society, it is particularly important to resist linguistic discrimination and strengthen pragmatic harmony. By “pragmatic harmony”, we mean the desirable state or manner of language use that contributes to social harmony. Conversely, pragmatic disharmony points to any undesirable state or manner of language use, such as discriminatory discourse, that may engender social gulfs or conflict between individuals or social groups. This chapter intends to critically analyze various advertisements, including street banners and discriminatory discourse in online news reports, and explore the hidden linguistic discrimination and its effect, in the hope of providing reference and enlightenment for the construction of pragmatic harmony, leading to a harmonious society.

6.3 Controversial street banners: a lawsuit 6.3.1 The story On March 30, 2005, Longxin Branch of Longgang Police Station in Shenzhen hung large banners on Yifeng Road that read “坚决打击X籍敲诈勒索团伙”

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 73 (“Resolutely crack down on extortion gangs from X Province”) and “凡举 报X籍团伙敲诈勒索犯罪、破获案件的, 奖励500元” (“Anyone who reports the extortion or crime of gangs from X Province will be awarded 500 yuan”). These street banners soon provoked some argument. The incident quickly attracted the attention of the media and public after Southern Metropolis Daily reported it on March 30th with the headline “派出所悬挂打击X籍犯罪团伙横幅惹争议” (“The hanging of the banner against gangs from X Province provokes controversies”). More than 40 news websites in China, such as Sina.com, Sohu.com, People.com, China.com – News Center, Shenzhen Hotline – News, 21CN.COM Hunan Lawyer Online, International Online, Phoenix.com and so forth, recast this report, which caused further heated discussion among citizens. Mr. Zhang from X Province was cited as saying that criminals in society do not all come from X Province, but the banners seemed to imply geographical discrimination against all people from that province, and not just criminals. The Labor and Social Security Department in X Province said that the banner incident was discriminatory and called on the police to maintain the positive image of people from X Province working in other places, including Shenzhen, and treat and evaluate X people objectively and fairly. Most media outlets used the word “discrimination” in their report headlines, expressing their attitudes toward the incident. Liu Tao, a lawyer at X Qianye Law Firm, said that the words used in Shenzhen Longxin Police Station’s street banners seriously violated China’s Constitution, exemplifying typical geographical discrimination. The unnecessary highlighting of the origin and identity of criminals is an arbitrary tampering with the principles and regulations of Criminal Law. Peng Bo, an associate professor at the Law School of Shenzhen University, said that, in combating crime, the police should identify the criminals by their behavior, rather than by their geographical origin. If a certain identity is characterized as a criminal feature, it actually constitutes a form of discrimination inconsistent with the principles of the Constitution. Later, Li Dongzhao, a legal expert, filed a lawsuit against the Longgang branch of the Shenzhen Public Security Bureau. The first case of geographical discrimination in the history of the People’s Republic of China was therefore staged. However, Longxin Branch of Longgang Police Station requested the public not to misunderstand the meaning of the banners. Whilst recognizing that the wording of the banners were indeed inappropriate, they did not admit that there were discriminatory. Was the discriminatory reading of the banners an incidental misunderstanding? Why were there so many discriminatory interpretations? The following sections seek to analyze the interpretive mechanism of the controversy from the perspective of pragmalinguistics and then to explore the hidden social ideology in light of critical pragmatics. 6.3.2 Pragmalinguistic analysis of the banners According to Verschueren (1999), language use is a constant process of choicemaking. Different choices have different communicative goals and values. The

74

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

choices made by the speaker or writer may remind people of other alternative choices. Not only does the speaker make choices, but the listener also chooses interpretations. As language choice is constrained by the system of linguistic resources, the communicative value of an expression depends on its position in this system in relation to, or its difference from, other expressions. For instance, on New Year’s Day 2006, when The Civil Service Law was implemented, “国家公务员” (“national civil servants”) began to be renamed as “公务员” (“civil servants”) (Source: Beiqing Net – Beijing Youth Daily). Therefore, in future, the new legal term “公务员” (“civil servant”) would be used in relevant laws, policy documents, and on formal occasions. The reason for this change was that, while there was no distinction made between national civil servants and local civil servants in China, the term “国家公务员” (“national civil servant”) could easily result in the misunderstanding that a distinction did exist. In fact, the names of civil servants at a national level and at a local level had been confused because they were not unified. For example, civil servants in the central and state departments were often referred to as “national civil servants”, while those in provinces, cities, and local communities were referred to as “national civil servants in a certain province or city”. Now, let us return to the previously mentioned controversy. The reason why the wording of the banners was considered to be discriminatory is the marked referential form of “the criminal gangs from X Province”. As far as the general public is concerned, since all criminal gangs (universal reference), regardless of where they come from, should be “resolutely cracked down on”, the conventional or unmarked form of expression used here should have been “resolutely crack down on criminal gangs”. Theoretically, within the system of referential expression, the communicative value of these two forms (“criminal gangs” vs. “criminal gangs from X Province”) is different. Thus, the wording on the banners could be interpreted as being that the Shenzhen police “do not (resolutely) crack down on the criminal gangs from other provinces”. It is precisely because of this that Liu Daoxing, vice president of the X Provincial Academy of Social Sciences, believed that the discourse of the police was partial and discriminatory. Peng Bo from Shenzhen University also deemed that committing crime was an individualistic behavior, and the number of criminals from a certain province was also quite small in view of its large population. On this basis, he considered the use of “from X Province” misleading, if not deliberately so. It was not surprising that netizens also voiced their concerns, asking “Criminals in Shenzhen have different provincial origins. Why do the police there just target those from X Province?” and “Do we not need to resolutely crack down on criminal gangs from other provinces?” A citizen from another province also queried: “Is there no crime in other provinces? Such discourse is very unfair to the X people. To put it more seriously, this is geographical discrimination”. It should be noted that, by questioning and challenging the discourse on the banners, people were not protecting the criminal gangs from X Province or expressing dissatisfaction with the resolute fight against criminality. But, the real question here is “What if the local Shenzhen people misunderstood the meaning

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 75 or purpose of the banners?” According to Speech Act Theory (Austin, 1962), in performing a certain speech act, three acts are performed simultaneously: locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary. A perlocutionary act, which is not fully or always determined by the speaker, depends on the participation of the interlocutors. Different interlocutors can produce different interpretations of the same discourse and thus react differently. Take the banners in this case study as an example. Perhaps their authors, the police, had no discriminatory intent, but the way in which language was used might sanction an “unexpected” interpretation of their communicative goal. As far as the actual situation was concerned, the “perlocutionary” effect of the banner discourse might lead local people, even all non-X people, to discriminate against X people. This could prove troublesome for X people who study, work, or travel in the locality or in other communities. As a matter of fact, some migrants from X Province working in Shenzhen had already complained: There has been discrimination when we X people were looking for jobs in Shenzhen. As I see it, hanging such banners on the street by the local police is a kind of discrimination against our provincial origin. This will widely transmit various biased opinions against X people in recent years, leading to discrimination against, indifference to and contempt for people from X Province. In many areas, there has arisen a tacit phenomenon of refusing to recruit people from X Province for jobs. If we let go of the phenomenon of stigmatizing and discriminating against X people in society now, a barrier and even hostility may develop between people from X Province and those from other provinces and regions. This is a most serious consequence, as it could threaten the building of a harmonious society in China. Fortunately, the first lawsuit of geographical discrimination in the country, which aroused such widespread concern in society, has been concluded. The case was settled by the People’s Court of Zhengzhou High-tech Zone in early February 2006. After mediation by the court, the parties involved voluntarily reached the following solution: the defendant, the Shenzhen Municipal Public Security Bureau Longgang Branch, removed the banners and apologized to the plaintiffs, Ren Chengyu and Li Dongzhao, both from X Province; in return, the plaintiffs voluntarily waived other claims. However, this is not the end of our thoughts and reflection on the controversy. As users of language in societal contexts, the police, and perhaps other governing bodies as well, should learn a lesson from this incident and be aware of other potential abuses of language. To prevent such misusage from happening again, it is crucial that any biased thoughts and stereotypical views of people should be removed from their consciousness. Just as language is shared by all people, and ideas are owned by individuals, we must place the users of public discourse in a critical position, as rightly advised by Mey (1993/2001). To combat and remove the bias in language or discourse, we must first combat and change the language user’s ideology.

76

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

6.4 “Post-90s”: image projection in online news headlines and reports In China, information regarding the “post-90s” generation often appears in news headlines and reports. Here we cite several news headlines concerning this age group: (1) 第一批90后加入离婚大军”！无处不在的焦虑该如何安放？ (First crop of “post-90s” join in the troop of the divorced) – from NetEase, 2018–4–24 (2) 90后最牛老赖成网红 27岁为何欠下1.4亿？(The most proud “post-90s” deadbeat has become a celebrity online.) – from ChinaByte, 2018–5–7 (3) 王冠”还没来, 头发先没了 90后“秃头”焦虑症 (Before winning a crown, they become bald. “Post-90s” bald people suffer the syndrome of anxiety.) – from Tencent, 2017–11–3 Example (1) reports that the first crop of “post-90s” in China have joined the rising tide of divorce, with all manner of worries and concerns on their minds. In (2), a “post90s” deadbeat has become an Internet celebrity, at the age of 27, only because he owes 140 million. Example (3) reports on the phenomenon of “post-90s” in China going prematurely bald before they succeed in life and targets their great anxiety. To date, both at home and abroad, few studies on “post-90s” discourse in online media exist, and no one has studied “post-90s” discourse from the perspective of critical pragmatics. Therefore, through collecting and analyzing online media headlines and reports regarding this social group in China, we wish to fill this gap by analyzing the features of the related discourse, with an emphasis on how it shapes the image of “post-90s” youths in China and transmits an image of contemporary Chinese. It is hoped that suggestions could be raised on how online media headlines and reports can actively construct an image of Chinese people, particularly with regard to contemporary Chinese teenagers, through positive discourse. 6.4.1 Definition of “post-90s” The “post-90s” in this study refers to the generation of Chinese citizens born between 1990 and 1999. They were born during a period of time when China was experiencing much reform and opening up, and they were raised during the rapid development of China’s market economy and information society. Compared with previous generations, their living standards are greatly superior. They have experienced neither personal suffering nor social turmoil. Being primarily only children, they have lived in small families since childhood without contact with many family members. As they have lived in a relatively limited social space, they have quite a simple social background. 6.4.2 Research design 6.4.2.1 Research questions As news reports about the “post-90s” generation in online media were the objective of our research, we conducted a quantitative analysis on “post-90s” discourse

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 77 in terms of the nature of news events, topics, and semantic prosody and explained the empirical results from the perspective of critical pragmatics. The specific research questions that were used are as follows: a b c

What is the distribution of different types of online news events concerning the “post-90s”? What are the semantic prosodies of online news events concerning the “post-90s”? What is the motivation for online media to portray the generation as they do? What are the possible consequences?

6.4.2.2 Data collection This study used Google and Baidu as tools for the collation of data. Google is the most widely used search engine in the world, and Baidu is a search-based interactive knowledge-sharing platform. As the world’s largest Chinese search engine, Baidu covers millions of Chinese web pages. We used these two search engines to search for the key words “90后的相关新闻” (“related news on ‘post90s’”) and extracted the first five pages of search results from each, resulting in a total of 102 items of news. Descriptive statistical analysis was then conducted. In the analysis of semantic prosody, we used Concordance software, a semantic prosody-positioning tool for searching, classification, and statistical analysis. For a fourth question, we randomly interviewed a number of people from different walks of life, including 5 college students, college teachers, corporate and government staff each (20 in total), and 2 print media reporters. We first asked the interviewees to randomly read three “post-90s” news reports and then asked them questions, such as “Why do you think news reporters produce such type of news?” and “What kind of impression do you think this type of news will leave on the readers ?” 6.4.3 Results and discussion 6.4.3.1 Types of news events concerning the “post-90s” We classified the events reported in our data into three categories, namely positive events, negative events and neutral events (Chen & Yuan, 2010). Through the analysis of the data retrieved from the Google and Baidu search engines, the author obtained the following distribution of news events concerning “post-90s” discourse (see Table 6.1). As Table 6.1 shows, in all reports involving the “post-90s”, the overall proportion of negative news events far exceeds the sum of positive and neutral events, with a percentage close to 60%. Such a large proportion of negative reports on the “post-90s” might convey a negative message to the public; that is, the “post-90s” are fairly synonymous with negative social subjects.

78

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

Table 6.1 The distribution of different types of news events concerning “post-90s” discourse as retrieved from Google and Baidu Online print media

Positive events

Neutral events

Negative events

Total

Google Baidu Total Percentage

5 7 12 11.8%

13 18 31 30.4%

33 26 59 57.8%

51 51 102 100%

6.4.3.2 Semantic prosodies of discourse concerning the “post-90s” The node word we selected for analysis was “90后” (“post-90s”). In the Concordance software environment, the span was defined as −10/+10 (that is, 10 concurrent characters before and after the node word). The establishment of a semantic prosody structure usually requires at least 100 indexes (Wei, 2001). Our database, which had 272 search results, met that requirement. Semantic prosody can reflect the attitudes and opinions of the language user (Hunston & Thompson, 2000). The semantic meaning in a semantic prosody is related to the meaning of words; prosody is closely related to the combination of words, involving several words rather than one (Sinclair, 2003, p. 117). Since semantic prosody examines the associative meaning of collocations, in terms of its pragmatic function, semantic prosody determines the collocation tendency of node words and reflects the attitude of the speaker. In order to determine the semantic preference of the collocation, we invited three Chinese teachers to judge, one of whom was a professor and the other two associate professors. Table 6.2 shows the proportion of words with different semantic preferences in the collocations. Table 6.2 shows that the majority of news reports about the “post-90s” portrays them negatively. To further illustrate the problem, we reanalyzed those discourses with higher co-occurrence frequency. Due to space limitations, we randomly selected some search results and summarized the three highest-frequency collocations. See Table 6.3 and the screenshot in Figure 6.1 for details. As Table 6.3 and Figure 6.1 clearly show, when reporting on the “post-90s”, reporters more often than not choose negative modifiers, such as “好逸恶劳的” (“lazy”), “疯狂的” (“crazy”), and “令人担忧的” (“worrying”), which could lead to a highly negative image being constructed for this social group.

Table 6.2 The proportion of words with different semantic preferences in the collocations “Post-90s” collocations

Positive

Negative

Neutral

Percentage

6.8%

81.3%

11.9%

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 79 Table 6.3 “Post-90s” highest-frequency collocations “Post-90s”

Premodifier

Post-modifier

Predicate

Highest-frequency collocations

hype indolent worrying

bitch girl girl schoolgirl

selfie, break the news play by hidden rules naked back, marry Huang Shiren (i.e., a landlord)

"

"

Figure 6.1 “Post-90s” as modified

6.4.3.3 Motivation analysis Why do online media represent “post-90s” negatively in their reports? van Dijk (2003, p. 26) believes that there are two perspectives to discourse analysis, namely textual and contextual. The textual perspective describes the discourse structure at each level, whereas the contextual perspective examines these discourse structures in relation to various contextual factors. The above textual analysis shows that online media reports on the “post-90s” mainly pertain to

80

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

negative events, focusing on entertainment, emotion and marriage, crimes, and so forth. It is now time to conduct a contextual analysis. According to Mey (1993/2001), pragmatic research attempts to reveal the ideology and value orientation behind language use, which is similar to the contextual perspective in van Dijk’s eyes (1988, p. 26). It may be argued that the frequent use of identity expressions about the “post-90s” by online media could be the reporters’ attempts to satisfy some current, abnormal social psychology (such as curiosity about negative events involving violence, sex, drug abuse, etc.). “Post-90s”, a name given to a whole group of current Chinese youth, is used to specifically equate with some “problematic” individuals in the contexts concerned. In this way, “problematic” individuals are used to represent the group as a whole, and the corresponding aggregation of problems has a huge accumulative impact on readers, thereby achieving the goals of attracting public attention and increasing the click-through rate, as supported by a respondent’s comment: 特别是一些小报, 报导“90后”吸引眼球, 这个时代人们的压力很大, 生活 在既定的轨迹中, 都希望看到或者读到一些很离奇的东西, 记者们专 门瓟这些新闻, 甚至把几个新闻凑在一起写, 放大他们的缺点。 (In particular, some tabloids reported the “post-90s” negatively to attract attention. People, who live in a fixed trajectory under great pressure in this era, want to see or read some very bizarre things. The reporters pay special attention to this kind of news and even put together a few news articles to magnify their shortcomings.) Twenty respondents highlighted that negative news reports in online media did not necessarily record social reality in an objective way because many of the “post-90s” generation do behave correctly. Thus, the real picture could become distorted if reporters only focus on the negative aspects, as indicated by one respondent: 青年人身上优点很多, 这些报导也多少折射了他们的一些缺陷或者潜在 的缺陷, 但是这类负面报导的数量过多了。 (Young people do have many merits, and these reports also reflect some of their defects or potential defects. But there are too many such negative reports.) It is worth noting that some respondents believed the negative reporting in online media was just a “strategy” of the profession, as stated by one respondent: 以前是“70后”, 上个世纪都在写“80后”, 现在自然到“90后”了, 这似乎是 新闻媒体的一套规定了。 (It used to be about “post-70s”. In the last century, it was about “post-80s”. Now it is naturally about “post-90s”. This seems to be a set of regular patterns for the news media.)

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 81 The above opinions generally indicate that, rather than necessarily reflecting the true social reality about the “post-90s” social group in China, such reports are essentially intended to cater to the current social psychology of readers. The two reporters who were interviewed said that, when producing news reports, although they do need to take objectivity into account, they also need to attract a large readership. Therefore, in terms of news headlines and content, the news content will be reprocessed to dramatically represent social reality. To cater to netizens’ reading habits (quickly browsing news reports), they choose content that is both closely related to social life and eye-catching. There is no news value if they only describe dull, everyday life, as recounted by a reporter: 在全民娱乐的社会背景下, 网络新闻需要有新闻性甚至轰动性特征, 对 极端事件的报导会提高点击率, 增加阅读量。通俗地说, 在新闻内容 的选择上, 除了一些严肃的话题或者会议报导之外, 更多的倾向是要 不就选极好的事件, 要不就得选择极坏的事件进行报导。 (In the social context of entertainment for everyone, online news needs to be newsworthy and even sensational. Reporting extreme events will increase the click-through rate, thus increasing their readership. To put it in a simple way, in the selection of news content, in addition to some serious topics or conference reports, reporters tend to choose either sensational events or extremely bad events.) 6.4.3.4 Consequence analysis The question is: in the long run, what effect does such online media reports about the “post-90s” have on this group of young people? Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992, p. 95) believe that language is not only a means of communication, but also a tool or medium of manipulation. Rather than a purely linguistic concept, it is a form of social practice for ideological reproduction (Zeng, 2005, p. 5). Therefore, it must be studied in the interactive and structural environment where language is produced and communicated. This is also reflected in the analysis from the textual and contextual perspectives mentioned above. The media enjoys dominance over what news is selected for broadcasting. Reporters can choose whom and what to discuss. As we have found from the data, reports on the “post-90s” mainly focus on negative events such as entertainment, emotion and marriage and crimes, resulting in an unfaithful and partial representation of them in the media. This non-panoramic, biased reporting could lead to the over-representation of the “post-90s” generation, prompting the public to engage willy-nilly in a national “carnival”, with this youth group being treated as an entertainment object (Bakhtin, 1986). The media’s choice of “post-90s” discourse has constructed an image that dissociates them from current, mainstream Chinese culture. Readers will lose themselves in the “language oppression” of the powerful media (Mey, 1985, p. 26). Non-“post-90s” will automatically remove themselves (psychologically) from the “post-90s” generation. Additionally, such reports will gradually lead to the erosion of this social group’s sense of self-worth.

82

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

As an object of public entertainment, the “post-90s”, in the face of powerful media discourse, will unconsciously feel marginalized, develop a rebellious spirit and even slide into confrontation with mainstream culture. Without the intervention of mainstream culture and the guidance of positive culture, the “post-90s” group will be gradually stereotyped, which could ultimately trigger social discrimination against them. Due to the different living environments encountered in China, young people living in cities or villages, in developed or underdeveloped areas, in wealthy or poor families, one-child families or multiple children families, although they are all known as “post-90s”, will have quite different personalities and profiles. It is irresponsible of the media to represent them negatively as a whole simply because of certain individual cases. We believe that this practice, even if it is unintentional, could distort the true image of the “post-90s” generation, leading to them being “demonized” and “stigmatized”. The interview results further endorse the above analysis. Based on the earlier motivation analysis, we asked participants the second question, “What kind of impression does the news content leave on the reader?” Nineteen respondents stated that, basically, all readers would have a negative view of the “post-90s” in the report, regarding them as indecent, decadent, unambitious, etc., as endorsed by their feedback as follows: 这些报导由于具有一定的新闻特征, 作为普通读者, 都会认为其客观地 描述了“90后”的生活状况, 从而给大众留下负面印象。 (Since these reports possess certain characteristics of news, ordinary readers will regard them as an objective description of the living conditions of “post-90s”, thus leaving a negative impression on the public.) 如果你不做深入的思考, 或者采取批判的阅读视角的话, 得出的结论很 简单, “90后”是垮掉的一代。 (If you don’t think deeply, or read critically, you will reach a simple conclusion, that is, the “post-90s” is the lost generation.) 这样的报导对“90后”是不负责任的, 这会对外国媒体和外国人留下什么 样的印象, 中国的年轻人怎么了？ (Such reports are irresponsible for the “post-90s”. What kind of impressions will it leave on foreign media and internationals? They may wonder what happened to Chinese young people.) The two reporters who were interviewed also supported the above analysis. They both believed that, since Internet users tend to quickly browse online news rather than meticulously read its content, such news reports could contribute to a negative evaluation of the “post-90s”, potentially leading to their discrimination. From the perspective of cross-cultural communication, this practice may subvert the image of adolescents in traditional Chinese culture, which is not conducive to the dissemination of Chinese culture across the globe in the new era, and is

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 83 detrimental to the construction of pragmatic harmony in the context of a harmonious society. Language is neither a simple mirror of social reality, nor a transparent carrier for verbal content. Language itself constructs social reality, playing an important role in the understanding, expression, and dissemination of social reality (Treichler & Frank, 1989, p. 3). In this new era of highly advanced news media, whether this is print or stereoscopic media, electronic or network resources, once information is generated, it will spread immediately, quickly permeating every corner of people’s lives and playing an important role in their political, economic, and social lives. In line with its so-called “factuality and newsworthiness”, news reports not only reflect, but also construct, social reality, shaping people’s ideology, and affecting people’s behavior and judgment, to some extent. As Verschueren (1985) highlighted, since news that reflects social events is subjective in nature, the idea that journalists are required to merely provide facts is unrealistic and the news discourse is not completely objective or neutral. To eliminate discrimination in discourse, Mey (1993, p. 110) called on language researchers to evaluate language users in a critical way. In the present case, journalists fall into our scope of criticism. News media should develop its own media literacy. By media literacy, we refer to the ability to choose, understand, question, evaluate, create and produce various media information, and to think and respond (Yao, 2008, p. 88). For all kinds of print or stereoscopic media, it is necessary to rationally evaluate the social functions and social responsibilities of the media, strive to advocate and carry forward the traditional virtues of the Chinese nation, and actively build a mainstream cultural environment conducive to the growth of young people. In view of this, the education sector should adopt a systematic curriculum or training to cultivate young people’s critical thinking on media so that they can identify and resist the adverse effects of the mass media and consciously pursue the virtues and values that conform to the traditional spirit. (Zhang & Tie, 2009, p. 114) Educational institutions of all levels need to actively guide and, if necessary, adopt administrative and legal means to regulate the discourse activities of the media. At the same time, they must also take effective measures to educate the wider audience, enabling them to read media discourse critically and not to be misled or misguided by improper news reports.

6.5 “也” (“also”): a trigger of discrimination 6.5.1 Pragmatic meaning of “也”(“also”) The word “也” (“also”) in Mandarin Chinese is a presuppositional trigger. For example: (4) 昨天的考试我也过了 (I also passed the exam yesterday.)

84

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

Owing to the use of “也” (“also”), the speaker of (4) presupposes that someone other than her has passed the exam, or she has passed other exams before. Now, look at (5): (5) 张三这次考核不佳也提拔了 (Zhang San, who performed poorly in the assessment, was also promoted.) Under normal circumstances, the speaker using “也” (“also”) in (5) presupposes that those who perform outstandingly in the evaluation have been promoted. But in real life, this presupposed context may not exist. What the speaker really means here is that Zhang San was promoted because of some unspeakable factor or even by some unconventional means. Sometimes, “也” (“also”) can be used to emphasize a discriminatory attitude. For instance: (6) 张三学习那么差也能当班干部？ (How can Zhang San, who is an underachiever, also be a class leader?) Example (6) presupposes that only those who are good at learning can be class leaders, thus conveying contempt for, and discrimination against, those underachieving students. The fact is, to be a good class leader does not require you to be a top academic student. Here is another case in point: (7) 张三一个女的也能当院长？ (Zhang San, who is a woman, can also be the dean?) Example (7) presupposes that “only a male can be the dean”. The use of “也” (“also”) highlights the speaker’s discrimination against women. Regarding the syntactic and semantic features of “也” (“also”), many scholars (such as Chen, 2008; Li, 1997; Lu, 1992) have conducted in-depth discussions. What we are focusing on here is its evaluative meaning. 6.5.2 Discrimination triggered by “也” (“also”) in news reports Since the founding of the new China, particularly since the reform and opening up of the country, Chinese society has undergone profound changes. The concept of equality for all has gradually become deeply rooted amongst people. However, from time to time, we can still find all kinds of discrimination in public discourse, including in news reports. The most frequent forms of discrimination observed are discrimination against women, the countryside, migrant workers, disabled people, the elderly, etc. A good approach to adopt when uncovering evidence is to examine what is presupposed by the use of “也” (“also”). Thus, we used “也” (“also”) as a search term and extracted news headlines on the Baidu (www.baidu.com) search engine. Some of the data we gathered are as follows: (8) 妇女也能干好技术活 (Women can also do good technical work.) (9) 农民娃也能上哈佛 (A country child can also go to Harvard.)

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 85 (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15)

农民, 也能领“月薪” (Farmers can also receive “monthly salaries.”) 农家女也出国 (A country girl also went abroad.) 打工仔也娶上洋妞 (A migrant worker also married a foreign girl.) 残疾人也能开工厂 (Disabled people can also run factories.) 七旬老妇也学高科技 (The 70-year-old woman also learns high technology.) 居委会“老大妈”也开始网上办公 (The “old granny” in the neighborhood committee also began to work online.)

Example (8) presupposes that “only men can do good technical work”, implying that women do not work well in technical environments, thus conveying a discriminatory attitude towards women. Examples (9) to (11), respectively, presuppose that “only children of intellectuals, and not farmers, can go to Harvard”, “other people (like workers) can receive monthly salaries”, and “only girls from an intellectual background, and not the countryside, can go abroad”, implying that a country child cannot go to Harvard, farmers cannot receive monthly salaries, and a country girl cannot go abroad. Therefore, they convey discrimination against people from the countryside. Example (12) presupposes that other social groups can marry foreign girls. It implies that migrant workers cannot marry a foreign girl, thus conveying discrimination against this social group. Example (13) presupposes that “only physically sound people can run factories”. It implies that “disabled people cannot run factories”, which can be regarded as discrimination against the disabled. Examples (14) and (15), respectively, presuppose that “young women can learn high technology” and “young women in the neighborhood committee can work online”. They imply that “the 70-year-old woman cannot learn high technology” and “the old lady in the neighborhood committee cannot work online”, thus conveying discrimination against the elderly, particularly against old women. It is worth noting that the above-mentioned news headlines containing “也” (“also”) will strengthen people’s stereotypes about specific social groups, which is not conducive to eliminating the mistaken or biased opinions that are rooted in some people’s minds. For example, the fact that the old granny in (15) works online seems inconsistent with people’s general impression of old women, and the use of “也” (“also”) presupposes this common ground, thus strengthening the stereotype of old women. Regarding the old woman working online as newsworthy, the reporter could be regarded as being disrespectful to this social group. The reporter may not mean it intentionally but, in effect, it will lead to a discriminatory interpretation. If the users of the above news headlines only want to emphasize the relevant events with “也” (“also”), there is no discrimination to speak of. But this is not entirely true. “也” (“also”) actually carries the meaning of two clauses. It is no wonder that some scholars believe that the use of “也” (“also”) often involves two parts: a preceding clause and a primary clause (Zhang, 1996). If one completes sentence (15), the following two clauses result: (16) 年轻人上班一般都会在网上办公, 居委会“老大妈”也开始网上办公 (Young people usually work online. The “old lady” in the neighborhood committee also began to work online.)

86

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse

By adding a preceding clause to the primary clause containing “也” (“also”), it is not difficult to understand why it has been used. The subject or the argument of the verbs, which have been modified by “也” (“also”), and its predicate have carried some unknown information and can receive more attention because they are inconsistent with the common social expectation. Therefore, most of these examples are headlines or core sentences of the news reports. In addition to objectively expressing the propositional content of the discourse and stating the facts, the reporters also add some personal evaluations, which place the propositional meaning of the sentence within a comparative framework and convey their personal views. From the above information, the primary clause containing “也” (“also”) and the preceding clause form a comparative framework. It is through a comparison-based presuppositional mechanism that the speaker or the creator of the expression gives his subjective evaluation to the propositional meaning of the sentence. Therefore, even if the reporters do not intentionally discriminate against the subject of the sentence, they construct a comparison between the primary clause and the preceding clause, thus strengthening the discrimination against the agent in this sentence or in the preceding clause. Keenan (1971) highlighted that, in order to be properly understood (in relation to the speaker’s intention), many utterances need to be considered in relation to certain cultural conditions or situations, which are the presuppositions of the sentences. The above-mentioned sentences convey various presuppositions, reflecting the reporters’ beliefs. Journalists assume that readers hold the same beliefs and will accept their words; otherwise, they would not create such headlines. This demonstrates that discrimination is not just confined to certain journalists but may be found amongst other people and thus deserves more social attention. On the surface, discrimination stems from the use and interpretation of language, but in fact this is not a problem of language itself. While the language system itself is “innocent”, various pragmatic meanings are added to language by people who are the agents of society and the users of language. Meaning comes from people, rather than from pure language symbols. Society determines discourse that, as a mirror of society, reflects social values and modes of thinking. Moreover, the counter-effect of discourse cannot be ignored. Any form of discrimination in discourse, whether intentional or unintentional, may alienate or offend a member or a group in a society, which is contrary to the ideal of building an equal and harmonious society. Therefore, we must try to avoid using language in a discriminatory manner. In particular, when we use the word “也” (“also”), we should take care to avoid a discriminatory meaning. The victims, who are usually farmers, women, old people, and disabled people, are themselves “vulnerable groups” in today’s society. The public discourse used in online media may widen the gulf between these groups and other social groups, incurring conflict between the different social groups and aggravating social instability. The inappropriate presuppositions conveyed by the above reporters will reinforce some stereotypes and prejudices and thus should be brought to the attention of the relevant authorities.

“Suspected” discrimination in discourse 87

6.6 Summary This chapter focuses on the issue of “suspected” discrimination in news media: the geographical discrimination behind a lawsuit; discrimination against the “post90s” generation as reflected in related news reports; and discrimination against all kinds of vulnerable groups, as indicated by the used of the presuppositional trigger “也” (“also”). As these are only a few cases, further empirical studies are needed in the future. The discourse representation of these cases of discrimination is a record of social ideology. Moreover, social discrimination is aggravated or even strengthened by these discriminatory discourses, thus creating an environment that is increasingly unfavorable to disadvantaged groups and even leading to conflicts and disharmony in Chinese society. However, it should be noted that the essence of linguistic discrimination or discourse discrimination is not about language or discourse itself. In other words, language or discourse is not the real cause of discrimination. It is the users of such language or discourse that harbor and enact social discrimination. Admittedly, as highlighted above, some users of discriminatory language do not mean it intentionally, but in effect, they can cause offense because of their improper use of language. Thus, due care should be given to the use of public discourse from the perspective of pragmatic harmony. There are also many successful practices in this regard that are worth sharing. For example, in order to show concern for certain social groups, the Nanjing Metro once replaced “请给老、弱、病、残、 孕和其他需要帮助的乘客让个座” (“Please give seats to the old, weak, sick, disabled, pregnant, and other passengers who need help”) with “请给需要帮助 的乘客让个座” (“Please give seats to passengers in need”). This substitution is not only due to the fact that the latter is relatively simple and easy to produce, but also reflects the wish to take care of these disadvantaged social groups without actually mentioning their needs (such as being old, weak, sick, disabled, or pregnant). Such euphemistic public discourse is worth promoting. It is believed that, as long as our administrative entities strengthen the supervision and improvement of the use of public discourse, a pragmatically harmonious social environment will certainly emerge.

7

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

7.1 Introduction As publicly and widely used language, public discourse (PD) is “the language extensively used and fulfilling certain communicative roles in our daily life” (Guo, 1992, p. 107). It is a mirror of the national psychology, moral standards, cultural refinement, etc., of a society. Moreover, by and large, it is a symbol of civility and a window on the construction of spiritual civilization in a society. In terms of linguistic civilization, public discourse falls into two major categories: civilized public discourse (CPD) and uncivilized public discourse (UPD). Overall, with the progress of material civilization, modern China has also witnessed gradual progress in spiritual civilization, with the civilization of public discourse being a part. However, needless to say, in our daily lives, UPDs are not hard to find, which exerts a negative impact on the improvement of humanistic qualities, the construction of proper values of life, the improvement of regional and national images, and the development of spiritual civilization in society. As Lan (2004, p. 31) highlighted, in order to be eye-catching, some public discourses are deliberately “decorated” with unconventional or unhealthy forms. In order to guarantee an unimpeded communication channel and healthy development of modern Chinese, the use of public discourse, in whatever ways, should not stride away from the basic norms of the language. Therefore, more effort should be made to correct UPDs, ensuring that public discourse is used correctly, healthily, and positively. In this chapter, after providing a definition of pragmatic civilization based on a large quantity of first-hand data,1 we will define “uncivilized public discourse” (UPD) and then analyze its pragmalinguistic features. We will then demonstrate people’s attitude towards UPDs based on interview results. Following that, “civilized public discourse” (CPD) will be defined and will undergo the same analysis as was conducted for CPD. Finally, we will investigate the tendency of PD in modern Chinese society on the basis of three case studies.

7.2 Defining pragmatic civilization Public discourse reaches far and wide into public spaces. Naturally, it has been an appealing topic for scholars. From the existing literature, two approaches can be identified: normalization2 and language civilization.

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 89 Chen (1997, p. 71) once highlighted that the meaning of “language civilization” is twofold: one refers to the use of pure and standard language form, speaking putonghua (Mandarin) in public spheres and avoidance of vulgar or dirty language. The other refers to pure thought of language, telling truth rather than lies, avoidance of empty talks, resistance against catering to foreign or low tastes. From this definition, we can see that language civilization not only includes the norms of language per se, but also the norms of language use. Compared with the normalization of language forms, for the construction of language, civilization places more emphasis on the normalization of language use, with the former being the foundation of the latter. Feng (1994, p. 101) argued explicitly that “the ultimate goal of public discourse research is to construct a normative system, providing guidance for daily language use”. After a careful comparison and contrast of language norms and public discourse norms, Feng further argued that the study of the latter should place more weight on the study of pragmatic norms of language use. Thus, to differentiate between the linguistic level and usage level, we incline to use “pragmatic civilization” to refer to healthy and positive language use, particularly in public discourse. For example: (1) 钱票当面点清 离柜概不负责 (Counting the money on the spot. Anything wrong is your own responsibility once you leave the bank.) In Feng’s opinion, the bank, being the issuer of the statement, breaches pragmatic norms in that the statement imposes a potential cost on clients, thus violating the Politeness Principle (PP) (Leech, 1983). Here is another example: (2) 猪圈火锅 (Pigsty Hot Pot) – the name of a hot pot restaurant Selecting food from a hot pot is quite enjoyable for many Chinese people. However, a restaurant name, like that in (2), would only conjure up an image of a nasty pigsty and is not conducive to a healthy appetite. A great many other studies touch upon the issue of civility in the use of public discourse. For example, Qin (2009) discussed the abuse of homophonic puns in “gray advertisements” (advertisements of poor taste). Liu and Lu (2009) paid particular attention to the normalization of some governmental posters. Zhang (2010) conducted a detailed examination of the language forms and types of some deceptive commercials. Other studies covered Chinese public notices, birth control posters, outdoor posters, traffic warnings, environmental protection posters, and so on. However, little empirical research has been carried out on UPDs, let alone CPDs. A more systematic, data-based study is thus required. This chapter will closely scrutinize UPDs with regard to its types, characteristics, working mechanism, semantic types, pragmatic effects, etc. It will enrich the study of UPDs and promote the civilization of PD.

90

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

7.3 Analysis of UPDs In this section, we first define UPDs and then analyze their pragmalinguistic features, working mechanism, semantic types, and pragmatic effects. Finally, we focus on advertisements of poor taste to investigate people’s attitude and opinions towards them. 7.3.1 Definition of UPDs In terms of its influence on public life, public discourse can be roughly divided into three types: civilized, neutral, and uncivilized. By definition, UPDs are those instances of public discourse that go against civilized social customs, moral and behavioral standards, and so on. Specifically, they refer to those instances of language use that are in poor taste (littered with obscene, vulgar, violent, terrifying, and repulsive content), have a counter-productive effect on promoting a level of public morality, transmit negative views of life and value or destroy spiritual civilization. Our data show that UPDs can be categorized into several types. 1) UPDs related to sex or illegitimate love (3) 想艳遇吗？ (Do you want romantic affairs?) – a real estate advertisement (4) 私奔胜地 (A right choice for elopement) –an advertisement for a tourist spot (5) 如果你不能给她一个名份, 那就送她一套房子。(If she cannot own your given name, she deserves an apartment from you.) – a real estate advertisement (6) 80后供小三房 (A good choice for post-80s to have the other mistress)3 – a real estate advertisement (7) 爱我就来泡我 (If you love me, please stay with me.), an advertisement for a hot spring (8) 漂亮的女人爱JJ (Every beautiful women loves JJ.) – a shopping mall poster for “JJ fashion women’s clothing of South Korea”4 (9) 想知道亲嘴的味道吗？ (Do you want to know the taste of kissing?) – advertisement for a chewing gum named “Qingzui”)5 (10) 上我夜夜情 (Date with me every night.) – a slogan for an Internet café 2) UPDs related to the use of threat or curse (11) 谁与招商引资企业过不去, 就是与蛟河人民过不去 (Those who are not friendly to the investors are not friendly to all people of Jiaohe.) (12) 敢与政府对着干, 当时就叫你难看 (If you dare to embarrass the government, you will be embarrassed immediately.) (13) 宁添十座坟, 不添一个人。 (It is worthwhile driving ten people to a tomb to stop any one unplanned child from a womb.) (14) 爱护公共卫生长命百岁, 随地乱丢垃圾断子绝孙！(May you long live for keeping the public area clean or die childless for disposing of rubbish randomly!)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 91 (15) 偷税漏税, 来世罚作尼姑。 (If you commit tax evasion, you will be a nun in your next life.) (16) 非法上访一次拘留, 二次劳教, 三次判刑。(Unratified petition for once, one will be detained, twice be re-educated through labor, thrice be sentenced.) (17) 飞车抢劫, 就地枪决！ (Motorcycling robber(s) will be shot on the spot!) (18) 毁树一行, 先死他娘 (Cut the trees, damn his mum!) (19) 不准停车 违者放气 (No parking! Or your tires will be slashed!) (20) 严禁触摸电线, 5万伏高压, 一触即死, 违者法办！(Strictly prohibit touching the wires! 50 kilovolts! Touch and you will die or be imprisoned!) (21) 高压危险, 电死不管 (High voltage! Dangerous! You deserve it if electrocuted!) 3) UPDs related to the worship of money (22) 人民币是成功之本, 根据地是财产之源 (Renminbi is the root of success. A real estate is the source of a fortune – an advertisement for a real estate company.) (23) 以青年根据地为大后方, 向人民币挺进 (Set up an apartment for young people, and pave them a way for RMB – an advertisement for a real estate company.) (24) 有钱人终成眷属 (The riches finally get married.) – a slogan for a laptop called “a union of brainless” 4) UPDs related to the use of vulgar content (25) 喝死拉鸡吧倒 (Just drink to hell!) – a public poster (26) 一婊人才 (Make a fine-looking queen.) – an advertisement for a clothing shop (27) 跳楼价/撞墙价 (self-killing price/heart-broken price) (28) 忍痛大放血 (Big bleeding sale) – poster for a small store 5) UPDs related to negative views of life and value (29) 吐痰请向外吐, 提高个人素质 (If you want to spit, then spit out of the window. Mind your manners.) – a reminder in a bus (30) 请不要搭理陌生人问话, 谨防上当受骗 (Never respond to strangers’ questions. Keep away from being tricked.) – a slogan 6) UPDs related to implicit prejudice (31) 为每个成功的人建造一间别墅 (Build every successful man a villa.) – a real estate advertisement (32) 中国高尚人文社区 (Chinese noble humane community) – a real estate advertisement

92

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

These UPDs might not only damage the reputation of a place, but may also have a detrimental effect on the development of a positive life and value viewpoint amongst teenagers. Furthermore, some may diminish the government’s reputation, whilst others may insult certain social groups. Rather than achieving their goal of warning, they instead plant seeds of hatred, which could cause disharmony in society. As Yang, Y. H. (2009, p. 115) highlighted: Insulting public signs are ruthless humiliation to the readers. They go beyond the acceptance and intolerance of civilized people and society. Those UPDs would not only trigger conflict and opposition, but damage the image of our country. Thus, they are all destructive, inappropriate and irrational. From the perspective of Speech Act Theory, the primary purpose of public discourse is to perform certain speech acts (illocution) such as persuading, threatening, warning, and prohibiting. However, because of their vulgar, unhealthy, and uncivilized content, those UPDs exert a negative impact on the development of honorable values and prevent the construction of spiritual civilization among the public. Thus, while they might temporarily and locally achieve certain short-term goals, they would not produce positive social effects or achieve the desired effect or perlocutionary act. 7.3.2 Pragmalinguistic features of UPDs It is relatively straightforward to identify the “problems” associated with some UPDs as they are clearly reflected by the choice of words. Favored words are those that are contaminated by obscene, pornographic, violent, threatening, indifferent and filthy overtones, and cursing. A few of them portray obscene and pornographic content to attract the attention. For example, the following section of an advertisement is rather shameless (besides the following lines, there is a rear profile of an almost naked woman): (33) 机会是现成的, 关键在于 – 您想做吗？ 军招6号楼417房间 等你. . . . 等你 减肥、美容类、会营产品类、女性洗液类、 功效型化妆品类 . . . 这里都有

The chance is already there, the only problem is – Do you want to do it? Military Hostel, Building 6, Room 417 Wait for you. . . . Weight-loss products, cosmetic products, conference marketing products, washing liquids for females, cosmetic treatments . . . can all be found here. The above advertisement has a strong sexual association, as indicated by the ambiguous expression “您想做吗？” (“Do you want to do it?”), which may be

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 93 interpreted as “Do you want to make love?”. The association is strengthened by the provision of a hotel room number and the invitation “等你” (“Wait for you”). In terms of formation, many UPDs deliberately and “creatively” exploit homophonic mechanisms. In Chinese, the following items in quotation marks are phonetically identified with those in brackets, “诱货” (“Enchanting-goods”, enchanting), “鞋门歪道” (“Immoral Shoes Store”, immoral practices), “饭卖 人口” (“Human Trafficking (meal)”, human trafficking), “鸭寨夫人” (“Duck Mistress”, mistress of a fort), “纯心找茶” (“Intended to Find Fault Teas”, intend to find fault), and “妩媚穿衣服”(“Enchanting Dress”, I don’t wear anything). No one would deny that a homophone is an important way of creating new social terms. However, in line with Qin (2009, p. 144), This sort of weird homophone reflects the advertisers’ freaky view of value, as well as a sick and sinful mindset. They throw dust in our eyes and contaminate commercial and social ethos, showing open disrespect for social morality and positive values. Parody is another common way of creating UPDs. It refers to the practices of imitating existing well-known expressions like idioms, proverbs, mottoes, government slogans, and so on, to create new words, sentences, or even discourses to meet their needs. Parody does not only make the expressions vivid but also achieves the effects of mockery, humor, and novelty, etc. However, a great many parodied terms are vulgar, satirical, ill-formed, or violent, such as “有钱人终成 眷属” (“The riches finally get married”, from the idiom “The lovers finally get married”) and “以三个代表指导我们的屠宰工作！” (“Set the Three Representatives Theory as our butchers’ guidance!”, imitating the slogan of institutions or governments). We might find that the root cause of UPDs is to randomly appropriate existing language patterns, leading inevitably to vulgar and degrading deviations, which negatively impact on the vivid, lucid, and concise expressions being appropriated. 7.3.3 Multimodal UPDs: a case study In our data, we find that some UPDs even convey vulgar information multimodally. It is widely known that, owing to the fast development of modern communication and mass media, multimodality is a common method of information transmission, nowadays. Closely tied in with people’s everyday lives, public discourse producers have naturally adapted to this trend and transmit information mainly by multimodal means. Unfortunately, some of these cater to poor taste. For example: (34) 再低, 就不可能了。 (To get even lower would be impossible.) – a real estate advertisement, hinting at the exposure of women’s breasts (35) 要提, 还要往上提. . . . (Pull, put upper. . . .) – a real estate advertisement, hinting at the exposure of women’s hips

94

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

Superficially, these advertisements are not vulgar at all. However, they portray obscene content because they are illustrated with half-naked women. By saliently conveying obscene content, these advertisements are unable to convey agreeable messages to consumers but instead produce adverse effects. While they might attract some people’s attention, they could turn more consumers away from the advertised products, consequently ruining their own image. What is even worse is that they offend both readers and audiences and could therefore harm the reputation of the city. The following is another example: (36) 高港是 我 家, 文明 靠 大家 (Gaogang is my home, and its civilization depends on everyone.) The above slogan makes salient an inappropriate and scandalous phrase “我靠” that some people choose to utter, by highlighting the two characters “我” and “靠” (meaning “fuck” in Chinese). To further reveal the pragma-cognitive mechanism and harmful pragmatic effects of multimodal UPDs, let us now focus on the following vulgar poster. (37) 我现在有空哦！ (I am available right now!) – an advertisement for leasing an office building This is an advertisement for an office building. The background of the advertisement features the office building, while in the foreground there is a fashionable and scantily clad woman, throwing an alluring sidelong glance to the readers. An inserted dialogue box reads, “我现在有空哦~” (“I am available now”). The lower part of the picture prints information regarding the building name, address, telephone number, etc. What concerns us here is how we understand the sentence, “I am available now”. According to Relevance Theory (RT) (Sperber & Wilson, 1986/1995), communication is a process of the speaker’s ostension and the hearer’s inference. “The speaker evaluates the cognitive environment of the hearer/reader and conveys (explicitly or implicitly) his communicative intention”. The hearer, on the other hand, based on the utterance and context and, guided by the presumption of optimal relevance, decodes, infers, and finally recognizes the speaker’s informative intention. In terms of the literal meaning, “I am available now” refers to the availability of the cartoon woman. The implicature is that she is awaiting a date. Obviously, this is not the real purpose of the advertiser. Therefore, we have to take into consideration the additional information that this sentence conveys. This advertisement first establishes the office building in the background, with an impressive profile and structure, and then attracts the public attention by portraying a cartoon woman with the sentence “我现在有空哦~” (“I am available now”). Thus, by integrating all these pieces of information, we could infer that the actual meaning being conveyed is “This office building has not yet been occupied. Anyone interested can contact me now”. Some weak implicatures,

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 95

Figure 7.1 An advertisement for the letting of an office building

including the high quality of the building, like the girl’s beauty, could also be conveyed. The different colors in the advertisement enhance the picture and create a strong impression on the recipients. The cartoon girl and the office building are not complementary, but overlapping: the cartoon girl actually refers to the building. The sentence, “I am available now”, in the top left-hand corner, and the figures build an additional relationship, since the sentence is an addition to the pleasant image of the building, informing the recipients about its vacancy. “I” actually refers to the building. From this analysis, we realize that the advertiser uses figures, colors, words, and even the facial expression and gaze of the cartoon girl to convey multiple ostensive stimuli to the recipients, to achieve optimal relevance and adequate contextual effects. The recipients can complete the inference and capture the real intention of the message sender, according to

96

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

the ostension obtained from the integrative working of contextual information and all types of modalities and forms. The above is an RT interpretation of the advertisement. The question here is, why does the advertiser choose this form of presentation? Actually, the advertiser could have informed the reader that the building was available to potential renters. Or, if the image was of spacious and modern offices, rather than an under-dressed cartoon girl, what different effect would have ensued? Suppose that the information was conveyed directly by words, namely, “Suhao Building is now available to rent”. The advertisement producer might well think that it is less attractive because of the single-modality form of presentation that creates no element of surprise at all. In contrast, the actual advertisement that was used appears quite different. The cartoon girl is more salient and eye-catching. It is followed by the sentence, “I am available now”, which effectively directs the recipients’ attention to further information: the girl is available to date. Although it is indirectly conveyed, the actual meaning “this building is unoccupied and interested renters should contact me now” will finally be recognized. We presume that the advertiser intends to attract public attention by the salient and eye-catching cartoon girl. Sex is a human instinct, which can instinctively and naturally attract people. Given that advertising is a form of marketing promotion with the purpose of informing audiences about products, the suggestion of sex is a frequently exploited method used to impress the audience by the triggering of hormones. However, the negative effect of this advertisement overrides any positive effect because it intensifies the level of poor taste by taking advantage of people’s eagerness for novelty. It is very similar to the aforementioned examples, such as, “想艳遇吗？” (“Do you want romantic affairs?”), “再低, 就不可能了” (“To get even lower would be impossible.”), “您想做吗？等你. . . .” (“Do you want to do it? Wait for you. . . .”), and so on. The only difference is the degree of vulgarity and obscenity. Presumably, these multimodally presented flirtatious and obscene UPDs could cause heavy visual pollution and undermine the city’s reputation and the construction of spiritual civilization. Meanwhile, they might also exert a negative impact on the growth and development of teenagers. 7.3.4 A survey of UPDs involving vulgar advertisements Souzhiwang (search engine) (www.idea360.net) once conducted a survey of “the recognition and evaluation of vulgar advertisements” (see Appendix 4). In the following discussion, we will cite the relevant data from its “Report of recognition and evaluation of vulgar advertisement questionnaires” (the data we have cited is up until December 5, 2010). Moreover, there are two questionnaires, each having 11 items. We chose seven items from Questionnaire 1 (items 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, and 10) and three items from Questionnaire 2 (items 1, 2, and 10), for a total of ten items. Those items have been reordered for the convenience of the discussion, and we performed a detailed analysis to demonstrate the attitudes of the recipients towards those advertisements.

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 97 Table 7.1 Do you frequently come across vulgar advertisements? (92 samples) Choices

Never

Seldom

Sometimes

Often

Very frequently

Number (92) Percentage (%)

6 6.5%

22 23.9%

39 42.4%

18 19.6%

7 7.6%

Table 7.2 In which type of media are the vulgar advertisements you encounter usually presented? (multiple choice) Choices

TV

News- Magazine Inter- Outpaper net door

Number (92) 34 39 28 Percentage (%) 37% 42.4% 30.4%

Broad- Cell Traffic Others cast phone media (subway, buses, etc.)

20 10 7 21.7% 10.9% 7.6%

10 6 10.9% 6.5%

3 3.3%

Table 7.1 shows that the choices “often” and “very frequently” were made by 27.2% of recipients, with “sometimes” accounting for 42.4%. This means that vulgar advertisements are relatively common in daily life. Particular attention should be paid to this fact, since those advertisements are rather destructive and negative. Item 2 focuses on where the vulgar advertisements were displayed like TV, newspapers, magazines, the Internet, outdoor advertisements, broadcasts, cell phones, the subway, buses, etc. From Table 7.2, we can observe that newspapers, TV, magazines, and the Internet are loaded with vulgar advertisements and that these means of advertising are closely linked to our daily life. Table 7.3 shows that, the public tends to reject advertisements involving sex or a sexual hint, feudalism, and superstition, a threatening tone, misleading values, poor taste, bias against a social group and imitation or plagiarism. People who chose “somewhat dislike”, “dislike very much”, and “bitterly dislike” in each item (Items 2 through 6 exceed 50%) significantly outnumbered those who chose “accept”. This supports the observation that, in general, people have a negative attitude towards vulgar advertisements. Moreover, it is worth noting that many people chose “do not care”, with some even choosing “accept”. This indicates that there is still a great number of people who fail to recognize the negative effects that vulgar advertisements can have on our physical and psychological health, particularly of teenagers, and are unaware of the harm that they pose to the construction of spiritual civilization. One possible reason why vulgar advertisements still pervade many aspects of our daily lives is that some people are still not aware of this problem. This proves, indirectly, that, even though many laws and regulations have been passed, their effectiveness is somewhat unsatisfactory.

Sex or sexual hint (1)

17 (18.5%) 33 (35.9%) 28 (30.4%) 9 (9.8%) 5 (5.4%) 92 (100%)

Degree of acceptance choices

Accept Do not care Somewhat dislike Dislike very much Bitterly dislike Total

15 (16.3%) 26 (28.3%) 32 (34.8%) 11 (12.0%) 8 (8.7%) 92 (100%)

Feudalism and superstition (2) 18 (19.6%) 19 (20.7%) 29 (31.5%) 16 (17.4%) 10 (10.9%) 92 (100%)

Threatening tone (3) 20 (21.7%) 13 (14.1%) 37 (40.2%) 12 (13.0%) 10 (10.9%) 92 (100%)

Misleading values (4)

Table 7.3 To what extent would you accept advertisements that involve the following factors?

15 (16.3%) 17 (18.5%) 31 (33.7%) 19 (20.7%) 10 (10.9%) 92 (100%)

Poor taste (5) 10 (10.5%) 24 (25.3%) 37 (38.9%) 19 (20.0%) 5 (5.3%) 95 (100%)

Bias against a social group (6)

24 (25.3%) 29 (30.5%) 25 (26.3%) 12 (12.6%) 5 (5.3%) 95 (100%)

Plagiarism (7)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 99

7.4 Analysis of CPDs 7.4.1 Definition of CPDs By CPDs, we refer to those instances of public discourse that are positive and helpful to the construction of spiritual civilization, the improvement of an individual’s quality and the cultivation of an honorable view of life and value. They usually convey positive emotions like attention and care to others, a sense of humanity, delight, and beauty. Guo (1992, p. 108) argued that CPDs should be internally compatible with the grammatical, semantic and pragmatic standards while externally compatible with social customs, moral and behavior standards. . . . Such kind of language use would not only meet the need of communication but produce desirable social and economic effects. These attributes are all embodied in slogans and posters, such as in the following: (38) 小草微微笑, 请您旁边绕 (The grass is smiling, please bypass.) (39) 我以自然美净化你, 你以行为美呵护我 (I purify your heart with my natural beauty; you return my care with good behavior.) (40) 愿君莫伸折枝手, 鲜花亦自有泪滴 (Hope you hold back your hand, otherwise the flowers would also shed tears.) (41) 花草丛中笑, 园外赏其貌 (Grasses and flowers smile in the garden; we cherish and enjoy them on the outside of the fence.) (42) 草儿可爱, 大家爱 (Grasses are lovely; shower your pity on them.) (43) 全民齐创绿色家园, 万众共建秀美地球 (Individually we nest in our own green home; wholly we build a beautiful planet.) (44) 人人爱环保, 校园更美好 (If everyone keeps it clean, the campus will be prettier.) (45) 垃圾有家我送它, 保护环境你我他 (Every waste has its home; let’s protect the environment together.) These environmental protection slogans are permeated with human consideration and care for nature, highlighting the positive ecological view that nature is as important as man and the environment is essential to us all. Thus, they encourage people to be self-constraining and responsible. From the perspective of Speech Act Theory, the main speech acts performed by CPDs (including advertisements, slogans, public signs, etc.) are persuading, reminding, directing, warning, prohibiting, etc. In terms of perlocutionary acts, these CPDs usually achieve the desired effects, as well as conveying positive and rightful emotions. For example: (46) 小草对您微微笑, 请您把路绕一绕。 (The grass is smiling; please bypass.) – instead of “严禁践踏草坪” (“Walking on the grass is prohibited.”) (47) 一花一草皆生命, 一枝一叶总关情。 (Flowers and grass also have life; a branch and a leaf all have emotion.) – instead of “禁止攀折花木” (“Don’t pick the flowers.”)

100

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

The purpose of (46) is to stop people from walking on the grass. While the first version is more humane and delightful, the second version is stiff and rude. Apart from the message of “prohibition”, the former expresses positive emotion and coveys good feelings to the recipients. Similarly, (47) may attract the support of the public by stating the commonality between plants and humans to achieve a favorable pragmatic effect. Here is another example: (48) a 施工现场, 请勿入内 (Under construction. Please do not enter.) b 施工现场, 禁止入内 (Under construction. Admittance prohibited.) The two signs are intended to stop people from entering the construction site, but the former is mitigated and thus more acceptable, since the politeness marker “please” weakens the stiffness of the word “prohibition”. Consider further examples: (49) 前进一小步, 文明一大步 (One small step forward, one giant leap towards civilization.) (50) 来也匆匆, 去也冲冲 (Come in a rush. Go with a flush!) These two CPDs are the most common “reminding” signs found in men’s toilets, namely, reminding people to flush away the waste once they have urinated. They sound interesting and humorous, compared with “Flush after toileting”, and it is more acceptable and more likely to fulfill its perlocutionary act. As Dai and Lv (2005) state, these new public signs “are not merely a publicity, but also a kind of sublimed morality, a self-disciplinary promise and a sensible service.” From these examples, we can see that different kinds of CPDs not only perform certain illocutionary acts but may increase their chances of fulfilling the perlocutionary acts by conveying and highlighting positive values and feelings. CPDs are greatly beneficial to the construction of spiritual civilization, guiding “the construction of civilized and harmonious society. The social value of CPDs cannot be underestimated” (Yang, Y. H., 2009, p. 113). 7.4.2 Pragmalinguistic and semantic features of CPDs All CPDs share some common features. In the following examples, we will illustrate them from two perspectives: pragmalinguistic form and semantic content. The most prominent pragmalinguistic feature of CPDs is the employment of politeness markers (like “请” “please” and “谢谢” “thanks”), mitigators (like “请 谅解” “please forgive us for . . .”), etc. For example: (51) 请勿拍照 (No photography please.) (52) 请勿大声喧哗, 谢谢合作！ (Keep quiet, please. Thanks for your cooperation!) (53) 为了您和家人的安全, 请下车推行, 谢谢合作！ (For your own and your family’s safety, please get off and walk the bike. Thanks for your cooperation!) (54) 此处施工, 给您带来不便, 敬请谅解！ (Under construction. Sorry for the inconvenience!)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 101 These politeness markers or imposition mitigators usually appear in slogans and posters in CPDs because they are frequently exploited to convey messages of direction, warning, prohibition, etc. Those messages become politer and softer with the addition of markers. Accordingly, the expected communicative effects and goals are more likely to be achieved since the recipients are more willing to accept those messages in mitigated ways. The positiveness of CPDs is also realized in their phonetic and syntactic patterns. A great many well-designed advertisements, posters, and slogans take full consideration of rhythm, asymmetry, antithesis, and so on to convey a sense of beauty. For instance: (55) 喝杯青酒, 交个朋友 (A cup of Green Wine, A good friend at hand.) – an advertisement for Guizhou Green Wine (56) 枝江酒, 老朋友 (Zhijiang Liquor, My Old Pal.) – an advertisement for Zhijiang Liquor (57) 这个世界真美好, 到处都是树和草。保护环境很重要, 我们大家要环保 (The world is really fragrant; every place is full of plants. A good environment is important, and we all should protect it.) – an environmental protection slogan (58) 绿色贵在保持, 环保重在行动 (Greenness has to be maintained and environmental protection hangs in our hand.) – an environmental protection slogan (59) 来时给你一阵芳香, 走时还我一身洁净 (We welcome you with my fragrance; when you return, please leave behind your elegance.) – an environmental protection slogan Moreover, in terms of semantic content, CPDs (including public service advertisements, slogans, public signs, and so on) all convey a sense of human care, delight, and beauty, indicating love as well as positive motivation and responsibility to the recipients. In the following, we will present examples of each type. 1) Conveying care for nature (60) 芬芳来自鲜花, 美丽需要您的呵护 (Fragrance is from flowers. The sustained beauty of them needs your care.) – instead of “禁止攀折花木” (“Plucking flowers is prohibited.”) (61) 除了相片, 什么都不要带 (Please take away nothing except photos) – instead of “禁止践踏草坪” (“Don’t walk on the grass.”) or “禁止乱扔垃 圾” (“Don’t dispose of rubbish casually.”) 2) Sharing care and love for people (62) 车辆超载一吨, 危险增加十分 (A ton overloaded, danger is increased tenfold.) – instead of “严禁超载” (“Overloading is prohibited.”)

102

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

(63) 安全是离家最近的路 平安, 才能回家 (The shortest distance to home is safety. Be safe and we can reach home.) – instead of “注意安全” (“Be careful.”) (64) 中国电信欢迎您回家！ (China Telecom welcomes you back home!) (65) 关注生命, 平安出行 福建公安交警祝全省人民新春快乐 合家平安 (Life is of utmost importance, so please be cautious when travelling. Public security police and traffic police in Fujian wish all Fujian people a happy and safe Spring Festival.) (66) 和谐春运, 祝南来北往的司机旅客一路平安 (Ensure a harmonious journey during the Spring Festival. Hope all drivers coming and going enjoy a safe journey.) (67) 母念妻等娇儿盼, 愿君平安把家还 (All family members are waiting. May you come back home safe.) 3) Offering delight and beauty (68) 找点空闲找点时间, 交通法规经常看看 (Find some spare time for traffic laws and regulations) – instead of “请遵守交通法规” (“Abide by traffic laws and regulations!”) to parody the words in a well-known pop song named 《常回家看看》, “Come back home often” (69) 头脑绷紧安全弦, 行车系上安全带 (Always keep in mind that the seatbelt is fastened) – instead of “请系好安全带” (“Fasten the seatbelt”) (70) 小草有生命, 足下多留‘青’ (The grass also has life; don’t set your foot on it) – instead of “严禁践踏草坪” (“Walking on the grass is prohibited.”) (71) 花开堪赏直须赏, 莫要折花空赏枝 (Please enjoy the blooming flowers, rather than sighing to bare branches after the flowers are picked.) – instead of “禁止攀折花木” (Don’t pick the flowers and branches.) 4) Invoking a sense of responsibility and participation (72) 千里之行始于足下, 交通安全从我做起 (A journey of a thousand miles is made step by step. The good manners of each individual make the journey safe and sound.) (73) 珍爱生命, 珍视家庭, 和谐交通, 让我们一起努力 (Life loving, family caring and traffic safety depend on all our efforts.) (74) 地球是我家, 绿化靠大家 (The earth is our home and its greenness depends on all of us.) (75) 您的追求, 我的责任 (Your satisfaction is my working responsibility.) (76) 你捡一垃圾, 我栽一树苗, 世界顷刻变美 (If you pick up rubbish and I plant a tree, the world becomes more beautiful day by day.) (77) 成长因为有您, 向上因为有梦 (Your help accompanies my growing up and dreams make me progress.) 5) Inspiring and encouraging people (78) 世上无难事, 只要肯攀登 (Nothing is impossible to a willing heart.)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 103 (79) 锲而不舍, 金石可镂; 锲而舍之, 朽木不折 (If you persist without stopping, you can carve and inlay metal or stone; if you start carving and then give up, you cannot even cut through a piece of rotten wood.) (80) 多思是知识的钥匙, 勤奋是知识的土壤 (Thinking more is a key to knowledge; diligence is the soil of intelligence.) (81) 天行健, 君子以自强不息 (As Heaven’s movement is ever vigorous, so must a gentleman strive along ceaselessly.) With the above examples, we can illustrate how CPDs foster a sense of humanity, provide delight and beauty, and encourage and develop a sense of commitment and responsibility among the recipients. These categories do not represent every situation of CPD, but generally represent the main content of well-designed advertisements (particularly public service advertisements), posters, signs, etc.

7.5 Trends towards civilized usage: case studies On the whole, with regard to the Chinese context, although a number of UPDs still exist, the general trend is becoming increasingly positive with the development of society. Indeed, many examples that were provided in the illustration of UPDs, such as bloody, violent, and offensive birth control slogans, loaded with negative feelings, have already been updated and replaced by more positive and peopleoriented ones (cf. Sang & Zhuang, 2004). To further demonstrate the civilization trend of public discourse, we will now present three case studies: public slogans in a town, property management signs in a teaching building and traffic signs in a city. 7.5.1 Public slogans in a town Public signs, as a kind of symbolic image, reflect the economic and cultural development of a place, and they are also very much part of its landscape. A study of the public signs in a place is very significant in that, from them, we can determine the degree of civilization there. Accordingly, we can propose appropriate suggestions for the improvement of public signs in a place and the education of people who live there. The first case we examine is the use of slogans in Zhangguo Town in Xinghua County, Jiangsu. Zhangguo Town, at the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, is a wealthy town in Jiangsu, with a population of over 200,000. It is endowed with fertile land, adequate water supplies, and a mild climate, so a large harvest is expected every year. During the last decade, its rate of economic growth exceeded 30%, with the individualist economy contributing to the majority of this growth. As Zhangguo Town is representative of the rising tide of China’s modernization, this was our main motivation for choosing it for this study. In previous literature on the research into slogans, the focus was on whether or not the slogans being studied were plausible and acceptable. In terms of content, most studies investigated the unsuitable or outdated slogans used in some poor and underdeveloped villages. For example, Nie (2004) collected many unsuitable birth control slogans and criticized them from the perspective of presupposition.

104

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

Wei (2006) studied the negative rhetorical effects of some “weird” slogans and proposed some strategies for creating publicity. So far, little attention has been paid to slogans used in economically developed places. The research questions for this case study are as follows: a b

What are the themes of the slogans used in Zhangguo Town? How are they distributed? What kind of politeness strategies are used in those slogans?

7.5.1.1 Data collection and categorization The project members collected all slogans on both sides of the main streets in Zhangguo Town. These slogans were mainly printed on street lights, with some being displayed on walls and banners. Slogan collection was conducted as follows: a photograph was taken of each slogan and notes were made in a notebook at the same time. In total, 151 slogans were collected, excluding any repetition, i.e., each slogan was only counted once in our data. We then established the “theme”, or standard, for categorizing the 151 slogans that were collected. From studying the theme distribution, we were able to identify what the most frequent themes were. Some slogans had been counted more than once because they involved two or more themes. Thus, the total number of themes in each subcategory outnumbered the total number of slogans. 7.5.1.2 Results and discussion 1) Theme description and distribution The slogans collected covered almost every aspect of daily life. They fell into eight different categories: politics, the economy, talent cultivation, education, the spirit of innovation, city construction and development, national policies, and life philosophy. Of them, the following two themes occurred most frequently. MOBILIZING PEOPLE FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (34 ITEMS)

These slogans call on people to devote themselves to economic construction. The majority of them covered more than two themes, usually integrating the spirit of hard work and the spirit of innovation. For example: (82) 聚精会神谋发展, 全心全意为百姓, 凝心聚力抓招商, 矢志不渝促发展 (Pursue development sedulously; serve the people whole-heartedly. Concentrate on attracting investments and persistently accelerate development.) (83) 创新中谋求发展, 竞争中实现超越 (Develop by means of innovation; surpass through competition.) (84) 改革开启致富路, 富裕吹开文明花 (Reform paves the way for richness and richness breeds the flower of civilization.)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 105 The relatively high frequency of occurrence of this theme indicated that economic development is one of the most significant factors for people living in Zhangguo Town.

ADVOCATING A POSITIVE LIFE PHILOSOPHY (35 ITEMS)

The tenet of this type of slogan is to promote the humanistic qualities of people and establish an honorable view of life and value for residents. They also attempt to advocate a healthy lifestyle, a philosophical attitude towards life and the inheritance of traditional values such as frugality, honesty, self-esteem, modesty, and benevolence. For example: (85) 德从宽处积, 福从俭中来 (Morality comes from intolerance and happiness from frugality.) (86) 知人者智, 自知者明 (Who knows people is intelligent; who knows himself is wiser.) (87) 淡泊以明志, 宁静而致远 (Stay oriented in one’s pursuit through austerity; achieve lasting success by leading a quiet life.) (88) 谦虚使人进步, 骄傲使人落后 (Modesty helps one to make progress whereas pride makes one lag behind.) These two most frequently observed themes indicate that the chief goal of the slogan producer is to construct a positive image for the local people; notably, they are being encouraged to be aspirational and hard-working. 2) The employment of politeness strategies The survey also indicates that politeness strategies are often employed in the slogans used in that town and include the following three types: Type One: Some slogans involve the use of empathy to persuade people, particularly the officials, to behave correctly. For example: (89) 诚信待人人自爱, 忠心为民民自拥 (If you treat others honestly then the same will be returned; if you serve the people loyally then the people will support you.) The slogan suggests that, if officials love and serve the people, they will win the people’s support. Type Two: Some slogans deliberately avoid the use of the pronoun “you” to indicate that the proposed actions are not meant to apply to any specific individual. For example: (90) 纸上得来终觉浅, 绝知此事要躬行 (Book knowledge is superficial. A profound understanding calls for practice in person.)

106

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

This slogan tells people to do things in person rather than to depend on books or empty talk. It avoids using the pronoun “you” but chooses a well-known motto to make the advice more acceptable. Type Three: Targeting what the recipients like, or what they consider to be necessary to mitigate the threat to the recipient’s face. For example: (91) 民众喜爱个私经济, 发展需要个私经济 (The people favor an individualist economy; development calls for an individualist economy.) The goal of this slogan is to encourage people to invest in an individualist economy. It presupposes that an individualist economy is what they want or need, so an indirect speech act is performed to mitigate the direction, or lessen the degree, of the imposition. Needless to say, the above three types have not exhausted all the face-saving strategies witnessed in the slogans, but they are sufficient to show that politeness strategies are common in local slogans. These slogans are good exemplars for other communities. In order to improve the level of spiritual civilization and construct a harmonious society, administrative departments are advised to use appropriate slogans for publicizing policies and mobilizing people so as to achieve optimal effects in public communication. 7.5.2 Property management signs in a teaching building Signs, also called social specifiers (Yu, 1998), serve the purpose of guidance, warning, reminding, etc. to benefit the public or certain groups of people (Chen, 2001, p. 58). Data in this case study were all collected from a teaching building (16 floors) in a key university in Jiangsu Province. The management and maintenance of that building was the responsibility of a property management company. The building consists of an underground garage, teaching floors (floors 1–7), and office floors (floors 8–16). In such a self-contained social activity space, the property management company’s public signs formed the independent data for this study. With the introduction and popularization of a corporate management pattern for university buildings (like the one in question), standardization has been a prominent feature of social management in cities. Accordingly, the management discourses and ideas behind property management companies are continually exerting an impact on citizens. As a result of this, the sample of public signs used in this study is a good reflection of the general features displayed by public signs, adopting a corporate management style, throughout cities in modern China. After a thorough search, 22 kinds of signs were obtained, which amounted to 456 items (for more details, see Table 7.4). The most frequently observed occurrence is “EXIT” (152 times), accounting for more than one-third of the total. This sign is a necessity because of the complicated structure of the building. On the other hand, safety is of great priority, and

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 107 Table 7.4 The types and occurrences (including percentage occurrence) of signs in the teaching building Types

Subtypes

Items

Percentage

Prohibitive Requestive Persuasive Notificatory Total

4 10 3 5 22

16 196 20 224 456

3.5% 43% 4.4% 49.1% 100%

two other signs, “FIRE HYDRANT” (32 times) and “FIRE HYDRANT BOX” (18 times), involving fire control, can also be categorized as being safety requirements. Interestingly, these are the only signs printed in both Chinese and English. Requestive acts are the second most frequently observed group, second only to the notificatory category (if “EXIT” (152 times) is not considered, then requestives are the most frequently used), but they fall into 10 different kinds, more than any other type, which indicates the importance of this group. This type includes keeping the building tidy, water conservation, safety, etc., with environmental cleanliness ranking highest (5 different kinds), suggesting that the environment is another important factor along with safety. Persuasive acts fall into three subtypes, namely, the protection of public property, keeping the building tidy, and respect for law and regulations. In terms of the protection of public property, there are general and affirmative expressions, like “爱护公物是一种美德” (“Taking Care of Public Property Is A Virtue”), as well as more specific and negative expressions like “破坏消防设备是违法行为” (“Breaking Fire Control Facilities Is Illegal”). The goal of these public signs is essentially to regulate the recipient’s behavior. The least frequently observed category is prohibitive acts (16 times), and its four subtypes also relate to safety (13 times). According to the Tact Maxim of the Politeness Principle (Leech, 1983), the use of indirectness, the consideration of optionality, and the direction of cost and benefit to the recipients determine the degree of politeness. Accordingly, by default, the degree of politeness of the three types of illocutionary acts (notificatory acts excepted) can be illustrated as follows: persuasive requestive prohibitive

higher degree of politeness lower degree of politeness However, we should note that the degree of indirectness, size of optionality given to the recipients and the direction of cost and benefit involved in the utterance would impact its illocutionary and pragmatic force (Chen, 2004), which is further determined by contextual factors. Regarding public signs, the pragmatic

108

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

force of the above three types of illocutionary act can be illustrated in the following picture: persuasive requestive prohibitive

weaker pragmatic force stronger pragmatic force Therefore, which of the three illocutionary acts to choose for a particular situation is determined by the balance between politeness and illocutionary force. When the requirement for politeness is high, then the persuasive illocutionary act is a candidate since the pragmatic force is relatively weak. If politeness demand is moderate, then the performance of a requestive act can meet the demand, since the illocutionary force is relatively strong. When politeness is superfluous but a strong illocutionary force is called for, a prohibitive act is the correct option. Finally, when only information presentation is required, and politeness is irrelevant, a notificatory act is a good choice. Within this theoretical framework, we discover, after careful data examination, that in cases where safety is at stake, such as open working platforms on tall buildings or cranes, administrators should employ prohibitions to prevent non-employees from straying into dangerous places. Likewise, in order to ensure an unimpeded entrance to an underground garage, strong pragmatic force is a must. Therefore, signs like “不准停车” (“No Parking”) fit the situation well. Comparatively speaking, “闲人莫入” (literally “Non-employees do not enter”) on the door of the management station is slightly indifferent, although it would be accepted, since no words like “prohibition” or “strictly prohibited” are included. Requestive signs like “请将垃圾投入保洁桶内, 谢谢合作” (“Please put rubbish in the trash bins. Thanks for your cooperation!”); “同学您好, 7楼以下请走 楼梯, 谢谢合作！” (“Hello to you, please take the stairs from floors 1–7. Thanks for your cooperation!”); “为了您和家人的安全请下车推行, 谢谢合作！” (“For your own and your families’ safety, please get off and walk your bike. Thanks for your cooperation!”); and “为了车辆安全, 请主动配合车管工作, 谢谢合作！” (“For the safety of your cars, please cooperate with us to manage the cars. Thanks for your cooperation!”) all strike a good balance between illocutionary force and politeness, in keeping with the Pragmatic Balance Principle (Chen, 2004). Interestingly, the administrators exploit requestive acts to discourage actions like speaking very loudly in public, spiting, or smoking in public, for which the administrators used to adopt prohibitive illocutionary acts. This mismatch weakens the illocutionary force but increases the degree of politeness, turning the recipients from passively abiding, to actively cooperating. In terms of the effects, the use of requestives to substitute prohibitives is more effective on well-behaved recipients than on badly behaved recipients. For the latter, more powerful, constraining signs would prove to be more effective. The administrators of the previously mentioned property management company use a large number of requestives to substitute prohibitives, indicating that they respectfully presuppose that the faculty staff and

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 109 students are all civilized and polite recipients. Meanwhile, by so doing, they turn themselves from administrators into servants and demonstrate a good sense of service. Conversely, we found (92) in another building (not managed by a property company) and (93) on the wall of a bank close to the university, both of which involve no politeness: (92) 禁止停放自行车 (Parking bicycles is prohibited.) (93) 公共场合禁止吸烟 (Smoking in public is prohibited.) Moreover, some politeness strategies have been identified in the process of analyzing the data. The most prominent ones include the addition of an explanation and the use of politeness markers. 1) Adding an explanation Ferrara (1980) found that, when performing certain speech acts, people do not only resort to a single speech act. Rather, a subordinate speech act is also performed. For example: (94) A: Close the window, Tom. It’s cold. B: Alright. (Tom closes the window.) Ferrara argued that the italicized part states the primary intention, constituting the main act of the utterance, while the remaining part is the subordinate act, which gives an explanation of the main act to strengthen its pragmatic force, thereby increasing the possibility of its realization (for further discussion, cf. Edmonson, 1981). The embedded or subordinate speech act discussed by Ferrara (1980) and Edmonson (1981) can also be found in our data. For example: (95) 水是生命的源泉, 请节约用水 (Water is the spring of life. Please save water.) (96) 为了您和家人的安全请下车推行, 谢谢合作！ (For the safety of you and your families, please get off and walk your bike. Thanks for your cooperation!) (97) 为了车辆安全, 请主动配合车管工作, 谢谢合作！ (For the safety of your cars, please cooperate with us to manage the cars. Thanks for your cooperation!) The additional information suggests that the administrators try to meet the recipients’ cognitive need of knowing why they are being asked to do things. More specifically, in (95), “water is the spring of life” would invite recipients to recognize the importance of water and then turn their awareness into the action of saving water. In (96) and (97), reminding the recipients of the importance of life and properties could activate their cooperation. The additional information in these cases can increase the possibility of realizing the primary communicative purpose, namely, strengthening the illocutionary force of the signs.

110

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

Table 7.5 Politeness markers in the signs of the teaching building Politeness markers

Signs with the politeness marker

Occurrences

“请” (“please”) “请勿” (“please don’t”) “谢谢合作” (“thanks for your cooperation”) “您” (deferential form of “you”) Total

6 3 8 3 20

94 64 142 8 308

2) Employing politeness markers Many forms of language can be used to express politeness, of which the most obvious means is politeness markers. As the markers are usually lexical in form, the use of politeness markers is the most concise, economical, and explicit way of expressing politeness. The phrases “谢谢” (“thanks”), “请” (“please”), and “对不起” (“sorry”) are the most commonly used politeness markers in Chinese. Thanks to their brevity and conciseness, the administrators would naturally choose these politeness markers. Our field survey also proved this (see Table 7.5). In our data analysis, we found some types of signs used more than one politeness marker. A total of 5 types of signs used “please” together with “thanks for your cooperation” (56 times). “Please don’t” co-existed with “thanks for your cooperation” in 2 types of signs (48 times). For instance: (98) 为了车辆安全, 请主动配合车管工作, 谢谢合作！ (For the safety of your cars, please cooperate with us to manage the cars. Thanks for your cooperation!) (99) 请勿大声喧哗, 谢谢合作！ (Please don’t speak loudly [in the corridors and aisles]. Thanks for your cooperation!) In the following examples, three kinds of politeness markers were even used together: (100) 同学您好, 7楼以下请走楼梯, 谢谢合作！ (Hello to you, please take the stairs from 1–7 floors. Thanks for your cooperation!) (101) 为了您和家人的安全, 请下车推行, 谢谢合作！ (For the safety of you and your families, please get off and walk your bike. Thanks for your cooperation!) Amongst the politeness markers, “thanks for your cooperation” is very salient (142 times in 8 types of signs). “Thanks for your cooperation” or just “thanks” is generally used to express gratitude to others who have offered help, made contributions, etc. to the speaker or people on the speaker’s side. Here, they deviate from their conventional usage, that is, they are used to express gratitude for the

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 111 expected support, help and cooperation, and so on, beforehand. Meanwhile, the pre-given gratitude might appeal to the recipients, making them more willing to provide support, help, and cooperation, etc. This form of strategic use of “thanks” or “thanks for your cooperation” has also been found in English, French, and so on. This would imply that it is becoming somewhat of a universal phenomenon. Although they are not positioned in exactly the same way (“thanks” can be located at either the beginning or end of a sentence, while “thanks for your cooperation” is usually at the end of a sentence), the purpose of the two is to strengthen the pragmatic force of the directive speech act. We noticed that the property management company posted the following guidelines on the wall of the first floor lobby: “以人为本的理念, 综合一体的模 式, 科学合理的运作, 灵活的激励机制, 创造物业管理的优质品牌” (“Peopleoriented management, integrated service, scientific operation, flexible incentive system, aspiring to become a high-quality brand in property management”). The above analysis manifests that the signs in the teaching building adequately demonstrated the people-oriented policy of the company. These signs all demonstrate how the administrators have endeavored to meet the recipients’ emotional and face needs. In brief, the signs in the teaching building reflect the administrator’s effort in adapting to the communicative intention and contextual factors. They mirror how the company not only embodies its working guidelines, but also influences all faculty staff and students in that building. In the process of urban community construction, public discourse construction cannot be ignored. It even deserves to be promoted to the level of spiritual civilization construction (Xu, 1998). The language of property management in urban communities is an important part in building a good language environment, which in turn could reflect the degree of spiritual civilization of a society. We find, from the language of public signs, that communities without modern property management lag far behind in their construction of a language environment. Therefore, the model we have studied could be expanded to them. 7.5.3 Traffic signs in Chongqing Erecting traffic signs is an important way of ensuring traffic safety. As a form of notice, the signs are erected along the roadside or in other public areas to provide guidance, reminders, warnings, etc. to those who are involved with traffic such as drivers, passengers, pedestrians, and those who could possibly affect the traffic (like street peddlers). For instance: (102) 驾驶时禁止手持电话 (Don’t use your hand to make phone calls when driving.) (103) 追尾危险, 保持车距 (Be cautious of rear-end collision! Keep space.) (104) 事故多发路段 (Accident-prone section) (105) 勿以快慢论英雄, 安全行车最光荣 (Not the faster the better, but the safer the better.)

112

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

In keeping with other types of public signs, the large majority of traffic signs are short and concise and usually involve ellipsis. In terms of function, traffic signs can direct the recipients to what should be done or not done, as in (103) and (102), respectively; offer traffic information, as in (104); and publicize traffic cautions by employing some rhetorical strategies, as in (105). Besides these public safety-related functions, traffic signs are also windows to a city since they are all erected in public areas. Among studies of traffic signs, Pan and Zhou (2002) proposed several guidelines for traffic sign design as follows: raising public awareness and highlighting the tenet of serving, conveying human care, emphasizing people-oriented ideology, and employing rhetorical strategies and diction for the sake of being charming through language. According to Ren (2008), besides conveying information, traffic signs could influence the behaviors of recipients. Thus, they could be beneficial for building and maintaining a harmonious traffic environment by constraining, indexing, reminding, or compelling drivers and relevant people. The existing literature has touched upon traffic signs but has focused exclusively on “publicity” signs, without examining the bigger picture of traffic signs. To consider this, we will conduct a case study to reveal the pragmalinguistic features and strategies of traffic signs from the perspective of Face Theory. The data of this study were collected from five sub-areas of Chongqing, as well as signs from both sides of highways, secondary roads, main city streets, tourist roads, campus roads, community, and parking lots, etc. The majority of the data were collected by taking photographs, but some were collected by note taking for safety reasons. In total, we collected 185 items of traffic signs. One billboard was counted as one item. Considering that the data were not from one closed system (namely, not all the traffic signs on only one road), the recurrent and identical ones from different places were only counted once. The primary purpose of traffic signs is to ensure public traffic safety. In order to achieve this goal, all traffic signs perform illocutionary acts to urge or remind the recipients to obey the traffic rules, although they might present safety knowledge, traffic rules, traffic conditions or give direction, etc. Thus, traffic signs are essentially used to perform speech acts. It is not difficult to recognize that a great many traffic signs are face-threatening since they direct (including indirect requests and direct orders or forbidding) the recipients to behave appropriately.6 For instance: (106) 桥梁维护, 严禁超速 (Bridge under maintenance. No speeding.) (107) 事故路段, 减速慢行 (Accident-prone section. Slow down.) Traffic signs, like those above, either directly prohibit the driver’s behavior (speeding) or request the driver to perform an action (slow down), which are typical face-threatening acts according to Brown and Levinson’s (1987) Face Theory. However, according to our investigation, not all traffic signs give stark orders. Under proper conditions, traffic management departments aim to convey notices politely, indicating their respect of the recipients. From the perspective of Face

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 113 Theory, we can closely examine the politeness aspect of our data. The following politeness strategies are identified from the data: employing politeness markers, expressing due care to the property and safety of the public, performing indirect speech acts, providing reasons or motivations, etc. 1) Employing politeness markers Politeness markers refer to words or sentences that convey the speaker’s politeness to the hearer. For example, “您” (deferential “you”) in Chinese is an honorific marker to express negative politeness according to Face Theory (Brown & Levinson, 1987). “Please” and “please don’t” are negative politeness strategies, usually exploited to mitigate face threat in directive speech acts. The following signs all adopt politeness markers: (108) 祝您一路平安, 旅途愉快 (Wish you a safe and happy journey.) (109) 请系好安全带 (Please fasten the seatbelt.) (110) 请勿疲劳驾驶, 严禁超速 (Please no fatigued or over-speed driving.) (111) 交警温馨提示: 进入休息区, 请按规定停车 (Traffic police’s warm reminder: Service area. Please follow the instruction to park.) The reason for counting “warm reminders” as politeness markers is that “reminding” softens the imposition degree of the directive speech acts, while “warm” is an indicator for the recipients to appreciate how considerate the administrators are being and is also an adaption of the request so that recipients will act on their own rather than under pressure. In this sense, “warm reminding” is polite. The frequencies of the politeness markers in the data are shown in Table 7.6. From Table 7.6, we discover that the frequency of “please” is most prominent. It is worth noting that the sum of the frequencies outnumbers the total number of signs because some items include more than one politeness marker. For example: (112) 温馨提示: 为了您的乘车安全, 请乘坐安全、合法、正规的客运出租车 自觉抵制乘坐非法客运车辆 (Warm reminding: for your safety. Please take safe, legal, and qualified taxis and consciously resist illegal and disqualified vehicles.) Table 7.6 Politeness markers in the traffic signs under study Politeness markers Category

Frequency

请 (please) 请勿 (please don’t) 您 (deferential “you”) 温馨提示 (warm reminder) Total

29 2 9 9 49

114

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

In this sign, three politeness markers are used: “您” (deferential “you”), “请” (“please”), and “温馨提示” (“warm reminder”). 2) Showing concern for the property and safety of the public According to Face Theory (Brown & Levinson, 1987), if the speaker expresses concern for the hearer’s interests, requirements, and safety, etc., s/he is resorting to a positive politeness strategy. A similar practice can be found in our data. For example: (113) 关爱生命, 文明出行 (Cherish life and behave yourself when travelling.) (114) 请拉好手刹、关闭门窗、收好天线、收拢反光镜、带上贵重物品 (Please pull the handbrake, shut the doors and windows, fold the antenna and reflectors, and take away any valuable belongings.) (115) 您一路辛苦了, 欢迎进入服务区 (You’ve had a long hard journey. Please go into the service area for a rest.) (116) 交警温馨提示: 为了您和家人的安全, 请安全行车 (A warm reminder from the traffic officers: for your and your family’s safety, please be cautious when driving.) The above examples demonstrate the administrators’ concern for the life, properties, physical condition, and safety of drivers and thus convey positive politeness. 3) Performing indirect speech acts Based on the categories of speech acts defined in Searle (1969), we find that the traffic signs perform the following speech acts: Notifying Notifying speech acts fall into the category of assertives or representatives, providing the public with relevant information or guidance in the form of declarative or elliptic sentences (Chen, 2001). For instance: (117) 长江大桥计量检测 前方400m (Measurement and detection for the Yangtze River Bridge, 400m ahead.) Ordering Giving orders is a function that belongs to directives. Its purpose is to directly give orders, thereby informing recipients what they are permitted to do. Compared with requestive acts, directives gives the recipients little option: (118) 事故路段, 减速慢行 (Accident-prone section. Slow down.)

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 115 Prohibiting Prohibitive speech acts are also a form of directive. Their intention is to compulsorily stop or prevent certain actions or events from happening. The pragmalinguistic feature of this type is the use of words like “禁止” (“prohibit”), “严禁” (“strictly prohibit”), “不得” (“cannot”) or “不准” (“not allow”), and so on (Chen, 2001). For example: (119) 预防特大交通事故, 严禁“病车”上路, 不准客车超员 (Prevent very serious accidents. “Sick” vehicles are strictly prohibited and passenger coach overloading is not permitted.) However, in our field study, we find that, to be polite, traffic management departments perform a large number of indirect speech acts. For example, requestive speech acts are employed to perform prohibitive speech acts. We know that requestive speech acts fall into the category of directives, but they are not as forceful or strong as orders or prohibitions, since they give the recipients more options and space. Although still threatening to the recipient’s negative face, they are more polite. A prominent feature of such requestive speech acts is the adoption of politeness markers like “请” (“please”) or “请勿” (“please don’t”). For example: (120) 前方潮汐车道, 请按交通信号行驶 (Tidal flow lane ahead. Please follow the instruction of the traffic lights.) Second, the traffic management departments of Chongqing frequently resort to tendentious speech acts to indirectly perform directive speech acts. Tendentious speech acts share the same features as representatives, with the aim of conveying a form of sense, truth, and results, etc. to guide the recipient’s efforts in achieving certain goals. Because the potential number of recipients is large, uncertain, and unclear, the effects are not as good as those of the above-mentioned directives. Tendentious traffic signs have no prominent pragmalinguistic features but are usually dyed with rhetorical color (Chen, 2001), as in (121): (121) 文明行车受欢迎, 安全驾驶合家欢 (Civilized driving manners are welcome; safe driving assures a happy family reunion.) Third, the traffic management departments concerned also resort to expressive speech acts to indirectly perform directive speech acts. The following are some examples: (122) 祝您一路平安, 旅途愉快 (Wish you a safe and happy journey.) (123) 感谢您的光临, 祝您一路平安 (Thanks for coming and wish you a safe journey.)

116

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse Table 7.7 Traffic signs performing indirect speech acts Categories

Frequency

Persuading Requesting Wishing Thanking

53 26 3 1

Example (122) conveys a wish, which is a sub-class of expressives. The linguistic feature of this type of speech act is the use of “may” and “wish” and so on. What is performed in (123) is a thanking act, also a sub-class of expressives, which presupposes that the public would follow the traffic regulations and rules by thanking the recipients beforehand. Table 7.7 indicates that the traffic signs in Chongqing most frequently resort to a form of persuasion that uses directives, with the second most frequent being requestive speech acts with politeness markers. Expressives, like wishing and thanking, are also enacted, but much less frequently. 4) Adding reasons or explanations Out of a total of 185 items of data, 91 were found to include supportive speech acts, which amounted to 50% of the data. The main types of supportive speech acts found in the traffic signs are presented in Table 7.8. Reasoning is to add more information of justification, arousing the understanding of the recipients. For example: (124) 关爱生命, 注意安全, 行人切莫走高速公路 (Cherish life and ensure safety. Pedestrians please don’t walk on the expressways.) The ultimate goal of this sign is to persuade pedestrians to keep away from highways. But before the statement behind the message is provided, life and safety are emphasized. By resorting to the preciousness of life, it is adapted to the recipients’ psychological need to protect their own lives, thereby enforcing the strength of the message being aimed at persuading pedestrians to keep away from highways. Besides life, “family” and “family members” are also frequently mentioned. Table 7.8 The types, numbers, and percentage values of supportive speech acts in traffic signs Supportive speech acts Types

Reasoning

Informing

Threatening

Total

Number Percentage

34 37.4%

53 58.2%

5 4.4％

91 100%

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 117 These can also strengthen the pragmatic force of the traffic signs by adapting to the belief that family and family members are extremely important to people. Informing, as a supportive speech act, refers to the act of telling recipients why they should or should not do something. For instance: (125) 1.7公里长下坡, 严禁空空档 (1.7 km long slope. Neutral gear is strictly prohibited.) If this traffic sign solely meant “严禁空档” (“Neutral gear is strictly prohibited”), it is not only blunt but also unconvincing since, in neutral gear, a car would be more fuel-efficient. However, the addition of “1.7 km long slope” could activate relevant schema in the driver’s mind that, in this situation, a car in neutral gear would be more likely to run out of control. Particularly, on a long slope, the car would increase in speed, without actually being driven, with a corresponding increase in the risk of an accident. Cautioning drivers to be aware of this will prompt them to take action more willingly, rather than passively following the rule. This traffic sign provides the drivers with all the necessary details and, therefore, makes it more acceptable. Threatening supportive speech acts refer to the addition of threatening information to the direction so as to increase the pragmatic force of the signs. For example: (126) 严禁超车, 违者后果自负 (Over-loading is strictly prohibited. Or you will be punished.) Threatening only appears in a small minority of the supportive acts in our data. More than 90% of supportive acts are reasoning and informing, indicating the administrators’ respect for the recipients in an effort to adapt to the tenet of “harmonious society” construction. It should be noted that the sum of the three types of supportive speech acts (92 instances) outnumbers the total number of data items (91). The reason for this is that one item – “The reminder from the traffic policemen: under construction ahead. One-way flow. Please follow the traffic instructions and regulations. Or you should take responsibility for the consequences” – has been counted twice since it is both a reasoning and threatening supportive speech act. In addition to the three aforementioned politeness strategies, more have been identified, such as the use of deictic pronouns that involve both producers and recipients (e.g., “道路连着你我他, 安全系着千万家”, “The roads connect you and me and safety links all families”), avoidance of mentioning the recipient (e.g., “进库车辆注意: 待库门升起完毕后再进库”, “Attention: Wait until the door is completely rolled up”), etc. Due to space limitations, further strategies are not counted or analyzed here. We can conclude from the analysis of our data that the traffic signs in Chongqing employed a great number of politeness markers and enacted both positive and negative face strategies, apart from the highlighting of public life and safety. This practice adapts well to the human desire for respect and the tenet of harmonious society construction, demonstrating the demand and orientation of civilized public discourse.

118

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse

7.6 Summary This chapter focused on the main features, mechanism, semantic content, and pragmatic effects of both UPDs and CPDs. In particular, we demonstrated three case studies that represent the tendency towards civility in the use of public discourse in contemporary China. Our study yields the following findings: many UPDs involving obscene, violent, threatening, vulgar content, etc., occurred in advertisements, store and product names, slogans and public signs in daily life. Homophony and parody are the two main mechanisms for producing such UPDs. In terms of pragmatic effect, such content like obscenity, violence, threat, and vulgarity may weaken the attraction of the genuine communicative intention. What is even worse, this negative content will provoke the resistance of the recipients, thereby causing undesired pragmatic effects. In addition, some multimodal UPDs will cause visual pollution and are detrimental to the physical and psychological health of teenagers. In terms of the social impact, they might undermine our view of value and life and the construction of spiritual civilization. On the contrary, CPDs can make a significant contribution to the development of our positive view of life and value, cultivation of morality in our society, improvement of our humanistic qualities, construction of a harmonious society, and advancement of spiritual civilization. They are also part of our social civilization. They can secure desirable pragmatic effects because their contents are healthy and positive, and they convey positive feelings and thus are more acceptable. Fortunately, the majority of the public discourses in our data achieve the goal of constructing pragmatic civilization. Human-oriented and care-loaded, they demonstrate the color of humanity and beauty, with a positive impact on the development of rightful views of life and value. Their tendency towards civilization is very obvious. The three above case studies (city slogans and public signs, signs in a teaching building and traffic signs) very clearly prove this trend. All things considered, to accelerate the process of spiritual civilization and to continue the civilizing tendency of public discourse, we need to jointly discard UPDs and make way for CPDs. A new picture of pragmatic civilization then lies ahead.

Notes 1 The data for this chapter were taken primarily from the author’s daily observations or from the Internet (websites are listed in Appendix 3). 2 Guo (1992: 108) defined the norms of public discourse as: The norms of public discourse are a collection of accepted standards of pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar, meaning and practices in certain fields, places and communities, in keeping with the standards of morality and behavior in those fields, places and communities.

(Non-)civility in Chinese public discourse 119 3 The intended meaning of this slogan is “a small three-room apartment is affordable to the post-80s”. The trick here is “小三”, which can refer to both “small three . . . ” and “mistress” in Chinese. 4 JJ is a slang term for the male genital organ in Chinese. 5 “Qingzui” means “kiss” in Chinese. 6 It could be contended that the use of such directives or prohibitions for traffic purposes does not involve threat to face.

8

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

8.1 Introduction As a widespread phenomenon of social spaces, public discourse has undergone many changes in the wake of social development. In particular, it appears to be more personal at times. For example, as some scholars have found, advertisements, as a type of public discourse, may “appropriate” the features of private or personal discourse (e.g., chats between friends) to fulfill particular communicative purposes and achieve good communicative effects. Focusing on style switching and genre hybridity in public discourse (particularly in advertising discourse), this chapter seeks to explain how public discourse synchronically and diachronically presents the feature of personalization. By delving into the pragmatic motives and value orientations behind the generic “appropriation”, it will highlight that, while personalization is a manifestation and orientation of language civilization with regard to non-profitable public discourse, it is to a large extent a pragmatic strategy in the case of commercial advertisements.

8.2 Style switching 8.2.1 Style: definition and classification By style, we refer to the level of formality of language use. Joos (1962) considers style to be the linguistic form that embodies the level of language formality and proposes the well-known “Five Clocks” Theory. The term “Five Clocks” refers to five styles with different levels of formality, as illustrated in the following examples: a b c d e

Frozen style: Visitors would make their way at once to the upper floor by way of the staircase. Formal style: Visitors should go up the stairs at once. Consultative style: Would you mind going upstairs right away, please? Casual style: Time you all went upstairs now. Intimate style: Up you go, chaps!

Styles are usually associated with specific forms and communicative contexts. For example, the frozen style, which is solemn, rigorous, and refined, tends to

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 121

Informal spoken style

Formal written style

Email between Chat

Job interview

Conversation with superiors

friends

Public speech

Academic writing

Letter between acquaintances

Figure 8.1 The continuum of style

be highly formulaic or fixed without contractions, such as a pastor’s words at a wedding ceremony or some religious ceremonies, formal contractual terms, legal texts, and so on. The consultative style, characterized by complete sentence structure, is often adopted by national leaders to answer questions at press conferences, or in other settings such as business negotiations, daily conversations between colleagues or strangers, and so on. Style often varies with genre. Whereas intimate chats are informal and spoken, legal or academic writing is formal and written. In between there is a continuum of styles, as shown in Figure 8.1. In addition, we can approach the typology of style from other perspectives. For example: a b

In terms of the pattern of communication, style can be classified into monologic and dialogic. In terms of the medium of communication, a style can be either spoken or written.

Generally, both spoken and written styles can be formal or informal. However, in general, while the former is at a lower level of formality, the latter tends to be more formal. The aforementioned categories can be intersected. For instance, the five style types, distinguished from the perspective of communicative form, can be either spoken or written; monologues distinguished in terms of communicative pattern can be further categorized into variants at different levels of formality. For example, the following public signs, which are all in the form of a monologue, have different levels of formality. (6) a

严禁乱倒垃圾。 (正式) Littering is strictly forbidden. (Formal)

122

Personalization in Chinese public discourse b

请别乱倒垃圾。 (较正式) Please do not litter. (Relatively formal)

c

千万别乱倒垃圾哦。 (较不正式) Don’t litter. (Less formal)

Likewise, dialogues (also generally in spoken form) can differ in their level of formality. Specifically, while dialogues at ceremonies are usually solemn, those occurring in daily chats are more casual or even intimate. Classroom dialogue and doctor-patient dialogue generally use a consultative style. Theoretically speaking, being able to make appropriate use of styles is a manifestation of one’s pragmatic competence; a poor choice of styles can lead to pragmatic failures. For example (Yang, Y. H., 2008), (7) (外国留学生杰克和他的中文老师校园里相遇) (Foreign student Jack encounters his Chinese teacher on campus.) 老师: 杰克, 慌慌张张干什么去? (Teacher: Jack, where are you going in such a hurry?) 学生: 嘿, 哥们, 你丫不看看表几点了,我约朋友打球时间要到啦! (Student: Hey, chap, look at the time! It’s time to play basketball with my friends!) 老师: 打球,你的作业还没写完呢吧? (Teacher: Playing basketball? Have you finished your homework yet?) 学生: (套用才从朋友那学的京片子, 自豪地说) 今儿几儿啊, 明儿再写吧！ (Student: (Imitating the lines he learned from the Beijing dialect, proudly says) What day is it today? Write it tomorrow!) In this case, Jack, as a student, neglects the fact that the other person involved in the conversation is his teacher. As such, the teacher would consider Jack’s casual style to be impolite. 8.2.2 Style switching: definition, categorization, and function As mentioned above, styles are often closely related to a specific communicative context. However, if we describe a particular style merely in the light of the communicative situation, it leads to the problem of mechanically associating the level of formality in language use with specific communicative purposes/situations, which presupposes a static view of communication. In fact, communicative events are sometimes so complex that different styles may be adopted in a single communicative situation. In accordance with Verschueren (1999), “language is not a monolithic entity. Nor is language use a unified phenomenon. There are important distinctions to be drawn between different manifestations of language in use” (p. 49). In other words, the style of communication may vary considerably in a specific context due to the influence of multiple factors. In fact, for various reasons, the communicator (the speaker or the writer) will sometimes make use of switching in language use at certain levels, such as code-switching, as widely

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 123 discussed in the related literature. Some researchers (e.g., Cheng, 2007; Janes, 2000; Li, 2003; Rogerson-Revella, 2007; Van Gijsel, Speelman, & Geeraerts, 2008; Yang, Y. H., 2008; Yin, 2007) have also noticed switching occurring at a stylistic level, thus forming style switching.1 For example: (8) (Mary encounters Peter.) Mary: Peter: Mary: Peter: Mary: Peter: Mary: Peter: Mary:

Peter! Peter! Hi! Mary. How are you? Hi, I’m fine. How are you? Good. Peter, could I talk with you for a minute? Yes. You were playing your stereo system very late last night. . . . Oh, I’m sorry. I didn’t realize it was that loud. I promise I’ll keep it down in the future. Oh, it’s no problem. It’s ok. You know, it only happened once.

In this example, Mary meets Peter and stops him. When they greet each other, the style adopted by Mary is informal, which is generally used between acquaintances, or as in Martin Joos’s (1962) classification, she adopts a casual style (demonstrated by “Hi”). However, after the greetings, Mary immediately switches to the consultative style (questions – requests in the subjunctive mood to help negotiate and perform the phatic function) to express her dissatisfaction with the loud noise made by Peter’s stereo system the previous night (as shown by “Could I. . . ?”). When Peter apologizes and promises to control the volume, Mary then switches back to the informal and casual style (as shown by the use of “you know” with the function of narrowing the distance between them) to accept Peter’s apology and forgive him. Such style switching also appears in other contexts. For instance, Thomas (1995) finds that an instructor will switch from an academic style to an informal style to chat with students after their thesis guidance. Therefore, the use or choice of style is motivated and may change in dynamic contexts. Yang Yonghe (2008) defines style switching as the switching occurring between the spoken and the written style or between the formal and the informal style is realized mainly by the flexible switching at the level of vocabulary, or in other words, via different choices of the style of the words. (Yang, Y. H., 2008, p. 291) In our study, we use style switching to cover the following categories: a b c

Switching from a monologue to a dialogue, or vice versa Switching from a formal style to an informal style or a consultative style, or vice versa Switching from a spoken style to a written style, or vice versa

124

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

Style switching is dynamic; it reflects the switching of styles by one or both parties involved in the communication in the face of changing communicative purposes, topics, occasions, etc. Therefore, style switching is not determined in advance; at least it is not jointly predetermined by both parties. Besides, style switching can be either partial or complete. While the former refers to the sequential use of two or more styles, the latter constitutes an extreme case of style switching, where a regular style is totally replaced by another style owing to some specific communicative goals. In this case, complete style appropriation or shift occurs, so that the process of style switching is imperceptible. The functions of style switching are related both to the discourse context and the institutional context. Rogerson-Revella (2007) also finds that switching in style between formality and informality is a common feature of business meetings, which can be used strategically to show solidarity and power. Bell (1984, 2001) claims that style constitutes the speaker’s response to audience design, in the light of his perceived social role within his audience. As a result, the audience’s attitude towards the speaker, to a large extent, accounts for the latter’s choice; or in other words, the speaker tends to accommodate primarily to the needs of his/ her addressee by style switching. Coupland (2001) also supports this opinion; she views style switching as a knowing deployment of speakers’ identities, a kind of strategy and also a process of role orientation with the help of semiotic resources. A more thorough discussion of the functions of style switching is provided by Cheng (2007), who claims that style switching has both positive and negative pragmatic functions. Positive functions include a) making the speech pleasant for the other party; b) making the speech sound polite; c) making the speech sound humorous (e.g., using a colloquial style to tell jokes at the beginning, or in the middle, of public gatherings, political speeches, or college classes to lighten the proceedings up); and d) protecting the interests of the style switchers (such as using the same language or dialect to gain the other party’s understanding or tolerance). Negative functions include a) imposing the speech on the other party, b) highlighting the differences between positions in the social hierarchy, c) making the speech sound teasing, and d) exposing the style switcher’s personal characteristics (see Cheng (2007) for more details). However, since there may be problems with Cheng’s (2007) definition of style switching (as shown by the confusion between style switching and code-switching), we are thus naturally suspicious of the aforesaid functions. For instance, style switching does not necessarily result in polite and agreeable speech – these all depend on how the style switching is performed. Similarly, the negative function of uncovering personal characteristics is not necessarily a result of the deliberate effort of the speaker to achieve specific communicative goals. In contrast, with code-switching between language and language, or language and dialect, it is only recently that style switching between different styles within the same language has attracted attention. Besides, relatively speaking, little attention has been paid to style switching, particularly style hybridizing, in public discourse. Therefore, this chapter seeks to fill this gap by exploring style switching in public discourse in terms of its modes of expression and social functions. Specifically, within the framework of Adaptation Theory, we aim to reveal how

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 125 advertisers use the communicative value of different styles to persuade potential customers to make a purchase.

8.3 Style switching in Chinese TV advertising discourse The choice of style usually has a norm; that is, a particular type of discourse has its own conventional style. For instance, in daily communication, people generally choose and use certain types of style in accordance with the social status of the other party, as well as the relationship role and degree of intimacy between the two parties. For example, when making a presentation to superiors, a casual style is used. When having a business meeting with colleagues or peers, a consultative style is generally adopted, and when chatting with friends, an intimate style is commonly utilized. Theoretically, the release of an advertisement should take both a monologic and formal style. However, this manner of advertising has been changing since the reform and the opening-up policy was implemented in China. In view of this, we randomly sampled examples of TV advertising discourse. For ease of operation, we only examined one main type of style switching (specifically, from monologic to dialogic) from a synchronic perspective. With regards to this type of style switching, Bhatia (2004) points out that conversationalization, which involves the construction of public discourse in the form of daily discursive practice, not only constitutes an important aspect of discursive democratization, but also incorporates the invasion of private intent for public discourse. The same is also found in Catenaccio’s (2008) study on press releases, in which real-life conversations are integrated into the genre of press releases. We may argue that different styles have different pragmatic values. Relatively speaking, a dialogue that is characterized by interpersonality and involves a storytelling process is more likely to impress people as being authentic and intimate. Consider the following advertisement: (9) 一青年男子连续干咳 (A young man is coughing ceaselessly.) 中年妇女: 是慢性咽炎。 (Middle-aged woman: It’s chronic pharyngitis.) 青年男子: 啊, 是否感觉喉咙里有东西？早上刷牙还恶心干呕。 (Young man: Ah, do you feel something in your throat? When brushing your teeth in the morning, do you also feel disgusted and retch?) 中年妇女: 这是病。专业的药才管用 (Middle-aged woman: This is a disease. Only specially designed medicine can serve your purpose.) 青年男子: 喏, 慢严舒柠, 五盒一疗程。 (Young man: Hey! Try Manyanshuning! Five boxes for one course of treatment!)

126

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 群声: 专业治疗慢性咽炎, 桂龙药业！ (In chorus: Specially designed for chronic pharyngitis, by Guilong Pharmaceutical.)

This advertisement for “Manyanshuning”, a pharyngitis treatment medicine, breaks the conventional rules of advertising. Rather than explicitly informing the public about the symptoms that the medicine targets, or its effects, directions for use, and so on, the advertisement includes a dialogue. In the dialogue, a patient with pharyngitis is coughing severely. After being advised to take this specially designed medicine by another participant, the patient takes out the medicine that the advertisement is aiming to promote. At the same time, people around them exclaim that the medicine manufacturer provides professional treatment for pharyngitis. This conversational advertisement creates a seemingly real-life scenario that gives the audience a sense of immersive reality. In this way, the advertisement should greatly impress its audience. Style switching from a monologue to a dialogue in TV advertising discourse does not occur randomly but is adopted as a form of pragmatic strategy for commercial purposes. In terms of Verschueren’s (1999) Adaptation Theory, style selection is one aspect of language choice. As an adaptive feature in essence, it aims to better achieve specific communicative purposes. The adaptation occurring at the level of style reflects the advertiser’s active and strategic grasp of the dialogue style as a type of communicative resource. As mentioned above, in contrast with the information-sharing monologic style that is open to the public, the dialogic style that generally appears in interpersonal interactions is more likely to attract and impress the audience. As a result, advertisers sometimes like to employ dialogues because this style appears more attractive to potential consumers than information-based, descriptive, and objective monologues.

8.4 Genre hybridizing 8.3.1 Genre: definition and classification Another concept that is closely associated with style is genre. Charaudeau and Maingueneau (2002) propose a framework of style analysis in their discussion of genre, arguing that the style of certain discourse is determined by four main factors of genre, namely language function, language form, discourse organization, and the interrelationship between the communicative situation, discourse form, and organizational characteristics. Besides, there are some scholars who do not draw a clear-cut distinction between style and genre. For instance, Cheng (2007) claims that style refers to “different forms of language in the light of different environments of communication” (e.g., “dialogue style”, “political commentary style”, “scientific style”, “official style”), which is generally similar to genre discussed in the literature. Bakhtin (1986) highlights that the notion of genre can be basically used to describe all fields of human communication. Discourses within the same genre

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 127 have not only similar communicative purposes, but similar grammatical, lexical, and stylistic features as well. For instance, with regards to media discourse, its main function is to report or comment on emergencies that attract public attention or are related to public interests. Stylistically, media discourse is characterized by clarity, conciseness, accuracy, vividness, and originality. Correspondingly, its wording needs to incorporate these substantive characteristics. For practical purposes, we may propose the following perspectives to classify genre: a

b c

In terms of the field of communication, genre includes language used for general and specific purposes. In addition, the latter can be divided into subtypes such as language for business purposes, language for political purposes, language for academic purposes, language for scientific purposes, language for military purposes, language for literary purposes, language for nautical purposes, and so on. Genre that is distinguished from the perspective of the field of communication refers to that used for specific purposes. A specific genre can be subdivided. For example, from the perspective of literary form, literary discourses consist of novels, poetry, drama, biographies, and so on. In terms of communicative purposes, genre includes expository essays, descriptive essays, narrative essays, argumentative essays, etc. In terms of communicative subjects, genre consists of personal discourse, institutional discourse, and public discourse (see Chapter 1).

8.3.2 Genre hybridizing Although discourse within a specific genre usually takes on obvious stylistic features that may vary from the perspectives of degree of formality and format type, it may also involve features of another genre. In fact, there is no clear-cut boundary between different genre types. Currently, boundaries are becoming more and more blurred, which is reflected by significant changes in the use of language, e.g., the technicalization and marketization of daily discourse, the commercialization of academic discourse, and so forth (e.g., Bhatia, 1999, 2000, 2004; Catenaccio, 2008; Fairclough, 1992, 1993, 1994). It is by no means an accidental phenomenon when language use in one genre “borrows” or “appropriates” the style from another genre – cross-genre use of style leads to a hybridized genre (Bhatia, 2004, p. 90; Fairclough, 1992, p. 207) or a hybridized style, a type of mixed genre formed as a result of the blurred boundaries between different types of genre. A hybridized genre appears in a variety of discourses, but more frequently in contemporary media and advertising discourses (Fairclough, 2003, p. 35). For instance, Gerda (2004) views political interviews as a type of hybridized genre. Catenaccio (2008) discovers that press releases are a type of hybridized genre with both an information focus (customary in news discourse) and promotional intent (customary in advertising discourse). Besides, Varghese and Abraham (2004) take scientific academic papers as being a form of hybridized genre in their study.

128

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

Style or genre hybridity, referring to the coexistence of different genres, is usually static. Equivalent to genre mixing or genre intertextuality, it usually appears in monologues. Jacobs (1999) argues that genre hybridity in contemporary news media makes it a “gratuitous propaganda”, residing between advertisements and news reports. Moreover, genre hybridity is also consistent with the general trend of discursive “commercialization” (Fairclough, 1992, 1994). Notably, market discourse in modern society with its hegemony has colonized other types of discourse. Bhatia (1999, 2000, 2004) finds that genre mixing, blending, and embedding occur among different types of discourse to fulfill promotional requirements. We can illustrate the above points by analyzing the following text:

(10) Containing over 8,000 entries, this fascinating dictionary is the authoritative guide to foreign words and phrases used in contemporary British and American English. Drawn from over 40 languages, entries provide details of the history of each word or phrase, including language of origin, spelling variants, and its sense and use in English. From expressions such as aborigine, a cappella, and nouvelle cuisine, to futon, pot-pourri, and tamagotchi, this is the ideal reference book for anyone wanting to tap into the wider resources of modern English. .... There are a number of foreign word and phrase dictionaries on the market, but Oxford’s was compiled to keep up with the times. The contents are limited, for the most part, to words and phrases regularly encountered in 20th-century British and American English. On one page you’ll find a worldly mix of “eid ul-fitr” (Arabic, festival celebrating the end of the Ramadan fast), “ignoramus” (Latin, “we do not know”), “ikat” (Malay, an Indonesian decorative weave), “ikebana” (Japanese, the art of Japanese flower arrangement), and “illuminé” (French, the enlightened). From “aa” (Hawaiian, rough lava) to “Zwischenzug” (German, a determining chess move), there are 8,000 words and phrases from more than 40 languages to expand one’s comprehension and broaden one’s vocabulary. Drawing 8,000 words and phrases from more than 40 languages, this new Oxford dictionary defines just about any word or phrase that has made its way into English. English has steadily absorbed foreign words, and through the nineteenth century, French and Latin have dominated the imports. The twentieth century opened English to words on a worldwide basis, many of which reflect an increasingly eclectic lifestyle, having to do with fashion, cuisine, and recreation. This dictionary “records the influx of words from a variety of other languages into both American and British English.” Words that have been introduced in the twentieth century are emphasized. Entries range from common words that seem to be completely absorbed (condominium, massage, polka) to the clearly foreign but not uncommon (bon vivant, ikebana). Others, such as pakapoo, a word that is used chiefly in Australia and refers to a Chinese form of lottery – will seem exotic indeed, especially to American readers. It is hard to see how some entries meet the criterion of being words encountered in nonspecialist literature: “tokamak: a toroidal apparatus for producing controlled fusion. . . .” Definitions are exhaustive. Changes in meaning are traced over time. Origins are succinctly yet thoroughly explored. Halva entered English from Yiddish, but Arabic and Persian supplied the source for equivalent terms in Hebrew, Greek, and Turkish. All are listed in the entry.

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 129 Separate entries are sometimes provided for plurals or other parts of speech. Spelling variants are given, sometimes as separate entries. The pronunciation guide follows the International Phonetic Alphabet system (IPA) and Southern English pronunciation. Dates are given in abbreviated form (OE for Old English, pre-1149); a table is provided in the preface. A useful appendix lists entries by country of origin and century of introduction, providing a quick grasp of the magnitude of these imports and a good overview of terms and their origins. French still predominates with more than 2,800 entries; only one word comes to us from Thai. Entries are in boldface, followed by pronunciation, part of speech, variant spellings, date, language of origin, definition, and different meanings by date or part of speech. Miscellaneous usage and historical notes are given in bulleted paragraphs, with an occasional quotation (with date) containing the word in context. Words in small caps indicate cross-references.

The Harper Dictionary of Foreign Terms (Ehrlich, 1990) has 15,000 words and phrases, usually identified and discussed in one or two lines, with no pronunciations. This new Oxford dictionary is a scholarly work, thorough, up to date and wide-ranging. It is also excellent for general use – readers will find what they want, and more. An excellent resource for most types of libraries. In essence, this introduction to The Oxford Dictionary of Foreign Words and Phrases (Speake, 2005) constitutes a sub-genre (i.e., dictionary review) of academic genre. Its author, Jennifer Speake, a freelance writer and reference book editor, has independently or collaboratively edited reference books including The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs (third edition) (1998) and The Oxford Dictionary of Idioms (1999). Upon careful reading of this review, we can capture many components of business discourse. For instance, the author uses “fascinating”, “ideal”, “keep up with the times”, “exhaustive”, “thorough”, “up to date”, “wide-ranging”, “excellent”, “just about”, and other highly subjective evaluation terms that are usually employed to describe commodities. The author also employs the second-person pronoun “you” to interact with the audience and to narrow the distance between them (buyers actually). In particular, the text “It is also excellent for general use – readers will find what they want, and more. An excellent resource for most types of libraries” directly reveals its promotional intention. Unlike academic reviews that incorporate the features of business discourse, financial discourse often “borrows” features of non-financial discourse. Take the following financial report, for example (Sina Finance, 15:08, December 14, 2010, www.sina.com.cn):

(11) 新浪财经讯 今日两市双双高开后展开窄幅震荡, 获利回吐行情, 股指盘 中短暂冲上30日线后震荡回落。钢铁股早盘领涨, 科技股集体活跃, 中国联通 (5.90,0.18,3.15%)继续强势拉升, 石化双雄走弱, 金融、煤炭等权重股全线走 弱。午后两市延续窄幅震荡, 30日线依旧未能攻破, 水泥、农业等强势, 联通 冲高回落。截止收盘沪指报2927.08点, 涨4.12点, 涨幅0.14%。

130

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

据新浪资金流向数据显示, 今日上证指数资金净流入24.66亿元; 深证成指 资金净流入39.62亿元。今日行业资金流量前三甲分别为: 水泥行业净流入 141448.99万元, 电子信息净流入131547.34万元, 机械行业净流入87734.26; 后 三甲分别为: 石油行业净流入−11847.99, 金融行业净流入−25691.41, 服装鞋类 净流入−13310.04。 Sina Finance Today, both Markets opened higher and then fell slightly. It was arbitrage. The index briefly traded above the 30-day moving average and then experienced a fluctuated fallback. In the morning session, iron and steel stocks went up. Tech stock traded actively. China Unicom was really on fire (5.90, 0.18, 3.15%). Sinopec and PetroChina went down. Financial and Coal Stocks also lost ground. During the afternoon session, the two Markets continued to waver slightly and failed to reach the moving average. While Cement and Agriculture went up, Unicom had a fallback. The Shanghai Composite Index gained 4.12 points (0.14%) and closed at 2927.08 points. In accordance with Sina’s capital flow data, the net flow in to the Shanghai Composite Index was 2.466 billion yuan, and to the Shenzhen Component Index was 3.962 billion yuan. The top three industries in terms of capital flow were: Cement (141,448,900 yuan), Electronic Information (1,131,743,400 yuan) and Machinery (87,734.26 yuan), and the bottom three were: Oil (−1,847.99), Finance (−25,691.41), and Clothing (−13,310.04).

It can be observed from the use of “震荡” (“fluctuate”), “回落” (“fallback”), “涨” (“went up”), and “流向” (“flow”) that the above financial discourse incorporates the features of climate discourse (tidal movements in particular). The tide, as a metaphor, offers the audience a greater intuitive understanding of the stock market, as well as its fluctuations. In our study, genre hybridizing is defined as the speaker’s or author’s pragmatic strategy of employing two or more genre types for specific purposes or reasons, when expressing thoughts or feelings in the same language (dialect). It includes mainly: a b

Hybridity of genre in different fields of communication (e.g., the hybrid of academic genre and business genre in academic discourse) Hybridity of genre with different literary form (e.g., the hybrid of narrative genre and poetic genre in novels)

It should be noted that both synchronic and diachronic perspectives can be adopted when approaching genre hybridity. From a diachronic perspective, investigations can reveal how certain genres have undergone diachronic changes (such as genre hybridity, genre shift, or genre borrowing). For instance, the technicalization of daily discourse, the commercialization of academic discourse, the conversationalization of business discourse and the personalization of public discourse, which are all noted in the literature, are such diachronic processes.

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 131

8.5 Genre hybridity: an analysis of personalization in advertising discourse 8.5.1 Involvement marker: defining personalization In order to study personalization and its tendencies in public discourse, we must first draw a distinction between the private and public domains of communication. While the former primarily involves communication between individuals, i.e., face-to-face spontaneous communication, the latter focuses on the communication between institutions and individual members of society, which is almost free from temporal and spatial constraints and characterized by hysteresis. In terms of style, with a number of modal words used to indicate emotion, the former is generally informal, as witnessed in the majority of one-to-one conversations. In contrast, the latter, which is mainly fact-oriented and without any personal feeling, is generally formal. News reports and advertisements, for example, are two forms of this type of communication. Analogously, we can also roughly divide style into private style and public style. In addition, in order to study personalization in public discourse, we need to draw on the important concept of involvement. Indeed, the definition of involvement as an abstract construct has attracted the attention of scholars in the fields of social psychology, consumer behavior, sociolinguistics, and so on. From a linguistic perspective, involvement primarily refers to the phenomenon where language users “emerge” in their utterance. In the existing literature, conversational involvement is believed to have a significant impact on the process of reasoning, participant roles, and communication content in conversation (Gumperz, 1982). Tannen (2007) argues that involvement is a crucial prerequisite for conversational interaction. When it comes to the relationship between involvement and style, Chafe (1982) finds that a high degree of interactivity exists in the spoken style, which is realized by such linguistic devices as first-person deixis, colloquial expressions (e.g., acronyms), modal particles, direct citations, etc. Biber (1988) regards involvement as being the main difference between spoken styles and written styles. Besides, some other linguistic devices, including second-person pronouns, amplifiers, private verbs, WH-questions, hedges, etc., also function as involvement markers in English communication. It can then be observed that the notion of personalization in public discourse is closely related to the involvement of the two parties of the communication and that it is various linguistic devices (e.g., first- and second-person pronouns, modal particles, questions, hedges, etc.) that mark their involvement. In addition, involvement markers are often typical linguistic devices in private/personal conversations. It should be noted that personalization in this study is a two-layered construct. The first layer of personalization, from a synchronic perspective, refers to the personalized features (i.e., containing involvement markers) that appear in specific public discourse. The second layer of personalization, from a diachronic

132

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

perspective, refers to the process whereby a specific form of public discourse gradually acquires some personal features. 8.5.2 Involvement markers in advertising discourse Involvement markers that are characteristic of private discourse sometimes appear in public discourse, as shown in the following examples: (12) 同学, 你怎么忍心看着我流泪？ (Buddy, how can you bear to watch me cry?) (13) 社会普查需要您的配合 (Social survey needs your cooperation.) (14) 投资理财关注您的需要 (Investment and financial management satisfy your needs.) (15) 为了您的健康, 请不要. . . . (For your health, please don’t. . . .) Example (12) is a public sign posted in a university restroom with the purpose of reminding students to save water. In contrast with its conventional form of expression, “Please save water”, this sign not only uses the second-person pronoun “你” (you) to interact with students (“我” is used here as a personification of the tap) but also raises a question that is often used in private conversation. Likewise, the use of “您”2 in (13), (14), and (15) also initiates a direct, one-to-one interaction with social individuals (referring to any individual who reads the sign). Involvement markers are also frequently found in some advertising discourse. For example, Vestergaard and Schroder (1985) find that advertisers often adopt certain linguistic devices such as exaggeration, second-person pronouns, interrogative sentences, if clauses and some rhetorical devices in order to attract customers. Wu (1998, 2000) and his collaborators (Wu et al., 2004; Wu & Chung, 2006) subsequently conduct comprehensive investigations on involvement and style hybridity. Wu (1998) proposes a framework for “involvement” research in Chinese discourse, incorporating various linguistic features such as interjections, interrogative sentences, parallel sentences, reduplicated words, and reiterative sentences. It is shown that print advertisements in Hong Kong and mainland China share various linguistic features of involvement, such as first-person pronouns, second-person pronouns, discourse particles, interrogative sentences, exclamatory sentences, reduplicated words, reduplicated sentences, and so on. In addition, Wu (2000) also extends the range of her study on involvement markers by including not only linguistic features but also advertising theme, the latter being primarily based on Pollay’s (1983) typological study of cultural values in advertising themes. Based on the above study and some other studies (e.g., Luke, 1984; Wu, 2000; Wu et al., 2004, etc.), Wu and Chung (2006) argue that involvement constitutes a strategy or means in advertisements to attract potential consumers. They list 11 types of linguistic features as being involvement markers, including code-switching between Cantonese and English, interrogative

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 133 sentences, exclamatory sentences, imperative sentences, first-person pronouns, second-person pronouns, oral parallelism, literary parallelism, literary wording, glorification, and personification. Apparently, the current criteria for classifying the linguistic features that mark involvement have not yet been unified because some of the features (such as imperative sentences and first-person pronouns) are essentially linguistic, whereas others (such as “praise” and “personification”) are substantively rhetorical. This has resulted in much overlapping between different categories. More importantly, some pragmatic features of involvement – such as the use of hedges (like “I think”) and “involvement sensitive” speech acts (like expressive speech acts, inviting, etc.) – should also be given due attention. In addition, existing research is dominated by descriptive approaches; the motivation for using involvement markers has not yet been theoretically discussed. In view of this fact, we find it necessary to introduce a pragmatic perspective for the study of involvement, so that it can be applied not only to the analysis of advertising discourse, but also to other forms of public discourse. 8.5.3 Involvement markers from a pragmatic perspective In view of the aforementioned gaps, we will adopt a pragmatic perspective here to investigate personalization as a prominent characteristic of advertising discourse, which is realized by the frequent adoption of involvement markers. Notably, we will not solely examine those linguistic features that mark involvement in the advertising discourse, but more importantly, we will also regard the use of involvement markers as being a pragmatic strategy of the advertiser. 1) Implementing personal speech acts The use of language, including the use of language for advertising, is essentially doing something (Austin, 1962). In accordance with Searle (1969), one can implement five types of illocutionary act via the use of language, namely assertives (or representatives), directives, commissives, expressives, and declarations. These five types of illocutionary act can be further subdivided. For example, directives incorporate subtypes such as invitations, entreaties, requests, invitations, solicitations, and commands. In the case of advertising discourse, in order to promote their (new) products or services to customers, advertisers may employ non-personal assertives – like issuing (public) notifications or sending out (public) invitations – via advertisements. Under such circumstances, the members of the target audience are a group of consumers, rather than individual consumers. For instance, (16) 新爱华装饰 扎根南京28年 打造老百姓认可的本土靠谱装修 (新爱华 装饰, 《扬子晚报》, 2018–09–29) Xin Aihua Decoration, rooted in Nanjing for 28 years, devotes itself to establishing a reliable local decoration company approved by the public. (Xin Aihua Decoration, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–09–29)

134

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

(17) 扎根雨润市场, 深度支农惠农 (邮储银行徐州分行, 《扬子晚报》, 2018–09–25) Rooted in Yurun Market, the Bank provides substantial support for agriculture and farmers. (Xuzhou Branch of Postal Savings Bank of China, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–09–25) Unlike (16) and (17), we may encounter some highly personalized speech acts in advertising discourse. In general, these speech acts are often adopted in personal communication instead of public discourse, thus signaling a strong emotional involvement. We argue that the most striking feature of personal involvement in public discourse is the employment of person deixis, such as first and second-person pronouns. In fact, some scholars have identified first and secondperson pronouns as being strong markers of personal involvement in public discourse (Biber, 1988; Wu, 1998; Wu & Chung, 2006). For example, (18) 好朋友都在我的飞信里！ (飞信Fetion) Good friends are all in my Fetion! (Fetion messaging software) (19) 健康, 拉近你和目标的距离！ (安利) Health, brings you closer to your goal! (Amway, on the street in Nanjing) As is widely known, the active involvement of the speaker and hearer constitutes a feature typical of personal communication. If the producer is actively involved in the public discourse, the audience will then position themselves as hearers when they are exposed to that public discourse, as if they were participating in face-to-face communication. Therefore, “我的” (my) and “你” (you), in the above two examples, have strong pragmatic value in terms of their referential meaning. With the purpose of impressing their customers, advertisers may wish to use person deixis, in the same way as if they were communicating in a personal context. Advertisements with personal involvement, unlike traditional advertisements without such a feature, can help advertisers attract and influence their target customers in a more effective way. As indicated by the data we collected, two types of personal speech acts, namely (individual-oriented) directives and expressives, seem to appear frequently in advertising discourse. At a linguistic level, individual-oriented directives (e.g., invitations) are often realized by using imperative sentences and sometimes by the use of persuasive interrogative sentences (e.g. Why not. . . ?). Expressives are also marked by such linguistic features as exclamatory sentences, (rhetorical) interrogative sentences, emphatic particles/boosters, repetition of emphatic stress, vocabulary, and sentences and personification. 2) Employing politeness strategies While speech acts such as complimenting and congratulating are face-enhancing acts, speech acts such as requests and apologizing are face-threatening (Brown & Levinson, 1987). Specifically, while making requests could threaten the hearer’s

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 135 negative face, apologizing could threaten the speaker’s positive face. Therefore, when performing face-threatening acts, the speaker usually adopts various mitigating strategies. In general, there are two main types of strategies to mitigate face-threatening acts: positive politeness strategies and negative politeness strategies (Brown & Levinson, 1987). While the former can be achieved by using informal or colloquial expressions (such as abbreviations) that focus on the hearer’s interests, needs, and willingness, etc., the latter can be fulfilled by using mitigating words, hedges (e.g., the private verb in I think), and deferential terms (e.g., second-person pronouns like “您” and “君” in Chinese). These two types of strategy are both adopted in advertising discourse, illustrated by the following two examples using the second-person pronouns “您” and “君”: (20) 飞利浦以礼为您揭开新一页 (飞利浦家庭小电器,《扬子晚报》, 1998–1–15) Philips turns over a new leaf for you (Philips Household Appliances, Yangtze Evening Post, 1998–1–15) (21) 仙乐雄, 仙乐雄, 解除患者病愁容 肾虚、阳痿、腰膝痛, 请君服用仙乐 雄 (仙乐雄胶囊, 《扬子晚报》, 1988–11–18) Xian Lexiong, Xian Lexiong, relieved the patient’s pain from kidney failure, impotence, lumbago, and gonyalgia. Please take Xian Lexiong (Xian Lexiong Capsule, Yangtze Evening Post, 1988–11–18) Promoting or even peddling products to consumers constitutes, in a sense, face-threatening acts that may threaten the negative face of consumers. Therefore, advertisers are supposed to take appropriate measures to mitigate the threat posed to the face of their customers. Advertisers adopt two forms of strategy here to mitigate the face threat – one is to use a spoken style and the other is to use deferential terms – because these two types are more sensitive in style and both help highlight personal involvement in communication (although these two types differ in the degree of formality). For example, the advertisement in (20) adopts the deferential term (second-person pronoun “您” in Chinese), and that in (21) employs the ancient Chinese term of deference (i.e., the second-person pronoun “君”). Table 8.1 summarizes the main pragmatic classifications of personal involvement and their corresponding language features in public discourse.

8.6 Personalization in print advertisements: a diachronic perspective The review of previous literature also shows that, while synchronic perspectives are frequently adopted, diachronic investigations of involvement are sparse. Thus, this section reports on an empirical study that we conducted. Specifically, we examined the involvement markers in Chinese print advertisements from different periods of time. The reason for so doing is that the self-presentation of language users as individuals in public discourse tends to signal a switch from traditional and typically non-personal communication to personal communication.

136

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

Table 8.1 A pragmatic account of personal involvement in public discourse Pragmatic category

Linguistic features

Example

Implementing personal speech acts

Imperative sentence Interrogative sentence Exclamatory sentence Rhetorical question

Try Bluemoon Laundry detergent! (Bluemoon Laundry Detergent) Since you are reluctant, why not be incisive? (Tianwei Communication) How good it is to be always young! (Zanglong Hair Dye) How said that business cars cannot be fuel-efficient? Everything is possible! (Dongfeng Motor Corporation) It’s incredible! (Coca-Cola)

Directives

Expressives

Adopting politeness strategies

Positive politeness strategies Negative politeness strategies

Emphatic particles/ boosters Use of spoken style Use of deferential terms

Juewei salted duck, come and taste ya! (Juewei Food Store) Never worry about hepatitis and liver cancer. Cucurbitacin tablet helps you out. (Cucurbitacin Tablet)

8.6.1 Research questions In this section, we aim to conduct a diachronic study of Chinese print advertisements (as a form of public discourse). By comparing print advertisements from different periods of time, we attempt to uncover whether there exists a trend of increasing personalization in public discourse. To this end, using Chinese print advertisements from four different periods of time, we shall answer the following research questions: a b c

Are there any personal speech acts performed in the Chinese print advertisements? If so, how are they performed? Is there any significant diachronic variation? Are politeness strategies employed in the personal speech acts in the Chinese print advertisements? If so, how are they employed? Is there any significant diachronic variation? Is there an increasing trend in the use of involvement markers to mark personalization in Chinese print advertisements? If so, then why?

8.6.2 Data collection and data analysis A database was constructed consisting of 400 print advertisements from the Yangtze Evening Post from four different periods of time: from January 1 to July 5, 1988; from January 6 to July 6, 1998; from August 2 to December 15, 2008; and

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 137 from January 7 to September 30, 2018. As is widely known, China has undergone a period of rapid economic growth and social development during the last few decades, which may be mirrored in the advertising discourse. Therefore, 100 samples were collected from the newspaper for each of the four different 10-year time periods to incorporate these developments and changes. It should be noted that the print advertisements published before or after these selected time periods were not included in the corpus of this study because they were few in number. Moreover, in order to guarantee the integrity of the data, two of the author’s postgraduate students were in charge of building the database without prior knowledge of the purpose of the study. From the Yangtze Evening Post filed in the Nanjing Library, they took photographs of print advertisements from the four time periods. Print advertisements that appeared more than once in a single time period were only counted once. Instances that involved seasonal greetings were also excluded, since advertisements including such expressives only occurred during 2008. Afterwards, the author classified the collected data according to the criteria listed in Table 8.1. In the case of the frequency of occurrence of personal pronouns (e.g., “您”, “你”, “我”, “我们”, etc.), a pronoun that appeared more than once in an advertisement was only counted once. In addition, subtypes of the speech acts were also taken into consideration. 8.6.3 Results and discussion 8.6.3.1 Implementation of personalized speech acts Table 8.2 summarizes the types and distribution of speech acts implemented in print advertisements for the four time periods. In line with the hypothesis, speech acts implemented in advertising discourse without personal involvement include assertives (whose main function is to inform), directives (the main function of which is to persuade), and commissives (the main function of which is to eliminate consumers’ doubts about the quality of the product, its price, its service, etc.). In addition, with the exception of the following instance published in 2018, few declarations occur in the corpus, since Table 8.2 Types of speech acts in print advertisements across four time periods Types of speech acts

1988

1998

2008

2018

Assertives Directives Commissives Expressives Declarations

98 17 5 12 0

96 24 8 12 0

94 25 6 10 0

100 34 10 11 1

Note: The total number of print advertisements for each of the four time periods is 100. However, sometimes more than one type of speech act occurred in a single advertisement. The total number therefore exceeds 100.

138

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

they are assumed to be associated with formal or courteous activities. This is also consistent with the hypothesis. (22) “珍爱健康”南京全城免费发放中老年专用羊初乳配方粉活动正式启动 羊初乳配方粉来电就送。本次活动全部免费发放给有需求的中老年家 庭 (羊初乳, 《扬子晚报》, 2018–05–03) “Treasure Your Health” Event in which Goat Colostrum Powder will be distributed freely to the middle-aged and the old of Nanjing is now officially launched. As long as you make a phone call to us, you will be given a jar of powder as a present. The Event incorporates free distribution of Goat Colostrum Powder to the families of the middle-aged and the old that are in need. (Goat Colostrum Powder, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–05–03) However, in keeping with expectation, expressives, which constitute a typical type of speech act in personal communication, are also found in the corpus. Therefore, it is necessary to further explore what speech act subtypes have been used in the advertising discourse and what their pragmatic motivation might be. Table 8.3 presents the subtypes of expressive speech acts that occurred in the print advertisements from the different time periods. As shown in Table 8.3, the number of expressive speech acts in each of the four time periods is more or less the same. However, after further investigation, it was found that expressives in the print advertisements published in 1988 do not indicate personal involvement. On the contrary, these advertisements have obvious non-personal characteristics and can be divided into the following three categories: a b c

The manufacturer celebrates its anniversary or the opening ceremonies of other manufacturers; The manufacturer thanks consumers for their patronage; The manufacturer celebrates the winning of some awards.

Table 8.3 Subtypes of expressive speech acts in print advertisements across four time periods Expressives

1988

1998

2008

2018

Congratulating Thanking Blessing Exclaiming Greeting Comforting Total

7 1 1 1 1 1 12

2 2 2 6 0 0 12

3 1 0 5 1 0 10

0 0 0 9 1 1 11

Note: The total number of print advertisements for each of the four time periods is 100.

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 139 Obviously, these expressives from 1988 are, in their very essence, not personal speech acts, with the exception of the following three instances found in our database: (23) 肝炎、肝癌不用愁, 葫芦素片解君忧。(葫芦素片,《扬子晚报》, 1988–3–25) Never worry about hepatitis and liver cancer. Cucurbitacin tablet helps you out. (Cucurbitacin Tablet, Yangtze Evening Post, 1988–03–25) (24) 戴“博士伦”舒服极了！ (博士伦眼镜,《扬子晚报》, 1988–4–12) Wearing Bausch Lom is very comfortable! (Bausch Lom Glasses, Yangtze Evening Post, 1988–4–12) (25) 宝宝你好！《童灵》伴随你健康成长！ (童灵牌鸡胚宝宝素, 《扬子晚 报》, 1988–4–17) Hello baby! I grow with you! (Children’s Spirit Chick-embryo Powder, Yangtze Evening Post, 1988–4–17) In contrast, 8 of the 12 expressives, 6 of the 10 expressives and 8 of the 11 expressives in advertisements published in 1998, 2008, and 2018, respectively, contain personal involvement. It is suggested that the number of expressives that incorporate personal involvement in advertisements published in 1998, 2008, and 2018 has increased, compared with that in 1988 (whether significant differences exist or not should be uncovered using further inferential statistics on a larger dataset). In addition, there are two further points to be made. First, regarding the linguistic features of directives, while no interrogative sentences are found in the samples from 1988, 6 instances are found in 1998, 8 are found in 2008, and 4 are found in 2018 that involve the use of interrogative sentences. Personally oriented interrogative sentences in directives are assumed to perform interactional functions and would thus have a greater appeal to potential consumers than imperative sentences. Second, when it comes to advising as a form of speech act that is supposed to be personal in nature, no instances of advising are found in the print advertisements published in 1988, but seven advertisements in 1998, four advertisements in 2008 and eight advertisements in 2018 are found to contain instances of advising. Table 8.4 presents the distribution of first-person and second-person deictic expressions in the advertisements published in the four time periods. Table 8.4 Distribution of first-person and second-person referring expressions in print advertisements across four time periods First-person and second-person referring expressions

1988

1998

2008

2018

First-person Second-person Total

0 (0%) 14 (100%) 14

9 (24.3%) 28 (75.7%) 37

14 (26.4%) 39 (73.6%) 53

0 (0) 27 (100%) 27

Note: The total number of print advertisements for each of the four time periods is 100.

140

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

As shown in Table 8.4, the use of first-person and second-person deictic expressions has increased significantly (at least over the course of the first three time periods), which indicates that the implementation of speech acts in advertising discourse is increasingly being targeted at individuals. Statistically, the frequency of these two forms of referring expression differs significantly between advertisements published in 1988 and 1998 (X2 = 10.373, Sig. = .001) and between those published in 2008 and 2018 (X2 = 8.080, Sig. = .002). In addition, although there is no significant difference in frequency between advertisements published in 1998 and 2008 (X2 = 2.844, Sig. = .092), a slight increase can still be detected from the frequencies of the two types in the two time periods. It is therefore demonstrated that the use of first-person and second-person deictic expressions in print advertisements becomes more frequent over time, which indicates a trend of personal involvement in advertising discourse. Moreover, the frequent use of first-person pronouns further corroborates this claim – the frequency of occurrence of firstperson deictic expressions in advertisements published in 1988 is significantly different (X2 = 9.42, P < .01) from that in 1998; although no significant difference is found between the frequency of occurrence in 1998 and 2008 (X2 = 1.087, Sig. = .279), a slight increase can still be detected from their frequencies – since firstperson pronouns constitute a marker of the advertisers’ subjective involvement. Conversely, the use of less generalized/generic referring expressions is testament to the trend of personalization in advertising discourse. Specifically, while generic referring expressions appear most often in 1988, they are least frequently found in 2018 (see Table 8.5). By conducting a contrastive analysis of the advertising discourse in the four different time periods, it is found that there is a decrease in the use of general referring terms in print advertisements, as shown in Table 8.5. This suggests that, nowadays, advertisers tend to lighten up their utterances to communicate with their consumers in a more personal way. Table 8.5 Types and distributions of generic referring expressions in print advertisements across four time periods Types of generic referring expression

1988

1998

2008

2018

(广大)顾客/客户 “(All) Customers/clients” 广大消费者 “All consumers” 广大用户/各地用户 “All users/users nationwide” 各单位、(社会)各界 (同仁) “All units”, “all walks of life” 大家 “Everybody” 南京人民 “Nanjing citizens/the general public” 广大摄影者 “All photographers” 广大群众 “All people” 广大患者 “All patients” Total

3 3 4 3 1 1 1 1 0 17

0 2 2 0 2 0 0 0 1 7

1 2 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 5

0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3

Note: The total number of print advertisements for each of the four time periods is 100.

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 141 Table 8.6 Use of politeness strategies in the advertising discourse across four time periods Types of politeness strategies Use of spoken style (for distance-narrowing) Use of deferential terms (for distance-broadening) Total

1988

1998

2008

2018

Total

0

0

5

12

17

18

20

25

13

76

18

20

30

25

93

Note: The total number of print advertisements in each of the four time periods is 100.

8.6.3.2 Employment of politeness strategies Table 8.6 reports on the employment of politeness strategies in the advertising discourse in the different time periods. From 1988 to 2018, we observe an increase in the use of spoken style, with no use at all being recorded for 1988 and 1998. The trend of using spoken instead of written or formal styles suggests that advertisers are increasingly likely to narrow the distance between themselves and their consumers, the general public. Moreover, as shown in Table 8.6, advertisers are more willing to use deferential terms instead of spoken style in each of the four time periods, which is also demonstrated by the statistically significant difference between the frequencies of the two strategies (X2 = 14.373, Sig. = .000). 1) Use of spoken style Spoken style is a typical feature of personal communication. Spoken style and modal particles are not found in the print advertisements published in 1988 or 1998, but are frequently used in 2008 and 2018. For instance, (26) 来看拥有200Hz四倍速驱动技术的BRAVIA液晶电视机吧 ！ (索尼电 视机 2008–12–12) Come and have a look at the BRAVIA LCD TV supported by the 200Hzquadruple-speed-driven technology! (Sony TV, Yangtze Evening Post, 2008–12–12) (27) 中国人寿大型客户回馈活动开始啦 ！ (中国人寿, 《扬子晚报》, 2008–12–10) Here goes China Life’s large-scale event for rewarding customers! (China Life, Yangtze Evening Post, 2008–12–10) (28) 绝味盐水鸭, 赶快来品尝哦 ！ (绝味店, 《扬子晚报》, 2008–10–30) Juewei salted duck, come and taste it! (Juewei Food Store, Yangtze Evening Post, 2008–10–30) (29) 头发洗一洗, 立马 就变黑 (一洗黑护发精油, 《扬子晚报》, 2008–12–12) Wash your hair and have it turn black in a minute! (“Wash then Black” Essential Oil for Hair Care, Yangtze Evening Post, 2008–12–12)

142

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

(30) 年终奖变成小金库的技能, 你get了吗？ (紫金农商银行, 《扬子晚报》, 2018–02–11 Do you get the trick of turning your year-end award into a small treasure? (Zijin Rural Commercial Bank, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–02–11) (31) 国际消费者权益日, 诚信315感恩大回馈, 鲁公大宅全新套餐模式上 线啦！！ (鲁公大宅装饰, 《扬子晚报》, 2018–03–16) To reward you on World Consumer Rights Day, Lu Gong Decoration Company launches its brand new model! (Lu Gong Decoration Company, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–03–16) (32) 春晚上的国宝《丝路山水地图》限量首发！超震撼！ (明代地图, 《扬 子晚报》, 2018–03–20) Map of Silk Road Landscape, the national treasure once presented in the Spring Festival Gala is issued in a limited quantity now! Quite amazing! (Map in Ming Dynasty, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–03–20) (33) 今年带什么春节礼物？过年买包顶呱刮回家吧！ (顶呱刮, 《扬子晚 报》, 2018–02–13) What kind of Chinese New Year gifts will you bring back home this year? Buy a ticket for the Instant Lottery and scrape it at home! (Instant Lottery, Yangtze Evening Post, 2018–02–13) The italicized words, i.e., “吧” in (26) and (33), “啦” in (27) and (31), “哦” in (28) and “吗” in (30), are all frequently used Chinese modal particles in conversation, which have no corresponding expressions in English. Generally, these modal particles are used at the end of sentences to convey the tone of the speaker. The italicized phrases “立马” (“in a minute”) in (29) and “超” (“quite, fairly”) in (32) are both colloquial expressions whose meanings are equivalent to more formal ones such as “立即” (“immediately”) and “超级” (“super”) in Chinese. The frequent employment of these colloquial expressions suggests that advertisers are attempting to engage in a casual and informal interaction with their consumers to bridge the distance between them. 2) Use of deferential terms While the employment of spoken style constitutes a positive politeness strategy, the use of deferential terms is a negative politeness strategy. While the former mainly occurs between acquaintances or people who are close to each other, the latter usually indicates the social distance between communicators who are not familiar with each other. From our database, it can be shown that deferential terms are widely used in advertising discourse and that “您” is the most frequently used one (see Table 8.7). Table 8.7 reports on the use of second-person pronouns in the advertising discourse across the four different time periods. As can be seen from the table, 62% of the second-person pronouns used in print advertisements in all the four periods are “您” (deferential “you”). In addition, no statistically significant difference is found in the employment of deferential terms (including “您”, “阁下”, and “君”) over the different time periods (1988/1998: X2 = 1.125, Sig. = .289; 1998/2008: X2 = .220, Sig. = .639; 2008/2018: X2 = .136, Sig. = .713), which suggests that

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 143 Table 8.7 Distribution of second-person pronouns in print advertisements across four time periods Second-person pronoun 1988

1998

2008

2018

Total

1 (7.1%) “你” (you) 9 (32.1％) 17 (43.6％) 14 (51.9%) 41 (38.0%) 13 (92.9%) 19 (67.9%) 22 (56.4％) 13 (48.1％) 67 (62.0%) “您” (deferential “you” and its variants) Total 14 28 39 27 108 Note: The total number of print advertisements in each of the four time periods is 100.

respecting their consumers is a strategy consistently employed by advertisers across all the time periods. Furthermore, it is also shown in Table 8.7 that fewer and fewer deferential terms are being employed by advertisers. Specifically, 13 of the 14 (92.9%) second-person pronouns used in the advertisements published in 1988, 19 of the 28 (67.9%) second-person pronouns in 1998, 22 of the 39 (56.4%) second-person pronouns in 2008 and 13 of the 27 (48.1%) second-person pronouns in 2018 are deferential terms (i.e., “您”). In other words, although no statistically significant difference is found between different time periods, as shown above in the previous paragraph, there is still an apparent decrease in the use of deferential terms in the advertising discourse. On the contrary, the use of the second-person pronoun “你” is generally increasing, which is clearly reflected by the statistically significant difference found between 1988 and 1998, although there is no significant difference found between 1998 and 2008 (X2 = 6.400, Sig. = .011) as well as between 2008 and 2018 (X2 = .156, Sig. = .693). This indicates a general trend for advertisers to attempt to become closer to their consumers, thereby creating intimate social relationships. In addition to the reduced use of the second-person pronoun “您”, we also found another trend; namely, advertisers are increasingly likely to avoid using other deferential terms. For example, five instances in 1988 involve the employment of “(诸)君”, which is a common form of address used in ancient Chinese to show respect for the addressee. However, no similar occurrence is found in the other three time periods. In addition, the deferential term “阁下” (“Your Excellency”) is also used once in 1998 and twice in 2008 to refer to potential car buyers because consumers who could afford to buy a car during these two time periods generally had a higher social or economic status (of course, this situation is changing because an increasing number of Chinese people can afford a car, nowadays). 8.6.3.3 Discussion: personalization as a result of linguistic adaptation By empirically investigating the diachronic variations of Chinese print advertisements in terms of style, we can draw the following conclusions: a

Although personalized speech acts, marked by the use of personal deixis, are implemented in print advertisements in the four time periods, their use significantly increases between 1988 and 1998. Thereafter, personalized speech

144

b

Personalization in Chinese public discourse acts are frequently performed, indicating a trend towards personalization in print advertisements. In addition, while the use of first-person pronouns in print advertisements also increases in frequency, generic referring expressions are being used to a decreasing degree. This suggests that advertisers are increasingly willing to become involved in communication. In other words, advertisers have chosen to approach their consumers in a more personal way. Although politeness strategies are adopted in all four time periods, they are more frequently used in print advertisements published in 2008 and 2018. This indicates that advertisers are attempting to interact with the consumer in an informal and casual manner. At the same time, while fewer and fewer deferential terms are being adopted, the second-person pronoun “你” occurs increasingly frequently over time, which suggests that advertisers are progressively more willing to communicate with their consumers in an approachable manner.

The above trend for personalization in Chinese advertising discourse results, presumably, from the advertiser’s adaptation to the consumer’s desire for concern and closeness in communication. Although some advertisements are still information-oriented, an increasing number of personal features are emerging and have formed a continuum of “public discourse – public discourse + personalized communication – interpersonal communication” in advertising discourse. According to the Theory of Linguistic Adaptation (Verschueren, 1999), language use is a process of constant choice-making. These choices can be made for language-internal or language-external reasons, at every possible level of the linguistic structure, with varying degrees of consciousness. These choices are not made mechanically but rather are negotiated on the basis of highly flexible principles and strategies. That is, language choice should be made in accordance with contextual factors (including the communicators, the physical world, the social world, the psychological world, and the linguistic context). In light of the Theory of Linguistic Adaptation, the trend for stylistic personalization observed in Chinese advertising discourse can be taken to be a form of linguistic adaptation made by advertisers at the stylistic level for the purpose of persuasion. Traditionally, advertisers presented basic information to their consumers, as well as the competitive advantages of their products or services, such as quality and price. Such fact-based promotion largely appealed to consumers who would always make rational choices. However, at the same time, human beings are emotional animals. Therefore, advertisers are increasingly adapting to both social and psychological worlds by adopting personal styles, which has a significant promotional effect on consumers, particularly for those who are susceptible to emotional appeals. In fact, personal styles chosen by advertisers are in fact markers of their personal involvement. In this way, consumers will be affected by the friendliness and proximity of advertisers, and their interest in and desire for the products or services being advertised will be aroused. In brief, stylistic personalization in advertising discourse is the result of the advertiser’s active linguistic adaptation, in the hope of building a close relationship with consumers for commercial purposes.

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 145

8.7 Personalization in weather forecasting discourse: a synchronic perspective Weather forecasting is a source of information that people often pay particular attention to in their daily lives, since it can help them arrange outdoor activities, travel, and other affairs. A weather forecast can either be a forecast of that day’s weather, or a forecast of the weather in the near future (notably 1-week forecasts). Since weather forecasting is, in essence, to report on the weather conditions expected during the next twenty-four hours, or in the near future, it should be categorized as an assertive from the perspective of speech act theory. For example, the following was the weather forecast for Nanjing on Thursday, September, 27, 2018. (34) 白天: 北风3–4级, 晴, 最高气温27℃; 夜间: 东风3–4级, 多云, 最低气温 17℃ In the daytime: gentle to moderate northerly breeze, sunny, the highest temperature 27℃; At night: gentle to moderate easterly breeze, clear, the lowest temperature 17℃. It can be seen that weather forecasts generally include the wind direction, the wind force, rainy or sunny conditions, temperature, etc., and sometimes changes in the previously listed factors within certain periods of time. It is worth noting that, in recent years, weather forecasting has derived some new broadcasting features. Whenever there are major events (such as the Beijing Olympics Games, the Shanghai World Expo, and the Guangzhou Asian Games), weather forecasts (particularly those broadcast on CCTV Sports Channel or on local Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, etc. meteorological stations) will often include reminders about the games, expositions, etc. in addition to basic weather information. For instance, (35) 在正在举办世博会的上海, 未来三天呢, 预示都会有阴雨所笼罩, 气温 呢也会明显下降, 最高气温基本上会在20度左右, 去世博会参观的朋友 要带好雨具和外套了。 It will be rainy or cloudy in the next 3 days in Shanghai, where the World Expo is being held. The temperature will also drop significantly, with its maximum around 20℃. To my dearest friends who will visit the Expo, please bring your rain gear and an overcoat with you. (www.earthview.org/2010shanghaishibohui/ 2010-05/13/content_54257. f) (36) 今天可以看到, 上海呢将会是一个大晴天, 最高气温会维持在27度, 整 体感觉上呢还是比较舒适的, 非常有利于大家外出观看, 不过呢在节目 当中也要提醒大家, 在这样的天气之下, 大家外出之前一定要做好保湿 和防紫外线的工作。 It can be seen today that Shanghai will be a sunny day. The maximum temperature will remain at 27℃, which is inside the comfortable range of

146

Personalization in Chinese public discourse temperature and suitable for you to go out and visit the Expo. But it is also necessary to advise you to prepare for moisture preservation and ultraviolet prevention before going out. (www.earthview.org/2010shanghaishibohui/ 2010-05/11/content_49665.htm)

These two weather forecasts, released on May 13, 2010, and May 11, 2010, respectively, were on the official website for China Meteorological Video and focused on the weather conditions in Shanghai where the World Expo was being held. In addition to reporting some regular weather information (i.e., rainy or sunny conditions, temperatures, etc.), these two forecasts also remind people who plan to visit the Expo to “bring rain gear and an overcoat” or to “prepare for moisture preservation and ultraviolet prevention”, which is quite considerate. At the same time, the modal particle “呢”, to some extent, reflects the personal feature of the weather forecasting discourse. There are also various websites designed specifically for weather forecasting, which are also very human-oriented. Let us consider one section of a weather forecast for Nanjing, released on the Weather China Website at 11:20 on September 30, 2018.

(37) 晴27℃/15℃ 西北风4–5级转西北风3–4级, 气温变化平稳 Clear 27°C/15°C, moderate to fresh northwest breeze, to gentle to moderate northwest breeze, gradual change in temperature 今日生活指数: Today’s life index: 紫外线指数: 强 UV Index: strong 涂擦SPF大于15、PA＋防晒护肤品。 Apply sun cream with 15+ SPF and PA +. 减肥指数: 三颗星 Weight-losing Index: three stars 假日勿忘管住嘴, 风有点大练练腿。 Don’t forget to be on a diet and to do exercises on the windy day. 血糖指数: 较易波动 Glycemic Index: more volatile 风力较大, 血糖较易波动, 注意监测。 Pay attention to monitoring the glycemic index, since it tends to fluctuate on windy days. 穿衣指数: 衬衫 Dressing Index: shirts

Personalization in Chinese public discourse 147 天气穿衣助手提醒您, 建议穿长袖衬衫单裤等服装。 The Dressing Assistant of Weather China reminds you that it is recommended to wear long-sleeved shirts and pants today. 洗车指数: 较不宜 Car-washing Index: less suitable 风力较大, 洗车后会蒙上灰尘。 The car will be less vulnerable to dust on such a windy day. 空气污染扩散指数: 良 Air Pollution Diffusion Index: Good 气象条件有利于空气污染物扩散。 The weather condition is conducive to the diffusion of air pollutants. 感冒指数: 易发 Cold-catching Index: easy to be infected 温差大风力强, 适当增减衣服。 In accordance with the high temperature difference and strong wind, please change your clothes appropriately.

In addition to regular weather information, e.g., wind direction, wind force, rainy or sunny conditions, temperature intervals, and so on, the aforementioned weather forecast also covers various information that is closely related to the audience’s daily lives (e.g., evaluation index of beauty and makeup, health management, dressing, automotive maintenance, disease prevention, etc.), which actually goes beyond its general forecasting function. For instance, the utterance “the Dressing Assistant of Weather China reminds you that it is recommended to wear long-sleeved shirts and pants today” is, in essence, a directive speech act rather than an assertive one, which apparently constitutes an “atypical” speech act. Likewise, advising, in the form of a directive speech act, is also enacted in the utterance “In accordance with the high temperature difference and strong wind, please change your clothes appropriately”. In this way, the forecaster of the weather report appears to be engaged in a private conversation with specific individuals, rather than reporting weather information to the general public. The use of “您” also highlights such a discourse feature.

8.8 Summary Based on previous research, this chapter first probed into the definitions and classifications of style and genre. By redefining and reclassifying the two, from a pragmatic perspective, we regarded them as being forms of communicative resource that are available for communicative purposes. Our analysis of examples indicated that both style switching and genre hybridizing are strategic choices.

148

Personalization in Chinese public discourse

We then examined style switching in Chinese TV advertising discourse. By analyzing a form of style switching, i.e., conversationalization in advertising discourse, we highlighted that this type of discursive strategy has unparalleled pragmatic value in comparison with a monologue. Following that, we discussed personal involvement and involvement markers in public discourse in detail and theoretically constructed a pragmatic framework for the analysis of personal involvement in public discourse, including the implementation of personalized speech acts and the use of politeness strategies. Based on this framework, we carried out a diachronic analysis of personalization in Chinese print advertisements. It was shown that there appears to be a trend towards personalization in Chinese print advertisements. Furthermore, we also conducted a case study of weather forecast discourse from a synchronic perspective, showing that there also seems to be a trend towards personalization in this genre of public discourse. Both the synchronic and diachronic studies reported in this chapter have shown that public discourse has (gradually) acquired some personal features, as a result of the producers’ adaptation to contextual correlates. The personalization of Chinese public discourse, and perhaps in other languages as well, not only reflects the strategic orientation and practical motivation of the producers, but also signals the approach-based trend of public communication in Chinese society.

Notes 1 Both “style switching” (Cheng, 2007) and “style shift” (Li, 2003; Yin, 2007) are frequently used technical terms. This book adopts “style switching” as the technical term covering the switching between different styles. 2 A deferential form of address (also a second-person pronoun) in Chinese.

9

Subjectivity in Chinese journalistic discourse

9.1 Introduction The subjectivity of language has been analyzed from a variety of perspectives (e.g., Langacker, 1990; Lyons, 1982; Traugott, 1995). Basically, it refers to the manifestation of the user’s self, that is, the apparently objective manner in which the user speaks may leave an imprint of his/her self in the utterance (see Lyons, 1977; Shen, 2001). This chapter adopts journalistic discourse as our area of research. As a form of public discourse, journalistic discourse is meant to be as objective as possible, but in reality, a great number of journalistic discourses fail to remain totally objective, as partly witnessed by our analysis of the various prejudices inherent in some journalistic discourses in the previous chapter. Existing research shows that journalistic discourse does not reflect reality objectively or passively but represents the ideology or subjective stances of particular journalistic organization(s). That is to say, no matter where it originates, news tends to bear the subjective inclination of the evaluator (the author). CDA clearly portrays news reporting as a form of social practice. It represents and reflects the stances and viewpoints of its producers and thus is unlikely to reflect the objective facts and reality impartially (Xin, 2005). With systemic functional linguistics (Fairclough, 1995) and appraisal theory (White, 2000) as the main theoretical tools, the previous critical analyses of journalistic discourse focus on the subjective ideologies behind them. Fairclough (1995) advocates a critical approach to discourse, particularly public discourse (including journalistic discourse), to study the relationship between language, power, and ideology. The implicit meanings of ideology in language and discourse may not be easily perceived, since the majority of them have been naturalized into seemingly common sense, and the major goal of critical linguistics is to disclose and highlight this kind of implicit ideological meaning by means of discourse analysis (Xin, 2005). Besides CDA based upon the theory of systemic functional linguistics, some pragmatic theories and concepts have also been applied to the analysis of journalistic discourse. According to van Dijk (2003), in keeping with other forms of discourse, journalistic discourse contains many implicit meanings. By analyzing

150

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

the choices of words and sentences in journalistic discourse, we can uncover all the implied meanings in news reports, which reflect how journalists make evaluations from their own perspectives and stances (2003, pp. 72–73). Liu (2005, p. 50) proposes that journalistic discourse is a form of “ideologized words and sentences journalists use to report facts and convey some intentions, thus constituting what is called attitudinal discourse”. He further proposes that, from the perspective of news media, discourse is not a simple combination of individual words but is a form of discourse where the particular stance of news media is incorporated (2005, pp. 62–68). Some important pragmatic theories like Speech Act Theory (Atawneh, 2009; Musolff, 1995); Relevance Theory (Dor, 2003; Ifantidou, 2009); and Adaptation Theory (Chen & Xu, 2006; Verschueren, 1985; Wu & Chen, 2008) are all used to analyze the subjectivity of journalistic discourse. Previous research shows that journalistic discourse does not always present facts objectively, and behind the choice of particular vocabulary, syntax, or discourse patterns often hide the subjective stances of language users. The primary goal of language analysis is to disclose the subjective inclination behind this objectivity. In this respect, the goal of pragmatics agrees with that of CDA. This chapter strives to further prove the journalists’ subjective involvement and value judgment from their choices of syntactic patterns and perspectives in news headlines, and the usage features of involvement markers in news reports.

9.2 Syntactic choices in journalistic discourse: taking negative sentences as an example News headlines primarily serve two pragmatic purposes: one is to provide information concisely, and the other is to attract the reader’s attention (Wu & Chen, 2008). Different headlines may have different focuses, thus resulting in different designs and effects. Journalists, consciously or unconsciously, make use of presuppositional mechanisms in news headlines to express as much information as possible in a relatively small space and, at the same time, arouse the reader’s curiosity and interact with them. Among the various presuppositional triggers, negative sentence structure would appear to be an important one because, more often than not, it presupposes some known information (conveyed by the corresponding affirmative sentence structures). With negative sentences in Chinese, and in particular the negative pattern of “X不是Y” (“X is not Y”) as the object of study, this section discusses the social-pragmatic value of negative sentences in news headlines and strives to understand the social implications of negative sentences in social contexts. 9.2.1 Presupposition in negative sentences Negative sentence structure bears the feature of a presuppositional trigger (Levinson, 1983). According to Horn (1989), every negative statement presupposes a corresponding affirmative statement (even if this affirmative statement is not very

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 151 definite). In the context of real-life communication, almost all negative sentences are marked ways of speaking that contain presuppositions. For example: (1) 这个星期天小民不喜欢呆在家里 (This Sunday Xiaomin doesn’t want to stay at home.) (2) 张三今天没有来上课 (Zhang San didn’t come to class today.) In (2), the speaker presupposes that staying at home on Sunday is Xiaomin’s normal routine. In (2), the speaker presupposes the expectation that Zhang San would come to class today. Sometimes it could sound strange if nothing was presupposed in a negative sentence. For example, Givon (1978) holds that, if the hearer had no reason to expect that the speaker’s wife is pregnant, or the speaker had not sensed that someone was thinking his wife was pregnant, then it would be bizarre if the speaker uttered the following sentence: (3) Oh, my wife is not pregnant. A well-known example from Clark and Clark (1977) is President Nixon’s following statement at a press conference before being removed from office: (4) I am not a crook. Nixon’s primary intention in uttering this sentence had been to express that he was an honest person, but his words failed to achieve the intended effect because they conveyed the presupposition that he believed that the audience assumed he was dishonest. Certainly, he wanted to dispel this opinion. However, by uttering this sentence, he was admitting that he believed people held such an opinion, thus disclosing the fact that he was facing a political crisis. Thus, we could state that a negative statement is, more often than not, a form of marked language use, which can be used to explain the well-known Chinese joke that “此地无银三百两, 隔壁王二不曾偷” (literally meaning “There is no silver buried here. Your neighbor Wang Er didn’t steal it”). The story behind this joke goes like this: one man buried his silver and put a notice on the ground, saying that, “There is no silver buried here”. Then Wang Er, one of his neighbors, stole his silver and also put a notice on the ground, saying that, “Your neighbor Wang Er didn’t steal it”). It was the presupposition in the two notices that betrayed them and gives rise to the joke. 9.2.2 “The campus is not a park”: a case study The headline “校园不是公园” (“The campus is not a park”) and the subtitle “南 大校园颁布禁狗令” (“Nanjing University issued a ban on dogs”) in the Yangtze Evening Post once caused some sensation. The reported story stated that some faculty members of Nanjing University walked their dogs on campus, affecting

152

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

the environment and security around the university. As a result of this, the university issued a ban on walking dogs or any other pets on campus and posted notices in prominent locations around the campus. A journalist from the Yangtze Evening Post then reported it with the above-mentioned headline. Readers may feel confused by the headline “The campus is not a park” because it does not appear to convey any new information (after all, everyone knows that the campus is not a park). But by considering that the author is bound to have some informational intention behind writing the headline, readers may then be curious to know what it is. In this way, the headline encourages the audience to read further into the news story, hence achieving the author’s intended effect: conveying information and attracting readers (Bell, 1991, p. 257). From this case study, we believe that the characteristics of negative headlines can be summarized as follows: a) they presuppose some form of social behavior or concept; b) the related social behavior or concept in the headline authors’ eyes is a certain social malpractice or wrong opinion; and c) the speakers or authors try to express an indirect but pointed criticism. Language communication is a form of social psychological interaction (Sha, 1987) and sometimes a kind of invisible dialogue. This is also reflected in the design of news headlines, in which the dialogue is even more invisible because the communication between the authors of the news headlines and the readers is indirect. Of course, this does not mean that there is no interaction between them – quite the contrary, because the authors of news headlines always keep their readers in mind. The readers’ interests, background knowledge, knowledge level, beliefs, attitudes towards particular things, etc. directly influence the authors’ linguistic choices. Designing headlines solely for the sake of readers is the key to their success. As part of news rhetoric, the design of news headlines is to attract readers (Bell, 1991, p. 257) and provoke them to read the whole news story (Nir, 1993, p. 145). The social-pragmatic function of negative news headlines can, therefore, stimulate readers to read further. 9.2.3 Negative sentences in Internet news headlines: survey and analysis To further verify our preliminary understanding of the above-mentioned case study, we designed and conducted the following survey. Our research questions are shown below: a b

What type of content do the negative structures in Internet news headlines presuppose? What social-pragmatic functions do the negative sentences perform in Internet news headlines?

Using Chinese Yahoo as the search engine and taking “不是” (“is not”) as the search query, we randomly searched the top 50 pages and collected many Internet news headlines containing negative sentences.

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 153 By analyzing the presupposed content of the negative sentence headline structure “X 不是Y”,1 we found that the presupposed content of this type of negative sentence may be a form of incorrect understanding or opinion or a form of already existing behavior. The detailed analysis can be seen in the following examples: a

They may presuppose some form of incorrect understanding or opinion (in the speaker’s eyes). For example: (5) 反对“性解放”不是杞人忧天 (Opposing “sexual liberation” is nothing like as worrying as the sky falling) (6) 邪教不是宗教 (Pseudo religion is not a religion)

In (5), the speaker presupposes a form of incorrect understanding; namely, “some people believe that opposing ‘sexual liberation’ is like worrying about something that is never going to happen”. Without such a presupposed idea, the speaker’s utterance appears to be talking about something that is groundless. Similarly, in (6) the speaker presupposes a type of incorrect opinion; that is, some people (at least believers of the pseudo religion) believe that the pseudo religion is a form of religion. b

They may presuppose some kind of wrong behavior (in the speaker’s eyes). For example: (7) 高考不是句号 (The National Higher Education Entrance Examination is not the end)

In this example, the author presupposes that some college students stop working hard and striving for achievement after passing their National Higher Education Entrance Examination. The functions of Internet news headlines containing negative structures have a close relationship with their presupposed content. Specifically, they are primarily used to perform the following social-pragmatic functions: First, they are used to correct some incorrect opinion or behavior (in the speaker’s mind). For example, in (6), the speaker is trying to correct some people’s misconception that mistakes pseudo religion for a true religion. Second, they are used to issue warnings, and (7) is a case in point. By revealing the fact that the National Higher Education Entrance Examination is not the end, it serves to remind and warn students that they should continue working hard in college. Third, they are used to make implicit criticism. For instance, the headline in (7) conveys an implicit criticism to the students that they should not completely relax after getting admitted to college; rather, they should continue to work hard. Negative sentences are not only used at times by the speaker to clarify mistakes, but also to rectify them with the help of added affirmative sentences. For example: (8) 年终奖不是成本是投资 (Annual bonus is not a cost but an investment) (9) 贞操是信仰, 不是道德 (Virginity is a belief, not morality)

154

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

In (8), the author not only criticizes the fact that some people regard annual bonuses as being a cost, but also highlights definitively that they are, in fact, a form of investment. In (9), the author makes it quite clear that virginity is a problem of belief rather than of morality. As a means of performing speech acts (Horn, 1989, p. 73), negative sentences that are used in a social context can, more often than not, perform various important social-pragmatic functions by means of presuppositional mechanisms. Our analysis of the data shows that negative sentences in a social context have some allusive functions. Notably, they may achieve the functions of correcting, criticizing, warning, etc. by alluding to some type of incorrect saying, opinion or way of doing things in society at large. It is as a result of these above-mentioned social-pragmatic functions that news headline designers often make strategic use of negative sentences to convey their own attitudes and concepts, so as to further influence readers in general.

9.3 Journalists’ perspective taking in designing news headlines To understand a text correctly, we need to have a grasp of the speaker/author’s perspective on what it is being said/written. The news headline, being a high-level generalization of the text, is often embedded with the speaker/author’s perspective. In this section, we shall incorporate the Perspective Theory from cognitive linguistics into the general framework of Adaptation Theory to interpret the perspective of choice in news headlines and further reveal the subjective stances of journalists. 9.3.1 Frame and perspective Before introducing a cognitive perspective, let us begin with a closely related concept, namely, frame. By frame, we refer to the configuration of interacting categories (Ungerer & Schimd, 2001, p. 206). The term was first proposed by Charles Fillmore in the 1970s. Figure 9.1 illustrates the [BUY] frame frequently quoted in the related literature (e.g., Fillmore, 1977, p. 104; also Ungerer & Schimd, 2001, p. 207). From Figure 9.1, we find that the [BUY] frame includes various aspects (represented by A, B, C, and D) concerning the verb “buy” (or any verb meaning “buy” in any other language). These aspects are the basic elements shared by all buying behaviors (although C is less essential than the other three). Whenever buying behavior is mentioned, these four categories are always associated. With the help of this frame, or more concretely, the four categories in this frame, we can understand the meaning of the word “buy”. Thus, Frame Theory provides a new way to study the meaning of words.2 Figure 9.1 is not only used to describe the behaviors designated by the verb “buy”, but also by other verbs such as “sell”, “cost”, and “charge” because these behaviors also involve the categories A, B, C, and D. The question we then ask is,

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 155 buy B (goods) A

D

(buyer)

(seller) C (money)

Figure 9.1 The [BUY] frame

“How can we distinguish between these four verbs corresponding to the behavioral categories?” At this stage, it is necessary to introduce the concept of “perspective”. By perspective, we are literally referring to the angle of observation that people take when observing something. It reflects the interaction between the physical human mechanism and external factors. Therefore, it is cognitive in nature and reflects the cognitive ability of human beings to control and utilize attention. Metaphorically, in terms of the four categories involved in Figure 9.1, when observing and describing the configuration or frame of these categories, people can choose the buyer, or any of the other three categories, as the perspective. The formation and development of language is inseparable from our cognitive abilities, preferences, and experiences. As a result, a particular cognitive manner can be lexicalized or grammaticalized. For example, “buy”, “sell”, “pay”, and “charge” represent different perspectives in presenting the four categories of A, B, C, and D (see Ungerer & Schimd, 2001, p. 208), leading to differences in their syntactic patterns, as shown below: (10) a b c d

John bought a used book from Jane for five dollars. Jane sold a used book to John for five dollars. John paid five dollars to Jane for a used book. Jane charged John five dollars for a used book.

According to Fillmore (1977), in (10a), the buyer (“John”) is the subject of the clause, and the commodity (“a used book”) to be traded is the object of the clause. The other participant, namely the seller (“Jane”), is the source of the trading goods, treated grammatically as an adverbial (but needing to be introduced by a preposition to indicate the source of the goods), and the money (“five dollars”) used for trading is another adverbial introduced by the preposition “for”. This shows that, in the case of “buy”, the perspective is that of the buyer as well as the object to be traded. In (10b), the seller (“Jane”), along with the goods, is the perspective. Similar

156

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

analysis can apply to (10c) and (10d), from which we can see that the perspectives presented by the verbs “pay” and “charge” are the buyer as well as the money used for the transaction, and the buyer as well as the seller, respectively. (However, for “charge”, the money used for the transaction also appears to be in a relatively prominent position, which can explain why its corresponding linguistic structure becomes the direct object of the clause.) Therefore, these four verbs, while based on the same frame, differ in their different perspectives, in which the common feature between “buy” and “pay” is that the communicator describes the related commercial event from the perspective of the buyer, while the common feature between “sell” and “charge” is that the communicator describes the commercial event from the perspective of the seller. Although, at face value, perspective is closely related to verbs, it needs to be borne in mind that it is basically a cognitive category, and not a grammatical category because there is no independent syntactic perspective. In Ungerer and Schimd’s (2001) words, “every sentence reminds people of the cognitive perspective selected (by the communicator) for some situation by means of selecting particular verbs and the related syntactic structure constructed by these verbs” (2001, p. 209). 9.3.2 Survey and analysis The choice of perspective in news headlines can greatly influence the readers’ understanding of the news event. In order to study the journalists’ preference for their choice of perspective when writing news headlines, we conducted a smallscale survey to investigate language use in this social context, both synchronically and diachronically, to enable the further discussion of the pragmatic value of perspective selection when writing news headlines. This survey was primarily concerned with the score reports of different professional basketball leagues. We are aware that a basketball match involves two teams (Team A and Team B), and each game has a result (represented by C), while other factors (such as basketball court, match time, scores, and team members) are not core categories. Figure 9.2 is the frame for a basketball match. Suppose the match between Team A and Team B was held at home for Team A, and the final score was 90 : 85. Generally speaking, to report on the result of a match, we take the home team to be the perspective, whether Team A or Team B, and different perspectives require different verbs (as well as different descriptions Match

A

C

B

(team 1)

(result)

(team 2)

Figure 9.2 The [Basketball Match] frame

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 157 of the scores and the game on court but, of course, such information does not always appear in reports), as shown in the following example: (11) a 甲队90: 85主场战胜乙队 (Team A won at home with a score of 90 : 85 over Team B) b 乙队85: 90客场不敌甲队 (Team B lost an away game with a score of 85 : 90 to Team A) To study the preference for the selection of perspective in the reports of sports games, the researcher investigated the reports of National Basketball Association (NBA) games as they appeared on both the official website of the China Basketball Association (CBA) (http://basketball.sport.org.cn/inter/list.html) and the website of the NBA (www.nba.com). On CBA’s official website, from December 28, 2008, to February 8, 2009, in the “international news” column, there were 21 report headlines, among which 10 headlines were concerned with the Houston Rockets team, and all of them took “Rockets” as the subject of the headlines. As the Houston Rockets team had both wins and losses, we therefore found verbs or verb phrases such as “逆转” (swung/turned around), “力擒” (won over), “搞定” (swept), “不敌” (was no match for), “首负” (lost for the first time), and “遭绝杀” (encountered the clutch shot) in the predicate position of the headlines. By contrast, due to its responsibility to objectively report games, the official website of the American NBA (www.nba.com) used scores to report each day’s game results for all teams, and the reporting manner was solely according to the home-andaway system, with the guest team coming before the home team. Although the above-mentioned survey was small in scale, the result readily demonstrated the difference in perspective taking; namely, the official NBA website objectively focused on the games of every team, and the related cognitive expectation was what NBA games were being played that day and what the results of these games were, while the cognitive expectation of the official CBA website was to report what NBA games were being played that day and what the result of any Houston Rockets’ game was. The reason for the CBA’s focus on the Houston Rockets team was because this team was of particular cognitive interest: namely, at that time, the Chinese basketball star Yao Ming was a member of that team and, therefore, information regarding Yao Ming’ s performance often appeared in related news reports. According to Adaptation Theory, language use is a process of continuously making choices, consciously or unconsciously, for language-internal and/or language-external reasons, at every possible level of language structure (Verschueren, 1999). It would appear that the language organization of news headlines is no exception. Their choice of perspective is a purposeful and meaningful one to highlight the components that reflect the focus or interest of readers. From the perspective choices of news headlines, we can observe the subjectivity of news media, which influences the readers’ understanding of the discourse. The above analysis proves that journalists often adapt to their readers’ interests or cognitive environments by means of choosing the expected perspective on speech events.

158

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

Perspective taking can thus become a form of pragmatic strategy, whose cognitive effect lies in highlighting one factor or one part of communication.

9.4 Involvement markers in Chinese news reports: taking number expressions in disaster news reports as an example The objective orientation of news reporting requires that journalists avoid using their own opinions to affect readers. However, in reality, news reporters often use various covert ways to express their personal opinions. This section, using examples of disaster news reports, discusses the subjective involvement of journalists, shown by their use of involvement markers in number expressions (NEs). 9.4.1 Involvement and its expression A speaker can involve himself/herself in some language situations and contexts to express his/her attitude and inference, thus influencing other people’s attitudes and behaviors. His/her attitude towards the relationship between himself/herself and other participants reflects his/her involvement in a particular communicative context. Arndt and Janney (1987, p. 357) studied the different linguistic cues of involvement and distinguished between interpersonal involvement and emotional involvement. The former regulates the interpersonal distance between the speaker and the hearer in the current situation, while the latter involves the “more or less spontaneous expressions of momentary personal affective states” (ibid.). Involvement is a parameter that constrains the means of expressing the speaker’s affect, feelings, and attitudes (Fried & Östman, 2005). In language, there are relatively rich devices to convey the involvement of speakers. More direct ones include deixis like “I”, and its corresponding derivative hedges (such as “I think”, “I suppose”, and so on); there are also some rather more concise and indirect means of expression, such as pragmatic markers like “probably”, “fortunately”, “to be frank”, etc. Yan (2000, pp. 4–7) identifies that “果然” (“expectedly”) in Chinese and “of course” in English are all used to express the situation coinciding with one’s expectation, while “没想到” (“it has not been expected”) in Chinese and “oddly enough” in English indicate the situation against expectation. Similar expressions include “至少” (“at least”), “甚至” (“even”), etc. Moreover, Davis and Mason (2005) believe that, with the help of hedges, modality, and evidentiality markers, speakers can “construct different personae” (2005, p. 608). Finally, particles that convey involvement can also contribute to linguistic subjectivity. Lee (2007, p. 363), for example, highlights that particles like ne and yo share the function of implying the emotional attitudes of the speaker and inviting involvement. For more information on involvement, refer to Section 8.5. Regarding studies on involvement in news reporting, Kuo (2003), using videotaped televised sports in Taiwan as data (24 hours long), qualitatively and quantitatively investigated gender differences in the use of the person deixis involved. Though focusing on the analysis of gender difference, the article presents some findings related to involvement. Compared to female journalists, male journalists use “你” (“you”) more

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 159 frequently, which indicates that the speech style of male journalists is characterized by “a higher degree of interpersonal involvement” (2003, p. 490). Besides, the nondeictic uses of personal pronouns in the discourse strengthen the rapport and solidarity between journalists and their audience and make the reporting more lively and vivid. Shen (2004) studied the commentaries on Chinese table tennis programs. His findings show that the commentators of these table tennis programs often express their own opinions with the help of pragmatic means. Finally, he highlighted that the live commentaries of table tennis games are full of comparisons and expressions of orientation of the commentators (2004, p. 78). Various studies on news reports show that journalists, more often than not, convey their own subjective involvement. Clemen (2008, p. 41) believes that journalists care about their own reputation, as well as the reputation of their publisher, so they always bear in mind the readers’ acceptance and acceptability of their reports. In this case, they need to use even more covert linguistic expressions to convey their own subjective stances behind the superficial objectivity. 9.4.2 Research design The current study analyzes primarily the devices employed by journalists to indicate their subjective involvement in disaster news reports. To restrict the scope of the research, we mainly focused on the NEs in disaster news reports. The research question that was addressed is as follows: what linguistic expressions do the journalists of disaster news reports use to convey their subjective involvement? 9.4.2.1 Data collection and transcription Data used in this study were collected from Chinese media websites with a worldwide reputation for authoritativeness and included primarily Xinhua News Agency and People’s Daily. The reasons behind our choice of disaster news reports for the data are as follows. First, disaster news reports are closely related to the public. “Even natural disasters become newsworthy mainly because they affect people’s lives” (Verschueren, 1985, p. 1). The general public’s interest in this kind of report is due to their concern over the current and future status of an ongoing disaster event. If they fall victim to a disaster, they will be even more concerned about current and future situations and thus would want to take particular preventive or preparative measures. Second, by appropriately and timely informing the public about the events surrounding an ongoing disaster, the public can be calmed and become less panic-stricken. Finally, the public has the right to know all the details regarding a disaster. Depriving them of this right to knowledge is illegal and could result in greater panic or loss. The process of data collection is composed of three steps, as shown in the following. STEP ONE: COLLECTING TARGET NEWS ITEMS

Disaster is a natural or man-made hazard that produces negative effects on society or the environment. There is a difference between natural disasters and

160

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

human-induced disasters. The former refers to the consequences of natural hazards, such as volcanic eruptions or earthquakes, while the latter refers to disasters caused by human action, negligence, error, etc., such as transport disasters, crimes, and wars. Correspondingly, disaster reports were collected from the above-mentioned websites and further divided into two groups: natural disaster news reports and human-induced disaster news reports. The majority of the news events in the collected reports occurred between July and December 2007, and a total of 36 news reports were collected. The basic information (including serial numbers, news headlines, sources, the nature of disaster events and the place and date of occurrence) of these news items is shown in Appendix 6. By considering the variety of disaster themes in the news reports, during the data collection process we ensured that the news reports that were sampled covered various types of disasters so that they would be representative of this type of report. STEP TWO: IDENTIFYING TARGET CLAUSES

Target clauses refer to those in news reports that pertain to the current reported disaster and describe the losses caused by it, particularly those containing information about casualties and loss of property. In order to show this process more clearly, consider the following example:

菲律宾受台风“米娜 菲律宾受台风 米娜”影响 影响9人丧生 人丧生 新华网马尼拉11月26日电 (记者许林贵) (1) 菲律宾国家救灾协调委员会26日 下午说, (2) 台风“米娜”25日深夜登陆菲律宾北部吕宋岛(3) 带来的强风及大面 积降雨已造成９人丧生3§、(4)两人下落不明§。(5) 菲国家救灾协调委员会说, (6)在台风登陆的伊沙贝拉省, 强降雨淹没了55个村庄§, (7) 许多房屋、公路、 稻田被毁§。(8) ９名死者多数为溺水身亡§, (9) 年龄最小的仅６岁§。(10) 菲 国家救灾协调委员会说, (11) 截至26日午间, (12) 已有３万多个家庭共14万 人 §(13)被紧急安置在政府临时中转站 §。(14) 台风还造成吕宋岛部分地区 停水断电§, (15) 多数学校周一宣布停课§。(16) 菲律宾群岛地处台风多发带, (17)去年强台风“榴莲”袭击菲律宾东部岛屿, (18) 暴雨引发的泥石流造成逾千 人伤亡, (19) 无家可归者数以万计。(20) 自上周以来, 菲律宾又接二连三遭到 台风袭击。

The Philippines struck by typhoon “Mina” and 9 lives lost Xinhua News Agency, Manila, Nov. 26th, by journalist Xu Lingui. (1) The Philippines’ National Disaster Coordinating Council (PNDCC) announced on the 26th that (2) typhoon Mina made landfall in the north of Luzon island of the Philippines at midnight of the 25th. (3) The subsequently strong wind and large-scale rainfall have caused 9 lost lives and (4) 2 people missing. (5) PNDCC declared that (6) in the province where the typhoon made landfall, the heavy rainfall has flooded 55 villages, (7) and many houses, roads, and paddyfields were destroyed. (8) The majority

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 161 of the 9 fatalities resulted from drowning, (9) among which the youngest victim was only 6 years old. (10) PNDCC claimed that (11) by noon of the 26th, (12) more than 30,000 families or altogether 140,000 people (13) had been evacuated urgently to the transit transfer shelters provided by the government. (14) The typhoon also left some parts of Luzon island with no power and water. (15) The majority of schools suspended classes on Monday. (16) Where the Philippines are located is liable to suffer from typhoons. (17) In the last year, strong typhoon Durian struck the eastern islands of the Philippines and (18) mudflows caused by heavy rainfall led to more than 1000 casualties and (19) tens of thousands of people homeless. (20) Since last week, typhoons have been striking the Philippines one after another.

There are 20 clauses and some NEs in this example, but not every clause or every NE will be the object of our analysis. Of these 20 clauses, (1), (5), and (10) are meta-language introducing a source of information, while (2) and (16) are background information and do not provide information about the damage and loss caused by the disaster. Although related to the disaster event, (11) does not provide any information regarding the casualties and losses involved. Clauses (17), (18), (19), and (20) are related to casualties and losses, but they do not directly describe the current disaster. Therefore, the above-mentioned clauses are all excluded, thus leaving ten target clauses in this example. Whether a number expression is judged to be a targeted one or not is based on the following principles: Principle One: Only NEs in the main body of the news reports are included in the researcher’s analysis, since some NEs may be simplified because of word limits, to ensure the conciseness required by news headlines. For example, the NE in a news headline entitled “伊朗地震 20名儿童受伤” (“20 Children Injured in Quake in Iran”) is specified as “some 20 children” in the body of the report. The same NE may appear in one form in the body of the report, but in another form in the headline, even though these two forms are meant to be the same. Principle Two: NEs describing time, date, and place are excluded, such as “五” (“five”) in “五夫村” (“Five-husband Village”) and “四” (“four”) in “四家子镇” (“Four-families Town”). Although consisting of numbers, these expressions neither directly describe the damages and losses caused by the disasters, nor provide information on casualties. Principle Three: Number expressions in idioms and set phrases are also excluded from analysis, such as “(接)二(连)三”(“one after another”), (where literally “二” means “two” and “三” means “three”) (NIC-1) and “一(片惨状”) (meaning the area hit by the disaster is ruined and looks horrific all around, and “一” literally means “one”). Although these set phrases and idioms contain numbers, they have lost their status as numbers and can no longer express specific quantities.

162

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

STEP THREE: DIFFERENTIATING PRECISE AND VAGUE NES

After all target clauses were identified, the researcher then differentiated between precise NEs and vague NEs and calculated the number of times they occurred in the Chinese disaster news report data, respectively. In terms of semantic clarity, if a number expression’s semantic meaning has a clear boundary and indicates a specific quantity of people or things, then it is considered to be precise; if not, it is treated as being vague. Clearly, NEs in the first sample such as “9” (人丧生) (“9 lives lost”), “2” (人下 落不明) (“two people missing”), “55” (个村庄) (“55 villages”), and “9” (名死者) (“9 deaths”) are all precise. Readers can see from these precise NEs that they are mainly cardinal numbers. On the other hand, vague NEs cover a much wider range of expressive means. For example, expressions like “3万多” (“more than 30 thousand”) are hedged NEs. Although such expressions as “许多” (“a lot of”), “多数” (“most”), “部分” (parts of) and “大多数” (“the majority of”) contain no numbers, they all imply quantitative meanings and, therefore, are considered to be hedged NEs by the researcher. As for other expressions like “11” (月) (“November”), “26” (日) (“26th Day”) and (周) “一” (“Monday”), they are all irrelevant to the damage and losses caused by the typhoon and are therefore excluded from the discussion. Finally, from the first news report sample, 5 precise NEs and 6 vague NEs were collected. 9.4.2.2 Data analysis From 36 disaster news reports, a total of 361 NEs were gathered, amongst which there were 237 precise NEs and 124 vague ones. The distribution of each of the two categories of NEs in the disaster news reports is shown in Table 9.1. Table 9.1 indicates that, in disaster news reports, journalists all show some degree of involvement. When compared, the overall occurrence of precise NEs is much greater than that of vague NEs. In terms of natural disasters, vague NEs appear in almost equal numbers to precise NEs. However, in contrast, precise NEs are used much more often in reports of human-induced disasters. This reveals that the nature of the disaster influences the journalists’ subjectivity in their use of NEs, particularly when reporting on natural disasters, in which they show a higher degree of involvement. In the following section, we will explore in detail how journalists are involved in choosing the NEs used in disaster news reports.

Table 9.1 NEs in the disaster news reports Nature of Disaster

Quantity of items

Precise NEs

Vague NEs

Total

Natural Human-induced Total

18 18 36

99 (49.7%) 138 (85.2%) 237 (65.7%)

100 (50.3%) 24 (14.8%) 124 (34.3%)

199 162 361

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 163 9.4.2.3 The involvement markers that modify NEs Journalists can express their subjective involvement in various ways, such as in the use of direct comments and choice of modality. Another important way to convey their involvement is to employ involvement markers. The involvement markers in the current research refer to the hedges used to indicate the journalists’ involvement, such as “至少” (“at least”). These hedges are used to check whether or not the fact coincides with the speaker’s expectation (Yan, 2000, pp. 6–7). The hedged number structure “至少+ N” (“at least+N”) means that the quantity of something or the number of people concerned exceeds the number N. “至少+ N” indicates that journalists are evaluating the quantity N as being large or considerable. Thus, the journalists convey their involvement. Consider the following example: (13) a 9名死者多数为溺水身亡, 年龄最小的仅6岁。(The majority of the 9 fatalities resulted from drowning, among which the youngest victim was only 6 years old) b 泰顺县停电乡镇更是多达15个。(The number of towns in Shunfeng County that lost access to power amounts to up to 15) c 美国中部地区自9日起遭受冰风暴袭击,导致至少14人死亡。(NIC-11) (since the 9th, central parts of America have continued to be struck by ice storms, resulting in at least 14 deaths) d 飓风“费利克斯”从上周二袭击尼加拉瓜, 强度达到最高的5级, 风速 达到每小时300公里。(Since last Tuesday, Hurricane Felix has been striking Nicaragua, intensifying into the highest Category 5, with peak surface winds of 300km/h) e 前3枚炸弹在瓦拉纳西民事法庭外爆炸, 间隔不到 3分钟, 导致9人死 亡。(The first three bombs went off outside Varanasi’s civil court, less than 3 minutes apart, resulting in 9 fatalities) By employing expressions with superlative degrees, the journalists are attempting to describe the extreme states of the disasters to show their great concern for the ongoing situations. They are worried about the numbers of possible casualties and loss of property being inflicted by the disasters and, in this way, they convey their involvement when reporting events. The superlative expression in (13d) indicates the intensity of the hurricane, implying that such a powerful hurricane will inevitably inflict some losses. The involvement marker “不到” (“less than”) is often used in temporal expressions to indicate time spans. It is used to describe the quantity increase or decrease during a particular time period, for example, “间 隔不到３分钟” (“less than 3 minutes apart”) in (13e), in which 9 people were killed in such a short time period. Temporal expressions like “不到” more often than not indicate that the real situation behind the disaster is beyond the journalist’s expectation and thus, in this way, the journalist conveys his or her involvement and judgment. The use of involvement markers can be seen as the adaptation of journalists to their emotions in the mental world and the response of their readers. In the

164

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse

process of communication with their readers, journalists convey their own emotions because their emotional responses are also an integral part of the facts being reported about the news events. Doing the report is like watching the collapse of a building: When you are at the scene, it may be a very impressive and terrible picture. The truthfulness of the reports lies not only in the numbers, but also in what you see, feel, and sense. Ran (1996, p. 8) highlighted that journalists, driven by the specific needs of communication, would choose the most affective and impressive language to report news events. Ma Xianyi wrote precisely about this as shown in the following: “在新闻报道中, 要正确处理新闻的真实性与倾向性之间的关系。新闻 工作者在进行新闻报道时, 会自觉不自觉地表现出一定的倾向性. . . . 新 闻的倾向性可以寓于所报道的事实之中, 在对事实的客观叙述中形成‘ 无形的意见’, 即‘以事实说话’, 使倾向性自然而然地流露出来。新闻报 导者可以通过事实的选择、报道角度的选择和报到时机的选择来体现 自己的立场和态度, 但必须忠实于事实, 严格遵循新闻真实性原则。” (2000: 8) In news reporting, journalists are supposed to appropriately deal with the relationship between the truthfulness of news and their own attitude. When reporting news, consciously or unconsciously, journalists tend to show some preference. . . . The inclination of news reporting can be implicitly conveyed behind the facts being reported, and forms a kind of invisible opinion apart from the objective statement of the facts. In other words, journalists speak for themselves by means of the facts, thus revealing their inclination unintentionally. They can imply their stances and attitudes by means of the choices of the facts, perspectives and time, but they must remain faithful to the truth and strictly follow the principle of truthfulness. (2000: 8) The above-quoted words make it clear that, while journalists ought to be faithful to the news facts, they sometimes convey their own inclinations to readers in covert yet comprehensible ways. In other words, journalists can only imply but not directly express their attitudes and emotions. By means of involvement markers, readers can easily grasp their subjective inclinations in the reports.

9.5 Summary This chapter, with journalistic discourse as the object of research, revealed the various forms of subjectivity hidden in news headlines and reports, such as the use of negative sentences, perspective taking, and the use of involvement markers. These forms may yield cognitive effects on the news readers’ processing of the news headlines or reports, leading to biased interpretations. It must be conceded that the current research on journalistic discourse was somewhat sporadic and small in scale. Instead of conducting an in-depth analysis

Subjectivity in journalistic discourse 165 of journalistic texts, we focused solely on a small number of aspects such as headlines, negative sentences, and NEs. While we have examined some important means of subjectivity such as presupposition, perspective, and involvement marking or hedging, we have omitted other linguistic means and resources from our discussion, such as mitigation and endearment. Future research could focus on these aspects to reveal more fully how the subjectivity of journalists is enacted in discourse.

Notes 1 Sometimes, speakers may use discourse markers to indicate their own attitudes or tones. For example, to indicate emphasis the “X决/绝/终究/难道？怎么会？/当然不是Y” structure is used, to indicate unexpectedness the “X原来/竟然/居然不是Y” structure is used and to ask questions the “X不是Y”? “X是不是Y?” structure is used, etc. 2 Of course, this frame neglects some secondary factors concerned with buying behavior or situation, such as the purchase place, goods price, way to pay, etc. Also, buying behaviors in different societies and at different times may vary. 3 The italicized clauses are the target clauses in the present study.

10 Conclusion

10.1 Summary of the study Public discourse is an ordinary language phenomenon in public spaces that serves the interests of the general public. Commercial public discourse (e.g., advertisements) provides various commercial information to attract consumers, while non-commercial discourse (e.g., slogans, journalistic discourse) advocates proper conduct, such as calling for conformity to moral order, prohibiting socially harmful behaviors (Zhang, 2000), transmitting various news, and conveying certain attitudes or stances. The usage of public discourse varies in different cultures, eras, regions, and communities and thus, to some extent, manifests cultural, temporal, regional, or communal features. Public discourse constitutes the linguistic environment of a society. As part of a social environment, it is a form of soft power that may largely reflect the degree of spiritual civilization of a society and influence its international or public image. Extensively used in all kinds of public places, it influences the general population on a wide range of issues. Therefore, research on the proper and normative usage of public discourse is of vital social significance as well as of genuine necessity. This book explored a variety of public discourse from a critical pragmatic perspective. It filled in two research gaps. One was the objective of our study – public discourse, a form of language use that had not been adequately emphasized or explored in pragmatics. The other was the perspective of our study – critical pragmatics, a perspective that had not been adequately developed or applied in pragmatics. Thus, this book provided an empirical and critical investigation into a range of important issues of public discourse in the Chinese context, such as the social mentalities behind business names, pragmatic traps in commercial advertisements, suspected discrimination in news reports, personalization features, and trends in advertising discourse, (non-)civility in public discourse, particularly slogans, and the subjectivity of reporters in journalistic discourse. It is hoped that this study would offer some objective and professional suggestions for the pragmatic construction of public discourse and the gradual development of pragmatic civilization.

Conclusion

167

10.2 Main findings and implications of the study 10.2.1 Social mentalities behind business names in the Chinese context This study took the shop names in the city of Nanjing as the data source. The result appeared to indicate the following three social mentalities behind the naming of businesses in China: a) a craving for individuality (for example, unlike bygone days, hotels, and beauty salons now do not use unified common names. Rather, they choose to use varied common names, with some even abandoning the use of common names altogether; place names, industry names, and enterprise names are seldom used. On the other hand, business names that reflect their owners’ individuality are used); b) an emphasis on taste and fashion (e.g., the use of common names displaying status and class; the dependence on the transmission of connotations and concepts; the pursuit of internationalization and exoticism; and an emphasis on professional traits); and c) the preference for beauty over function. 10.2.2 “Negative adaptation” in Chinese public discourse This study revealed a pragmatic phenomenon that existed in Chinese public discourse that we termed “negative adaptation”. Initially, an investigation into the naming of Chinese shops revealed a few undesirable features, such as vulgar taste, a tendency towards xenocentrism and the blind pursuit of novelty. From the perspective of Adaptation Theory, it was argued that these problems stem from the shop-owners’ practice of “negative adaptation”. In other words, to attract consumers, they blindly adapt to some negative and vulgar contextual elements (such as a negative and gloomy outlook on value and life), including: a) idolizing exotic cultures, b) appreciating bizarreness, c) pursuing vanity, and d) respecting emperors. Our interviews also revealed that bizarre and exotic names are actually, on the whole, not popular with consumers. The naming of shops should follow certain basic rules and the requirements of relevant laws and regulations. Second, the book showcased the various “pragmatic traps” that lie behind some Chinese advertisements. These “suspected” traps included: “deictic traps”, “presuppositional traps”, “implicature traps”, “elliptical traps”, “ambiguity traps”, “fuzziness traps”, “politeness traps”, etc. Moreover, a case study of property advertisements unveiled the linguistic “tricks” of real estate agents who violate the Cooperative Principle to trick consumers, for the sake of profit. It is worth noting that some real estate agents displayed a superficial politeness to consumers, which is primarily benefit-driven rather than out of a sense of sincerity and thus is a “negative adaptation” to their desire for material benefits. Third, in view of the suspected discrimination in Chinese public discourse, we explored a controversial street banner (“Resolutely crack down on extortion gangs from X Province”), online news regarding the “post-90s” and news reports

168

Conclusion

containing “也” (“also”). The discussion indicated that these cases of public discourse could passively trigger discriminatory interpretations because of their inappropriate usage of deictic expressions, presupposition, and so on. It is possible that the discourse producers in these cases may not support discrimination themselves, but their language use could cause an “unexpected” interpretation. Our interviews further proved the interpretive analysis based on related pragmatic theories. However, since language not only reflects but also constructs social reality, the “suspected discrimination” observed could stabilize, or even worsen, social discrimination in everyday life; lead to a deterioration in the living environments of discriminated social groups; and result in conflict amongst social groups, thus negatively influencing the construction of a harmonious society. It was thus argued that improving the awareness of language users, and even rectifying their ideology, is vitally important to the efforts being made to eradicate the social bias manifested in public discourse. Relevant departments, as administrators of public discourse, should learn these lessons and prevent similar problems from arising. Journalists, as producers of various “discriminatory” discourse, should cease their irresponsible utilization of language for eye-catching effect and increasing internet hits, as such use only adds fuel to the fire of social inequality. Language researchers, as theoreticians, should place journalists in a critical position and urge them to construct a harmonious language context through the positive use of language, thereby eliminating linguistic bias. In addition, we discovered the existence of negative and uncivilized socialpragmatic phenomena in Chinese public discourse (mostly advertising discourse), which ran counter to the direction of spiritual civilization construction being promoted in the country. Despite their low frequency of occurrence, uncivilized words and phrases containing vulgar, inferior, indecent, abnormal, and barbaric content could prove harmful to the formation of proper life values, the construction of spiritual civilization and the healthy growth of juveniles. Some advertising or propaganda discourse, while perhaps achieving their material goals within certain temporal or spatial spheres, would not have favorable and long-lasting social benefits. On the contrary, they would stigmatize the image of their producers, and even that of the cities and communities concerned. For the promotion of linguistic civilization and the improvement of social spiritual civilization, the author maintained that relevant departments should strengthen the regulation of public discourse and forbid any unsatisfactory and uncivilized discourse, while at the same time advocating progressive discourse practices. 10.2.3 The civilized usage of Chinese public discourse Through the investigation of a substantial quantity of data (and in particular three cases concerning city slogans and public signs, property management signs in a teaching building and traffic signs), this study manifested the civilized and healthy condition of various forms of Chinese public discourse. It was argued that such discourses represent a fundamental trend of language use that is adaptive to the requirements of modern societal civilization. Civilized public discourse in the

Conclusion

169

Chinese context presents the following features: a) humanity, b) sentiment and beauty, c) recipient orientation, and so on. These civilized public discourses transmit and highlight positive values and emotions and thus can achieve favorable pragmatic effects. 10.2.4 Subjectivity in Chinese journalistic discourse By exploring the subjectivity of public discourse, particularly in journalistic discourse, the study revealed various types of subjectivity hidden in news reports from different perspectives. The analysis concerned negative sentences in news headlines that embodied pragmatic presupposition, perspective taking in headline design from a cognitive perspective and frame, and involvement markers from the perspective of Adaptation Theory. It was indicated that journalists manifest themselves through different discursive means in order to realize various functions such as attracting readers. Unlike those who have historically placed an emphasis on objectivity, contemporary reporters or journalists tend to perform other functions in addition to reporting (for example, negative sentences in report headlines can help clarify wrong opinions, alert and warn, convey new opinions, etc.); highlight a personal stance (for example, the choice of different perspectives reflects the journalists’ priorities); and manifest personal emotions (for example, the use of various involvement markers in disaster news report reflects the journalists’ empathy and compassion for casualties). Such subjectivity in news reports reflects, to some extent, that journalists strive to shorten the distance between themselves and their readers. The author contended that this act should be encouraged because it is a manifestation of reader-centered orientation, i.e., treating readers as communicative targets with emotion and stance, instead of treating them as unfamiliar recipients. 10.2.5 Personal features and the trend towards personalization in Chinese public discourse Another finding of this study is the personalized feature of Chinese public discourse on a synchronic level and the trend towards personalization on a diachronic level. Specifically, taking the case of print advertising discourse as an example, the increasing level of personalization was demonstrated by an increasing frequency of occurrence of personalized speech acts, personal deixis, and politeness strategies. Thus, personal involvement was found to be an increasing trend in advertising discourse. It suggested that public discourse producers tended to approach their communicative targets on a personal basis, instead of in a general, non-personal manner. In the case of commercial advertisements, such personalization of public discourse was a pragmatic strategy for commercial purposes. What lay behind the personalization of advertising discourse was the active adaptation of advertisers to the needs of their consumers, such as seeking care and intimacy during interaction. In contrast, the mixed use of interactive language features, such as the performance of advising speech acts and the use of the second-person

170

Conclusion

pronoun “您” (honorific “you”), instead of a simple and objective style in weather forecasting, represented the producer’s care and concern for the general public.

10.3 Limitations of the study and future directions of research Public discourse is an all-inclusive topic. Due to limited time and resources, the genres of Chinese public discourse involved in this study only covered business names, advertisements, news, signs, slogans, etc. Other forms of public discourse were only mentioned briefly. Future research could broaden the scope of public discourse, extending discussion to other forms such as social service discourse and tourist discourse. In terms of research content, this study only investigated the naming issue, suspected discrimination and fraud, civility, personalization, and subjectivity. Further topics are also worth researching from a critical pragmatic perspective, such as hegemony, injustice, and marginalization in public discourse. With regards to methodology, the data samples in this book were not sufficiently large or representative because they only involved a few cities and towns in China. Thus, the conclusions and implications that are drawn in this book might not be representative of China as a whole but can only be used as a source of reference for relevant departments and other researchers. It would be expected that future research would use a larger data sample and more methods of data collection and analysis. For the above reasons, the present book is best viewed as a starting point for the critical pragmatic analysis of public discourse. We look forward to further extensive and intensive research on this issue, which is of wide societal and academic significance.

Appendices

Appendix 1 Survey of hotel names in Nanjing

1 南京夫子庙青年旅舍 Nanjing Confucius Temple Youth Hostel 2 南京国际青年旅舍 Nanjing International Youth Hostel 3 南京大学南苑宾馆 Nanjing University Nanyuan Guesthouse 4 南京瞻园国际青年旅舍 Nanjing Zhanyuan International Youth Hostel 5 南京中山陵国际青年旅舍 Nanjing Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum International Youth Hostel 6 江苏国贸国际大酒店 Jiangsu Guomao International Grand Hotel 7 南京石头城青年旅舍 Nanjing Stone City Youth Hostel 8 南京师范大学招待所 Nanjing Normal University Resthouse 9 南京丹凤国际青年旅馆 Nanjing Danfeng International Youth Hostel 10 南京华能苑饭店 (2) Nanjing Huanengyuan Restaurant 11 宜家旅店 Yijia Restaurant

174 Appendices 12 华山饭店 (3) Huashan Restaurant 13 旅友之家经济型旅馆 Tourists’ Home Economical Hostel 14 南京大吉温泉度假村 Nanjing Daji Spring Holiday Village 15 华达宾馆 (3) Huada Hotel 16 华江饭店 (3) Huajiang Restaurant 17 仙林宾馆 (3) Xianlin Guesthouse 18 台北沃阁恋馆 Taipei Woge Love Mansion 19 西康宾馆 (4) Xikang Guesthouse 20 金鹰珠江壹号国际酒店 (5) Jinying Zhujiang No.1 International Hotel 21 金梦都宾馆(4) Golden Dream Guesthouse 22 仙人湖度假村 Xianren Lake Holiday Village 23 西苑宾馆(2) Xiyuan Guesthouse 24 百家湖度假村 Baijia Lake Holiday Village 25 汤山一号温泉度假区 Tangshan No. 1 Spring Holiday Resort 26 钟山宾馆(4) Nanjing Zijin Mountain Hotel

Appendices 175 27 南京水游城假日酒店(4) Nanjing Water Tour City Holiday Hotel 28 华东饭店(4) Nanjing Huadong Hotel 29 金盾饭店(3) Jindun Restaurant 30 金陵饭店(5) Jinling Hotel 31 金陵江滨国际会议中心酒店(5) Jinling Riverside International Convention Center Hotel 32 南京师范大学南山宾馆 Nanjing Normal University Nanshan Guesthouse 33 汤山颐尚温泉度假村 Tangshan Yishang Spring Holiday Village 34 京西宾馆 Jingxi Guesthouse 35 南京金丝利喜来登酒店(5) Nanjing Kingsley Sheraton Hotel 36 瑞迪大酒店 (3) Ruidi Grand Hotel 37 巴厘原墅SPA温泉酒店 Bali Villa SPA Spring Hotel 38 状元楼西苑宾馆 Zhuangyuanlou Xiyuan Guesthouse 39 花神国际大酒店(4) Flora International Grand Hotel 40 紫金山庄(5) Zijin Mountain Villa 41 南京师大家庭旅馆 Nanjing Normal University Homely Hostel

176 Appendices 42 台北沃阁商旅 Taibei Woge Business Hostel 43 扬子宾馆(3) Yangzi Guesthouse 44 清安旅馆 Qing’an Hostel 45 南总招待所 Nanzong (Nanjing General Hospital) Resthouse 46 五月花宾馆(3) May Flower Guesthouse 47 南京地质古生物研究所招待所 Nanjing Geology and Paleobiology Institute Resthouse 48 苏友商务酒店 Suyou Business Hotel 49 清竹之星快捷酒店 Qingzhu Star Express Inn 50 金水湾国际度假村 Jinshuiwan International Holiday Village 51 南冷招待所 Nanleng Resthouse 52 东南大学文园宾馆 Southeast University Wenyuan Guesthouse 53 南京状元楼大酒店 (5) Nanjing Zhuangyuanlou Grand Hotel 54 丽堤汽车旅馆 Lidi Motor Hotel 55 南京365酒店公寓 Nanjing 365 Hotel Apartment 56 南京星湖饭店 (3) Nanjing Xinghu Restaurant

Appendices 177 57 金陵晶元大酒店 (4) Jinling Jingyuan Grand Hotel 58 万好万家快捷酒店 Wanhaowanjia Express Hotel 59 名人岛度假村 Mingrendao Holiday Village 60 文丰招待所 Wenfeng Resthouse 61 馨超旅馆 Xinchao Hostel 62 南京爱涛利园大酒店 (3) Nanjing Aitao Liyuan Grand Hotel 63 金谷大厦(2) Golden Valley Edifice 64 东南大学格林宾馆 Southeast University Green Guesthouse 65 龙庭宾馆 Longting Guesthouse 66 南京古都饭店(2) Nanjing Gudu Restaurant 67 百草园宾馆 Baicaoyuan Guesthouse 68 汤山香樟华萍度假酒店 Tangshan Camphor Huaping Holiday Hotel 69 古佳旅馆 Gujia Hostel 70 小厨娘(青龙山庄) Little Cook Maid (Qinglong Mountain Villa) 71 江苏新世纪大酒店(4) Jiangsu New Century Grand Hotel

178 Appendices 72 南京古南都饭店(5) Nanjing Grand Restaurant 73 南京金太隆国际酒店 (3) Nanjing Jintailong International Hotel 74 凤西宾馆 (3) Fengxi Guesthouse 75 南京紫京饭店(原紫金宾馆) (2) Nanjing Zijing Restaurant (originally Zijin Guesthouse) 76 南京农业科技大厦 (4) Nanjing Agricultural Science and Technology Edifice 77 金陵之星大酒店 (4) Jinling Star Grand Hotel 78 儒林酒店 Rulin Hotel 79 天沁旅社 Tianqin Hostel 80 蓝色快舟都市旅店 Blue Fast Boat City Hostel 81 529公馆酒店(3) 529 Mansion Hotel 82 豪威银牛度假酒店 Haowei Yinniu Holiday Hotel 83 南京医科大学康达宾馆 Nanjing Medical University Kangda Guesthouse 84 东郊国宾馆(5) East Suburb National Guesthouse 85 将军山休闲度假山庄大酒店 Jiangjun Mountain Holiday Mountain Villa Hotel 86 荣峰大酒店 Rongfeng Grand Hotel

Appendices 179 87 明故宫大酒店(1) Ming Palace Grand Hotel 88 银茂宾馆 Yinmao Guesthouse 89 御华庭快捷酒店 Yuhuating Express Inn 90 南京侨鸿皇冠假日酒店(5) Crowne Plaza Nanjing Hotel and Suites 91 翰苑大厦(4) Hanyuan Edifice 92 城市名人酒店(5) Celebrity City Hotel 93 南京曙光国际大酒店 (5) Nanjing Twilight International Grand Hotel 94 南京青旅宾馆 Nanjing Youth Travel Guesthouse 95 南京空港宾馆 (3) Nanjing Konggang Guesthouse 96 好懒人家短租公寓 Short-rented Apartment for the Lazy 97 东宫大酒店 (2) East Palace Grand Hotel 98 南京索菲特银河大酒店 (5) Nanjing Sofitel Galaxy Grand Hotel 99 玄武饭店 (5) Xuanwu Restaurant 100 龙珠宾馆 (3) Longzhu Guesthouse 101 天笑旅社 Tianxiao Hostel

180 Appendices 102 龙门宾馆 Longmen Guesthouse 103 草场阁宾馆 Caochangge Guesthouse 104 国信大酒店 (4) The Trustel 105 江苏文苑宾馆 (3) Jiangsu Wenyuan Guesthouse 106 秀军招待所 Xiujun Resthouse 107 金色时光假日宾馆 (3) Golden Time Holiday Guesthouse 108 格兰德威尔·丽景国际酒店 (5) Grand View International Hotel 109 开元国际莱茵达酒店 (2) Kaiyuan International Lander Hotel 110 双门楼宾馆 (3) Shuangmenlou Guesthouse 111 东部山庄 East Mountain Villa 112 海天一色商务宾馆 The Melting Sea and Sky Business Guesthouse 113 南京金色世纪缘大酒店 Nanjing Jinseshijiyuan Hotel 114 天宫饭店 (3) Heavenly Palace Restaurant 115 宜必思中华路酒店 Ibis Zhonghua Road Hotel 116 华美达怡华酒店 (4) Ramada Yihua Hotel

Appendices 181 117 凤凰台饭店 (4) Phoenix Place Hotel 118 南京古南都明基酒店 (3) Nanjing Gunandu Mingji Hotel 119 丽锦花园酒店 (3) Lijin Garden Hotel 120 南京维景国际大酒店 (5) Grand Metropark Hotel Nanjing 121 明都凤凰台饭店 (4) Mingdu Phoenix Place Hotel 122 江苏科技大厦酒店 (3) Jiangsu Science and Technology Edifice Hotel 123 南京金鹏饭店 (2) Nanjing Jinpeng Restaurant 124 公安厅扬州路招待所 Public Security Bureau Yangzhou Road Resthouse 125 南京儿童医院招待所 Nanjing Children’s Hospital Resthouse 126 九龙湖宾馆 (4) Jiulonghu Guesthouse 127 江苏华盈国际酒店 (4) Jiangsu Huaying International Hotel 128 山水大酒店 (4) Nanjing Shanshui Hotel

Appendix 2 Survey of beauty and hair salon names in Nanjing

1 金夫人美容健身有限公司 Madame King Beauty and Fit Company Limited 2 金陵尹秀芝美容美发中心 Jinling Yin Xiuzhi Beauty and Hairdressing Center 3 施采莲美容美体中心 Shi Cailian Beauty and Body Care Center 4 浪漫一身美容中心 All Romance Beauty Care Center 5 悠兰男士理容名店 Youlan Men’s Hairdressing Famous Shop 6 常喜专业发型设计 Changxi Professional Hair Design 7 博爱光子美容中心 Bo’ai Photon Technology Beauty Care Center 8 雅梦美容中心 Yameng Beauty Care Center 9 晴立形象设计中心 Qingli Image Design Center 10 斯可因美容美体有限责任公司 Skin Beauty and Body Care Company Limited 11 朝晕美容连锁有限公司 Zhaoyun Beauty Care Chain Company Limited

Appendices 183 12 香港超妍美容集团有限公司 Hongkong Super Yeon Beauty Care Group Company Limited 13 特莱维女士专业护肤中心 Trevi Women’s Professional Skin Care Center 14 新概念发型设计中心 New Concept Hair Design Center 15 刘远平中医美容院 Liu Yuanping Herbal Medicine Beauty Care Salon 16 佐登妮丝·索菲娜美容SPA生活馆 Zodnis Sophina Beauty Care SPA Life Hall 17 天韵美容美发 Tianyun Beauty and Hairdressing 18 香住SPA Xiangzhu SPA 19 名媛女子SPA健康生活馆 SPA Healthy Life Hall 20 佩佩美容美体中心 Peipei Beauty and Body Care Center 21 魅力千点艺术形象设计中心 Meili Qiandian Artistic Image Design Center 22 真羽女子美容 Zhenyu Women’s Beauty and Hair Salon 23 雅乔美容美发院 Yaqiao Beauty and Hair Salon 24 周怡伶中药美容 Zhou Yiling Herbal Medicine Beauty Care 25 名园美容院 Mingyuan Beauty and Hair Salon 26 军松美容美发保健中心 Junsong Beauty and Hairdressing Center

184 Appendices 27 1+1美容护肤中心 1+1 Beauty and Skin Care Center 28 新岛美容美发中心 New Island Beauty and Hairdressing Center 29 乔娜专业美容院 Jona Professional Beauty and Hair Salon 30 晓汤专业美容护肤中心 Xiaotang Professional Beauty and Skin Care Center 31 靓肤美容院 Skin Beautifying Beauty and Hair Salon 32 宁静港湾美容美发店 Quiet Harbor Beauty and Hair Salon 33 知足常乐美容美发休闲超市 Gratification and Happiness Beauty and Hairdressing Leisure Supermarket 34 蓝心美容院 Blue Heart Beauty and Hair Salon 35 雪映源美容院 Xueyingyuan Beauty and Hair Salon 36 甜梦湾美容中心 Sweet Dream Harbor Beauty Care Center 37 莹肌美容店 Glistening Skin Beauty Care Shop 38 康宁女子美容沙龙 Kangning Women’s Beauty and Hair Salon 39 多多美容院 Duoduo Beauty and Hair Salon 40 美朵美容护肤中心 Meiduo Beauty and Skin Care Center 41 情人女子护肤中心 Mistress and Lady Skin Care Center

Appendices 185 42 可诺丹婷美容美体中心 Kenuo Danting Beauty and Body Care Center 43 品蓦自然美美容中心 Pinmy Natural Beauty Beauty and Hair Salon 44 妮玲美容院 Niling Beauty and Hair Salon 45 王氏美容院 Wang’s Beauty and Hair Salon 46 金安美容美发 Jin’an Beauty and Hair Care 47 熬·韵·诗美颜中心 Torture· Charm · Poetry Beauty Care Center 48 玉容堂美容中心 Yurongtang Beauty Care Center 49 夏耐尔美颜美体沙龙 Chanel Beauty and Body Care Salon 50 秋韵美容院 Qiuyun Beauty and Hair Salon 51 佳宝超妍美容 Jiabao Chaoyan Beauty and Hair Salon 52 宝乐第一绅士 Baole First Gentleman 53 银河美容 Milky Way Beauty and Hair Salon 54 天妍美容院 Tianyan Beauty and Hair Salon 55 蕾丝美容瘦身院 Lace Beauty and Weight-loss Salon 56 玉颜美容院 Jade Face Beauty and Hair Salon

186 Appendices 57 蓉益堂 Rongyi Hall 58 蓝玫瑰美容美发中心 Blue Rose Beauty and Hairdressing Center 59 宝丽来香氛美容SPA Polaroid Fragrance Beauty SPA 60 欧尚美容美发店 Oushang Beauty and Hairdressing Shop 61 容华肤贵美容美发 Ronghua Fugui Beauty and Hairdressing 62 品味女人美容院 Savoring Women Beauty and Hair Salon 63 圣梦美容院 Sacred Dream Beauty and Hair Salon 64 漫步人生美容美发店 Walk through Life Beauty and Hairdressing Shop 65 凡尔赛美容院 Versailles Beauty and Hair Salon 66 流金岁月美容院 Golden Time Beauty and Hair Salon 67 夫丽永恒女子美容中心 Enduring Skin Beauty Women’s Beauty Care Center 68 蝶曼美容院 Dieman Beauty and Hair Salon 69 施彩苑美容中心 Shicaiyuan Beauty Care Center 70 洛丽塔美容美体中心 Lolita Beauty and Body Care Center 71 喜芙浓美容院 Xifunong Beauty and Hair Salon

Appendices 187 72 巴黎春天美容美体SPA中心 Paris Spring Beauty and Body Care SPA Center 73 永顺美容美发 Yongshun Beauty and Hairdressing 74 佳秀吉美颜中心 Jiaxiu Jimei Face Beautifying Center 75 汇丽堂美容塑身中心 Huilitang Beauty and Body Care Center 76 活夫专业护肤中心 Huofu Professional Skin Care Center 77 御术美容商行 Yushu Beauty Trading Company 78 方跃美容美发设计中心 Fangyue Beauty and Hair Design Center 79 亮肤美容美体健康中心 Shining Skin Beauty and Body Care Center 80 华慧美容院 Huahui Beauty and Hair Salon 81 金夫人美容美体中心 Madame King Beauty and Body Care Center 82 台视美美容美发中心 Taishimei Beauty and Hairdressing Center 83 雅香莱美容院 Yaxianglai Beauty and Hair Salon 84 蕾馨美容护肤中心 Leixin Beauty and Skin Care Center 85 丽源美容店 Liyuan Beauty Care Shop 86 凝美·碧斯美容美体生活馆 Ningmei· Bisi Beauty and Body Care Life Hall

188 Appendices 87 名媛坊美容美发艺术中心 Women of Quality Beauty and Hairdressing Artistic Center 88 雪肤美容中心 Snowy Skin Beauty Care Center 89 奇致光子技术美容美体中心 Qizhi Photon Technology Beauty and Body Care Center 90 卓而欣美容丽舍 Zhuo’er’xin Beauty and Hair Salon 91 珊珊美容美发 Shanshan Beauty and Hairdressing 92 玉皇美容美发 Jade Emperor Beauty and Hair Care 93 米兰美容院 Milan Beauty and Hair Salon 94 伊人美容美发设计中心 Yiren Beauty and Hair Design Center 95 蓝湾丽岛美容会所 Blue Harbor and Beautiful Island Beauty Club 96 恒月美容院 Hengyue Beauty and Hair Salon 97 卫风美容院 Weifeng Beauty and Hair Salon 98 神草美容院 Flora Beauty and Hair Salon 99 慕容莱美容美体养护中心 Murong Lai Beauty and Body Care Center 100 淑静美容美发中心 Shujing Beauty and Hairdressing Center 101 美华美容院 Meihua Beauty and Hair Salon

Appendices 189 102 非主流发型店 Non-mainstream Hair Salon 103 秀之最发型设计 Xiuzhizui Hair Design 104 春风发艺 Spring Wind Hair Design 105 周明荣造型设计工作室 Zhou Mingrong Hair Design Studio 106 泡普POP美发沙龙 Paopu POP Hair Studio 107 秀发艺发屋 Xiufayi Hair Studio 108 艺之剪发廊 Yizhijian Hair Studio 109 流行线发型设计中心 Fashion Line Hair Design Center 110 飞罗丝飞 (沙宣) 美发沙龙 Feiluosifei (Sassoon) Hair Salon 111 阿玲国际美容美发 A Ling International Beauty and Hairdressing 112 沙宣理念 Sassoon Concept 113 触发点发型创意中心 Triggering Point Hair Innovation Design Center 114 旭成美场发型设计中心 Xucheng Meichang Hair Design Center 115 芳芳发屋 Fangfang Hair Studio 116 春天发型设计 Spring Hair Design

190 Appendices 117 鼎艺发型中心 Dingyi Hair Design Center 118 华仔发型 Huazai Hair Design 119 浪涛发型 Tide Hair Design 120 巨涛发型 Jutao Hair Design (Note: The English versions provided may not be the English names used by the shops.)

Appendix 3 Websites of the network data used in this study

www.795.com.cn/wz/81548.html www.795.com.cn/wz/14732.html http://news.163.com/09/0511/22/592N9I9B00011229.html http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_5ecf6f260100cfq0.html http://hi.baidu.com/gtwol/blog/item/83b77922bc3c3f599822ed88.html www.gyyz.org/Article/HTML/622.html www.ce.cn/xwzx/shgj/gdxw/201010/22/t20101022_21910260_6.shtml www.ce.cn/xwzx/shgj/gdxw/201010/22/t20101022_21910260_7.shtml www.ce.cn/xwzx/shgj/gdxw/201010/22/t20101022_21910260_8.shtml www.ce.cn/xwzx/shgj/gdxw/201010/22/t20101022_21910260_10.shtml www.ce.cn/xwzx/shgj/gdxw/201010/22/t20101022_21910260_12.shtml http://hn.rednet.cn/c/2010/11/18/2115074.htm http://365jia.cn/news/2010-04-06/9614830575299B2E.html http://hi.baidu.com/789anranblog/blog/item/65ec57e803032f35b90e2d6e.html http://k.pcbaby.com.cn/question/1408923.html http://news.cn.yahoo.com/newspic/news/10084/17/ http://news.163.com/09/0414/22/56T462RJ000120GR.html http://say.cqnews.net/cj/201010/t20101003_4637466.htm www.PD.xinhuanet.com/qd/2010-07/20/content_20385466.htm http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2010-06-04/024817606903s.shtml www.795.com.cn/wz/14736.html http://club.sohu.com/read_elite.php?b=womenclu&a=4257308 http://news.163.com/10/0520/02/673IBUK700014AED.html www.sznews.com/humor/2010-10/27/content_5030686_2.htm http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_58947782010005i3.html www.china.com.cn/city/txt/2007-06/27/content_8448562.htm www.dzswpx.cn/pxzx/wdyy/2009/06/13/2009061300004.shtml http://news.cnnb.com.cn/system/2010/02/26/006433449.shtml

Appendix 4 Reports of vulgar advertisement recognition and evaluation1

1

How often do you come across vulgar advertisements? number options

2

polls

percentage

1

almost never

6

6.52%

2

seldom

22

23.9%

3

sometimes

39

42.3%

4

often

18

19.5%

5

very frequently

7

7.60%

In what kind of media have you found vulgar advertisements? number options

polls

percentage

1

TV

34

36.9%

2

Newspapers

39

42.3%

3

Magazines

28

30.4%

4

Internet

20

21.7%

5

Outdoor advertisements

10

10.8%

6

Broadcast

7

7.60%

7

Cell phone

10

10.8%

8

Media on transport vehicles (such as subways, buses, taxies, etc.)

6

6.52%

9

Others

3

3.26%

Appendices 193 3

What is your attitude towards the following factors? (a) Sex-related factors number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

17

18.4%

2

Do not care

33

35.8%

3

Somewhat dislike

28

30.4%

4

Dislike very much

9

9.78%

5

Bitterly dislike

5

5.43%

(b) Propagating feudalism and superstition number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

15

16.3%

2

Do not care

26

28.2%

3

Somewhat dislike

32

34.7%

4

Dislike very much

11

11.9%

5

Bitterly dislike

8

8.69%

(c) Threatening number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

18

19.5%

2

Do not care

19

20.6%

3

Somewhat dislike

29

31.5%

4

Dislike very much

16

17.3%

5

Bitterly dislike

10

10.8%

194 Appendices (d) Excessive exaggeration number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

12

13.0%

2

Do not care

26

28.2%

3

Somewhat dislike

29

31.5%

4

Dislike very much

22

23.9%

5

Bitterly dislike

3

3.26%

(e) The intention is unclear, unintelligible number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

21

22.8%

2

Do not care

22

23.9%

3

Somewhat dislike

27

29.3%

4

Dislike very much

19

20.6%

5

Bitterly dislike

3

3.26%

(f) Degrading competitors, self-glorification number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

16

17.3%

2

Do not care

26

28.2%

3

Somewhat dislike

27

29.3%

4

Dislike very much

15

16.3%

5

Bitterly dislike

8

8.69%

Appendices 195 g) Misleading view of life value number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

20

21.7%

2

Do not care

13

14.1%

3

Somewhat dislike

37

40.2%

4

Dislike very much

12

13.0%

5

Bitterly dislike

10

10.8%

(h) Poor taste number options

polls

percentage

1

Accept

15

16.3%

2

Do not care

17

18.4%

3

Somewhat dislike

31

33.6%

4

Dislike very much

19

20.6%

5

Bitterly dislike

10

10.8%

(i) Inappropriate star endorsements Number options

polls

Percentage

1

Accept

24

26.0%

2

Do not care

19

20.6%

3

Somewhat dislike

32

34.7%

4

Dislike very much

13

14.1%

5

Bitterly dislike

4

4.34%

Note 1 http://survey.idea360.net/Report/?Wid=11654

Appendix 5 Traffic signs in Chongqing

1 孩童路边走, 成人要牵手 (When children walk on the road, adults should hold their hands.) 2 人行道车莫占, 车行道人莫穿 (Sidewalks are not for cars; vehicle lanes are not for pedestrians.) 3 预防特大交通事故, 严禁“病车”上路, 不准客车超员 (Preventing fatal accidents; strictly prohibiting “sick” cars from running; no permission for overloading.) 4 关爱生命, 文明出行 (Cherish life and behave yourself when travelling.) 5 守交规, 迎春夏秋冬福, 保安全, 纳东西南北财 (Following rules, enjoy all year from spring to winter; ensuring safety, make fortune from west to east.) 6 修路铺桥造福社会, 超限超载贻害无穷 (Building bridges or paving roads contributes to society; over height or overloading causing endless trouble to society.) 7 前方施工, 请行人车辆注意安全 (Under construction ahead. Pedestrians must be cautious.) 8 前方施工, 行人请走对面人行道 (Under construction ahead. Pedestrians please take the opposite sidewalk.) 9 校园道路, 车辆慢行 (Roads on campus; cars should be slow.) 10 注意安全, 请走人行道 (Be cautious. Pedestrians take the sidewalks.) 11 温馨提示: 人行道上严禁停车, 24小时摄像纠违 (A warm reminder: No parking on the sidewalks. Camera shooting all day.) 12 消防通道, 严禁停车 (Firefighting access. No parking.) 13 前方潮汐车道, 请按交通信号行驶 (Tidal flow lane ahead. Please follow the instruction of traffic lights.) 14 心头常亮红绿灯, 安全行驶伴人生 (Keep the red and green lights in mind. Safe driving is always in hand.) 15 摄像纠违路段 (Camera shooting section.) 16 严禁摩托车车把上悬挂物品或安装遮雨伞 (Don’t hang anything or install an umbrella on the handlebar of a motorbike.) 17 各行其道, 文明行驶 (Take separate lanes; drive with good manners.) 18 机场路禁止货车通行 (Airport road, not for trucks.) 19 驾驶时禁止手持电话 (Don’t use your hand to make phone calls when driving.)

Appendices 197 20 祝您一路平安, 旅途愉快 (Wish you a safe and happy journey.) 21 请勿疲劳驾驶, 严禁超速 (Fatigued driving and speeding are strictly prohibited.) 22 追尾危险, 保持车距 (Be cautious of rear-end collision! Keep space.) 23 车距确认, 前方200米 (Keep space; 200 m clear ahead.) 24 严禁营运性摩托车, 出租车进入小区 (Passenger motorbikes or taxis are not allowed to enter.) 25 到八一路方向请走临江支路 (Go on to Bayi road here. Please take the way of Linjiang branch lane.) 26 长下坡 (Long slope) 27 前方多雾路段, 请您谨慎驾驶 (Foggy section ahead. Please be cautious.) 28 多雾路段, 减速开灯 (Foggy section. Slow down and light up.) 29 多雾路段, 前方1KM (Foggy section, 1 KM ahead.) 30 道路封闭 (Road blocked.) 31 双向通行, 仔细观察 (Two way flow. Be cautious.) 32 交警温馨提示: 进入休息区, 请按规定停车 (A warm reminder: Please follow the instructions about parking in the service area.) 33 110处 (出) 警通道, 严禁占用 (Police car lane; don’t block.) 34 违例停车 拖移 (No parking, or will be towed away.) 35 进库车辆注意: 待库门升起完毕后再进库 (Attention: wait until the door is completely rolled up.) 36 请拉好手刹、关闭门窗、收好天线、收拢反光镜、带上贵重物品 (Please pull the handbrake, shut the doors and windows, fold the antenna and reflectors, and take away all valuable belongings.) 37 车辆停稳后请注意倒车镜位置。严禁非存车人员进入设备内部。操作 运行前, 请确认设备内无人。请在设备运行停止后, 再存取车。车辆停 稳到位后, 请拉起手刹。(When the car completely stops, please check the position of reflectors. No admission except when parking cars. Before operating, make sure no other people are in it. Please wait until the facility stops completely. Then start to drive in or out. Please pull the handbrake up after parking.) 38 报警电话 TEL: (Alarm call. TEL:) 39 大型车靠右 (Oversized vehicles take the right lane.) 40 严禁烟火, 停车熄火, 禁打手机, 限速行驶 (No fireworks. No parking. Don’t make phone calls when driving. Don’t speed.) 41 前方学校, 请控制车速 (School ahead. Please control your speed.) 42 车辆、行人出入, 减速行驶 (Travelling vehicles and pedestrians ahead. Slow down.) 43 进入场镇, 减速慢行 (A town fair ahead. Slow down.) 44 西山坪隧道至草街站三米 (含三米) 以上货车禁止通行 (From Xishanping tunnel to Caojie stop, no admission for trucks over 3 (including 3) m in height.) 45 对超速50%以上的客车驾驶人, 一律吊销机动车驾驶证 (Overloading by more than 50%, the driver’s license will be suspended.)

198 Appendices 46 请系好安全带 (Please fasten the seatbelt.) 47 感谢您的光临, 祝您一路平安 (Thank you for coming. Wish you a safe journey.) 48 强制减速路段, 注意减速带 前方200米 (Compulsory slowing down section. Be cautious of the speed bumps, 200 m ahead.) 49 文明行车受欢迎, 安全驾驶合家欢 (Civilized driving manners are welcome; a safe drive ensures a happy family reunion.) 50 危险路段, 车辆慢行 (Dangerous section. Slow down.) 51 前方岔路口, 减速慢行 (Fork in the road ahead. Slow down.) 52 事故多发路段, 急弯路滑 (Accident-prone section, sharp turn, and slippery.) 53 长江大桥计量检测 前方400m (Measurement and detection for Yangtze River Bridge, 400m ahead.) 54 前方超限检测, 注意强光 (Over-limit detection ahead. Be cautious of strong light.) 55 严禁超速 严禁超重 (Speeding or overloading are strictly prohibited.) 56 桥梁维护, 严禁超速 (Bridge maintenance. No speeding.) 57 前方200m危岩路段, 左道封闭, 进入右道, 减速慢行 (200 m ahead dangerous rock section, the left lane closed. Take the right lane and pass slowly.) 58 危岩滑坡地段, 车辆行人请注意安全 (Dangerous rock and landslide section. Vehicles and pedestrians stay cautious.) 59 前方施工, 车辆慢行 (Under construction ahead. Vehicles slow down.) 60 前方学校, 车辆慢行 (School ahead. Vehicles slow down.) 61 前方车站, 减速慢行 (Station ahead. Slow down.) 62 道路施工, 车辆慢行, 注意安全 (Under construction. Slow down and be cautious.) 63 道路施工, 单向行驶 (Under construction, one-way lane.) 64 慢, 多雾路段 (SLOW! Foggy section.) 65 慢 (Slow) 66 内有学校, 车辆慢行 (School inside. Vehicles slow down.) 67 保持车距, 一车一杆 (Keep your distance. One car one bar.) 68 请开灯行驶 (Please keep your lights on.) 69 您一路辛苦了, 欢迎进入服务区 (You’ve had a long hard journey; Welcome to the service area.) 70 沉降观测路段 (Settlement observation section.) 71 客车靠左 货车靠右 (Coaches take the left lane, trucks the right lane.) 72 前方 雷达测速 移动摄像 (Radar speed detection and camera shooting ahead.) 73 左转车辆请直行 前方250米掉头 (Vehicles about to turn left please go ahead and make a U-turn 250 m later.) 74 文明行路路畅通, 平安回家家温馨 (Well-mannered driving makes all ways smooth; a safe journey promises a happy family reunion.) 75 交通法规人人遵守, 交通安全家家幸福 (Traffic rules are for all people to obey; traffic safety enables all families to reunite.) 76 洞内开灯行驶 (Keep lights on in the tunnel.)

Appendices 199 77 进入隧道, 开灯行驶 (Tunnel ahead. Turn your lights on.) 78 前方施工 2km (Under construction, 2 km ahead.) 79 服务区外禁止上下客 (New passengers are not permitted to get on or off outside the service area.) 80 2010年7月26日-9月30日, 青杠服务区改造施工, 车辆请至永川服务区 休息 (From July 26th to September 30th, Qinggang service area under construction. Please go to Yongchuan service area.) 81 青杠下道的超限车 (高4.5米, 宽2.5米) 请在丁家下道 (Over-limit (height 4.5m, breadth 1.5m) vehicles to get off the expressway at Qinggang, please get off at Dingjia.) 82 下坡长1.2km, 减速行驶 (Long slope, 1.2 km, slow down.) 83 上坡路段, 货车靠右行驶 (Steep section. Trucks take the right-hand lane.) 84 多雾路段 (Foggy section) 85 打击违法改装车辆, 保证公路安全畅通 (Illegal refitting of vehicles is strictly forbidden. Make sure the road is safe and unimpeded.) 86 不超速, 不超员, 不酒后驾驶, 不疲劳驾驶 (Don’t speed, overload, drive when drunk or fatigued.) 87 遵守交通法规, 平安与您同在 (Follow the traffic rules, and safety will follow you.) 88 全力整治道路秩序, 全面遏制重特大交通事故发生 (Try your best to enforce road orders and prevent any fatal accident from happening.) 89 谨慎驾驶, 安全第一 (Be cautious when driving; safety comes first.) 90 宁绕百步远, 不抢一步险 (Take another 100 steps around instead of leaving yourself open to danger by taking a shortcut.) 91 整治交通违法, 创建平安高速 (Eradicate illegal traffic conducts; guarantee safety on expressways.) 92 安全是幸福 (Safety means happiness.) 93 板桥匝道出口封闭, 车辆请提前出站 (The Banqiao ramp exit is closed. Vehicles in the station please get out in advance.) 94 全民共建和谐交通环境, 高速交警笑迎八方宾客 (All people co-construct a harmonious traffic environment; highway traffic officers warmly welcome guests from all around.) 95 维护交通安全, 关爱生命(Ensure traffic safety and cherish our lives.) 96 醉人驾车, 易成罪人 (Drunk drivers would very likely turn prisoners.) 97 勿以快慢论英雄, 安全行车最光荣上 (Not the faster the better, but the safer the better.) 98 宁绕百步远, 不冒一步险 (Take another 100 steps around instead of risking life by taking a dangerous shortcut.) 99 乱窜马路最危险 文明行路保安全 (Jaywalking is very dangerous. A civilized way of crossing is your choice.) 100 严禁逆向行车, 违者重罚 (Reverse driving is strictly prohibited or you will be severely punished.) 101 酒逢知己千杯少, 劝你车子不要跑 (Though a thousand cups of wine would not exhaust the longing between close friends, yet after that never drive.)

200 Appendices 102 安全在你脚下, 生命在你手中 (Safety is under your feet; life hangs in your hands.) 103 开车多一分小心, 家人多十分安心 (Pay more attention when driving; this relieves more worries from families.) 104 谨慎一路平安, 安全一家合欢 (Caution makes a safe journey; safety makes a happy family reunion.) 105 骑车莫大意, 安全记心间 (Don’t be careless when driving; safety should be always kept in mind.) 106 居安思危危自小, 有备无患患可除 (Caution keeps danger away; prevention gets rid of trouble beforehand.) 107 超载赚钱一时兴, 酿成车祸悔一生 (Overloading earns more money for one time; accidents from it makes one regret for the whole life.) 108 温馨提示: 为了您的乘车安全, 请乘坐安全、合法、正规的客运出 租车自觉抵制乘 坐非法客运车辆 (A warm reminder: for your safety, please take safe, legal, and qualified taxis and resist illegal and disqualified vehicles.) 109 抵制危险驾驶行为 (Give up dangerous ways of driving.) 110 加强城乡综合治理, 车辆停放朝向一致 (Carry further the comprehensive management of cities and the countryside; vehicles parking should be in order.) 111 关爱生命旅程, 构建和谐交通 (Cherish life in every journey; build a harmonious traffic environment.) 112 交警提示: 前方道路施工单向放行, 请自觉遵守交通安全法规, 违者严 肃处理！ (Reminder from the traffic police: under construction ahead. One-way flow. Please follow the traffic instructions and regulations, or you will be punished!) 113 公告: 自贡至荣县道路维修 车辆慢行 (Notice: the section from Zigong to Rongxian is under construction. Slow down.) 114 严厉打击冲关逃费违法行为 (The act of hitting the toll gate and refusing to pay the fees will be severely punished.) 115 故意堵塞收费道口, 强行冲卡、殴打收费人员, 破坏收费设施, 是违法 行为！(Acts like blocking the way deliberately or hitting the toll gate or fighting with the workers and damaging the facilities are all illegal!) 116 严禁横穿, 违者重罚 (Jaywalking is prohibited, or you will be severely punished.) 117 车不越线, 人不乱穿, 路无障碍, 秩序井然 (Cars run in their own lanes and pedestrians never jaywalk, or the roads will be impeded and disorderly.) 118 遵守交通安全法, 你我平安走天下 (Follow the traffic rules; all will travel far and wide.) 119 头盔虽小功能大, 骑乘莫忘带上它 (The helmet is small but important; don’t forget to wear it when you have a ride.) 120 贪一时之快, 悔一生之恨 (The immediate gratification of speeding might cause life-long regret.) 121 道路连着你我他, 安全系着千万家 (The roads connect you and me and safety is important to all families.)

Appendices 201 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150

超车道 (Overtaking lane) 行车道 (Regular lane) 应急停车道 (Emergency lane) 施工结束, 各行其道 (Construction completed. Take the normal lanes.) 前方施工, 车道合一 (Under construction ahead. All merge into one lane.) 事故多发段 险！滑！慢！(Accident-prone section. Dangerous! Slippery! Slow down!) 温馨提示: 进入市区, 请减速慢行, 注意行车安全 (A warm reminder: when approaching downtown, please slow down and be cautious.) 严禁超车, 违者后果自负 (No overtaking, or you will get a severe punishment.) 温馨提示: 前有急弯 请安全行驶 (A warm reminder: shape turn ahead. Be cautious.) 安全行驶, 预防重特大交通事故 (Drive alertly; prevent a fatal accident.) 三公里长下坡 坡险路陡, 谨慎行驶 (3 km long slope, dangerous; stay alert.) 路面沉陷, 前方100m变道 (Surface subsidence; change lane 100m ahead.) 十次事故九次快, 车辆慢行最安全 (Most accidents come from speeding; non-speeding guarantees a safe journey.) 公路整治, 车辆慢行 (Under construction. Pass slowly.) 前面塌方, 车辆慢行 (Cave-in ahead. Slow down.) 进入街道繁华路段雷达测速区域 (Entering busy street; radar speed detection section.) 交警提示: 前方陡坡急弯 (A warm reminder from the traffic police: steep slope and sharp turns.) 危岩地段, 注意安全 (Dangerous rock section. Stay alert.) 车上满员别去挤, 一旦出事害自己 (Don’t squash into a full-loaded coach; the consequence will be self-inviting damage.) 内有车辆出入, 注意安全 (Vehicles coming in and out; be cautious.) 滴酒不沾, 出行平安 (Never sip a drop of wine; driving will be safe and fine.) 右侧道封闭抢修, 请转至左侧道行驶 (The left lane closed for a rushed repair; please take the right lane.) 应急通道是紧急通道, 生命通道, 绿色通道, 严禁违法占用 (Emergency lane is for emergency. It is life passage and green passage. Illegal occupation is prohibited.) 以人为本, 珍惜生命 (Human-oriented, cherish life.) 雨天桥面路滑, 谨慎驾驶 (The bridge is slippery on rainy days; stay alert.) 行人进入高速公路属于违法行为 (Pedestrians accessing the highway is illegal.) 严禁客车在高速公路上乱停放上下乘客 (Passengers getting on or off on the highway is strictly prohibited.) 关爱生命, 注意安全, 行人切莫走高速公路 (Care for life and be cautious; pedestrians never access the highway.) 事故路段, 减速慢行 (Accident-prone section; slow down.)

202 Appendices 151 超速超载, 危机四伏 (Speeding or overloading is quite dangerous.) 152 雨雾天气, 减速慢行 (Rainy and foggy day; slow down.) 153 交通安全大整治, 交通事故严密防 (Carefully detect hidden traffic dangers; prevent accidents happening.) 154 急弯 减速 (Sharp turn; slow down.) 155 安全是生命之本, 违章是事故之源 (Life hangs on safety; accidents come from breaching rules.) 156 安全没有回头路, 事故没有后悔药 (Pay attention to safety; useless to shed tears when accidents have already happened.) 157 交警温馨提示: 为了您和家人的安全, 请安全行车 (A warm reminder from the traffic police: for your and your families’ safety, please be cautious.) 158 全路段注意落石 (Be cautious of rocks all along this section.) 159 事故多发路段 (Accident-prone section.) 160 安全与效益同在, 事故与损失同行 (Safety goes hand in hand with benefits; accidents go together with loss.) 161 关爱生命, 平安出行 (Love life; travel safely.) 162 但愿人长久, 一路共平安 (May you be blessed with longevity; travel through the entire journey safely.) 163 遵守交规, 储蓄安全 (Follow the traffic rules; safety guaranteed.) 164 一车生命握在手, 安全驾驶记心头 (The life of all passengers hangs in your hand; safety must be kept in mind.) 165 车速无限, 生命有限, 请勿超速 (The speed could be limitless, yet our life cannot be. No speeding.) 166 禁止低速超车 (The speed must be high enough when overtaking.) 167 1.7公里长下坡, 严禁空挡 (1.7 km long slope; don’t run in neutral gear.) 168 校门两侧 禁停车辆 禁设摊点 (Neither side of the school gate space is open to parking or idling.) 169 前方行人过街 (Pedestrians ahead.) 170 电子警察抓拍点 (Electric police shooting pictures.) 171 交通监控摄像点 (Traffic surveillance camera in operation.) 172 道路路基沉降观测路段 (Road bed settlement observation section.) 173 连续弯道 谨慎驾驶 (Continual turns; be cautious.) 174 滑坡路段车辆行人请快速通过 (Potential landslide section; vehicles, and pedestrians pass quickly.) 175 请自觉遵守校园交通秩序 (Please observe the traffic order on campus.) 176 摩托车必须靠道路右边行驶 (Motorbikes take the right lane.) 177 前方30米减速路拱 (30 m ahead road camber; slow down.) 178 红绿灯建设改造中 (Traffic light system being updated.) 179 慢行！此处有车通过 (Slow! Intersection for vehicles from different directions.) 180 车库通道 行人禁行 (Passage for entering garage. Pedestrians keep away.) 181 温馨提示: 您已进入摄像纠违路段 (A warming reminder: you are entering a section of camera monitoring.)

Appendices 203 182 缙麓商都车库车道严禁停车 (Passage for the garage of Jinlushangdu only. No parking.) 183 不准停车 (No parking.) 184 北碚 (地名) (Beibei, name of a place in Chongqing) 185 7:00–23:00 货车禁止通行 (Not for trucks from 7:00 to 23:00.)

孟加拉国强热带风暴死亡人数超过3000人 (The death toll from Bangladesh’s severe tropical storm is over 3,000) 安徽皖南和大别山区遭遇山洪和泥石流17人死亡 (17 People died in mountain torrents and mudslides in southern Anhui and Dabie mountains)

7

8

6

5

4

3

2

菲律宾受台风“米娜”影响9人丧生 (The Philippines struck by typhoon “Mina” and 9 lives lost) 肯尼亚西部7人死于霍乱 (Seven people died of cholera in western Kenya) 河北省发布大雾红色预警信号 10条高速公路 关闭 (A Red-Class heavy fog alert was announced in Hebei Province and ten highways were closed.) 罗莎致福建直接经济损失四点六亿 (Typhoon Krosa caused 4.6 billion direct economic loss to Fujian Province) “韦帕”强台风登陆苍南后带来险情 (Strong Typhoon Wipha made landfall in Cangnan, creating a dangerous situation there) 马来西亚暴雨成灾导致23人死亡 (Heavy rainstorm in Malaysia killed 23 people)

News headline

1

No.

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

Source

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural Disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster) 自然 (Natural disaster) 自然 (Natural disaster)

Category

Appendix 6 Information about the disaster news reports

合肥 (Hefei)

吉隆坡 (Kuala Lumpur) 达卡 (Dhaka)

温州 (Wenzhou)

福建 (Fujian)

马尼拉 (Manila) 内罗毕 (Nairobi) 石家庄 (Shijiazhuang)

Venue

7月22日 (Jul. 22nd)

11月20日 (Nov. 20th)

12月17日 (Dec. 17th)

9月19日 (Sep. 19th)

10月8日 (Oct. 8th)

12月23日 (Dec. 23rd)

12月18日 (Dec. 18th)

11月26日 (Nov. 26th)

Date

内蒙古煤矿瓦斯爆炸7人死亡16人逃生 (Gas explosion in a coal mine in Inner Mongolia caused 7 deaths and 16 survivals)

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

云南昭通遭受暴雨泥石流灾害已致14人死亡6人 失踪 (Zhaotong in Yunnan Province was hit by heavy rain and mudslide disaster, causing 14 deaths and 6 people missing) 乌干达16人死于埃博拉出血热 (16 Ugandan deaths from Ebola hemorrhagic fever) 冰风暴袭击美国中部至少14人死亡 (Ice storm hit Central America and caused at least 14 deaths.) 俄油轮遇风暴断裂致千吨原油泄漏 (Thousands of tons of crude oil leaked from Russian oil tankers due to storm breakage) 越南中部和北部地区发生洪灾 64人死亡 (Flooding in central and northern Vietnam caused 64 deaths) 飓风“洛伦索”造成墨西哥5人死亡 (Hurricane Lorenzo killed 5 people in Mexico) 飓风“费利克斯”肆虐中美洲造成百人死亡 (Hurricane Felix is wreaking havoc in Central America, causing hundreds of deaths) 四川特大暴雨洪涝已造成43人死亡1200万人受灾 (Heavy rainstorm and floods killed 43 and affected 12 million people in Sichuan Province) 新华时评: 大雾成灾暴露防灾薄弱环节 (Xinhua news review: Heavy fog developed into disaster, exposing weaknesses in disaster prevention) 尼日利亚霍乱疫情造成多人死亡 (Cholera outbreak in Nigeria caused multiple deaths)

9

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster) 自然 (Natural disaster) 自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster)

自然 (Natural Disaster)

自然 (Natural disaster) 人民网 (people.com) 自然 (Natural disaster)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

拉各斯 (Lagos) 内蒙古 (Inner Mongolia)

合肥 (Hefei)

成都 (Chengdu)

墨西哥城 (Mexico City) 中美洲 (Central America)

河内 (Hanoi)

坎帕拉 (Kampala) 华盛顿 (Washington) 俄罗斯 (Russia)

昆明 (Kunming)

(Continued)

8月25日 (Aug. 25th)

11月30日 (Nov. 30th)

12月24日 (Dec. 24th)

7月12日 (Jul. 12th)

9月7日 (Sep. 7th)

9月30日 (Sep. 30th)

10月10日 (Oct. 10th)

11月12日 (Nov. 12th)

12月11日 (Dec. 11th)

11月30日 (Nov. 30th)

8月27日 (Aug. 27th)

印度北方邦连环爆炸死伤人数升至73人 (The number of casualties amounted up to 73 due to a series of bombings in Uttar Pradesh, India) 详讯: 巴格达汽车炸弹爆炸造成约40人死伤 (News Details: A car bomb blast in Baghdad caused about 40 casualties) 山西左云“9•19”矿难被困矿工经核实为18人 (The number of trapped miners in the “9.19” mine disaster in Zuoyun, Shanxi Province was verified to be 18) 伊拉克发生路边炸弹袭击造成20余人死伤 (A roadside bomb attack in Iraq caused more than 20 casualties) 伊拉克至少有1770名平民8月死于暴力袭击 (At least 1,770 Iraqi civilians died in violent attacks in August) 美国发生枪击案造成4死2伤 (Gun attack in the United States caused four people dead and two wounded) 上海松江一出租房发生火灾造成6人死亡 (Six people were killed in a fire in a rental house in Songjiang, Shanghai) 法塔赫与哈马斯在加沙爆发冲突7人死亡 (Fights between Fatah and Hamas in Gaza caused 7 deaths) 云南临沧水电站坍塌事故确认5人死亡 (Five deaths were confirmed in the collapse of the Lincang Hydropower Station in Yunnan Province)

20

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

News headline

No.

(Continued)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

Source

人为 (Human – induced disaster) 人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

Category

拉姆安拉 (Ramallah) 昆明 (Kunming)

上海 (Shanghai)

华盛顿 (Washington)

巴格达 (Baghdad)

巴格达 (Baghdad)

山西 (Shanxi Province)

巴格达(Baghdad)

新德里 (New Delhi)

Venue

12月18日 (Dec. 18th)

11月12日 (Nov. 12th)

7月27日 (Jul. 27th)

7月23日 (Jul. 23rd)

9月1日 (Sep. 1st)

9月5日 (Sep. 5th)

9月25日 (Sep. 25th)

11月25日 (Nov. 25th)

11月24日 (Nov. 24th)

Date

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

中国近期发生6起烟花爆竹爆炸事故造成40人死 亡 (Six recent fireworks and firecrackers-induced explosions killed 40 people in China) 美国发生枪击案3人死亡 (Gun attack in the United States caused 3 deaths) 重庆秀山非法烟花爆竹爆炸事故死亡人数增 至17人 (The death toll from the explosion induced by fireworks and firecrackers in Xiushan County of Chongqing amounted up to 40) 洪洞“12.5”事故存在五大严重违法违规问题 (There were five serious illegal or irregular issues in Hongdong “12.5” accident) 广西三江侗族自治县火灾频发: 大火总烧在“伤 疤”上 (Fire, often burning on the “scar”, occurred frequently in Sanjiang Dong Autonomous County in Guangxi Province) 斯政府军同猛虎组织在北部激战75人伤亡 (Sri Lankan army fought fiercely with the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) in the North, resulting in 75 casualties) 详讯: 美科罗拉多州枪击案造成4人伤亡 (News Details: Gun attack in Colorado in the United States caused 4 casualties) 广西横县: 4村民上山葬坟被山火围困死亡 (Four villagers in Heng County in Guangxi Province went uphill to bury graves but lost their lives to wildfire) 人为 (Human – induced disaster) 人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人为 (Human – induced disaster)

人民网 (people.com) 人为 (Human – induced disaster)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

人民网 (people.com) 人为 (Human – induced disaster)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

新华网 (xinhuanet)

南宁 (Nanning)

华盛顿 (Washington)

科伦坡 (Colombo)

南宁 (Nanning)

洪洞 (Hongdong)

华盛顿 (Washington) 重庆 (Chongqing)

北京 (Beijing)

11月30日 (Nov. 30th)

12月9日 (Dec. 9th)

12月1日 (Dec. 1st)

11月23日 (Nov. 23rd)

12月9日 (Dec. 9th)

10月25日 (Oct. 25th)

11月29日 (Nov. 29th)

11月22日 (Nov. 22nd)

References

Ariel, M. (2010). Defining pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Arndt, H., & Janney, R. (1987). Intergrammar. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Atawneh, A. (2009). The discourse of war in the Middle East: Analysis of media reporting. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(2), 263–278. Austin, J. L. (1962). How to do things with words. London: Oxford University Press. Bakhtin, M. (1986). Speech genres and other late essays. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Bell, A. (1984). Language style as audience design. Language in Society, 13(2), 145–204. Bell, A. (1991). The language of news media. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bell, A. (2001). Back in style: Reworking audience design. In P. Eckert & J. R. Rickford (Eds.), Style and sociolinguistic variation (pp. 135–165). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Bhatia, V. K. (1999). Generic integrity in document design. Document Design, 1(3), 151–163. Bhatia, V. K. (2000). Genres in conflict. In A. Trosborg (Ed.), Analysing professional genres (pp. 147–162). Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Bhatia, V. K. (2004). Worlds of written discourse: A genre-based view. New York, NY: Continuum. Biber, D. (1988). Variation across speech and writing. Abingdon-on-Thames: Routledge. Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J. D. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press. Bousfield, D. (2008). Impoliteness in interaction. Philadelphia, PA and Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Bousfield, D., & Locher, M. (2008). Impoliteness in language: Studies on its interplay with power in theory and practice. Berlin and New York, NY: Mouton de Gruyter. Brookes, H. J. (1995). “Suit, tie and a touch of juju” – The ideological construction of Africa: A critical discourse analysis of news on Africa in the British press. Discourse & Society, 6(4), 461–494. Brown, P., & Levinson, S. (1978). Universals in language usage: Politeness phenomena. In E. N. Goody (Ed.), Questions and politeness: Strategies in social interaction (pp. 56–289). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, P., & Levinson, S. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Catenaccio, P. (2008). Press releases as a hybrid genre: Addressing the informative/promotional conundrum. Pragmatics, 18(1), 9–31.

References 209 Chafe, W. (1982). Integration and involvement in speaking, writing and oral literature. In D. Tannen (Ed.), Spoken and written language: Exploring orality and literacy (pp. 35–53). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Charaudeau, P., & Maingueneau, D. (2002). Dictionnaire d’Analyse du Discours (Dictionary of the analysis of discourse). Paris: Éditions du Seuil. Chen, C. (2007). The pragmatic functions of hedges in news discourse: A case study of Yangcheng Evening. Neimenggu Nongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Inner Mongolia University of Agriculture), (6), 373–375. Chen, J., & Xu, C. (2006). An adaptationist account of news headlines: A comparative study of the report on the same event in the domestic and overseas editions of People’s Daily. Jianghan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Jianghan University), (1), 88–92. Chen, L. H. (1997). On the construction of language civilization. Nanjing Gaoshi Xuebao (Journal of Nanjing Normal College), (2), 71–75. Chen, L. L. (2017). The discursive turn in the study of China’s image. Waiyu Xuekan (Foreign Language Research), (3), 33–37. Chen, M. Z. (2009). Multimodal CDA: A case study of a news photo in The Sun. Yibin Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Yibin College), (10), 87–90. Chen, Q. R. (2008). The evolution of the sentence-final “也” (“also”). Zhongguo Yuwen (Studies of the Chinese Language), (1), 28–39. Chen, X. R. (1994). The operation of economic principle in verbal communication. Waiyu Xuekan (Foreign Language Research), (1), 8–12, 59. Chen, X. R. (1998). Pragmatic presupposition in advertisements. Waiguoyu (Journal of Foreign Languages), (5), 54–57. Chen, X. R. (2001). A pragmatic study of Chinese public signs. Huawen Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu (Chinese Language Teaching and Research), (4), 58–65. Chen, X. R. (2004). On pragmatic balance. Waiyu Xuekan (Foreign Language Research), (6), 42–47. Chen, X. R. (2009). Critical pragmatics: Aims, targets, and methodologies. Waiyu Yu Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Languages and Their Teaching), (1), 10–12. Chen, X. R. (2013a). Public discourse from the perspective of critical pragmatics. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. Chen, X. R. (2013b). The trend of personalization in advertising discourse: A diachronic study. Waiyu Jiaoxue Lilun yu shijian (Foreign Language Learning Theory and Practice), (3), 26–32. Chen, X. R. (2014). Adaptation and reconstruction: The relation between structure and context revisited. Research on Foreign Language Education, (1), 7–13. Chen, X. R. (2018). “Identity traps” in real estate ads: A critical pragmatic analysis. Shandong Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Teaching in Shandong), 39(5), 24–32. Chen, X. R., & Chen, J. (2012). Fuzzy language in print ads: A critical pragmatic analysis. Waiguo Yu Yan Wenxue (Foreign Language and Literature), (4), 20–28. Chen, X. R., & Qian, Y. H. (2011). The application of multimodal analysis in pragmatic research. Zhongguo Waiyu (Foreign Languages in China), (5), 89–93. Chen, X. R., & Yuan, Z. M. (2010). Identity expressions in Chinese news headlines: A social psychological pragmatic perspective. Zhongguo Shehui Yuyanxue (Chinese Sociolinguistics), (1), 120–129. Chen, Z. Z. (1995). A review of critical linguistics. Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu (Foreign Language Teaching and Research), (1), 21–27. Cheng, Y. (2007). Style-switching and its pragmatic functions. Shenyang Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Shenyang University), 19(3), 47–50.

210

References

Cheng, Y. (2013). Research on the errors in Chinese-English translation of public notices and signs from the perspective of relevance theory. Xibei Shifan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Northeast Normal University), (4), 127–130. Clark, H., & Clark, E. (1977). Psychology and language. New York, NY: Harcourt, Brace and Company. Clemen, G. (2008). Hedging in English journalistic economics. Retrieved May 18, 2008 from http://lipas.uwasa.fi/comm/publications/interkult/extdoc/6clemen.pdf Coupland, N. (2001). Theorizing dialect-style in sociolinguistics. In P. Eckert & J. R. Rickford (Eds.), Style and sociolinguistic variation (pp. 181–205). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Cui, X. Z., & Rui, Y. P. (2009). An adaptationist account of Chinese advertisements. Zhongbei Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Zhongbei University), (1), 52–54. Cui, X. Z., & Wu, Y. X. (2009). An adaptationist analysis of pragmatic presupposition in Chinese advertising discourse. Hefei Gongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Hefei University of Technology), (3), 95–99. Culpeper, J. (1996). Towards an anatomy of impoliteness. Journal of Pragmatics, 25, 349–367. Culpeper, J. (2011). Impoliteness: Using language to cause offence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Culpeper, J., & Haugh, M. (2014). Pragmatics and the English language. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Dai, W. H., & Chen, Y. Y. (2004). The theory and methodology of critical discourse analysis. Waiyu Yanjiu (Foreign Language Research), (4), 12–16. Dai, W. L. (2009). The classification and functional interpretation of public signs. Harbin Zhiye Jishu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Harbin Vocational University of Technology), (2), 102–103. Dai, Z. X., & Lv, H. F. (2005). On C-E translation of public signs. Zhongguo Fanyi (Chinese Translators Journal), (6), 38–42. Davis, B., & Mason, P. (2005). More than a summary: Stance-shift analysis. In P. Kantor, et al. (Eds.), ISI 2005, LNCS 3495 (pp. 608–609). Verlag Berlin Heidelberg: Springer. Dictionary Compiling Office of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. (2002). Modern Chinese dictionary (Revised ed.). Beijing: Commercial Press. Dor, D. (2003). On newspaper headlines as relevance optimizers. Journal of Pragmatics, 35, 695–721. Duan, W. H. (2009). Pragmatic presupposition and social psychology in advertisements. Neijiang Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Neijiang Teachers’ College), (9), 87–90. Duan, Y. H., & Yang, J. (2006). The subjectivization of journalistic language. Jianghai Xuekan (Journal of Jianghai), (6), 197–203. Edmonson, W. (1981). Spoken discourse: A model for analysis. London: Longman. Ehrlich, E. (1990). The Harper dictionary of foreign terms. New York: Harper & Row. Fairclough, N. (1989). Language and power. London: Longman. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Fairclough, N. (1993). Critical discourse analysis and the marketisation of public discourse: The universities. Discourse & Society, 4(2), 133–168. Fairclough, N. (1994). “Mainly Muslim”: Discourse and barbarism in Bosnia. Discourse & Society, 5(3), 431–432. Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language. London and New York, NY: Longman.

References 211 Fairclough, N. (1996). A reply to Henry Widdowson’s Discourse analysis: A critical view. Language and Literature, (5), 1–18. Fairclough, N. (2000). New labour new language? London: Routledge. Fairclough, N. (2001). Critical discourse analysis as a method in social scientific research. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 14–31). London: Sage. Fairclough, N. (2003). Analysing discourse: Textual analysis for social research. London: Routledge. Fairclough, N., & Wodak, R. (1997). Critical discourse analysis. In T. A. van Dijk (Ed.), Discourse studies: A multidisciplinary introduction (Vol. 2, pp. 258–284). London: Sage. Fang, W. Q. (2003). Commercial ads from the perspective of Leech’s Politeness Principle. Fuyang Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Fuyang Teachers’ College), (5), 64–66. Fang, Y. J. (2001). Reporting the same events? A critical analysis of Chinese print news media texts. Discourse & Society, 12(5), 585–613. Feng, X. F. (1994). Two questions in the study of social speeches. Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), (2), 101–103. Ferrara, A. (1980). An extended theory of speech acts: Appropriateness conditions for subordinate speech acts in sequences. Journal of Pragmatics, (4), 233–252. Fillmore, C. J. (1977). The case for case reopened. In P. Cole & J. M. Sadock (Eds.), Syntax and semantics (pp. 59–81). New York, NY: Academic Press. Fowler, R. (1991). Language in the news: Discourse and ideology in the press. London: Routledge. Fowler, R., & Kress, G. (1979). Critical linguistics. In R. Fowler, et al. (Eds.), Language and control (pp. 198–213). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Fried, M., & Östman, J. (2005). Construction grammar and spoken language: The case of pragmatic particles. Journal of Pragmatics, 37, 1752–1778. Gerda, L. (2004). Political interviews as hybrid genre. Text, 24(3), 353–397. Givon, T. (1978). Definiteness and referentiality. In J. H. Greenberg (Ed.), Universals of human language (pp. 291–330). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Grice, H. P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole (Ed.), Syntax and semantics (Vol. 9, pp. 43–58). New York: Academic Press. Grundy, P. (1995). Doing pragmatics. London: Edward Arnold. Gumperz, J. J. (1982). Discourse strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Guo, L. S. (1992). Minutes of academic symposium on social norms. Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), (1), 105–111. Guo, W. P. (2008). The communicative game of vague news discourse. Xi’an Waiguoyu Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Xi’an International Studies University), (2), 19–22. Guo, X. H. (2008). The interdiscursivity of advertisement from the perspective of Relevance-Adaptation perspective. Guizhou Gongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Guizhou University of Technology), (2), 124–126. Halliday, M. A. K. (1978). Language as social semiotic. London: Arnold. Halliday, M. A. K. (1994). An introduction to functional grammar. London: Edward Arnold. Halliday, M. A. K., & Matthiessen, C. M. I. M. (2004). Introduction to functional grammar. London: Edward Arnold. He, Z. R. (1997). Pragmatics and English learning. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. Horn, L. (1989). A natural history of negation. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Hu, D. L., & Yi, L. B. (2009). Discourse analysis: Reflection and construction. Waiyu Xuekan (Journal of Foreign Language Research), (1), 95–97.

212

References

Hu, F. Z. (2006). The constitutive rules of speech acts in news discourse. Xiuci Xuexi (Rhetoric Learning), (1), 1–7. Hu, T. H. (2005). News headlines from the perspective of Relevance Theory. Human Renwen Keji Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Hunan University of Humanities and Science and Technology), (3), 77–79. Huang, M. (2008). Factual reporting and discourse bias. Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), (4), 96–104. Huang, Y. (2007). Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hunston, S., & Thompson, G. (2000). Evaluation in text. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ifantidou, E. (2009). Newspaper headlines and relevance: Ad hoc concepts in ad hoc contexts. Journal of Pragmatics, 41, 699–720. Jacobs, G. (1999). Preformulating the news: An analysis of the metapragmatics of press releases. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Janes, A. (2000). The interaction of style-shift and particle use in Japanese dialogue. Journal of Pragmatics, 32(12), 1823–1853. Ji, W. (2001). A critical approach to discourse analysis. Master thesis, Shandong Normal University, Jinan. Ji, W. N. (2009). Study of presupposition in the field of critical discourse analysis. Nanyang Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Nanyang Normal University), 8(4), 104–106. Jia, J. F. (2009). News headlines from the perspective of Relevance Theory. Zunyi Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Zunyi Normal College), (5), 45–47, 88. Jiang, C. (2007). A pragmatic analysis of cosmetic ads. Sanxia Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Sanxia University), (2), 178–180. Jiang, H. (2008). Conversational implicature in English advertisements. Mudanjiang Jiaoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Mudanjiang College of Education), (4), 47–48. Jin, C. (2010). The application of Grice’s Cooperative Principle in Chinese news headlines. Yuwen Xuekan (Journal of Chinese Language), (8), 29–31. Joos, M. (1962). The five clocks. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore and Linguistics. Keenan, E. L. (1971). Two kinds of presupposition in natural language. In C. Fillmore & T. Langendoen (Eds.), Studies in linguistic semantics (pp. 44–52). New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Kuo, S. (2003). Involvement vs. detachment: Gender differences in the use of personal pronouns in the televised sports in Taiwan. Discourse Studies, 5, 479–494. Lai, Y. (2009). A interdiscursive interpretation of news headlines: A critical discourse analysis. Sichuan Waiyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Sichuan International Studies University), (1), 78–82. Lan, K. J. (2004). The characteristics and standardization of social phraseology. Zunyi Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Zunyi Normal College), (4), 30–32. Langacker, R. W. (1990). Subjectification. Cognitive Linguistics, (1), 5–38. Lee, D. Y. (2007). Involvement and the Japanese interactive particles ne and yo. Journal of Pragmatics, 39, 363–388. Leech, G. (1983). Principles of pragmatics. London: Longman. Leech, G. (2007). Politeness: Is there an East-West divide? Journal of Politeness Research: Language, Behaviour, Culture, 3(2), 167–206. Leech, G. (2014). The pragmatics of politeness. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Levinson, S. (1983). Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Li, H. M. (2012). The linguistic deviations of two ads in light of discourse order: A CDA perspective. Yuwen Jianshe (Language Planning), (4), 76–78.

References 213 Li, J. (2007). Analyzing the English advertising language from the perspective of pragmatic presuppositions. Nanhua Daxue Xuebao Shehui Kexueban (Journal of University of South China Social Science Edition), 8(6), 92–94. Li, J. W. (2003). Style-shifting and identity-projection. Jiefangjun Waiguoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages), 26(1), 6–10. Li, J. Y. (2008). Intertexutality-based critical discourse analysis: A case study of advertising discourse. Waiyu yu Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Languages and Their Teaching), (10), 16–20. Li, P. D. (2015). Translating public signs from the perspective of critical linguistics. Ningxia Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Ningxia Teachers’ College), 36(2), 136–140. Li, Q. Y., & Wei, X. H. (2007). Application of memetics in the translation of Chinese public signs. Henan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Henan University), (5), 95–98. Li, Y. H. (2008). The issue of “face” in English and Chinese public signs. Jilinsheng Jiaoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Jilin Educational College), (6), 111–113. Li, Z. J. (1997). The origin of “也” (“also”) and its diachronic replacement of “亦” (“also”). Yuyan Yajiu (The Study of Language), (2), 60–67. Lin, C. Y. (2012). A critical analysis of advertising discourse. Jiangxi Shehui Kexue (Social Sciences in Jiangxi), (3), 236–239. Liu, B. (2009). On metaphors in slogans of advertising English by the cooperative principle. Qingdao Yuanyang Chuanyuan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Qingdao Ocean Shipping Mariners College), 30(1), 68–70. Liu, H. W. (2010). Pragmatic principles for the construction of journalistic discourse. Tianjin Waiguoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Tianjin International Studies University), (2), 31–34. Liu, H. Y., & Qiu, J. (2008). Cognitive effects of advertising language from the perspective of cognitive pragmatics. Chongqing Wenli Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Chongqing University of Arts and Sciences), (1), 59–63. Liu, J. M. (2005). Frontiers of journalism: 11 focuses of journalism. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press. Liu, J. X., & Lu, H. Q. (2009). Probing of standardization management of governmental Propaganda Slogan. Ha’erbin Shiwei Dangxiao Xuebao (The Journal of Harbin Committee School of The CCP), (1), 88–90. Liu, J. Y. (2003). Presupposition and implicature in advertising discourse. Zhongnan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Southcentral University), (2), 274–277. Liu, Y. (2010). A positive critical analysis of “drunk driving” news. Fujian Nonglin Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Fujian University of Agriculture and Forestry), 13(6), 97–100. Lu, X. K. (1992). A semantic analysis of the adverb “也” (“also”). Hanyu Xuexi (The Learning of Chinese), (1), 17–20. Luke, K. K. (1984). Expedient and orientational language mixing in Hong Kong. York Papers in Linguistics, 11, 191–201. Lv, W. Y. (2005). A critical analysis of English news headlines. Guangdong Waiyu Waimao Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Guangdong University of Foreign Studies), (3), 49–52. Lv, Y. M., & Zhou, J. Y. (2009). A critical discourse analysis of Obama’s campaign speeches. Heilongjiang Keji Xinxi (Science and Technology Information in Heilongjiang), 31, 156, 246. Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lyons, J. (1982). Deixis and subjectivity: Loquor, ergosum? In R. J. Jarvella & W. Klein (Eds.), Speech, place, and action: Studies in deixis and related topics (pp. 101–124). Chichester and New York, NY: John Wiley.

214

References

Ma, J. X., & Yin, H. L. (2008). Idiom memes in Chinese advertisements. Guizhou Jiaoxue Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Guizhou Educational College), (4), 71–73. Ma, X. Y. (2000). Xinwen Baodao Tonglun (A general introduction to news report). Jinan: Shandong University Press. Marston, G. (2004). Social policy and discourse analysis: Policy change in public housing. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. Martin, J. (2000). Beyond exchange. Appraisal system in English. In S. Hunston & G. Thompson (Eds.), Evaluation in text: Authorial stance and the construction of discourse (pp. 142–175). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Martin, J. R., & White, P. R. R. (2005). The language of evaluation appraisal in English. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Mey, J. (1979). “Zur Kritischen Sprachtheorie” (“Toward a critical theory of language”). In J. Mey (Ed.), Pragmalinguistics: Theory and practice (pp. 69–84). The Hague: Mouton. Mey, J. (1985). Whose language? A study in linguistic pragmatics. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA: Benjamins. Mey, J. (1993/2001). Pragmatics: An introduction. London: Blackwell Publishers. [Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2001]. Meyer, M. (2001). Between theory, method, and politics: Positioning of the approaches to CDA. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 14–31). London: Sage. Musolff, A. (1995). Promising to end a war = language of peace? The rhetoric of allied news management in the Gulf War 1991. In C. Schaffner & A. I. Wenden (Eds.), Language and peace (pp. 93–108). Brookfield, WI: Dartmouth Publishing Co. The National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China. (1994). The advertisement law of People’s Republic of China ([1994], No.34). Beijing: The General Office of National People’s Congress Standing Committee. Nie, G. L. (2004). Linguistics analysis of the outdoors educational and propagandistic banners and slogans in the countryside. Hubei Jiaoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Hubei University of Education), (4), 13–15. Nir, R. (1993). A discourse analysis of news headlines. Hebrew Linguistics, 37, 23–31. Pan, D. (2014). A critical pragmatic analysis of improper pubic signs. Chongqing Ligong Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Chongqing University of Technology), 28(12), 121–126. Pan, J. A., & Zhou, Y. (2002). Socio-linguistic thinking of the designation of traffic propagation logo. Shanghai Gong’an Gaodeng Zhuanke Xuebao (Journal of Shanghai Public Security Academy), (2), 29–30/42. Pei, Y. P. (2007). Pragmatic principles in the use of puns in advertisements. Luoyang Gongye Gaodeng Zhuanke Xuexiao Xuebao (Journal of Luoyang Vocational College of Industry), (4), 77–78, 91. Pollay, R. W. (1983). Measuring the cultural values manifest in advertising. Current Issues & Research in Advertising, 6(1), 71–92. Qian, H. R. (2007). Constructing gender identity in Chinese advertisements: A critical discourse analysis. Xuehua Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Xuhua College), (6), 117–119. Qian, Y. H. (2015). The socio-psychological mechanism of the deceptive use of vague language in advertisements: A critical pragmatic analysis. Dangdai Waiyu Yanjiu (Contemporary Foreign Language Research), 9, 44–48. Qin, J. (2009). Questioning homophonic word-making in grey advertising language. Kexue Dazhong (Popular Science), (8), 144–145, 168. Ran, Y. P. (1996). Linguistic vagueness in English news report. Fujian Waiyu (Foreign Languages in Fujian), (1), 8–12.

References 215 Ran, Y. P. (2006). Pragmatics: Phenomena and analysis. Beijing: Peking University Press. Ren, R. (2008). On the interpersonal function of traffic signs in constructing harmonious social context. Yuwen Xuekan (Journal of Language and Literature Studies), (5), 72–74. Richardson, J. (2006). Analysing newspapers: An approach from critical discourse analysis. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Rogerson-Revella, P. (2007). Humour in business: A double-edged sword: A study of humour and style shifting in intercultural business meetings. Journal of Pragmatics, 39(1), 4–28. Sang, Z. H., & Zhuang, L. (2004). From persuasion to reporting: Pragmatic analysis of the family planning slogan in Shitang Town, Anhui Province. Xiuci Xuexi (Rhetorical Learning), (6), 38–39. Schegloff, E. A. (1998). Text and context paper. Discourse and Society, (3), 4–17. Searle, J. (1969). Speech acts: An essay in the philosophy of language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sha, L. X. (1987). Social psychology. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. Shen, J. X. (2001). A survey of studies on subjectivity and subjectivisation. Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu (Foreign Language Teaching and Research), (4), 268–275. Shen, S. S. (2004). Stance in sport commentary: Evidence from Chinese table tennis programmes. Yuyan Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu (Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies), (1), 72–79. Shen, X. C., & Chen, X. R. (2015). A pragma-cognitive account of referential vagueness in advertising language. Dangdai Waiyu Yanjiu (Contemporary Foreign Language Research), (9), 33–38. Shen, Z. Q. (2004). A RT account of persuasive act. Waiguo Yuyan Wenxue (Foreign Languages and Literature), (4), 31–35. Sheng, H. (2006). Euphemisms in advertisements: A RT perspective. Hefefi Gongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Hefei University of Industry), (4), 163–166. Sinclair, J. (2003). Reading concordances. London: Longman. Speake, J. (Ed.). (2005). The Oxford dictionary of foreign words and phrases. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sperber, D., & Wilson, D. (1986/1995). Relevance: Communication and cognition. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC). (1991). Provisions on administration of enterprise name regulation ([1991], No.7). Beijing: State Administration for Market Regulation. State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC). (1996). The notification to further eliminate the unhealthy cultural phenomena in enterprises names ([1996], No.301). Beijing: State Administration for Market Regulation. State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC). (1998). The notification to further regulate enterprise names ([1998], No.2000). Beijing: State Administration for Market Regulation. Sun, X. C., & Chen, X. R. (2017). Equivalence in translating politeness. Waiyu Dianhua Jiaoxue (Computer-Assisted Foreign Language Teaching), (6), 40–43. Sun, Z. H. (2004). Gender discrimination in English news: A critical analysis of two news texts. Wuhu Zhiye Jishu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Wu Vocational College of Technology), (2), 58–61. Tang, L. (2009). A critical discourse analysis of American media reports on China. Changchun Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Changchun Teachers’ College), (5), 15–19. Tang, Q. Y. (2008). A multi-modal positive critical analysis of TV news of livelihood. Waiyu Yjiu (Foreign Language Research), (4), 15–20.

216

References

Tang, Y. X., & Guo, M. (2007). A RT account of inference in advertising slogans. Dalian Haishi Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Dalian Marine University), (6), 168–170. Tannen, D. (2007). Talking voices: Repetition, dialogue, and imagery in conversational discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Teo, P. (2000). Racism in the news: A critical discourse analysis of news reporting in two Australian newspapers. Discourse & Society, 11(1), 7–49. Thomas, J. (1995). Meaning in interaction: An introduction to pragmatics. London: Longman. Tian, G. X. (2008). Pronouns in advertisements. Shangchang Xiandaihua (Market Modernization), (12), 180. Traugott, E. (1995). Subjectification in grammaticalization. In D. Stein & S. Wright (Eds.), Subjectivity and subjectivisation (pp. 31–54). Amsterdam: Benjamins. Treichler, P., & Frank, F. (1989). Introduction: Scholarship, feminism, and language change. In P. A. Treichler & W. Francine (Eds.), Language, gender, and professional writing: Theoretical approaches and guidelines for nonsexist usage (pp. 1–32). New York, NY: Modern Language Association of America. Ungerer, F., & Schimd, H. J. (2001). An introduction to cognitive linguistics. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press. van Dijk, T. A. (1988). News as discourse. New York, NY: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. van Dijk, T. A. (1991). Racism and the press. London: Routledge. van Dijk, T. A. (1993). Elite discourse and racism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. van Dijk, T. A. (1996). Discourse, power and access. In C. R. Caldas-Coulthard & R. Coulthard (Eds.), Text and practices: Readings in critical discourse analysis (pp. 84–104). London: Routledge. van Dijk, T. A. (1998). Ideology: A multidisciplinary approach. London: Sage. van Dijk, T. A. (2001). Multidisciplinary CDA: A plea for diversity. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 95–120). London: Sage. van Dijk, T. A. (2003). News as discourse. Beijing: Huaxia Press. van Gijsel, S. V., Speelman, D., & Geeraerts, D. (2008). Style shifting in commercials. Journal of Pragmatics, 40(2), 205–226. Varghese, S. A., & Abraham, S. A. (2004). Book-length scholarly essays as a hybrid genre in science. Written Communication, 21(2), 201–231. Verschueren, J. (1985). International news reporting: Metapragmatic metaphors and the U-2. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Verschueren, J. (1987). Pragmatics as a theory of linguistic adaptation (Working documents n1.). Antwerp: International Pragmatic Association. Verschueren, J. (1998). A pragmatic model for the dynamics of communication. In A. Kasper (Ed.), Pragmatics: Critical concepts (Vol. V, pp. 139–148). London and New York, NY: Routledge. Verschueren, J. (1999). Understanding pragmatics. London: Arnold. Verschueren, J. (2007). Pragmatic steps to an ecology of the public sphere. The tenth PSJ annual meeting & tenth anniversary of “international conference”, Kansai Gaidai University, Japan, December 8–9. Verschueren, J. (2011). Ideology in language use: Pragmatic guidelines for empirical research. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Verschueren, J. (2016). Humanities and the public sphere. Pragmatics and Society, 7(1), 141–161. Vestergaard, T., & Schroder, K. (1985). The language of advertising. Oxford: Blackwell.

References 217 Wang, J. B. (2015). Ideological analysis of media discourse: A critical analytic approach. Xi’an Waiguoyu Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Xi’an International Studies University), 23(3), 54–59. Wang, J. D. (2009). Memes in advertising language: An adaptationist perspective. Zhongguo Xibu Keji (Science and Technology in China West), 28, 78–80. Wang, J. H., & Yuan, G. F. (1999). A brief analysis of the features of public discourse. Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), (3), 55–59. Wang, X., & Chen, X. R. (2015). A pragmatic study of “narrative” news headlines in Chinese newspapers. Waiyu Xuekan (Journal of Foreign Language Research), (2), 23–28. Wang, Z. R. (2009). Language memes in news headlines. Xinwen Daokan (Journal of News Guide), (4), 59–60. Wei, N. X. (2001). General methods of research on semantic prosody. Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu (Foreign Language Teaching and Research), (4), 300–307. Wei, W. C. (2006). On the special slogan from the aspect of language control. Heilongjiang Jiaoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Heilongjia College of Education), (2), 88–89. Wei, Z. J. (2002). Linguistic deviations in advertising language and their pragmatic purposes. Xinan Zhengfa Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Southwest Politics and Law University), (6), 29–31. White, P. R. (2000). Dialogue and intersubjectivity: Reinterpreting the semantics of modality and hedging. In M. Coulthard, et al. (Eds.), Working with dialogue (pp. 67–80). Tubingen: Neimeyer. Widdowson, H. G. (1995). Discourse analysis: A critical view. Language and Literature, 4(3), 157–172. Widdowson, H. G. (2004). Text, context, pretext: Critical issues in discourse analysis. Oxford: Blackwell. Wodak, R. (2001). What CDA is about – A summary of its history, important concepts and its developments. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 1–13). London: Sage. Wodak, R., & van Dijk, T. A. (2000). Racism at the top: Parliamentary discourses on ethnic issues in six European states. Klagenfurt, Austria: Drava Verlag. Wu, D. D. (1998). Writing advertisements across Hong Kong and mainland China. In X. M. Li (Ed.), Bulletin of studies on the teaching of writing in tertiary institutions (pp. 333–343). Hong Kong: Polytechnic University of Hong Kong. Wu, D. D. (2000). Orality in Hong Kong print media. In D. Li, et al. (Eds.), Language and education in post-colonial Hong Kong (pp. 81–94). Hong Kong: Linguistic Society of Hong Kong. Wu, D. D., & Chung, M. K. (2006). Involvement strategies in Hong Kong print advertisements, 1950s and 1980s. China Media Research, 2(2), 25–37. Wu, D. D., Qin, X. B., & Wu, B. J. (2004). Orality in Hong Kong print media. Contemporary Linguistics, (3), 248–256. Wu, J. J. (2007). A Gricean CP account of Chinese and English news headlines. Changshu Ligong Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Changshu College of Science and Technology), (5), 108–111. Wu, J. J., & Lan, Y. C. (2007). A critical perspective on English news texts. Zhejiang Ligong Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Zhejiang University of Technology), (6), 697–701. Wu, J. J., & Ma, W. L. (2009). The subjectivization of news headlines and its adaptationist account. Changshu Ligong Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Changshu College of Science and Technology), (7), 112–117.

218

References

Wu, J. J., & Chen, X. R. (2008). Presupposition in English and Chinese news headlines. Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Language Teaching), (4), 30–34. Wu, Y. D. (2008). The application of SFG in the critical analysis of advertisements. Keji Xinxi (Science and Technology Information), (19), 521–522. Xia, H. Y., & Fu, Z. (2014). Constructing the social identity of Chinese women in advertising discourse: A critical perspective. Hebei Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Hebei University), 39(5), 55–58. Xiang, G. X., & Li, R. F. (2007). Presupposition in news headlines. Xinwenjie (The Journalistic Society), (6), 64–66. Xiao, W. (2004). A RT account of advertising language in intercultural context. Chongqing Gongxueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Chongqing Industrial College), (4), 108–110. Xie, R. L. (2009). An adaptationist account of the intertextuality of news discourse. Hunan Renwen Keji Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Hunan College of Humanities and Sciences), (2), 82–84. Xin, B. (1996). Language, power and ideology: Critical linguistics. Xiandai Waiyu (Modern Foreign Languages), (1), 21–26. Xin, B. (2000). A critical analysis of interdiscursivity. Suzhou: Suzhou University Press. Xin, B. (2004). Critical discourse analysis: Problems and discussion. Waiguoyu (Foreign Languages), (5), 64–69. Xin, B. (2005). Critical discourse analysis: Theory and practice. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. Xu, L. F., & Peng, H. F. (2009). A CP-based pragmatic analysis of rhetorical features in advertising discourse. Zhejiang Keji Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Zhejiang College of Science and Technology), (2), 131–134. Xu, M. F. (2006). Presupposition in news as reflected in sets of news headlines. Xiuci Xuexi (Rhetorical Learning), (1), 8–14, 23. Xu, P. J. (2007). The pragmatic value of language selection in advertising English. Wenzhou Daxue Xuebao Shehui Kexueban (Journal of Wenzhou University Social Sciences), 20(6), 112–116. Xu, Q. (2012). Translating traffic signs into English from the pragmatic perspective. Ningbo Daxue Xuebao Renwenban (Journal of Ningbo University Liberal Arts Edition), 25(5), 22–26. Xu, S. H. (1998). On the pragmatic transmutation of English interrogatives. Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu ((Foreign Language Teaching and Research), (4), 27–34. Yan, C. S. (2000). Evidentials and evidentiality in English. Jiefangjun Waiguoyu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages), (1), 4–7. Yan, G. Y. (2006). The semantic and pragmatic features of letter-words in real estate ads. Anyang Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Anyang Teachers’ College), (3), 120–122. Yang, H. (2007). How news reports can avoid linguistic discrimination. Qingnian Jizhe (Young Journalists), (5), 49–50. Yang, S. (2007). Modality analysis of English public service advertising discourse. Xinan Minzu Daxue Xuebao Renwen Shekeban (Journal of Southwest Minzu University Social Science Edition), 12, 129–134. Yang, Y. (2008). A probe into the style switching in verbal communication. Shanxi Shifan Daxue Xuebao (Zhexue Shehui Kexueban) (Journal of Shaanxi Normal university Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), 37, 290–291. Yang, Y. (2009). Research into public signs in China: A societal pragmatics perspective. Waiyu Xuekan (Foreign Language Research), (6), 113–116.

References 219 Yang, Y. H. (2008). Code-mixing in advertising language. Zhongguo Waiyu (Foreign Languages in China), (3), 34–37. Yang, Y. H. (2009). A socio-pragmatic analysis of public signs in China. Waiyu Xuekan (Journal of Foreign Language Research), (6), 113–116. Yang, Y. H., & Xiong, Y. H. (2010). The contextual adaptation of catchy expressions in news headlines. Hunan Renwen Keji Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Hunan College of Humanities and Sciences), (3), 73–75. Yang, Z. (2008). The pragmatic analysis of Chinese advertisements. Zhongbei Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Zhongbei University), (5), 68–70. Yao, P., & Liu, F. (2009). A pragmatic analysis of puns in advertisements. Hubei Guangbo Dianshi Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Hubei Radio and Television Broadcasting University), (3), 112–113. Yao, Z. L. (2008). The media literacy and responsibility of media workers. Xinwen Jie (The World of Journalism), (6), 88–89. Yin, B. H. (2007). Analysis of style-shifting in conversation. Kexue Zhiyou (Friend of Science Amateurs), (2), 110–111. Yin, B. L., & He, W. N. (2008). A critical discourse analysis of commercials. Keji Xinxi (Science and Technology Information), (2), 132–133. Yu, W. C. (1998). Pragmatic failure in translating social signs in Guangzhou from Chinese to English. In Z. R. He (Ed.), A collection of essays on social pragmatic construction (pp. 72–74). Guangzhou: Guangdong University of Foreign Studies. Yuan, Z. M., & Chen, X. R. (2010). A pragmatic study of public signs for environment protection. Waiyu Xuekan (Journal of Foreign Language Research), (1), 76–80. Zeng, Q. X. (2005). Journalistic narratology. Beijing: China Radio and TV Press. Zeng, W. W. (2008). A CDA perspective on the use of rhetorical devices in political discourse. Hubei Di’er Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of No. 2 Hubei Teachers’ College), (6), 30–33. Zhan, Q. W. (2009). A study of speech acts in news discourse. Anhui Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Anhui University), (1), 50–54. Zhan, X. H. (2007). A pragmatic analysis of female commodity advertisements. Huanan Nongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of South China University of Agriculture), (1), 83–87. Zhang, D. M. (2005). A comparative study of the use of pronouns in English and Chinese recruitment advertisements. Chengdu Ligong Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Chengdu University of Technology), (3), 35–39. Zhang, F. C. (2010). A study on the cheating language in business advertisements. Xinan Minzu Daxue Xeubao (Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities), (7), 146–150. Zhang, J. Q., & Liu, M. (2005). The application of conversational implicature in advertisements. Taiyuan Ligong Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Taiyuan University of Technology), (1), 74–76. Zhang, K. D. (1996). A study of the focus-prompting adverb “也” (“also”). Henan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Henan University), (6), 91–93. Zhang, L., & Sun, Y. F. (2008). An optimal relevance-theoretic account of attitudinal meaning in online news headlines. Waiyu Dianhua Jiaoxue (Computer-Assisted Foreign Language Teaching), (4), 59–63. Zhang, X. B., & Tie, H. Y. (2009). A reading of the purpose of media literacy education. Huanan Shifan Daxue Xuebao (Journal of South China Normal University), (1), 114–116. Zhang, X. H. (2000). A Pragmatic analysis of the English translations of social language. Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Language Education), (3), 14–20.

220

References

Zhang, Y. J. (2008). A study of the adaptation of ads in the university online flea market to audience psychology. Yibin Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Yibin College), (4), 114–116. Zhang, Y. M. (2006). A pragmatic study of personal want ads. Anhui Nongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Anhui University of Agriculture), (3), 134–137. Zhao, F. L. (2008). A pragmatic account of hedges in English advertisements. Shangye Shijiao (Market Modernization), 15, 200. Zhao, P., & Tian, H. L. (2008). Criticisms of CDA: Evaluation and discussion. Nanjing Shehui Kexue (Social Sciences in Nanjing), (8), 143–147. Zhao, S. M., & Qin, X. B. (2005). Codeswitching in the entertainment section of Guangzhou’ s News Media. Huanan Ligong Daxue Xuebao Shehui Kexueban (Journal of South China University of Technology Social Science Edition), 7(3), 62–65. Zhao, X. J. (2006). Review of research on public signs translation. Waiyu Yu Waiyu Jiaoxue (Foreign Languages and Their Teaching), (12), 52–54. Zhao, X. J., & Lan, C. Y. (2008). Presupposition and conversational implicature in advertisements. Neimenggu Nongye Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Inner Mongolia University of Agriculture), (2), 364–366. Zhong, H. (2005). The concept of “critical” and its implications in critical discourse analysis. The Fourth international conference on Chinese Sociolinguistics. Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, December 9–12. Zhou, L. N., & Zhou, L. L. (2009). The application of CP in sales promotion. Shangchang Xiandaihua (Market Modernization), (3), 190–191. Zhou, S. Y. (2004). The negotiability of imperatives in ads. Chongqing Jiaotong Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Chongqing Transport College), (2), 93–95. Zhou, X. M., & Mao, X. Z. (2009). A RT account of advertising communication. Zhongzhou Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Zhongzhou University), (2), 72–74. Zhu, D. H. (2010). The semantic representation of metonymy in journalist discourse and its pragmatic functions. Dangdai Waiyu Yanjiu (Contemporary Foreign Language Research), (5), 51–56. Zong, S. H. (2001). A pragmatic analysis of naming and advertising acts. Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), (3), 70–78. Zong, S. H., & Liu, W. H. (2007). The bias of reports on Koizumi’s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine judged to be illegal. In X. L. Xiong & W. G. Qu (Eds.), Studies in pragmatics (pp. 267–281). Beijing: Higher Education Press.

Index

adaptability 36 adaptation 36; see also linguistic adaptation; negative adaptation adaptation Theory 16; Pragmatics as a Theory of Linguistic 36 Agreement Maxim 33 ambiguity trap 62 amplifiers 131 appraisal theory 11, 18, 24, 29 approbation maxim 33 appropriation 14, 120, 124 assertive 5, 31, 114, 133, 137, 145, 147 attitudinal discourse 150 attitudinal stance 39 Austin, J. L. 5, 15, 31–32, 75, 133 Brown, P. and Levinson, S. 33–34, 112–114, 134–135 catchy word 18 Civilized Public Discourse (CPD) 88, 117, 168–169 civilized usage 103, 168 code-switching 16, 18, 122, 124, 132 commissive 31–32, 133, 137 common ground 34–35, 85; see also mutual knowledge communicative context 37, 120, 122, 158; see also interpreter; utterer consequence analysis 81 constative utterances 31 context dependency 10 contextual correlates of adaptability 37 conventional implicature 58–59 conversational implicature 9, 16, 54, 57–58, 62; see also generalized conversational implicature; particularized conversational implicature conversational involvement 131

conversationalization 125, 130, 148 Cooperative Principle 15, 18, 54, 58, 61, 69, 167 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) 3, 11, 20–22 Critical Pragmatic Analysis (CPA) 12–13, 26, 28, 32, 38, 170; see also negative CPA; neutral CPA; positive CPA cross-cultural/intercultural pragmatics 10 Culpeper, J. 9–20, 34 declarations 31, 133, 137 deferential term 135–136, 141–144 deictic center 30 deictic trap 56–58, 167 deixis 9, 27, 30, 56–57, 131, 134, 143, 158, 169; see also discourse deixis; person deixis; place deixis; social deixis; time deixis dialogue 123, 125–126 directive public discourse 3–5 discourse 1 discourse analysis 23–24, 79, 149 discourse deixis 30 discourse practice 168 discursive democratization 125 dynamics 37–38 dynamics of adaptability 37 egocentricity 30 elliptical trap 60, 167 essential condition (or essential rule) 32 euphemism 16 expressive 31, 115–116, 133–134, 136–139 Face Theory 33, 38, 112–114; see also negative face; positive face face-threatening act 34, 112, 135

222

Index

Fairclough, N. 11, 17–18, 23–25, 28, 127–128, 149 Feeling Reticence Maxim 33 felicity conditions 31–32, 35; see also essential condition (or essential rule); general conditions; preparatory conditions (or preparatory rules); propositional content condition (or propositional rule); sincerity condition (or sincerity rule) formality 7, 120–121, 124, 127, 135 Fowler, R. 22, 28 frame 154–156, 169 fuzziness 63, 167 fuzziness trap 63, 167 fuzzy expression 16, 63 general conditions 31 generalized conversational implicature 58 Generosity Maxim 33 genre 1, 7, 10, 121, 125–126, 127, 130, 148, 170; see also hybridized genre genre hybridity 120, 128, 130–131 genre hybridizing 126–127, 130, 147 Grand Strategy of Politeness (GSP) 33; see also Agreement Maxim; Approbation Maxim; Feeling Reticence Maxim; Generosity Maxim; Opinion Reticence Maxim; Sympathy Maxim; Tact Maxim Grice, P. 15, 54, 57–58, 69 Halliday, M. A. K. 11, 23–24, 29 hedge 131, 133, 135, 158, 162–163, 165 homophony 118 hybridized genre 127 Identity Theory 18 illocutionary act 31–32, 34, 62, 100, 107–108, 112, 133 image projection 76 imperative 16, 60, 133–134, 136, 139 implicature trap 58, 167 indirect speech act 6, 32, 106, 113–116 inferentiality 10 informality 124 informative intention 94 institutional context 1 institutional discourse 1–2, 13, 127 interactivity 131 interdiscursivity 16 interpersonal discourse 1, 6, 10 interpersonal system 24, 29 interpreter 37

involvement 131–140, 144, 148, 150, 158–159, 162–165, 169 involvement marker 131–133, 135–136, 148, 150, 158, 163–164, 169 journalistic discourse 3, 39, 71, 149–150, 164–166, 169 Langacker, R. W. 149 language civilization 88–89, 120 Leech, G. 15, 32–33, 57, 64, 89, 107 Levinson, S. 9, 35, 150; see also Brown, P. and Levinson, S. linguistic adaptation 15, 36, 143–144 linguistic context 37, 57–58, 144 linguistic variation 16 literary pragmatics 10 locutionary act 31–32, 34; see also illocutionary act; perlocutionary act Lyons, J. 149 Martin, J. and White, P. H. 11, 18, 24, 29 meaning potential 25 meme 6, 16, 18 memetics 16 mental world 16, 163 metaphor 16, 68, 130 metapragmatics 10 metonymy 18 Mey, J. 9–10, 22, 26–28, 75, 80–81, 83 modality 16, 25, 158, 163 Modesty Maxim 33 monologue 121, 123, 126, 128, 148 motivation analysis 79, 82 multimodality 66, 93 multimodal trap 65 mutual knowledge 35, 58; see also common ground negative adaptation 51, 167 Negative CPA 29 negative face 15, 34, 115, 117, 135 negative politeness strategies 34, 113, 135–136 negotiability 36 Neutral CPA 29 (non-) civility 4, 8, 11, 88–89, 118, 166, 170 non-truth conditionality 10 normalization 88–89 notificatory act 107–108 Obligation Maxim 33 Opinion Reticence Maxim 33 optimal relevance 16, 18, 94–95

Index parody 93, 102, 118 particularized conversational implicature 58 performative utterance 31 perlocutionary act 31, 75, 92, 99–100 personalization 12, 120, 130–131, 133, 135–136, 140, 143–145, 148, 166, 169–170 personalized speech act 134, 137, 143, 148, 169 personal pronoun 16, 19, 137, 159 person deixis 30, 131, 134, 158 perspective 154–157 perspective taking 154, 157–158, 164, 169 persuasive act 107 physical world 37, 144 place deixis 30 politeness 10–11, 14–16, 26, 32–34, 64, 70, 89, 100, 104–110, 113, 113–135, 141–142, 144, 167, 169 Politeness Principle (PP) 15, 32–33, 64, 89, 107 politeness strategies 11, 15, 34, 104–106, 109, 113–114, 117, 134–136, 141, 144, 148, 169; see also negative politeness strategies; positive politeness strategies politeness trap 64, 167 Positive CPA 29 positive face 34, 135 positive politeness strategies 34, 70, 114, 135–136, 142 power abuse 23 pragmatic act 10 pragmatic approach 28 pragmatic civilization 12, 88–89, 118, 166 pragmatic force 107–109, 111, 117 pragmatic fraud 12 pragmatic game 15 pragmatic harmony 15, 21, 28, 34–35, 72, 83, 87 pragmatic meaning 11, 25, 83, 86 pragmatic presupposition 18, 20, 35–36, 54, 57, 169 pragmatic trap 12, 36, 53–54, 57, 70, 166–167; see also ambiguity trap; deictic trap; elliptical trap; fuzziness trap; implicature trap; multimodal trap; politeness trap preparatory conditions (or preparatory rules) 31 presupposition 9–10, 16, 3–6, 34, 57–58, 86–87, 103, 150–151, 154, 165, 168–169

223

presuppositional trap 19, 20, 57–58, 167 private verb 131, 135 prohibitive act 107–108 propositional content condition (or propositional rule) 31 public discourse (PD) 1–14, 19–21, 26–30, 32, 34–35, 38–40, 50, 71, 75, 84, 86–88, 93, 99, 103, 111, 117–118, 120, 124–125, 130–136, 144, 148–149, 166–170 pun 9, 16, 53, 89 rapport management 12 Relevance Theory (RT) 10, 15–16, 18, 29, 94, 150 representative 31, 114–115, 133 requestive act 107–108, 114 salience 37–38 Searle, J. 5–6, 15, 31–32, 114, 133 second-person pronoun 129, 131–135, 142–144, 148 semantic meaning 25–36, 78, 162 semantic prosody 38, 77–78 sincerity condition (or sincerity rule) 32 social action 32 social deixis 30 social inequality 11, 23, 168 social mentality 16, 26, 29, 39, 42, 44, 48–50, 166–167 social world 37, 144 societal pragmatics 10 socio-semiotic approach 28 speech act 5–6, 10, 15–16, 18, 30–32, 35, 75, 92, 99, 106, 109, 111, 133–140, 143, 145, 147–148, 150, 154, 169; see also assertive; commissive; declarations; expressive; illocutionary act; perlocutionary act Speech Act Theory 5, 15, 18, 31, 75, 92, 99, 145, 150 Sperber, D. and Wilson, D. 10, 15, 94 spoken style 121, 123, 131, 135–136, 141–142 status 37–38 structural objects of adaptability 37 structure 37–38 style 120–128, 131, 125, 135–136, 141–144, 147–148, 159, 170 style switching 120, 122–126, 147–148 subjectivity 11–12, 16, 18, 20–21, 25, 29, 39, 149–150, 157–158, 162, 164–166, 169–170 subjectivization 3, 18

224

Index

“suspected” discrimination 71, 87 Sympathy Maxim 33 Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) 11, 17, 20, 22, 24 systemic functional linguistics 20, 149 Tact Maxim 33, 65, 107 Theory of Pragmatic Identity 17 Thomas, J. 10, 123 time deixis 30, 57; see also discourse deixis; person deixis; place deixis; social deixis transitivity system 11, 24, 29

Uncivilized Public Discourse (UPD) 88 utterer 37 van Dijk, T. A. 3, 23, 25, 28, 79–80, 149 variability 36, 62; see also adaptability; negotiability Verschueren, J. 1, 10–11, 15–16, 27, 37–39, 43, 49, 73, 83, 122, 126, 144, 150, 157, 159 WH-question 131 Widdowson, H. G. 23–25 written style 121, 123, 131, 135