Crafting an Indigenous Nation: Kiowa Expressive Culture in the Progressive Era 1469643669, 9781469643663, 9781469643670

Table of contents :
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction 1

CHAPTER ONE
Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 15
Kiowa Labor, Performance, and the Public Imaginary, 1870–1934

CHAPTER TWO
Circulating Silver 32
Peyote Jewelry and the Making of Region

CHAPTER THREE
We’ll Show You Boys How to Dance 58
Intertribal Space, Dance, and Kiowa Art, 1920–1940

CHAPTER FOUR
We Worked and Made Beautiful Things 80
Peoplehood, Kiowa Women, and Material Culture

Conclusion 98
Notes 103
Bibliography 119
Index 137

Citation preview

Crafting an Indigenous Nation

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Crafting an Indigenous Nation

Kiowa Expressive Culture in the Progressive Era Jenny Tone-­Pah-­Hote The University of North Carolina Press chapel hill

© 2019 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Set in Merope Basic by Westchester Publishing Ser­vices Manufactured in the United States of Amer­i­ca The University of North Carolina Press has been a member of the Green Press Initiative since 2003. Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data Names: Tone-Pah-Hote, Jenny, author. Title: Crafting an indigenous nation : Kiowa expressive culture in the  progressive era / Jenny Tone-Pah-Hote. Description: Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, [2019] |  Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018026819 | ISBN 9781469643656 (cloth : alk. paper) |  ISBN 9781469643663 (pbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781469643670 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Kiowa Indians—Ethnic identity. | Kiowa Indians—Social life and  customs—19th century. | Kiowa Indians—Social life and customs—20th century. |  Indian arts—Social aspects. | Indian arts—Political aspects. Classification: LCC E99.K5 T66 2019 | DDC 978.004/97492—dc23  LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018026819 Cover illustration: Photograph of Massalena Ahtone, Kiowa, at the Anadarko Exposition of 1940. Courtesy of the Tartoue Negative Collection, Oklahoma Historical Society (negative 20912.14.95). A portion of chapter 4 was previously published in a dif­fer­ent form as “We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things: Kiowa ­Women, Material Culture, and Peoplehood, 1900–­1939,” in Tribal Worlds: Critical Studies in American Indian Nation Building, eds. Brian Hosmer and Larry Nesper (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2014), 253–­274. Used with permission.

To my f­ amily

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Contents

Preface ​xi

Acknowl­edgments ​xv Introduction ​1 chapter one Beyond Feathered War Bonnets ​15 Kiowa ­Labor, Per­for­mance, and the Public Imaginary, 1870–­1934 chapter two Circulating Silver ​32 Peyote Jewelry and the Making of Region chapter three ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Dance ​58 Intertribal Space, Dance, and Kiowa Art, 1920–­1940 chapter four We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things ​80 Peoplehood, Kiowa W ­ omen, and Material Culture Conclusion 98 Notes ​103

Bibliography ​119 Index ​137

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Figures

1. Jasper Saunkeah, president of the American Indian Exposition, 1937 ​2 2. Anonymous Kiowa drawing of man and ­woman riding ­horses and leading a pack animal carry­ing a parfleche, ca. 1875–­1877 ​16 3. Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote, Tie Clasp ​33 4. Frank and Ed Two-­Hatchet ​45 5. Indian f­ ather (Takone) and child ​47 6. James Takone, Earrings ​49 7. Mr. and Mrs. Conklin Hummingbird ​50 8. Stephen Mopope, Indian Beating Drum; Bird Flying Overhead ​53 9. Spencer Asah and Charlie Tsoodle ​59 10. Jack Hokeah, Hummingbird Dance (1929) ​75 11. Alice Littleman ​81 12. ­Women’s moccasins ​86 13. ­Women’s moccasins ​87 14. Tah-do, Cradle (ca. 1915) ​88 15. Laura Pedrick ​94

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Preface

I am a citizen of the Kiowa Tribe of Oklahoma, and I grew up near Orrick, Missouri, a small town near Kansas City. In Kansas City, my f­ amily participated in an urban American Indian community. Like many o­ thers, it was intertribal, and it included folks from American Indian nations in Oklahoma, individuals who stayed in the area ­after attending what is now Haskell Indian Nations University, and p ­ eople from the reservations in the Midwest. My ­family and I attended American Indian events in Kansas City, danced at powwows in the area, and visited relatives in Oklahoma, often making a summer trip for the American Indian Exposition held in August in Anadarko, Oklahoma. When I was a child, my ­father’s stories ­shaped how I ­imagined Oklahoma and our nation. My ­father, Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote Sr., grew up in Anadarko and Car­ne­gie, two major hubs of the Kiowa community, during the 1940s and 1950s. The p ­ eople he told us about—­mostly our immediate and extended ­family—­fascinated me. With my grandparents Massalena Ahtone and Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote, my f­ ather and his siblings lived for a time with my great-­grandparents Sam and Tah-do Ahtone in their pink ­house west of Car­ne­gie near Zóltò (Stinking Creek). Sam Ahtone was born in 1871, several years before the Red River War that closed one chapter of Kiowa history and ended the nomadic lifestyle of our p ­ eople on the Southern Plains. Tah-do was born about a de­cade l­ater, and their lives revolved around Rainy Mountain Baptist Church, where Sam Ahtone served as a deacon. He farmed and raised ­cattle and ­horses; she was a ­mother, cared for their home, and made beadwork. She made cradleboards for each of her grandchildren, but stopped due to failing eyesight before my ­father was born. Some of t­ hese cradles reside in museum collections to this day. Their d ­ aughter Massalena Ahtone, born in 1912, married my grand­father, Murray T., born in 1911. His parents, Arts-­a-­paun (Joseph Tone-­Pah-­Hote) and Pay-­yah-­sape (Letty Payasape), both succumbed to tuberculosis, a disease that ripped through our ­family and left my grand­father, his ­brothers, and his ­sisters orphans. In 1949 Sam Ahtone passed away. A few years ­later the ­family moved to Anadarko, a larger town with more Indian p ­ eople, where ­there was a market for the silverwork that Murray T. made. He became a xi

well-­known silversmith. My grand­mother made and sold her own beadwork and helped to sell his jewelry, and they raised their c­ hildren. The lives of my grandparents and their parents reflected an impor­tant fact of Kiowa society during the early twentieth c­ entury. ­Those outside Indigenous communities often think that they are monolithic, with forms of cultural expression that are singularly “Indian” or not. But in the early twentieth ­century, barely a generation removed from the wars of the 1870s, Sam and Tah-do Ahtone lived in a world where many forms of cultural expression coexisted. They participated in a Christian church community. At the turn of the ­century, many churches stigmatized dancing, participating in the emerging Native American Church, and anything ­else that led away from the Jesus road. My grand­mother remained a devout Christian her ­whole life and went to powwows, which became major community events during her lifetime. Though I knew my grand­mother, Murray  T. passed away years before I was born. To my knowledge, my grand­father was not a churchgoing man. In fact, my ­father remembered him coming to church only on Christmas Eve, a stark contrast to his in-­laws, who camped at Rainy Mountain the entire week leading up to the holiday and days afterward. What I knew of our ­family combined with my curiosity about some of the specific objects that simply ­were a part of our ­house­hold. For instance, the only piece of my grand­father’s silverwork I ever saw before embarking on this proj­ect sat on a bookshelf along with my parents’ classics—­Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians, one or two works by Vine Deloria—­and a collection of buttons, including one that said “Another Indian for Mondale.” The silver piece Murray T. had made was a German silver cup. German silver is a nickel alloy and was his preferred medium. The cup had a ­handle and featured a warrior on ­horse­back chasing a buffalo around the circumference of the cup. He rendered each figure—­ the man, the bison, and the horse—in full detail. It left me with a lot of questions. Where did this come from? Why did he make it, and what did it mean? To what extent was his art-making unusual? Or was this part of how Kiowa ­people remained, well, Kiowa ­people? Other questions swirled around my mind as a child and would do so for de­cades to come. As I pondered them, I learned that the two generations of my ­family before my ­father’s witnessed and participated in major changes in Kiowa cultural life—­the coming of Chris­tian­ity, the rise of the Native American Church, the emergence of powwows, and the reemergence of Kiowa military socie­ties, just to name a few. They also witnessed the dispossession of our land, its settlement by outsiders, and the creation of xii Preface

Oklahoma. Along the way, they participated in a world that was full of material objects and forms of cultural expression that ­were rich with meaning. Tah-do Ahtone’s cradleboards and Murray T.’s silver cup ­were just a glimpse into this world. The stories about my grandparents, the objects they made, and their lives during the early twentieth ­century eventually generated the questions that led to this book. How did Kiowa p ­ eople survive the upheavals of the early twentieth ­century? How did Kiowas change? To what extent did the arts change or symbolize cultural social change? What w ­ ere the roles of cultural producers in this community? How did p ­ eople understand the arts and their meanings? This book resonates with the stories that I heard growing up. They w ­ ere not the stories of famous ­battles or ­great Kiowa leaders of the nineteenth ­century, but rather about how p ­ eople lived, died, and carried on about the business of being Kiowa during and a­ fter the reservation era. The stories my ­father told taught me how to understand myself as Kiowa in the intercultural spaces in which I have lived. They showed me the importance of ­family ties, the arts, and the power of story to connect ­people across place and time. The men and ­women of my grandparents’ and great-­grandparents’ generations understood the power of the arts to represent themselves and what was and would be impor­tant to Kiowa ­people. In the pages that follow, readers ­will find the text influenced by my own experience, ­family history, and interests. Other Kiowa p ­ eople would choose dif­fer­ent ways of envisioning this time, place, and nation, but this is my attempt at answering two fundamental questions: How did Kiowa ­people survive during the reservation era and the early twentieth ­century, and how did they use the arts to facilitate this survival? The men and ­women of my grandparents’ and great-­grandparents’ generations understood the power of the arts to represent themselves and what was and would be impor­tant to Kiowa ­people. Kiowa ­people did not simply maintain their traditions; they embraced new media, cultural arenas, and artistic practices in ser­vice of what was fundamentally significant to them. What follows should ­matter to ­those of us interested in the survival and adaptation of Indigenous ­people ­because cultural producers played central roles in our survival.

Preface xiii

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Acknowl­edgments

So many ­people contributed to the pro­cess of making this book, and I am certain that my acknowl­edgments w ­ ill be at best incomplete. My professors and mentors at the University of Missouri–­Columbia, where I went to college, nurtured my interests in American Indian history. Thank you, Dr. Jeff­ rey Pasley, Dr. Maureen Konkle, Dr. Karen Cockrell, and Dr. Pablo Mendoza. I attended gradu­ate school in the History Department at the University of Minnesota, where Jean O’Brien served as my adviser, and I cannot thank her enough for her guidance and support of this proj­ect, especially in its initial stages. Along with Brenda Child, David Chang, and Pat Albers, she taught me the fundamental tools of my craft. Thanks go to Chantal Norr­ gard, Heidi K. Stark, Christina Gish-­Hill, Jill Doerfler, Matt Martinez, and the rest of the American Indian Studies Workshop. While in gradu­ate school I also worked as an intern in the Americans, Oceania, and Africa Department at the Minneapolis Institute of Art, and many thanks go to Joe Horse Capture, who was then an associate curator, and who introduced me to the field of Native American art studies. Other colleagues supported this proj­ect as well. Brian Hosmer and Larry Nesper provided feedback on a version of chapter 4, “We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things,” that appeared in Tribal Worlds: Critical Studies in American Indian Nation Building, a volume they coedited. I appreciate the questions and comments I have received from friends and mentors at the annual American Society for Ethnohistory conferences, the Native American Art Studies Association meetings, and the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association meetings. Presenting this work at other universities has proved fruitful and impor­tant too. Thank you, Dan Usner, for inviting me to pres­ent “­We’ll Show You Boys How to Dance” for the Vanderbilt History Seminar and for your suggestions on chapter 2. Colleagues at the University of New Mexico asked insightful questions and offered useful feedback on chapter 2 as well. My colleagues at the University of North Carolina–­Chapel Hill supported and encouraged my work on this proj­ect. Thanks go to Bernie Herman, who mentored me as much as I would allow myself to be mentored. He offered feedback on the manuscript at a c­ ouple of impor­tant junctures along the xv

way. My current department chair and colleague, Elizabeth Englehardt, has also supported my c­ areer and fielded a number of my research-­and teaching-­related inquiries. I want to acknowledge the participants in the American Indian and Indigenous Studies Colloquium, particularly Kathleen DuVal, Dan Cobb, Theda Perdue, and Valerie Lambert, who have offered feedback on vari­ous chapters. And though she is now at the University of Washington, I’d like to thank Jean Dennison for her friendship and encouragement. Similarly, I need to acknowledge my writing partner and, dare I say, friend, Michelle Robinson. Thanks also go to my writing group, which has included a cast of characters including but not limited to Laura Halperin, Angeline Shaka, Ben Frey, and Gabrielle Berlinger. This book would not have been pos­si­ble without the support of a number of grants, fellowships, and archives. The Carolina Postdoctoral Fellowship for Faculty Diversity brought me to the University of North Carolina and proved instrumental in providing writing time and professional development. In 2010, a Philips Fund Grant from the American Philosophical Society funded additional research that contributed to the creation of the book. I also held a faculty fellowship through the Newberry Consortium in American Indian Studies in 2012. At UNC–­Chapel Hill, a University Research Council Publication Grant funded image permissions and developmental editing. The archivists and librarians at the National Archives in Washington, D.C., and Fort Worth, Texas, ­were impor­tant in helping me to identify resources. Archivists at Oklahoma Historical Society and Western History Collections, as well as the National Anthropological Archives and the National Museum of the American Indian, proved instrumental in the proj­ect. Also, thanks go to Vanessa Paukeigope Jennings for giving me permission to publish an image of a painting by her grand­father, Stephen Mopope. Mark Simpson-­Vos deserves a gold medal and a million dollars. He saw the book long before I did. The University of North Carolina Press supported this proj­ect in vari­ous ways, especially through a manuscript workshop with Cathleen Cahill, who generously shared her time and expertise. I also need to thank the anonymous reviewer of the manuscript as well as Clyde Ellis, who served as a sounding board and offered excellent advice about the manuscript as I revised it. Clyde’s enthusiasm and conversations showed me the contribution this book could make. My ­family helped me see this book through to the end. My parents, Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote  Sr. and Deborah Tone-­Pah-­Hote, offered unwavering support and read through chapters along the way. My ­father and my aunt, Teresa Edmonds, helped me understand silverwork by offering their perxvi Acknowl­edgments

spectives on the life and times of our ­family and my grand­father, Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote. Thank you, Ah-ho, for your time, openness, and encouragement. Many thanks go to Keith Richotte Jr. for his humor, partnership, and steadfast belief that I could write a book—­especially ­because t­here ­were (many) times I was pretty sure I ­couldn’t. Steven, thank you for just being your joyful self.

Acknowl­edgments xvii

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Crafting an Indigenous Nation

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Introduction Figure  1, showing a truck rolling down the main street of Anadarko, Oklahoma, hints at what the American Indian Exposition parades looked like during the 1930s. The photo­graph highlights dance, regalia, and Kiowa leadership in the event. Jasper Saunkeah, president of the American Indian Exposition, stands tall at the front of the truckbed. Saunkeah served as the president on and off during the 1930s and the 1940s.1 For the 1937 parade he donned a full war bonnet with tail feathers trailing down his back. When this photo­graph was taken, “wearing war bonnets had complex meaning among the Kiowa”; for some, they ­were still associated with “war honors,” but for ­others, like Jasper Saunkeah, they ­were formal regalia donned for “special occasions.”2 The war bonnet, a ubiquitous piece of American Indian popu­lar culture, signals his leadership of this intertribal fair and powwow. Two young ­women smile at his side, while a young fancy dancer looks ­toward the crowd and another young w ­ oman wearing a beaded dress and modest crown ­faces forward. Several other young fancy dancers are packed in the back of the flatbed, and another man sits on the side of the truck. He too is dressed for the parade, wearing neat braids, a long-­sleeved shirt, a tie, and a brimmed hat. The truck plays a part too, “as the symbolic vehicle of social and cultural change,” giving viewers a sense of the era in which the photo­graph was taken.3 Though we cannot see them, spectators packed the street, trying to catch sight of the dancers and perhaps even Jasper Saunkeah himself. Far from being just a colorful picture of an equally colorful event, the images capture far deeper ele­ments of Kiowa cultural history made by the men and ­women who ­ride on the truck and watch from the street. the scene depicted in figure 1 alludes to the prominent role that Kiowa ­people have played in the American Indian Exposition since its founding. We see young war dancers, providing a repre­sen­ta­tion of vibrant young men. Saunkeah emphasizes his leadership in this event by dressing in the war bonnet and inhabiting the role of “Indian chief,” showing how Kiowas played upon popu­lar repre­sen­ta­tions of American Indians, which sometimes overlapped with ­those of the Kiowa themselves. Alongside ­these men, young ­women wear their finely beaded buckskins, reminding us all that the 1

figure 1 ​Photo­graph of Jasper Saunkeah, president of the American Indian Exposition, 1937. Armantrout Studio Collection, #1, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

fair was not just about fancy dancers but also encompassed a number of ways that Kiowa ­people portrayed themselves. Representing the best of its kind during its day, the American Indian Exposition boasted the finest war dancing, cash prizes for agricultural products, arts and crafts, and displays of all kinds. Kiowa men and ­women played impor­tant roles in each of ­these domains, w ­ hether in the dancing or by displaying their beadwork or paintings, the crops they grew, or the animals they raised. As the flatbed truck crawled down the street, it would have passed Indians and non-­Indians standing and sitting two and three deep along the parade route. The American Indian Exposition was a major event not just for Kiowas but for the entire town and the ­whole region. The number of folks in the audience reflected that fact. T ­ here was a g­ reat mix of p ­ eople. Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches (KCAs) attended. Cheyenne and Arapaho folks from just north of town, along with the Caddo, Wichita, Delaware, and visiting Indians from tribes in Oklahoma, New Mexico, and elsewhere made their way to Anadarko. Local non-­Indians and ­others from places beyond the 2 Introduction

borders of Caddo County visited the fairgrounds and supported the event. Some fairgoers knew and understood every­thing about the regalia, dance, beadwork, and arts. They stood alongside individuals who no doubt simply regarded this as an opportunity to see American Indians in what would come to be known as “the Indian Capital of the World.” It was no accident that the exposition started h ­ ere. Anadarko, located in what is now southwestern Oklahoma, had a long history as a social and administrative hub for a diverse Native population. Some Indians made their homes in this town. By the 1930s, a non-­Indian population unassociated with the Anadarko Agency had lived in the area for about thirty years. The town was initially the site of the Wichita Agency. In 1878 the Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) relocated the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Agency north from Fort Sill to Anadarko.4 By 1890 it served as the administrative center not just for the Wichitas and the KCA nations but also for numerous other nations, such as the “Caddos, Delawares, Towaconies, Keechis, and Wacos,” whose lands surrounded the town.5 For years, it was the place where Kiowas and ­others came for “rations and annuities from the government,” meager though they ­were in the 1870s and 1880s. L­ ater, they went to the agency for “grass money,” payments “collected from cattlemen who grazed their herds on reservation lands from 1885–­1906.” 6 It remained an agency and officially became a town when the KCA reservation opened for settlement by non-­Indians in 1901, foreshadowing statehood, which would follow six years l­ ater.7 In the 1930s Anadarko was a small town. Like other places in rural Oklahoma, it suffered from the G ­ reat Depression, making the fair a bright spot in the other­wise struggling region. As figure 1 suggests, this book is an interdisciplinary study of how Kiowa men and w ­ omen made, wore, displayed, and discussed expressive culture. Kiowa men and w ­ omen used the arts to represent new ways of understanding and representing Kiowa identity that resonated with their changed circumstances during the Progressive Era and the twentieth ­century. Kiowas represented themselves individually and collectively through cultural production that emphasized the significance of change and cultural negotiation, gender, and the ties and tensions over tribally specific and intertribal identities. This book provides one answer to the larger question of how Kiowa ­people survived and navigated the “assimilation era” and the early twentieth ­century. Dealing with this question necessitated developing an understanding of American Indian and U.S. history, visual culture and art, and expressive culture, a category that incorporates art, per­for­mance, ­music, and dance. ­These are all relevant sites of inquiry to begin answering this question. Indeed, Introduction 3

the setting itself, Kiowa country, in southwestern Oklahoma, led me to draw on works of anthropology ­because anthropologists have played a major role in forming the scholarship about Kiowa ­people and their past since 1891, when James Mooney, an anthropologist working for the Bureau of American Ethnology, arrived in Oklahoma Territory.8 Discussions of gender form another thread that pulls the narrative together. Older repre­sen­ta­tions of men remained critical to images of nation, but during this time Kiowas altered and updated t­ hese images to reflect their own popu­lar culture of powwows and war dancing. Generating images of war dancers is one example of a larger proj­ect in which men presented themselves in conversation with the enduring images of Kiowas as warriors.9 Just as the historian Joan Scott noted, gender is a useful category of analy­sis, and she explained it simply and best by stating that gender “is the entirely social creation of ideas about appropriate roles for ­women and men.”10 Gender or­ga­ nized nearly ­every aspect of Kiowa society before the reservation era. ­These expectations at times collided and overlapped with new ones that arrived with the OIA, the missionaries, the boarding schools, settlers, and ­others who brought American cultural mores with them for the purpose of instructing Kiowa men and w ­ omen in their own value systems, including appropriate gender roles. ­These intersections and collisions over gender, the arts, and repre­sen­ta­ tion led to new repre­sen­ta­tions of Kiowa ­people associated with powwows. ­Women continued to play critical roles as beadwork artists, creating patterns characterized by leaf motifs that became hallmarks of ­women’s regalia and clothing offering tribally specific designs that we now associate with Kiowa beadwork. Young ­women also came to occupy a new role as princesses in fairs and powwows. Young men who fancy danced or war danced in the emerging powwow cir­cuit represented the intertribal ele­ments of dance. Both t­ hese new repre­sen­ta­tions spoke to pre-­reservation gender roles as well as the emerging powwow cir­cuit. Families became the site of re­sis­tance to what the historian Margaret Jacobs and ­others have called “intimate colonialism,” which sought to alter and regulate how men and ­women, families, and ­children related to one another and the public repre­sen­ta­tion of self. For nineteenth-­century Americans it was ­these bonds that she noted ­were “an impediment to complete colonization.”11 Altering t­ hese relationships, or what the historian Cathleen Cahill has called the “affective bonds between Native ­children and families,” formed the cornerstone of assimilation policy.12 This power­ful, single idea informed the field matron program (which sought to teach Anglo middle-­class domes4 Introduction

ticity), the ­whole off-­reservation boarding school system, and the unequal division of land among f­ amily members. Moreover, t­ hese efforts did not stop at attempts to disintegrate ­family life, and, as Jacobs notes, “even the ways they [Native ­people] adorned their bodies and styled their hair—­eventually came ­under scrutiny and condemnation of their colonizers.”13 While Kiowas actively formulated new spaces and images of themselves, the network of ­family and kin offered stability, and during the time period ­under discussion, the expectations that many Kiowa ­people had about the roles of families and kin remained constant. Yet, as Anne Laura Stoler found, the creation of public and private spheres played an impor­tant role in how empires “managed their agents and subjects.”14 Kiowa individuals resisted ele­ments of intimate colonialism and its expectations. Often families buffered and absorbed social and economic change from this era, while serving to reinforce cohesion among broad networks of kin and community. The memories of Kiowa ­people born in the last de­cades of the nineteenth c­ entury reveal how gifts of beaded clothing and adornment communicated just how impor­tant f­ amily ties w ­ ere to Kiowas as the OIA sought to reform them. ­These moments of exchange w ­ ere not just about the goods or the objects; they also served as lessons to younger ­people about the responsibilities and obligations of kin. Importantly, ­these items and exchanges reinforced Kiowa constructions of gender and generosity. Further, the public use and wearing of clothing in par­tic­u­lar revealed one way that men and ­women resisted another tool of empire, notably the creation of separate private and public spheres. By wearing clothing and producing objects within homes and publicly wearing and displaying t­ hese items, men and w ­ omen reinforced Kiowa practices of display while resisting the efforts of outsiders to compartmentalize the lives and actions of American Indian ­people. I use the phrase “expressive culture” to describe regalia, adornment, figural art, and dance. ­These terms allow me to analyze visual and material forms within the context of families and events without reproducing hierarchies of “art” and “craft” that categorized objects as they circulated through vari­ous spaces in the growing market for American Indian objects. The use of ­these terms also allows me to discuss how and why certain genres acquired the labels “art” and “craft”; often t­ hese categories reflected Western designations of Native objects. Expressive culture also gives me the space to discuss dance and powwow culture and their connections to visual and material culture. The other major term that I use, nationhood, is not one that would have been part of the vernacular of the era. However, it is a useful lens for Introduction 5

e­ xamining relationships between individuals and objects. Kiowa ­people would have and obviously still do understand themselves as Cáuigú, or the “Principal ­People.” When I formulated this question of what nationhood looked like for Kiowa ­people during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, I did not get the answer I expected. I expected an understanding of nationhood that was more closely akin to what one sees now, which is that American Indian nations are sovereign, po­liti­cally distinct, and have a defined land base. What I found differed from my preconceptions. By exploring expressive culture at the turn of the twentieth c­ entury, I moved from the realms of formal po­liti­cal structures imposed upon and ­later incorporated by Kiowa ­people and landed in the realm of familial and community life, where maintaining an understanding of Kiowa identity centered on individuals related to each other. Adornment, dress, and other expressive forms communicated the importance of ­these relationships and the meaning that Kiowas gave to ­these forms. I follow the movement of ­people and objects where and when they travel. Recognizing the strategic uses of mobility by Native ­people during this time helps us to understand their survival. In recent de­cades scholars have taken mobility, movement, and travel seriously as central facts in the lives of American Indian ­people.15 Though this is a community study, it is one that recognizes that just b ­ ecause p ­ eople live in a place does not mean that they never leave that place or travel elsewhere for a time. Further, mobility was a way of life for Kiowas before the reservation era, and it continued to be impor­tant for individuals well into the twentieth c­ entury. Mobility was a key ­factor in how Kiowas engaged with ­others in intertribal contexts, which ­were part of social life during both the nineteenth c­entury and the ­de­cades that followed. Kiowa ­people generated new pathways to express the significance of their identity as Kiowas during the Progressive Era. Kiowa men and ­women used the arts to represent new ways of “being Kiowa” that resonated with their changed circumstances. What I offer in the pages that follow is an examination of expressive culture through a lens of nation in ­those tumultuous days of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when the federal government constrained their choices about self-­government, the access to their territory, and cultural and po­liti­cal expression. Kiowa men and w ­ omen actively resisted, navigated, and adapted to ­these circumstances in creative ways. The model of nationhood that they responded from was more closely related to nationality, and Kiowa men and w ­ omen actively generated new arenas to express Kiowa identity through the arts. 6 Introduction

Sources and Methods This interdisciplinary study draws upon archival documents generated by men and w ­ omen working for the OIA as well as the letters of Kiowa men and ­women who periodically wrote to the commissioner of Indian affairs, their congressmen, and ­others about the po­liti­cal and economic status of their nation. At times, I practice the time-­honored technique of reading t­ hese documents against the grain for Native responses, actions, or specific events integral to the argument. The federal material narrated the ways in which the U.S. nation-­state politicized Kiowa expressive culture during the assimilation era. Letters and documents created by individuals working for the OIA serve as evidence of their own opinions and attitudes ­toward Kiowas and ­others, while revealing the workings of the institution. The letters and recollections of Kiowa men and w ­ omen who lived during the era from 1875 to 1940 hold a privileged status in this book ­because they are the voices and opinions of Kiowas who lived during the time this study covers. The National Archives was useful ­because it contained letters from Kiowa ­people to agents and other government officials that touched upon local disputes and contested issues such as dance bans and the growing Native American Church (NAC). As the historian Brenda Child reminds us, letters written by Native ­peoples themselves “introduce a less censored ­opportunity to study Indian motivations, thoughts, and experiences.”16 To further examine t­ hese perspectives, I employed manuscript collections from the Oklahoma Historical Society. The Parker Mc­Ken­zie Collection showed one Kiowa’s perspective on the growth of tourism and the American Indian Exposition. Mc­Ken­zie’s works also provide useful information on the Rainy Mountain Church community as well as Kiowa society, language, and history. I also incorporated Kiowa interviews from the Doris Duke Oral History Collection located in the Western History Collection at the University of Oklahoma. The voices in ­these interviews reflected the changing landscape of Kiowa expressive culture through the memories of p ­ eople who ­were born at the turn of the last ­century. I also relied upon anthropological field notes on Kiowa material culture and economic conditions created by the ethnographer Alice Lee Marriott and the 1935 Santa Fe Field School. ­These anthropologists took ­great care in documenting Kiowa material culture and the social life that supported it, and they spent time in the region during the 1930s. Marriott trained at the University of Oklahoma, and ­after finishing her anthropology degree she worked as the Oklahoma field representative for the American Indian Arts and Crafts Introduction 7

Board (IACB) and wrote about Kiowas. The IACB was a government body begun in 1935 that marketed well-­made, “au­then­tic” American Indian items for the purpose of promoting economic development across Indian country.17 The Santa Fe Field School included multiple anthropologists who ­were interested in pre-­reservation life. The depth of this interest was useful in that their notes demonstrate differing Kiowa perspectives about pre-­ reservation life including the arts, which are at the heart of this study. In addition to ­these sources, I analyze a number of photo­graphs and objects themselves as sources for understanding Kiowa history. Though my book examines a wider range of forms, I examine Kiowa expressive culture to understand Kiowa history from the late 1870s through World War II. By situating objects fully within the historical and social context that produced them, I analyze them in conversation with documents and oral histories to show how Kiowa ­people formed and symbolized relationships that constituted the nation. As the historian Leora Auslander has noted, engaging objects as sources allows us to see how individuals “have created meaning, represented the world, and expressed their emotions th[r]ough textiles, wood, metal, dance, and ­music.”18 In her in-­depth study of Cherokee baskets, gender, and environmental change, Sarah Hill explained that her objective was “to apprehend and comprehend baskets and weavers of baskets to illuminate the history of Cherokee w ­ omen.”19 Drawing upon the work of the late Alfred Gell, an anthropologist, I understand visual and material culture as an extension of a person, a result of their agency.20 Once an object has been created, it also accumulates biography as it moves through dif­fer­ent contexts, perhaps staying with its maker, becoming a gift, circulating in a community, being sold, or becoming a part of a museum collection.21 Objects themselves have a kind of agency that affects the social and po­ liti­cal settings in which they travel.22 Clifford Geertz put this most simply when he explained that expressive forms “are not merely reflections of pre-­ existing sensibility analogically represented; they are positive agents in the creation and maintenance of such a sensibility.”23 Geertz urged readers to place objects within specific contexts. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich further explained that “artifacts tell us most when they are imbedded in the rich texture of local history.”24 In this work, I situate individuals within layers of meanings surrounding kin, gender, and the intra-­and intertribal, while focusing on the importance of western Oklahoma as a Native place and as a place that deeply influenced the history of Indian country as a ­whole during the twentieth ­century. 8 Introduction

Historical Overview Prior to the Progressive Era, Kiowa acts of diplomacy in the shifting po­liti­ cal landscape of the plains ­shaped the history of the Kiowa nation in ways that reverberated through the early twentieth ­century and formed a foundation for the spread of intertribal movements in which Kiowas would participate. Kiowas navigated shifting intertribal alliances and engaged with colonial powers.25 They often cemented their relationships in formal and informal meetings through exchanges of ceremonies, ­horses, and goods. In the mid-1760s the Kiowa lived in what is now western Montana. The span of time in this region remains impor­tant in understanding Kiowa history. Though the paper trail for this era of Kiowa history is sparse, Spanish sources have pointed to h ­ orses and the mobility they provided as an impor­ tant ­factor in Kiowa movement into the ­Great Plains.26 ­Here, they formed a vital and long-­standing “alliance with the Crows.”27 The relationship was central for the Kiowa ­because the Crows gave Kiowas the Medicine Lodge ceremony, also called the sun dance, and the central figure in this ceremony, the Taime.28 Nancy Hickerson has examined the ethnogenesis of the Kiowa and points to the importance of the Medicine Lodge ceremony in the solidification of the Kiowa as a “tribal nation.” She has also emphasized the importance of diplomacy among the Kiowa and Crow that was formed through the exchange of this ceremony.29 The Kiowa continued to maintain relationships with the Crow throughout the nineteenth ­century. James Mooney noted that Kiowas left c­ hildren to live for a few years among the Crow “to preserve the old friendship.”30 This relationship remained strong enough that when he arrived in Indian Territory in the late nineteenth c­ entury, he met Kiowas who knew and remembered Crow words and phrases from their childhood.31 While maintaining peaceful relationships with the Crow, Kiowa bands moved farther south in the changing h ­ uman and po­liti­cal landscape. As Lakota bands moved westward in large numbers and displaced the Kiowa from the Black Hills, Kiowas cemented a new set of relationships.32 Though diplomacy did not shape the totality of this migration, it was vital in securing a land base in the Southern Plains. By 1805 the Kiowa and the Kiowa Apache, a separate nation that retained close ties with the Kiowa, had moved into the heart of the Southern Plains.33 Trading and diplomatic envoys of norteños, northern tribes, including the Kiowa and the Pawnees, arrived in San Antonio to establish peaceful relationships with the Spanish in the late eigh­teenth ­century.34 Kiowas engaged with the Spanish in the Southwest, but also had Introduction 9

long-­standing trading relationships with “Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande.”35 ­After the Kiowa engaged in warfare with the Comanche in their journey south, Wolf Lying Down, “a Kiowa leader . . . ​who was next in authority to the principal chief,” negotiated a long-­standing peace with the Comanche, “prob­ably about 1790.”36 At this point, Kiowas and Comanches “thenceforth held in common” lands from the Arkansas River through what is now Texas.37 In 1840 ­these Southern Plains p ­ eoples reached a peace agreement with the Cheyenne and the Arapaho, who moved south to have greater access to buffalo and to the ­horses that the Kiowa and the Comanche raised.38 Exchanging h ­ orses and goods in ­these and countless other diplomatic situations served an impor­tant role in solidifying peaceful relationships. Bernard Mishkin noted that h ­ orses functioned like currency in intertribal relations, and he explained that “it was the h ­ orse the Kiowa depended on to uphold their reputation for generosity.”39 The ­horses proved to be vital in ­these situations. For example, Jacki Rand discussed the 1840 peace agreement negotiated with the Cheyenne and the Arapaho where “Cheyenne men, ­women, and leaders received numerous ­horses, including 250 from Sa Tank’ (Sitting Bear) alone.” 40 In addition to ­horses, captives and ceremonial items ­were exchanged. During 1834 the United States military sent its first trading expedition into Kiowa-­Comanche territory and negotiated a peace treaty between the Kiowa and the Osage, who had engaged in intense warfare to this point. As part of this agreement the Osage gave back a Kiowa girl and her ­brother who had been captured.41 ­Later, the principal chief, Dohausan (­Little Bluff), also requested the return of the Taime, which had also been taken.42 ­After the restoration of both the Taime and the two young ­people, the Kiowa and the Osage continued peaceful relationships. During the nineteenth ­century, federal officials, non-­Indian settlers, and ­others sought to gain control over the Southern Plains and to manage U.S. expansion. Originally, federal officials ­imagined western lands as a separate territory intended to contain tribal nations west of the Mississippi River. Indian Territory, formed a­ fter the Removal Act of 1830, was supposed to become a new home not only to the five tribes of the Southeast, but to ­Great Lakes and prairie tribes as well.43 While portions of ­these tribal nations entered and settled in Indian Territory, they also placed more pressure on the natu­ral resources ­there. Though Euro-­Americans did not consider the plains a prime location for settlers to live, many traveled through on their way to Oregon and to California, where gold had been discovered. A growing transient non-­Indian settler presence placed even greater stress on the landscape. By 1850, Jacki 10 Introduction

Rand notes, “two million ­people had crossed the Mississippi into Indian-­ occupied territories.” 44 Their migration disrupted buffalo movements and thinned timber resources. Settlers, prospectors, and ­others streamed through the plains throughout the Civil War. T ­ hese f­ actors combined to lead to military conflicts between plains tribes, American settlers, and the U.S. Army.45 A desire for commercial development and expansion led federal officials to attempt to resolve this conflict by negotiating the Medicine Lodge Treaty of 1867. Rand has noted that “the Kiowas wanted peace, protection from white intrude[r]s, the removal of soldiers from the area, and permission to continue hunting.” 46 The federal government wanted to “secure a safe route for railroads” to expand into the territories of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache.47 In addition to developing the railroad, agents of the U.S. government sought to halt Indian expeditions for ­horses and goods in Texas and against o­ thers who entered t­ hese territories. T ­ hese expeditions ­were becoming more necessary for the Kiowa as buffalo and other resources diminished. The Medicine Lodge Treaty did not result in a reduced settler presence, diminished hostilities, or easy territorial expansion. In exchange for a small reservation, the tribes w ­ ere supposed to receive annuities for thirty years as well as $25,000 in goods.48 According to Blue Clark, tribes “agreed to halt raids against railroad construction gangs, settlers, and military posts. Claims for Indian depredations would be paid from Indian annuities. The Indians could continue to hunt in the Texas panhandle.” 49 Warfare between Southern Plains tribes and the U.S. Army escalated throughout the late 1860s and the 1870s into the Red River War from 1874 to 1875.50 ­After conflict ceased in 1875, the U.S. Army sought to punish the men they thought had been ringleaders among the Kiowa, Comanche, Kiowa-­Apache, Cheyenne, and Arapaho in the Red River War. Among the Kiowa, the U.S. Army charged Kicking Bird, a headman (who had not fought in the war but settled on the reservation with approximately two-­thirds of the tribe), with selecting the men who would be imprisoned for their participation in the final chapter of Southern Plains military re­sis­tance. Instead of offering the military a ­whole host of individuals involved, he chose captives and young men who had participated minimally in the conflict. However, he did offer the army some of the leaders they sought, including Lone Wolf, an impor­tant headman who was deeply implicated in the war, along with White Horse, ­Woman’s Heart, and several ­others, bringing the total to twenty-­six Kiowa men who would go to prison in Fort Marion, Florida.51 Introduction 11

Additionally, ­these prisoners included Oheltoint (also known as Charlie Buffalo), Etadleah, Zotom, and Wohaw, all of whom would be recognized for their drawing in the twentieth ­century.

Chapter Overview Chapter 1, “Beyond Feathered War Bonnets,” argues that Kiowas ­shaped and engaged venues such as museums, fairs, expositions, and Wild West shows to carve out their own po­liti­cal arenas at the turn of the twentieth ­century. Their per­for­mances and engagements with museums and exhibitions w ­ ere an impor­tant source of ­labor for them as well. Though t­ hese venues often hinged on the notion that Indians w ­ ere “vanishing” ­peoples, I argue that Kiowas created transformative cultural space within museums, exhibitions, and fairs that ­later cultural producers could utilize to render images and ideas about the Kiowa. The chapter explores the ideological under­pinnings and implications of displays and events Kiowa p ­ eople participated in and demonstrates how they employed ­these locations for their own uses to form cultural and po­liti­cal spaces within an era that has often been characterized by federal policy. Chapter 2, “Circulating Silver,” illustrates that Kiowa and other Southern Plains silversmiths created peyote jewelry, silverwork with Native American Church symbols that expressed that the Kiowa ­were a historical and changing tribal nation with ties to intertribal movements that have informed the creation of Southern Plains and broader American Indian identities. To build this argument, the chapter examines the circulation of German silver metalwork throughout the plains region. I argue that the circulation of silverwork in bridles, crosses, earrings, bracelets, and other forms laid a foundation for circulating peyote jewelry throughout the twentieth ­century. The chapter posits that the role the Kiowa played in facilitating the exchange and trade of ­horses and other items from the Southwest to the Northern Plains influenced the development of plains metalwork. By the mid-­nineteenth ­century, Kiowa and other Plains Indians made items according to their own tastes. During the early twentieth c­ entury, Kiowa silverwork in German silver began to take on a politicized meaning. Kiowa silversmiths and ­others began making and wearing items displaying the iconography of the Native American Church, an institution that had long been seen as problematic by federal officials b ­ ecause of its use of peyote as a sacrament. Federal agents attempted to ban the use of peyote, the federal government attempted to pass legislation to end its use, and Oklahoma, as a new state, tried unsuccessfully 12 Introduction

to ban it. Displaying the jewelry associated with peyote became a subtle way to communicate politicized Kiowa and Native identities. By wearing t­ hese items for portraits and in other photo­graphs, Kiowa men and ­women affirmed Kiowa and other American Indian identities. They also engaged in a subtle yet power­ful form of re­sis­tance to the OIA, which opposed not only Peyotism, but any and all displays of cultural and religious identities during the late nineteenth ­century. In chapter 3, “­We’ll Show You Boys How to Dance,” I demonstrate that Kiowas focused on the display of difference and created spaces that centered on competition. At home in Oklahoma, Kiowas actively engaged the sense of competition in an intertribal space to create fairs as new sites for such displays. Gallup Ceremonial in New Mexico was also a competitive space, complete with contests for the best dance troupe, art, and dress. Dance groups from the Southwest and the plains participated in ­these events, and individual artists did as well. Gallup Ceremonial may seem like a small, discrete event, but it was significant for the Kiowa artists ­because it gave them greater access to the art market in the Southwest and greater visibility in the growing art world. Their participation in it as dancers and as artists illuminated the growing importance of powwows to Kiowa expressive culture, including dance, painting, and repre­sen­ta­tion. Further, it demonstrates how Kiowa men represented their p ­ eople through war dancer imagery, imagery that played upon both emic and etic repre­sen­ta­tions of Kiowa men as warriors. In chapter  4, I argue that w ­ omen, beadwork, and repre­sen­ta­tions of ­women demonstrated both the bound­aries and the bonds of the Kiowa as a tribal nation. Beadwork demonstrated f­ amily and community relationships, which w ­ ere the cornerstones of Kiowa nationhood. W ­ omen exchanged beadwork, moccasins, and other items to generate and maintain new ­family relationships. The chapter highlights how Kiowas displayed par­tic­u­lar designs such as leaf and floral patterns that affirmed ­family relationships and demonstrated the importance of t­ hese relationships in public venues like powwows and local fairs in which w ­ omen participated. Wearing items with t­ hese designs marked the wearer as having connections to families who utilized ­these designs and to the broader Kiowa nation as well. In addition to participating in local county fairs, Kiowa men and ­women created the American Indian Exposition. It was an intertribal fair that fostered competition among members of vari­ous tribal nations in attendance, and it also hosted a princess contest. The princess contest for the American Indian Exposition demonstrated the confluences of intertribal culture, gender, and nationhood. The pageant showed the ways in which Kiowa and Introduction 13

other American Indian ­people engaged with fairs to show that they ­were con­temporary tribal nations. Overall, this study examines layers of identity that Kiowa men and ­women experienced, discussed, and expressed through the arts, exploring how the arts became a site to navigate and negotiate emerging and existing understandings of gender, kinship, and the tensions and overlapping spheres of Kiowa and American Indian identities. It also explores how Kiowa men and ­women represented themselves and their nation in public spaces through the early twentieth ­century. The following chapter examines the politics of display as well as the repre­sen­ta­tion of Kiowa and Southern Plains ­peoples through a discussion of Fort Marion and the drawings produced ­there, as well as how public venues displayed Native ­peoples and their objects.

14 Introduction

chapter one

Beyond Feathered War Bonnets Kiowa ­L abor, Per­for­mance, and the Public Imaginary, 1870–­1934

Figure 2 shows a man and a ­women riding together with a pack animal saddled with a parfleche container. Though subtly rendered, this image focuses on warfare, a subject frequently depicted by Kiowa men in the late nineteenth ­century. Details within the drawing itself illustrate that warfare touched the lives of both men and w ­ omen.1 At times, w ­ omen traveled with their husbands on military expeditions. Sometimes a ­woman left to go on a war party with a paramour to escape a heated situation at home, especially if she was married, a scenario that commonly caused discord among individuals and families.2 Yet, Michael Paul Jordan, an anthropologist, found that other ­women joined war parties “to avenge a relative who died at the hands of the ­enemy.”3 The figures in the drawing are prepared for combat. The man is armed with a bow quiver made of cloth or a dark hide with the fur side showing. The w ­ oman carries a gun tucked into the girth of her ­saddle. ­Women had good reason to be armed on such excursions ­because they could be casualties or captives taken in war.4 The goods and objects the artist renders in this drawing emphasize the fruits of warfare and exchange, men’s prerogatives in nineteenth-­century Kiowa society. During the nineteenth c­ entury, as Candace Greene has pointed out, a Kiowa man’s “only route to status and success was the war path.”5 Military expeditions w ­ ere the way that men generated the wealth and h ­ orses to facilitate trade and exchange.6 Warfare certainly had economic ele­ments, but it possessed greater significance as well. During the nineteenth ­century, Kiowa ­people lived in a region that was an ever-­changing landscape of po­liti­ cal and military alliances that shifted over the course of the ­century. They fought to protect their families as well as the herds of ­horses they raised, traded, and raided for. In the words of the historian Brian DeLay, in the 1830s and 1840s, both Comanche and Kiowas “­were fighting to win honor, avenge fallen comrades, and grow rich.”7 The ­woman depicted in figure 2 mirrors the man’s style and pose in the ­saddle, and her clothing provides impor­tant clues for her social standing and context in this image. She wears a red-­sleeved dress, which marks her high 15

figure 2 ​Anonymous Kiowa drawing of man and ­woman riding ­horses and leading a pack animal that is carry­ing a parfleche, ca. 1875–­1877. National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, NAA INV 0867900.

social position. Cloth dresses became all the rage before the 1870s, and her dress reflects the ability of her f­ amily to acquire the cloth she wears. The red and black contrast with the white edge of her sleeves. She wears boots painted in yellow, red, and green pigments that Kiowa ­women often ­featured in their regalia before and ­after the reservation era. Her fine clothing is another indication that this drawing focuses on warfare. As Jordan found, ­women wore their best clothes for war.8 The pack animal follows the ­couple bearing a parfleche bag, which would have been painted by a w ­ oman who began to cultivate her talent for abstract painting as a young person, learning from an expert teacher how to make and paint parfleche.9 They are a well-­dressed ­couple, suggesting their wealth and power in Kiowa society. Kiowas participated in trade networks that stretched the breadth of the continent—­networks that encompassed many Native and non-­ Native ­peoples.10 The drawing also offers us a glimpse into a material world derived from a state of achievement and plenty, prior to the reservation era. Both ­horses wear German silver bridles that emphasize the riders’ status. The riders use Western-­style s­ addles, indicating the vast number of Western ob16 chapter one

jects that Kiowas circulated and incorporated into their lives by the 1870s. He wears painted leggings, with blue tabs and lines suggesting the maroon mescal beans that often adorned buckskin clothing in the nineteenth ­century. ­These leggings display the skill of the ­woman who possessed the knowledge and ability to sew, paint, and outfit him in this g­ rand manner. He wears a bone breastplate, common in men’s dress. A hair ornament and feathers complete his outfit. The man who made this drawing emphasizes w ­ omen’s skills even as the content of the drawing relates to warfare. The artist renders the prerogatives and paths to prestige in Kiowa society, which ­were complementary.11 The drawing illustrates and is evidence of gendered art production. A w ­ oman painted the parfleche bag and completed the beadwork that both wear. ­Women tanned and sewed hides from animals that men hunted. For w ­ omen, “industrial skill,” including the arts, was a source of re­spect. Drawings on hide or paper, however, reflected the events and accomplishments of Kiowa warriors.12 Men made repre­sen­ta­tional drawings that rendered their own stories on hides, and ­later on paper. The narratives of a man’s exploits in war and love belonged to him alone, though he might choose another with a fine hand to render a drawing of his accomplishments. Painting and drawing of repre­sen­ta­tional images belonged in the domain of Kiowa men, who shared their exploits with ­brothers, friends, and ­others in public spaces and in the more private domains of military society gatherings.13 The artist offered viewers a snapshot of a rich social and material world, one that differed from the context of the drawing’s creation. A Kiowa man created this drawing on paper between 1875 and 1878, when, along with other Kiowas, Comanche, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and a single Caddo, he found himself imprisoned in St. Augustine, Florida, in one of North Amer­i­ca’s oldest forts, Fort Marion (previously known as Castillo de San Marcos). The fort’s life as a prison for Native ­peoples predated the arrival of ­these warriors and continued ­after their departure.14 Yet, the drawings this artist and other Southern Plains men made during their captivity revealed a pattern of how Kiowa individuals created expressive culture that would document and illustrate how they maintained an understanding of themselves within emerging colonial contexts that would inform the lives of their ­people. The artist put pencil to paper, rendering an image rich in detail about gender, dress, and war. He did so within the confines of a prison thousands of miles away from his home, which he had no guarantee of seeing again. The experiences the Fort Marion prisoners lived through as objects of display and assimilation ­were harbingers of what ­others throughout Indian Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 17

country would endure u ­ nder the federal policy of assimilation, which was ushered in soon ­after ­these men arrived in Florida, and which lasted from 1880 to 1934.15 Three major efforts characterized this policy era, which sought to bring Indians into the fold of U.S. citizenship. First, Congress passed the General Allotment Act of 1887 (also known as the Dawes Act), which dissolved collectively owned reservation lands into individually held parcels. This was intended to encourage Indians to individually own and hold lands that the men would farm, which would lead to them becoming considered for citizenship.16 Second, the Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) mandated off-­reservation boarding school education, which sought to Americanize Indian ­children by educating them away from their Native life ways and encouraging them to ­develop middle-­class Euro-­American be­hav­iors and lifestyles.17 Third, as Clyde Ellis has explained, “between the 1880’s and the early 1930’s the OIA tried to squash any and all Native cultural expression.”18 Each of ­these initiatives sought to assimilate Native p ­ eople into the body politic of the United States. Government officials utilized imprisonment of Indians to see if intensive education, Americanization, and confinement would foster the creation of the assimilated detribalized individuals they sought to produce. Within the walls of Fort Marion, the prisoners served as a trial for t­ hese U.S. assimilation policies.19 Fort Marion, however, was also the site of an impor­tant innovation on the part of its Indian prisoners that allowed them to create some cultural and po­liti­cal space of their own—­the creation and sale of drawings to visitors at the fort. Before entering the fort, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowa men drew their exploits on robes that would be worn to display their deeds for o­ thers. Drawings also appeared on tipi liners, vis­i­ble to all t­ hose who entered a lodge.20 Seventy-­three prisoners ­were sent ­there in all. In addition to the Kiowa prisoners, t­ here ­were a number of “Comanche, Cheyenne, [and] Arapaho men.”21 They traveled across the country by train. Upon arrival they fell ­under the guard and command of Captain Richard Henry Pratt, a U.S. Army officer who served as the commander of an all–­African American unit called the “Buffalo soldiers,” an experience the army believed qualified him for his unique mission at Fort Marion. The army thought that by holding t­ hese men and one w ­ oman captive, they would bring the rest of their nations to heel. Pratt would go on to found Carlisle Indian School, the flagship off-­reservation government boarding school, in 1879. Pratt saw the Indians’ confinement as an opportunity to experiment with and enact the kind of assimilation practices he would initiate at Carlisle.22 While incarcerated at Fort Marion, the prisoners did military drills, wore short hair, dressed in military uniforms, 18 chapter one

and attended church. They also went to school, where they learned to read, write, and speak En­glish. Fort Marion also presented one of the initial public venues that exhibited Kiowas as objects of otherness and assimilation. While assimilation was the intended outcome of their incarceration, the prisoners drew attention from locals and tourists alike and ­were a living exhibit. They sold polished sea beans, bows, arrows, and drawings on paper to interested visitors.23 Even in this highly circumscribed environment, as in times past, Kiowa men used pictographic arts to negotiate and rec­ord their experiences, but they also employed them to fashion their own images in their new environment. This environment encompassed multiple audiences that included the intended audience of non-­Native consumers as well as other Native prisoners at Fort Marion. The Fort Marion prisoners ­were conscious of their Anglo audience. Instead of drawing kills and coups in detail as singular events, they made panoramic ­battle drawings that deemphasized repre­sen­ta­tions of ­personal vio­lence, reflecting their understanding of the intercultural environment in which they found themselves.24 They also presented images that “became more detailed, utilizing perspective, overlapping and sometimes a landscape setting.”25 At the same time that the Fort Marion experience displayed them as objects of otherness, the prisoners also negotiated vari­ ous identities among themselves, and ­here, as Jordan has shown, the other prisoners viewed and understood t­ hese drawings as well. Thus, while the Anglo audience may have taken an interest in the drawings as evidence of assimilation, the prisoners attached other meanings to them.26 The drawings produced income for the prisoners and served as a way to pass time, but they also held deeper po­liti­cal and cultural meanings. Although they emerged from an assimilative setting, the drawings created by Fort Marion artists offer images of re­sis­tance to the kind of totalizing, assimilative environment that Pratt created. Their subjects w ­ ere images of daily life at the fort, such as the artists’ attendance at school and church. Images of the prisoners’ past would have presented pictures of re­sis­tance to the regime Pratt put into practice, serving as visual repre­sen­ta­tions of a life he wanted them to leave ­behind. Fort Marion artists innovated on traditional forms to navigate their assimilative and exhibitionary setting. The drawings on paper could be used in multiple ways. ­Here, they also served as a mnemonic device reminding the prisoners of their homes, lives, and status as warriors. They w ­ ere also the medium in which some prisoners received and sent a precious few pieces of information to and from their families.27 Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 19

With the Fort Marion prisoners as his models for Indian assimilation, Pratt was ­eager to illustrate “pro­gress,” encouraging them to sell items such as the ledger drawings and to take part in exhibitions to show their willingness to ­labor in a Euro-­American fashion. Twice, Pratt had ­these Southern Plains men stage dance per­for­mances before live audiences, leading him to recall years l­ ater that he could have “out Buffalo Billed Mr. Cody in this line.”28 Pratt soon realized the error of his ways and came to the position that ­these kinds of dance per­for­mances would only hinder his cause ­because they would highlight what was commonly thought of as “savage.” While he was no longer interested in outdoing the iconic Wild West showman, Pratt continued to display exhibitions of Indianness. Pratt “made the fort into a living exhibit where visitors w ­ ere welcome and [he] per­sis­tently courted local and national publicity for this showcase of Indian transformation.”29 He continued presenting images of the Indian as “civilized.” Pratt utilized the Indian drawings as a way to advertise the prisoners’ pro­gress to the U.S. Army, and he also sent a copy of the ledgers to the U.S. National Museum.30 The drawings w ­ ere a part of the exhibition at Fort Marion, and Pratt employed them to si­mul­ta­ neously illustrate the prisoners’ otherness and assimilability. As Jacki Rand argues, the ledgers “humanized [the Indians] to American visitors, tourists, and St. Augustinians, and evoked the tragic ‘vanishing Indian’ sentiment, thereby diminishing non-­Indian hostility.”31 Pratt’s deployment of image and display at Fort Marion demonstrate how he used Indians as exhibits to further assimilation policies such as off-­ reservation boarding school education. But though Pratt may have promoted Indian expressive culture such as ledger drawings to further his own ends, he did not completely define its meaning. B ­ ehind the façade of exhibition, Kiowa prisoners at Fort Marion created ledger drawings that illustrated re­sis­tance to his overarching goal of making them model citizens. Fort Marion prisoners also utilized the drawings to depict, cope with, and navigate their experiences while incarcerated. In ­doing so, they made some cultural space within the walls of Fort Marion, and they provided a set of images of Kiowa history that ­later Kiowa artists would build upon in depicting the Kiowa as a nation. In 1878 the Fort Marion experiment ended, and many of the prisoners returned home. When Wohaw, Zotom, Charlie Buffalo, and ­others returned from Fort Marion, the homelands they came back to ­were on the cusp of drastic and devastating changes that would be brought on by large-­scale non-­ Indian settlement in what would become Oklahoma. The social and po­liti­cal landscape of western Oklahoma ­after passage of the Dawes Act in 1887 20 chapter one

sharply limited Kiowa economic opportunities and strategies. Engaging in dance per­for­mances and selling art functioned as culturally relevant forms of ­labor in this setting. Many Kiowa individuals and families engaged in both the production of expressive culture and agriculture to make a living for themselves when other opportunities w ­ ere limited. In this environment, artmaking became an economic strategy as a vital source of ­labor and income. Allotment and opening land to settlement by non-­Indians in Oklahoma dashed any hopes of economic stability for the Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa-­ Apache ­because ­these policies liquidated lands and wrested them from Native control. In the pro­cess, the production of expressive culture by Kiowa ­people and ­others became a necessity. Allotment was a hallmark of assimilation policy, and in the West it had largely been initiated through the Dawes Act.32 Frederick Hoxie described the legislation as “a pathway for the ­legal, economic, and social integration of Native Americans into the United States.”33 It operated by breaking up reservations, communally owned properties, into smaller parcels of land (allotments), which would belong to a single owner. It instituted the idea that men ­were the heads of ­house­holds and thus parceled out more acres of land to men than to w ­ omen. Prior to allotment, the reservation had defined bound­aries, but it belonged to the ­whole nation; individuals did not own plots of land.34 Policy makers thought that by splitting up land they would teach Native p ­ eople how to engage in owner­ship, farming, and “proper” notions of ­family structure. The policy connected to education ­because it was one of three pillars of assimilation policy, which along with land owner­ship would prepare Native ­people for citizenship.35 Though on the surface allotment appeared to be benevolent by nineteenth-­century standards, it did not lead to citizenship, inclusion, or assimilation. In fact, as Hoxie notes, “western politicians, increasingly restive over federal restrictions on the taxation and sale of allotments[,] would call for the termination of the Indians Offices[’] protective role and abolition of old treaties.”36 ­These politicians and their attendant commercial and economic interests desired ­these lands and sought to have them opened. The pressure to open what would become Oklahoma in par­tic­u­lar became acute. The specter and then the real­ity of settlers and squatters made the region a vulnerable and fragile homeland for Native ­people. During the 1870s and 1880s, “an increasing number of white squatters simply crossed over the Indian Territory border and took up residence as illegal squatters.”37 In what would become eastern Oklahoma t­ here ­were “thousands of settlers gathered on the unassigned lands of Oklahoma.”38 By 1889 Congress authorized the first land run in Oklahoma Territory, west of what is now Oklahoma City.39 Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 21

Five years l­ ater, the Jerome Commission was established to allot tribal lands in other locations in Oklahoma. The Cheyenne and Arapaho ­were some of the first to feel the effects of the Dawes Act in the area. Hoxie notes that “for two years, five special agents moved methodically down the roll of the 3,294 ­people at the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency, assigning each of them a piece of western Oklahoma. At noon on April 19, 1892, the signal was given and more than twenty-five thousand new ‘neighbors’ stampeded onto the surplus lands of the old preserve.” 40 The Cheyenne and Arapaho w ­ ere not only overrun with new neighbors; they also quickly became landless. This fact, and the fact that the Cheyenne and Arapaho became poorer as a result, weighed heavi­ly on the minds of Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa-­Apache Indians.41 They w ­ ere the next ­objects of the Jerome Commission, which was charged with negotiating the terms of allotment in Oklahoma. Even before the Jerome Commission arrived, in fact from the first days of the reservation era, Kiowas, Comanches, and Kiowa-­Apaches had felt the incursion of settlers and business interests on their southern border, hindering their stock raising. Stock thieves stole “numbers of ­horses, mules, and ­cattle” from Indian ­people in southwestern Oklahoma.42 The federal government refused to deal effectively with thieves or cattlemen who w ­ ere only nominally fined for turning their cows out on reservation land and, which as a result, stalled Native efforts at agriculture. Beyond that, the federal ­government did very ­little to instruct Kiowas how to farm or to provide seeds in times of drought.43 Though farming and row-­crop agriculture ­were difficult pursuits at best, Kiowas tried to maintain owner­ship over their own territory, which was ­under threat by commercial, state, and federal interests. A number of Kiowas led by Lone Wolf II staunchly criticized and resisted the Jerome Commission when it arrived in 1892 at the reservation that the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache shared to negotiate the terms of allotment.44 Lone Wolf and o­ thers “sought a perpetual injunction against a congressional ratification of a 1900 ‘agreement’ that allotted tribal lands and led to a direct loss of more than 2 million acres.” 45 The injunction failed, and Congress passed an act opening up reservation lands for settlement. Lone Wolf II and his nephew, Delos K. Lone Wolf, sued to try to stop the opening of the territory. They argued that the agreement ­violated the Medicine Lodge Treaty ­because the signatures were obtained in underhanded ways and that the three-­fourths standard that was “required for a ­legal land cession” had not been met.46 The case eventually was heard in the Supreme Court as Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, and 22 chapter one

the Supreme Court deci­ded to override the Medicine Lodge Treaty. As a result, “Congress could deal with Indian property as it saw fit.” 47 Before the Supreme Court case was even deci­ded, the pro­cess of allotment and land sales had begun on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache (KCA) reservation in 1901; both pro­cesses damaged the already crumbling Native economy.48 The reservation was divided into 160-­acre parcels, and a lottery system for “surplus” reservation lands was started.49 Beyond the surplus lands, many allotments ­were sold by Kiowa ­people out of necessity or leased to non-­Native farmers for income. Instead of encouraging farming, many federal officials spent time “assessing the value of individual Kiowas’ allotments for leasing purposes.”50 Both selling and leasing lands left Kiowas and other Southern Plains ­peoples in poorer, more eco­nom­ically vulnerable positions. The way the KCA land was allotted left Native p ­ eople in dire economic straits, driving the use of expressive culture as a source of income to supplement small-­scale or subsistence farming. T ­ hose who did farm found themselves in poorer circumstances ­because non-­Indian settlers continued to stream in, and ­because stock theft by non-­Indians continued much as it had at the beginning of the reservation era.51 Parker Mc­Ken­zie, a Kiowa and a linguist, recalled both the strategy of relying on the arts and the developing segregation in the town of Anadarko in southwestern Oklahoma in the early twentieth ­century when he wrote in the Anadarko Daily News: “At the time, non-­Indians of the area, except pawnbrokers, had no care of ­things Indian, even from a commercial standpoint. Some even regarded Indians as commercial drawbacks and put out signs, ‘No Indians allowed.’ ”52 Mc­Ken­zie’s recollection demonstrates how quickly racial hierarchy developed in this agency town. It also shows that for most non-­ Indian p ­ eople, Native expressive culture was not widely vis­i­ble the way it would become during the 1930s, when tourism would develop ­there. He explains that pawnbrokers whose businesses depended on the purchase, pawning, and sale of Native objects ­were the only p ­ eople who took an interest in Native culture, and he explains that the region was also segregated. He also shows that beaded items and other “­things Indian” ­were a source of cash during this eco­nom­ically depressed era. Class stratification and segregation quickly became a real­ity in Anadarko. Though Kiowa individuals lost the bulk of their lands at a rapid pace, non-­ Indians still saw the Kiowa as an impediment to settlement. White farmers in Caddo County, where Anadarko was located, saw Kiowa and other Indian farmers as obstacles, suspecting them of taking the most fertile land for Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 23

themselves and leaving white farmers ­little acreage.53 Additionally, many of the Natives’ newly arrived white neighbors ­were of a similar economic class. As farming became more mechanized, white farmers became increasingly poorer in Oklahoma and elsewhere.54 The anthropologist Alice Marriott noted the connections between art and economic development: “In western Oklahoma a new prob­lem pres­ents itself; arts and crafts work has come to be regarded by the ­people of the region as more or less a relief mea­sure, to be resorted to only ­under severe economic pressure. With a good crop year, and the relief of immediate destitution, they may lose interest in arts and crafts for a time.”55 The precarious economic conditions that led to the sale of beaded and other items of Native manufacture also emphasized that Indians and white, non-­landowning farmers (the latter also historically poor) made about the same amount of money, and landowners made more money.56 While Native ­people made items to sell in local pawn and trading stores, the local population may not have had the interest or financial ability to become a steady market for the arts that Kiowa and other Native ­people produced. The growing field of anthropology represented one market for Kiowa material culture. Many of t­ oday’s museum collections w ­ ere built through the paradigm of salvage anthropology, which hinged on a narrative of the vanishing Indian. In fact, as Janet Berlo and Ruth Phillips have explained, “museums w ­ ere regarded as the proper places in which to preserve a valuable scientific rec­ord of ‘vanishing’ Aboriginal cultures.”57 Anthropology was an “object-­based field,” and in this paradigm, gathering empirical data drove the pro­cess of collection.58 Deep analy­sis into the significance, meaning, or use of Native items did not fit within this paradigm.59 David Hurst Thomas credits Henry Lewis Morgan with engaging in more analy­sis of collected items. Morgan developed his ideas about “social evolution [which] became the backbone of late nineteenth-­century anthropology.” 60 ­These ideas allowed “museums and universities to classify the cultures they w ­ ere studying.” 61 ­These cultures, according to late nineteenth-­century Euro-­American minds, existed along a spectrum from savagery to civilization. This kind of thinking was the result of Social Darwinism, which “ranked socie­ties according to their ‘evolutionary’ status.” 62 Often t­ hese ideas gained public expression through the venue of the museum as well as that of the exhibition. This evolutionary model drove the displays of Indians and o­ thers within and beyond ­these venues. Functioning from the princi­ple of salvage anthropology, ethnologists such as James Mooney sought to collect well-­made items of daily Native life, which 24 chapter one

would often appear at expositions and in museum exhibits. Kiowa objects became commodities in the broader markets generated by the forces of ethnology, tourism, and the popu­lar market for Native objects. For instance, in 1891 Mooney collected items of dress, games, and other objects for the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago.63 Mooney commissioned some of ­these objects, such as a set of miniature heraldic tipis painted by Oheltoint, and ­others he purchased from Kiowas themselves. Popu­lar markets existed alongside the ethnographic market, which commoditized Kiowa and other Native goods as scientific evidence, pieces in a material picture of a culture. Kiowa ­women and men produced items for a popu­lar market, such as the drawings on paper sold to tourists at Fort Marion, beaded items made by ­women, and other items that ­were sold in pawn and Indian stores in Anadarko and at Fort Sill, the army base located in Lawton, at the southern end of the KCA reservation, near the Texas border.64 As an economic strategy, making expressive culture was at times combined with forms of agricultural work. Oheltoint (also known as Charlie Buffalo) and his f­ amily serve as an example of this. Not only was Oheltoint an artist at Fort Marion, but he also worked for James Mooney in creating the tipi exhibit for the 1904 St. Louis Exposition.65 He also worked for the Kiowa Agency as a carpenter and an Indian policeman at vari­ous times.66 Oheltoint and his wife, Mary Buffalo, also engaged in some subsistence farming. In the annual report from the agency in 1922, the superintendent featured him and his f­ amily as an example of agricultural pro­gress. The agent noted that Charlie Buffalo had over 160 acres in pasture along with 30 acres of corn, 10 of cotton, and more of other crops. He also had chickens, four work­ horses, and two ­horses that ­were broken to drive.67 ­There w ­ ere ­others who made a living in this way as well. A man named Belo Cozad is an example of this broader pattern.68 He is also documented as engaging in some subsistence agriculture. The agency visited his home in 1924 to prepare the Industrial Survey Report, which provided a snapshot of the economic status of the Kiowa Agency. Cozad, born in 1866, had a “small garden valued at $10.00 and Kaffir corn to the value of $100.” 69 The report further noted that Cozad received some money from the renting of his land and from annuities. He had also sold eighty acres to pay for the construction of his home, which had six rooms and was located near Stecker, Oklahoma.70 In addition to engaging in subsistence farming, Belo Cozad was a well-­ known carver, flute maker, and fan maker. In 1939, Alice Marriott, who was interested in the arts as well as anthropology, described him as “a man about Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 25

seventy, very tall and vigorous, and one of the most beautiful men I have ever seen. Long braids, silver earrings, silk shirts—­He has all the trimmings to make him so!”71 In addition, she noted that he was a well-­known musician and that he “has appeared on N.B.C. hook-­ups, and has quite a reputation.”72 Cozad perhaps made a better name for himself as a musician and carver than as a farmer, but like Oheltoint, he engaged in both activities, as many Kiowas did. The extended ­family became even more impor­tant for Kiowa p ­ eople from the 1880s through the 1920s. At times the extended f­ amily would consist of parents and one or two adult c­ hildren who lived in a single h ­ ouse­hold. For example, in 1924, Keintaddle, an older Kiowa ­woman and a ­sister of Silver Horn, White Buffalo, and Oheltoint resided with her adult d ­ aughter and son-­ 73 in-­law on her allotment near Redstone Baptist Church. One of the annual Statistical and Narrative Reports for the agency included a picture of the ­family of Goomda (Wind) taken in 1927. The author of the report noted that “the picture represents four generations,” featuring ­family members ranging from an el­derly ­woman with a cane to a baby girl resting on her m ­ other’s lap, and demonstrated that h ­ ouse­holds and extended families w ­ ere often multigenerational.74 In order to have enough land and resources to engage in cultivation and raise stock, Kiowas often tried to combine their ­individual allotments.75 During the 1930s, Marriott also noticed that as the economic situation in southwestern Oklahoma became worse, t­here was “increasing concentration of ­family groups.”76 Marriott noted that families ­were not just socially and eco­nom­ically significant; she explained that they ­were also the basic economic unit. “Left alone, each ­family is self-­ contained and self-­sustained; the community works together only when driven by necessity or outside forces. This does not apply to the ­women as to the men.”77 Extended families, which once composed bands, became more significant during the twentieth c­ entury. When choosing allotments, Kiowas preferred to live as families, and some ­were able to maintain their homes in close proximity. T ­ hese ­family groups became even more eco­ nom­ically and socially impor­tant in providing stability during the lean years of the ­Great Depression, and generally the ­family became even more prominent during the twentieth ­century. Kiowa individuals and families responded to and became more enmeshed in larger cultural and po­liti­cal forces, both national and international. While many historians have focused on the late nineteenth c­ entury in terms of federal policy, the end of the ­century is notable for giving rise to the growth of anthropology and the museum. The idea of the museum in the United States, 26 chapter one

and in fact in many countries, was linked not just with power relationships but also with nationalism and nation building. The museum was a way of forming a “totalizing classificatory grid, which could be applied with endless flexibility to anything ­under the state’s real or contemplated control: ­peoples, regions, religions, languages, products, monuments and so forth.”78 The idea of the museum as an expression of American nationalism stretches back to the days of the early republic. Nationalism influenced the development of American museums during the late nineteenth c­ entury. Museums, infused with nationalism, made western expansion an intellectual possibility. The museum, as a site of popu­lar culture that combined education and entertainment, influenced how the public saw Native p ­ eople. It played a role in how Euro-­Americans ­imagined the expanse of western territory and their ability to control it and the Native ­people who lived within ­those lands. Thomas Jefferson’s personal collection pres­ents an example of the intertwining efforts at exhibition, expansion, and empire in the early nineteenth ­century. David Hurst Thomas has referred to him as the “first American Archeologist.”79 In addition to unearthing vari­ous items himself, Jefferson amassed a collection that he displayed in his home, Monticello. Collecting and displaying American Indian objects was a means of illustrating that Native ­people ­were, like their objects, a “possessed Other.” 80 Jefferson’s collection of American Indian and natu­ral science objects expressed a kind of “cultural nationalism.” 81 As noted, Jefferson displayed his goods at his home, but increasingly collections of Native objects w ­ ere displayed in museums, and ­later in world’s fairs such as the 1893 Columbian Exposition held in Chicago. Shari Huhndorf, a literary scholar, argued “[t]he Midway’s message was clear: the non-­West existed for both the amusement and the development of the west.” 82 Jefferson’s categorization of Indians with nature and natu­ral history engages in the same idea. Displays like his made it easier to see how the westward expansion of the United States could be and was envisioned. Jefferson’s exhibit also extrapolated a f­ uture moment in which Indian ­people would be transformed into farmers at the hands of Americans. Native items in his display at Monticello ranged from what he considered natu­ral history items to art pieces, illustrating what he thought of as the trajectory of Indian p ­ eople from primitive to modern. He displayed a Mandan men’s pictographic robe, which he grouped with his art and thus illustrated that “the Indian was capable of improvement.” 83 More importantly, Jefferson’s “Indian Hall” at Monticello provided an excellent example of how exhibition fostered evolutionary, nationalist, and colonial ideas all at the same time. Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 27

His Indian Hall was composed in part from the objects that Lewis and Clark collected on their journey through the West, and the development in his museum paralleled and was derived from the exploration of western lands and the desire to control ­those lands. Jefferson’s early nineteenth-­century Indian Hall was a prelude to the increasingly professionalized ethnographic museum displays that developed ­after the Civil War. Late nineteenth-­century museums functioned in a similar way, and museums helped illustrate territorial expansion and the power to know, name, and control ­others within expanded territories. While the museums fostered expansionist ideas, their collections often ­were built from items collected through salvage anthropology. Once the assimilation era began in earnest with the passage of the Dawes Act in 1887, reservation agents saw museums as the proper homes for items that for them symbolized a way of life they wanted Native ­people to set aside. With the growth of museums as a nineteenth-­century cultural phenomenon, expositions and world’s fairs became popu­lar as well, and they served similar purposes. World’s fairs of the Victorian era w ­ ere large, sprawling events that ­were intended to illustrate the growth of economic and technological capabilities. They provided a venue for companies to “promote the mass consumption of their products,” and they ­were also intended to illustrate cultural resources.84 Robert Rydell, a historian, has argued that fairs also “ritualistically affirmed fairgoers’ faith in American institutions and social organ­ization.” 85 ­These institutions also immersed fairgoers in and disseminated racial hierarchies based on Social Darwinism.86 As one can imagine, Kiowas and other Native ­people did not fare well in ­these or other kinds of displays in the nineteenth ­century. They ­were displayed largely as objects to view and often w ­ ere presented as “savage” in contrast to the “civilized” non-­Indians who viewed them at the fairs.87 ­These grandiose fairs and their local counter­parts, such as county fairs and local expositions, are impor­tant ­because Kiowa and other ­peoples l­ ater fashioned them into autonomous spaces in spite of messages of Euro-­American superiority and cultural assimilation. Kiowas and o­ thers sal­vaged them and transformed them into the intertribal powwow cir­cuit, which provided an arena that Kiowas ­later utilized to foster intertribal and tribally specific expressive culture. Historically, fairs and the museum collections created from them have been detrimental in shaping the image of Native ­people. In examining the Philadelphia Centennial of 1876 and the Chicago Exposition of 1893, Jacki Rand has argued that fairs not only gave public expression to salvage anthro28 chapter one

pology but also encouraged “the commodification of Native culture, the federal assimilation policy, and the construction of a national narrative that naturalized the Vanishing American Indians.” 88 Huhndorf has argued that world’s fairs defined American Indian ­people in ways that illustrated a narrative of American superiority and modernity and Indian “primitivity.” 89 More specifically Huhndorf argues, “the Midway’s message was clear: the non-­West existed for both the amusement and the development of the West.”90 Native ­people w ­ ere portrayed as vanishing in ­these displays, a fact that made western expansion ideologically pos­si­ble. Anthropologists, who collected Native objects and often controlled their display, created narratives of Native ­people as primitive racialized ­others, and their ideas, publicly displayed in museums and fairs, major sites of popu­lar culture, influenced policy makers. Policy makers began to view Native p ­ eople as incapable of assimilating and becoming full citizens, whereas before they had believed them capable of ­doing so.91 The fact that fairs w ­ ere so closely linked to the growth of the United States as an empire also raises other questions. What was the relationship between ­these large fairs and the Native ­people who supplied objects for them and sometimes performed in them? How did Kiowas and other p ­ eople see ­these fairs? Some of the fairs’ con­temporary anthropologists seem not to have viewed them positively. Even though Mooney collected items from e­ very aspect of Kiowa daily life, from warrior society items to c­ hildren’s clothing, for the 1893 Columbian Exposition, he was not enthusiastic about the work of collecting for the venue.92 He felt that it was beneath him ­because ­these expositions contained a sideshow ele­ment that he and ­others found distasteful.93 Kiowa men and w ­ omen made pieces for Mooney and certainly other anthropologists ­because this presented opportunities for engaging in culturally relevant forms of l­abor. They did not involve themselves b ­ ecause they wanted to contribute to the narrative of vanishing that Euro-­Americans continually wrote about and displayed. Making ­these items allowed them to earn money in the devastated post-­allotment economy. Mooney not only bought and collected items from Kiowa individuals; as noted earlier, he commissioned pieces as well. For a ­later exhibit, Mooney employed a number of Kiowa individuals to create a miniature painted-­tipi exhibit. He employed both men and ­women whose families had made, lived in, and periodically renewed large-­scale painted tipis. They all worked close to St. Patrick’s Mission, in Anadarko, where they lived.94 This work would have been impor­tant intrinsically to ­these Kiowas ­because it meant engaging in making items that Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 29

­ ere relevant to their own histories and families. For instance, John Ewers w noted that Charlie Buffalo painted the miniaturized version of the well-­ known tipi, “which his own ­father, and ­later his ­brother[,] had owned.”95 The fact that Charlie Buffalo painted a tipi that was so closely attached to his ­family affirmed his ­family’s owner­ship of the larger tipi. And, no doubt, skillfully painting a smaller version of this lodge brought him more prestige as an artist as well. Though Kiowas made items for the large expositions, the Office of Indian Affairs sought to portray Kiowas and other Native ­people in strictly “civilized terms” as Christians, as modernized p ­ eople, and in roles as farmers and homemakers, and it limited their per­for­mance at t­ hese events. While ethnologists and businessmen encouraged the creation and display of Native expressive culture, OIA superintendents resisted t­ hese efforts, believing they would lead to backsliding into the ways that the agency discouraged in its effort to create Anglicized agricultural citizens. L. G. Moses argues in his seminal work on Wild West and Indian shows that the OIA strug­g led deeply with popu­lar forms such as the Wild West show over the image of Indian ­people, particularly that of Plains Indians.96 The OIA strug­g led with this not only with Buffalo Bill Cody’s operation, but at events like the Columbian Exposition where Indian ­people ­were beyond their control, engaging in be­hav­ior the agency sought to alter. Vari­ous superintendents of the KCA reservation tried to maintain a modicum of control over dances and per­for­mance. Some officials at the KCA reservation found Mooney’s efforts to be a step in the wrong direction, too.97 In 1898, Mooney tried to convince W. T. Walker, the newest agent stuck in the revolving door of the Kiowa Agency, to let him take some Kiowas up to Omaha, Nebraska, for the Trans-­Mississippi and International Exposition. Walker “would not allow any members of the tribe to go to Omaha.”98 Walker’s stance was standard. Like other agents before and ­after him, he had g­ reat difficulty curtailing dancing, and no doubt he did not want this failing made public by per­for­mances at world’s fairs where a national spotlight would shine brightly on agency failings. Despite the messages of power and pro­gress that museums, exhibitions, and even Wild West shows created and encouraged, Kiowa and other Native ­people negotiated and transformed them, making cultural and po­liti­cal spaces and opportunities. Creating ­these spaces for cultural expression was also work, and Kiowa p ­ eople engaged in cultural production as l­ abor as a means to maintain cultural life during the assimilation era. 30 chapter one

Powwows ­were born of t­ hese engagements with Wild West and Indian shows, where older forms of dance and song met with the bravado of t­ hese shows. ­These events greatly influenced the creation of Kiowa expressive culture throughout the twentieth ­century. The Merriam Report, published in 1923 to document the state of Native health, education, and welfare, recognized the use of expressive culture, particularly art, as l­abor on a national scale, and ­later the federal government became involved in the marketing and selling of Native material culture. The expositions and fairs of the nineteenth ­century gave way to twentieth-­century events and fine art exhibitions, which operated to market and promote Native items as art objects. ­These displays remained tied to the politics of older exhibitions but emphasized the aesthetic qualities of Native material. The spaces that Kiowa and other Native p ­ eople created at the turn of the twentieth ­century would ­later be taken up by subsequent Kiowa war dancers, beadworkers, singers, paint­ers, silversmiths, and o­ thers who would display paintings, images, and symbols of the Kiowa as a changing and historical tribal nation. Jewelry and silverwork, in par­tic­u­lar, would become an impor­ tant arena for the Kiowa to regenerate their po­liti­cal and regional identities.

Beyond Feathered War Bonnets 31

chapter two

Circulating Silver

Peyote Jewelry and the Making of Region My grand­father, Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote, made a tie slide that is now ­housed in the Sam Noble Museum at the University of Oklahoma in Norman (figure 3). A gourd rattle, used in ceremonial settings to accompany song in the all-­night peyote ceremony, stretches across the top of this tie slide. The slim ­handle, gourd, and fringe are all finely rendered, as is the ­water bird hanging from the chain below. W ­ ater birds are significant beings within the Native American Church ­because they serve as intermediaries between p ­ eople and 1 greater powers by carry­ing prayers skyward. ­Water birds are one of the most prominent images associated with the Native American Church, and the design became so widespread that it now evokes the Southern Plains region as a ­whole and is widely considered an “Indian” design.2 In addition to the gourd rattle and ­water bird, this piece carries Murray T.’s own stamped designs. The combination of the stamped circles, filed arcs, and rounded geometric stamps make this a unique piece, especially since the stamps ­were made by Murray T. himself. He stamped out the ­water bird, giving definition to the wings, and he gave the piece movement by making the tail feathers’ fringes. Murray T. highlighted both the stamps and the w ­ ater bird design through the use of negative space. He cut out the German silver, a nickel alloy, around the filed arcs on the slide as well as at the shoulders of the w ­ ater bird. My grand­father made and sold jewelry for a living, and the fact that his work is now part of a prominent collection is no surprise. For my grand­ father, making jewelry was part of the l­ abor that he and my grand­mother, Massalena Ahtone, did to keep their ­family afloat. He took commissions for jewelry, and he made a silver bridle for the museum display at Indian City, a popu­lar tourist destination in Anadarko during his day. My grand­mother sold his jewelry in Anadarko, and he sold his work to local pawn and Indian stores such as Jake Tingley’s Store and Robert’s Store. He also did custom work for individuals. Though I saw pictures of his work growing up, my grand­father passed away many years before I was born. Most of what I knew of him was through stories about him and the jewelry he made, stories I listened to while watching my ­father, Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote Sr., make his own jewelry.3 ­These 32

figure 3 ​Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote, Tie Clasp. E/1951/13/012, Sam Noble Oklahoma Museum of Natu­ral History, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

stories about my grand­father’s work and the times he lived in left me curious enough to ask, years l­ater, Where did this style of jewelry come from? Why might it have been significant to Kiowas and other Native ­people in the twentieth c­ entury? This tie slide is the product of artistic, religious, and economic changes during the Progressive Era in Kiowa country as much as it is of my grand­father’s work. Jewelry symbolized ele­ments of what Native p ­ eople valued, expressed both in the objects themselves and in their exchange. As Katherine Bunn-­ Marcuse found along the Northwest Coast, when Native jewelers made items from coins, they transformed them and placed them within Native spheres of value, where they contributed to “social and cultural cohesion.” 4 At the Circulating Silver 33

turn of the twentieth c­ entury, adornment circulated the iconography of the Native American Church. The pro­cess and pattern of transforming coins and German silver, a nickel alloy, into jewelry mirror a transformation in Kiowa spiritual practices. In southwestern Oklahoma, Kiowa silverwork, including peyote jewelry, in the reservation era and afterward communicated and represented emerging Kiowa and regional American Indian identities. Artists transformed silverwork into a repre­sen­ta­tional art form that communicated Native American Church imagery. The Native American Church itself combined ele­ments of Native belief, Chris­tian­ity, and Peyotism. Cultural producers at all levels played impor­tant roles in generating ­these religious, and ­later regional, identities by giving them expression through art and adornment. In order to understand how artists transformed historic adornment forms at the turn of the twentieth c­ entury, it is impor­tant to understand how Kiowas and other ­people who lived in what would come to be known as Oklahoma wore, made, and exchanged jewelry. Native p ­ eople in the region both exchanged for and made their own jewelry, and we may never know exactly how much was manufactured by o­ thers versus what Native p ­ eople created.5 What is clear is that traders brought to eastern North Amer­i­ca certain objects and materials, including “beads, bracelets, conchos, combs[,] earrings, headbands, and rings, made of brass, copper silver and tin,” which they traded to eastern Indians, who then traded them farther west.6 Mexican silversmiths living in present-­day New Mexico made hair ornaments for Kiowas prior to the 1860s.7 Norman Feder, curator of the Denver Art Museum, who did extensive research on the subject of silverwork, also thought that Mexican silversmiths w ­ ere the source of the large crosses that Comanches and ­others wore as early as the late 1700s. George Bent, a Cheyenne, noted that ­until about 1815, Kiowas would travel up to the North Platte River with ­horses and trade goods from the Southwest, where they “received from the Crows, Arapahos, and Cheyennes, guns, ammunition, British goods, ea­gle feathers, ermine skins, and other articles.” 8 Kiowas participated in networks that included the Mandan and Hidatsa, whose villages w ­ ere a hub of trade, diffusing En­glish goods and metals south from the Hudson’s Bay Com­pany, the Plains Cree, and the Assiniboine.9 Kiowa calendars recorded the use of metalworking techniques and silver trade items during the nineteenth c­ entury, and they illustrate that German silver was valued as an item of adornment. James Mooney recorded in A Calendar History of the Kiowa that the Kiowa referred to the winter of 1832–­33 as the “winter that they captured the money,” when Kiowa warriors took a sum 34 chapter two

of silver coins from an American group.10 They flattened and s­ haped them into disks that they wore in their scalp locks. Mooney also recorded that the sun dance of 1866 was known as the “flat metal” sun dance ­because a trader named Charles A. Whittacre came and traded “a large quantity of German silver,” which Kiowas received “in sheets which they cut and hammer[ed] into the desired shapes,” and the image for that year was the sun dance lodge with a set of hair plates alongside it.11 The fact that the calendar keeper recorded this event illustrated that German silver was still rare enough for Kiowas at this point to be notable.12 ­Because it was not widely available u ­ ntil the second half of the nineteenth ­century, Southern Plains ­people regarded it as “a highly valued prestige item.”13 Travelers and missionaries also remarked upon the prominence of metalwork in both men’s and w ­ omen’s dress during the nineteenth c­ entury. When George Catlin, an artist who painted portraits of Native ­people, traveled the plains during the 1830s, he painted a portrait of Dohausen, the principal chief of the Kiowa. He described his subject’s attire, explaining, “His long hair, which was up in several large clubs, and ornamented with a ­great many silver broaches[,] extended quite down to his knees.”14 Dohausen’s hair plates in the portrait communicated his prominent status, which during his day would have been gained only through success in ­battle and leadership. Kiowas ­were not the only ones to dress in silver. Randolph Marcy, an army officer who mapped and explored the Red River, remarked upon Comanche men in his journal and noted their long hair; he recalled that they “ornament it upon state occasions with silver and beads.”15 The era when Kiowa men and ­others gained greater access to materials like German silver and coins coincided with a period of wealth and prosperity for Kiowa ­people, the result of military expeditions, particularly in Mexico. In the 1830s and 1840s, both Comanche and Kiowas “­were fighting to win honor, avenge fallen comrades, and grow rich.”16 Often young men served as primary actors to prove themselves militarily and to demonstrate their talents and capacities as warriors and leaders.17 Men who headed out on ­these raids returned with luxury items such as fine cloth and, more importantly, a ­great deal of jewelry.18 Though not u ­ nder peaceful circumstances, Kiowas and their Southern Plains counter­parts did acquire jewelry from Mexico on ­these occasions. ­After traders and ­others introduced German silver into trade networks, it was utilized in items of Native manufacture. German silver was less expensive than sterling and was sold as sheet metal that Native ­people could use to their own tastes.19 Daniel Swan, an anthropologist, explains that “between Circulating Silver 35

1865 and 1880, the supply of German silver increased greatly, leading to an abundance of items manufactured from it,” and that “Southern Plains metal smiths produced ­horse gear, pectorals and crosses, earrings, fin­ger rings, other jewelry and decorative objects with German silver.”20 Men of standing and stature, such as Dohausen, the principal chief, and other wealthy men, donned the sets of graduated hair plates that George Catlin observed and painted. In addition to large hair plates, men often wore scalp lock ornaments composed of small sets of disks. ­Women wore German silver ­belts, complete with drops or drags, and at times small disks on their high-­top leggings. Men and ­women wore dif­fer­ent types of metalwork as part of formal dress, but they also shared a wealth of adornment. When Thomas Battey, a Quaker missionary, arrived on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache (KCA) reservation during the 1870s, he described the metalwork that men and ­women wore: “They wear a profusion of rings on their fin­gers and in their ears,” and he noted ­these earrings had “small brass terminated by small pieces of tin, or German silver, cut in fanciful forms.”21 Both genders also adorned their ­horses with bridles that expressed their social standing. Men primarily made t­ hese items. One Arapaho man, Jesse Rowledge, talked with fondness about a h ­ orse bridle that he owned as a young man. He explained: “Men made them kind of bridles. Pretty. Pretty work. Stamped work, you know. I had one or two of them. My u ­ ncle gave me one when I got grown up and my ­mother had one she kept.”22 James Silver Horn, son of Haungooah, also known simply as Silver Horn, recalled his f­ ather fashioning jewelry from coins and other items.23 Silverwork’s function went beyond representing social standing. Kiowas and ­others traded for it among themselves, and it circulated throughout the region during the late nineteenth ­century. Kiowas acquired silverwork by trading for jewelry with other nations in the region. Over time and collectively, ­these individual events formed patterns of relation that knit the Kiowa and o­ thers together socially in ways that would l­ater mitigate federal Indian policies of containment. Kiowas and o­ thers dispersed items of adornment through intertribal trade networks based on the exchange of h ­ orses and other goods. ­These exchanges reinforced the connection between silver and trade, and they reiterated intertribal connections. Though Kiowas made silverwork themselves starting in the 1830s, they obtained more silver items through trade in h ­ orses, a vital part of their economy. Kiowas relied on this intertribal exchange, in this case, of silverwork and ­horses, to maintain social and economic ties with their po­liti­cal allies and neighbors. Frank Givens, a son of Sitting Bear, one of the most power­ful warriors and leaders of the 36 chapter two

nineteenth c­entury, remembered that when Arapahos came down to trade with the Kiowa for h ­ orses, they received silver hair ornaments and 24 necklaces. He recalled that Kiowas acquired “pretty silver ear rings and rings and bracelets” from the Wichita in exchange for “moccasins, shawls [and] leggings.” 25 ­Later, Kiowas continued to trade with the Cheyenne. As Givens explained, “They took their best ­horses and went to the Cheyenne. They traded with them for moccasins, ear-­rings, necklaces, for the ­horses.”26 The exchange of goods outside of the cash economy not only reinforced social relationships; it may also have softened the blow that allotment landed. Silver Horn, the multitalented artist, flattened coins to make jewelry, and his son remembered that in exchange he received a “horse or beef” for t­ hese efforts.27 Silver Horn was not the only one who made metalwork from coins. Cecil Horse made earrings for his wife, typical of other earrings he made from dimes and quarters.28 At the time Silver Horn worked with coins in making jewelry, Kiowas ­were not fully incorporated into the cash economy, as his son’s comments suggest. Guy Quoetone, a Kiowa man born in the 1880s, noted that Kiowa ­people did not widely use money before their lands ­were allotted in 1901.29 Additionally, many Kiowa ­people acquired dry goods and other items through a system of licensed traders that operated via credit at the turn of the ­century.30 The action of transforming the coins into jewelry within the shadow of a growing market economy was also a subversion of that cash economy to serve the ends of the silversmiths. Silversmiths like Horse and Silver Horn converted the coins into jewelry and submerged them into older economic patterns of intra-­and intertribal exchange, patterns that emphasized relationships among ­people. Kiowas and ­others made jewelry during the tumultuous days of Southern Plains warfare and the early reservation era against the backdrop of war and the creation and dissolution of the reservation. Artists also had a dynamic relationship with the emerging intertribal movement of Peyotism, which presented a new mode of being Kiowa and, increasingly, American Indian. The movement deeply s­ haped Kiowa and Southern Plains art, but artists and the objects they made also ­shaped repre­sen­ta­tions and knowledge about Peyotism and the emerging Native American Church. The emergence of the Native American Church itself parallels the transformation of the jewelry. To better understand how jewelry symbolized this new religious movement, we need to examine how and why the KCA became central to this emerging intertribal movement. During the 1880s and 1890s, Kiowas experienced drastic changes in their religious lives in the aftermath of warfare in the 1870s. By the late nineteenth Circulating Silver 37

c­ entury, Euro-­Americans had decimated the bison population, a pro­cess Kiowas understood and recorded in their saigut (winter picture), or winter counts, mnemonic devices used to mark the passage of time. A well-­killed bison bull played an integral role in the Medicine Lodge ceremony, which connected Kiowa ­people to one another and to the spiritual powers that brought them survival and sustenance for over a ­century. Without the bison, the Kiowa would not gather for the ceremony. For example, in the summer of 1880 “­there was no ceremony” due to lack of buffalo.31 The last major attempt at the Medicine Lodge occurred in 1890, when Kiowas scattered a­ fter finding out that soldiers had left Fort Still to stop the Kiowas’ preparations. The military occupation of their land and the loss of bison contributed to the decision the Kiowa made at that time to stop performing this ceremony.32 In the wake of military occupation, the U.S. government sent missionaries to the KCA in an effort to Christianize Kiowa ­people. This was simply a local iteration of a much bigger policy goal of the 1880s, to bring Indians into the fold of civilization. During this de­cade, Protestant missionaries set up churches and missions across the reservation. Anadarko soon became home to St. Patrick’s, a Catholic church. At the close of the ­century, the reservation contained nineteen churches. Of ­these, St. Patrick’s and the Baptist and Methodist churches have had a lasting presence in southwestern Oklahoma.33 As Kiowas stopped holding the Medicine Lodge ceremony, many ­people began to learn about and practice Chris­tian­ity. ­There ­were good reasons for exploring and adapting Chris­tian­ity at this time. No doubt, the end of the Medicine Lodge ceremony left a void for Kiowa p ­ eople. Additionally, Chris­ tian­ity was open to every­one who wanted to attend church. Though the Medicine Lodge ceremony involved men and w ­ omen in vari­ous roles, not every­one participated in the ­actual ceremony or could do so. But churches desired the attendance of men, ­women, and ­children regardless of their rank or background. Some Kiowas also felt that they needed a new spiritual road ­because the older one had failed them, and they worried that their old ways would not aid them in this new life on the reservation. For some Kiowa ­people, Chris­tian­ity posed few prob­lems, b ­ ecause Kiowas possessed an “additive belief system” and could easily incorporate a belief in Chris­tian­ity into their spiritual lives.34 Ministers, field matrons, and o­ thers did not see it this way, of course. They encouraged ­people to follow one road exclusively. At the same time that Kiowas experienced ­these major changes—­the end of the Red River War, the arrival of Christian missionaries, and life on a reservation—­two ­brothers set another series of changes in motion. Chebatha and Pinero, Lipan Apaches married to Comanche w ­ omen, brought Peyotism 38 chapter two

with them to the KCA reservation in the 1870s, and they taught the ceremony to Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache ­people.35 By the 1880s, several Kiowa men practiced this faith, and a de­cade l­ ater Kiowa and Comanche p ­ eople developed their own version of the ceremony, as would o­ thers over the years.36 As religious practices changed, some Kiowa individuals relied on Peyotism, which connected them to a source of power that had a place in Kiowa social and religious life, and so the ceremony that ­these men brought with them was added to an already established understanding about peyote. In fact, the “additive belief system” that Kiowas understood also contributed to the growth of peyotists among the Kiowa. Kiowas did possess knowledge about the peyote plant and its properties prior to the arrival of Chebatha and Pinero. They viewed it as a source of power that could be used in warfare or healing. The bison bull and the peyote plant signified the sun in animal and plant form, respectively.37 Silver Horn was a roadman—­one who led peyote meetings—­and a prolific artist at the turn of the twentieth c­ entury. He drew scenes that demonstrated peyote as a path to spiritual power.38 The plant’s symbolic connections to warfare may also have added to its appeal to Kiowa men, who had continued to uphold being a warrior as a cultural ideal. Peyotism on the KCA reservation melded t­ hese ideas with the ceremony the Lipan Apache ­brothers had introduced as well as with some ele­ments of Chris­tian­ity. Though peyotists wove in some aspects of Chris­tian­ity, one of the distinguishing ele­ments of this version of the ceremony was that it incorporated less Chris­tian­ity in the late nineteenth ­century.39 The collection of ceremonies and religious beliefs also had deeply Indigenous roots in Mexico and southern Texas. The peyote ceremony developed at the KCA reservation retained certain ele­ments from the older Mexican structure, such as the ceremony of song and prayer that occurs at night.40 Early on, the men who participated in peyote meetings at the KCA reservation ­were a diverse group of individuals. Quanah Parker, a Comanche, was prob­ably one of the best-­known peyotists ­because he was a Comanche chief, an early participant, and a businessman.41 Early peyotists among the Kiowa included Apekaum, Sankadote, and Zempadlte, who brought the peyote cere­ monies they learned from the Comanche to the Kiowa in 1885.42 Silver Horn was also a leader among peyotists, along with Hunting Horse, who had also converted to Chris­tian­ity.43 James Ahtone, my great-­grandfather’s ­brother, ran meetings among a number of tribes in eastern Oklahoma.44 A number of other younger men who had gone to Carlisle and other boarding schools went to peyote meetings. By 1916 Ernest Stinchecum, the agent for Circulating Silver 39

the former reservation, noted that half of the Indians ­under his jurisdiction at the Kiowa Agency attended peyote meetings despite the best efforts of the OIA and Indian agents like himself to prevent ­these meetings.45 Comanche, Kiowa, and other Native ­peoples created and adapted Peyotism to fit their own cultural and religious contexts. Peyote meetings became much-­needed spaces of physical and spiritual healing for Kiowas and o­ thers in the region who frequently encountered disease and death as waves of epidemics swept through the area. For instance, in 1896 measles hit, and roughly 15 ­percent of the Kiowa population perished.46 In this environment, peyote meetings played impor­tant roles in ­people’s lives as spaces of prayer amid ­these trou­bles.47 For example, as a girl Alice Apekaum Zanella attended a peyote meeting that her ­father held. In preparation, her m ­ other dressed her in regalia. At the meeting, Zanella offered w ­ ater to ­those in attendance. In ­doing this, she enacted the role of Peyote W ­ oman, a figure who gave the ceremony to Native p ­ eople a­ fter dreaming of it to find two lost warriors.48 ­After Zanella brought in the ­water, her ­father and ­others prayed for her. ­L ater, she would explain that they prayed for her so that she would “grow up in good health and . . . ​become a young w ­ oman.” 49 Kiowas also made use of the space to give names to c­ hildren or loved ones. The Kiowa painter Lois Smoky remembered her m ­ other giving her the name Coming of the Dawn, or Bou-­ge-ta, during a peyote meeting, and even as an el­derly ­woman she remembered the fine dress she wore for the occasion.50 The density of tribes, not just at the Kiowa Agency but in Oklahoma in general, and the degree to which intertribal visiting occurred allowed this religion to spread quickly. Comanches, Kiowas, and Kiowa Apaches took peyote ceremonies to a number of dif­fer­ent tribes at the turn of the twentieth ­century. First, they traveled to the Cheyenne and Arapaho just north of their reservation.51 The Cheyenne then introduced the ceremony to the Ponca.52 Belo Cozad, a Kiowa, and Reuben Taylor, a Cheyenne, held peyote meetings with Otoes in eastern Oklahoma along with Hunting Horse.53 Quanah Parker himself taught the ceremony to the Iowas by 1879.54 As if this complex lineage did not make the spread of this new religion complicated enough, Weston LaBarre explained in 1939 that “all Indians, however, of what­ever tribe[,] are welcome in the meetings of all other tribes.”55 Boarding schools played an impor­tant role in forming a common American Indian identity during this time, and they contributed to the spread of Peyotism as a major intertribal movement.56 Boarding schools instituted their own draconian version of English-­only education for Natives, making En­glish a common language.57 That common language helped Peyotism 40 chapter two

spread throughout vari­ous Indian communities across the plains, as did the ties formed in boarding schools.58 Carlisle students played a particularly prominent role b ­ ecause they maintained their connections to one another ­after leaving the school and became leaders in their communities and nations.59 Many participants in the religion, among them the Kiowa Delos Lone Wolf—­who was a g­ reat man of the gridiron at Carlisle—­and Ned Brace, ­were gradu­ates of boarding schools.60 Delos Lone Wolf ­later became an officer of the Native American Church as well.61 Not all Kiowas practiced Peyotism, and in fact many opposed it. Cecil Horse, as a Methodist minister, saw difficulties with peyote ­people in his congregation.62 In an interview for the Doris Duke Oral History Proj­ect, he explained his opposition as a minister to this religion: “Way back in 34 and back in when my f­ ather used to use this peyote and even my wife’s f­ ather and her ­uncle. All of them, they used to be in this Native American Church and they ­don’t quite like it when a man ­will get up and say, ‘­You’re ­doing wrong. Y ­ ou’re worshipping something ­else b ­ ecause the Bible says, “Thou shalt have no other Gods before me,” but y­ ou’re ­going against his w ­ ill.’ I would preach that way and sometimes they ­don’t like it.” 63 Cecil Horse’s comments and the fact that Kiowas both contested Peyotism and contributed to it are not surprising. Intertribal movements like the Native American Church, though they generate layers of shared identity or belief, have often been the sites of internal disagreement among American Indian nations.64 Outside of boarding schools, government policies further affected the context for religious practice by restricting t­ hese practices outright. Policy makers criminalized most forms of religious and cultural expression and enforced ­these policies by forming the Indian police and the Court of Indian Offenses, which ­were intended to teach American Indians about law and order. However, t­ hese mea­sures proved in­effec­tive in halting Peyotism. The Indian police sought to “prohibit deeply entrenched activities like dancing, gambling and raiding for ­horses, [and to] oppose the influence of medicine men and witches.” 65 The Court of Indian Offenses began hearing cases in 1886, and it continued to operate through the next de­cade, hearing basic criminal and civil cases.66 On the KCA reservation, three men sat on the court as judges, and Quanah Parker, a leading peyotist, was often one of them. His appointment by the superintendent reflected his leadership among Comanches.67 The superintendent needed Quanah Parker to serve as an intermediary with the Comanche, so the agency toned down efforts to extinguish Peyotism, and the Court of Indian Offenses never prosecuted peyotists, though the OIA saw it as a prob­lem.68 This did not mean that the agents Circulating Silver 41

condoned it, and in the 1880s some did try to stop its use, but peyote remained easy to acquire.69 The OIA was not the only government body to oppose and try to halt the growth of Peyotism. The emerging state of Oklahoma did so as well in 1909. When a bill came forward in the state’s Constitutional Congress, peyotists testified against it.70 A number of American Indians, among them James Waldo, a Kiowa Carlisle gradu­ate, who was also Silver Horn’s b ­ rother, and several Cheyenne and Arapaho, staunchly defended their use of peyote by arguing that it was part of their religious faith and likened peyote meetings to attendance at Christian churches, which appealed to ideas of religious freedom.71 This was an argument that peyotists utilized many times during the twentieth ­century. Their testimony persuaded the Constitutional Congress to reject the bill, which would have outlawed peyote within the new state.72 Though the OIA desired to stop the practice of Peyotism, it was unable to successfully do so on the KCA reservation. During the early twentieth ­century, the OIA strongly opposed the Native American Church and took numerous steps to try to extinguish it. From 1900 to 1910, the OIA used its “anti-­liquor campaign” to ­battle Peyotism.73 At the heart of its efforts lay public opinion; “it was the use of a drug as a symbol and sacrament and the linking of opposition to peyote with the increasing tempo of the prohibition movement which mobilized opinion against the peyotists.”74 On the KCA reservation in 1910, peyote meetings continued to be held in significant numbers by Indians. Agent Ernest Stecker reported to Commissioner  R.  G. Valentine that he was g­ oing to start requiring peyotists to come to him and ask for permission to have meetings. He tried to limit ­these meetings, saying: “I feel satisfied that by authorizing its use, in a medicinal way, we w ­ ill keep the practice ­under control without exciting the older Indians, and as they pass away the use of peyote ­will gradually pass away with them. It is only their religious belief in its medicinal qualities that keep[s] it in use and before the younger members of the tribe.”75 Valentine responded to Stecker, saying, “You should, as far as practicable, prevent the use of this bean for all purposes.”76 Interestingly, a first draft of this letter explained that Stecker should “discourage the use of this bean for all purposes.”77 Even Valentine recognized the difficulty in banning this religious practice. Similarly, Clyde Ellis has discussed extensively the requests made by Southern Plains p ­ eoples to host vari­ous dances, arguing that “Indians and agents alike” came to some sense of accommodation with each other “in order to maintain some semblance of order.”78 Ellis pointed out that “the failure to eradicate dances led [sic] to new and power­ful forms of gathering and expression.”79 Peyotism also 42 chapter two

thrived and spread even as it was banned on paper. It too grew from the negotiation between Indians and the OIA, but unlike dancing, which was performed in public during Wild West and Indian shows, peyote meetings occurred at night and generally in rural places away from the Indian Agency. In 1918 a number of Kiowas sent a letter to Washington stating their concerns about the Hayden Bill, a major piece of anti-­peyote legislation. It never became a law, but it did become the impetus for the first official charter of the Native American Church.80 Major cultural producers signed on to the document, among them Silver Horn and Belo Cozad, known for his bead- and feather work. ­These artists and o­ thers reiterated the argument for religious tolerance and freedom that peyotists had effectively used on so many other occasions. The letter writers explained: “This custom has been handed down to us through more than 100 years, and is part of our religious faith, and if prohibited might result in the introduction of more harmful drugs or narcotics. We therefore pray that you take no action on this proposed mea­sure at this time.” 81 Forty-­four Kiowa peyotists signed this letter, including a few men well known for their artistic production. The letter deflected the idea that peyote was narcotic. The actions of t­ hese artists as well as other peyotists demonstrate that they w ­ ere also historical actors who expressed their beliefs in multiple ways, including art production and print. Not long ­after the Hayden Bill was rejected in Congress, a group of peyotists formally chartered the Native American Church within the state of Oklahoma, a move that led to other official charters of the religion as well.82 This effort on the part of peyotists in Oklahoma may have drawn on previous efforts such as Jonathan Koshiway’s First Born Church of Christ, chartered in 1914 among the Oto.83 The efforts of a wider group of peyotists led to the chartering of the Native American Church in El Reno, Oklahoma, in 1918.84 The charter members came from Cheyenne, Oto, Comanche, Ponca, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache. The constitution for the Native American Church in Oklahoma served as an example for peyotists in other places, such as Nebraska, South Dakota, Montana, and elsewhere.85 For reservation officials, missionaries, and policy makers, “civilization” as a category meant the ­wholesale assimilation of an individual Native person. It encompassed Chris­tian­ity, a necessary component for the “civilized,” as well as a rejection of Native forms of worship, gathering, dance, and dress. Dress played a role as the barometer of “civilization” b ­ ecause nineteenth-­ century Euro-­Americans, particularly Protestants, saw clothing, adornment, comportment, and “outward conditions” as illustrative of “an individual’s inner self.” 86 Circulating Silver 43

Clothing is impor­tant in illustrating transformations of identity b ­ ecause it is a highly communicative medium and a form of self-­representation. For Kiowas and other Native ­people, it was less of a repre­sen­ta­tion of one’s deepest beliefs (though it could be) and more of a canvas for communicating information about oneself. Clothing itself signaled transformation in Kiowa identities at the time, and the Kiowas’ clothing incorporated Native and non-­ Native ele­ments. From the viewpoint of the Office of Indian Affairs, “traditional” clothing signaled an unwillingness to assimilate. That included metalwork jewelry, which the OIA viewed as a sign of “backwardness.” In 1917 workers from the competency board, which was charged with determining who among an Indian population could manage their own financial affairs and sell their allotments, came to the Kiowa Agency. The agency’s report noted that Indians on the KCA reservation ­were “extremely non-­progressive” and explained that “few are capable of attending to their own business affairs.” 87 Agent McPhearson, who wrote the report, further explained, “The ­great mass of the Indians still have upon them the ‘taint of the wild.’ ” 88 He continued, “Many of them still wear the blanket, and a much larger number wear long hair, and the chain ornaments in their ears.” 89 He explained that “anything like pro­ gress [was] impossible.”90 For the OIA, dress served as a visual marker of civilization, and metal jewelry of Indian manufacture marked the wearer as problematic in the eyes of the government. Though in 1917, the year McPhearson wrote this letter, it appears that he (and prob­ably many other officials) saw jewelry as a marker of the unassimilated; for a knowledgeable audience, jewelry revealed changing Kiowa religious identities associated with the Native American Church, and l­ ater a broader expression of American Indian identity, one regionally associated with the Native American Church as well as powwows. A photo­graph taken by the Irwin B ­ rothers Studio demonstrates what Southern Plains metalwork looked like at the turn of the ­century (figure 4). The two men are wearing their finest buckskin regalia for the portrait, and they both wear metal-­bead scalp-­lock ornaments. While this photo­graph is instructive in the use and wear of metalwork, it is also impor­tant to note that ­these individuals got their portraits taken in “traditional” clothing, which at this period was often worn as one’s “best” clothes. While this idea was widespread, it does go against the grain of the ways in which the OIA desired men and ­women to dress and comport themselves. Citizen’s dress was widely encouraged. By donning their buckskin finery, the men in effect resisted broader policies at this time. 44 chapter two

figure 4 ​Frank and Ed Two-­Hatchet. Irwin ­Brothers Studio Collection, #30, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

The man on the left also wears a pair of earrings and what is referred to as a chapel slide, or tie slide, on his neckerchief, as well as a number of rings on his fin­gers. In many ways, the silverwork he wears is not unlike what the Quaker Thomas Battey described twenty years earlier. Men and ­women continued to wear German silver jewelry ­until around 1890, when it became scarce due to the collapse of plains economies with the reservation era. Silver items like t­ hose worn by t­ hese two young men “represent popu­lar fashion of the day, worn by both Peyotists and non-­Peyotists.”91 The major forms of metalwork ­were already in place: earrings, for both men and ­women, and tie slides ­were items that Kiowas and ­others already made. Peyote symbolism presented innovations in design and form. Early peyotists wore ­these pieces both inside and outside of peyote meetings. When worn outside of t­ hese meetings, this silverwork expressed and affirmed Kiowa and intertribal identities that countered federal pressures to don “citizen’s dress.” It showed how Kiowa p ­ eople wore western clothing and added items of Native manufacture to suit their own tastes. Dress for peyote meetings in the late nineteenth c­ entury included moccasins, buckskin leggings, and shirts that w ­ ere beaded or painted. Bert Geikaunmah, born in 1881, spoke about the Native American Church when interviewed for the Doris Duke Oral History Proj­ect completed in Oklahoma during the 1960s. He told of his ­father, who donned buckskin finery for peyote meetings. Geikaunmah’s ­father made jewelry and wore earrings to complement his regalia.92 Younger men generally wore Americanized or plain clothes. According to Weston LaBarre, who worked among the Kiowa during the 1930s, “younger men” dressed in Western clothing and sometimes wore neckerchiefs with tie slides or pins with t­ hese clothes.93 Western clothes with Indian accents like moccasins or metalwork did come to replace the full suits of buckskin that Geikaunmah’s ­father prob­ably wore. A photo­graph of James Takone (figure 5) shows how younger men dressed at the turn of the twentieth ­century. He poses with his small ­daughter for a portrait that illustrates the power of jewelry and photography to capture and illuminate emerging Kiowa and American Indian identities. A chair supports the girl, who wears dark shoes, a light-­colored dress with dark-­colored polka dots, and a small cap on her head. She also wears a necklace of beads and shells. Like her ­father, she wears Western clothing with Native jewelry. Alongside his ­daughter in the photo­graph, James Takone wears a satin shirt and vest and polished boots. His outfit is topped off with a large cowboy hat. Light catches the multipointed star pins on both his hat and tie. T ­ hese pins fall within the genre of silverwork now called peyote jewelry, which Takone 46 chapter two

figure 5 ​Indian ­father (Takone) and child. Phillips Collection, #1046, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

himself prob­ably contributed to as a silversmith (see figure 6). This image evokes another time and place, when photographic portraits ­were new and not the casual affair they are ­today. James Takone and his ­daughter dressed for the occasion and posed formally for the photo­graph. The inclusion of silverwork and the display of traditional and Western clothing styles show subtle forms of re­sis­tance to the agenda of the assimilation that ­shaped the Progressive Era in Indian country. Takone embraced what was modern in his day—­namely, photography and Western clothing—­but he did not simply stop being a Native person just ­because he engaged in ­these activities. Jesse Rowledge knew Takone from attending peyote meetings.94 He recalled, “James Dacone [sic] was a good man to run meetings. He’s part Arapaho and Kiowa, and Apache. ­These Kiowas ­were part Arapaho-­Apache. And he had relations up and down this river on the south, ­here.”95 Though intertribal marriages occurred prior to the 1860s, when treaties established reservation bound­aries, the constellation of relatives that Rowledge described became ever more common as each of t­ hese nations came to live increasingly close to each other both physically and, for some, culturally and spiritually as men like James Takone and many o­ thers participated in the Native American Church. Importantly, place and kinship played equal roles ­here and evoke larger-­scope dynamics that rooted Kiowa and American Indian identity regionally in southwestern Oklahoma. The pin glinting from James Takone’s hat and the pin shining on his tie ­were the products of changes in silverwork that he himself prob­ably contributed to. This kind of silverwork communicated the symbolism of the emerging Native American Church during the early twentieth ­century and came to illustrate regional Kiowa and American Indian identities, but this was a pro­cess that started at least a de­cade or two before Takone posed for this picture with his young d ­ aughter. In order for silverwork to become associated with peyote imagery, it first became a repre­sen­ta­tional art form, meaning that it relied upon realistic images to communicate. As silversmiths incorporated images related to Peyotism, they also facilitated the use of such symbols in gifts that ­were circulated to participants and ­others. Prob­ably several men, and perhaps not just Kiowas, contributed to this pro­cess. But among Kiowas, two men played key roles in silverwork becoming a repre­sen­ta­tional art form. Conklin Hummingbird (figure 7) began incorporating ­water bird imagery into metalwork. The ­water bird imagery is based on an ­actual bird (Anhinga anhinga).96 Hummingbird, along with other early jewelry-­makers, changed the history and course of this art form by making it repre­sen­ta­tional. Silver Horn not only drew and painted; he was 48 chapter two

figure 6 ​James Takone, Earrings. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, 224877.000.

also a silversmith who made jewelry at the turn of the ­century.97 In addition to creating art related to Peyotism, Silver Horn may also have helped to integrate Peyotism into Kiowa belief and ceremony.98 Silverwork shared characteristics with painting and drawing as repre­sen­ ta­tional art forms, and all of ­these forms became impor­tant media in which to represent Native American Church imagery. Kiowa painters—­Stephen Mopope, Jack Hokeah, and Monroe Tsatoke, as well as ­later artists—­shaped the public repre­sen­ta­tion of this emerging religion. Their renditions of peyote ceremonies communicated the prayerfulness and dignity of this emerging religious faith, and in addition to illustrating beautifully rendered images of participants in song and prayer, they may also have encouraged greater production of this kind of material. T ­ hese artists may have opened the way for the repre­sen­ta­tional work in German silver. A group of early twentieth-­century artists known as the Kiowa Six—­Jack Hokeah, Monroe Tsatoke, Stephen Mopope, Spencer Asah, James Auchiah, and for a time Lois Smoky—­painted images related to Peyotism and the Native American Church. The fact that ­these artists rendered peyote images and symbols in their work is impor­tant ­because their paintings ­were considered Circulating Silver 49

figure 7 ​Mr. and Mrs. Conklin Hummingbird. Phillips Collection, #849, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

some of the first “fine art” that circulated as American Indian art.99 The creation of ­these paintings, which they displayed in the 1920s and 1930s, coincided with increased buying and selling of silverwork, and they made peyote imagery a part of the aesthetic of American Indian painting in public and prominent ways. Peyote jewelry, painting, and drawing share a cultural history as well as some artistic conventions. One of the ele­ments of their shared history centers on the secularization of Native American Church imagery.100 Nancy Parezo’s work examining the emergence of sand painting as an art form is helpful ­here in providing context. Initially, Navajo singers created sand paintings as ceremonial acts to heal individuals. Yet, during the twentieth c­ entury, singers began to create permanent sand paintings, which over time became a commercial art. Parezo notes that “commercialization is defined ­here as the pro­cess by which art or material culture used primarily for social, po­liti­ cal, religious or aesthetic purposes is transformed into objects initially to market as part of an economic transaction.”101 Kiowa drawings underwent this pro­cess as artists such as Silver Horn, a relative of many of the Kiowa Six, sold drawings. L­ ater, the Kiowa Six created paintings and drawings as an art form for sale for broader audiences that included Native and non-­ Native ­people. The paintings they made focused on scenes of traditional life of the nineteenth ­century as well as images drawn from their own experiences as participants in peyote meetings. A painting by Kiowa painter Stephen Mopope illustrates the items used in meetings (see figure 8), many of which became incorporated into silverwork made by Kiowa silversmiths. In the painting, Mopope has rendered a half-­moon-­shaped altar and a small peyote button. Though ceremony participants consumed peyote, a peyote button would also be placed on the altar as a focal point.102 In addition, the painting features a man singing and playing a w ­ ater drum. Just ­behind this well-­dressed man lie the rattle and the staff used in the ceremony. The rattle would be used during the eve­ning while singing. The anthropologist Daniel Swan explains that a staff “is the symbol of the Roadman’s authority” and that it “is one of the few ceremonial objects that are owned only by individuals who run peyote meetings.”103 He points out that feathers and fans are significant ­because birds serve as “messengers of prayers to the Creator.”104 He also notes that “feathers and fans similarly transfer the power of cedar smoke, the fire, and the Chief Peyote to participants.”105 Images of each of ­these items have appeared in many examples of Southern Plains silverwork. Circulating Silver 51

In addition to creating repre­sen­ta­tions of ­these items, many silversmiths incorporated ­water bird imagery into their works throughout the twentieth ­century, and indeed a w ­ ater bird is also pres­ent in this painting by Stephen Mopope. As Daniel Swan noted, ­water birds carried a broader spiritual significance as beings that conveyed prayers to higher powers. Monroe Tsatoke, another painter, explained that this bird “flies in the interior of the tepee . . . ​ and it is the only one who can carry the message to the heart of the unknown mysteries.”106 Peyote jewelry could also include repre­sen­ta­tions of ea­gles and thunderbirds.107 Kiowa silversmiths, many of whom w ­ ere peyotists at the turn of the ­century, ­were impor­tant in circulating t­ hese designs. Omer Stewart told of roadmen being given gifts for leading ­these meetings: “Pres­ents ­were made to roadmen of money, jewelry, ponies, blankets, and the like. A talented missionary could profit well.”108 Weston LaBarre, who did fieldwork in Oklahoma during the 1930s, noted the gift giving as well: “­There is and was a considerable exchanging of gifts in connection with peyote meetings and inter-­tribal visiting; feathers, drum sticks, e­ tc. are common gifts.”109 Silverwork could be a portable tangible symbol of this religion that had its start on the KCA reservation and could circulate along with Peyotism. LaBarre explained that Kiowa tie slides with bird imagery “have been traded all over the Plains.”110 While bird imagery was highly vis­i­ble, not all peyote jewelry reflected ­these themes. Silversmiths also made slides with “morning star” motifs.111 Some pieces feature the ­actual image of the crescent moon, which represents the shape of the altar used in peyote meetings. Earrings, pins, bracelets, and other items carried a variety of symbolic images. Silversmiths have also rendered images of the ­actual peyote button on tie slides as well as the ­water drum and the rattle used by men as they sing throughout the all-­ night ceremony.112 The images and icons of this faith traveled through stickpins and tie slides as visual forms of communication during the early twentieth ­century. Around 1920, peyotists saw wearing stickpins, tie slides, or earrings as displays of “Indianness” that the intertribal movement fostered, but they could also serve as similar “marks of membership.”113 While peyotists valued and created rich works of expressive culture, metalwork drew not just from Peyotism but also from historical forms of German silver jewelry. The overlap of ­these older forms of plains metalwork and the newer form of peyote jewelry that diffused widely across the region may have made ­these visual distinctions of who was a peyotist and who was not less than ­simple. 52 chapter two

figure 8 ​Stephen Mopope, Indian Beating Drum; Bird Flying Overhead (n.d., pochoir print). National Anthropological Archive, Smithsonian Institution, NAA INV 08798600. Courtesy of Vanessa Jennings.

The repre­sen­ta­tional qualities of silverwork continued to be impor­tant for silversmiths and wearers alike. Born in 1911, my own grand­father, Murray Tone-­Pah-­Hote, was a well-­known silversmith in Anadarko who built a reputation during the 1940s and 1950s. Orphaned when their parents succumbed to tuberculosis, Murray T. and his s­ isters lived with relatives, and he l­ater attended Rainy Mountain School, a Baptist mission school associated with the Rainy Mountain Church, where Sam Ahtone served as a deacon. He married my grand­mother, Massalena Ahtone, and initially they lived west of Car­ne­gie, Oklahoma, with my great-­grandparents and worked on their farm. ­L ater, in the 1940s, he, my grand­mother, and my aunts moved to Anadarko, where they could sell his jewelry. Murray T. relied upon his skills in drawing to make jewelry. When silversmiths made jewelry a repre­sen­ta­tional medium, they opened up the art form and made it pos­si­ble to illustrate vari­ous motifs in the work. My aunt Teresa emphasized how impor­tant design was in his jewelry. She explained, “He knew ­every ­ripple on a buffalo . . . ​and ­every r­ ipple on a blanket.”114 Though my grand­father learned painting and drawing with Monroe Tsatoke, he prob­ably taught himself how to make jewelry.115 My f­ ather emphasized that “his ability to create images” distinguished his work. He linked this to the fact that before Murray T. was a silversmith, “he was an artist . . . ​and could paint and draw. He was an outstanding artist with a brush and with a pencil.”116 My grand­father’s skills ­were not just deployed in German silver. My ­father recalled: He was so good that during World War II when ­there was rationing ­going on in the country I can remember ­people coming to see him that needed sugar or a pair of shoes and they had already used their stamps for their families or what­ever. They would bring a stamp to him and he would re­create it to make it look like the one they could go to the store and use. Of course, that was illegal, but when ­you’re hungry or needed shoes, he did it. The Kiowa silversmith continued to have the ability to mark over the state-­ issued currency for the purposes of economic survival and social cohesion. The transformation of sheet metal, coins, spoons, and other objects into jewelry changed their value. What­ever the value of the object was before, the artist contextualized and created its new value within the cultural and po­ liti­cal life of Kiowa and other Native ­people. Jewelry signified the importance of emerging identities, such as ­those fostered by peyotists; it continued to 54 chapter two

demonstrate social standing. It signaled con­temporary identities through what was even then a “traditional” medium, transformed by silversmiths who recontextualized forms. My grand­father’s silverwork at midcentury circulated to a wider audience that included vari­ous Native and non-­Native ­people. My f­ ather remembered that before they moved from the country near Car­ne­gie, Murray T. would make jewelry for weeks or months, and then he and my grand­mother would go to Anadarko to sell it both to individuals and to Jake Tingley, who owned an Indian store and pawnshop. And by 1959 my grand­father also sold jewelry at the Oklahoma Indian Arts and Crafts Cooperative. Norman Feder, who visited him, noted that he received between one dollar and two dollars and fifty cents for a pair of earrings. Murray’s work circulated within other Indian communities, and sometimes his earrings sold out west “to the Utes at Ignacio, Colorado for as high as $15 a pair.”117 Places like Tingley’s Store and Robert’s Store had Native and non-­Indian clientele, which included anthropologists, museums, and ­others interested in the work. Silverwork continued to have a considerable audience among American Indian p ­ eople themselves ­because of its attachment to the Native American Church and to the growing powwow movement. Indian-­made jewelry circulated through familial, community, and ever-­growing intertribal networks of American Indian ­people. In ­doing so, it communicated the importance of ­these social ties. Bert Geikaunmah’s life and work demonstrate how silverwork and the tools used to craft it circulated through paths created by the Native American Church. Geikaunmah himself did not practice this religion all through his life. His ­father taught him how to make jewelry in about 1894, and he continued working ­until 1953.118 At the age of thirty, Bert Geikaunmah stopped attending peyote meetings.119 However, he continued to do metalwork throughout his life, and when he stopped working himself, he passed his tools along to a Crow peyotist, a friend who visited him on trips he would take to the peyote gardens in Mexico.120 ­These personal connections to peyotists and other Indian p ­ eople allowed silverwork to circulate through Oklahoma and elsewhere. Far from the stark opposition that he voiced as a minister, Cecil Horse had personal tolerance for peyotists and a ­family who participated in the Native American Church.121 His ­father was Hunting Horse, an early peyotist, and his ­brother was the noted artist Monroe Tsatoke. Cecil Horse attended peyote meetings for about twenty years, but in 1934 he started on the path to becoming a Methodist minister.122 Even though he explained that he opposed Peyotism, he made silverwork. He noted, “Out of silver I have to make Circulating Silver 55

bracelets, earrings, and tie clasps and dif­fer­ent ­things that Native American Church boys . . . ​represent in their meeting. I have made stars and dif­fer­ ent ­things to wear on their shirts. And several other t­ hings that I have made out of silver, pure silver. I made for my Indian p ­ eople in their dancing cos123 tumes and all of that kind of work.” The same man who opposed the Native American Church on religious grounds continued to make silverwork displaying its iconography. Though the interviewer did not question him about this, Cecil Horse may have started to do metalwork during the period in which he was a peyotist, and he did not feel that his church involvement needed to keep him from ­doing silverwork, which he enjoyed. He also explained that he made items of regalia for powwow participants, which again demonstrated tolerance for this intertribal movement as well as showed the complexities of his ideas about expressive culture and what it can represent. Peyote jewelry and other items of silverwork carried importance b ­ ecause of their po­liti­cal layers and meanings, but they ­were also significant b ­ ecause they pres­ent an example of Indian consumption of goods made by other Native ­peoples. Peyote jewelry gained a broader Indian audience beyond meeting participants, in part through its commodification and its use in powwow regalia. Metalwork’s historical trajectory is impor­tant for thinking of the tensions and overlaps among tribally specific and intertribal identities during the early twentieth ­century. Metalwork made by Kiowa silversmiths came from specifically Kiowa social and po­liti­cal contexts, which w ­ ere deeply ­shaped by intertribal movements like the Native American Church and the development of powwows, which Kiowas helped to shape. Other p ­ eoples in Oklahoma did metalwork as well. In fact, during the 1930s, Indian art critic Ataloa, also known as Mary Stone McClendon, a Chickasaw En­glish teacher at Bacone Indian School, wrote an article for Indians at Work—­a federal publication distributed through Indian agencies across the country—­about the state of American Indian art in Oklahoma.124 In the article, she recognized the presence and per­sis­tence of metalwork as an intertribal expressive form. Like ­others, she doubted its viability as an art form with commercial appeal and noted that it “has not, nor is ever likely to develop into any ­great art.”125 While she described it as both “in­ter­est­ing” and “attractive,” she also noted that the greatest market was “more often to Indians within the tribe.”126 Ataloa’s publication emphasized a niche market for German silver jewelry in Oklahoma, one that remained small even in her day. Though she did not think it “any g­ reat art,” she was wrong on that score. American Indians w ­ ere a significant audience for jewelry. Silversmiths made objects that w ­ ere beau56 chapter two

tiful and that could render impor­tant symbols of the Native American Church, and in d ­ oing so they helped communicate ideas and images that served as public repre­sen­ta­tions of this religion as Native ­people exchanged ­these objects. Further, just as silversmiths transformed the media to serve new purposes, the emergence and spread of Peyotism from the KCA reservation began to generate new Kiowa and American Indian identities. The jewelry and emerging identities parallel one another. Kiowas and ­others communicated ­these changes through painting, photography, clothing, and jewelry itself.

Circulating Silver 57

chapter three

­We’ll Show You Boys How to Dance

Intertribal Space, Dance, and Kiowa Art, 1920–­1940 Figure 9 depicts a young Spencer Asah and Charlie Tsoodle on a postcard that, before finding its way to the Western History Collection at the University of Oklahoma, once belonged to beadwork artist Alice Jones Littleman. The postcard bears the lines of its life. Littleman and o­ thers looked at it, touched it, and no doubt talked about the men and the time and place it represents. In the postcard, Asah stands to the right of Tsoodle, and both are dressed for dancing—­war dancing (also known as “fancy dancing”), a style that gained popularity in Oklahoma and elsewhere in the 1920s and 1930s. The writing at the bottom of the card reads, “Kiowa Artist at Mission Village, W. Washington, Los Angeles.” ­These young men traveled from Oklahoma to other places, exhibiting and selling paintings and ­doing powwow-­style dance per­for­mances to piece together a living. As one of a run of postcards, it circulated the image of ­these fancy war dancers to a broad audience, connecting Kiowa ­people, the emerging powwow, and broad concepts of “Indianness.” The photo­graph offers a portrait of two young men dressed in the dance regalia of their era, regalia that contained ele­ments that fused dancing to nineteenth-­century warrior socie­ties and showed their intertribal style. Bustles composed of trimmed feathers configured into a circular pattern peek out from ­behind their backs. Bustles are a historic genre of adornment long associated with male leadership and power within plains communities. In Asah and Tsoodle’s day, they carried other meanings as well, signaling the wearer’s community ties and re­sis­tance to the federal government’s sanctions against dance, which had been put into place during the 1880s and met with varying degrees of compliance.1 Men of Asah and Tsoodle’s generation would give bustles additional meanings, as they became iconic items of regalia within the emergent powwow arena. They also reflect skill with feather work, a prominent component of their regalia on the ­whole. Asah and Tsoodle wear armbands made of dyed plumes. Asah’s armband includes a beaded medallion or rosette that centers the armband and matches the one at the center of his headband. Both he and Tsoodle sport headdresses of feathers as well. The shape of the feathered headdress suggests porcupine 58

figure 9 ​Spencer Asah (left) and Charlie Tsoodle (right). Alice Jones Littleman Collection, #17, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

and deer-­tail hair roaches, worn by the Kiowa Ohoma Society, a forerunner of powwow dancing in southwestern Oklahoma. Tsoodle’s and Asah’s headdresses feature subtle alterations that suggest regalia for the powwow arena. ­These feathered headdresses followed in line with the general inclination ­toward feather work in regalia. Though we see their beadwork only in black and white, it gives an intertribal impression, mixing abstract geometric floral motifs on their breechcloths with Northern Plains–­style fully beaded moccasins. Asah’s short vest includes a naturalistic pattern; Tsoodle wears a choker and necklace. Bells shoot down the length of their legs, encircling their ankles and knees. The bells provided sound as they moved and danced. The regalia that Tsoodle, Asah, and other men wore struck a balance between individual style and broad conventions. They represent layers of cultural production that added to dance exhibitions. The ele­ments of their dress and adornment stemmed from the history of war dancing and the powwow cir­cuit itself. The reach of the Omaha or grass dance promoted the diffusion of standard items of regalia such as the roach and the bustle, which ­these men customized to suit their time, setting, and dance style. Despite the changes, they still resonated with emic—or internal—­representations of plains men developed from military socie­ties, which produced their own martial images of men that had some overlap with pop­u­lar­ized notions of them. Live audiences would not have just watched ­these men dance in their finery. They would have listened to them step in time with the rhythm of a song provided by one or more singers. For exhibition dancing, singers chose songs with tempos suited to showcasing the specific talents associated with each style of dance. For fancy war dancers like ­these two, a singer may have chosen a fast tempo, highlighting the movement that has since become the hallmark of this genre. The song, the rhythm of the drum, and the movement of dancers in full regalia, including the sound of the bells and the response from an audience, generate a complete per­for­mance. Spencer Asah was a member of the Kiowa Six, a cohort of paint­ers who ­rose to prominence during the late 1920s and early 1930s, perhaps the most famous group of Kiowa artists. It included Stephen Mopope, Jack Hokeah, Spencer Asah, James Auchiah, Monroe Tsatoke, and Lois Smoky. Aside from Smoky, the men performed as war dancers or singers at the Intertribal Cere­ monial at Gallup, New Mexico. By 1936 ­these paint­ers had established a prominent status for themselves in the Native art world, in which New Mexico served as a hub. The Kiowa Six connected Native art, culture, and social history during the early twentieth ­century. Through their art and dance ex60 chapter three

hibitions, they created a con­temporary image of war dancers that linked Kiowas to the emergence of powwows. The town of Gallup, just off the Navajo reservation, has hosted the Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup, an exposition and tourist destination, for over eighty years. The event now melds a rodeo, a parade, art, and dance exhibitions featuring Indigenous dance troupes from across the country.2 During the 1930s and 1940s, newspapers from Los Angeles, California, to Atlanta, Georgia, beckoned travelers to the dusty town to see, hear, and experience all that this major tourism event had to offer. Then, as now, dance and per­ for­mances played a prominent role. Authors from the 1930s described the spectrum of ­these dances, ranging from the “tribal, intertribal [and] personal” to the “comic” and “warlike.” Participants in the exhibitions and games included Navajos, Utes, Zunis, Acoma Pueblos, and Apaches, along with “a score of other tribesmen and their families.”3 In 1940 over 700 Indians attended the event. Adolf Bolm, a “ballet master,” noted that “the grandeur of the desert, the primitive charm of the adobe village, [and] the picturesquely dressed Indians, created an unforgettable setting.” 4 Among ­those 700 ­were 20 ­people from the KCA reservation in southwestern Oklahoma. Their troupe included “several of the famous Kiowa artists” (the Kiowa Six), who ­were accomplished singers and dancers.5 Through war dancer imagery and its display in expressive culture in the Southwest, Kiowas and ­others created intertribal arenas that stretched beyond Oklahoma, and Kiowas contributed to the making of a larger intertribal, twentieth-­century world. Fancy dance imagery created a con­temporary picture of Kiowa young men that was built from older Kiowa constructions of gender and the popu­lar repre­sen­ta­tion of Plains Indians. By traveling to New Mexico to sell art and do dance exhibitions, Kiowa paint­ers and dancers entered into a space that was at once new and familiar to Kiowa ­people. Historically, what would become New Mexico was a contact zone, a place where “cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other.” 6 Shifting and deeply unequal power relations among colonial powers, Pueblo, Navajo, and Apache p ­ eople defined the region, and it had been Spain’s frontera in the “New World” and northern Mexico. It was home for the Native nations who resided ­there alongside one another and the newcomers. For Kiowas, it served as a place of exchange, where goods, ­people, and objects circulated. As early as the 1720s, Kiowa ­women, ­children, and even the occasional man fell into the web of captivity that knit the plains and the Southwest, blurring the lines of personhood and commodity. As the ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 61

nineteenth c­ entury dawned, Kiowas took more captives than they lost.7 They grew wealthy and carried out an active trade with Pueblo ­people. They raided and battled with the Navajo and the Jicarilla Apaches for their h ­ orses. Kiowas continued exchanging ­horses for other items with Hispanic Comanchero traders in Santa Fe and Taos through the 1870s.8 ­These historic encounters between Kiowas and Native ­peoples in New Mexico would be echoed de­cades ­later at the Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup, where the forces of the art market brought individuals from ­these nations together once again to compete, engage, and encounter one another. Like other local fairs and art exhibition spaces of its time, the Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup operated as what the anthropologist Fred Meyers called “intercultural space, the variable space of colonialism, primitivism, and globalization.”9 Kiowa paint­ers, like the Aboriginal artists Meyers discussed, promoted and produced paintings in dialogue with intercultural contexts. ­These paintings conveyed meaning that came from “their engagement not only with the Aboriginal system of meaning and social relations but also with available discourses and institutions of the arts in the dominant Euro-­ Australian society.”10 The production and marketing of Kiowa easel painting parallel the experience of t­ hese Aboriginal artists in that the Kiowa too navigated intercultural spaces infused with dominant discourses about Native art, dance, and per­for­mance during the early twentieth ­century. Gallup, as a space within the larger global market, was intertribal and included non-­Indians as both tourists and tastemakers in the art market. Gallup also became a site of innovation in the arts. The event drew in hundreds of Natives who viewed and took in the arts on display ­here, and in this way Gallup provided a venue for Native artists and o­ thers to see what was new. The prizes offered at the event encouraged competition in the arts as well.11 Gallup had been a location to see not just con­temporary developments in painting, beadwork, pottery, and other art forms but also to see new develop­ ments in dance. And, in 1930, powwow-­style dance per­for­mances ­were the newest cultural phenomenon to emerge from Oklahoma. Kiowa artists and dance troupes from southwestern Oklahoma took advantage of the prizes offered ­here, the interested audience, and the resources available to pres­ ent their own innovations in art and dance. Kiowa artists generated images of Kiowa men in Gallup as an intercultural space. At Gallup Ceremonial, as well as at other expositions and events, Kiowa paint­ers and dancers built upon martial repre­sen­ta­tions of men from warrior socie­ties in their pres­ent and from images of historic warriors whose exploits ­were the major subjects of drawing, song, and dance.12 Their engage62 chapter three

ment in the arenas of dance and art exhibition provided specific opportunities and limitations. To create a new image of war dancers, Kiowas engaged in cultural production to distill and represent a new image of Kiowa men.13 By ­doing dance exhibitions, appearing in regalia, and generating painting, they constructed and designed fancy or war dancer imagery, which contributed to powwow culture and to new intertribal spheres. Kiowa men put each of ­these historical and con­temporary ele­ments together to form this image and generate intertribal spaces such as Craterville Fair in Oklahoma and the Intertribal Ceremonial. Before attending the event, paint­ers drew on an older, well-­established blueprint of using art to facilitate change in the social landscape of cultural life. Prior to the twentieth ­century, Kiowa men made repre­sen­ta­tional art that carried strong associations with their social roles as warriors and hunters. During the nineteenth ­century, Kiowa men used drawings on paper to assert their own deeds, status, and authority, which affected social relationships among Kiowas and other Southern Plains p ­ eople.14 At this time, young men took on the dangerous jobs of g­ oing out on military expeditions to seek the honor and wealth that would allow them to become respected men in nineteenth-­century Kiowa society.15 Drawings elaborated on the events and accomplishments of men, and they used drawings recounting coup and ­battle stories to serve as visual evidence of their military prowess and status.16 Men made public forms of visionary art that depicted images related to the spiritual power that they sought to become successful warriors and providers for their families.17 By painting their deeds and sustaining powers, they broadcast the gendered ideal of a warrior through their art, which was publicly displayed through tipis, shields, and on Kiowa calendars depicting significant events. As Kiowa and other plains artists entered into the late 1870s and 1880s, the images of active warfare and military victory diminished, only to be followed by courting scenes demonstrating other realms of accomplishment.18 Early twentieth-­century Kiowa artists continued to paint in an autobiographical style learned from their relatives. Former Fort Marion prisoner Oheltoint made ledger drawings, and his ­brother Silver Horn drew and painted. Both w ­ ere still alive, and they connected the two generations of Ki19 owa artists. In 1916 Stephen Mopope helped to repaint the well-­known Tipi with B ­ attle Pictures, a historic tipi acquired by principal chief Tohausan (­Little Bluff) during the nineteenth ­century. Mopope worked on this tipi alongside his older relatives Silver Horn and Oheltoint, and it was an impor­ tant moment in his own life.20 Silver Horn may have held an impor­tant ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 63

place for Mopope and ­others b ­ ecause as a well-­respected elder he “legitimized the commercialization of art” by selling drawings to non-­Natives.21 Like Silver Horn and Oheltoint, twentieth-­century Kiowa artists painted from a broadly autobiographical experience that followed the cultural and spiritual contours of their own lives, depicting images of the Native American Church and powwows. By the twentieth c­ entury, war or fancy dancer imagery promoted a con­ temporary image of Kiowa ­people associated with powwows and with young men as central actors.22 Paint­ers forged war dancer imagery through dance, regalia, paintings, and murals. Adornment, dance, and their repre­sen­ta­tion ­were intertwined and mutually constitutive. Artists reproduced this imagery in dance exhibitions and in their art, and in fact per­for­mance became a strategy for selling paintings.23 For the Kiowa Six and ­others, per­for­mance offered an ave­nue in which to shift Euro-­American repre­sen­ta­tions of Native ­people as disappearing and primitive.24 Per­for­mance provided an immediate experience for audiences as they grappled with the con­temporary Indians before them, who w ­ ere not relics of the past, but living individuals who shared the same time and space with them.25 Dance exhibitions provided space to generate new images and to revise older ones of Native p ­ eople; and in the case of the Kiowa paint­ers, they reconfigured an older image of Kiowa men for a modern audience. They modernized the image of the plains warrior role, the subject of older Kiowa ledger drawings, song, and dance. Twentieth-­century paint­ers used art and dance to depict Kiowa p ­ eople in a new way that resonated with repre­sen­ta­tions of American Indian men in American popu­lar culture. By 1900 the Plains Indian man simply was the national symbol of Indianness. Embodied as noble, savage, and physically power­ful, he was entrenched in the American popu­lar imagination as the “Noble Savage.”26 Lakota and other plains men proved influential in imprinting this imagery in American popu­lar culture. T ­ hese men toured the United States and Eu­rope in Buffalo Bill Cody’s Wild West Show, which started in 1883 and continued through the waning days of the nineteenth ­century. Wild West shows pop­u­lar­ized the image of plains men and staged it over and over again for an ­eager public. ­Here, young men such as the f­ uture Lakota spiritual leader Nick Black Elk performed and altered the Omaha dance, which recently swept the region through the exchange ceremony.27 Cody’s arena displayed Indians as dangerous and exotic ­others. And, in fact, Wild West shows evoked and generated opposing cultural forces by presenting Native p ­ eople through t­ hese 64 chapter three

ste­reo­types while also creating a confining arena that presented “disciplined” bodies. Nonetheless, for the participants the shows remained a space of limited agency in which they could earn money, travel, and engage in culturally relevant forms of l­ abor.28 The Wild West show also offered some space for self-­representation, which allowed dancers to perform and transform the Omaha dance into what would become a powwow-­style dance. Jacqueline Shea Murphy argued that it “required” an “awareness of both tradition and innovation.”29 Dancing and painting in a l­ ater era in Oklahoma, Kiowa paint­ ers approached cultural production from a similar perspective, and often operated within a parallel set of constraints that bound the art market and exhibition spaces. ­These paint­ers ­were not the only Kiowas fashioning images in dialogue with tropes of the Plains Indian man. Kiowa photographer Horace Poolaw, their con­temporary, took pictures of older Kiowa men, at times dressing them to fit the evergreen repre­sen­ta­tion of the Native chief.30 Kiowas actively sought out ­these portraits ­because they offered positive repre­sen­ta­tions of themselves and Kiowa leaders.31 Works by the Kiowa paint­ers and images of them demonstrate that they made paintings that did similar work in foregrounding positive images of Kiowa p ­ eople. They differed from Poolaw’s photo­graphs of older men by illustrating younger men in a new realm of accomplishment—­the powwow arena. War dancer imagery produced by Kiowa paint­ers in the 1920s and 1930s pres­ents an example of survivance. In the study of Native arts, vari­ous scholars have used the idea of survivance to situate and theorize the work of cultural production by Native artists who, like the Kiowa paint­ers, produced art in colonial contexts.32 Like the artists who came before them and their contemporaries in the Southwest, Kiowa paint­ers played an impor­tant role as cultural innovators and producers. The work they created was an art of survivance that layered stew consisting of the dynamic components of the survival of Native ­peoples and ways of being with re­sis­tance. Twentieth-­century Native art and, I would add, dance exhibitions pres­ent “a dynamic relationship between cultural memories and the personal memories of individuals creating works of art. This relationship is especially vital for Indian ­people, where cultural survivance is at stake.”33 The production of war dancer imagery created by Mopope, Tsatoke, Hokeah, Asah, and Auchiah resulted from their engagement with Kiowa conventions of art production, twentieth-­ century interactions with the Ohoma Society, a Kiowa iteration of the Omaha or Grass dance continued through the dance bans in the teens and twenties, and their own enactment of it in vari­ous arenas. ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 65

­These dynamics speak not just to memory, but to the interplay of memory and experience bound up with their own specific historical context in which survivance of Kiowa p ­ eople was at stake in post-­allotment Oklahoma. And they reflected on the Kiowa community and individuals, who, like other Native ­peoples in the plains, experienced “drastic cultural changes and adaptations in technology, print media, language, fashion, education, and social and sacred traditions.”34 As curators Margaret Archuleta and Rennard Strickland found, twentieth-­century artists such as the Kiowa paint­ers “can help in understanding the universal challenge of responding to cultural and technological change.”35 Kiowa artists and cultural producers created new images of themselves that reflected survivance and then con­temporary constructions of Kiowa identity. The cultural production of war dancer imagery in visual, material, and expressive forms represents a multifaceted response to the emergence of powwow culture within the po­liti­cal milieu of the 1920s and early 1930s and emphasizes images of young men and masculinity. Prior to d ­ oing exhibitions in the Southwest, many of the paint­ers contributed to the formation of powwow dancing as distinct from military society dancing. Stephen Mopope participated in both warrior society and intertribal powwow settings, as did Jack Hokeah and Spencer Asah.36 The Ohoma Society hosted events that included both society and powwow dancing and fostered con­temporary powwows.37 The Ohoma Society hosted Fourth of July cele­brations around the Redstone area, where p ­ eople camped and danced ­under the auspices of the patriotic holiday, and t­ hese gatherings encouraged intertribal engagement ­because they brought in “Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ponca, Otoe, Osage, Pawnee, Comanche, Apache, and Taos Pueblo Indians.”38 As a young man participating in Ohoma Society dances, Stephen Mopope was recognized for his fancy dancing.39 In Oklahoma, this dance style became one of many styles of powwow dancing and was also described as war dancing during the 1920s and 1930s. Mopope even made an appearance at one of the earliest Southern Plains powwows. In 1928, when Haskell Indian School had its homecoming powwow, Mopope was t­ here and competed with other well-­known fancy dancers, among them Chester Lefthand (Arapaho) and Gus McDonald (Ponca), for the title of world champion.40 His skill was so well known that, along with fellow Kiowa painter Jack Hokeah, Lefthand, and George “Woogie” Watchetaker (Comanche), he put the Murrow powwow, a small dance held near Car­ne­gie, Oklahoma, on the map as a significant gathering.41 In addition, both Lefthand and Stephen Mopope introduced this style of fancy dancing to individuals from other tribes.42 66 chapter three

Increasingly, fairs and expositions like Gallup, and especially Craterville Fair in Oklahoma, provided impor­tant spaces where Kiowa artists and o­ thers participated in and promoted war dancing.43 In 1930, Craterville Fair drew in a large Native audience of between 400 and 500 ­people, and as J. A. Buntin, the Kiowa Agency superintendent, observed, “A ­great number of white ­people are attracted.” 44 The superintendent downplayed the number of ­people in attendance. One newspaper reported that “several thousand Kiowa and Comanche Indians are encamped at Craterville Park this week.” 45 It was popu­lar enough that Millet Hoy Koy Bitty, a Comanche, wrote to his senator about it, not only criticizing the fee to enter the grandstand, but also requesting that the senator tell Franklin Rush, the or­ga­nizer, that he would like to see both the “Buffalo dance” and “the Crow dance” at this event.46 Mopope played a prominent role in the event, and he led an eve­ning program of war dancing.47 The organizers advertised that several groups would do dance exhibitions during the day, and that “special contest war dances and ghost dances ­will be given each night in front of the ­grand stand.” 48 Fairgoers could expect to see war dancers as well as “historical Indian relics.” 49 Advertising the Ghost Dance and “relics” added an ele­ment of mystique and created the idea that visitors could see or experience the sacred at such an event. In addition to ­these varied entertainments, one could watch a parade that illustrated “the pro­gress of the Indians of the past 150 years.”50 However, what was more pervasive, both at Craterville and at other fairs, was that the OIA saw them as brief stops for the Kiowa and other Native ­peoples on the way to civilization and integration with their rural non-­Indian neighbors, not as ways to promote Native arts, powwows, or dancing. For bureaucrats, fairs illustrated “moral authority.”51 Superintendents of the KCA Agency did their best to discourage Indian participation in fairs and Indian shows, but they also found the fairs to be useful venues to encourage agriculture. The crop and livestock exhibits and premiums, or prizes, demonstrate that Craterville and other fairs also encouraged KCA Indians to become or reach for the ideal image of Indian assimilation by becoming farmers and middle-­class ­house­wives. Agent Buntin himself noted, “It was thought much better to encourage the Indians to exhibit their products in their respective communities in open competition with the white ­people.”52 Franklin Rush himself was aware that agents thought that fairs would aid assimilation. When he requested money for his fair from Oklahoma senator W. B. Pine, Rush noted that when he visited other Native events and was called upon to speak, he would “always take the opportunity to talk to them about farming and good citizenship.”53 ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 67

The proliferation of war dancing and other kinds of dancing that Stephen Mopope and o­ thers promoted at Craterville occurred in spite of the best efforts of Indian agents and functionaries. Native actors gave their own meaning to Craterville and adapted the event to promote expressive culture. Yet, its meaning remained contested. Even though Rush tried to appeal to the OIA’s sensibilities about agricultural ­labor and citizenship, J. A. Buntin flatly discouraged Craterville and claimed that it encouraged a return to ways that would hinder Native success as farmers. He noted that Craterville happened within the farming season, when “Indians should be giving their crops, poultry, live stock, e­ tc. their special attention.”54 He outlined his position on Craterville and other Indian fairs in a letter to the commissioner of Indian affairs: “They are taking their place among the white ­people of the country and becoming a part of the body politic. To have separate fairs for Indians is in the nature of g­ oing backward. . . . ​The sooner they take their place in ­every way among the civilized ­people of the country and cut out the strictly Indian gatherings, the quicker they w ­ ill become civilized and placed on a self-­ 55 supporting basis.” Buntin articulated the fair’s potential in encouraging assimilation and the absorption of Native ­people in southwestern Oklahoma society. He criticized Craterville and other fairs and shows of this sort, which also featured dance and other Native arts. He opined that fairs had the potential to foster what he thought was “social evolution.” Yet, they prompted the very displays that agents and others tried to stop b ­ ecause they interfered with the broader mission of assimilation. Kiowa participation and promotion of war dancing at Craterville represented a chapter in a much bigger story about American Indians and dance. The tensions between how Kiowas viewed and understood Craterville and the agency’s intentions in tolerating it highlighted the conflicts and complexities of dance. The broad appeal and attendance at Craterville and participation in Ohoma resonate with a larger trend in Indian country ­after World War I. Despite federal Indian policy, which had banned dance in one form or another since 1882, it simply became an ever more popu­lar and prominent aspect of community life during the twentieth ­century in the plains and the Southwest as Kiowas, Lakotas, Pueblos, and other American Indians saw it as their right to practice their religious and cultural beliefs.56 In 1923 Commissioner of Indian Affairs Charles Burke issued Circular 1665, a turgid attempt to stem the growing swell of dance in Indian country. In Oklahoma, it was a paper tiger that Native leaders responded to, but in New Mexico, where Kiowas visited and attended Gallup Ceremonial, it brought many concerned parties to action. Pueblo leaders, Anglo reformers, 68 chapter three

and Indian allies ranging from writers to artists to the ­future head of the Office of Indian Affairs, John Collier, protested the circular as an attack on Pueblo religion and religious freedom.57 For the Anglo literati, reformers, and ­others, dance embodied Pueblo ceremonial life. Spirituality was one of the many cultural attributes that t­ hese progressive reformers valued b ­ ecause they, like many Euro-­Americans, believed that the country had lost its soul in the quest for modernity. They believed that Pueblo ­people could serve as examples of how to create and restore community, spirituality, and values—­lessons they believed the rest of the country desperately needed. At the turn of the twentieth c­ entury, ­these ideas ­were considered to be “anti-­modern,” and they pervaded American thinking about Native ­people and the arts.58 Art and dance served as concrete symbols of ­these values. The views of Collier and o­ thers appeared to be well intentioned. But make no ­mistake: they ­were expressions of a romantic colonialism, in which Native life existed to enrich American art, history, and cultural life.59 At the turn of the twentieth c­ entury, the OIA took on a parental role in relationship to Native ­people, their charges. Field matrons in par­tic­u­lar had an overtly maternal role, engaging Kiowas and other Native ­people within the spaces of home and ­family.60 The professionalization and expansion of the OIA led to a greater number of ­women, both Native and non-­Native, working in the Indian Ser­vice, another name for the OIA, giving a female face to the colonial proj­ect. Susie Peters, a field matron and promoter of Kiowa art forms, acted out a maternal role facilitated by the OIA. Though a number of Native ­women worked as field matrons, Peters was not Native herself. But as a field matron, she went beyond the call of her profession in promoting the c­ areers of the Kiowa Six. Ida Attackonie, Spencer Asah’s wife, saw Susie Peters’s relationships with the paint­ers as an extension of her field matron work. She also explained that Peters tried to look out for Asah and Hokeah ­because “they ­were sort of orphans.” 61 James Auchiah explained that Susie Peters would provide money when it was needed, and he noted that she had hired Jack Hokeah to feed her livestock and welcomed students to her home, which served as both a studio and a residence for them if they needed it.62 Peters promoted the artists’ limited professional training, which reflected the intercultural dynamics of how patronage worked during the late 1920s and the 1930s. From the beginning this training involved the collaboration of Kiowas and non-­Indians. Lewis Ware, a Kiowa politician in the Oklahoma state legislature, arranged for the group to attend the University of ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 69

Oklahoma. With Ware, Peters contacted Oscar Jacobson, a well-­known art professor and artist, about their work.63 Jacobson’s wife, Jeanne D’Ucel, recalled in her memoir “About Indians” that the agency superintendent brought the group up to the university at Norman, Oklahoma, with their works to see if the paintings ­were of a high enough quality for them to make a living as artists. Soon a­ fter, Jacobson made living arrangements for the artists to attend the university.64 The men who created war dancer imagery associated with powwows maintained the idea that men created repre­sen­ta­tional art. Initially, Lois Smoky, a young w ­ oman, attended the University of Oklahoma along with Stephen Mopope, Jack Hokeah, Monroe Tsatoke, and Spencer Asah. However, she left at the end of their first semester. It would be de­cades before another Kiowa ­woman became a paint­er.65 In the wake of Smoky’s departure, James Auchiah joined the cohort. I mention this to call attention to the fact that during the early twentieth c­ entury, men continued to represent Kiowa ­people through painting, a medium legible to Euro-­Americans as art. Their connection with the University of Oklahoma and Jacobson furthered their reputations as paint­ers. Oscar Jacobson’s artistic ideas and understandings influenced how the Kiowa artists painted at the University of Oklahoma.66 Jacobson encouraged his students to stick with what he called the “Indian Style” or “Indian Flat Style.” 67 Jacobson’s directive permitted them to work in familiar ways, but it also limited them in terms of technique and perhaps even subject ­matter. Jacobson and ­others thought the Kiowa and Indian artists in general painted from “atavistic or racial memory.” 68 In her memoir, Jacobson’s wife recalled that he had told them to “do what the white artists c­ an’t do; paint in the Indian way; follow the traditions of you[r] ancestors; draw inspiration from the culture and legends of your ­people.” 69 He asked them to paint the past through the lens of popu­lar, ste­reo­typical constructions of generic “Indian” identity and visual narrative. His concept of the flat style looked very similar to con­temporary painting appearing in “magazine advertisements and movie palace[s] and other murals.”70 ­These directives and visual styles represent the limitations of how Jacobson conceived of “Indianness.” The artists created works that responded in some way to this discussion by painting images of “Indianness” from their own vantage point; dance imagery represented one theme they depicted in their work. Their training resonated with Jacobson’s ideas about authenticity and art. To ensure that their style remained “pure” and “au­then­tic,” they created works in a large, well-­lit room, alone. They w ­ ere not required to attend 70 chapter three

classes.71 D’Ucel wrote that Jacobson “was determined not to let them be ‘contaminated’ by white studies.”72 Though Jacobson encouraged them to paint in simulated old style that may have been influenced by current popu­lar culture, he also thought that Native ­people w ­ ere natu­ral artists. He did not push them to experiment, and they created works that ­were similar to ledger drawing in that they often drew individuals wearing regalia and engaged with historic or con­temporary dance with ­little background or perspective. The fact that courses w ­ ere optional for them illustrated that Jacobson believed that “good” Indian art was “pure” Indian art. As Jacobson sought to refine the way they painted, their time at the University of Oklahoma legitimized them as artists. Jacobson or­ga­nized an exhibition of the Kiowa artists’ works at the Denver Art Museum in 1928; it quickly sold out, leading the artists to generate more paintings for the exhibition.73 Jacobson bought paintings from the artists and ­later submitted a compilation of their work for the First International Art Exposition in Prague. This exhibit pushed them into the international spotlight, as did the publication of a series of prints entitled Kiowa Art,74 which led to their works becoming internationally recognized. In 1931 their works w ­ ere displayed in New York, making them even better known. The exhibition in New York was significant ­because it was the first time Native works ­were displayed not as curiosities or anthropological objects but as art.75 Jacobson was excellent in publicizing them as Indian artists in ways that ­were closely knitted to anthropology, which served to commoditize their work as art by emphasizing how it connected to “traditional” pictorial art.76 To promote the sale of their paintings, he encouraged them to stage dance per­for­mances. This strategy directly connected the images in their works to the dances they performed. The per­for­mance of dance authenticated the repre­sen­ta­tions in the painting, leaving l­ ittle doubt about the source of inspiration or ­whether the depictions in the paintings ­were “true to life.” The paint­ers would continue to exhibit both their art and dance for audiences across the county. Traveling outside Oklahoma to New Mexico and other locales gave them an opportunity to engage with an audience that took a greater interest in American Indian art and objects. The economic and racial climate of rural southwestern Oklahoma simply was not conducive to the sale of art on a scale that would match that of the Southwest.77 Both American Indians and the non-­Indians who lived in western Oklahoma experienced a plummeting agricultural market that affected both subsistence-­level Native farmers and non-­Indian farmers who leased Kiowa land, leaving all in poorer straits.78 ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 71

Kiowa paint­ers began attending Gallup Ceremonial with Susie Peters, who planned their trips and art sales t­ here in about 1930, and several years l­ ater they or­ga­nized trips themselves.79 Peters herself noted that she took them to Gallup to promote the sale of their art.80 She explained, “The first encouragement I had was from Mr. Myers, an artists [sic] and art dealer of Taos, N.M. He purchased a few of their crude pictures and assured me that they had something fine to give the world of art.” 81 Despite her criticism of their art, she and the artists sought a ready market where they could more easily sell their works.82 Attending Gallup gave Kiowa artists access to a greater market and a wider Native and non-­Native audience for their paintings and their dance per­for­mances. Peters recalled why she took them to Gallup: “At that time they w ­ ere unable to make any sales, and becoming discouraged. Many of their pictures could be found in the local pawnshop. They ­were glad to get from $5.00 to $10.00 for a picture. I had been to the Ceremonial and felt sure their part in the program and their pictures would be appreciated by artists and art lovers who visited t­ here.” 83 Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup started in 1922 as a way to bring tourists into the city. Indian tourism in Gallup worked through marketing ­simple, romantic repre­sen­ta­tions of Native ­people through Gallup Ceremonial.84 Anthropologists, tourists, and non-­Indian artists viewed the region through the lens of primitivism, which promoted it as a place of au­then­tic Indianness.85 Initially this notion of Native ­peoples as “primitive” attracted anthropologists to the area, but the idea also made the Southwest a major tourist destination in the early twentieth ­century.86 The marketing machine ­behind tourism in this area was the Fred Harvey Com­pany, which worked in tandem with the Santa Fe Railroad to promote tourism in New Mexico through restaurants, ­hotels, and dining cars—­all featuring “Indian” decor.87 In addition, the Fred Harvey Com­pany also had an Indian department or­ga­nized like the 1893 Columbian Exposition. The Indian department also sold Native-­made objects and included Navajo weavers and silversmiths as demonstrators.88 Though certainly not the first to represent the Southwest through images of ­women, the Fred Harvey Com­pany and ­others marketed the region through images of Pueblo ­women and the pottery they made.89 ­These images became foundational in how non-­Native ­people represented (and misrepresented) Native p ­ eoples and the arts in that region. Many of t­hese depictions relied on images of Pueblo ­women and of pottery, an art form that ­women made, and that visitors, art patrons, and ­others found to be desirable.90 The images of Pueblo p ­ eople as “traditional,” “pastoral,” and “au­then­ 72 chapter three

tic” ­shaped how tourists encountered Native ­people from the area as well as ­those who ­were visiting, such as Kiowa artists and dancers. In this environment, in which images of w ­ omen represented the region, Kiowas offered a stark contrast. Though Kiowa ­people are in fact Plains Indians, the Anglo construction of what that meant often lent itself to ste­reo­ types and images of the primitive. Kiowa paint­ers and the other performers did not completely shatter ­these ideas. Spectators consumed ­these per­for­ mances through gendered ste­reo­types. One journalist described the Kiowa dance per­for­mance with all the fear surrounding the image of the Plains Indian warriors: “Blood curdling w ­ ere their whoops[;] even surrounded by friends in boxes ­children and ­women confessed fear, and shivered. . . . ​It was the plains Indians noted war dance. Feathered shields, beadwork that sparkled in the firelight, wampum armbands and feathered bonnets made the Kiowa the Chesterfields of the entire eve­ning.”91 The image of the Plains Indian has circulated as an image of a man in a war bonnet. Further, spectators fully registered the material cultural aspect of t­ hese per­for­mances, and dress became as much a part of the exhibition as the singing or dancing. The journalist linked the dancers and their regalia with the sensational, mysterious facets of primitivism.92 And in Gallup, where the au­then­tic Indian took home the prize money, dress was impor­tant to the Kiowa, who ­after a ­couple of years swept the awards for the best-­dressed dancers.93 The Kiowa artists enjoyed much success at Gallup. In 1931 Jack Hokeah explained, “I made a lot of sales in Santa Fe and also sold out at Gallup. I won first prize and third prize in watercolor paintings. We also won first prize dancing at Gallup.”94 Through ­these competitions, they added to their reputations as artists and dancers, and Jack Hokeah and o­ thers who earned prizes for their works steadily legitimized and promoted Kiowa art itself through their individual accomplishments. Though o­ thers viewed their dance regalia through a primitivist lens, the artists viewed the dance regalia as integral to the ­whole of their dance per­ for­mances and to the display. Jack Hokeah discussed dance per­for­mances by himself and ­others, not in New Mexico, but in California, and noted, “Each day p ­ eople came to see our paintings [and] our beautiful costumes. They go crazy over our singing, painting and our costumes.”95 For the dancers, the painting, the aesthetic appeal of their regalia, and their dance moves formed a ­whole for the audiences who turned out. Hokeah’s reference to his dance regalia as a “costume” emphasizes the performative nature of ­these events. ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 73

Additionally, the artists themselves connected painting and per­for­mance. In a letter, Jack Hokeah wrote about visiting Santa Fe Indian School in 1933 and remembered: “I was dancing for the teachers and ‘boy howdy’ I made a fine hit with the pretty teachers. I also made some sales for my paintings. They got crazy over my pictures and my pretty dancing costumes. They thought I was a world’s champion dancer. You know, I am pretty good.”96 Hokeah’s story links New Mexico to an emerging intertribal Native world in the twentieth ­century formed through powwow culture and the art market. Kiowa paint­ers’ per­for­mances bridged dance and painting. Hokeah viewed dance as a per­for­mance, one that he appeared to be comfortable with—­ boastful even of making “a fine hit with the pretty teachers.” He knowingly links his regalia, painting, and dance, emphasizing connections as part of a larger repre­sen­ta­tion. Hokeah was a championship dancer on the powwow cir­cuit, and dancing was an impor­tant theme in his paintings, which ­were no doubt inspired by his prowess. His paintings illustrate the vitality of the powwow in his time and the ways that Kiowa individuals ­were deeply intertwined in this intertribal movement. Hokeah highlighted his own unique style each time he entered the arena. Gus Palmer Jr., a Kiowa writer and professor, remembered watching Jack Hokeah dance when Palmer was a teenager in the 1950s. He recalled a move of Hokeah’s called the windshield wiper and noted, “He even called it that. He coined the term, the ‘windshield wiper.’ ”97 Palmer described Hokeah’s execution: “He kind of like jumped up and down . . . ​on his left leg and with his right foot and toes extended [h]e went from left to right, left to right, and if you looked at it ­there is a rhythm to it and he’d say that’s kind of like the [way a] windshield wiper works on a car you know, and then he says I’m ­going [to] do the windshield wiper to­night, and I’ll show you boys how to dance. . . . ​That kind of became his trademark as a performer.”98 Palmer’s description of one of Hokeah’s signature moves illustrates the athleticism and style required of a fancy dancer. It also demonstrates that, as noted earlier, Hokeah was aware of his dancing as a per­for­mance. This awareness of powwow dancing as per­for­mance is also translated into his paintings. Movement was an ever-­present ele­ment in his works, as seen in the pochoir print Hummingbird Dance (figure 10). The artist caught the dancer mid-­step, mid-­song, just as he lowered his foot. The theme of the painting and the description of Hokeah’s dance style mirror each other, and they emphasize his creativity and athleticism. The paintings of dance resulted from the close and detailed knowledge the paint­ers possessed about the subject. Briefly in 1939, Spencer Asah taught 74 chapter three

figure 10 ​Jack Hokeah, Hummingbird Dance (1929, pochoir print). National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, NAA INV 09064700.

both dancing and painting at Fort Sill Indian School, where he discussed his instruction, noting, “They need to know dances to get the right positions for their figures and to get the clothes right.”99 Asah’s remarks hint at the way his experience as a dancer influenced his painting. The fact that the artists knew how to dress and how to move for powwows helped them to represent themselves and ­others in their work. For Asah, this was not just about authenticity, but also about precision and creating images that w ­ ere specific in their repre­sen­ta­tion of dance as a form of knowledge. Knowledge of dance and movement was an integral aspect of how he and the other artists produced paintings and the themes of their works. A ­couple of the Gallup eve­ning programs include a list of dances that Kiowa performers did, along with ­those of other tribes. The 1933 program lists a per­for­mance of the “Kiowa Ea­gle Dance, Kiowa Shield Dance, Kiowa Butterfly Dance, Comanche Fire Dance.”100 In 1937 Kiowa dancers put on a lively show that included the brush dance, a dance rooted in the physical preparation of the lodge where the annual ceremony occurred. They also did the “ball-­kicking dance, war dances, humming bird dance, and flute solos.”101 It is clear that for ­these dancers, performing a mix of traditional dances like the brush dance and con­temporary dances like the men’s fancy dance was acceptable. This combining of modern and traditional in ­music and song is also paralleled in the subject ­matter of the works the Kiowa artists created. In some ways viewing the dance per­for­mances was analogous to seeing the works of art they featured. The Kiowa saw themselves as the highlight of the entire event, and they illustrated that. This image was further entrenched by the fact that men occupied the space of the subject in t­ hese works. The way t­ hese per­for­mances ­were built centered on dances that ­were done mostly by men. Their dances and paintings featured men bearing the image of the Kiowa as a nation over time. In this event, they also reproduced images for both a tourist and a fine art market in ways that made the Kiowa unique. In “Kiowa Tinsel Cheep [sic] Stuff according to John Sloan,” an anonymous author interviewed a disgruntled John Sloan, an artist and art patron who summered in Santa Fe. Sloan and ­others ­were ignorant of the deeply traditional roots of Southern Plains powwow dancing, which was still new at that time. Sloan thought the Kiowa had acculturated and further critiqued the dance per­for­mance and the dance regalia by stating, “I could get the same effect by plucking a chicken[,] smearing it with some bluing, coating it with glue and tossing it into a barrel of feathers.”102 In fact, the reporter further noted, “Mr. Sloan’s ire was directed at the apparent aping of professional 76 chapter three

stage antics by the dancers. He was indignant that ‘this cheapness’ should be allowed to supplant ‘real color and emotional dance.’ ”103 The reporter further explained that Sloan enjoyed the Navajo and Pueblo dances. Interestingly, the troupes from ­these tribes ­were reported to have mocked Kiowa moves while on stage.104 Sloan feared this mockery would lead to war dancing. Sloan did not fear war dancing so much as he feared cultural change in the Navajo, Pueblo, and Hopi communities, which many Anglos saw as the paragons of ancient and spiritual Native culture. John Sloan clearly did not live in the world of con­temporary American Indian powwow culture. Why ­else would he spurn what was no doubt some of Oklahoma’s finest war and fancy dancing? For their per­for­mances in Gallup, the Kiowa performed not only the more traditional dances but also what was avant-­garde in Indian country at the time. Their paintings also drew from images pertaining to traditional warrior art and also powwows. Criticism by the likes of John Sloan only illustrates how Native art and per­for­mance w ­ ere judged through the tenets of authenticity. Sloan’s comments led to two further articles on the subject. One, written by Susie Peters, refuted Sloan’s point about the Kiowa being professionals, noting that they had performed three years at Gallup and a few times in Oklahoma, and thus downplayed their per­for­mances as ­labor. She also sought to authenticate their image as Plains Indians. She commented, “Their costumes and dances have been developed on the reservation and in all re­spects represent the [t]raditions of their tribe.”105 If the defense mounted by a government field agent was not enough, Peters had another persuasive tactic. She explained, “An eminent anthropologist has stated that ‘their paintings are within the Indian tradition, purely Indian but the artists have been released and stimulated by new material and a new environment.’ ”106 For some, like Sloan, the implication that Kiowa men and ­women earned money by engaging in culturally relevant l­ abor such as painting or ­doing dance per­for­mances would have been the death knell of their status as both “real Indians” and “real artists.” Euro-­American discourses about authenticity, art, and the other outshined the bare fact that Gallup Ceremonial was also a marketplace where money mattered to the individuals who sold their art and performed ­there. While Susie Peters defended the Kiowa, Jeanette Spiess, a travel writer and Santa Fe resident, had the last word on the subject and closed the debate. Her piece suggests that she and prob­ably o­ thers objectified Kiowa fancy dancers and o­ thers through ideas about masculinity and the body. In “Warns against ‘Kiowa-­Phobia,’ ” she explained that the Kiowa w ­ ere dif­fer­ent from ­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 77

the Navajo and the Pueblo. She noted that sometimes ­those living in the Southwest judge the authenticity of tribes from other areas based on their own notions of southwestern tribes. But, she continued, “it is provincial to reserve all praises for the pueblo Indians[;] only an unbiased mind w ­ ill readily admit the beautiful and decorative value of the Kiowa panels, their perfection of detail, their richness of color, their virile anatomy. W ­ hether one discerns in them sophistication and white influence is not impor­tant to their artistic beauty. ­Because they are dif­fer­ent from both Pueblo and Navajo paintings is in no way a condemnation.”107 Spiess’s comments reveal that once the Kiowa paint­ers began selling their works and dancing in the Southwest, the male bodies presented in their works also became objects. Not only did per­for­mance spaces offer Native p ­ eoples a limited form of agency to shape their repre­sen­ta­tions, but they ­were sites of the gaze in which audiences viewed and described American Indians as individuals and groups. The per­for­mance of dance in exhibitions was only one facet of Gallup Cere­ monial, which included a parade, displays of made objects, and Native ­people themselves. While the eve­nings w ­ ere reserved for exhibitions, during the day visitors could view other feats of physical prowess, such as “athletic games and contests,” staged on the same racetrack where organizers hosted the eve­ning dances.108 The physical aspects of the competitions, in par­tic­u­lar the wide array of dancing, as well as the “all-­Indian sports, rodeo and field events,” meant that Native bodies, including t­ hose of the Kiowa war dancers, w ­ ere also part of the event and the “colorful [s]pectacles.”109 Newspaper articles described them as such, noting, “Kiowas flash in and out in a sun dance with a gorgeous whorl of feathers at their backs.”110 Kiowa paint­ers and o­ thers from southwestern Oklahoma influenced the growth of powwows in this region. In the time-­worn language of authenticity, OIA employee Margaret Pearson Spellman explained to William Karty, a Comanche and president of the emerging American Indian Exposition, that “Gallup was not up to its usual standards ­because so many of the Southwestern Indians had left their tribal costumes and ­adopted for dancing the costumes, songs, and dances of Plains Indians.” Their shift to powwow-­ style dancing was a source of tension b ­ ecause “the Washington p ­ eople, however, like to see t­ hese affairs kept au­then­tic and true to the traditions of the ­people who are ­doing them.”111 She further described a dinner she had at a ­hotel in Taos. She noted, “A group of Taos Indians came to dance in the feathered costumes of your ­people and even the songs they sang ­were the songs that I heard in your country. I told them this and they ­were angered, but did not deny it.”112 78 chapter three

Some of the rhe­toric of tradition may have obscured the complexity of the interactions that took place between Indian ­peoples. For example, Charlie Tsoodle explained that other tribes appreciated the Kiowa per­for­mances, and they even borrowed ­these dances. Tsoodle explained: “They liked our dances. In fact they took it up you know. ­After so many years you know see the Pueblos they ­don’t war dance. Their dances [are] . . . ​ceremonial dances. They ­don’t have no war dance. ­After they seen us why they picked it up.”113 The statements illustrated that this was a location where powwow dancing was shared and even taken up by other tribes in a kind of cultural change and exchange. This makes sense not only given the intertribal context of Gallup Ceremonial, but also when the historical bonds that Kiowas share with some of ­these tribes—­particularly with tribes such as the Pueblos—­are taken into consideration.114 As Tsoodle knew, the Pueblo had formed a group of war dancers and continued to dance together as a troupe ­after the Kiowa left Gallup.115 Kiowa ­people continued to do dance per­for­mances at Gallup Ceremonial through the twentieth c­ entury. They had begun d ­ oing so a few years before Native ­people from the KCA and other tribes started the American Indian Exposition, the all-­Indian-­run fair and powwow in Anadarko, Oklahoma. ­After what was then called the Indian Fair started, and for some years thereafter, particularly as it began to generate interest and tourism in Oklahoma, bureaucrats like Spellman and ­others compared it to the Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup. Though Kiowas had planted the seeds of powwow culture and promoted the image of the war dancer as a new and emergent phenomenon in New Mexico, Kiowas would engage the space of the fair in Oklahoma to assert the uniqueness of their identity as con­temporary Kiowa p ­ eople, a nation living in a deeply intertribal space.

­We’ll Show You Boys How to Danc 79

chapter four

We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things

Peoplehood, Kiowa ­Women, and Material Culture Figure 11 shows members of the Mau-­Tame (Showing the Way) Club standing against the rocky ridge lining the per­for­mance space at Gallup Ceremonial during the 1930s. Photo­graphs like this remind us that w ­ omen continued to be impor­tant historical actors and cultural producers in the twentieth ­century whose art connected and represented Kiowa and other Southern Plains ­peoples. Initially begun by Susie Peters in 1921 as a w ­ omen’s club, the Mau-­Tame Club concerned itself with uplift and facilitating Euro-­American habits of domesticity and refinement among American Indian w ­ omen around 1 Anadarko. The organ­ization focused on “domestic art, domestic science, and home economics.”2 The Mau-­Tame Club dissolved for a time, but in the 1930s American Indian ­women in Anadarko and Susie Peters revived the organ­ization and placed greater focus on producing Native art for sale. And the organ­ization became more intertribal. Figure 11 shows that the group included younger ­women as well. A close look at the dresses reveals individual and distinctive beadwork patterns. Laura Smith, an art historian, pointed out that Kiowa “­mothers and ­daughters negotiated the terms for female identity among themselves.”3 While t­ hese ­women belonged to dif­fer­ ent generations, photo­graphs like this one show that ­women continued to find dance regalia and beadwork significant. Each wears the iconic buckskins dress and the headbands and crowns that ­were popu­lar during the 1930s.4 The event at Gallup played a role in starting the c­ areer of at least one Kiowa beadwork artist. Alice Jones Littleman, one of the most well-known beadworkers of the twentieth ­century, remembered that she made her first sale of beadwork at Gallup. In 1993 Littleman recalled, “I started in Gallup, New Mexico, maybe fifty years ago. When I first went out ­there, Suzy [sic] Peters took some dancers out ­there. My m ­ other said, ‘Why ­don’t you make a purse and take it out t­ here.’ I won a first place award, and I sent the check to my ­mother. That was in the twenties.”5 This was the first of many times that her beadwork would win awards and be displayed over the next five de­ cades. Gallup set the stage for her engagement in the arts and revealed how significant fairs ­were as a venue for beadworkers to display their skills as artists. 80

figure 11 ​Alice Littleman, seated, in a group. Alice Jones Littleman Collection, #9, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

Alice Jones Littleman and the ­women of the Mau-­Tame Club created beadwork within changing contexts in federal Indian policy. When John Collier became the commissioner of Indian affairs in 1933, he and other reformers began to encourage the sale and display of Native art. Collier had lived in New York City, where he was a social worker. In 1920 he went out to the Southwest. While staying in Taos he started to believe that Pueblo culture was a ­human utopia, and he came to value and romanticize Pueblo governance and life ways.6 He believed that Pueblo life ways w ­ ere impor­tant not only to Pueblo ­peoples but to non-­Indians as well. Philip Deloria explains that Collier and ­others viewed the “infusion of Indianness as a solution to Amer­i­ca’s collective worries and to the anx­i­eties of its individuals.”7 From this perspective, Native art was crucial not simply to Native p ­ eoples, but to the country at large. Considered spiritually and culturally invigorating, it could also be bought and sold. ­Under Collier’s administration the American Indian Arts and Crafts Board (IACB) started its work. The IACB, a government body, developed and ­marketed We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 81

quality consumable, “au­then­tic” American Indian items.8 It promoted older art forms for new markets, and it did so in ways that spoke to issues of authenticity and preservation. As Bill Anthes found, the IACB sought to affirm the “value of Indian culture of identity.”9 Collier and o­ thers thought American Indian visual culture was, as Anthes described, “central to a newly pluralist spiritually awakened American identity.”10 The twin purposes of the IACB and the general climate fostered by such goals, problematic though they ­were, created a climate where Kiowa individuals could maneuver further for their own purposes to sell or display expressive forms that affirmed their own nation. In examining how Kiowa individuals discussed expressive culture within the context of the twentieth c­ entury, it is impor­tant to engage the idea of peoplehood as a way of viewing Kiowa material culture within the social, cultural, and po­liti­cal context of southwestern Oklahoma. As Tom Holm, J. Dianne Pierson, and Ben Chavis have theorized: “A p ­ eople, united by a common language and having a par­tic­u­lar ceremonial cycle, a unique sacred history, and knowledge of a territory, necessarily possesses inherent sovereignty. Nations may come and go, but ­peoples maintain identity even when undergoing profound cultural change.”11 They posit that “Native art forms might be examined for their ‘peoplehood content.’ ”12 They also write that “peoplehood serves to explain and define codes of civility, be­hav­ior within a given environment, and relationships between ­people.”13 Connecting sovereignty and identity, the idea of peoplehood opens up possibilities for discussions of Kiowa expressive culture grounded in sociopo­liti­cal life. Kiowas used material culture to create, sustain, and illustrate the importance of ­family and community ties. In the early twentieth ­century, beadwork possessed multiple social, cultural, and economic facets; it also illustrated the significance of social relationships in constructing Kiowa identities. Beadwork continued to be impor­tant in constituting ­women’s social roles during the early twentieth ­century. W ­ omen made items that created and represented ­family and community bonds. The act of donning buckskin dresses with beadwork carry­ ing the ele­ments of individual and ­family designs suggested ­family relationships and belongingness. On another level, gifts of beaded moccasins or other items demonstrated new kinship and social bonds as well. Items could illustrate and fuse vari­ous connections and relationships “among kin, friends, and ceremonial associates.”14 ­These relationships as communicated through exchanging expressive culture presented methods for building ­family relationships, a strong base for maintaining a sense of Kiowa identity and nationhood. Additionally, beadwork demonstrated peoplehood by indexing Kiowa connections to place. 82 chapter four

In 1937 Alice Marriott interviewed Mrs. Tennyson Berry, who spoke about her m ­ other’s skills and the standing she had as a beadworker. Berry emphasized that the items her ­mother made reflected and produced ­family relationships, even when a ­family member did not make the items. ­ here w T ­ ere certain ­women who ­were better at making clothes than ­others. M ­ other was pretty good. Several ­people would bring their buckskins over for her to make ­those dresses and the men’s suits. They paid her for . . . ​­doing that work; sometimes they gave her blankets or hides. ­People who think a ­whole lot of their ­children ­will pay well to have t­ hings made for that child. Sometimes they even gave ­horses to get ­things made for the child. In ­those days Indians thought a lot of their ­children. A person would come along and do a ­little t­ hing for a child, and in return t­ hey’d want to do him a big f­ avor; give him a h ­ orse or something valuable.15 Kiowas valued their families and highlighted their importance through expressive culture. Objects became interwoven with individual families, cementing and reinforcing kin ties. Even if ­these items ­were not sewn and beaded by the ­family members themselves, giving such items worked to emphasize relationships between relatives. The pro­cess of making and giving beaded dresses and other items was not a rigid system in which w ­ omen made items only for their immediate and extended families; such articles could be commissioned by individuals from other tribes as well. Whereas Mrs.  Berry discussed how individuals commissioned her ­mother’s work for their ­children, Alice Apekaum Zanella emphasized the importance of dress and exchange in fusing kin relationships that w ­ ere vital to Kiowa peoplehood. First, she described an elk tooth dress that her m ­ other owned (an elk tooth dress was usually made of buckskin and adorned with rows of elk teeth across the bodice). When interviewed in 1968 for the Doris Duke Oral History Proj­ect, Zanella explained, “You know, old ­people, they think a lot of their c­ hildren, that’s what they get them.”16 John Ewers studied Southern Plains ­women’s dresses and noted that “by the turn of the [twentieth] ­century, Kiowa ­women ­were loading their best skin dresses with row upon row of elk teeth, and b ­ ecause elk teeth w ­ ere rare, some Kiowa dresses 17 came to have high monetary values.” Alice Marriott similarly remarked, “Unusually fine clothes, or such ornaments as elks’ teeth, shell beads, or finely beaded medallions, became heirlooms, and ­were highly prized.”18 Kiowas passed ­these items on to younger ­family members. Inheriting dresses and smaller items also facilitated kinship relationships that served We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 83

to bind individual Kiowas and Kiowa families. ­These dresses ­were impor­ tant not only ­because of their beauty or the materials and time used to make them, but also ­because they illustrated and helped to produce relationships. Buckskin dresses, not just elk tooth dresses, continued to be a vis­i­ble, impor­tant way of conveying multiple interlocking identities that illustrated a sense of the Kiowa as a p ­ eople. For example, Colleen Cutschall, a Lakota artist, explained that dresses “are canvases for the expression of tribal culture and personal identity.”19 Dresses themselves became more desirable at the turn of the twentieth ­century as well. John Ewers explained, “By the 1890s Comanche and Kiowa w ­ omen had come to prefer buckskin dresses for wear on occasions when ‘dressing Indian’ was appropriate.”20 In the 1890s, t­ hese events could have ranged from Kiowa gatherings to local fairs or exhibitions in which Native p ­ eople did dance per­for­mances. The beadwork on ­these dresses began to show greater community specificity. The dresses displayed more than just “Indianness” in ­these intertribal contexts, also illustrating finer distinctions on multiple levels. They could be a marker for specifically Kiowa identities for individuals who w ­ ere aware of the significance of designs. Further, unlike men’s regalia and dance—­ which drew largely from intertribal styles—­women’s powwow regalia remained tribally specific.21 ­Women’s dress in intertribal gatherings could suggest a sense of belongingness. Distinctive beadwork communicated the bonds of families and nation. The idea of intellectual property is also impor­tant; it shapes the layers of meaning around beadwork and influenced how beadworkers and o­ thers understood the form. Kiowas understand cultural production as a form of intellectual property. Now, many individual Kiowas claim owner­ship of the intangible rights of their individual ancestors.22 This category includes beadwork. The person who developed a beadwork pattern owned it and could use it as she or he saw fit. Thus, designs and other forms of cultural production belong to specific individuals.23 Alice Marriott remarked on the owner­ ship of motifs, explaining that “designs can also be bought and sold, lent and borrowed, or given.”24 The understanding of beadwork as intellectual property is impor­tant for thinking through dress and repre­sen­ta­tions of Kiowa ­women ­because it helps us to understand the meanings of beadwork as layered and illustrative of the skills of specific artists. Leaf patterns, which belonged to individual w ­ omen, became more prominent, and during Alice Jones Littleman’s generation they became associated with the Kiowa ­people. Leaf and floral motifs ­were among myriad 84 chapter four

designs w ­ omen utilized in their beadwork. Such motifs are also significant ­because they speak to the creative undercurrents of interactions among tribal nations in what would become Oklahoma. Barbara Hail explained that Woodlands tribes “used curvilinear and abstract floral bead designs,” and she posited that they may have at points “inspired” motifs in Kiowa beadwork, as the federal government moved t­ hese tribes into Indian Territory.25 Kiowa ­women may have borrowed from other p ­ eoples but reformulated t­ hese motifs to suit their own tastes and then engaged them in ways that ­were unique. Kiowa cultural producers dynamically engaged with t­ hose around them. Kiowas used beaded leaf patterns in the nineteenth ­century, and in the 1880s such patterns ­were “elaborate in coloration.”26 Some Kiowa w ­ omen utilized distinctive leaf patterns in their beadwork, which appeared on larger items such as cradleboards, buckskin dresses, and moccasins. Mary Buffalo, a Kiowa ­woman, noted in an interview in 1935 that many times moccasins had a “flower design” beaded onto the instep, and w ­ omen also beaded t­ hese designs on dresses and started ­doing so in about 1935.27 Leaf designs in beadwork demonstrated knowledge of the land and the plant life within it, which inspired beadwork artists. Historically, w ­ omen gathered plants for subsistence. They understood the productive aspects of Southern Plains landscapes.28 Additionally, Kiowa ­women sought out both “maple and oak leaves, to use as patterns for their designs.” According to Mary Jane Schneider, “it is usually pos­si­ble to tell what kind of leaf has been used.”29 ­These motifs reference the Southern Plains in unique ways and show an artistic relationship with both the ­human and other-­than-­human landscape, and they also emphasize one relational facet of beadwork. Beadwork artists made other connections in their work as well. Two pairs of moccasins from the National Museum of the American Indian at the Smithsonian Institution highlight impor­tant ele­ments of beadwork designs. Each shows a range of stylistic choices and floral patterns as well as geometric and naturalistic motifs. The pair of ­women’s moccasins in figure 12 is unusual b ­ ecause the designs on the instep do not match. One displays a leaf motif, and the other displays a rosette. Yet, the rest of the beadwork and paint suggest that they are a pair. T ­ hese moccasins show how ­women used multiple beadwork and adornment techniques in creating moccasins. The pair in figure 13 match, and they also have a beaded leaf.30 Both pairs have lane stitch beadwork surrounding the foot, and the lane stich beadwork has broadly geometric patterns. ­There was tremendous variability in the deployment of ­these designs and ­others ­because beadworkers strove to produce unique beadwork.31 We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 85

figure 12 ​­Women’s moccasins. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, 021499.000. Photo by NMAI Photo Ser­vices Staff.

I note the use of floral and naturalistic beadwork patterns ­because they became prominent “Kiowa” designs and became associated with Kiowa beadwork. When worn for powwows, fairs, or intertribal events, they marked the wearer as Kiowa.32 At the same time that t­ hese patterns distinguished a ­woman as Kiowa, they could also mark ­family belongingness. Thus, beadwork demonstrated kinship. Further, as Sam Ahtone noted when interviewed, the cradleboard attributed to Tah-do in the Nelson-­Atkins Museum (figure 14) works in similar ways. Ahtone emphasizes Tah-­do’s ability to create well-­made regalia and her and her ­family’s “flower” pattern.33 This floral or leaf pattern is very clearly displayed on both sides of the cradleboard. This par­tic­u­lar leaf pattern when seen in public at vari­ous American Indian gatherings would have demonstrated a connection between Tah-do, the cradleboard, and the f­amily that used it. Objects like cradleboards and buckskin dresses that require major outpourings of time, resources, and effort are unique. A ­woman’s creativity and par­tic­u­lar style ­were imprinted on ­these items in ways that w ­ ere vis­i­ble to local Kiowas, other Indians, and non-­Indians who ­were familiar with the expressive form. 86 chapter four

figure 13 ​­Women’s moccasins. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, 141865.000. Photo by NMAI Photo Ser­vices Staff.

Beaded motifs signified finer strands of individual and ­family relationships. In the 1930s t­ hese leaf patterns w ­ ere “par­tic­u­lar variations of f­ amily 34 designs.” In 1937 Marriott interviewed Sam Ahtone, my great-­grandfather, about his wife Tah-­do’s beadwork, and he noted her skills at making buckskin clothing and ­doing beadwork. He pointed out that Tah-do and his ­daughter, my grand­mother, worked together: “My wife makes the moccasins and dresses b ­ ecause she knows how, and my ­daughter does the beadwork. My wife has a flower pattern she got from her m ­ other. When my ­daughter works with her, she uses that pattern. But when she does work for herself, she uses her own pattern.”35 In the interview, he calls attention to the subtlety of relationship and creativity that went into ­doing beadwork. ­Family relationship could shape the deployment of designs, as shown in figure 14. Families became a path through which ideas about the Kiowa as a ­people ­were transmitted, and t­ hese ideas influenced expressive forms such as beadwork, which Kiowa p ­ eople increasingly displayed at local and regional fairs. During the 1930s, Kiowas engaged fairs and exhibitions as locations to demonstrate the uniqueness of their nation in a setting with other Native We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 87

figure 14 ​Tah-do (Medicine Sage) (1879–­1966), Kiowa, Oklahoma. Cradle, ca. 1915. Native tanned leather, glass beads, pigment, cotton and silk cloth, wood and German silver, 45 ½ × 12 5/8 × 9 inches (115.6 × 32.1 × 22.9 cm). The Nelson-­Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri. Purchase: William Rockhill Nelson Trust, 33–­1241. Photo by Jamison Miller.

­ eoples. Fairs provided new, unlikely arenas of intertribal competition and p heightened the importance of vari­ous forms of display and expressive culture. Importantly, the idea of an exposition as a place to display beadwork, canning, and farm products spoke to the ways that Kiowa men and ­women showed their skills in pre-­reservation daily life. However, ­these events possessed deep roots in the U.S. empire and colonialism. A ­ fter all, as Shari Huhndorf argued, large-­scale fairs like the 1893 Columbian Exposition presented a narrative that Native ­people and ­others “existed for both the amusement and the development of the West.”36 On a more local scale, agency fairs and the Office of Indian Affairs also sought to shift the emphasis of ­these fairs ­toward agricultural pursuits and to thus create a more “civilized” image of Indian ­people and to curtail their mobility.37 Yet, a number of ethnohistorians have explored and examined the ways that Native p ­ eoples themselves engaged ­these complex spaces and have shown that American Indians utilized them as locations to display aspects of Native cultures in periods of restriction and as a place to engage in culturally relevant forms of ­labor.38 Local fairs presented new venues of display during the reservation and post-­allotment eras and new contexts for articulating peoplehood that w ­ ere in many ways very dif­fer­ent from previous ones. Philip Deloria has discussed ­these differences in Indians in Unexpected Places and has drawn out both the opportunities and the bound­aries: “When Indian p ­ eople refigured their world, they did so within the constraints of American rules, regulations, expectations, and power. Fourth of July cele­brations and Wild West per­for­ mances w ­ ere not the same as Sun dances and war parties. Power cuts many ways, of course, and so the same society that imposed limits on Indians also offered a certain power to Native ­people who could push the right cultural buttons.”39 Kiowa p ­ eople learned to press t­ hese buttons in Oklahoma, at Gallup Ceremonial, and in many other locations and ­were able to use fairs as locations for highlighting their uniqueness as a ­people. The American Indian Exposition, which started in 1932, provides an impor­tant example of how Kiowas negotiated the bound­aries and bonds of the nation in conversation with other Native p ­ eople. The American Indian Exposition, begun by representatives of the tribes at the Anadarko agency, demonstrated a vision of Native modernity and incorporated what was historically and culturally impor­tant with current economic and farming endeavors.40 ­After World War II, dance played a much bigger role in the exposition, particularly “­because of dancing’s implicit association with We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 89

martial values,” and celebrating the return of veterans similarly influenced dance and the powwow cir­cuit in the Southern Plains more broadly.41 During the 1930s, the events featured at the American Indian Exposition catered to both American Indian ­people and tourists who visited the event. Vari­ous forms of display of expressive culture became prominent.42 The Caddo County Fair, an initial staging ground for the American Indian Exposition, and the in­de­pen­dent American Indian Exposition hosted activities such as a carnival and a baseball tournament.43 By 1941 and 1942, William Karty, a Comanche, was the president of the exposition, and Parker Mc­ Ken­zie, a Kiowa, a linguist, and one of the found­ers of the event, described the ­great parades held during Karty’s tenure. “In one, four bands participated with a bang, and included the U.S. Army band from Ft. Sill, a Navy band from the then naval base at Norman[,] Okla., the Anadarko High School band and the then active Exposition band, made up of bandsmen from vari­ ous Oklahoma tribes. At other times, the noted Navajo Tribal Band of Arizona and the colorful Pawnee Drum and Bugle Corps participated.” 44 Mc­Ken­zie noted that “in 1934 and 1935” the Exposition committee hosted “the first-­ ever Indian baseball championship in which a dozen teams from over the state participated.” 45 Even outside the athletic arenas, Southern Plains expressive culture was more prominent. Mc­Ken­zie explained that fair organizers enticed local artists to enter arts competitions by setting higher “premiums” or cash prizes than other local fairs.46 He explained that the art and crafts Indian p ­ eople sold and showed in contests distinguished expositions as unique.47 While other fairs had long included premiums for ­these items, the products of artistic ­labor ­were more numerous and prominent in the American Indian Exposition as a w ­ hole. In describing the scene at the grandstand, he noted, “Eve­ning entertainments ­were strictly native-­general dancing, war-­d ance contests and pageants.” 48 The exposition in its early days was a lively event for all ­those in attendance, and while the other entertainments drew crowds, dancing, material culture, and ­music played impor­tant roles. In addition to being dynamic, the exposition was also deeply intertribal in nature, and this space encouraged new arenas for competition among the Native communities in the region. Princess contests formed one facet of the competitive ele­ments of the American Indian Exposition, and gender and the products of gendered l­abor figured prominently in the fair through ­these contests. The contests and the role of exposition royalty also contributed to the idea of young w ­ omen as representative of the Kiowa in a collective image consumed by other Indian and non-­Indian ­people who attended. 90 chapter four

While Kiowas participated in the contests as a way of representing themselves in a somewhat competitive setting and used them to distinguish themselves, they may not have been the only Native ­people to do so. As Jesse Rowledge, an Arapaho who attended the American Indian Exposition, explained to David Jones in an interview: “A lot of dif­fer­ent tribes come. They like to see the Arapahos and their beautiful costumes. And the Arapahoes deci­ded to get together—­about sixty girls in buckskin dresses—oh, looks beautiful! Night performance—­the pageant. Them other tribes, they ­don’t do that. ­Those Otoes, Pawnees, Osage, Poncas come just to view the Arapahoes and Cheyennes—­see what they put on.” 49 Rowledge viewed the exposition in Anadarko as a location infused with the air of competition among Oklahoma tribes, and he engaged both material culture and dance per­for­ mance as locations that set the Arapaho and potentially the Cheyenne apart from ­others. The young ­women he described in some way represented an aspect of Arapaho tradition as well as representing the Arapaho as distinct from o­ thers through regalia and dance per­for­mances. For Kiowa ­people, fair princesses also came to embody the nation. Princess imagery at the American Indian Exposition had roots in fair culture, but the contests also squared with older forms of Kiowa practice. Historically, Kiowa military socie­ties also included “favored or special girls” who w ­ ere considered ­sisters to each other and to the men who w ­ ere in the society and served as “princesses” before powwows came along.50 ­These young w ­ omen honored relatives and society members, which had been part of ­women’s roles. ­These “favored or special girls” ­were not just a part of military socie­ ties; often well-­to-do Kiowa families had an aw-­day child, ­either a boy or a girl, whom they celebrated throughout their lives hosting feasts celebrating the individual’s achievements and, in turn, the child represented his or her ­family.51 Though Kiowa families and military socie­ties generated a foundation for Kiowa princess figures, early American Indian Exposition princesses did differ b ­ ecause of their connections to American popu­lar culture and ste­ reo­types of American Indian ­people. The princess figure had long been a popu­lar repre­sen­ta­tion of American Indian w ­ omen, and one that influenced the exposition and other princess contests. On the surface, ­actual Indian princesses represent one part of what Rayna Green has called the “Pocahontas Perplex.” The “princess,” as Green has argued, is one facet of “the national understanding of Indian ­women,” the other facet being “her negatively viewed s­ ister, Squaw.”52 Despite the duality and prob­lems surrounding this repre­sen­ta­tion, princess contests are a common feature throughout Indian country. While such contests may We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 91

involve vari­ous levels of competition or formality, fairs compose an impor­ tant strand of their histories. Authors contributing to this field of inquiry have parsed out multiple beginnings and implications of the princess contests. The context of fairs influenced the creation of princess contests for American Indian nations and became a marker of Native participation in con­temporary American life in the early twentieth ­century.53 Princess pageants like Crow Fair and o­ thers became spaces in which young ­women illustrated “their own identity” while serving “to attract tourists from mainstream Amer­i­ca, who arrived with specific cultural expectations.”54 In “Beauty Is Youth,” a study of the con­temporary Miss Indian World Pageant, Kathleen Glenister Roberts explained, “Miss Indian World is thus a representative—­and a representation—of a complex set of values and identities.”55 American Indian Exposition princesses operated at the intersection of Kiowa modes of repre­sen­ta­tion and more recently adapted fairs, and they served as new sites in which Kiowa ­people represented themselves. However, ­because of their public position, t­ hese young ­women became a gendered image of the Kiowa during the early twentieth ­century that was amplified through the exposition. This image served as a sharp contrast to Kiowa men featured as war dancers and in war bonnets. Princesses also became symbols of the intertribal nature of the American Indian Exposition. Though the exposition had appointed princesses before, 1939 was the first year the organizers held a contest to choose one. U ­ nder the leadership of Lewis Ware, the organizers held a contest, and Mackenzie explained that a “dozen or so Indian maidens participated.”56 The way he phrases this—­with the word “maidens”—­also indicates that the Euro-­ American imagery of princesses informed this role. Meanwhile, he also discusses how locals chose the young w ­ omen in 1939, explaining that each young ­woman “set up her own campaign machinery for solicitation of voters at a penny a piece, but it was made mandatory [that] each report to the Exposition headquarters the number of votes obtained and turn in the corresponding sum. The contest lasted several weeks and as each weekly report on the standing of the contestants was announced th[r]ough the local media, the event became ‘quite a ball game.’ ”57 He noted that this contest generated enough money that “the board deci­ded to send the three winners to the World’s Fair then in pro­gress in New York City, mainly as a national advertising pitch.”58 The young w ­ omen advertised the American Indian Exposition at the New York World’s Fair. Notwithstanding the baseball meta­phor in his recollection, Mc­Ken­zie showed that the princess contest also had the poten92 chapter four

tial for drawing on intertribal competition among young ­women who aspired to be exposition royalty. The fact that Kiowa and other young Southern Plains w ­ omen filled this contradictory role is impor­tant in understanding gender and repre­sen­ta­tions of nationhood. The princesses of the American Indian Exposition during the 1930s presented one facet of this event that has historically been significant in Oklahoma. The princess pageants and contests of the early twentieth ­century blended some older understandings of the repre­sen­ta­tion of young ­women with ideas about the fair that Kiowa and o­ thers made their own. Princesses also served as repre­sen­ta­tions of their nation, often in regalia that also marked them as unique and their nations as distinct. In thinking about this role with regard to the messages that fairs conveyed, it is impor­tant to note that ­these young ­women ­were presented as repre­sen­ta­tions of a separate Kiowa ­people. Laura Pedrick (T’oyhawlma or T’ow-­Haddle, Limping ­Woman) (figure 15), who was part of a beadworking organ­ization, engaged Kiowa expressive culture as a way to define Kiowas as a unique p ­ eople and to argue for resources from the Office of Indian Affairs.59 In the nineteenth ­century, she attended Carlisle Indian School, and she discussed her attendance t­ here, explaining that she wanted “to be a help to my p ­ eople on their new road, that was as foreign to them as Egypt is to white p ­ eople.” 60 Her b ­ rother, Apeahtone (Wooden Lance), had been appointed by the OIA as the chief of the Kiowa during the reservation era.61 Pedrick herself had been one of a few American Indian ­women employed as field matrons, a program designed to instruct American Indian ­women in the duties of Euro-­American domesticity, and was a participant in the Mau-­Tame Club, which, as noted previously, was started by another matron, Susie Peters.62 In the 1930s the club focused on making and selling beadwork in the Anadarko area. It was composed of individuals from a number of tribes but, significantly, it maintained a Kiowa name.63 In 1936 Laura Pedrick wrote a letter to the superintendent of the OIA in which she discussed the Mau-­Tame Club and Kiowa beadwork. She explained that Kiowas’ expressive culture distinguished them from other Southern Plains ­people. In the letter, she justified her request for an art center by setting Kiowa expressive culture apart from that of the other tribes at the agency and by emphasizing what she believed was its superiority. Pedrick’s letter drew upon and asserted the significance of peoplehood through a discussion of Kiowa expressive culture, and she also viewed this as a way of negotiating and arguing for support for the Mau-­Tame Club. We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 93

figure 15 ​L aura Pedrick. Phillips Collection, #598, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

She presented an idea of the ­people by foregrounding social relationships among individuals while also asserting the significance of Kiowa art as a symbol of the Kiowa as a ­people, which is impor­tant given the intertribal nature of southwestern Oklahoma. Not only did she engage it as a way to distinguish Kiowas from ­others, but she also saw expressive culture as a location for negotiating with federal officials and non-­Indians. She explained: “We worked and made beautiful ­things with no thought of time or money. We finished with a soul-­satisfying perfection that had no marks of a hurried life. We can still add beauty and fine ­things for you white ­peoples to study and appreciate, and then you w ­ ill think of us as something more than a wild savage 64 race.” She viewed expressive culture as a location in which Kiowas have illustrated and exercised autonomy over their ­labor. She also viewed it as a way to maintain Kiowa and other identities and as a tool of repre­sen­ta­tion to ­others as well. Pedrick discussed repre­sen­ta­tion to negotiate or deal with non-­Indians and as a way to show that American Indian p ­ eople made items that ­were con­temporary; but more importantly, she saw this as a way of illustrating that Indians ­were con­temporary ­people, in contrast to the “wild savage” image. By knowing about beadwork, ­others could see that Kiowa and other Southern Plains ­peoples lived in a con­temporary era alongside them. Additionally, she further explored the potential rippling effects of engaging with the market for t­hese items. She highlighted how the Mau-­Tame Club used some of their proceeds, explaining that they “served lunches at Indian Field Meets and gave box suppers at churches.” 65 She described how the Mau-­Tame Club made connections between community ser­vice and the sale of their beadwork. Pedrick demonstrated how the organ­ization fostered ties, showing how ­women fostered a sense of peoplehood by using their earnings to build up the American Indian community around Anadarko. Importantly, Pedrick not only linked expressive culture to community events; she also engaged them to lobby for support from the Office of Indian Affairs. Pedrick explained to the agent that her organ­ization sought to continue making Kiowa art. She constructed an argument based on a tribally specific appeal: “It is well known that the Kiowa tribe, who lives near, is your leading artists and craftsmen. When ­there is a call from your Riverside Indian school, for a program, or when the school wants to entertain government officials or friends, the Kiowa girls and boys are the ones selected as their tribal costumes are the most elegant and picturesque. If a Comanche or other tribe wants a fine costume made, they come to the Kiowa.” 66 She utilized art as a way of making distinctions between Kiowa p ­ eoples and ­others in southwestern Oklahoma. She demonstrated that expressive culture was We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 95

a fertile field for cultivating and nurturing the idea of Kiowa cultural production and peoplehood as separate from t­ hose surrounding the Kiowa. Pedrick did not pull any punches. As if asserting that the Kiowa artists ­were the most talented in western Oklahoma ­were not enough, she also mentioned that the Kiowa had made a name for themselves as the best beadworkers at Gallup Ceremonial.67 She substantiated her claim by utilizing the recognition Kiowa ­people garnered from Gallup Ceremonial, which was another fair well-known in Native art circles. Laura Pedrick specifically emphasized the value of Kiowa beadwork styles. Her letter also contended that Kiowa artists and their work w ­ ere distinct. She utilized her position on Kiowa art and its quality to assert cultural and national bound­aries between the Kiowa and other ­peoples in southwestern Oklahoma. While Pedrick’s letter referenced the growth of tourism, she continued to emphasize the importance of material culture as a field in which Kiowa ­people exercised autonomy. She explained: “The love of this work is still deep in our hearts. We do not want to be put on the highway, just to satisfy the curiosity of the general traveler. If the white p ­ eople are thinking only of the money they can make out of our work, it would be better to build a factory to make fast work, so the price would better suit a highway ­peoples.” 68 While the first sentence in this passage may read as sentiment, it illustrates that material culture had vital, rich meanings for Kiowa p ­ eople. She also resists the idea of Kiowas becoming a spectacle, or less autonomous “highway p ­ eople,” who follow the road built for them by ­others. She foregrounds the idea of Kiowa and possibly other American Indians exercising authority in the creation of new relationships elicited through the tourism in Anadarko. Though Pedrick highlighted the uniqueness of Kiowa art for her purposes, expressive forms became symbolic of the bound­aries of the nation as well. She also saw the arts as a field in which Kiowas could negotiate with non-­Indians and illustrate then con­temporary, autonomous identities. during the early twentieth ­c entury, Kiowa p ­ eople expertly deployed items of material culture as symbols of themselves as a ­people. They did so in ways that illustrated the importance of their families, their home in emergent Oklahoma, and the distinctiveness of their nation in relation to ­others. The significance of kinship was specifically illustrated by beadwork, in that its use and exchange among p ­ eople w ­ ere an ele­ment of the construction of ­family relationships and a sense of belongingness. In addition, the beadwork designs spoke to an artistic relationship with territory that indexed place. They also illustrated the ways in which expressive culture intertwines 96 chapter four

with social and po­liti­cal histories of the Kiowa. Beadwork and other expressive forms ­were highlighted in the American Indian Exposition, which provided a venue of public display that encouraged intertribal competition. Princess contests took place at the American Indian Exposition and other fairs, where young ­women took on the image of their nation in an intertribal venue, an image that was not only communicated by title but also through regalia in some instances. Around the same period in which the American Indian Exposition gained steam, one Kiowa ­woman, Laura Pedrick, a former field matron and a member of the Mau-­Tame Club, lobbied for recourse from her agent, emphasizing the use of art in creating bound­aries between Kiowa ­people and ­others in the area. Additionally, she emphasized the idea of expressive culture as a field in which Kiowa p ­ eople could and should ­exercise autonomy over their repre­sen­ta­tions as a way of maintaining themselves as a nation.

We Worked and Made Beautiful ­Things 97

Conclusion I immediately appreciated the following brief description from the Anadarko Daily News of the camps at the American Indian Exposition during the 1930s: “Bright blankets of the old timers mingle in a costume picture with silk polo shirts and modern prints of their ­children. Before mealtime, open fires light up the campground with steaming k­ ettles of beef cooking over them. Dried meat hangs from the lodge roof before it is cooked.”1 The passage gives a snapshot of the fair in its early days as it grew to become an impor­tant event for Kiowas, other American Indians, and non-­Indians in southwestern Oklahoma. It tells us something about the lives of Native ­peoples situated in this time and place and that the “old timers” and young ­people lived side by side. And the author does not miss the fact that ­people of all ages attended this major, ongoing event. The fair was a site to gather with one’s extended ­family and friends. Families went to the fair in “every­thing from spring wagons to the latest make of automobiles,” where they would “pitch camp and . . . ​stay ­until the ­whole show is over.”2 The author recognized that Native ­people continued to originate events that w ­ ere meaningful to them and that allowed them to express unfolding Kiowa and American Indian identities. Beyond the blankets and silk shirts mentioned h ­ ere, material culture mattered to Kiowa ­people. It helped Kiowas to express identity in vari­ous ways during the early twentieth c­ entury. Men and ­women made art for many reasons, including economic ones. Yet, Kiowas continued to place g­ reat value on their own modes of adornment, song, and dance during the Progressive Era and beyond. This book has begun to explain why Kiowa and other Native American ­people have hung on to and transformed art, song, and dance in the face of the assimilative pressures they have experienced since the turn of the twentieth ­century. Kiowas communicated the importance of their identity through expressive culture in new arenas. Expressive culture provided sites to communi­ cate what nationhood meant in the past as well as what it meant to be Kiowa during the twentieth c­ entury. Paint­ers, beadworkers, and o­ thers debated ­these ideas with one another through visual culture. They imbued dresses, dance clothes, and adornment with substantial meaning with regard to gender, ­family, and intertribal and intratribal spheres. 98

As Kiowas and other Native ­people began wearing Western-­style clothing more often, and as Native styles became more associated with the realm of community events and special occasions, adornment came to mark ­these spheres differently. Clothing had always been a canvas for the display of the maker’s skill as well as the gender of the wearer. Cultural oppression and nineteenth-­century emphasis on clothing as a barometer of “civilization” heightened the importance of adornment. For many, donning Indian clothes was an activity reserved for special occasions. Within this context, clothes became a way to represent and generate f­ amily connections. Grand­mothers continued to bead clothing for grandchildren. For Kiowa ­people it was also a way to emphasize the kin ties that bound them together as distinctly and uniquely Kiowa. Visual culture was not merely decorative; it was also strategic. Dress not only contributed to the expression of kinship; it also conveyed the social roles of men and ­women. On a larger scale, painting emphasized the importance of men historically at a time when they experienced a shift in their roles with the temporary end to warfare during this time period. Works by the Kiowa paint­ers illustrated the nation’s constructions of gender and emphasized the nineteenth-­century image of men as warriors. Paint­ers modernized that image through depictions of powwow dancers and of the Native American Church. Paint­ers and o­ thers participated in events like Gallup Ceremonial and in the burgeoning art market where their works w ­ ere literally described as Kiowa art. In their dance per­for­mances during the 1930s, fancy dancing played the starring role, as it did in powwows in southwestern Oklahoma at the time. Paint­ers and dance troupes generated intertribal ties in the Southwest that paralleled ­those of an earlier era. The Kiowa Nation had long-­standing diplomatic ties that underscored the importance of intertribal interaction in the understanding of a nation as unique. The paintings presented images of the nation to Kiowa ­people and ­others and reinforced martial imagery that continues to be expressed within the community and to o­ thers. T ­ hese public images contrast with the stories surrounding another expressive form—­silverwork. Silverwork, circulated within and outside of Kiowa communities and became a part of a conversation about changing Kiowa and American Indian identities. By talking about jewelry and its meaning, individuals also discussed tensions resulting from cultural and religious changes. Silver was not just impor­tant ­because it registered internal controversy. Its very form and function made it an ideal expressive medium. Silver, like its shell antecedents, was deeply linked to trade and exchange, where it signified social standing in intertribal networks that Conclusion 99

linked Native ­people together across the region. Silverwork became a repre­ sen­ta­tional art form, and it communicated images associated with intertribal movements and thus emerging regional American Indian identities. Sites such as fairs and expositions within the growing powwow cir­cuit contributed to a lived experience of nationhood in the deeply intertribal setting of southwestern Oklahoma. The American Indian Exposition and other local events that included contests for beadwork, clothing, canning, farming, and even dance generated spaces that promoted competition among Kiowas, Comanches, Cheyennes, and o­ thers living in the region. Indeed, ­these sites of display generated spaces that Kiowas associated not just with individual competition, but also with competition among groups. Currently, scholars are more interested in the individual artist versus the artist as a representative of a culture. At the turn of the twentieth ­century, this idea of art as a cultural repre­sen­ta­tion of a ­people was more pervasive. Laura Pedrick used it to claim the importance and separation of Kiowa ­people and their art from that of ­others. Even though scholars now point to cultural and other forms of “difference” as precarious ways at best to understand nationhood, at the turn of the twentieth c­ entury, Kiowas understood themselves as a p ­ eople and nation that was separate from their neighbors. The fact that the Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache shared a business committee, the site of formal governance, meant that other kinds of spaces became impor­tant for understanding Kiowa identity. Additionally, t­hese ideas arose against a backdrop of intertribal interaction and engagement among American Indian ­people. Kiowa ­people understood their own nation in conversation with prevailing ideas of “nation” and “culture” during the early twentieth c­ entury. The pro­cess of negotiation of tribally specific identities and emerging intertribal ones was not unitary or smooth. Kiowa men and ­women talked about changing Kiowa identities. Internal conversation about powwows, ­music, and dance, and the emerging Native American Church demonstrated the strug­g le among Kiowa ­people over the intertribal sphere that they helped to create. Kiowa men and ­women contributed to ­these intertribal spheres that informed the con­temporary American Indian identities that resulted in part from the creation of Indian Territory and Oklahoma itself. We cannot underestimate how critical Oklahoma has been in the lit­er­a­ture of American Indian history in the twentieth ­century. The experience of Kiowas as artists, cultural producers, and powwow ­people has enriched our understanding of critical sites of self-­directed cultural change at the turn of the twentieth c­ entury. Kiowas attached specific 100 Conclusion

meanings, feelings, and ideas to clothing, song, painting, and jewelry that ­were not only beautiful but could also communicate information about gender, f­ amily, and where Kiowas fit in the growing intertribal world. Many of ­these ideas w ­ ere linked to changing identities of Kiowa p ­ eople. They became symbolic of varied Kiowa identities.

Conclusion 101

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Notes

List of Abbreviations AMC DDOH DRC KA KAR NA-­FW NCWHM OHS OJC PMC RG 75 SNAAC WHC

Alice Marriott Collection Doris Duke Oral History Collection Dickinson Research Center Kiowa Agency Kiowa Agency Rec­ords National Archives, Fort Worth Branch, Fort Worth, TX National Cowboy and Western Heritage Museum, Oklahoma City, OK Oklahoma Historical Society Oscar Jacobson Collection Parker Mc­Ken­zie Collection Rec­ord Group 75 Arthur and Shifra Silberman Native American Art Collection Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK

Introduction 1. Gaede, “An Ethnohistory of the American Indian Exposition,” 570–­572. 2. Smith, “Modernity, Multiples, and Masculinity,” 128; Elmer Saunkeah quoted in Smith, “Obscuring the Distinctions, Revealing the Divergent Visions,” 24. 3. Amiotte, “Artist’s Statement,” 39. 4. Hagan, United States–­Comanche Relations, 140. 5. Southwell and Lovett, Life at the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, 7. 6. Southwell and Lovett, 9. 7. Southwell and Lovett, 28; Baird and Goble, Oklahoma, 176. 8. Ewers, introduction to the 1979 edition of Mooney, Calendar History, ix. 9. Meadows, “Black Goose’s Map of the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche Reservation,” 277. 10. J. Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analy­sis,” 1056. 11. Jacobs, White M ­ other to a Dark Race, 24; Cahill, Federal M ­ others and ­Fathers, 6. 12. Cahill, Federal Mothers and Fathers,6. 13. Jacobs, White Mother to a Dark Race, 24. 14. Stoler, “Intimidations of Empire,” 15. 15. For recent scholarship that examines the movement and mobility of American Indian and Indigenous ­peoples, see Weaver, The Red Atlantic; Thrush, Indigenous London; Shoemaker, Native Whalemen and the World. 16. Child, Boarding School Seasons, xii. 103

17. Meyn, More Than Curiosities, 83–­84. For a legislative history of the American Indian Arts and Crafts Board and an overview of its activities, see Schrader, The Indian Arts and Crafts Board. 18. Auslander, “Beyond Words,” 1018. 19. Hill, Weaving New Worlds, xvii. 20. Gell, Art and Agency, 16. 21. Kopytoff, “The Cultural Biography of ­Things,” 66–­67. 22. Auslander, “Beyond Words,” 1018. 23. Geertz, “Deep Play,” 29. 24. Ulrich, The Age of Homespun, 39. 25. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 36–­37. 26. Mooney, Calendar History, 155; Levy, “Kiowa,” 907. 27. Mooney, 155–­157. 28. Mooney, 155–­156. 29. Hickerson, “Ethnogenesis on the Southern Plains,” 85–­86. 30. Mooney, Calendar History, 156; Hickerson, “Ethnogenesis on the Southern Plains,” 86. 31. Mooney, Calendar History, 156. 32. Mooney, 167. 33. Mooney, 155–­157. 34. John, “An Earlier Chapter in Kiowa History,” 380. 35. John, 380. 36. Mooney, Calendar History, 336. 37. Mooney, 162–­163. 38. Mooney, 162–­164. 39. Flores, “Bison Ecol­ogy and Bison Diplomacy,” 263–­264; Mooney, Calendar History, 172. 40. Mishkin, Rank and Warfare, 22. 41. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 16. 42. Mooney, Calendar History, 261–­262. The girl and the figure had been captured in the fray of an attack on a Kiowa village the year before. The commander at Fort Gibson was e­ ager to mediate between the Kiowa and the Osage so that the federal government could start treaty negotiations with the Kiowa for their territory, which it desired as a new home for removed Indians. Mooney, 263–­264. 43. Mooney, 259. 44. Prucha, The ­Great ­Father, Abridged edition, 88. 45. Hagan, United States–­Comanche Relations, 1–­2. 46. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 35. 47. Rand, 35. 48. Sherrow, Red Earth, 2. 49. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 23. 50. Levy, “Kiowa,” 916–­917. 51. Mooney, Calendar History, 215.

104 Notes to Introduction

Chapter One 1. Jordan, “Depictions of ­Women and Warfare,” 128–­129. 2. Hanks, Law and Status among the Kiowa, 80. 3. Jordan, “Depictions of ­Women and Warfare,” 132. 4. Jordan, 105–­106; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 180–­181. 5. Greene, “Exploring the Three ‘­Little Bluffs’ of the Kiowa,” 224. 6. Mishkin, Rank and Warfare, 37–­38. 7. DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts, 138. 9. Jordan, “Depictions of ­Women and Warfare,” 122. 10. Jane Richardson Hanks, box 1, folder 4—­book 3, Kiowa Papers, Field Work, notebooks 1–­4, 1935, Ayer Modern MS Hanks, Newberry Library, Chicago. 8. Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 90–­91; Jordan, “Depictions of ­Women and Warfare,” 122; Ewers, “Climate, Acculturation, and Costume,” 141; Berlo, “Creativity and Cosmopolitanism,” 109. 11. For discussions of gender complementarity, see Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 28; Albers, “Sioux W ­ omen in Transition,” 199; Berman, Circle of Goods, 4–­6; Fowler, Sovereignty and the Historical Imagination, 266. 12. Mishkin, Rank and Warfare, 12–­13. 13. Greene and Drescher, “The Tipi with B ­ attle Pictures,” 423; Greene, “From Bison Robes to Ledgers,” 26–­28. 14. Pratt, Battlefield and Classroom, 117. 15. For a broad discussion of this era, see Hoxie, Final Promise. 16. Adams, Education for Extinction, 17. 17. Hoxie, Final Promise, 76–­77; Adams, Education for Extinction, 18. 18. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 57. 19. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 96. 20. Greene, “From Bison Robes to Ledgers,” 23. 21. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 94; Mooney, Calendar History, 213. 22. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 96; Utley, introduction to Battlefield and Classroom, xii. 23. R. Pratt, Battlefield and Classroom, 174. 24. Szabo, Howling Wolf, 71. Karen Petersen argued that they might not have depicted war as a primary subject ­because of their status as prisoners ­under the guard of Pratt and the U.S. Army. Petersen, Plains Indian Art, 72. 25. Berlo and Phillips, Native North American Art, 125; Szabo, Howling Wolf, 72. 26. Jordan, “Depictions of ­Women and Warfare,” 115; Berlo, “Portraits of Dis­ possession,” 139. 27. R. Pratt, Battlefield and Classroom, 183. 28. R. Pratt, 121. 29. Fear-­Segal, White Man’s Club, 2–­3. 30. Petersen, Plains Indian Art, 69. 31. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 106. 32. Hoxie, Final Promise, 70. 33. Hoxie, 70. 34. Osburn, Southern Ute ­Women, 4. Notes to Chapter One 105

35. Hoxie, Final Promise, 76–­77. 36. Hoxie, 151. 37. Wickett, Contested Territory, 46. 38. Hoxie, Final Promise, 153. 39. Sherrow, Red Earth, 29–­30. 40. Hoxie, Final Promise, 153. 41. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 35. 42. Sherrow, Red Earth, 117. 43. Sherrow, 120. 44. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 41–­42. 45. Wilkins and Lomawaima, Uneven Ground, 110–­111. 46. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 49; Jenkins, The Real All Americans, 157–­159. 47. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 96–­97. 48. Clark, 96. 49. Clark, 66. 59. Sherrow, Red Earth, 137. 51. Sherrow, 138. 52. Parker Mc­Ken­zie, “Credit Due Susie Peters,” Anadarko Daily News, 6 September 1981, folder 9, Anadarko Daily News, 1962–­1985, box 1, Parker Mc­Ken­zie Collection (PMC), Oklahoma Historical Society (OHS), Oklahoma City, OK. 53. Sherrow, Red Earth, 139. 54. Turner, “Poverty, Religion, and Politics,” 155. 55. Alice Marriott, “Oklahoma Arts and Crafts,” pp. 1–­2, folder 25, Oklahoma Arts and Crafts, box 5, Alice Marriott Collection (AMC), Western History Collection (WHC), University of Oklahoma, Norman. 56. Marriott, 4. 57. Berlo and Phillips, Native North American Art, 14. 58. Conn, Museums and American Intellectual Life, 76–­77. 59. Conn, History’s Shadow, 9. 60. D. Thomas, Skull Wars, 48. 61. D. Thomas. 62. D. Thomas, 49. 63. Merrill, Hansson, Greene, and Reusse, A Guide to the Kiowa Collections at the Smithsonian Institution, 10–­21. 64. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 149–­150. 65. Ewers, Murals in the Round, 12. 66. Petersen, Plains Indian Art, 166–­167. 67. J. A. Buntin, “Annual Statistical and Narrative Report, 1922,” Superintendent’s Narrative and Statistical Reports from Field Jurisdictions, National Archives Microform Publications, M1011, roll 70, Kiowa Agency (KA), Rec­ords of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Rec­ord Group (RG) 75, National Archives, Washington, DC (NA-­DC), p. 21, text fiche, 0130. 68. Alice Marriott to E. S. Fechmer, 14 September 1939, folder 5, Arts and Crafts, 1939–­1940, box 13, AMC, WHC. 106 Notes to Chapter One

69. Kiowa Industrial Surveys, Reports of Industrial Surveys, 1922–­1929, Industrial Surveys in 1922, Rec­ords of Industries Section, entry 762, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 70. Kiowa Industrial Surveys, entry 762. 71. Marriot[t] to Fechmer, 14 September 1939. 72. Marriot[t] to Fechmer. 73. Kiowa Industrial Surveys, entry 762. 74. J. A. Buntin, “Annual Statistical and Narrative Report, 1927,” National Archives Microform Publications, M1011, roll 71, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC, p. 101, text-­fiche, p. 692. 75. Sherrow, Red Earth, 130–­131. 76. Alice Marriott, “Notes from Miss Marriott,” 23 February 1937, p. 22, folder 10, Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. 77. Marriott. 78. Anderson, ­Imagined Communities, 62. 79. D. Thomas, Skull Wars, 29. 80. Robinson, “American Cabinet of Curiosities,” 222–­223. For broad discussions of museums and their intersections with the creation and display of national identity, see Kaplan, Museums and the Making of “Ourselves.” 81. Robinson, “American Cabinet of Curiosities,” 23. 82. Huhndorf, ­Going Native, 45. 83. Huhndorf, ­45. 84. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair, 2–­3. For an example of a com­pany that utilized the Columbian Exposition to market and sell its products, see Mona Domosh’s discussion of Singer sewing machines in American Commodities in an Age of Empire, 55–­94. 85. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair, 3. 86. Rydell, 5. 87. Huhndorf, ­Going Native, 27. 88. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 114. 89. Huhndorf, ­Going Native, 30. 90. Huhndorf, 45. 91. Hoxie, Final Promise, 85–­86. 92. Merrill et al., Guide to Kiowa Collections, 10–­15. 93. Moses, The Indian Man, 61–­62. 94. Moses, 109. 95. Ewers, Murals in the Round, 12. 96. Moses, Wild West Shows and the Images of American Indians, xiii. 97. Moses, The Indian Man, 117. 98. Moses.

Chapter Two 1. Tsatoke, The Peyote Ritual, 3. 2. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 66; J. Howard, “The Plains Gourd Dance as a Revitalization Movement,” 258. Notes to Chapter Two 107

3. Ralph Ted Coe featured Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote Sr.’s jewelry in Lost and Found Traditions, 157–­158. 4. Bunn-­Marcuse, “Bracelets of Exchange,” 67. 5. Feder, “Plains Indian,” pt. 2, 93. 6. Ellison, Con­temporary Plains and Woodlands Metalwork in German Silver, 5. 7. Mooney, Calendar History, 318. 8. Hyde, Life of George Bent, 31–­32. 9. Feder, “Plains Indian Metalworking,” pt. 1, 61. 10. Mooney, Calendar History, 254. 11. Mooney, 318–­319; Greene, One Hundred Summers, 93. 12. Greene, One Hundred Summers, 93; Feder, “Plains Indian Metalworking,” pt. 1, 65. 13. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 63. 14. Catlin, North American Indians, 2:74. 15. Marcy and McClellan, Adventure on the Red River, 161. 16. DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts, 138. 17. Rand, “Primary Sources,” 145. 18. DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts, 7. 19. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 63. 20. Swan. 21. Battey, Life and Adventures, 325. 22. Jesse Rowledge, interviewed by David Jones, 28 July 1968, interview T-125, transcript, Doris Duke Oral History Collection (DDOH), WHC. 23. James Silver Horn, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 6 June 1969, interview T-18, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 24. “Notes from Miss Marriott,” 23 February 1937, Frank Givens, In­for­mant, Carrie Poor Buffalo, Interpreter, Mt. View, OK, p. 15, folder 10, box 66, AMC, WHC; Michael P. Jordan, “Reclaiming the Past,” 163. Note, I’ve used a more common spelling of the interviewee’s last name. Givens may be a typo. 25. “Notes from Miss Marriott,” 16. 26. “Notes from Miss Marriott.” 27. James Silver Horn, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 6 June 1969. 28. Jennie Horse, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 25 September 1968, interview T-330, transcript, transcribed by Darlene Fields, DDOH, WHC. 29. Guy Quoetone, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 19 September 1967, interview T-150, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 30. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 131. 31. Mooney, Calendar History, 346. 32. Mooney, 358–­359. 33. Wilkins and Stark, American Indian Politics and the American Po­liti­cal System, 127; Lassiter, Ellis, and Kotay, Jesus Road, 30. 34. Lassiter, Ellis, and Kotay, Jesus Road, 12. 35. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 60. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 4; Benjamin Kracht has argued that peyote was introduced in 1885, when the Comanche introduced the ceremony to several Kiowa men. See Kracht, “Kiowa Religion in a Historical Perspective,” 21. 108 Notes to Chapter Two

36. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 60–­61; Kracht, “Kiowa Religion in a Historical Perspective,” 21. 37. Greene, Silver Horn, 119–­120; LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 26–­29. 38. Greene, Silver Horn, 120. 39. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 92. 40. Stewart, 41. 41. For a discussion of Parker as a leading peyotist, see Hagan, Quanah Parker, 52–­61. 42. Kracht, “Kiowa Religion in a Historical Perspective,” 21. 43. For a story of Hunting Horse’s conversion to Chris­tian­ity as told by his son, Cecil Horse, see Lassiter, Ellis, and Kotay, Jesus Road, 55–­56. Candace Greene discusses Silver Horn as a peyotist and his other religious activities; see Greene, Silver Horn, 109–­137. 44. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 7; Stewart, Peyote Religion, 82; LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 52. 45. Ernest Stinchecum to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 7 March 1916, 126, Liquor Traffic, Cocaine, Mescal Use, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, Kiowa Agency Rec­ords (KAR), RG 75, NA-­DC; Richard Slotkin, The Peyote Religion, 51–­52. 46. Levy, “Kiowa,” 921; Mooney, Calendar History, 35. 47. Maroukis, The Peyote Road, 60–­62. 48. Mooney, “The Kiowa Peyote Rite,” 330. 49. Alice Apekaum Zanella, interviewed by David Jones, February 1968, interview T-177–­2, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 50. Lois Smoky Kaulity, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 17 June 1980, transcript, folder 10, Kiowa Five, Lois Smoky, 1923–­1982, box 70, Arthur and Shifra Silberman Native American Art Collection (SNAAC), Dickinson Research Center (DRC), National Cowboy and Western Heritage Museum (NCWHM). 51. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 106. 52. Stewart, 116. 53. Stewart, 120; LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 52. 54. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 124. 55. LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 60. 56. Child, Boarding School Seasons, 4. 57. Adams, Education for Extinction, 138–­139. 58. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 64–­65. 59. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 21. 60. Hertzberg, 148–­149. In fact, Hertzberg notes that in 1916 he was the only one who spoke in f­ avor of peyote at the annual meeting of the Society of the American Indian (146–­149). D.  K. Lone Wolf was also a prominent leader for the Kiowa in the early twentieth ­century; he was instrumental in filing the Supreme Court case Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock and was a Methodist. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 57. 61. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 273. 62. T ­ here is a long tradition of Kiowas in positions of authority within their Baptist and Methodist churches. For more information on Cecil Horse and other church leaders, ministers, and deacons, see Lassiter, Ellis, and Kotay, Jesus Road, 53–­57. 63. Cecil Horse, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 21 June 1967, interview T-30, transcript, DDOH, WHC. Notes to Chapter Two 109

64. I think this shares some patterns with Gregory Dowd’s A Spirited Re­sis­tance. Dowd describes the 1700s as a moment of “widespread intertribal activity,” and revitalization movements of this time ­were “often divisive . . . ​while spreading the truly radical message that Indians ­were one p ­ eople” (xix). 65. Hagan, Indian Police and Judges, 70. 66. Hagan, 134–­135. 67. Hagan, 130. In 1894 Agent Baldwin unseated Parker from this body ­because he married a seventh ­woman. Hagan, 136–­139. 68. Hagan, United States–­Comanche Relations, 192–­193. 69. Hagan; Stewart, Peyote Religion, 130. 70. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 137. 71. Stewart, 138–­139. 72. Hagan, United States–­Comanche Relations, 292. 73. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 252. 74. Hertzberg, 253. 75. Ernest Stecker to R. G. Valentine, 2 February 1910, 10147–­10, 126 Liquor, Cocaine, Mescal Use, CCF 1907–­1939, KAR, RG 75, NA-­DC. 76. R.  G. Valentine to Ernest Stecker, March  12, 1910, 10147–­20, 126 Liquor, Cocaine, Mescal Use, CCF 1907–­1939, KAR, RG 75, NA-­DC. 77. Valentine to Stecker, emphasis added. 78. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 56. 79. Ellis. 80. Maroukis, The Peyote Road, 50–­58. 81. Members of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache tribes to the Committee of Indian Affairs, House of Representatives, Washington, DC, March 1918, folder: “Peyote Miscellany,” box 9, Raoul Weston LaBarre Papers, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC. 82. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 239. 83. Stewart, 223–­224. 84. Stewart, 224. 85. LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 171. 86. Raibmon, Au­then­tic Indians, 165. 87. O. M. McPhearson to the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 26 June, 1917, 127 Indians Competent, Roll of Honor, CCF 1907–­1939, KAR, RG 75, NA-­DC. 88. McPhearson to Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 89. McPhearson to Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 90. McPhearson to Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 91. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 63. 92. Bert Geikaunmah, interviewed by Timothy Baugh, 8 June 1967, interview T-86, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 93. LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 62. 94. Jesse Rowledge, interviewed by Julia Jordan, undated, interview T-170, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 110 Notes to Chapter Two

95. Rowledge, interviewed Jordan. 96. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 63–­64, 40. 97. James Silver Horn, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 9 June 1967, interview T-19, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 98. Maroukis, The Peyote Road, 165–­167. 99. Maroukis. 100. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 66. 101. Parezo, Navajo Sand Painting, 2. 102. Swan, Peyote Religious Art, 27. 103. Swan, 37. 104. Swan, 40. 105. Swan. 106. Tsatoke, The Peyote Ritual, 3. 107. Douglas and Marriott, “Metal Jewelry of the Peyote Cult,” 102–­103. 108. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 69. 109. LaBarre, Peyote Cult, 65. 110. LaBarre, 71. 111. LaBarre. 112. LaBarre, 106. 113. Douglas and Marriott, “Metal Jewelry of the Peyote Cult,” 100. 114. Teresa Edmonds and Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote Sr., interviewed by Jenny Tone-­ Pah-­Hote, 8 August 2012, transcript in the author’s possession. 115. Ellison, Con­temporary Southern Plains Indian Metalwork, 77; Davis, Gallagher, and Schneider, “German Silver,” 25. 116. Teresa Edmonds and Preston Tone-­Pah-­Hote Sr., interviewed by Jenny Tone-­ Pah-­Hote, 8 August 2012, transcript, in the author’s possession. 117. Feder, “Plains Indian Metalworking,” pt. 2, 102. 118. Feder, 98. 119. Thomas Roy, “Yìsàum: Parker Mc­Ken­zie’s Double Vision of Kiowa Culture and Language,” 97–­98. 120. Davis, Gallagher, and Schneider, “German Silverwork,” 29; Feder, “Plains Indian Metalworking,” pt. 2, 98. 121. Cecil Horse, interviewed by Julia A. Jordan, 21 June 1967. 122. Horse, interviewed by Jordan. 123. Horse, interviewed by Jordan. 124. Neuman, “Indian Play,” 183. 125. Ataloa, “Revival of Indian Art in Oklahoma,” 39. 126. Ataloa, 39.

Chapter Three 1. Fry, “Social Power and the Men’s Northern Traditional Powwow Clothing Style,” 77, 80; Troutman, Indian Blues, 67–­69. 2. Gallup Inter-­tribal Ceremonial, accessed 30 April 2018, http:​/­​/­gallupceremonial​ .­com​/­schedule. Notes to Chapter Three 111

3. “Indian Rites at Gallup Offer Tourist Thrill: 30 Tribes to Take Part in Annual Ceremonial This Month,” Atlanta Constitution, 11 August 1940. 4. “Southwest Indians in Ceremonial Dances: Colorful Primitive Cele­bration at Gallup, N.M., Offered Vivid Spectacle; Ballet Master Describes Rites,” Los Angeles Times, 13 September 1936. 5. “State Indians to Attend Inter-­tribal Ceremonial: Group of 20 from the Kiowa Reservation to Exhibit Art Handicrafts, Dancing at Gallup, N.M.,” Daily Oklahoman, 16 August 1936. 6. M. Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 7–­8. 7. Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 170. 8. Mooney, Calendar History, 165; DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts, 29. 9. Meyers, Painting Culture, 6. 10. Meyers, 7. 11. Dunn, American Indian Paint­ers of the Southwest and the Plains Areas, 327. 12. Meadows, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Military Socie­ties, 67–­69; Greene, “From Bison Robes to Ledgers,” 24–­25. 13. Cattelino, High Stakes, 38. H ­ ere, she points out that the arts “have been a site for the production and consolidation of Seminole ‘culture’ as embodied in material objects, ­labor, and market transactions” (39). Fry, “Social Power and the Men’s Northern Traditional Powwow Clothing Style,” 71. H ­ ere he argues that regalia is part of the construction of identity. 14. Jordan, “Striving for Recognition,” 20. 15. Rand, “Primary Sources,” 144–­145. 16. Szabo, “Shields and Lodges, Warriors and Chiefs,” 1–­2. 17. Greene, Silver Horn, 187–­188. 18. Greene, “From Bison Robes to Ledgers,” 26–­27. 19. Rushing, “The Legacy of Ledger Book Drawings in Twentieth-Century Native American Art,” in Plains Indian Arts, 1865–­1935, 56; For a more detailed examination of this argument, see Donnelley, ed., Transforming Images; Greene, Silver Horn, 227–­237. 20. Jennings, “Kiowa ­Battle Tipi,” 16; Ellison, Con­temporary Southern Plains Indian Painting, 14–­15. 21. Greene, Silver Horn, 235. 22. This in many ways parallels the shift that Morris Foster found in the Comanche Nation at this time. During the 1930s and 1940s, younger p ­ eople took an active role in powwows and community gatherings. Foster, Being Comanche, 127. 23. Wyckoff, Visions and Voices, 25. 24. Phillips, “Performing the Native ­Woman,” 27. 25. Phillips. 26. Berkhoffer, The White Man’s Indian, 98; P. Deloria, Indians in Unexpected Places, 12; Ewers, “The Emergence of the Plains Indian as the Symbol for the North American Indian,” 543. 27. Moses, Wild West Shows, and the Images of American Indians, 63; Murphy, The ­People Have Never Stopped Dancing, 77. 28. Murphy, The ­People Have Never Stopped Dancing, 69–­70; Ellis, “Five Dollars a Week to Be ‘Regular Indians,’ ” 185. 112 Notes to Chapter Three

29. Murphy, The ­People Have Never Stopped Dancing, 77. 30. Smith, “Modernity, Multiples, and Masculinity,” 128. 31. Smith, 142. Smith also notes that the Kiowa paint­ers also painted portraits based on t­ hese images. 32. Vizenor, Manifest Manners, vii; Rader, Engaged Re­sis­tance, 5; S. Scott, A Strange Mixture, 4–­5; Hutchinson, Indian Craze, 8, 88; Gere, “An Art of Survivance,” 649. 33. Jones, Depriest, and Fowler, “Oklahoma,” 23. 34. Amiotte, Warren, and Berlo, Transformation and Continuity in Lakota Culture, 35. 35. Archuleta and Strickland, “The Way ­People ­Were Meant to Live,” 11. 36. Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 281–­282. 37. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 115–­116; Meadows, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Military Socie­ties, 120–­122; Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 253. 38. Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 275. 39. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 112; Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 253. 40. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 127. 41. Ellis, 131. 42. Meadows, Kiowa Military Socie­ties, 282–­283. 43. Meadows, 136–­137. 44. J. A. Buntin to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 25 October 1930, 54124–­1930, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 45. “Indian Fair Is on at Craterville,” 60543–­24, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 46. Millet Hoy Koy Bitty to W. B. Pine, 54124–­30, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 47. “Premium List,” p. 3. 8105-27, Kiowa Agency 047, Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, Kiowa Agency NA-­DC. 48. “Premium List,” p. 9. Advertising a live Ghost Dance was prob­ably a publicity stunt. The Ghost Dance among the Kiowa was not a per­for­mance for public audiences. For more information on it, see Kracht, “The Kiowa Ghost Dance, 1894–­1916,” 452–­477. 49. “Premium List,” p. 9. 50. “Premium List,” p. 9. 51. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair, 3. 52. Buntin to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 25 October 1930. 53. Franklin Rush to Interior Department, 6 August  1924, 60543–­24, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 54. J. A. Buntin to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 23 February 1928, 8105-27–­ 047, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 55. Buntin to Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 56. Troutman, Indian Blues, 67–­69; Wenger, “Land, Culture, and Sovereignty in the Pueblo Dance Controversy,” 387–­390. 57. Wenger, “Land, Culture, and Sovereignty in the Pueblo Dance Controversy,” 387. 58. Lears, No Place of Grace, xiii. 59. Anthes, Native Moderns, 9. 60. Cahill, Federal M ­ others and ­Fathers, 6. Notes to Chapter Three 113

61. Ida Attackonie, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 22 July 1983, transcript, microcassette 116a, folder 17: Spencer Asah, Ida Attackonie, 1937–­1989, box 69, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 62. James Auchiah, interviewed by Arthur and Shifra Silberman, 29 August 1972, transcript, folder, Miscellaneous, ­Binder, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 63. James Auchiah, 29 August 1972, transcripts, folder 1, B ­ inder of transcripts of interviews with Auchiah, 1971–­1972, box 137, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 64. Jeanne D’Ucel, “About Indians,” pp. 5–­6, folder 5, box 4, OJC, 85.109, OHS. 65. D’Ucel, 14; Lois Smoky Kaulity, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 27 August 1979, transcript, folder 10, Kiowa Five, Lois Smoky, 1923–­1982, box 70, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. For information about Sharron Ahtone Harjo’s work, see Pearce, ­Women and Ledger Art, 13–­37. 66. Brody, Indian Paint­ers and White Patrons, 121. 67. Lois Smoky Kaulity, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 27 August 1979. 68. Brody, Indian Paint­ers and White Patrons, 121. 69. D’Ucel, “About Indians,” pp. 5–­6. Wyckoff also notes that subject ­matter such as “Native American dances and ceremonies w ­ ere then conceived of as innately ‘Indian.’ Wyckoff, Visions and Voices, 25. 70. Brody, Indian Paint­ers and White Patrons, 122. 71. Brody, 120. 72. D’Ucel, “About Indians,” p. 5. 73. Wyckoff, Visions and Voices, 25. 74. Ellison, Con­temporary Southern Plains Indian Painting, 18. 75. Wyckoff, Visions and Voices, 25–­26. 76. Brody, Indian Paint­ers and White Patrons, 125–­126. 77. Dunn, American Indian Paint­ers of the Southwest and the Plains Areas, 119. 78. Levy, “Kiowa,” 919. 79. Ellison, Con­temporary Southern Plains Indian Painting, 18–­19. Ellison notes that not all of the paint­ers went to Gallup ­every year, but does not state which went each year. 80. Susie Peters to Mr.  John Collier, 5 July  1934, 26653–­34, 047 Fairs, Central Classified Files, 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­DC. 81. Peters to Collier. 82. Peters to Collier. 83. Peters to Collier. 84. Peters to Collier, iii. 85. Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the Southwest, 3–­4. 86. Dilworth, 6. 87. K. Howard and Pardue, Inventing the Southwest, 9. 88. K. Howard and Pardue, 23–­24. 89. Babcock, “Pueblo Cultural Bodies,” 40–41. 90. Babcock, 40–­41. 91. “Crowds Flock to Ceremonial,” Gallup In­de­pen­dent (Gallup), 24 August 1933, folder 10, Kiowa, Gallup In­de­pen­dent, 1933–­1972, box 3, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 92. Ellis, “Five Dollars a Week to Be ‘Regular Indians,’ ” 192. 114 Notes to Chapter Three

93. “State Indians to Attend Inter-­tribal Ceremonial,” Gallup Intertribal Ceremonial Association, 1931–­1989, folder 9, box 5, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 94. “State Indians to Attend Inter-­tribal Ceremonial.” 95. Jack Hokeah to Anita, 23 September 1931, Arthur Silberman, Hokeah Letters to Anita Kafter, 1931–­1989, folder 14, box 69, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 96. Jack Hokeah to Anita, 8 August 1931, Arthur Silberman, Hokeah Letters to Anita Kafter, 1931–­1989, folder 14, box 69, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 97. Gus Palmer, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 30 September 1982, transcript, folder 13, Gus Palmer, 1982–­1987, box 11, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 98. Palmer, interviewed by Silberman. 99. Susana Arnote, “Tribal Art Flourishes u ­ nder Skilled Kiowa,” Daily Oklahoman, 30 April 1939, folder 15, Spencer Asah, 1929–­1970, box 69, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 100. “Gallup Inter-­tribal Indian Ceremonial 1933 Program,” folder 9, Gallup Intertribal Ceremonial Association, box 5, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. I have never before seen references to a Kiowa butterfly dance or a Comanche fire dance. 101. “Gallup Inter-­tribal Indian Ceremonial 1937 Program,” folder 9, Gallup Intertribal Ceremonial Association, box 5, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. I have never before heard of the ball kicking or hummingbird dance. 102. “Kiowa Tinsel Cheap Stuff according to John Sloan,” Santa Fe New Mexican (Santa Fe), 26 August 1932, folder 7, John Sloan, 1931–­1932, box 6, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. Sloan himself, as Jackson Rushing has explained, was interested in Pueblo dances, or­ga­nized exhibits of American Indian art, and had close ties with ethnologists in Santa Fe. He also appropriated Indian and Pueblo imagery in his works. Rushing, Native American Art and the New York Avant Garde, 63–­66. 103. “Kiowa Tinsel Cheap Stuff according to John Sloan.” 104. “Kiowa Tinsel Cheap Stuff according to John Sloan.” 105. Susie Peters, “To Defense of Jazzy Kiowas,” Santa Fe New Mexican, 29 August 1932, folder 7, John Sloan, 1931–­1932, box 6, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 106. Peters. 107. Kathleen McLaughlin, “Chin Chin,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 18 October 1931; Jeanette Spiess, “Warns against ‘Kiowa-­Phobia,’ ” Santa Fe New Mexican, 31 August 1932, Santa Fe New Mexican, folder 7, John Sloan, 1931–­1932, box 6, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM. 108. William W. Greene, “A Classic of the West, Annual Indian Ceremonial at Gallup Is Unique, Spectacular, and Instructive,” Los Angeles Times, 11 August 1929, Proquest Historical Newspapers: Los Angeles Times (1881–­1990). 109. “Gallup Looks Forward to Indian Ceremonial,” Los Angeles Times, 24 March 1957. 110. Ruth A. Laughlin, “Indians Vie in Pageants: Ceremonials and Dances Held in New Mexico Attract Tourists,” New York Times, 22 August 1937. 111. Margaret Pearson Spellman to Mr. William Karty, 9 September 1940, 072-­Fairs (American Indian Exposition), 1942–­1947, KA, RG 75, NA-­FW. 112. Spellman to Karty. 113. Charles Tsoodle, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 12 October 1989, transcript, folder 8, Charles Tsoodle, 1989, box, 12, SNAAC, DRC, NCWH. Notes to Chapter Three 115

114. Mooney, Calendar History, 336. 115. Charles Tsoodle, interviewed by Arthur Silberman, 12 October 89.

Chapter Four 1. “Mau-­Tame Club Entertains,” Anadarko Tribune, 1 March 1922, folder 19: Winona and Mau-­Tame Clubs, 1922–­1930, box 3, SNAAC, DRC, NCWHM; Susie Peters, Field Matron’s Weekly Report, 4 March 1922, p. 13, Kiowa Agency Field Matron Rec­ ords, microfilm roll 75, KA, RG 75, OHS; Marriott, Dance around the Sun, 130–­131. 2. It is somewhat unclear what e­ lse the Mau-­Tame Club did in Anadarko during the 1920s. Susie Peters often just briefly mentions it in her list of field matron activities during the week; Laura Pedrick to W. B. McCown, 5 August 1936, 904 Native Arts, CCF 1907–­1939, KA, RG 75, NA-­FW. 3. Smith, “Beaded Buckskins and Bad-­Girl Bobs,” 80. 4. Schneider, “Tradition and Variation in Kiowa Beadwork Designs,” 30. 5. Alice Jones Littleman, quoted in Lorhmann and Hill, “As Long as I Can Thread a Needle,” 14; Watson, “Oklahoma Indian ­Women and Their Art,” 160. 6. Philp, John Collier’s Crusade, 24–­25. 7. Philip Deloria, Playing Indian, 130. 8. Meyn, More Than Curiosities, 83–­84. 9. Anthes, Native Moderns, 17. 10. Anthes, 17. 11. Holm, Pierson, and Chavis, “Peoplehood,” 17. 12. Holm, Pierson, and Chavis, 18. 13. Holm, Pierson, and Chavis, 17. 14. Nabokov, A Forest of Time, 169. 15. “Notes from Alice L. Marriott,” 13 March 1937, p. 15, folder 10, Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. This quote comes from Marriott’s notes, which are not direct transcriptions of ­these interviews, but read like condensed versions of them. 16. Alice Apekaum Zanella, interview by David Jones, February 1968, interview T-231–­1, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 17. John C. Ewers, “Climate, Acculturation, and Costume,” 146. 18. Alice Marriott, “Manufactures,” p. 9, folder 10, Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. 19. Cutschall, “Dresses, Designers, and the Dance of Life,” 90. 20. Ewers, “Climate, Acculturation, and Costume,” 144–­145. 21. Powers, War Dance, 69. 22. Jordan, “Reclaiming the Past,” 210–­212. 23. Jordan, 210–­212; Greene and Drescher, “The Tipi with ­Battle Pictures,” 423. 24. Alice Marriott, “Notes from Miss Marriott,” 25 February 1937, p. 5, folder 10, Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­1939, box 66, AMC, WHC; Hail, Gifts of Pride and Love, 29. 25. Hail, Gifts of Pride and Love, 29. 26. Schneider, “Tradition and Variation in Kiowa Beadwork Designs,” 100. 116 Notes to Chapter Four

27. Mary Buffalo, “Material Culture,” p. 39, 6 August 1935, folder 22, box 3, Jane Richardson Hanks Kiowa Papers, Midwest Manuscripts, Newberry Library, Chicago, IL; Schneider, “Tradition and Variation in Kiowa Beadwork Designs,” 90. 28. Schneider, “Tradition and Variation in Kiowa Beadwork Designs,” 90. 29. Rand, Kiowa Humanity, 17–­19. 30. Schneider, “ Tradition and Variation in Kiowa Beadwork Designs,” 84. 31. Schneider, 97. 32. Fry, “Social Power and the Men’s Northern Traditional Powwow Clothing Style,” 73. ­Here, Fry makes the argument that for the audience to make that leap between a leaf pattern and Kiowa identity, they need to understand how artists use specific designs on regalia in par­tic­u­lar communities as well as the larger social context of the dress. 33. “Notes from Maria Chabot,” p. 1, folder 10, Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­ 1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. This quote comes from Chabot’s notes, and they read like answers to par­tic­u­lar questions. 34. “Notes from Maria Chabot,” p. 1, folder 10: Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­ 1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. This quote comes from Chabot’s notes, and they read like answers to par­tic­u­lar questions. 35. “Notes from Alice L. Marriott,” 13 March 1937, p. 6, folder 10: Arts and Crafts Board Notes, 1936–­1939, box 66, AMC, WHC. 36. Huhndorf, ­Going Native, 45. 37. Moses, ­Going Native, 45. 38. Ellis, “Five Dollars a Week to be ‘Regular Indians,’ ” 185. For a discussion of the dance per­for­mances of Northwest Coast Indians as a form of politicized ­labor, see Raibmon, Au­then­tic Indians, 50–­73; Greci Green, “Per­for­mances and Cele­ brations,” 115. 39. P. Deloria, Indians in Unexpected Places, 114. 40. P. Deloria, 149. 41. P. Deloria, 151; Meadows, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Military Socie­ties, 130–­131; Foster, Being Comanche, 145–­146. 42. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 151. 43. Ellis, 147–­148. 44. Parker P. Mc­Ken­zie, “The First Years of the American Indian Exposition,” folder 1, American Indian Exposition, Miscellaneous Information, box 2, PMC, 2002.26, OHS. 45. Parker P. Mc­Ken­zie, “Early Years of the American Indian Exposition,” p. 4, folder 1, American Indian Exposition, Miscellaneous Information, box 2, PMC, 2002.26, OHS. 46. Mc­Ken­zie, 2. 47. Parker P. Mc­Ken­zie, “Reminiscing of Old Times,” folder 1, American Indian Exposition, Miscellaneous Information, box 2, PMC, 2002.26, OHS. 48. Mc­Ken­zie. 49. Jesse Rowledge, interviewed by David Jones, 28 July 1968, Interview T-125, transcript, DDOH, WHC. 50. Meadows, Kiowa, Apache, Comanche Military Socie­ties, 51. 51. Hanks, Law and Status Among the Kiowa Indians, 12; LaBarre et al., “Notes on Kiowa Ethnography: Santa Fe Laboratory of Ethnography Expedition, 1935,” pp. 106–108, Papers of Weston LaBarre, National Anthropological Archive, Smithsonian Institution. Notes to Chapter Four 117

52. Green, “The Pocahontas Perplex,” 701–­702; Mellis, Riding Buffalos and Broncos, 109. 53. Denetdale, “Chairmen, Presidents, and Princesses,” 18. 54. Mellis, Riding Buffalos and Broncos, 109. 55. Roberts, “Beauty Is Youth,” 159. 56. Mc­Ken­zie, “Early Years of the American Indian Exposition,” 4. 57. Mc­Ken­zie; Mc­Ken­zie, “The First Few Years of the American Indian Exposition.” 58. Mc­Ken­zie. 59. Boyd, Kiowa Voices, 2:203. I have used the spellings and translation of Pedrick’s Kiowa name from this volume, which is intended for a broad audience. 60. Laura Pedrick to W. B. McCown, 5 August 1936. 61. Ellis, Dancing ­People, 72; Moses, The Indian Man, 60. 62. Emmerich, “ ‘Right in the Midst of My Own ­People,’ ” 208–­209; Schneider, “Production of Indian-­Use and Souvenir Beadwork,” 237. 63. Marriott and Rachlin, Dance around the Sun, 130; Schneider, “Production of Indian-­Use and Souvenir Beadwork,” 237. 64. Marriott and Rachlin, Dance around the Sun; quoted in Schneider, “Production of Indian Use and Souvenir Beadwork,” 237. 65. Laura Pedrick to W. B. McCown, 5 August 1936. 66. Pedrick to McCown. 67. Meyn, More Than Curiosities, 16–­18. 68. Laura Pedrick to W. B. McCown, 5 August 1936.

Conclusion 1. “Indian Town Is Growing Fast as Visitors Come In,” Anadarko Daily News, 11 August 1934. 2. “Indian Town Is Growing Fast.”

118 Notes to Conclusion

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Index

Note: Illustrations are indicated by page numbers in italics. Acoma Pueblo, 61 agriculture, 22, 23–26, 71–72 Ahtone, James, 39 Ahtone, Massalena, xi, 32 Ahtone, Sam, xi, 86 Ahtone, Tah-do, xi, xii, xiii, 86, 87, 88 allotment, 21, 23 American Indian Arts and Crafts Board (IACB), 7–8, 81–82 American Indian Exposition, 1–3, 2, 89–93, 97, 98, 100 Americanization, 18 Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1, 2, 3, 23, 25, 32, 38, 55, 79, 80, 89, 90–91, 95, 96 Anadarko Agency, 3 Anthes, Bill, 82 anthropologists, 4 anthropology, 24–26 Apache, 61. See also Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache (KCA); Kiowa Apache Apeahtone, 93 Apekaum, 39 Arapaho, 2, 10, 22, 37, 91 Archuleta, Margaret, 66 armbands, 58, 59 art. See expressive culture Asah, Spencer, 49, 58, 59, 60–61, 65, 70 assimilation, 19, 20; civilization and, 43; clothing and, 44; families and, 4–5; imprisonment and, 18; resistance to, 48. See also Christianization Assiniboine, 34 Ataloa, 56 Attackonie, Ida, 69 Auchiah, James, 49, 60, 65, 69, 70

Auslander, Leora, 8 authenticity, 70–71, 78, 82 Bacone Indian School, 56 Battey, Thomas, 36, 46 beadwork, 82–89, 86, 87, 88 bells, 60 Bent, George, 34 Berlo, Janet, 24 Berry, Tennyson, 83 bison, 38 Black Hills, 9 boarding school system, 4–5, 18, 40–41 Bolm, Adolf, 61 Brace, Ned, 41 buckskin dresses, 83–84 buffalo, 38 Buffalo, Mary, 85 Bunn-Marcuse, Katherine, 33–34 Buntin, J. A., 67 Bureau of American Ethnology, 4 Burke, Charles, 68–69 bustles, 58, 59 Caddo, 3 Caddo County Fair, 90 Cahill, Cathleen, 4 Calendar History of the Kiowa, A (Mooney), 34 Carlisle Indian School, 18, 42, 93 Castillo de San Marcos, 17. See also Fort Marion, Florida Catlin, George, 35, 36 Cattelino, Jessica, 112n13 Cáuigú, 6 chapel slide, 46 137

Charlie Buffalo, 12, 20, 30. See also Oheltoint Chavis, Ben, 82 Chebatha, 38–39 Cherokee, 8 Cheyenne, 2, 10, 22, 34, 40, 43, 91 Chicago World’s Fair, 25, 27, 28–29, 89 Child, Brenda, 7 Christianization, 38, 39, 109n43, 109n60 citizenship, 18 class stratification, 23–24 cloth dresses, 15–16, 16 clothing, 43–44, 45, 46, 82–84, 99 Cody, Buffalo Bill, 30, 64–65 Collier, John, 69, 81–82 colonialism, 4, 5, 62, 69, 89 Columbian Exposition (Chicago, 1893), 25, 27, 28–29, 89 Comanche, 10, 11, 43, 108n35, 112n22 commercialization, 49–51 commodification, 29 Court of Indian Offenses, 41–42 Cozad, Belo, 25–26, 40, 43 cradleboard, 86, 88 craft. See expressive culture Craterville Fair, 63, 67–68 Crow, 9 Crow Fair, 92 culture. See expressive culture Cutschall, Colleen, 84

Deloria, Philip, 81, 89 Deloria, Vine, xii Denver Art Museum, 71 diplomacy, 9 Dohausen, 10, 35, 36 Domosh, Mona, 107n84 Doris Duke Oral History Project, 41, 46, 83 Dowd, Gregory, 110n64 drawings: Fort Marion and, 18, 19, 20; and men, 63. See also paintings dresses, 15–16, 82, 83–84 D’Ucel, Jeanne, 70, 71

dance: at American Indian Exposition, 89–90; control over, 30, 41, 42–43, 68–69; exhibitions, 64–65; at Fort Mason, 20; grass, 60, 65–66; and Kiowa Six, 60–61, 70; Murrow powwow, 66–67; Ohoma Society, 66–67; Omaha, 60, 64–65; paintings of, 74–76, 75; patronage and, 69–70; songs in, 60; spirituality and, 69; sun, 9, 35; war, 4, 58, 59, 60–61, 64, 67, 70; and Wild West shows, 64–65 Dawes Act, 18, 20–21, 22, 28 Delaware, 2 DeLay, Brian, 15

fairs, 28–29, 87–93. See also World’s Fair (1893) family(ies): allotment and, 21; assimilation policy and, 4–5; expressive culture and, 82–84, 99; extended, 26 farming, 22, 23–26, 71–72 Feder, Norman, 34 field matron program, 4, 69 First Born Church of Christ, 43 First International Art Exposition (Prague), 71 floral motifs, 84–86 Fort Gibson, 104n42

138 Index

earrings, 49, 52 education. See boarding school system Ellis, Clyde, 18, 42–43 Ellison, Rosemary, 114n79 empire, 29 English language, 40–41 Etadleah, 12 Ewers, John, 83, 84 exhibition, 20, 27–28, 87–89 expressive culture: and American Indian Arts and Crafts Board, 81–82; anthropology and, 24; defined, 5; as economic strategy, 21; family and, 82–84, 99; intellectual property and, 84; as labor, 31; salvage anthropology and, 24–25

Fort Marion, Florida, 11, 17–21 Fort Sill, 25 Fort Sill Indian School, 76 Foster, Morris, 112n22 Fred Harvey Company, 72 Fry, Aaron, 117n32 Gallup, New Mexico, 60–63, 68–69, 72–73, 76–77, 80, 81, 89 Geertz, Clifford, 8 Geikaunmah, Bert, 55 Gell, Alfred, 8 gender, 4; dance and, 61, 73; princess contests and, 90, 92–93; warrior ideal and, 63. See also men; women gendered art production, 17 General Allotment Act, 18. See also Dawes Act Ghost Dance, 67, 113n48 Givens, Frank, 36–37 Gold Rush, 10–11 grass dance, 60, 65–66. See also Omaha dance “grass money,” 3 grazing fees, 3 Great Depression, 3 Green, Rayna, 91 Greene, Candace, 15, 109n43 Hail, Barbara, 85 hair plates, 36 hair roaches, 60 Haskell Indian School, 66 Haungooah, 36 Hayden Bill, 43 headdresses, 58, 59, 60 Hertzberg, Hazel, 109n60 Hidatsa, 34 Hokeah, Jack, 49, 60, 65, 66, 70, 73, 74, 75 Holm, Tom, 82 Horse, Cecil, 41, 55–56 horses, 16 Hoxie, Frederick E., 21, 22 Hoy Koy Bitty, Millet, 67

Hummingbird, Conklin, 48–51, 50 Hunhdorff, Shari, 27, 29, 89 Hunting Horse, 39, 109n43 IACB. See American Indian Arts and Crafts Board (IACB) imprisonment, 18–19 Indian Beating Drum; Bird Flying Overhead (Mopope), 53 “Indian chief,” 1 Indian City (Anadarko), 32 Indian Hall (Monticello), 27–28 Indianness, 20, 52, 58, 64, 70, 72, 81, 84 Indian Service. See Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) Indians in Unexpected Places (Deloria), 89 Indian Territory, 10 industrial skills, 17 intellectual property, 84 Intertribal Ceremonial, 60, 62, 63, 68–69, 72–73, 76–77, 80, 81, 89 intimate colonialism, 4, 5 Iowa, 40 Jacobs, Margaret, 4, 5 Jacobson, Oscar, 70–71 Jefferson, Thomas, 27–28 Jerome Commission, 22 jewelry: and German silver, 35–36; and Native American Church, 34; peyote, 34, 46–51, 49, 52, 54–57; social standing and, 36; symbolism of, 33–34; trading of, 36–37 Jicarilla Apache, 62 Jones, David, 91 Jordan, Michael Paul, 15, 16 Karty, William, 78, 90 Keintaddle, 26 Kicking Bird, 11 Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache (KCA), 3, 23, 30, 36 Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Agency, 3, 30 Kiowa Apache, 9, 11, 21, 22, 39, 40, 100 Index 139

Kiowa Ohoma Society, 60 Kiowa Six, 49, 60–61, 69 Koshiway, Jonathan, 43 Kracht, Benjamin, 108n35 LaBarre, Weston, 40, 46, 52 labor: culturally relevant, 29–30 Lakota, 64 language: in boarding schools, 40–41 Lawton, Oklahoma, 25 leaf patterns, 84–86 Lefthand, Chester, 66–67 leggings, 17 Limping Woman (Laura Pedrick), 93–96, 94 Little Bluff, 10 Littleman, Alice Jones, 58, 59, 80, 81 Lone Wolf, 11 Lone Wolf, Delos K., 22, 41, 109n60 Lone Wolf II, 22 Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 22–23, 109n60 Mandan, 34 Marcy, Randolph, 35 Marriott, Alice Lee, 7–8, 24, 25–26, 83, 87 material culture, 7–8, 31, 96, 98. See also expressive culture Mau-Tame (Showing of the Way) Club, 80–81, 81, 93, 95, 116n2 McClendon, Mary Stone, 56 McDonald, Gus, 66 McKenzie, Parker, 7, 23, 90, 92–93 McPhearson, O. M., 44 measles, 40 Medicine Lodge ceremony, 9, 38 Medicine Lodge Treaty, 11, 22–23 men, 4, 62–63 Merriam Report, 31 metalwork. See jewelry methods, 7–8 Meyers, Fred, 62 mobility, 6 moccasins, 85, 86, 87 modernity, 69, 89 140 Index

Monticello, 27–28 Mooney, James, 4, 9, 24–25, 29–30, 34, 104n42 Mopope, Stephen, 49, 51, 53, 60, 63–64, 65, 66–68, 70 Morgan, Henry Lewis, 24 Moses, L. G., 30 Murphy, Jacqueline Shea, 65 Murrow powwow, 66–67 museum, 26–29 National Archives, 7 nationalism, 27 nation building, 27 nationhood, 5–6 Native American Church, xii, 7, 32, 34, 37, 41, 43, 55–56, 99. See also Peyotism Navajo, 51, 61, 62, 72, 77–78, 90 New Mexico, 60–63. See also Gallup, New Mexico New York World’s Fair (1939), 92 “Noble Savage,” 64 Northern Plains, 60 Office of Indian Affairs (OIA), 3, 4, 5, 18, 30, 40, 41–42, 44, 67, 69, 89, 93 Oheltoint, 12, 25, 63. See also Charlie Buffalo Ohoma Society, 65, 66–67 OIA. See Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) Oklahoma Historical Society, 7 Omaha dance, 60, 64–65, 65–66 Osage, 10, 91, 104n42 Oto (People), 43, 91 paintings, 49–51, 52, 53, 62, 63–66, 72, 74–76, 75, 99 Palmer, Gus, Jr., 74 Parezo, Nancy, 51 parfleche, 15, 16, 16, 17 Parker, Quanah, 39, 40, 41 Parker McKenzie Collection, 7 patronage, 69–70 Pawnee, 9, 91

Payasape, Letty, xi Pedrick, Laura (Limping Woman), 93–96, 94 peoplehood, 82–83, 89, 93, 95–96 Peters, Susie, 69–70, 72, 77, 80, 93, 116n2 Petersen, Karen, 105n24 peyote, 42, 108n35 peyote jewelry, 34, 46–51, 49, 52, 54–57. See also jewelry Peyote Woman, 40 Peyotism, 37, 38–43, 52–55 Philadelphia Centennial (1876), 28–29 Phillips, Ruth, 24 Pierson, J. Dianne, 82 Pine, W. B., 67–68 Pinero, 38–39 Plains Cree, 34 Plains Indians, 30, 61, 64, 73 Ponca, 40, 43, 91 pottery, 72–73 powwows, 4, 31, 60, 66–67, 74, 76–79, 90, 91, 99–100 Pratt, Richard Henry, 18, 20, 105n24 preservation, 81–82 prestige, 17 princesses, 4, 90–93, 97 “Principal People,” 6 Progressive Era, 48 Pueblo, 61–62, 66, 68–69, 72, 77–79, 81 purity, 70–71 racial hierarchy, 23 Rainy Mountain Church, xi, 7 Rainy Mountain School, 54 Rand, Jacki, 10–11, 20, 28–29 Red River War, 11 Removal Act of 1830, 10 Roberts, Kathleen Glenister, 92 Rowledge, Jesse, 48, 91 Rush, Franklin, 67–68 Rydell, Robert, 28, 107n84 saddles, 16, 16 salvage anthropology, 24–25

San Antonio, 9 Sankadote, 39 Santa Fe Field School, 7, 8 Santa Fe Indian School, 74 Saunkeah, Jasper, 1, 2 Schneider, Mary Jane, 85 schools. See boarding school system Scott, Joan, 4 segregation, 23–24 settlers, 21–22 silver, 35–36, 99–100. See also jewelry Silver Horn, James, 36, 37, 39, 43, 48–49, 109n43 silverwork, xi–xii, 12, 31, 34, 36, 46, 48, 53, 54–56, 99–100. See also jewelry Singer sewing machines, 107n84 Sitting Bear, 36–37 Sloan, John, 76–77, 115n102 Smith, Laura, 80 Smoky, Lois, 49, 60, 70 Social Darwinism, 28 sources, 7–8 Spanish, 9–10 Spellman, Margaret Pearson, 78–79 Spiess, Jeanette, 77–78 squatters, 21–22 St. Augustine, Florida, 17–18 Stecker, Ernest, 42 Stewart, Omer, 52 stickpins, 52 Stinchecum, Ernest, 39–40 St. Louis World’s Fair, 25 stock theft, 22 Stoler, Anne Laura, 5 stratification, class, 23–24 Strickland, Rennard, 66 sun dance, 9, 35 Swan, Daniel, 35–36, 51 Takone, James, 46, 47, 48, 49 Taylor, Reuben, 40 theft: of animals, 22 Thomas, David Hurst, 24, 27 tie slide, 32, 33, 33, 46, 52 time, 38 Index 141

Tingley, Jake, 32, 55 Tipi with Battle Pictures, 63–64 Tone-Pah-Hote, Joseph, xi Tone-Pah-Hote, Murray, xi, xi–xii, 32–33, 33, 54–55 Tone-Pah-Hote, Preston, Sr., xi, 32–33, 54–55 tourism, 7, 23, 61, 72 T’ow-Haddle (Laura Pedrick), 93–96, 94. See also Limping Woman T’oyhawlma (Laura Pedrick), 93–96, 94. See also Limping Woman travel, 6 Tsatoke, Monroe, 49, 54, 55, 60, 65, 70 Tsoodle, Charlie, 58, 59, 60, 79 Two-Hatchet, Ed, 45 Two-Hatchet, Frank, 45 Ulrich, Laurel Thatcher, 8 University of Oklahoma, 70, 71 Ute, 55, 61 Valentine, R. G., 42 Waldo, James, 42 Walker, W. T., 30 war bonnet, 1, 2 war dancers, 4, 58, 59, 60–61, 64, 67, 70. See also dance

142 Index

Ware, Lewis, 69–70, 92 warfare, 15–16, 16, 63–64, 105n24 war parties, 15 Watchetaker, George “Woogie,” 66 water birds, 32, 48, 52 White Horse, 11 Wichita, 2 Wichita Agency, 3 Wild West shows, 30–31, 64–65, 89 Wohaw, 12, 20 Wolf Lying Down, 10 Woman’s Heart, 11 women, 4; industrial skills of, 17; in marketing, 72–73; and Mau-Tame Club, 80–81, 81; in Office of Indian Affairs (OIA), 69; and princess contests, 90–93, 97; uplift of, 80; in warfare, 15, 17 Wooden Lance, 93 World’s Fair (1893), 25, 27, 28–29, 89 World’s Fair (1904), 25 World’s Fair (1939), 92 Wyckoff, Lydia, 112n22 Zanella, Alice Apekaum, 40, 83 Zempadlte, 39 Zotom, 12, 20 Zuni, 61