Corn among the Indians of the upper Missouri 9780803298262

Corn occupied an important place in the lives of many Native communities that lived along the Upper Missouri River. In t

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Corn among the Indians of the upper Missouri
 9780803298262

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (page 15)
INTRODUCTION (page 19)
I -- THE UPPER MISSOURI INDIANS (page 34)
II -- PLANTING AND CULTIVATION (page 77)
III -- HARVEST (page 110)
IV -- CORN AS FOOD (page 144)
V -- CORN AS AN ARTICLE OF TRADE (page 171)
VI -- THE SACRED CHARACTER OF CORN (page 198)
VII -- CORN CEREMONIES (page 237)
VIII -- VARIETIES (page 284)
Index (page 319)

Citation preview

CORN AMONG THE INDIANS OF THE UPPER MISSOURI

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CORN AMONG THE

INDIANS OF THE UPPER MISSOURI GEORGE F. WILL

GEORGE E. HYDE

Manufattured in the United States of America

First Nebraska paperback printing: 1964 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Will, George F. (George Francis), 1884—1955.

Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri / by George F. Will and George E. Hyde.

p. cm. Originally published: Saint Louis, Mo.: W. H. Miner Co., 1917. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8032-9826-9 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Indians of North America—Agriculture—Missouri River

Valley. 2.Corn. I. Hyde, George E., 1882-1968. II. Title. E98.A3.W6 2002 630’.89'975—dc21 2002028521

DEDICATION

With the permission of Mr. Hyde I dedicate ths volume to my father, Oscar H. Will, who mm 1881 first perceived

the value of the native varieties of corn

from the Upper Missouri Valley, and who began at that tume the work of selecting and breeding from them, to the

lasting benefit of the farmers of the

Northwest. Grorce EF. WiLu

OONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . , 15

INTRODUCTION. . . , . . . 19

I— THE Upper Missouri INDIANS . . . 34 1. Migrations and early history . . 34

2. The earth-lodge village . , . a0

8. Agriculture. . , ; , 59 I] — PLANTING AND CULTIVATION . . , 17 1. Spring work: clearing and planting

the ground . . , . . TT

2. Hoewng and weeding... , . 91

3. The patches, acreage, and yields. 97

III — Harvest. . . . . , . 110

1. The return from the summer hunt . 110

2. The green-corn harvest . , . 115

3. The ripe-corn harvest . . . 124

4. Storing the crop. , , . 133 5. Yrelds_. . . . . . 141 IV — Corn as Foop . , to, , , 144

1. Methods of preparing corn . . 147

2. Utensils . . . . . . 164

V—Corn AS AN ARTICLE OF TRADE . , , 171

1. Early intertribal trade . , . 171 2. Trade with the whites. , , 191

VI — THE SACRED CHARACTER OF CORN . . 198

1. The corn and the buffalo . . 205

2. Corn origin myths . . . . 210

10 CONTENTS VII— Corn CEREMONIES . , , . , 237 1. Ceremonial organzation . . 238

2. Sacred corn. . . . . 248 3, Spring, summer, and fall ceremonies 257 4. Various ceremonies, belsefs, and

practices. . , . . 216 VIII— VarizErTIEs . . . . . . 284 Artkaras , , , , to. 301 Hidatsas . , , . , , 303 Mandans .. ,, .. .,. ,, 305 303 Iowas . , Omahas . , , , , , , 305 Otoes . . , , , , . 307

Pawnees , , , , . . 308 Ponkas . , , , . , 310

Sioux. , . , , , 311 Chippewas. . ; . . , 314

Wwunnebagoes . , , . . , 316

Iroquos . . . . . , 316 Varieties from the Southwest , , 317 Additional varveties , . , 318 Index . . . . . , , 319

ILLUSTRATIONS SET OF HIDATSA AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS Frontispiece

DAKOTA WHITE FLINT — GEHU YELLOW FLINT . 25 Rep LAKE CHIPPEWA FLINT — MANDAN WHITE FLINT — LA PoINnTtE CHIPPEWA FLINT — For?

ToTTEN SIOUX . . . , , . . 37

Ears oF Fort PECK CorRN . . . . . 42

MANDAN SQUASH . , , , , , , 67 RAWHIDE BOWL AND STONE MORTAR... , . 85

BONE HOE . . . . . . . . 85 PAWNEE CORN. . . . . . . 96 PONKA CORN . , . . . , . 96

MANDAN SOFT RED CORN . . . . . 111

CORN . . . . . . . . 121

MODERN WHITE DENT AND MANDAN WHITE FLOUR

PONKA RED FLOUR, GRAY FLOUR, RED SPECKLED

FLOUR, AND SWEET CORN. . . . . (112i BASKETS OF THE MANDANS, HmpATSAS, AND ARI-

KARAS . . . . . . , . 125 ARIKARA WOMAN THRESHING CORN , , , 131 SCATTERED CORN AND FAMILY . , , . 131

MANDAN CORN... . . . . . . 139 MANDAN SQUASH . . . . . . . 150 PAWNEE CORN . . . . . . . 155 PLANTS OF FOUR VARIETIES OF SIOUX CORN . . 167 MANDAN BLUE AND WHITE SPOTTED CORN. . 177

MANDAN SOFT WHITE CORN , . . . 201

12 ILLUSTRATIONS OMAHA, Iowa, AND OTO CorN , , . 213

MANDAN BLACK CORN . . , , . . 231

PAWNEE BLUE SPECKLED CORN. , , . 245

SCATTERED CORN . , , , , . , 245

MANDAN SOFT YELLOW CORN . , . . 255

MANDAN BLUE CORN . . . , . . 265 WINNEBAGO MIXED FLINT — MIXED FLINT, LOWER

BRULE . . . . . . . . 287

CORN AMONG THE INDIANS

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In preparing this study of the agriculture, and more particularly the corn culture, of the Indian tribes of the Upper Missouri region we have of course drawn items from very many sources, and we are indebted to many persons for assistance of one sort or another. In working over the material we have conducted rather extensive experiments in raising corn from the different tribes in order to gain more complete information on the varieties.

For a deep and encouraging interest in the

work and much material aid in the matter of furnishing seed of a great many kinds of corn we are especially indebted to Mr. M. L. Wilson of the Montana Agricultural College, State Leader of County Agents, who has also furnished some interesting data, from which we have drawn, in the Montana Experiment Station Bulletin No. 107. For seed and information supplied we are also greatly indebted to Dr. Melvin R. Gilmore, Mr. H. C. Fish, of the Minot, N. D., Normal School, to Mr. Thomas Cory, of the Moose Mountain Reserve, Carlysle, Sask., to Mr. James McDonald, of the Pipestone Reserve, Griswold, Manitoba, Mr.

16 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS R. P. Stanion, Superintendent, Otoe Agency, Otoe, Okla., Mr. J. H. Johnson, Superintendent, Sac and

Fox Indian School, Stroud, Okla., and to George

Bent of the Cheyennes, Joseph Springer of the Iowas, and James Murie of the Pawnees. Mr. Will’s special acknowledgements are due to Dr. Gilbert L. Wilson of Minneapolis, who has spent much time and enthusiasm in collecting data on Hidatsa agriculture, for kindness in permitting

a reading of his notes and for opportunities for profitable comparison of material on the Hidatsas;

to Seattered Corn, daughter of the last Mandan corn priest, and to her son, James Holding Eagle, for a great deal of assistance in everything concerning Mandan agriculture and for a deep interest in having the subject properly understood and presented; to Dr. Melvin R. Gilmore of the North Dakota Historical Society, formerly of the Nebraska Historical Society, for seed of many varieties of corn and for much profitable interchange of thought and knowledge on the subject of Indian agriculture; to various members of the staff of the American Museum of Natural History of New York, for specimens of corn and for lending encouragement to the study; to Professor R.

B. Dixon of Harvard University for much encouraging interest and for opportune and kindly advice; and to Dr. C. L. Hall, the veteran missionary of the Fort Berthold Reservation, and to his

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 17 family, for many favors accorded during every visit to the reservation, for data on the corn of the three Berthold tribes, and especially for informa-

tion on basket-making and the acquisition of a number of baskets. Mr. Hyde’s acknowledgements are also due to Dr. Gilmore, for seed and information supplied on many occasions; and to Mr. Dunean C. Scott, of the Canadian Indian Office, for assistance in obtaining information on Canadian Indian corn; to Mr. Thomas Cory of the Moose Mountain Reserve, for information on Assiniboin agriculture and for seed furnished; to Mr. James McDonald of the Griswold Agency, for similar information

on the Refugee-Sioux and for seed from that tribe; to Mr. George Bird Grinnell of New York City, for much assistance and advice and for some very interesting notes on Cheyenne agriculture; to Mr. G. N. Collins of the Bureau of Plant Industry, Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C., for information and for assistance rendered on several occasions; and to George Bent of the Cheyennes, for information and for some ears of Wichita corn. No list of the printed authorities consulted has been compiled, but the sources from which material of this class has been drawn are always indicated in the text or in the footnotes. The Coues’ edition of Lewis and Clark was used except in a

18 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS few instances in which the Thwaites’ edition of the original journals was consulted. The quotations from Long, Maximilian, Brackenridge, and Bradbury are all taken from the Thwaites, Karly Western Travels.

INTRODUCTION

Corn, as every one knows but most of us often

forget, is a gift to us from the Indian race. In the early period of colonization, our ancestors along the Atlantic coast were glad and even thankful to take the Indian’s corn and to learn from him

the methods of growing and handling the crop. With the first knowledge of corn and its culture received from the tribes near the coast from New England to Virginia and Carolina, however, the

American farmer has felt, generally, that there was nothing further to be learned from the Indians about corn. The pioneer too often failed to realize that each new region settled presented new conditions of soil and climate and that the best way to learn how to meet and overcome these conditions was to study the methods of the local

tribes, who often had been growing corn in that particular region for two or three hundred years,

and who during this long period of time had learned from hard experience the varieties of corn and the cultural methods best suited to the local | conditions.

The first white settlers in the Upper Missouri

country failed to understand these facts. Fora

20 INTRODUCTION long time the only whites in all this region were the fur traders and their followers, the free trappers, and the United States Indian agents. None of these men were engaged in agriculture. The traders for the most part thought of corn only as something to be bought from the Indians, while their followers, who often married into the tribes, were usually content to let their wives raise what corn was needed without themselves giving much attention to the matter. We find some of the Indian agents experimenting with corn at a rather early date; but for the

most part the corn they tried out was from the east; the native varieties were discarded, usually without investigation as to their usefulness, and we often find the Indian corn, even as far up as Fort Berthold in North Dakota, mentioned dis-

paragingly in the agents’ reports. In the more northern and arid sections however the fact soon

became evident that eastern varieties of corn could not be depended upon to make a crop, and thereafter some of the agents became really interested in the hardier types of native corn. The agent for the Red Cloud Sioux in his report for 1873 referred to the Ree corn as a hardy acclimated variety and asked to be supplied with seed

of this sort. Soon after that date we find the

Indian Office sending out Ree seed to be tested at several of the northern agencies. Some Ree

INTRODUCTION 21 corn was sent to the Fort Peck Agency, Montana, in 1878 (apparently also to the Crow Agency in Montana) and proved very satisfactory.

As to whether the corn of the trmbes of the

lower Missouri Valley was extensively grown by the pioneer white settlers, the records are silent; but it seems probable that these native varieties were used, to some extent, during the first period

of settlement. Sturtevant in his list of varieties grown by the whites (1884) mentions both an Omaha blue corn and a Mandan ‘‘squaw corn,’’ the former variety being grown as far east as [Ilinois; while an old settler in Kansas speaks of a very early variety, called yellow maiden corn, seemingly a native corn, which he implies was popular among the pioneer settlers in the lower valley of Kansas River. We hear occasionally of blue corn, white flour corn, and mixed corn of numerous types, all usually lumped together as

‘‘squaw corn,’’ and always as pioneer varieties. It has been the history of western settlement, however, that as soon as the pioneer conditions were overcome in a new region and it was demon-

strated to the settlers’ satisfaction that the new country was not so very different from the old home back east, at once the desire arose to culti-

vate the same crops and the same varieties of corn that they had formerly raised in the east, in order

to form a comparison of conditions in their new

22 INTRODUCTION home with those in the old. Such attempts to ac-

climatize corn from the east or south in newly settled regions often proved successful and usually led to the immediate abandonment of the native corns which the first settlers in the new country

had of necessity made use of. But in the north and in the arid west these attempts often failed. In New England, although experiments with dent corn have been made from time to time, the flint

corns obtained by the first settlers from the Indians are still the main dependence. The well known and widely diffused King Philip corn is one of the surviving varieties of the pioneer New England flints. This permanency of the original Indian varieties is true also to a considerable ex-

tent in New York. Farther south the dent corns were received from the Indians and, being prolific in the south and in all of the milder regions, these

varieties soon came to be the staple type in the southern and central or Corn Belt states. As the frontier moved westward and northward from the milder central states, and as the settlers became established and corn selection and

breeding began to claim attention, the desire to emulate the achievements of ‘‘back home’’ in corn

raising made it almost inevitable that the dent corn should be chosen for cultivation by the bulk

of the people. The more the dent corn area enlarged its bounds the more readily did its acquired

INTRODUCTION 23 momentum push it farther and farther, frequently so that no other types of corn were ever tried in many of the newly settled localities. In this way Iowa, Nebraska, all the states lower down the river, and even southeastern South Dakota very rapidly passed through whatever pioneer period there was of growing ‘‘squaw corn,’’ and became part of the dent corn area. Southern Minnesota did not abandon the hardy Indian flints as early—perhaps because of the Scandinavian

population who had never raised corn ‘‘back home’’ and who also were naturally conservative. Robinson says (Early Economic Conditions and the Development of Agriculture wm Minnesota, 1915, p. 176) that up to 1899 corn was only raised

in the southern tier of counties and was mostly flint and squaw corn.

It is obvious from the above that the native

corns of the Indians along the lower course of the Missouri, however valuable they may have proven had the attention of breeders been turned to them, were neglected, and allowed in many eases to degenerate and often to disappear, without arousing

the slightest interest or consideration from the agricultural investigators of the region. It seems very possible that qualities of value may have been thus lost.

As the frontier moved up the Missouri valley into South Dakota, however, the triumphal pro-

24 INTRODUCTION gress of the dent corns began to slacken. As the latitude and altitude both increased and the rainfall became less, it grew to be a much longer and more difficult task to acclimate dent varieties of corn. In this region also the flint and flour corns of the Rees and Mandans had acquired some repu-

tation all up and down the river and even in the writings of the time, for their extreme hardiness. Ree corn, talked of by all the tribes, had been officially distributed on many of the reservations. Even in fur trading times corn from the Mandans

was taken to the Red River posts. In fact it is probable that the corn of the northern Minnesota Chippewas was derived from this source, so like is it in general character and appearance. The early traders, the wood hawks, and such of the nomadic frontiersmen as married Indian women and settled down, all raised the corn of the Indians; and when the first real settlement of the region began in the seventies, bringing with it a real farming population, many of these oldtimers took up pieces of land along with the newcomers. Very soon there arose a demand for corn among these pioneer farmers from the east and for a time the mixed Indian corn was adopted by all of them. Some few of the new settlers saw the real value and probable importance of the hardy native corn and started the work of improving it; and all of

the better farmers soon established improved

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3 L: OINT C4.O F RT T

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 39 sourl from the east. There is evidence that these two Siouan peoples reached the Missouri before the year 1700, but perhaps not earlier than 1675. Their arrival was therefore later than that of the Mandans, and perhaps than that of the Hidatsas and Crows. The traditions of these tribes tell of their migration northward through the State of Iowa to the vicinity of the pipestone quarry; then west to the Big Sioux River, where they were attacked by enemies and forced to remove to the Missouri River, in South Dakota. They next moved up the Missouri, crossing to the west bank at the mouth

of White River. The soil here was poor, and after remaining for a short time the tribes meved down the Mis-

souri to a point opposite the mouth of James River.‘ They lived here for many years, then moved down to the

Niobrara, where the Omahas planted some patehes of corn, beans, and pumpkins. At this time the Ponkas did not cultivate the ground; they were a hunter tribe, procuring some corn and vegetables from the Omahas in

barter for dried meat:5 The traditions state that when they reached the Niobrara the Ponkas numbered three thousand people and encamped in three large concentric circles, the Omahas in two circles. The Ponkas remained - 4This is the Omaha tradition, as given by Henry Fontenelle in 1884, in Transactions of the Nebraska Historical Society, v. i,

p. 78. Other versions do not mention this halt opposite James River.

5 The Ponkas appear to have taken up, and then abandoned,

agriculture several times in early days. Thus Merrill was informed by some traders in 1834 that the Ponkas had formerly cultivated the soil but had given up the practice. Transactions Nebraska Historical Society, v. v, p. 170.

40 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS on the Niobrara, while the Omahas moved down to Bow

Creek, and later to Omaha Creek, near Homer, Nebraska, in which vicinity they still reside at the present day.

Two more Siouan tribes, the Otoes and Iowas, follow-

ed the Omahas and Ponkas to the Missouri in the year 1700. Crossing to the west bank of the river, the Iowas built a village on Iowa Creek, between the Niobrara and Omaha Creek.® They later moved farther south and built

a village near the present city of Omaha. The Iowas did not remain long in Nebraska, but moved eastward into the state that now bears their name, where they re-

mained for nearly one hundred years. In late years they crossed the Missouri again and were established on a reservation in northeastern Kansas. The Otoes after crossing the Missouri about the year 1700 are said to have gone down to the Platte at once, where they built a village at the mouth of the Elkhorn.’ They remained on the lower Platte, building many villages, until after 1840. In 1778 the Otoes were joined by the remnant of a kindred tribe, the Missouris, who had long dwelt on the lower Missouri, near the mouth

of Grand River. These people, although few in num6 This is the Omaha tradition, given by Henry Fontenelle, 1884, in Transactions Nebraska Historical Society, v. i, p. 78. The Iowas are said to have built two or three villages on the Missouri between the Niobrara and the Platte at this period. Bourgmont mentions them in connection with the Otoes in 1724,

but does not locate their village. (Margry, v. vi, pp. 396 and 410).

his is Henry Fontenelle’s version, given in 1884, in Transactions Nebraska Historical Society, v. i, p. 78.

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OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 69 planting with care, and usually hoeimg all of the patches twice before the tribe set out on its summer hunt. The plants cultivated and the general cultural methods cor-

responded closely to those of the tribes farther east, a good account of which is given in Arthur C. Parker’s recent paper on Iroquois agriculture.*° The corn raised by the Indians of the Missoun Valley varies from the Pawnee corn, some six to ten feet high, to the corn obtained in late years by the Assiniboins of Montana from the Mandans and by the Assiniboins of Canada from the Sisseton Sioux, which has been acclimated by them and which seldom attains a height of over two feet. From the Pawnee corn in the south we

get a regular gradation as we ascend the river, the size of the plants and ears decreasing and the length of season required to mature the crop diminishing.

The varieties of corn grown by the Missouri River tribes will be deseribed at length farther on. A brief survey of the species may be given here. The dent corn to which white men have largely devoted their attention in breeding, was not raised by the Indians of the Upper Missouri1; and, with the exception of the Omahas and Pawnees, popcorn seems to have been unknown among these tribes, until introduced by the whites. They raised

only three species: the flour, the flint, and the sweet corns.

The flint corn is usually eight rowed, occasionally ten or twelve rowed; this species is high in protein and the

grain is very hard and heavy. The flour corn resem"80 Troquois uses of maize and other food plants, by Arthur C. Parker, New York State Museum, Bulletin 144, Albany, 1910.

10 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS bles the flint in the number of rows and in general appearance, but the grain is much softer and lighter in weight, being largely composed of starch and deficient in the proteins. This species was the most popular with

the Indians, as it could be easily crushed or ground and was much softer than the flmt when eaten parched. This is the speeies usually referred to by many writers who have stated that Indian corn was of little value as a

stock food. The sweet corn is high in sugar content, and the grains when ripe and dry always have a shrivelled and wrinkled appearance.

All of these three species were represented in the Upper Missouri Valley by many varieties of diverse colors and periods of maturity. Of the corn plant, as raised by the Upper Missouri tribes, we have several good descriptions by early travelers. As has been said, the size of the plants and ears varied greatly. This variation was not a matter of latitude alone, but was sometimes due to special seasonal or soil conditions. It is this adaptability to conditions of climate and soil which accounts for the extreme hardiness of the Indian varieties of corn and for the fact that a failure of the crop was rarely absolute.*! In a poor year and in poor soil the Mandan varieties will seldom rise higher than two feet, the ears being not over three or four inches long

with very few to a hill.5* In a good season, and es~~ 61 The only complete crop failures mentioned on the Upper

Missouri in early times appear to have been caused by the ‘‘ orasshoppers’’ which descended in dense clouds and in a few hours stripped the corn patches bare. 52 Catlin must have been on the Upper Missouri in a bad year, as he says that the Mandan corn produced ears no longer than a

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 71 pecially in the rich bottom soil of the river valley, the same varieties will attain a height of five or six feet and will sucker profusely, producing many ears to a hill, some of which will be seven to eleven inches in length. Another attribute of this northern Indian corn is the very heavy foliage, making a hill appear almost like a bush. This characteristic is very marked in cross breeds and distinguishes the improved crosses which contain a northern Indian strain. Bradbury, himself a botanist, said of the Hidatsa corn in 1811: ‘‘On our approach some fields of Indian corn lay betwixt us and the vil-

lages . . . the corn was now nearly a yard high . . . This is about the full height to which the maize grows in the Upper Missouri, and when this circumstance is connected with the quickness with which it grows and

matures, it is a wonderful instance of the power given

to some plants to accommodate themselves to climate. . . This plant is certainly the same species of zea, that is cultivated within the tropics, where it usually requires four months to ripen and rises to the height of twelve feet. Here ten weeks is sufficient, with a much less degree of heat. Whether or not this property is more peculiar to plants useful to men, and given for wise and benevolent purposes, I will not attempt to determine. ’’ *?

Hayden (1855) also gives a very brief account of the

northern Missouri River corn: ‘‘The corn is said to be the original kind discovered with the continent and man’s thumb. With good treatment in a favorable year this corn today produced large plump ears, seven to eleven inches long. 53 Bradbury, Thwaites edition, p. 159 (and footnote).

¢2 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS is quite different in appearance from that raised in the

states. The stalk is from three to six feet in height, seldom more than four or four and a half feet, and the ears grow in clusters near the surface of the ground. One or two ears sometimes grow higher up on the stalk, which appears too slender to support any more grain. The grain is small, hard and covered with a thicker

shell [husk] than that raised in warmer climates. It does not possess the same nutritive qualities as feed for animals as the larger kind, but is more agreeable to the taste of the Indians. It is raised with so little labor that it seems well calculated for them. An acre usually produces about twenty bushels’’ (p. 352). Boller says of the corn of the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras: ‘‘It is a species of Canada corn, very hardy and of quick growth. It is of all colors; red, black, blue, yellow, purple, white; sometimes a single ear presents a combination of all these hues’’ (p. 118). By Canada corn he probably means flint corn, as that name was usually applied to the most popular varieties of that type in the eastern states in his day. Summing up the physical characteristics of the northern Missouri River corn: It is short, rarely attaining a

height of six feet, and often below four. It is very much addicted to suckering or stooling from the root, and its foliage is heavier than the average. The ears are from three to nine or ten inches long, usually eight rowed in all three species (flour, flint, and sweet corn), and they grow very close to the ground, often emerging from the ground on a short stalk or shoot from the main

stalk. There are frequently two ears to a stalk and

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 13 three are not exceptional in a very good season. It is extremely hardy, not only adapting itself to varying amounts of moisture and producing some crop under drought conditions, but resistant also to the unseasonable frosts which are apt to occur in the home region. It will sprout in spring weather that would rot most varieties of corn, and once sprouted it grows very rapid-

ly. Its period from planting to maturity is about sixty days in a favorable year, and rarely are more than seventy days required. We may add here an extract from a recent publication of the Montana Agricultural College Experiment Station : *4

‘‘Karly Flints. These varieties originated in North Dakota and contain ‘blood’ of the old Mandan Indian

corn. The stalks grow about four feet in height and are very leafy. The ears are borne close to the ground and cannot be cut with a corn-binder. These corns will stand more hardship in the way of droughts, poor culti-

vation, frosts, ete., than any other kind. They have been the highest yielders of grain, as a group, of all of the varieties tested in Montana on dry land. They are the earliest matured, withstanding hail well, and make a crop even in a very dry year. They are recommended to be grown all over the state where the season will permit them to ripen.”’ The varieties grown by the Pawnees and other tribes in Nebraska were very much like those grown farther north. Thus we find that the Pawnees and Mandans both have the same varieties of white, yellow, and blue "54 Bulletin 107, ‘‘Corn in Montana,’’ by Alfred Atkinson and M. L. Wilson, Bozeman, Mont., October, 1915.

74 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS flour corn today, and they formerly had the same varie-

ties of black, red, and red-striped corn. These southern strains attain a larger growth and produce larger ears than do the northern ones. The Pawnee corn grows eight to ten feet high; the plants are given to suckering and the ears are borne much higher on the stalk than in

the case of the Mandan and other northern varieties. None of the early travelers on the Upper Missouri have

left descriptions of the corn of the Pawnees, Otoes, Omahas, and Ponkas, and what little we know of the corn of these tribes has been gleaned from the planting of small patches of many varieties during the past two

or three years. It may be said, however, that these southern varieties seem as hardy and well adapted to

meet the conditions in their home region as are the varieties grown higher up the Missouri.

As was usual with most of the tribes of the United States, the women of the Upper Missouri did most of the

village work; not only were they the cooks and housekeepers, but the farmers as well and, as we shall see, very good farmers. Maximilian states (Mandans): ‘‘The building of the

huts, manufacture of their arms, hunting, and wars, and part of the labors of the harvest are the occupations

of the men. The women... lay out the plantations, perform the field labor, ete.’’ (p. 271).

Catlin (Mandans): ‘‘This (the gardening) is all done by the women.’’

Bradbury (Arikaras): ‘‘The women as is the custom with the Indians do all the drudgery, and are excellent cultivators’’ (p. 175).

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI (i) Matthews (Hidatsas): ‘‘Every woman in the village capable of working had her own piece of ground’’ (p. 11).

Dunbar (Pawnees): The women ‘‘dug the ground, planted, hoed, gathered, dried, and stored the corn.’’ *? Long (1819) states that the Omaha women did all of the field work. Most of these early accounts give the impression that the women were drudges who were forced to perform most of the heavy labor, including that of the fields. To

those who are acquainted with the Indians it will be easily understood that this conception of the position of Indian women needs to be considerably modified. While there is no question that the women’s work was severe, yet there is abundant evidence that the women performed their tasks willingly and took great pride in doing their work well. To those who have seen the Indian woman patiently and solicitously working about her garden it must be evident that she loved her work there and enjoyed it. As a matter of fact in the Upper Missouri region the spring was longingly awaited as the time to commence work on the gardens which furnished much of the pleasure of the summer season; and the harvest time, though a season of rejoicing, yet was also a time of regret for the pleasant summer passed. The Indian woman was a real gardener. Her methods were not those of the bonanza farmer of the present day, but resembled more closely those of the modern market gardener or greenhouse man. She attended to every little detail, work85 Magazine of American History, v. ii, p. 264.

76 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS ing slowly and carefully and taking the utmost pains. She knew the habits of each of her plants and the habits of each separate variety of all the species cultivated, and she worked with careful regard for these differences.

II— PLANTING AND CULTIVATION 1. SPRING WORK: CLEARING AND PLANTING THE GROUND.

2. HOEING AND WEEDING. 3. THE PATCHES, ACREAGE, AND YIELDS

1. Spring work: clearing and planting the ground On the Upper Missouri the agricultural operations for the year began as soon as the ground was sufficiently thawed in the spring, or even earlier if a new plot was to be cleared for use. In the latter case all of the brush was first cut off, and of the larger trees all except one or two were girdled.t| Then the brush was piled in heaps and burned. In an old garden the work usually started

when the first geese appeared on their way north or when the Missouri River broke up, events which usually

occurred almost together. At this time the old weeds and stalks and vines which had not been disposed of in the fall were collected and burned.’

Of the Hidatsas Henry says: ‘‘In the spring they return from the winter villages to sow their fields, while the men are employed getting driftwood and drowned buffalo from the river’’ (p. 349).

Boller has considerable to say of the spring work 1 This refers to the tribes that cultivated the Missouri River bottoms, where the land was often timbered. The Pawnees and Otoes lived away from the Missouri in almost timberless country.

2Dr. Wilson states that the Hidatsas began planting when the wild gooseberries were in full leaf.

78 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS among the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras: ‘‘In the spring, aS soon as the frost is out of the ground, the women break up their patches of land, every foot must be turned up and loosened with the hoe —a slow and toilsome operation. . . While the operation of breaking the ground, planting and fencing is going on, wood

has also to be carried to the lodges, for those great round, earth covered dwellings of the Minnetarees are very chill during the early, damp spring weather; re- quiring much fuel for warming as well as cooking’’ (p. 118).

Dunbar states that the Pawnees remained on their winter hunt in the Plains until the young grass began to appear early in April, and then returned to their villages to clear and plant the patches. On another page he says that the patches were cleared out as soon as the frost was out of the ground.

Dougherty states that the Omahas also returned to their village from the winter hunt in April, to clear and plant their patches. In April, while they were clearing up the corn patches,

the women were also busily engaged in dressing the buffalo robes and peltries collected during the winter. Many of the early travelers state that at this period of the year the men did nothing, sitting around smoking and chatting while the women toiled; but upon a closer examination of the available sources it becomes evident that these statements are misleading. Thus we find that

the men of the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras engaged in hunting while the women cleared the patches, and that they were also occupied in catching driftwood

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 79 and drowned buffalo among the floating ice cakes in the Missouri. In April the men of the Omahas were busily

engaged in hunting, often making trips of seventy or eighty miles in quest of deer and elk; while at the same time they trapped all of the small creeks within many miles of the village for beaver, otter, and muskrat. After the fields were cleared, the hills were dug up with the digging-stick, the ground being pried up, loosened, and pulverized. These hills were about twelve to eighteen inches in diameter and a good long step apart.® The ground between the hills was not usually broken up, but the same ground was planted year after year, and in the older patches the position of the hills was sometimes shifted, until finally the whole area of the garden had been dug over. Sunflowers were usually planted around the edge of the garden before the clearing and digging work were completed. This crop was the first to be put in; the Mandan time for planting is given as when the river breaks up.

After the ground had been cleared and well stirred up, the planting of corn and vegetables commenced. It is Interesting to note the names of the different moons among these tribes. 8 Buffalo Bird Woman states that in the old days when clearing a new field the women dug the corn hills with digging-sticks, and after planting the corn they dug between the rows with bone hoes. In later times they performed both these operations with

iron hoes. In clearing new ground the women did all of the work, a few of the older men helping them at times. They cut the willows and brush in the fall, and in the spring spread them evenly over the ground and burned them. This was done to make the ground softer and easier to dig.

80 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS Maximilian states that the Mandans call May the moon

when maize is sown. Clark (Indian Sign Language) says the ninth moon in the old Cheyenne calendar (ev}dently May) was ealled ‘‘The corn is planted.’’ Prescott, 1850 (in Schooleraft, Indian Tribes, v. 11), gives a list of Sioux moons: May, corn is planted; June, corn is hoed; August, corn 1s gathered; September, wild rice is gathered. The Omahas called May the planting moon. The Pawnees called April the field-cleaning moon; May,

the planting moon; June, the cultivating moon; and July, ‘‘Moon-plant-search-complete, or Burning Moon.’’ 4

Hayden: ‘‘Indians plant about the middle of April or the beginning of May, according to the mildness or severity of the spring, and the ears are gathered about the beginning of August’’ (p. 352). Merrill (May 12, 1834): ‘‘It is now planting time (among the Otoes). The men lay upon their couches or sit upon the ground and smoke their pipes all day long; while the women go from half a mile to two miles

to plant their corn, often, too, carrying a babe with them. They are also required to bring their wood and water, which are half a mile distant.’’> On the following day Merrill visited the patches, which were along the margins of small creeks near the Platte. In Chief Tetan’s patch three of the chief’s wives and some other women were digging up the soil with heavy hoes. 4 Meaning the moon when the corn is found to be complete (that is, fit for use) or the (Corn) Roasting Moon? See Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, p. 203, for a full list of Pawnee moons.

5 The Diary of Rev. Moses Merrill, in Neb. State Hist. Soc. Transactions, iv, p. 164.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 81 Of the Omahas Dougherty states: ‘‘In the month of May they attend to their horticultural interests, and plant maize, beans, pumpkins, and water-melons, besides which they cultivate no other vegetable.’’ ° In a recently published account of the Omahas, by Miss Alice Fletcher and Francis La Flesche,’? we have a

more detailed description of the planting operations of this tribe: ‘‘The bottom lands were the planting places; each family selected its plot, and as long as the land

was cultivated its occupancy was respected. Corn, beans, squash, and melons were raised 1n considerable quantities’’ (p. 95). ‘‘Garden patches were located on the borders of streams. Occupancy constituted ownership and as long as a tract was cultivated by a family no one molested the crops or intruded on the ground; but if a garden patch was abandoned for a season then the ground was considered free for anyone to utilize. Men and women worked together on the garden plots, which ranged from half an acre to two or three acres in extent. Occasionally a good worker had even a larger tract under cultivation. These gardens were mounded

in a peculiar manner: The earth was heaped into oblong mounds, their tops flat, about 18 by 24 inches, and

so arranged as to slant toward the south. The height on the north side was about 18 inches; on the south the

plot was level with the surface of the ground. These

mounds were 2 or 3 feet apart on all sides. In one ~ 6Long’s Expedition, 1819-1820, Thwaites edition, v. i, p. 289. 7‘‘The Omaha Tribe,’’ by Fletcher and La Flesche, 27th Report, Bureau of American Ethnology.

8 All of our early informants state that the Omaha men did not assist the women.

82 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS mound seven kernels of corn were scattered; in the next mound squash seeds were placed, and so on alternately. If the family had under cultivation a large garden tract the beans were put into mounds by themselves and willow poles were provided for the vines to climb upon; but if ground space was limited the beans were planted

with the corn, the stalk serving the same purpose as poles. Squash and corn were not planted together, nor were corn, beans, and squash grown together in the same

mound. After the planting the ground was kept free of weeds and when the corn was well sprouted it was hoed with an implement made from the shoulder blade of the elk. The second hoeing took place when the corn

was a foot or more high. Up to this time the mounds were carefully weeded by hand and the earth was kept free and loose. After the second hoeing the corn was left to grow and ripen without further cultivation. The mounds containing the squash and those in which the melons were planted were weeded and eared for until the second hoeing of the corn, when they, too, were

left, as about this time the tribe started out on the annual buffalo hunt’’ (p. 269). ‘‘In clearing the ground for planting, the heavy part of the work was not infrequently done by men as were the cutting and transporting of the large posts needed for building the earth lodge’’ (p. 339). The Rev. Gilbert L. Wilson gives the following account of planting among the Hidatsas:® ‘‘Corn plant~ 9Corn in Montana, Bulletin 107, Montana Agricultural College Experiment Station, Bozeman, Mont., 1915, p. 43. I have recently obtained the following additional information

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 83 ing began in the first half of May, after sunflower seed had been planted. The field was raked free of debris and the stalks of last year’s crop, and the dried piles of

debris were burned. The corn was planted in hills, three or four feet apart, seven or eight kernels in a hill. The earth was loosened with a wooden digging stick, or with a hoe. Each corn hill stood exactly where a hill had stood the year before. Beans were commonly plant-

ed between the corn hills. . . As soon as weeds appeared after planting, the field was hoed. A second hoeing, and hilling up of the plants followed soon after. ‘‘Rotation of crops and fertilization were not practiced, but when a field began to fail, it was let lie fallow for a couple of years. The value of the ashes left from burning over a newly made field was understood. ‘‘—Tndians insist that corn culture by hoe is much hard-

er now, owing to the abundance of weeds that have been from the Hidatsas: Fields were marked out by mounds of earth at the four corners. Sometimes another woman would encroach on a field and the matter would be disputed until the intruder was bought or driven out. Corn was planted six or eight kernels in a hill. Often a second planting of corn was made when the june-berries were ripe, in order to secure late roasting ears. Sweet (sugar) corn was never used for roasting ears, hard or soft yellow corn being considered best for that purpose. A sort of bread was made from pounded fresh green corn, but never from ripe corn. Hard white and hard yellow corn were never parched, and therefore were never braided. Seed ears of these varieties were selected from the completely husked out pile of ears on the drying stage. The Hidatsas did not have either watermelons or pumpkins. Sunflower heads were often eleven inches across. Each family planted only one variety of sunflower, one family planting the black, another the white, ete. George F. Will.

84 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS brought in by white men. One curious custom was their carefully removing all dung of horses from the field in the spring, because ‘weeds always came up where the dung lay and we thought that white man’s cattle and horses brought the seeds.’ ’’ Buffalo Bird Woman (Hidatsa) states that the crows pulled up the corn plants when they were an inch or so high and the spotted gophers dug up the sprouted seed. At planting time young girls often watched the fields, to fnghten off the crows; scare-crows were also set up, but were of little service, and the women often had to go over the fields and replant where the crows and gophers had been at work. Dunbar states of the Pawnees: The corn patches were usually on some small stream near the village, but sometimes five or more miles away. The ground was cleared and dug as soon as the frost was out of the soil in spring; the corn was planted in early May and was hoed twice, the second time about the middle of June; and immediately after the second hoeing the tribe set out on its

summer hunt. He states that where the corn patches were not protected by the high bank of the stream or by some other natural obstacle, they were rudely fenced with bushes and tree branches woven together.?° James visited the Pawnee villages with Long’s expedition in 1820.1! ‘‘The agriculture of the Pawnees is extremely rude. They are supplied with a few hoes

by the traders, but many of their labours are accom10 Dunbar’s account of the Pawnees is printed in Magazine of American History, v. iv and v. 11 Long’s Expedition, Thwaites, Early Western Travels, v. xv.

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CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 127 to the fields with large carrying-baskets.’ They went down the rows, snapping the ears and throwing them into small piles at regular intervals. When the time came for returning to the village the ears were placed in the baskets and were carried and piled near the drying platforms in front of the lodges. The next day the women gathered at the piles of snapped corn and the husking began. The husks were stripped back and the outside one removed, leaving the inner and more pliable

ones on the ear. The ears were then laid out im rows. The nubbins and poor ears were entirely husked and spread out to dry on one of the floors of the drying stage.

Whenever an exceptionably good ear, ripe, and hard, long, straight-rowed, and of good color, came to hand it was stuck into a bag reserved for the seed corn, which was later plaited into separate braids. After the ears were all prepared in this manner they

were braided into strands. There was a standard size

for these braids, the length being from knee down around the foot and up to the knee again. One of these braids was the standard measure for corn on the ear; shelled corn was measured by the basket, or by the bull-

boat load. Among the Hidatsas the standard size of 7 Skidi Pawnees: ‘‘ They also made baskets, which served for various purposes; those used for the transportation of the crops from the fields being especially well made and of unusual construction. Such baskets are in use to-day among the Arikara and Mandan.’’ Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, p. xviii.

Arikaras: ‘‘They have preserved in their basketry a weave that has been identified with one practised by former tribes in Louisiana —a probable survival of the method learned when with their kindred in the far Southwest.’’ Bulletin 30, Bureau of American Ethnology, v. 1, p. 85.

128 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS the braids of corn was 55 or 54 ears, and in trading with other tribes one of these standard braids was reckoned as the equivalent of one tanned buffalo robe.® Buffalo Bird Woman gives a very interesting account

of the Hidatsa ripe-corn harvest. She says that the women went into the fields and snapped the ripe ears, throwing them into piles. This task occupied one day, in the larger fields sometimes two days. On the following morning the women built fires near the piles of corn and set over the fires kettles containing meat and sweet corn. The young men who had been invited to assist at the husking now came into the fields, and a few of the older men usually came also. The girls and young men wore their best clothes and were all painted. The handsome girls always had a large group of these young men gathered about their corn piles. In husking the corn, any unripe ears that were found were laid aside and became the property of the young man who found them, and he either ate them himself or fed them to his pony. If placed in the caches these unripe ears rotted and spoiled much corn. As they were husked, the ripe ears were thrown into piles, the large ears in one pile, the small ones in another. The large ears were braided in the field by the women, 94 or 5d

ears to a braid. After completing a braid a woman often took hold of it by both ends, placed her foot on

its middle and gave a sharp tug. This tightened the braid and gave it a neater appearance. The braids of corn were loaded on ponies, about ten strings making a 8 This information on braided corn was gained during recent visits to the Mandans and Hidatsas.— George F. Will.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 129 load, and were taken to the village and hung up on the

rails of the drying stage. The small ears were later carried to the village in baskets and were spread out on the floor of the drying stage. The latter task occupied the women one or two days. This ripe-corn harvest last about ten days. The young men worked well, husking out the corn of one field and then passing on to the next. After the corn was all braided it was hung about the frame of the drying scaffold. These scaffolds were an important feature in the economy of the village, being

used for drying meat as well as corn and vegetables. In summer the women often gathered under the shade of the platform’s arbor-like roof with their work; at other seasons the firewood was piled here, and in winter the

arbor was often turned into a stable for the horses. Dorsey describes the Pawnee arbor or drying platform as follows: ‘‘A few paces to the east of the lodge was

to be found a structure, open at all sides, and with a flat roof of cottonwood boughs, which served both as a

shelter during the summer and as a platform upon which could be dried corn, pumpkins, ete.’?® Besides the roof of branches, the arbor had a floor raised two feet or more above the ground, upon which the people sat and the corn was spread to dry. The Mandan scaffold had the floor raised five or six feet from the ground, and this was reached by means of a ladder cut from a log. The Arikara dry-stage had a number of long poles placed lengthwise of the scaffold with willows laid across

them, but the Mandan and Hidatsa stages had only two 9 Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, p. xvi.

130 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS long beams with planks laid crosswise. These tribes build two-section and three-section stages. Part of one of these stages was partitioned off with tipi skins during threshing time, to form a booth in which the corn was

pounded out. The Hidatsas, however, never threshed on the floor, and in winnowing they did not pour the grain from the stage floor or roof, but raised it high in baskets and slowly poured it out.?°

Many of the Indians of today erect these old-time stages or arbors in front of their frame houses. Boller (p. 118): ‘‘When the harvest is gathered in the ears of corn are plaited into a tress (like a rope of onions) and hung upon scaffolds to dry. The variegated hues of the often tastefully arranged traces hanging from the scaffolds gives the village a gay and holiday appearance. ’’

Henry (p. 340): Mandans: ‘‘Fronting the porch stands a stage about 8 feet high, 20 feet long, and 10 feet broad, for the purpose of hanging up corn to dry in the fall and to dry meat. These stages have a tolerably good flooring, which in the fall is covered with beans to dry; and posts are erected upon them, on the tops of which are laid poles and rafters, to which corn and sliced squashes" are suspended in tresses to dry. When the harvest is over this certainly must have a very "10 Hidatsa informants state that the corn was always husked in the field and never taken to the lodges to be husked. The men’s societies went out in bodies to help with the husking; they were invited by the field owner who paid them with a feast. 11 Large quantities of pumpkins and squashes were dried for winter use: ‘‘The pumpkins are cut in slips, which are dried in the sun,

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CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 133 pretty effect and give quite an appearance of agriculture.’’

After the corn on the scaffolds was dry came the threshing. The braided corn was usually stored as it was, in strings, while the poor ears which were dried on the platform floor were threshed. This was done on

the floor itself or upon old tipi skins spread on the ground. The corn was beaten with sticks until all of the grain was loosened from the cobs; the cobs were then picked out and the grain winnowed by letting it fall slowly onto a skin from an elevated place, either from the top of the lodge or the floor of the scaffold.

4, Storing the crop When the drying and threshing were over the storing of the crop commenced. After a certain amount had been stored in the lodge in dressed skin bags and rawhide parfleches, the remainder of the harvest: corn, beans, squashes, and sunflower seeds, was stored in caches.

The caches of the Mandans are described by Catlin and afterward woven into mats for the convenience of carrying.’’ Account of the Pawnee Loups, in Long’s Expedition, v. ii, p. 217. ‘¢The pumpkins they cut into thin slices and dry in the sun, which reduces it to a small size [bulk] and not more than a tenth of its original weight.’’ Account of the Republican Pawnees, in Pike’s Expeditions, v. 11, p. 533.

Dougherty tells us that the Omahas cut their pumpkins and squashes into slices, dried them and wove them into ‘‘networks or

loose mats.’’ Some of the tribes wove these dried vegetables into strings or braids. The Mandans sliced the small green squashes which were strung

like rings on a string of braided grass or a leather thong.

134 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS as jug-shaped. They were 6 to 8 feet deep, held 20 to 30 bushels and had narrow mouths just wide enough for

a person to go through. One for the storage of provisions for immediate use was inside the lodge, back of the fireplace, while others were dug outside, near the lodge.

Fletcher and La Flesche thus deseribe the Omaha caches: ‘‘Near each dwelling, generally to the left of the entrance, the cache was built. This consisted of a hole in the ground about 8 feet deep, rounded at the bottom and sides, provided with a neck just large enough

to admit the body of a person. The whole was lined with split posts, to which was tied an inner lining of bunches of dried grass. The opening was protected by grass, over which sod was placed. In these caches the winter supply of food was stored; the shelled corn was put into skin bags, long strings of corn on the cob were

made by braiding the outer husks, while the jerked meat was packed in parfleche cases. Pelts, regalia, and

extra clothing were generally kept in the cache; but these were laid in ornamented parfleche cases, never used but for this purpose.

‘‘When the people left the village for the summer buffalo hunt, all cumbersome household articles — as the mortars and pestles, extra hides, etc. — were placed in the caches and the openings carefully concealed. The cases containing gala clothing and regalia were taken along, as these garments were needed at the great tribal

ceremonies which took place during that period’’ (p. 98).

Dorsey says of the Pawnee caches: ‘‘Just inside the

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 135 lodge and to the north of the entrance was built, in winter, the sweat lodge, while at the corresponding position on the south side was an excavation used as a storage cellar for provisions, such as corn and meat,

intended for service in the near future. The surplus stock of provisions was cached in excavations generally outside and to the north of the lodge.’’ '? John T. Irving, who visited the Pawnees in the early 30’s, states that their caches held 100 bushels, but this is evidently an exaggeration.

Pawnees: ‘‘On the approach of winter they conceal their stores of corn, dried pumpkins, beans, ete., and with their whole retinue of dogs and horses desert their villages. This they are compelled to do from the want of wood, not only for fuel, but for the support of their numerous horses.’’ }8

In Miss Mary A. Owen’s volume of negro folk-tales **

there is a very interesting description of the method of preparing and caching ‘‘sweet corn’’ employed by the negro women of western Missouri a generation ago. These negroes of the lower Missouri Valley had a good deal of French and Indian blood in their veins, and Big Angy is said to have been the daughter of a negro moth12 Tradition of the Skidi Pawnee, p. xvi.

13 Long’s Expedition, v. ii, p. 215. ,

The Indians fed their horses in winter on the small twigs

and bark of the cottonwood tree. The large open groves of these

trees, such as the Big Timbers of Republican River, and the Bunch-of-Timbers on the Smoky Hill Fork, were favorite wintering-grounds of the Indians. 14 Voodoo Tales, as told among the negroes of the Southwest, by Mary A. Owen, New York, 1893, p. 40.

136 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS er and an Iowa Indian father. Several old negro women

are talking about food, and Big Angy deseribes her method of making and caching ‘‘sweet corn’’: ‘“W’en de roas’in’-yeahs (roasting-ears) is in de milk,

me git um, bile um, dig de grains offen de cob wid lil stick, spread um on de big rush mats me mek’ twell dey dry lak sand, den me dig hole in de ground — deep, put in de mats all round, den tek de cawn, putt um in de big bag mek outen de eenside bahk o’ de linn-tree, fling dat bag in de pit, putt on de top mo’ mat, shubble on de dirt, smack um down flat. Dat cachein’!’’ ‘* Uh-huh! uh-huh! dat de rale Injun way.’’ The bag, made of the inner bark of the ‘‘linn-tree,’’ in which the corn was packed, was called a ‘‘splint-bag.’’

Verendrye (Mandans): ‘‘Their fort is full of caves well suited to concealment.’’ ‘‘They made us understand that they came inside in the summer to work their

fields, and that there was a large reserve of grain in their cellars.’’ Lewis and Clark (p. 200): ‘‘We purchased from the Mandans a quantity of corn of mixed color which they dug up in ears from holes made near the front of their lodges, in which it is buried during the winter.’’ Henry (p. 360): ‘‘The village was soon in an uproar, the women meanwhile uncovering their stores of corn, beans, ete. It is customary in the fall, after the harvest when the grain is well dried in the sun, to take it off the cob, and deposit it in deep pits about the village. These

holes are about 8 feet deep; the mouth is just wide enough for a person to descend, but the inside is hollowed out any size, and then the bottom and sides are well lined with dry straw. Such caches contain from

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 137 20 to 30 bushel of corn and beans, which are thrown in

loose and covered with straw and earth. The ground is of such a dry sandy nature, that grain stored in this

way will keep for several years without injury. So numerous about the village are these pits that it is really dangerous for a stranger to stir out after dark.’’ Henry was struck with the great store of corn in these villages

when he saw the women preparing to trade with the visiting Cheyennes from the plains: ‘‘On our way we observed the women all busy, taking their hidden treasures and making preparations for the approaching fair.

I was surprised to see what quantities they had on hand: I am very confident they had enough to serve them at least twelve months without a supply of flesh or anything else’’ (p. 360).

Catlin (v. i, p. 187): ‘‘They are packed away in eaches — holes dug in the ground some six or seven feet deep, the insides of which are somewhat in the form

of a jug, and tightly closed at the top. The corn and even dried meat and pemican are placed in these caches, being packed tight around the sides with prairie grass, and effectually preserved through the severest winters.’’

Hayden (p. 352): ‘‘The crops being gathered in, are stored away in the cellars, before alluded to, or buried on the field in different places, in what are called by the Canadian traders caches, so constructed as to be

impervious to rain, and so well covered that no one could discover them without a knowledge of their locality.’’

Boller (p. 118): ‘‘The trace [%.e., braided corn] is cached —-a hole is dug in the ground, usually near the lodge, some 6 or 8 feet in depth, small at the top but

138 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS widening as it deepens, much resembling a jug in shape, hay is next strewn over the bottom and sides, and when the corn is thoroughly dried it is taken down from the scaffold and packed away. The cache is filled up with

hay, dirt is then thrown on and firmly trodden down, and every sign carefully obliterated. Each family has a generous supply of these caches and as they leave their

summer village early in the fall for winter quarters, the corn remains undiscovered and undisturbed until they return in the spring.’’ The caches did not, however, always prove safe storage

places; for Bradbury informs us that on July 15, 1811,

the heavy rains penetrated the Arikara caches and spoiled all their supplies, so that they expected to be in want until the new crop could be harvested. In early times the Quapaws of Arkansas stored their corn in cane baskets and in gourds ‘‘as large as half-

barrels.’’ The southern tribes appear to have preferred to store their corn above ground, and it was in the south that the primitive form of the modern corncrib was invented, by Indians. Among the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras, the braided corn was placed in the caches first, after the

eache had been lined as Henry describes it. The threshed or shelled corn was then poured in on top of the braided and the cache filled up. Each family usually had several caches filled with corn, besides those containing beans, dried squashes, sunflower seed, and often

dried meat and fat. The position of the caches can still be noted in the old village sites and the number of them cannot fail to impress the beholder with the idea

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| CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 151 be boiled at any season of the year. . . They also pound it into a kind of small hominy, which when boiled

into a thick mush, with a proper proportion of the smaller entrails? and jerked meats is held in much estimation. When the maize which remains on the stock is fully ripe, it is gathered, shelled, dried, and also packed away in leathern sacks. They sometimes prepare this

hard corn for eating, by the process of leying it, or boiling it in a ley of wood-ashes for the space of an hour or two, which devests it of the hard exterior skin; after

which it is well washed and rinsed. It may then be readily boiled to an eatable softness, and affords a palatable food. ‘‘The hard ripe maize is also broken into small pieces

between two stones, one or two grains at a time, the larger stone being placed on a skin, that the flying fragments may not be lost. This coarse meal is boiled into a mush called Wa-na-de. It is sometimes parched previously to being pounded, and the mush prepared from

this description of meal is distinguished by the term Wa-jung-ga. With each of these two dishes, a portion of the small prepared intestines of the bison, called Ta-sheba, are boiled, to render the food more sapid.’”’ ® Green corn was roasted or boiled on the ear and was sometimes buttered with fat or marrow: ‘‘ When boiled green with rich buffalo marrow spread on it (instead of 2 The small intestines of the buffalo were cleaned and turned or inverted so as to enclose the fat which covered their exterior surface. They were then dried in the sun, woven into braids or mats, and stored away for winter use. 8 Dougherty, in Long’s Expedition, Thwaites edition, v. i, p. 303.

152 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS butter), it is very sweet and truly delicious.’’ (Boller, p. 135.)

‘With ears of green corn, which they either bury in the embers, still enveloped in the husks, or roast before the fire; when sufficiently done they season it with bear’s

oil, buffalo suet or marrow, and partake of the rich though simple repast with joyful gratitude.’’ (Hunter, p. 273. This evidently refers to the Osages. ) Sweet corn, or green corn roasted or boiled and then dried in the sun, was called Watongziskithe by the Omahas. The corn prepared in this manner for winter use is very highly spoken of by all of the early travelers and traders. ‘‘Qur supper consisted of very pleasant flavored sweet maize.’’ (Maximilian, p. 40, — Mandans.) Boller, p. 185 (Mandans): ‘‘The feast consisting of Indian sweet corn and tea was set before them.’’ “We were conducted to the lodge of one of their chiefs, where there was a feast of sweet corn, prepared by boiling and mixing it with buffalo grease. Accustomed as

I now was to the [de]privation of bread and salt, I thought it very palatable. Sweet corn is corn gathered before it is ripe, and dried in the sun; it is called by the Americans green corn or corn in the milk.’’ (Bradbury, p. 131, — Arikaras. )

Sweet corn and beans boiled together in the form of a

succotash was a favorite dish among the tribes of the Upper Missouri. It was prepared in various ways. Henry, p. 327: ‘‘Our host presented us with dried

meat, and then a dish of corn and beans; but as the latter is not cooked with any kind of grease or fat, it has a very insipid taste.’’

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 153 Maximilian, p. 28 (Hidatsa buffalo dance): ‘‘Several young men were now employed carrying around dishes of boiled maize and beans which they placed before the guests. These dishes were handed to each person successively, who passed them on after tasting a small quantity.”’

According to Carver the Wisconsin Indians prepared

succotash from fresh green corn and unripe beans: ‘‘Qne dish which answers nearly the same purpose as bread, is in use among the Outagamies, the Saukies, and

other eastern nations, where corn grows .. . is reckoned extremely palatable by all Europeans who enter

their domains. This is composed of their unripe corn, as before described, and beans in the same state, boiled together with bear’s flesh — which renders it beyond comparison delicious. They eall this food succotash”’ (p. 185). The Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras do not appear to have made succotash of fresh green corn and unripe beans; but Dunbar states that the Pawnees boiled their beans and pumpkins when green, as well as when

ripe.* ,

Henry, p. 325: ‘‘On going into the hut we found buffalo hides spread on the ground before the fire for us to sit upon, and were presented with two large dishes of boiled corn and beans.’’ Maximilian, p. 220: ‘‘A large dish of boiled maize and beans was Immediately set before us. It was very tender and well dressed and three of us ate out of the ~ 4Buffalo Bird Woman states that the young girls who watched

the corn patches to prevent the birds damaging the green corn sometimes boiled green corn and green beans together and ate them in the fields.

154 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS dish with spoons made out of the horn of buffalo or bighorn.”’

To the simple dish of boiled corn and beans, other vegetables, meats, and dried fruits were often added: Bradbury, p. 154 (Hidatsas): ‘‘We were treated with a dish consisting of jerked buffalo meat, corn and beans boiled together. ’’

Long’s Expedition, v. i, p. 114 (Kansa tribe): ‘‘ They commonly placed before us a sort of soup, composed of

maize of the present season [August 20], of that description which having undergone a certain preparation

[roasting and drying], is appropriately named sweet corn, boiled in water, and enriched with a few slices of bison meat, grease, and some beans, and to suit it to our palates, it was generally seasoned with rock salt, which is procured near the Arkansa river.’’ Lewis and Clark, p. 214: ‘‘Kagahami or Little Raven brought his wife and son loaded with corn, and she then entertained us with a favorite Mandan dish, a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, choke cherries with the stones, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable.’’ Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 270 (Omahas): ‘‘Um/’ bagthe: corn boiled with beans, set over night to cool and harden then served cut in slices. Considered a delicacy.’

Parker’s Travels, 1835, p. 53 (Pawnees): ‘‘The daughters of Big Ax served us on the occasion, and bountifully helped us to boiled corn and beans. . . In the evening we were invited to two other feasts. The first consisted of boiled corn and dried pumpkins boiled together, and the other of boiled buffalo meat.’’

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CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 157 LaRaye, p. 157 (Pawnees): ‘‘When they boil it [the meat] they continue boiling it until it can be eaten with a spoon, throwing in a handful of corn if they have it, with a small quantity of bear’s oil.’’ Dried sweet corn, therefore, was boiled by itself, with beans, with pumpkins and squashes, with meat and the small dried entrails of the buffalo, and was sometimes seasoned with salt, with bear’s oil, or with choke cherries. The choke cherries were pounded up stones and all, and were then made into thin cakes which were dried in the

sun for winter use. Salt was obtained by the Omahas from Salt Creek near the present city of Lincoln, Nebraska, and by some of the other tmbes from the salt plains on the Cimarron and Salt forks of the Arkansas.° Parched corn was called Wana*xe by the Omahas, and skin bags of this food were carried on hunting trips, war expeditions, and other journeys. It was usually parched by thrusting a sharpened stick into the butt of the ear and holding it over the fire.

Henry, p. 369: They ‘‘presented the pipe, some meadow turnips, and a few ears of very hard, dry corn which the women had parched.’’ 8 Near the Pawnee villages in 1820, Long’s party met a young

Arikara man who lived with the Skidi Pawnees. ‘‘He had brought with him from one of the upper branches of the Arkan-

sas, two masses of salt, each weighing about thirty pounds. This salt is pure and perfect, consisting of large crystalline grains, so concreted together as to form a mass about twenty inches in diameter and six in thickness.’’ V. il, p. 219. Dunbar states that in early years the Pawnees carried on a

trade in this salt with the tribes farther up the Missouri, including the Mandans.

158 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS Dunbar (Pawnees): ‘‘The corn was sometimes parched before triturating, and by this means the flavor of the food was much improved.’’

Catlin, p. 169 (Four Bears’ exploit): ‘‘He traveled the distance of 200 miles entirely alone, with a little parched corn in his pouch.’’ Parched corn was often pounded into a coarse meal

and boiled into a mush. The Omahas called this WaShon’ge. “‘A stick, nonxpe, was thrust into the cob and the corn roasted before a fire; then it was shelled and the

chaff blown off; finally it was pounded in a mortar (uhe) with a pestle (wehe).’’ Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 270.

Corn meal was made both of parched and unparched corn and was much employed in the cookery of all of the Upper Missouri tribes.

Henry, p. 327: ‘‘The corn is generally bruised or pounded in a wooden mortar, which is fixed firmly into the ground in one corner of the hut; and this is the first work performed by the women in the morning — after having washed themselves in the Missouri.’’ Verendrye speaks of the Mandans gomg to meet him ‘“with coarse grain cooked, and flour made into paste.’’ Bradbury, p. 183 (Arikaras): ‘‘The squaw prepared something for us to eat; this consisted of dried buffalo meat mixed with pounded corn, warmed on the fire in an earthen vessel of their own manufacture. Some offered us sweet corn mixed with beans.’’ Lewis and Clark, p. 189 (Mandans): ‘‘We received a visit from Kagahami or Little Raven, whose wife accompanied him, bringing 60 pounds of dried meat, a robe, and a pot of meal.’’

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 159 Henry mentions fresh corn (green corn?) mixed with parched corn meal: ‘‘We were invited into several huts

successively and presented with . . . corn and beans, together with parched corn and fresh ears pound-

ed up in a mortar; this last dish we found good’’ (p. 3259). And again, p. 332, he says: ‘‘We had a plentiful supply of corn and beans, and were soon invited to several huts, where we were treated with a very palatable dish of pounded peas and parched corn.”’ Fletcher and La Flesche mention two Omaha dishes made of corn meal: ‘‘Wa’ske: pounded corn mixed with honey and buffalo marrow. Wam’de: mush or gruel — pounded corn mixed with water’’ (p. 270). Bread made of corn and beans is occasionally mentioned among the Upper Missouri Indians.

Lewis and Clark, p. 161 (Amkaras): ‘‘They also brought us some corn, beans, and dried squashes .. . they presented us with a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and large, rich beans which they take from the mice of the prairie.’’ Merrill mentions this same food among the Otoes: ‘‘a piece of bread made of pounded corn and beans, baked in the ashes.’’ ®

Dunbar states that the Pawnees made the meal from the mortar into cakes which were baked in the ashes or on hot stones, and the Spanish accounts of Coronado’s expedition, 1541, state that the Quiviras and Harahays (Wichitas and Pawnees?) had no bread, except the kind ‘‘baked under the ashes. ’’

Bread made of fresh green corn was made by the 6 Nebraska Historical Society, Transactions, v. v, p. 230.

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CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 179 finally joined a large camp of Assiniboins. Runners were sent ahead to notify the Mandans of the approach of the Assiniboins and French and to fix a place of meeting, the Assiniboins for some reason (fear of the Sioux?) not caring to take their women and children as far as the villages. On November 28 the place of meeting was reached and the Assiniboins went into camp. That same evening a Mandan chief arrived with thirty men and the four Assiniboin messengers. This Mandan chief was from. the most northerly and the smallest of the villages, the ‘‘small fort away from the river’’ with which the Assiniboins appear to have been in closest relations. The chief, however, did not relish the idea of maintaining the large Assiniboin camp which had accompanied Verendrye at free-quarters, for ‘‘if they all came to his fort, there must be a great consumption of grain, their eustom being to feed liberally all who came among them,

selling only what was to be taken away.’’ The chief therefore stated that the Sioux were about to attack his fort and that he was very much pleased that the Assini-

boins had come with the French to aid him. The Assiniboins fearing the Sioux greatly, at once determined to remain where they were and send only a picked body of men to the Mandan fort with the French. The Mandan chief’s thirty followers had brought corn

in the ear and other articles with them, and now proceeded to trade with the Assiniboins, who had a large supply of English and French goods and also buffalo meat and fat. The Mandans traded ‘‘grain, tobacco, peltry and painted plumes, which they know the Assiniboins greatly value’’ for ‘‘muskets, axes, kettles, powder,

180 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS balls, knives and awls.’’ ‘‘They are much craftier in trade than the Assiniboins and others, who are constantly their dupes. ’’

With a score of Frenchmen and 600 Assiniboin warriors, Verendrye marched into the Mandan village on December 3. The Assiniboins at once proceeded to trade, but Verendrye gives no details of the trafficking. He says (p. 19) that the Mandans had besides corn ‘‘ painted ox-robes, deer skin, dressed buck skin and ornamented furs and feathers, painted feathers, and peltry, wrought garters, cireclets for the head, girdles. These people dress leather better than any of the other nations, and

work in fur and feathers very tastefully, which the Assiniboins are not capable of doing. They are cunning traders, cheating the Assiniboins of all they may possess, such as muskets, powder, balls, kettles, axes, knives or

awls. Seeing the great consumption of food daily by the Assiniboins, and afraid that it would not last long, they set afloat a rumour that the Sioux were near and that several of their hunters had noticed them. The Assiniboins fell into the trap and made up their minds quickly to decamp.’’

That the Mandans, like all sedentary tribes, were shrewd traders we may well believe, but that they cheated

the Assiniboins and other hunting tribes in their exchanges is a statement open to much doubt. The hunting tribes would not have made the long and dangerous

trip to the Mandans each year only to be cheated of their goods, and Verendrye himself states that these hunting Indians valued grain more highly than they did European goods, and that the painted robes and feathers,

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 181 ornamented furs, and other articles made by the Mandans were also highly prized. Carver (1767) is the next writer to refer to this trade in corn between the Indians of the Upper Missouri and the Assiniboins. He says (p. 109, edition 1781): ‘‘On this river [Assiniboin] there is a factory that was built by the French called Fort La Reine, to which the traders from Michillimackinae resort to trade with the Assinipoels and Killistinoes. To this place the Mahahs, who inhabit a country two hundred and fifty miles southwest, come also to trade with them; and bring great quantities of Indian corn to exchange for knives, tomahawks, and other articles. These people are supposed to dwell on some of the branches of the river of the west.’’ These people were evidently the Amahami, a little tribe living with the Hidatsas and Mandans, who were always

noted for their daring and for the remarkably long journeys made by their little bands. If Carver’s account of this trade may be trusted, 1t would seem that intertribal wars had stopped the Assiniboin visits to the Mandan villages, and that the Amahamis were taking the

corn up through the danger zone to trade it to the Assiniboins and Crees at Fort de la Reine. Carver also states that these two northern tribes were still getting most of their trade-goods from Hudson Bay, just as in Verendrye’s day. This trade in corn with the Assiniboins continued until after the year 1865 and was only ended by the placing

of this tribe on reservations. Henry mentions the trade

in 1804. Henry (p. 402): ‘‘This afternoon the Assiniboins, old Crane and his party, left on their return

182 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS home to their camp at Moose Mt., all provided with horses, loaded with corn.’’

Larpenteur (p. 255): ‘‘At this time a good strong peace had been made with the Assiniboins by the Gros Ventres, Mandans and Rees, and in the fall they would visit and trade corn.’’ Boller (p. 122), Assiniboins: ‘‘One old fellow took

the lead dragging a broken down bay horse heavily packed with corn, the gift of his Gros Ventres friends.’’ Such then was the trade of the Mandans and Hidatsas with the tribes in the plains north of the Missouri dur-

ing the eighteenth century. At this same period the Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras were engaged in a very

similar trade with the tribes in the plains southwest of

the river —the hunters of the Black Hills region of western Dakota and of the plains of eastern Wyoming and Montana. Laroeque (1805) met the Rocky Mountain Indians (Crows and some Shoshonis) at the Hidatsa and Man-

dan villages and accompanied them on their return journey to their own country, west of Powder River and south of the Yellowstone. On p. 22 of his journal + he describes the arrival of these Indians at the Upper Missouri villages on June 25,1805. ‘‘Tuesday 25th. About

one in the afternoon the Rock Mountain Indians arrived, they encamped at a little distance from the village with the warriors, to the number of 645, passed through the village on horseback with their shields & other warlike implements, they proceeded to the little 4 Journal of Larocque. Publications of the Canadian Archives, no. 3, Ottawa, 1910.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 183 village, Souliers, and then to the Mandans and returned. There did not remain 20 person in the village, men, wo-

men and children all went to the newly arrived camp carrying a quantity of Corn raw and cooked which they traded for Leggins, Robes and dried meat. There are 20 lodges of the snake Indians & about 40 men. The other bands [Crows] are more numerous.’’ On the following day the Hidatsa and Mandan warriors visited the camp of the Rocky Mountain Indians and gave a similar war-parade. The trading then started in earnest; but Larocque does not give us any account

of this. Farther on, on p. 66, he says: ‘‘They have never had any traders with them, they get their battle Guns, ammunitions ete from the Mandans & Big Bellys in exchange for horses, Robes, Leggins & shirts, they likewise purchase corn, Pumpkins & tobaceo from the Big Bellys as they do not cultivate the ground.’’ After the Sioux had occupied the Black Hills country

and the Powder River region, the Crows experienced great difficulty in reaching the villages of the Hidatsas and Mandans; but they often got through, and their trade with these villages continued, to some extent, long

after trading-posts had been established in their own vicinity. Indeed, they did not give up these visits altogether until they were put upon reservations. Mooney ® says of the Kiowas: ‘‘They have more to say of the Arikara than of the others, probably because then, as now, they were the largest of the three tribes, "5 Mooney ’s ‘*Calendar History of the Kiowa,’’ in 17th Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, part i.

184 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS and also, as the Kiowa themselves say, because the Arikara lived nearest.’’

As early at least as 1719 the Plains tribes had procured some horses, and they soon began to make raids and trading expeditions toward the New Mexican frontier. By 1740 they were making regular visits on horseback to the villages on the Missouri, to trade meat, robes, horses, and Spanish goods for corn, dried pumpkins, tobaeeo, and English and French goods, particularly Hudson Bay guns and ammunition. The Crow trade at the Mandan and Hidatsa villages continued after the year 1800, but long before that date the regular visits of the Kiowas to the Arikara villages were discontinued, owing

to the growing hostility of the Sioux. Thus Trudeau (pp. 40 and 45) informs us that in July-August, 1795, the Kiowas and two other Black Hills tribes (apparently the Prairie Apaches and Arapahoes) were hovering in

the Plains, west of the Arikara villages, not daring to come nearer. Trudeau also informs us that the Arikaras had been making raids on the Kiowas —a clear indication that the Sioux had already engaged in their detestable work of stirring up war between peoples that had lived on terms of friendship for generations. After being cut off in this manner from the Arikara villages, the Kiowas continued their trade with that tribe through

the medium of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. A few years ago there were several old people among the South-

ern Cheyennes, since dead, who could remember this trade. The Cheyennes would take horses, meat, and robes to the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa villages and exchange them for corn, dried pumpkins, tobacco, guns,

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 185 and European goods. They would then take these articles out to the Black Hills or, in later years, down to the Platte, above its forks, and meet the Kiowas, and perhaps some Comanches, in a trading-fair to which these southern Indians brought large numbers of horses and some Spanish goods, particularly the gaudy striped blankets which the northern Indians so highly prized. After the Cheyennes moved into the Plains they began to trade at the Arikara and Mandan villages. Some of the Cheyenne bands continued to plant a little corn, tobacco, and perhaps some vegetables until after the year 1800, probably on the lower Cheyenne River, where they

often encamped in spring and fall on their return from hunting in the Plains. Perrin du Lac informs us that the Sioux made a practice of robbing the Cheyenne corn and tobacco patches while that tribe was away hunting in the Plains. The Cheyennes therefore could not depend much on their own crops, even as a partial supply, and made regular journeys to the Arikara and Mandan villages to trade for corn, pumpkins, and tobacco. The Sioux, playing their usual part as trouble-makers, frequently stirred up the Mandans or Arikaras against the Cheyennes, or the Cheyennes against these: tribes, and broke up the trade. But if the Cheyennes were at war with the Mandans they were probably at peace with the Arikaras, and in spite of all the bickering almost every spring and autumn found large camps of Cheyennes coming in to trade at one of the villages on the Missouri.

The Sioux, though among the best customers of the agricultural tribes, were never really their friends and could never be trusted. They were the Picts of the Up-

186 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS per Missouri, continually harassing the village dwellers. It 1s probable that they procured as much corn by plunder and extortion as in honest trade. The western Sioux, those of the Missouri, occasionally attempted to settle down to an agricultural life, but they never persisted for any length of time.® The Arikaras were probably most under the influence of the Sioux and suffered most from plundering and intimidation. However, they appear to have reaped some benefits from this very trying intimacy. Trudeau is the first to give some account of the relations existing be-

tween these two tribes. In his journal, 1795, he says (p. 47): ‘‘The Ricaras and this Sioux Nation [the ‘Ta Corpa’ band of Sioux *] live together peacefully. The former receive them in order to obtain guns, clothes, hats,

kettles, cloths, ete., which are given them in exchange for horses. They humor them through fear and to avoid making too many enemies among the Sioux, who would inevitably overpower them.

‘‘The last frequent the Ricaras and make them great promises to live with them in peace and harmony, in order that they may smoke their tobacco, eat their In6 The Minniconjou Sioux, according to the information given by some members of the band, secured seed from the Arikaras almost sixty years ago and have raised this corn ever since. The Yanktons appear to have raised some corn on the east bank of the Missouri, in the vicinity of the town that now bears their

name, as early at least as the year 1850. They were always more inclined to an agricultural life than the other Missouri River Sioux, probably owing to their closer connection with the Santees and other eastern bands that practiced agriculture. 7 ‘Tareoehparh’’ — given by Lewis and Clark as one of the three bands of the Minniconjou Sioux.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 187 dian wheat and hunt freely the wild oxen and beaver on

their lands during the fall and winter. In spring they withdraw to the other shore [+. e., the east bank of the Missouri], from whence they usually return to steal their horses and sometimes to kill them.’’ Perrin du Lac gives a very similar account of the relations of the Sioux with the Arikaras and other tribes with which they were on so-called friendly terms.

Lewis and Clark (p. 144) Arikaras: ‘‘They claim no land except that on which their village stands, and the fields which they cultivate. Though they are the oldest inhabitants, they may properly be considered the farmers or tenants at will of that lawless, savage, and rapacious race, the Sioux Teton, who rob them of their horses, plunder their gardens and fields and sometimes

murder them without opposition. . . They maintain a partial trade with their oppressors, the Tetons, to whom they barter horses, mules, corn, beans and a species

of tobacco which they cultivate.’’ And, p. 165: The Arikaras obtain peltries ‘‘not only by their own hunting, but in exchange for corn from their less civilized

neighbors . . . being under the influence of the Sioux, who exchange the goods they get from the British for Ricara corn.”’

Henry (p. 339) states that when the Sioux came to attack the Hidatsas they ‘‘compelled the Mandans to provide them with corn, beans, squashes, etc., for their sustenance. ’’

Mrs. Holley ® tells us that in 1843 the Mandans and

Arikaras left Primeau in charge of their abandoned 8 Once their Home, or Our Legacy from the Dakotas, p. 179.

188 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS summer villages and corn caches. The Sioux came, and in spite of Primeau’s protests and warnings, broke into the caches and robbed them. From the time when the Sioux first made their appearance on the Missouri the village Indians appear to have attempted from time to time to combine against

them. Thus Lewis and Clark tell us that in 1804 the Arikaras sent embassadors to the Mandans to arrange peace. On their way home the embassadors were way-

laided and whipped with quirts by the Sioux. The Sioux then induced a number of young Arikaras to join

them in a raid on the Mandans, and thus set the two tribes to fighting again. The same authors mention another trick used by the Sioux in stirring up trouble between these village tribes. The Sioux made a raid on the Mandans and scattered some Arikara corn on the ground, ‘‘to induce a belief that they were Ricaras.’’ Even as late as 1867 we find an Indian agent reporting: ‘‘The Arickarees, Gros Ventres and Mandans are at Ft.

Berthold in a truly pitiable condition. . . They are hemmed in by all bands of Sioux: by those we call

friendly as well as by the hostile bands. . . The Sioux have killed a number of them this spring, and are very vindictive toward them.’’ ®

Hayden (p. 352): ‘‘The second market for their grain 1s with several bands of Dakotas, who are at peace

with them. These Indians make their annual visit to the Arikaras, bringing buffalo robes, skins, meat, etc., which they exchange for corn.”’ In the fall of 1853, 2500 Sioux came to the Arikaras 9 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1867, p. 346.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 189 to trade meat and robes for corn, dried squashes, and beans, and to steal whatever they could lay hands upon. They then ‘‘left for the buffalo country, taking care to set the prairies on fire in order to prevent the buffalo from visiting the Ree country — an act of dastardly malignancy, as it deprived the Arickarees of the means of support for their horses and ecattle.’’ ?° Boller speaks of the distrust the village tribes felt for even the ‘‘friendly’’ bands of Sioux (p. 159): ‘°‘They

expected . . . tidings of the whereabouts of the Blackfoot and Unepapa bands of Sioux, who being just now on friendly terms were likely, since the corn was gathered in, to visit the Rees and Gros Ventres to maintain the entente cordiale.”’ This author also describes the straits to which the Sioux were often reduced during a hard winter and how on such occasions they sought

peace with the agricultural tribes. Boller, p. 209: ‘‘Many were obliged to kill their horses to avoid starvation, and there were rumors of the Medicine Bear’s band desiring to make peace with the Rees and Gros Ventres

in order to procure corn.’’ And again (p. 210): ‘(Small party of Yanctowahs, numbering about sixteen lodges, came to the Gros Ventres to make peace and relieve their pressing necessities by trading corn.’’ Final-

ly (p. 262): ‘‘The Sioux expressed themselves very anxious to make peace with the Rees and Gros Ventres as they invariably do when starving, in order to trade corn, but the latter placed no confidence in their Punic faith.’’

In early times the Mandans and their agricultural "10 Pacific Railroad Surveys, v. i, p. 265.

190 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS neighbers sometimes went out into the Plains to meet the

hunting tribes and trade with them. In 1804 Henry accompanied such a party of Mandans and Hidatsas out into the plains to meet the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. The party consisted of a large force of armed warriors and many women, some with their children, bringing loads of corn, beans, and dried squashes to trade to the Cheyennes. The women, says Henry, ‘‘had their horses loaded with corn, beans, etc., themselves and children astraddle over all, like farmers going to the mill.’’ And after reaching the Cheyenne camp, ‘‘the women were

also busy exchanging their corn for leather, robes, smocks — as if at a country fair.’’ It will be noted that all of this trade in corn, beans, squashes, and European goods with the hunting tribes of the plains came to the villages of the Mandans, Hi-

datsas, and Arikaras. The agriéultural tribes farther south, in Nebraska — Ponkas, Omahas, Otoes, and Pawnees — do not appear to have had any regular trade with

the Plains Indians in early years, either in agricultural products or European goods. One reason for this condition of affairs was that the village tribes of the Nebraska region were constantly at war with the tribes in

the Plains. Another reason was that, up to the year 1820, these village Indians rarely had sufficient European goods to supply their own needs and, setting aside their usual attitude of bitter hostility toward the Nebraska tribes, the Plains Indians preferred to take the longer journey to the Arikara or Mandan villages, where they could procure not only corn and vegetables but also guns, ammunition, kettles, and whatever else they had need of.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 191 The Omahas had an irregular trade in corn with their kinsmen the Ponkas, who sometimes planted fields of their own, but more often preferred to trade robes and meat to the Omahas for what corn and vegetables they

required. Dunbar states that the Pawnees in early times traded corn to the Mandans: a surprising assertion which may have been based on some vague tradition that

the Pawnees supplied seed to the Mandans when that tribe first arrived on the Missouri. There is certainly no mention of such a trade during the historical period in any of our sources of information. 2. Trade with the Whites Besides their trade with the tribes in the Plains, the

agricultural tribes of the Upper Missouri early developed a trade in corn and vegetables with the white traders and explorers. To the Indians this trade was certainly a great benefit, as it enabled them to procure much-coveted articles of European make; on the other hand it seems highly probable that the white explorers and traders would have found it impossible to carry on their operations without the supplies of food obtained from the village Indians. That this trade was established with the first coming of the whites and that it grew to large proportions may be easily demonstrated. Like the non-agricultural] tribes of Indians, the whites who lived in the Indian country always had a craving for vegetable food, especially corn, and never overlooked

an opportuni.y for obtaining a supply. They always took with them as much corn as they could conveniently

carry on their journey into the Indian country. Mack-

192 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS mac Island, in the straights between Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, was a famous corn market of the early fur-traders. The great town of the Sacs on the FoxWisconsin River route to the Mississippi, was another

center of this trade. Carver (p. 24) says: ‘‘In their plantations which lie adjacent to their houses and which are neatly laid out, they raise great quantities of Indian corn, beans, melons, ete. For this place is esteemed the best market for traders to furnish themselves with provisions of any kind within 800 miles.’’ Prairie du Chien on the Upper Mississippi was another center of the corn

trade in early times; while on the Upper Missouri the villages of the Mandans, Hidatsas, Arikaras, and Omahas

were the corn markets for parties going into the plains or to the Rocky Mountains. As we have already seen, Verendrye in 1738-39 procured large quantities of corn and meal from the Mandans. Trudeau (1795) is the next to mention this trade definitely. He says (p. 27) that the prices demanded by

the Arikaras for their corn and other provisions had been greatly increased through the foolish action of several French traders who came among these Indians in

1798 and ‘‘paid the Indians three prices for food, a habit and rule which took such deep root in the minds of these people that had I not taken the precaution to provide myself with dried meats from the Cheyennes and Sioux, who sell them more cheaply, I should have run great risk of fasting.”’ Henry also speaks of this trade (p. 328): ‘‘We purchased sweet corn, beans, meal and various other trifles. Having bought all we required, which was 3 horse loads,

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 193 we were plagued by the women and girls who continued

to bring bags and dishes full of different kinds of produce. ’’

Bradbury (1811) mentions the trade with the Omahas:

‘We found a considerable number of the Indians assembled to trade. They gave jerked buffalo meat, tallow,

corn and marrow’’ (p. 87). The Oto missionary, Merrill, states in his diary that

in 1834 a trader named Edwards told him that the Omahas traded corn to the fur-traders at the rate of one bushel of corn for one yard of calico, the trade-price of this cloth being one dollar per yard (p. 173). Lewis and Clark were perhaps the heaviest purchasers of corn of all the whites who visited the Mandans and Hidatsas in early years. The good fortune of these explorers fixed their winter-camp at the villages of these agricultural tribes, a location which certainly prevented much suffering, if not actual death, among their men. The following series of short extracts from the journals of the expedition will give a good idea as to the extent

of their purchases from day to day. Some of their larger acquisitions of corn, running up into hundreds of bushels, have already been referred to.

Lewis and Clark (Nov. 16): ‘‘An Indian came down with 4 buffalo robes and some corn, which he offered for a pistol, but was refused.’’ Mandans (Dec. 21): ‘‘A woman brought her child with an abscess in the lower part of the back, and offered as much corm as

she could carry for some medicine. . .’’ (Dee. 22): ‘*A number of squaws and men dressed like squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men.’’

194 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS (Jan. 5): ‘‘The Indians continue to purchase repairs [2. e., pay for blacksmith work] with grain of different

kinds.’’ (Jan. 16): Kagohami visited us and brought

us a little corn.’’ (Jan. 20): ‘‘A number of Indians visited us with corn to exchange.’’ (Feb. 5): ‘“‘A number of the Indians came with corn for the black-

smith . . . who now being provided with coal has become one of our greatest resources for procuring grain. . . The blacksmith cut up an old cambouse, of metal, we obtained for each piece of 4 inches square,

7 or 8 gallons of corn from the Indians who were de-

lighted with the exchange.’’ (Feb. 18): ‘‘Our stock of meat 1s exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves

to a vegetable diet. . . For this, however, we are at no loss, since both on this and the following day our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the In-

dians .. .’’ (Mareh13): ‘‘Many Indians, who are so anxious for battle axes that our smiths have not a moment’s leisure, and produce us an abundance of corn.’’

Henry (p. 825) mentions the eagerness of the Indians to trade their corn, ete.: ‘‘They soon asked us to trade and brought buffalo robes, corn, beans, dried squashes, ete.’’

The following extracts refer to the early trade with the Arikaras. Manuel Lisa at the Arikara villages: ‘‘The women

then appeared with bags of corn with which to open trade but an Indian rushed forward and cut the bags with his knife.’’™ 41 American Fur Trade, v. i, p. 117.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 195 The winter spent by Maximilian at Fort Clark, among the Mandans, would certainly have been a disastrous one

for the whites had it not been for the supply of corn which the post-trader had secured from the Indians. This corn was for much of the time the only barrier between the men at the fort and starvation. Maximilian (p. 36): ‘‘A high stage was stretched in the court yard

where a part of the stock of maize was deposited. . . We were forced to live on hard dried meat and boiled maize.”’ The engages at the fort: ‘‘The poor fellows had no meat and had lived on maize boiled in water’’ (p. 48). ‘‘We had nothing but maize and beans and the water from the river’’ (p. 58). ‘‘We have lived on nothing but maize boiled in water, and this was really the case with many persons at this place’’ (p. 61). ‘‘“We subsisted entirely on maize broth and maize bread’’ (p.

63). ‘‘As our supply of beans was very low our diet consisted almost exclusively of maize boiled in water’’ (p. 76). That this dependence of the fur-traders upon Indian

corn was not confined to the posts in the immediate neighborhood of the agricultural villages, but that large quantities were shipped to the more distant posts on the Missouri and Yellowstone is evident from the references we find to such shipments.

Maximilian (p. 82): ‘‘On the 15th of April Picotte arrived with about twenty men and had his boat laden with maize which he was to carry to Fort Union.’’ Maximilian (p. 211): ‘‘A boat laden with maize belonging to Mr. Campbell here passed us, it had left the Mandan villages a fortnight before.’’

196 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS We have an account of this corn trade in Hayden, in considerable detail; and Matthews also mentions it. In

the American Fur Trade there is a statement which shows the extent of the trade and the dependence of the traders on corn. Hayden (p. 3852): ‘‘Whatever is concealed [cached | in this way is intended to remain in the ground until the succeeding spring, at which time, the buffalo usually being far distant, it is their only source of food. Besides the great advantage acruing to themselves over other wandering tribes, by tilling the soil, they have two mar-

kets for their surplus produce. The first is the fort of the American Fur Co. located near their village, at which they trade from 500 to 800 bushels in a season. This trade on the part of the Indians is carried on by the women, who bring the corn by panfuls and the squash in strings and receive in exchange knives, hoes, combs, beads, paint ete., also tobacco, ammunition and

other useful articles for their husbands. In this way each family is supplied with all the smaller articles needed for a comfortable existence; and though the women perform all the labor, they are compensated by having their full share of the profits.’’

‘‘The harvest generally took place in October. The corn fields were unfenced and were frequent objects of raids by hostile tribes. The traders made extensive use of the maize and all the larger posts had mills to grind it.’’ ??

‘‘In favorable years they had good harvests and were

able to supply other Indians and to their traders be12 American Fur Trade, p. 807.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 197 sides keeping all they wanted for their own use’’ (Matthews, p. 12). An episode in the early fur-trade which illustrates the quantity of corn the whites were able to obtain from the Mandans and their neighbors, was the establishment of a whiskey still at Fort Union, at the mouth of the Yellowstone, at the time when the government’s agents on the Lower Missouri were very active, making it very dan-

gerous for the American Fur Company to attempt to smuggle liquor up the river in its steamboats.

American Fur Trade (p. 358) quotes a report from Fort Union describing this experiment: ‘‘Our manufacture flourishes admirably. We only want corn to

keep us going. The Mandan corn yields badly but makes a fine sweet liquor.’’ Wyeth, a rival trader, gave information to the government agents and an investiga-

tion was ordered. The men at Fort Union coolly explained that the still had been set up for the purpose of carrying on scientific experiments to determine whether a good wine might not be made from wild fruits which abounded on the Upper Missouri; and their explanation was accepted by the government; but the fur company was so badly frightened that it ordered the whiskey still abandoned.

VI—THE SACRED CHARACTER OF CORN 1. THE CORN AND THE BUFFALO. 2. CORN ORIGIN MYTHS

Primitive peoples have always been strongly drawn toward the worship of their principal sources of food supply, and among the Indians of North Amenica this tendency has been perhaps one of the most marked char-

acteristics of the religious thought of the race. The hunting tribes looked upon the game animals on which they subsisted as sacred, many of their religious rites were intended to procure the aid of these animals; and as the people considered themselves closely related to the animals that gave them life, they often organized themselves into clans or gentes named after these animals. Thus the Elk Gens would be kindred of the elk, would bear the elk totem, practice elk rites, and have a tabu on the eating of certain parts of this animal. In the same way, among the sedentary agricultural tribes the plants cultivated were looked upon as sacred. This was particularly true of the corn, always the main resource, and often considered the mother of the whole tribe or of cer-

tain clans or gentes within the tribe. Corn names for men and women, indicating a close kinship of the people

with the corn, are found in all of the agricultural tribes of the Upper Missouri area, as also among the Sioux; corn tabus are found in at least three of these tribes; but we do not find any trace of the corn clans or gentes,

CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 199 which were a common feature of the social organization of the more advanced agricultural tribes in the Southwest and on the Lower Mississippi.’ The village Indians of the Upper Missouri depended largely on the buffalo as a means of support and considered that animal sacred; but the corn also played an

important part in the lives of the people, and we find evidence that at least certain divisions in some of the tribes looked upon the corn as more sacred than the buffalo. We also find old corn rites changed into buffalo

rites, indicating that at an earlier period the corn held the higher position in the people’s estimation. Corn has a prominent place in the creation traditions, myths, and tales of all of the agricultural tribes of this region; and although many of the old customs and beliefs have been long since discontinued and forgotten we still find quite an extensive body of corn rites, beliefs, and practices. The Pawnees, between whose culture and that of the Pueblos of the Southwest some similarity exists, are said to have had the largest volume of ceremonial observances, connected with the corn and its cultivation, of any tribe in this area. As the Arikaras are really a branch of the Pawnees, we would naturally expect them to have corn

rites similar to those of the Pawnees; but we find that the beliefs and practices of the two peoples have very little in common. This is probably due to the fact that the Arikaras have been living among Siouan tribes for 1 The large number of corn clans among the various Pueblo tribes is particularly noticeable. The Pueblos of Acoma had no less than five of these: the Red, Yellow, Blue, Brown, and White

corn clans. These clans were grouped together into a fratry known as the Corn People.

200 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS at least two hundred years, and that their religious concepts, their rites, and their mode of life have been profoundly affected by their long intimacy with these neighbors of alien stock. Of the Siouan tribes of this region, the Mandans and the Omahas appear to have had the most highly developed body of rituals and beliefs relating to the corn and its cultivation. The religion of the Pawnees was a star cult overlaid with a very highly developed system of ritualistic prac-

tices. Their name for the Creator was Tirawa. His wife was the goddess Atira, a name meaning literally ‘‘Comes-from-Corn’’ or ‘‘Born-from-Corn.’’ In the beginning Tirawa tells the Evening Star — Bright Star — to stand in the west. She is to be ‘‘the Mother of all things.’’ Great Star — the Morning Star — is to stand

in the east. He is to be a warrior. Bright Star has a garden in the western skies in which all things to be placed on earth are created: all animals and birds, and even the sun’s fire (light).? After the earth is made by Tirawa himself, all of these things are placed upon the earth by the four servants of Bnght Star: Wind, Cloud, Lightning, and Thunder. Great Star comes from his

position in the east and marries Bright Star in her garden, and from this marriage a girl 1s born in winter. The Sun marries the Moon and they have a son born in summer. These first two human beings are now placed upon earth, where they marry. Other stars create other human beings and place them on earth. Each pair, man - 2The altar which was erected in every Pawnee lodge was given the same name as this garden of the Evening Star in the west: wtharu, ‘‘the place of the wonderful things.’’

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OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 215 knew her, for she was the Mother-Corn. The people and the animals also knew that she had the consent of all the gods to take them out.’’

Mother Corn now ealls for aid, and the mole, the badger, and the long-nosed mouse come forward and be-

gin to dig a passage from the cave to the surface of the

earth. Mother Corn starts to lead the animals and people forth, but as she reaches the mouth of the tunnel the thunders sound in the east, the earth heaves and the animals and people are cast out upon the surface of the earth. Some of the people wish to remain at this place, so they are changed into moles, badgers, and mice and live with these animals in holes in the ground. Mother Corn leads the rest of the people toward the west. They

have many adventures before crossing the Missouri. Mother Corn now returns to heaven and comes back with

aman. Some of the tales state this was Nesaru himself. He establishes the office of chief and gives the people

rules of life. Mother Corn says to the people: ‘‘The gods in the heavens are the four world-quarters, for they

are jealous. If you forget to give smoke to them they

will . . . send storms. Give smoke to me last. The Cedar-Tree that shall stand in front of your lodge shall be myself.17 I shall turn into a Cedar-Tree, to remind you that I am Mother-Corn, who gave you your life. It was I, Mother-Corn, who brought you from the east. I "17 Among the Omahas also the cedar represents life and is eonnected with thunder. The Omahas had a sacred cedar pole,

which belonged to the gens that kept the thunder rites. This gens also had the sacred shell, and it seems probable that the pole, and perhaps the shell also, was formerly connected with the

cultivation of the corn. See Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 194.

216 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS must become a Cedar-Tree to be with you. The stone that is placed at the right of the Cedar-Tree is the man who came and gave you order and established the office

of chief. Itis Nesaru. . . watching over you. It will keep you together and give you long life.’’ *8

Among the Pawnees there appears to be no trace of this story of the flood and of Mother Corn leading the people out of the ground, but the Wichjtas have a tradition that during the fiood a woman took people and seeds upon a raft and saved them.*®

The Arikara traditions agree that after Mother Corn had led the people into the Missouri Valley she turned herself into corn and thus provided seed for the people

to plant. In one of the tales the whirlwind becomes angry at Mother Corn and comes to attack the people; Mother Corn turns herself into a cedar tree and a rock (the black meteoric star of the eastern heavens, repre-

senting Nesaru?) falls beside the cedar tree. Whirlwind strikes the cedar tree (Mother Corn) injuring her, and she throws out first an ear of red corn, then a yellow, then a black, last a white ear (the four sacred colors).

This Cedar Tree becomes the ‘‘Wonderful Grandmother’’ and is placed before the Arikara medicinelodge, while the black meteoric rock becomes the ‘‘ Won-

derful Grandfather’’ and is placed beside the Cedar Tree. Mother Corn then gives the four sacred ears to the people: ‘‘My people, this corn is for you. They are seeds. You shall plant them, so that in time you can offer this corn to the gods also. This will be done to 18 Dorsey, Traditions of the Arikara, p. 17. 19 Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, footnote 74.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 217 remind them that I was once Corn up in the heavens and was sent down to take you from the ground.’’ 7° Mother

Corn taught the people the rites associated with the sacred bundles; she then returned to the place in the east, from which she had come. Before departing she bids the people bring her all of the children’s moccasins

which she ties in a bundle, placing the bundle on her back. She then turns herself into an ear of corn and the people throw her, and the children’s moccasins, wrapped up in a buffalo skin, into the river, so that she may return to her place in the east. After many years she returned one autumn and taught the priests more bundle ceremonies and songs. Then she departed and was never seen again.?! The Pawnees do not appear to have had any traditions

telling of Mother Corn leading the people out of the ground, but they had tales of the Spider Woman who kept the buffalo and corn in a cave underground. This old woman lived in the center of the earth in a vast cave in the far north, where the sky touches the earth. Tuira-

wa gives her seeds of all kinds and bids her plant the seeds and give the increase to the people for seed; but she hoards her crops and gives the people nothing. Tira-

wa sends the Sun Boys against the old woman; they cause the grasshoppers to attack her and carry her up and put her in the moon, where she may still be seen. The Sun Boys then give all of her hoarded seeds to the people.?2, Another version says that the Spider Woman "20 Dorsey, Traditions of the Artkara, p. 22. 21 Same, p. 22.

22 Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidt Pawnee, p. 39.

218 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS kept all of the seed and also spun a great web to keep all of the buffalo underground. The buffalo ask her to permit them to go south to the people; she refuses; but they attack her and trample her into the ground. They then go south and the old woman’s body turns into a forked root and her web into a long vine.”®

The complete entanglement of the Mandan and H1datsa traditions and ceremonies renders it exceedingly difficult and often impossible to say to which tribe certain features must be ascribed. The Mandans, however, are known to have had for at least one hundred years an origin tradition, of which the following is a good version :

‘‘Many hundreds of years ago the Mandan Corn People came out upon the earth at a place somewhere down along the Missouri River.?* The exact spot is not known, although the older Indians think that they could find it by tracing the old villages, and certain landmarks.

‘‘These Mandans were really corn people living down

under the ground. One day one of these people saw an opening above into this world. Soon all the people began to talk about the world up above, and to wonder

about it. So the great chiefs of the corn people sent

the black-bird to go up and . . .. look through the opening. He returned and told the chiefs that there was a beautiful prosperous country up there which the 23 Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, p. 36. 24 Several of the Mandan traditions state that the underground home from which they came was east of the Missouri, which agrees

with the statements of the quite similar Arikara tales.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 219 corn people would enjoy. At once the people began agitating the question of going up into this new country. At last the chiefs magically caused a vine to grow up to the small opening. They then sent the fox up to enlarge the hole; after he had done his best they sent up the red fox. The badger was the third animal sent up to enlarge

the opening, and fourth and last the elk went up and completed the work with his broad antlers.”°

After this the people began climbing up one by one and the chiefs led them into the world above. For four days and four nights the people kept steadily climbing out of the hole. Then a woman heavy with child started up and the vine broke with her so that no more people were able to ascend. Now the Mandan corn people were in the upper world

with their chiefs. The head chief was Good Fur Robe, then there were Long Ear-rings, Uses His Head for a Rattle,2® Swaying Corn Plant, and their sister, Yellow Corn Woman. These five were the leaders of the new nation. Good Fur Robe located and laid out the first village built by these people. This village was laid out with the houses all in rows to represent a field of corn. The same chief also laid out the fields and allotted the fields among the families.

After this Good Fur Robe started the ceremony of cleansing the seed. He had in his possession many vari-

eties of corn, beans, and squashes. The village caller 25 The Arikara versions of this tale are similar to the Mandan one; each version gives a somewhat different account as to which animals helped.

26 This name evidently refers to the gourd, often used as a

rattle.

220 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS was first sent out to give notice that the chief would issue

seed on the following day. The next morning all the women came to his lodge with presents in their arms to receive the cleansed seed. Each woman was asked what kind of corn she wished, what kind of beans, and what kind of squashes. Then each woman received two seeds of each sort. When they had gotten home the seeds had increased to a quantity sufficient for each one’s planting, and the women then went out and planted their fields. ‘‘For a long time these Mandan Corn People lived in this place unmolested. But soon enemies began to bother them and they formed a society for protection, called the Brave Warriors Society. Good Fur Robe said that they must have a symbol, he said that when you take a handful of corn you hold a great deal in your hand, and the same of many sorts of seeds, but when you try to pick up a handful of red beans they are like glass, slippery, and you cannot hang onto them. Therefore he said that they should have a red bean for a symbol to show that they could slip out of the hands of their enemies, and

they painted the red beans on their shields. Then he placed two young men ahead of the Brave Warriors and

he said that these two would be the defenders of the society and the village. He placed a sunflower stalk in the hand of each one and said that that was to show that they were the bravest of the village and that when they planted the sunflower in the ground in time of war they might never move from that spot even if they must be killed there.?7 This was one of the first societies organized in the tribe.”’ 27 Old Cheyennes state that one hundred years ago (about 1815) their tribe had a battle with the Mandans on the Upper

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 221 The Sun now comes to woo Yellow Corn Woman; she rejects his suit, and in revenge he attempts to destroy the growing corn, but she protects the corn and saves it from him. In the autumn Good Fur Robe organizes the Goose Society among the women and gives them the power to

protect the corn and to see that no one misuses it. The chiefs and their sister, Yellow Corn Woman, then die and the people put the skulls of the two head chiefs in the sacred bundle.?®

This Mandan tradition of the origin and adventures of the Corn People reminds one very strongly of the Arikara tale of Mother Corn leading the corn people out of the ground, the main defference being that the part played by Mother Corn in the Ankara tradition is taken by Good Fur Robe and his companions in the Mandan

version. Among the Mandans and Hidatsas we find a ‘‘mysterious being’’ who corresponds closely to Mother Corn in some respects, although in others, and especially in many of the Hidatsa stories, she is an entirely differ-

ent sort of character. This is the Old Woman Who Never Dies, or the Grandmother, as she is also called. Many of the Indians say that she belonged originally to

the Hidatsas, and it is possible that she was early Missouri, and that a few men on each side ‘‘pinned themselves down’’ to certain spots of ground and remained where they were

until killed. The Cheyenne men who did this belonged to the Dog Soldier Society. They had ‘‘dog ropes’’ with picket pins attached to them, by means of which they picketted themselves out and remained where they were until they were killed or until their friends carried them off the field by main force. 28 This custom of placing the head chief’s skull in the sacred bundle belonging to his village was a very old one among the Pawnees.

222 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS adopted by the Mandans and was given by them some of the attributes of the Corn Mother. In any event she is bound up with many of the agricultural beliefs and practices of the Mandans and Hidatsas. To her many miracles are ascribed, and frequently these have nothing

to do with agriculture. There is a great volume of stories about her, most of which have never been collected. The following general account of her is from Maximilian : ‘“‘The Old Woman Who Never Dies has very extensive

plantations of maize, the keepers of which are the great stag and the white tail stag [the elk and the white tailed deer?]. She has likewise many blackbirds which help to

guard her property. When she intends to feed these keepers she summons them and they fall with avidity upon the maize fields. As these plantations are very large she requires many laborers and the mouse, the mole,

and the before mentioned stags perform the work. The birds which fly from the sea shore in the spring represent the old woman who then travels to the north to visit the old man who never dies, and who always resides in that quarter.2® She does not, however, stop there long, but generally returns in three or four days. In former times the old woman’s hut was near the Little Missouri where

the Indians often went to visit her. One day twelve Manitaries came to her and she set before them a pot of ~~ 29 Compare Mr. Grinnell’s version of the Cheyenne creation

tradition, in the Journal of American Folk-lore, v. xx, p. 171. In this Cheyenne version it is the man who is placed in the south

and the woman in the north. In the spring the man advances toward the north; he is the Thunder, or is accompanied by the Thunder, and also by the migratory birds.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 223 maize which was so small that it was not sufficient to satisfy even one, but she invited them to eat and as soon as the pot was empty it was instantly filled and all twelve men had enough. This occurred several times while the old woman resided in that spot.’’ Her residence was for a long time on the west side of the Missouri, some ten miles below the Little Missouri River on the banks of a little slough known as the Short

Missouri. A single large house-ring here is pointed out as the site of her home and the high bottom there is said to have been the Grandmother’s field. According to the traditions she became impatient at the too frequent visits of the Hidatsas and moved into the west. - The Spider Woman of the Pawnees, who kept the corn, the beans, the squashes, and the buffalo in her underground home, resembles the Mandan and Hidatsa Old Woman Who Never Dies, but in some respects she is very

different. She lived in the far north, and she had to be forced to give up the seeds and animals which Tirawa through his servants, the Sun and Moon, had given her to distribute among the people. In the Arikara tale of The Girl Who Married a Star,*° when the girl’s son reaches the earth he goes toward the west and finds an old woman who has a large field of corn and squashes and flocks of blackbirds which work for her and which she feeds with corn. She also has many animals. The boy, by means of his magic power, takes the birds and animals (and the corn?) out of the old woman’s control and scatters them over the country, so that they may be

of use to the people. This is said to have happened ~~ 80 Dorsey, Traditions of the Arikara, p. 45.

224 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS somewhere to the northwest of the Arikara village, which

is said to have been on the Missouri; but the tree which the girl climbed when she was led to the sky by the star’s magic power, 1s said to have been: near Armstrong. In this tale, as in the Pawnee versions, the old woman has to be overpowered and compelled to give up the animals, birds, and corn for the benefit of the people. Several Cheyenne traditions dealing with the origin of the corn and buffalo have been collected by Mr. George Bird Grinnell.*?. There were evidently two sets of these traditions originally, one set belonging to the Cheyennes and the other to the Suhtai, a cognate tribe which joined the Cheyennes long ago north of the Missouri but kept

up a separate tribal organization until about the year 1830. The traditions of the two people have now besome so entangled that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to separate them. There are two culture heroes: Sweet Root Standing of the Cheyennes, and Standing on Ground of the Suhtai, who act together in bringing the corn and buffalo to the people. In some of the versions Standing on Ground, the Suhtai, is the leader and Sweet Root Standing is the follower or servant, but the positions are reversed in at least one of the tales, and Sweet Root Standing takes the lead. Each of these men has several names. Sweet Root Standing, more often ealled simply Sweet Root, may possibly be a corn name. His other names are Rustling Leaf, Rustling Corn Leaf, Corn Leaf, and Sweet Medicine. Standing on Ground is also called Erect Horns, Straight Horns, Red Tassel 81 George Bird Grinnell, ‘‘Some Early Cheyenne Tales,’’ part i, in Journal of American Folk-lore, v. xx, pp. 169-194.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 225 (of corn), and in one tale when he is asked his name he says: ‘‘My name is Mai-tum, Red, red, red, red.’’ *? The first of Mr. Grinnell’s Cheyenne tales seems to

refer to an earlier period than the others. It relates how the people were given the buffalo, but later the herds

disappear. Long after this Standing on Ground and Sweet Root Standing again bring the buffalo, and the corn also, to the people. The first tale is that of Yellowtop-to-Head Woman. It states that long ago the Cheyennes were living far on the other side (northeast) of the Missouri in a flat, sandy country. They were starving. Two young men were sent out to find food. They

traveled for eight days toward the north and came in

sight of a high peak with a stream flowing near it. While crossing the stream one of the young men was seized by a great serpent or water monster. An old man, the Coyote Man, comes out of the peak and kills the ser-

pent. He calls the young men his grandsons and conducts them into the peak, which is really a lodge. There they see an old woman and a girl, Yellow-top-to-HeadWoman, who is the daughter of the old couple. The woman 1s given to the younger of the two Cheyennes to be his wife; then the coyote man bids the youths look

toward the north and they see a great field of corn; toward the east are herds of buffalo, toward the south elk, deer, and other game; toward the southwest herds of horses, and toward the west birds of all kinds. After they have looked at everything, the coyote man says to them. ‘‘Now you shall go to your home. Take this 82 In these Cheyenne tales red seems to be employed to symbolize abundant life.

226 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS woman back with you to your camp . . . she is to be a great helping power to your people; she will take everything I have shown you to your people; everything will follow her.’’ The old people tell their daughter that if she ever sees a little buffalo calf brought into camp she must not say, ‘‘My poor animal.”’ The three young people now returned to the Cheyenne camp in the south; the buffalo follow and the famine 1s ended, but no mention is made of the woman also bring-

ing the corn. Hight years later some boys dragged a little buffalo calf into camp. Yellowtop-to-Head Woman

pitied the calf and said, ‘‘My poor ealf.’’ That day the buffalo all disappeared. Yellowtop-to-Head Woman now sets out to visit her parents in the peak, taking the two young men with her; they do not return, and the buffalo are not seen again until Sweet Root Standing and Standing on Ground bring them the second time. Of this second tale there are many versions, most of which are in agreement as to the main facts, but they differ

widely in details. These events evidently happened while the Cheyennes were still on foot, living far to the northeast of the Missouri, in the present MuinnesotaNorth Dakota borderland. It is to be noted that in these tales Sweet Root and Standing on Ground are usually given their corn names: Rustling (corn) Leaf and Red Tassel (of corn).

In a big camp of Cheyennes two young men met. They were dressed and painted in a peculiar fashion and both in exactly the same way. ‘‘Where did you get your dress?’’ said one: ‘‘Where did you learn it?’’ said the other.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 227 The man first addressed pointed to a big white bluff far off, and said, ‘‘I learned it in that big hill far off where there 1s an overhanging cliff and a stream of water pouring out. There is where I got my dress.’’

‘“Why,’’ said the other, ‘“‘that is just where I got mine, the same place you mean.’’ Both were astonished.

They then induce the tribe to move to that place, in

order that they may try to secure something for the people, who are very poor. The people encamp in front of the bluff and the two young men go to the bluff and

pass in under the water falling over the cliff. This is sometimes spoken of as a waterfall. In the first version given by Mr. Grinnell the two young men enter side by side. In the other versions one or the other goes in first. Behind the waterfall the young men find an old woman who addresses them as grandsons and welcomes them. She is sitting in a lodge. She bids them look one way and they see herds of buffalo, deer, antelope, ete.; she bids them look another way and they see a great field of

corn. She now gives one of them a bowl with a few grains of corn, the other a bowl of meat, cut into little pieces, and bids them take these things to the people. The young men feed the people, and the little bowls con-

tain enough for all. In some of the tales the young men are each given meat and corn, and they feed the people ceremonially, Standing on Ground or Red Tassel feeding the males, Sweet Root or Rustling Leaf feeding the females. In these details the versions do not agree. Continuing the first version: the buffalo follow the young men out of the old woman’s lodge in great herds. On the following day the two young men reénter: the

228 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS lodge and the old woman instructs them as to how to plant corn. When they come out of her lodge one bears a pipe and a bundle of paint, the other seeds of corn and vegetables. From this little supply of seed each person, including the children, is given some seed corn and some pumpkin seed, and all of the males are given tobacco seed. The people now move to a good planting place and Corn Leaf shows them how to plant the corn. ‘The man showed them how to dig up the ground and how to plant this corn, in quineunxes, the sharp end of the grain pointing upward.’’ The people next go on a buffalo hunt and the man who had brought out the pipe

and paint (evidently Red Tassel) teaches them the method of hunting these animals. In the fall they return and harvest their crops. ‘“‘Some of the patches did not grow very well, and this was a sign that whose who

had planted these patches would not live very long. Other patches grew well, and this was a sign that those who had planted these patches would live to a great age. This is where the first corn came from.”’ The Inkesabe gens of the Omaha have a tradition of the coming forth of the buffalo from a cave under the earth.23 The old woman who kept the buffalo and corn is not mentioned, however, and the corn is not included in the story. In this same gens the Ninibaton subgens kept the sacred pipes, had a tabu on the sacred red corn

and a tradition of the origin of that corn. This tradition states: ‘‘The Inkesabe were the first of the Omaha to exist. There were one man and one woman. They lived together and children were born to them. The wo33 Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 147.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 229 man went out one day and found little mounds on the ground. In a few days she went again, and saw that out of the mounds plants were growing not known to her. From time to time she went to look at these plants. They grew tall, and by and by ears grew on them. These she

gathered and took to her husband and children. They roasted the ears by the fire and ate them. These were the people to whom the corn was sacred; so to this day they do not eat the red ear of corn.’’ ** The sacred tradition of the Omaha states that the buffalo were found first, then the corn. ‘‘A man in wandering about found some kernels, blue, red, and white. He thought he had secured something of great value, so he

concealed them in a mound. One day he thought he would go to see if they were safe. When he came to the mound he found it covered with stalks having ears bearing kernels of these colors. He took an ear of each kind and gave the rest to the people to experiment with. They tried it for food, found it good, and have ever since called it their life. As soon as the people found the corn good,

they thought to make mounds like that in which the kernels had been hid. So they took the shoulder blade of the elk and built mounds like the first and buried the

corn in them. So the corn grew and the people had abundant food.’’ %5

Henry Fontenelle in 1884 gave the same Omaha tra-

dition, but with the following details: The Omahas were living at or near the mouth of the Missouri long

ago, and they were very destitute. One day a man "34 Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 147. 35 Same, p. 71.

230 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS found an ear of corn in a mole hill. He divided the seed among the people; they planted the corn, and from that time the people have always planted corn.*® The sacred tradition of the Ponka, given by Standing Buffalo of the Wazhazhe gens, states that after the peo-

ple had wandered a long time, ‘‘Wakonda gave the people a bow, a dog, and a grain of corn. . . The corn they planted, and when it grew they found it good to eat, and they continued to plant 1t.’’ 3”

The Honga group in the Osage tribe have a tradition that when the land appeared out of the water the elk rolled in the mud, his loose hairs stuck in the mud and began to grow; and as they grew they turned into corn, bean vines, grass, trees, and other plants.*® One of Mr. Dorsey’s Osage traditions, however, states that a buffalo bull dropped four ears of sacred corn: black, red, blue, white.*?

Perhaps the most interesting of these traditions relating to the origin of the corn are those in which the corn people come out of the earth, and those in which the corn is kept by the old woman in her underground lodge. The story of the corn people we find among the Mandans and Hidatsas and among the Arikaras also: a fact which raises a question as to whether the tale is of Siouan or Caddoan origin. As the tale is not found among the Pawnees and as the Arikaras are known to have adopted many of the customs and traditions of the Mandans dur"36 Nebraska Historical Society, Transactions, v. i, p. 77. 87 Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 49. 38 Same, p. 63. 39 Dorsey, Stouan Sociology, p. 237.

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CORN AMONG THE INDIANS 233 ing their long intimacy with that tribe, we might suppose the tale to be of Siouan origin; but an examination of the available material fails to disclose any such tradition among the other Siouan tribes. The Omahas have

a tradition of the buffalo coming out of a cave; but if they ever had a similar tradition of the origin of corn it must have been lost long ago.

The story of the old woman who kept the corn and buffalo is found among the Pawnees (two versions), among the Arikaras (who seem to imply that she lived on the earth, and not underground), among the Mandans and Hidatsas (who also imply that she lived on the earth and not under it), among the Cheyennes (who have at least five versions, all of which place the old woman’s home underground), and among the Blackfeet. The Atsinas have the same tale in a somewhat different form: The girl marries the Moon instead of a star; when she escapes to earth and is killed her son finds an old woman who has a field; he steals things to eat from the field, but just what he takes from the Grandmother’s field: is not stated. Neither corn or vegetables are mentioned.*® The Arapahoes also have several versions of this tale, in some of which the boy finds the old woman, Grandmother, in others she is not mentioned, and in none of the stories is her field or garden referred to.** This tale of the woman who kept the plants and animals that supplied the people with food, reminds one of the Algonquian tradition of Nanabozho and Mesakkummikokwi. Nanabozho is the life-giver; he makes animals "40 Kroeber, Gros Ventre Myths and Tales, p. 90. 41 Dorsey and Kroeber, Traditions of the Arapaho, nos. 134-138.

234 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS and plants to help the people, and also plants and roots to cure disease and to be used as ‘‘medicine’’ to attract game animais. ‘‘These plants he confided to the watchful care of his grandmother, the great-grandmother of the human race, Mesakkummikokwi, and lest any man should invoke her in vain she was strictly forbidden ever to leave her lodge. So, when collecting plants, roots, and herbs for their natural and magic virtues, an Algonquian Indian faithfully leaves on the ground hard by the place whence he has taken the root or plant a small offering to Mesakkummikokwi.’’ 4? This is evidently a tradition of the non-agricultural Algonquians who lived by hunting and fishing, and we may conceive how natural it would be for one of these tribes, like the Cheyennes, on

first procuring corn to attribute the gift to the grandmother, Mesakkummikokwi.

The tradition giving the origin of corn preserved by the Potawatamis and some other agricultural Algonquian tribes states that after the flood a man was created, and as he was lonely he was given a sister to keep him com-

pany. The man dreams that five man-beings will visit his sister. She must reject the first four and welcome the fifth. The first four to arrive are Sama or Tobacco, Wapekone or Squash, Eshketamok or Melon, and Kojees

or Bean. On being rejected by the girl they fall dead. The fifth man then appears. He is Mandamin, or Corn.

The girl takes him for her husband. He buries the bodies of his four rivals, and from them grow tobacco, squashes, melons, and beans. From the marriage of the

girl with Mandamin sprang the Indian race.*? In 42 Bulletin 80, Bureau of American Ethnology, v. 11, p. 21. 43 Same, pp. 21-22.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 230 another Algonquian tradition —the one made famous by Schooleraft and Longfellow — Mandamin wrestles with a young man, is overcome and buried, and from

his body corn grows. It will be noted that in these eastern and central Algonquian tales the corn is male and

is presented as a young man; while in the Upper Missourl area the corn is invariably referred to as female and is personified as a woman. Although the Arapahoes, as late as 1880, had a tradi-

tion that they formerly planted corn on the Upper Missourl, their sacred traditions collected in recent years by Dorsey and Kroeber contain only one mention of corn. This is found in the second fragment of the origin myth. In these myths the Flat Pipe, the tribal medicine, is us-

ually referred to as the creator. In the second fragment, which appears to be much less corrupted with mod-

ern additions than the others, we are told that the pipe was floating on the great flood, and on the pipe rested a man, his wife, and their boy. The man sets about makIng the earth. A duck brings him some mud from the bottom and he makes a little earth, but it is not large enough. The turtle then brings up more mud and the man makes the present earth. He then takes the pipe and with its aid makes rivers and creeks, mountains and hills. ‘‘The man then lived on dry land with his family. He took the duck and turtle and placed them with the flat pipe. Some time afterwards, these made Indian corn .for the first food. Thus the earth was made, and the flat pipe contained then the body of a duck, and turtle

and corn.’’** Here we have the corn made first. In ~~ 44 Dorsey and Kroeber, Traditions of the Arapaho, p. 3.

236 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS all of the other Arapaho and Gros Ventre traditions the animals are made first; indeed, corn is not mentioned in

any of them. The Arapahoes still preserve with the sacred pipe a stone image of an ear of sacred corn. Clark

states that he was informed in 1881 that an ear of corn was given to the Arapahoes by their ‘‘god’’ before he returned to his home in the east.*®

45 Clark, Indian Stgn Language.

VIIL—CORN CEREMONIES 1. CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION. 2. SACRED CORN. 3. SPRING, SUMMER, AND FALL CEREMONIES. 4. VARIOUS CEREMONIES, BELIEFS, AND PRACTICES

During the past one hundred years considerable material on the religious ceremonies of the agricultural tribes of the Upper Missouri has been published and, incidentally, the ceremonies connected with the cultivation of corn have often been described. Much of this material, however, is of a fragmentary character, and too often it has been gathered by men who seem to have thought the ceremonies connected with corn and its cultivation of no special interest and worthy only of passing notice.

So far as we have been able to learn, no careful detailed account of any of the interesting Pawnee and Arikara corn ceremonies has ever appeared. There is Miss Alice Fletcher’s splendid volume on the Pawnee Hako; but the Hako is not a true corn ceremony. On the Mandan and Hidatsa ceremonies somewhat fuller information

has been published, but it is of a rather unsatisfactory nature, and we are usually left in doubt as to the underlying meaning of things. The corn rites of the Omahas have not been practiced for a very long time and all detailed knowledge of them apparently has been lost. Of the corn ceremonies of the other Upper Missouni tribes we have no information whatever.

238 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS Judging from the material available, it may be said that the corn rites and ceremonies of the Upper Missouri

tribes were never as elaborate as those of the tribes of the Southwest and ‘of the Lower Mississippi valley. There

is evidence, however, that some of these tribes formerly had corn ceremonies more highly developed, and that upon reaching the buffalo plains, two hundred to three hundred years ago, the corn rites were gradually given up or subordinated to the more important buffalo rites.

Among the Omahas we find clear evidence of this. Among the Pawnees the corn rites are said to be the oldest and the most important; and yet we have very good evidence that the Pawnees have lived in the buffalo

plains longer than any of these Siouan tribes, with which we are dealing.

1. Ceremonial orgamzation What this older ceremonial organization — on an agricultural basis——- may have been like in its prime it Is very difficult to judge from the meager material now available. The Pawnees appear to have preserved their corn ceremonies and ceremonial organization much more

fully than have the other tribes under consideration. Nevertheless, we have little detailed information concern-

ing Pawnee corn priests and their work. The Pawnees do not appear ever to have had a clan organization. They were organized into village-groups, each of which had a sacred bundle, which had usually been given by a star. These bundles were termed ‘‘rains

wrapped up’’ and were in the hands of hereditary keepers; the rites accompanying the bundles were kept

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 239 by priests and the priesthood was not hereditary but was ‘fopen to all proper aspirants.’’ 4

In the Skidi creation myth, as told by Irisa, an old priest, it 1s stated that the son of the first pair of human beings was led toward the west by a meadow lark and

there found the four servants of the Evening Star — Cloud, Thunder, Lightning, and Wind — sitting in a lodge, who taught him prayers to the Evening Star (the First Mother) for good crops and abundant supplies of buffalo. They taught him how to plant and gave him a

bundle containing seed; and when he returned to the people he became the first head-priest. In the spring he gave the people seed to plant, and im the fall the people returned seed of the new crop to him, to be placed in the sacred bundle.? It would seem, therefore, that the keeper of the sacred bundle of each village was considered the head-priest.

He kept the bundle and, perhaps, directed the rites which were performed by the other priests. These village bundles were all wrapped in buffalo skin and each contained Mother Corn, a pipe, tobacco, paints, and some

birds. Their contents differed only in minor details. Each bundle had its own ritual, tabus, and sacrifices. To the Morning Star bundle (male) the Skidi made human sacrifices. Captured maidens were sacrificed to

this star. But to the bundle of the Evening Star (the First Mother) only the heart and tongue of the buffalo and some tobacco were sacrificed.

Whether the Pawnees had special priests to perform 1 Bulletin 30, Bureau of American Ethnology, v. ii, p. 215. 2 Dorsey, Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, p. 21.

240 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS the pumpkin, bean, and other rites which they practiced, is not stated. The Arikara ceremonial organization, from what little can be learned of it, appears to have been very similar to that of the Skidi Pawnee. Like the Skidi, they had corn priests and sacred bundles, but their bundles were given to them by Mother Corn herself, and not by the stars. Their organization was based on the village, each village

having its own sacred bundle and rites. Besides the Mother Corn bundles, the Arikaras also had the Bird Case and the Seven Gourds, and these things also had their special rituals. Besides the village bundles, each Arikara (and Pawnee?) family had its own sacred bundle, containing, among other things, an ear of corn, which symbolized the

Corn Mother. Matthews (p. 18): ‘‘In every Arikaree lodge there is a large ear of corn which has lasted for generations, sticking out of the mouth of the medicine bag. At their feasts they make offerings to the corn by rubbing a piece of meat on it while they pray to it for plentiful harvest, and address it by the name of Mother.’”’ All of the agricultural Siouan tribes of the Upper Mis-

sourl, with the possible exception of the Mandans and Hidatsas, had a well developed gentile organization, very

different from the village organization of the Pawnees and Arikaras. Among these Siouan peoples the rites

and the sacred objects (which take the place of the sacred bundles of the Pawnees and Arikaras) were the hereditary possessions of certain gentes and subgentes. In historic times the rites and sacred objects of the Omaha-Ponka had mainly to do with the hunting of the

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 241 buffalo. These people gave to the buffalo a higher place

than they did to the corn: to them the buffalo was a ‘‘orandmother’’ and the corn only a ‘‘mother.’’ The evidence, however, points strongly to the fact that prior to their arrival in the Missouri Valley the Omaha-Ponka (then organized in a single tribal group) gave to the corn the higher place and that their rather highly developed ceremonial organization had mainly to do with the pro-

curing of abundant crops. All detailed knowledge of this older ceremonial organization appears to have been lost; but the following fragments of information will exhibit the systems in outline. The Ninibaton subgens of the Inkesabe gens have the tradition of the origin of the sacred red corn, and they

have a tabu on the eating of that corn. This subgens kept the sacred tribal pipes and the mtes connected with

the cultivation of the maize. ‘‘This indicates that the group who controlled the rites of the maize were regarded

as the proper persons to have the care of the symbol of tribal authority because of their connection with the ancient sacred rites which secured food for the people.’’ 3 The hair of the Ninibaton children was all cut off with the exception of two little round tufts which were supposed to represent the mounds in which the sacred red corn was discovered. This division also provided the ears Of sacred red corn to be used m the spring rites. Four seeds of this sacred corn were given to each family. The Ninibaton also had charge of the Hedewachi ceremony, a very old rite, resembling in some ways the Sun Dance, and dating back to the time previous to the tribe’s 8 Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 148.

242 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS arrival in the buffalo plains. The tribal herald was also a Ninibaton man; indeed this division which had the sacred red corn and its rites appears to have been the most important one in ancient times. The Omaha corn rites were all of the Wewaspe class —

that is, they were official or tribal rites. They were in the nature of prayers from the whole tribe to Wakonda. The Hongaxti division had charge of the rites connected with the cultivation of corn. In the spring the Ninibaton gave ears of the sacred corn to the Hongaxti men, who performed the sacred rites. The seed was then distributed among the people. The Washabeton subgens kept the sacred White Buffalo Hide and its rites and

had the White Buffalo Tent. On this tent are painted two plants of growing corn with green ears. The Hongaxti have a tabu on the husks of green corn. The evidence seems to indicate that the Hongaxti were formerly a very important group, having charge of rites connected with the consecration of seed, the planting and cultiva-

tion of corn; that they had a sacred tent with growing corn plants painted thereon; but that upon arriving in the buffalo plains the old corn rites became subordinated to buffalo rites, and the sacred green corn tent was turned into a sacred buffalo tent.*

The Thatada gens had three subdivisions which possessed rites connected with the cultivation of corn. Of these divisions the Wasabe ‘‘shared in the rites observed at the awakening of spring;’’ it had a black bear 4Fletcher and Le Flesche, p. 155. Mr. Dorsey states that the Inkesabe sacred tent had plants of green corn painted on it, the green ears painted with black tips.

OF THE UPPER MISSOURI 243 tabu and old rites connected with the black bear, which have been lost long since. The Wazhinga subgens had a tabu on birds and possessed rites for the protection of the crops, now lost. Mr. Dorsey states that Fire Chief, who belonged to this Omaha subgens, had stalks of growing corn painted on his lodge, and that the men of this division feared to eat the first ears of corn that matured, because if they did so the small birds, and particularly the blackbirds, would come and devour the rest of the crops. The Kein subgens had rain rites, long since lost, and a tabu on turtles. This division protected the crops both by bringing rain when needed and by dispelling violent storms that might have injured the corn. The Inshtasunda gens, which had a tabu on worms and insects, formerly possessed rites for protecting the corn from such creatures. The oldest sacred objects preserved by the Omahas, the Shell and the Cedar Pole, are supposed to have been connected with agricultural rites in ancient times. There are many more little fragments of evidence — all pointing to the conclusion that the old Omaha-Ponka group had a very high reverence for the corn, and that in their ceremonial organization each gens and subgens performed certain rites and duties, one group keeping the sacred corn and its tradition, another consecrating the seed and performing the rites connected with planting and cultivation, while other groups protected the corn

from insects, brought rain, and insured abundant harvests. There is reason to believe that the ceremonial organiza-

tion of the other Siouan tribes living farther to the

244 CORN AMONG THE INDIANS south: the Iowas, Otoes, and Missouris, the Kansa and Osages, was very similar to that of the Omaha-Ponka group, but we have less information on the old organization of these tribes. The Iowas although now almost extinct, as far as full-bloods are concerned, still have two sacred varieties of corn, one of which belongs to the Arukhwa or Buffalo gens. This is a red corn, and the Arukhwa people have a tabu on eating it.® Among the other two agricultural Siouan tribes of this area — the Mandans and Hidatsas — we fail to find the same clear evidence of an older ceremonial organization with the corn rites in the hands of certain gentes and

subgentes. In these two tribes most of the corn rites were kept by the Corn Priest, and by the Goose Society, an organization of women. This society also had buffalo rites. The Corn Priest, or Corn Singer, among the Mandans had many duties besides that of singing and drumming for the Goose Women. In the spring he distributed the sacred seed and sometimes performed a special rite of cleansing the seed. During the growing season he performed the duties of a peace chief. There was no tribal harvest ceremony, but in the fall the priest was called

upon to perform the rites termed ‘‘Offerings to the Corn,’’ as some of the women were always anxious to make these offerings. In the winter whenever a cache was opened the priest was called in to bless its contents. It is stated that he could bring rain and prevent early frosts, hail, and wind storms. He also kept, or used, the sacred pipe. 8 Information of Joseph Springer, an Arukhwa man.

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